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SELF EELIANCE,
OE A PLEA
FOR THB
PROTECTION
or
CANADIAN INDUSTRY
BY JOSEPH WRIGHT.
I
DUNDAS :
PBIHTXO BT JAMES SOMBBYILLB, AT THK '< TBCB BANNBR" OmCl, HAIN BT.
1864.
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SELF RELIANCE,
OE
A PLEA FOR THE PEOTECTION
OF
CANADIAN INDUSTRY.
• »
We will preface the few remarks we have to
make hy stating in the onset, that as far as we
are concerned, we will not advance any opinions
we do not entertain with disinterested sincerity;
nor willingly clothe those opinions in terms that
may convey an unpleasant feeling on the mind
of any one with whom we may difter. Our
ohject is to defend that policy which gives to a
youthful province like Canada, the assistance
necessary to enable her to develope her internal
resources, not for the interest of one portion of
the community exclusively, but for the benefit
of the whole.
When a subject of this importance cannot be
approached without disagreeable asperities or
personal invectives, it is not likely thnt any good
can result, and such subjects also should be
dealt with divested of all those trammels which
are sometimes imposed upon them, by possibly
selfishness on the one hand, or an inordinate
adhesion to the claims of political party on 'the
other. No theories, however plausible, that are
not sound in their deductions for the benefit of
SELF RELIANCE.
the whole, in a practical sense j or that can be
traced to purely political motives, can for a
moment be admitted as proof of a sound policy,
however plausible that policy may appear on the
surface.
The question is, then, not what is good for the
farmer, nor what is good for the merchant, nor
what is good for the manufacturer, exchisively;
but what is good for the combination of all these
interests as a whole. There are those who
profess strong opinions that the agricultural
interest demands a prominent consideration, and
in this they are right ; and others who conclude
that to advance the interest of the mercantile
community is also very important. There may
be truth in this also ; but if it is supposed by
these parties that the readiest way to advance
the general interests is to import manufactures
for the benefit of either the one or the other, in
this we fear they will be disappointed.
A large number of intelligent people in this
Province, and some of the leading members of
the Press, have undertaken to defend an
unqualified adoption of the policy of Free Trade
principles in legislating for the welfare of her
people. It may be well to inquire, then, if these
gentlemen have formed their views in accordance
with a wise intelligence, with a sound and
practical sense of its merits ; and in a public
journalist, with a disinterested intention to
promote the happiness and , welfare of the
community, in which, we are free to acknowledge,
he exercises an immense influence, either for
good or evil.
It is not difficult to quote authority, and
I
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A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
important aulhority, to serve the purpose o1 an
argument in favor of a Free Trade policy. That
clever political economist, Adam Smith, was an
advocate for the principle, and our opponents
may also claim the distinguished modern
authorities on the same subject, Messrs. Cobden
and Bright. But it augurs little for the discern-
ment of a casuist, in a controversy ot this
character, if he is either not able or not willing
to draw a distinction between a principle applied
in the abstract, and one applied lurse.
Smith was a theorist, and whilst he propounded
correct doctrines as such, and independent of
circumstances, his ability and clear discernment
would no doubt have modified the application of
his principle according to circumstances, if he had
been called upon to put his theories into practice.
Cobden and Bright were wise men in their
determined advocacy of a liberal principle on this
subject, because they were at the time in advance
of the age, and had the ability to discern that
there was nothing to fear for eithei agriculture or
manufactures, in the advanced and finished
position of Great Britain, in fostering these
powerful interests up to the stage of their
maturity, and it would have been unwise to
continue it beyond the period of this necessity.
We cannot question the wisdom of Adam Smith's
abstract principles, nor the wisdom of Great
Britain's application of them, and why '? Because
the principles are right when rightly applied.
Older communities, for instance, may have
found protection an impediment to progress, but
when on that account we refuse protection to
youthfulness, we distinguish ourselves for as
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SELF RELIANCB.
much wisdom as the parent who refuses his hand
10 assist his helpless child to walk, because it has
been discovered invariably to be an incumbrance
to older people. The writer is aware that this
mode of reasoning will be looked upon by many
as all very well for argument's sake, but fallacious
when brought to a practical standard. We are,
however, not inclined to leave the subject open
to this objection, but will go into the question of
the necessity of Protection to the native industry
of this Province, with a view ioipVwit from the
facts and circumstances before us, such evidences
as may enable us possibly to remove some of the
difficulties which stand in the wav of the
acceptance of the soundness of the principle.
There is, however, a fallacy which many well
intentioned people endorse, viz. : that protection
to manufactures means to foster them at the
expense of the agricultural and commercial
interests. By agvicultaral interest we suppose is
meant that branch of industry which is directed
towards the cultivation of land; but land they
muyt remember, is nothing without the application
ofcapitnland labour, and exactly the same as
any other brauch.of industry in proportion to the
amount of capital and labour brought to bear
upon it. With respect to the manufacturing
interest; it must be understood to mean every
description of manufactures that is, or that mjiy
be, found necessary wiihin the limits of the
Province, and in order to ascertain a correct
estimate of the pros and conf. embodied in the
question, we should require to know the relative
value of each description of property involved in
it, the amount of the labor and capital they
I,
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A PLBA FOR PROTECTION.
4
severally employ, and how much they pay
individually towards the support of the Common-
wealth. If this were accomplished it would
probably appear that a greater proportion of the
population exists upon manufactures, and sustain
their portion of public responsibility, than i»
usually understood. If so, it might modify the
views of the hardships to the agricultural interests
in supposing that they sustain all the burden of
taxation. We, however, have no necessity to
rest the merits of this case upon the issue of the
question put ia this shape, but would merely
wish to convey the impression that looking at the
manufacturing interests in this aspect, as
compared with agriculture, it will be found to be
vastly more important than is generally admitted.
We may here also inquire what is meant by
that description of protection to native industry
which is essential to the welfare of this
community, and we consider, looking upon it for
this purpose, it is not to be estimated simply as
a financial necessity on the part of the Govern-
m;ent, for viewing it from this point it may be
only a consideration whether a duty of 1 percent
or 2 per cent would raise the greatest amount of
revenue. But irrespective of a Government
financial necessity, we would rather examine
whether the value of native industry as applied
to the manufacturing necessities of the Province,
is not jeally of that importance to the welfare of
the general community that it demands the
favourable consideration of any Government, in
such a sense as would place it beyond the reach
of a financial caprice. We had got thus far in
otir remarks when we discovf red the following
SELF RELIANCE.
unqualified opinion expressed in a Provincial
leading journal, viz. :
" If we could abolish the tariff altogether and
"pay the expenditure by direct taxation, we
" should do more for the prosperity of Canada
**than all that was ever dreamed by a
** Protectionist."
No doubt this gentleman takes his creed from
the example of Great Britain, but I would inquire
did Great Britain adopt this principle of throwing
off Protection to her native industry] before she
had effectually fostered it, so as to meet her own
individual necessities 1 Nay, more, did she not
retain in the exercise of her whole policy, that
principle of Protection towards all her interests
until, like a wise guardian of her people, she
found they were beyond the reach of any injurious
competition? As this is a simple fact in history
it will not be denied. What is there then,
I would ask, in the circumstances which
makes that found to be indispenslble in the policy
of Great Britain, an impedimein to progress in
this Province?
Have we some peculiar advantages which she
had not, or do we possess some supernatural
powers by which we are enabled to do that which
has been found impossible on the part of those
communities that have struggled on before us ?
We think not. Possibly a reason may be found
in one of those well intended but lamentably
mistaken motives that are always presuming that
things have attained to what they ought to be,
rather than exercising that wiser course which
dictates the line of conduct suggested by a just
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estimate of things as Ihey are. We must confess
that this quotation has the merit of being
unmistakable, which is to establish, too, a
panacea at once for all the ills existing in the
social and political economy of Canada. It
stands, however, at present only in the form ot
an opinion, and we may be excused if we
inquire by what process of example or reason
he has been brought to this very decided
conviction. He will be prepared of course to
instance some country similarly circumstanced,
which has successfully set us the example, or he
will be prepared with some practical appliciition
of his rule that will carry with it a ready proof of
its soundness. There might be less dilhculty for
him were it not for this abominable little conjunc-
tion if. No doubt the machinery for work ing the
financial affairs of a Government would be vastly
simplified e/"§'c.;and the prosperity of'i he mercantile
class would be materially increased if they could
with impunity tax the country with all the heavy
charges attendant upon the importation of goods
from a foreign source, and send all the money
out of the country (for this purpose) that might
be better employed in providing for the Avants of
its labour and population. Indeed, manufacturers
throughout might be dispensed with altogether
from tiie maker of a spade up to the manufacturer
of the finest piece of broad cloth, if the poor
labourer of Canada could dispense with food and
raiment. It is throughout the provoking necessity
of using this hypothetical little term «/, that
prevents our making short work at once of the
principle of Protection in every form.
If Free Traders mean anything they mean this :
10
SELF RELIANCE.
i
Remove that tyranicfil »ax imposed to encourage
manufactures here and you relieve the farmer of
a burden which, whilst it is of no ben^^fit to the
country, is an intolerable injustice to himself and
others, and this simply to pamper a system that
encourages the employment of a multitude of our
fellow creatures, that as far as we can see, would
be better luxunalins in, idleness or contracting habits
0/ vice.
We have no doubt that the words here which
are emphasized will be considered extravagant,
and we are willing to believe that the votaries of
Free Trade principles generally, would shrink
from their u'tcrancc; but we would ask in all
cand'd fairness, — Is it not a correct picture of the
result, siipposing the manuiiicturing interests of
this Province were extinguished ?
A libcjal political economy may be very well
in a country whose population has overgrown
her means and resources of employment. Such
a country has not only attained to its maturity,
but has discovered tlie excess to be an intolerable
burden from which islie fmds it perpetually
necessary to relieve herself. In drawing then a
comparii^on between this Province and Great
Britain ; or we would rather say, in holding up
Great Britain as a pattern lor oar imitation, we
should not" lose sight of the fact that the very
source from which ive hope to draw our own
healthfujness, ahe possesses in such an excess
as to ondanger her very existence. Hence the
periodical and convulsive efibrts which are
constantly being made to disgorge herself of the
excess of her labor population, and here we
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would call attention to the marked difference
between age and youthfulness; for whilst those
vitals which impart to the one growing^ health-
fulness and vigor, they endanger the existence
of the other from the fear of a plethoric extinction,
the result of their very excess. From this, we
contend for the advantage and necessity of
securing as large an amount of labor population
as possiblr, for the various wants and necessities
of Canada, and also that it is the duty of this
Goverinnent to encourage and cultivate, by every
possible means,1he growth of these very important
and vital sources of her future greatness.
If a practical proof should be necessary to
establish these premises, we will take the
example of a country whose rapid and successful
advances will not be denied ; and so far has she
outstripped the progress of any other country in
this respect, that the facts would be inexplicable,
were it not to be accounted for from the principles
we advocate. Almost the whole of the period
since the Declaration of Independence, this very
question has occupied most .prominently the
attention of the greatest statesmen of the United
States, and her page of history vvill point out to
the inquirer the conilicts that have harrassed her
legislative eilorts.
The one side not satisfied with availing them-
selves of those natural internal elements that are
almost inexhaustible, and by which they are
almost overwhelmed, but blinded as the same
plass of political economists are in this Province,
into the belief for the supply of their wants;
it is much better to rely upon others than upon
themselves.
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SELF RELIANCE.
[i:,
On the other hand, no less energetic have been
the efforts of those, who jealous of neglecting the
application of every latent principle to be found
for their country's advancement, have struggled
to secure for her internal economy, the entire
application of her surplus labour^ material,
and capital.
These two conflicting parties were over a long
period alternately successful, and their opposite
principles kept their country's code oscillating
between Free Trade and Protection, until at last
it finally settled down in the entire surrender of
the Free Trade policy. It may probably be
replied that this may be no proof after all, of the
superiority of the final result ; if so, we wo'jld
recommend a perusnl of the records which
detail the effects produced upon their common
country's vital interests, and it will be found
that in every instance, without an exception,
the liberal policy, (as it is termed) left the
country with an impoverished exchequer, and
her internal energies totally prostrated, and as
often as the experiment was repeated, it as
systematically resulted in the same disastrous
circumstances, whilst the very opposite was the
result of the application of her Protective
principle.
Attlie time when the repeal of the Corn Laws
was being agitated by the advocates of Free
Trade measures, (which was a very sound
measure for the purposes of Great Britain), they
of course adopted a very proper and very forcible
mode of reasoning, by which to prove the
correctness of their position, and we must say it
is somewhat amusing to see with what com
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13
placency and confidence our opponents ever
avail themselves, like true copyists, of the
benefits of their rules. But like the generality
of imitators, they forget entirely that particular
rules are not usually of general application.
Thus we find in a leading journal of the 23rd
of January last, a somewhat lengthy specimen
of their mode ot reasoning, which winds up with
an interrogatory, in this way:
"If it was tyrannical in England to make
" wheat dear to themanufacturer,howcanitbeless
tyrannical to make goods dear to the farmer
here, for the purpose of nampering the raanu-
"fiicturer?"
Now whatever may be said about the effect of
the broad principle of import duties increasing
generally the value of a commodity, the editor is
somewhat unfortunate in his selec+ion in this
case. For what was the immediate result of
a
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the repeal of these laws in England ? Why, that
wheat became much higher in value for several
years afterwards than it was for several years
before the repeal. So then, after all, the tyranny
to the manufacturer was increased for the benefit
of the flirmer, by the very act which was intended
to accomplish the opposite result.
We will now, for the purpose of testing a little
further the tyrannicil principles, transfer the
subject to this side of the Atlantic, and we will
take for instance, that branch of manufacture
established in this Province which is the most
extensive, and the one the most intimately
connected with the agricultural interests ; we
mean the manufacture of agricultural implements.
And how does it stand 1 Why, although there
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is a duty of 20 per cent imposed upon their
importation from a foreign source, yet they are
entirely excluded, by their being lurnished by
the manufacturers here, cheaper to the farmer,
and of a better quaViXyt than they can be imported
either from England or the United States. We
leave the editor to point out wherein the tyranny to
the farmer lies in this case.
We will take another instance of the same
descriptionof tyranny inflicted upon the oppressed
farmer, the result of this protective policy. The
coarser descriptions of woollen goods manu-
factured in this Province, can now be purchased
at a cost of five or ten per cent cheaper than they
can be obtained in any foreign market. The
consequence is, that the importation of these
goods has ceased to be an article of commerce,
and the duty oi 25 per cent, imposed by the tariff
upon their importation, has, of course, become a
dead letter. And what is more than this, in
addition to this practical piece of tyranny
imposed upon the farmer, the Protective policy
becomes guilty also of furnishing him at home
with a splendid market for his wool, and
consequently saving to him and the country, all
the expenses and charges of exporting it to a
foreign market to mnnnfacture. We would
respectfully ask the intelligent farmer is this a
yoke he would like to dispense with?
We desire to deal in facts, not in theories; and
in weighing the merits of the parties advocating
these principles, we wish to place them simply
in the scale of their own balances. As a general
rule, we cannot compliment the opponents of the
Protective principle, on their usual method of
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15
defending their views. For neither their
examples nor their application of them, appear
to us very well calculated to carry conviction.
If an example, for instance, is intended to do
this, it should at least be applicable, and so
consistent in its application that it will admit of
the test of close reasoning. But we find, usually,
that instead of confining their strictures to the
simple question of Protection or no Protection,
as a piece of policy for good or evil, applied to
the internal social economy of this Province,
there is usually a sort of muddle goes on, by
mixing up with it the claims of a reciprocity
treaty, or the balance of trade question, or perhaps
some other question still more remote.
We confess we cannot see what these subjects
have to do with the simple question between us,
which is, whether it is more desirable for th§
interests of this Province to cultivate at home
our own manuuictures, or to depend for the
supply of our necessities upon a foreign source'?
We set out with the opinion that no consideration,
not even those which usually regulate the conduct
of a Government in its foreign relations, nor its
financial arrangements, (looking at this Province
in its present youthfulness), are sufficient to
justify any act tending to impede its manu-
facturing interests. And it appears to us that
such questions as the b-ilance of trade, or even
the reciprocity subject, place them in any shape
you please, cannot be made acceptable for the
loss of our home manufactures, and the
consequences attending it. Neither can we see
the reasonableness of the advocates of Free
Trade applying these subjects in argument, to
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establish their views. We can understand these
questions being very important to older states, as
forming an important consideration in their
social and political economy. But can we be
said to be sufficiently advanced in this Province ?
With a population not exceeding 3,000,000 ; and
with so large a portion of our natural resources
undeveloped, can we be said to be able, wisely,
to assume a footing of equality with older states
on subjects such as the reciprocity question,
especially if a condition in so doing means a
destruction of our home manufactures, or in any
degree an obstruction to their progress.
Let the advocates of such schemes remember
that precocity is not a desirable quality in youth,
and in desiring to imitate the conduct of older
states, it may be at least judicious to have a desire
to do so wisely.
We are aware that very strong opinions are held
and publicly advocated, of a contrary character,
and if they can be shewn to be correct, they
constitute powerful reasons against the Protective
principle. Under two heads these opposing views
may be concisely summed up in this way : — " In
" the first place protection to the manufactures of
" this Province will jeopardize her happiness and
" prospects ; and secondly, that it is absolutely
"impossible to maintain it and preserve our
connection and amicable relationship with Great
" Britain." We are sorry to feel that we are
compelled to differ so decidedly with our opponents,
and in order to give our reasons, we will take the
two subjects in order, as th( y stand, and see how
far a practical inquiry will sustain us in our
contrary opinion.
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First, then, as to the protection to manufacturers'
doctrine. In our former remarks in favor of this
policy, we have only dealt with it on general
principles, and have sought to point out its wisdom
by gleaning from the example of other countries
such facts as their experience would suggest, but
we will now measure them by the standard of a
close and more practical test. We have noticed
some examples put forth for the purpose of
illustrating the advantages of Free Trade, by
supposing cases of a mercantile character concluding
with a supposed favorable result ; but appearing
to us, not so much directed against the Protective
Theory, as against the antiquated doctrine of the
Balance of Trade, as it is termed, which did not
appear to us very conclusive as proving anything,
excepting a supposed profitable mercaniile tran-
saction, which may be all very well for the
merchants' interest, and possibly the result might
be that he had made a successful investment for
himself, and placed to his credit in his banker's
hands a k 'ge balance of profit, for a repetition of
the transaction the following year. But we would
ask, pray what has this done for the community
towards advancing the desirable principle of
Self-reliance? Does the merchant in such a case
employ his capital in paying wages at home, or m
buying materials, the products of liis country? —
For the purpose of extracting for his country's
benefit the latent properties which lie somewhat
beneath the surface, and would be lost to it, if it
were not for the application of capital by some one?
We have no wish to disparage in the least degree
a body of men so respectable and valuable as the
merchants of this or any other country. But it is
18
SISLF RELIANCE.
iij
11
.1
a mistaken policy for the benefit of this Province
to advocate a principle in its economy, that
encourages the transferring its money capital to
any foreign country, for the purpose of obtaining
that which may be as readily obtained at home.
And we need not point out to the intelligence of
this Province, that in addition to this very important
loss which the country sustains by an action of
this character, it is also saddled with all the expenses
and risk of these mercantile transactions to and
fro ; and of importing the labor and material of a
foreign country for his benefit, whilst to us those
elements of wealth are lying useless and possibly
an incubus within our own.
This view of the subject brings us then at once
within the reach of a practical result.
It has usually been the nature of our opponents'
tactics to shew in their way the supposed gain to
the country by the application of their principles
of Free Trade. We prefer, on the contrary, to
point out directly the opposite, viz : what the
country would lose by it.
For this purpose, then, we shall assume the
premises adopted by Free Traders for the
accomplishment of their object, viz: the total
extinction of manufactures within the Province,
and the entire reliance upon a foreign source for a
supply of them.
We cannot permit of an argument which avails
itself of the retention of certain classes of manu-
factures, nor have we a right to presume that our
opponents would attempt it, for this would be to
abandon their principles. The entire abolition of
tariff duties from the first would have resulted in
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
19
the total extinction of manufactures ; th'.s will not
be denied by the advocates of Free Trade, because
the very arguments they use to enforce their views
makes this a necessity ; and it certainly would
not exhibit those in a very lavourable aspect,
who have consecrated themselves so unqualifiedly
to the principle. If they should say : " But we
"do not mean to include the manufacture of
" agricultural implements, nor the manufacture
" of coarse woollens, nor the manufacture of
** leather, because these branches of manufarture
"have made themselves so necessary to the
" farmer ; and in the production of these com-
" modities, they have succeeded by your own
" shewing in furnishing them as cheaply, or more
" so, than they can be obtained from any other
" source."
We would beg to remind all such reasoners
that these manufactures have been protected, that
we are arguing for the principle, and the very
exceptions they might wish to make, are the
simple result of ^Aa? principle, the existence of
which stands out in prominent relief as the
strongest proof of its correctness.
For our purpose then we are entitled to assume
the extinction of the whole of the manufacturing
interests of every description, not only that which
we do not manufacture, and which can be
estimated from the tariff reports, but also all
that which has successfully driven out foreign
competition by its success.
We have here to regret the difficulty of forming*
a very correct estimate, from the absence of all
authorized data, upon which to draw a reliable
nr
30
SELF RELIANCE.
I
• :<
s ;
!' Si-
conclusion, and we are left, therefore, to form an
opinion from the general circumstances as they
may appear to us. If the government census
had been taken embodying a classification of the
different occupations pursued by the population,
it would have afforded a most useful piece of
information in all questions of this description.
We find, however, that in the year 1S61, there
was an importation into this Province of manu-
factured articles, paying a duty under the tariff
list, of $15,000,000.
This, I apprehend, forms only .ibout a moiety
of the value of all the manufactures necessary
for the wants of this Province, Avhich may be
considered the result, under the Protection
system, of the application of the whole provincial
labor and capital required for its wants. We
include, of course, all the minor manufactures,
in addition to the more extensive ones, not only
for instance, agricultural implements, but wool,
cotton, flax, leather, furniture, carriages of all
descriptions, tools, iron manufactures of all kinds,
boots and shoes, clothes, ^c, Sfc.
Looking at it in this point of view, it will not
be considered unreasonable if we double that
amount upon which a duty has been paid, and
take the value of the manufactured necessities
at $30,000,000 annually.
Nor is it unreasonable to presume that the
money capital invested, necessary for the
production of this large manufactured value,
should be estimated at $25,000,000. And as
respects the labour for its production, we
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
ai
may fnirly estimate it at 45,000 operatives, and
45,000 more who are dependants upon them ;
thus giving an amount daily dependent for
support from this source within the Province n ,
of 90,000 inhabitants, or nearly one thHi^^of the '^uM,tziU^
whole population.
The questions are, then : supposing this
amount of value, say $30,000,000 annually, were
to be withdrawn from a profitable application in
this Province, and transmitted for manufactured
goods to a foreign country. What would be the
eifect upon its interests'? Again, supposing the
labor value of 45,000 of its inhabitants, and the
markets for agricultural products necessary for
the consumption of 90,000, or one-third of the
whole population, should be withdrawn, what
Would be the effect of this also? And again,
presuming that 8*25,000,000 is invested in manu-
facturing pursuits within the Province, what
would be the effect of any legislative act, the
tendency of which might be to render it valueless?
These questions arise, we contend, as the
consequence that would result from the entire
destruction of home manufactures, and the
substituting those of foreign production ; and the
loss to the Province would be represented by
the result of a revolution that would descend
with such deadly effect, and enter so deeply into
every aspect of the entire social community. —
We leave our opponents to picture the sequel.
If they are prepared to deny it, let them satisfy
us that they have a justification for their denial ;
if they cannot deny it, then they are bound to
find a substitute for the loss of so large an amount
of labor and capital so displaced.
31
SELF RELIANCE.
11
i
Let the intelligent farmers of this Province,
who are so recklessly tyranized over, ask them-
selves : Could we afford to dispense with so
extensive a market for our productions ? What
are we to do with our beef, our mutton, our
wool, our hides, our butter and cheese, our bacon
and eggs, and our fruit and vegetables, which are
so readily bought up, and for which we get so
good a price, at our own door, from our fellow-
citizens; who, though not pursuing the same
avocation with ourselves, yet in the wise economy
of the distribution of labour, are nevertheless
contributing so much to our convenience, our
comfort and our wealth ?
We must say, some of the arguments adopted
by many of our opponents against the extension
ot manufactures in this Province, exhibit a very
contracted view on the subject, so much so that
we feel it almost humiliating to oftisr a defence
on any such grounds. For instance, we have
heard it urged as a grave objection (hat the
tendency was to elevate the standard of wages
to the labourer, and therefore adding: to the
expense of agricultural productions. Let these
objectors reflect that a large proportion of this
supposed 45,000 manufacturing operatives are
occupied in making implements or machinery
for their benefit. That is, for the very purpose of
displacing manual labor, and substituting
mechanical appliances.
Is it fair then, I would ask, to deprive these
industrious classes of that occupation which the
cultivation of the land affords, and deny to them
the full benefit of a transfer of their skill and
i\V
:ii i!
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
labour, especially when such a transferis intended
directly to lessen the expenses of agriculiural
productions, and increase the value of land 1 —
Let them remember also the ett'ect of machinery
is to accomplish the same work with fewer hands,
and in a well balanced state of society this
should not diminish the population, but only
change its distribution. They will not deny
that the effect of these appliances is not only a
great subject of profit, but a blessing to the
farmer ; but they should also remonber that
their existence imply a superior skill in the class
of labour necessaryfortheirproduction,demanding
a corresponding degreeof additional remuneration,
and surely this cannot with reason be denied to
it.
We go further in this direction, and contend
that the very circumstance of the increase in the
value of labor capital, from the diversity of its
application, has a direct tendency towards the
increase of the value of everything connected
with the agricuhural interests, or any other
interest with which it may be brought into
contact. True, it necessarily increases the
number of labourers and the increase in wages
simply from the necessity of paying higher wages
for laboi of a higher quality.
If it were not so, the addition to the number
of laborers would have just the opposite tendency.
As a proof of this, take instances where agri-
culturalists are left to the enjoyment of their own
pursuits, without the injurious interference they
complain of; for this puipose we are not
necessitated to select examples from the primitive
24
SELF RELIANCE.
II
settlements in the backwoods of Canada, but
will take and compare two |)ortions of the same
country, selected from one or two of the oldest
communities.
Ireland, for instance, may afford an example
in one case. The interior of Ireland for the most
part, is purely agricultural, with a superabundant
population, and its accompanying advantaij^es of
low wages, (according to the views of our
opponents) but we have no necessity to point
out the wretchedness and misery that exists,
and has existed for centuries, from the exclusive-
ness oi its social economy in this portion of the
country. But contrast this with another portion
of it. Take, for instance, the two northern
counties of Down and Antrim; here you have
the principles for which we contend, in full
operation; that iy, the diversity of labour and
higher wages, and certainly nothing can form a
more gratifying picture of success and happiness
than this affords in comparison with our former
instance from the same country.
Cross the Channel, and you will find that the
purely agricultural counties in England, are in the
enjoyment ofthe same supposed blessing, for their
firm labourers are paid npon the average 25 per
cent less wages than they are in the manu-
facturing districts ; and yet in this latter case,
the landed proprietor receives higher r nts, and
the farmer higher prices, and as a consequence,
land ranges at a higher value. How do our
objectors account for this, excepting on the
principles we urge?
No consideration will compensate for the loss
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION. 25-
1
the Province would experience in the loss of her
home trade. Canada is not singular in this, for
no country has been able to make advances
without its full benefit, and though the advocates
of Free Trade plume themselves on the support
they derive from the opinions of Dr. Adam
Smith, they are only able to do so, by using his
arguments in an ex parte form. When that
distinguished economist descends from general-
ities into particulars, you will find he bears us
out fully in our views on the subject.
He makes foreign trade to spring out of a
nation's surplus products, and his view we have
seen condensed in this way: — "Home trade
"consists in the exchange ol one set of home
** products for another. But over and above these
"there might be commodities produced at hom-^»
" for which there is no demand within the country,
*' and for w^hich, therefore, no equivalents can be
" obtained among ourselves. These Dr. Smith
" terms the ' su^us products of the nation' the
exchange of which for equivalents from abroad,
*' gives rise {o foreign trade." (Clearly implying
that a suplus production in our home trade or a
production over our own necessities is the
primary means in establishing a foreign trade ;
and that the supply of our own necessities being
of the greatest value to us, should be our first
consideration, and then comes our surplus for the
purpose of establishiiig a foreign trade.
We quote another passage from his wealth of
nations, confirmatory of the view he held of the
home trade : " A capital, however, employed in
"home trade, will sometimes make twelve
m
26
SELF RELIANCE.
it!
if
11
" operations, or be sent out and returned twelve
" times before a capital employed in the foreign
" trade of consumption has made one. If the
" capitals are equal therefore, the one will give
**/owr and twenty times more encouragement and
" support to the industry of the country than the
" other:'
We apprehend the advocates for the entire
repeal of Protective duties would find it in
practice very difficult to abolish the tariff, and
more difficult perhaps, to pay the expenses by a
direct taxation ; so the opinion may just go for
asmuch as any other opinion, howeverextravagant,
that is in itself impracticable.
The tariff is on, and cannot be dispensed with,
and the readiest way of obtaining its abolition,
and that which is dictated by the soundest
principles of economy, is to encourage the
advancement of every description of home manu-
factures, by fostering them, till the assistance
afforded is such as to induce that amount of
competition necessary to force out their energies,
so that the value of their productions is reduced
to a point at which a tariff duty is rendered
inoperative. You then put yourself and the
country in a position to sustain without incon-
venience to itself the imposition of a direct
taxation ; and have also the advantage of having
made yourself self-sustaining with every element
of wealth, both of labor and capital in full
operation.
We would enquire, where would then be the
hardships to the farmer? With all the advantages
which Free Trade could give we might retain
A PLBA FOR PROTECTION.
27
■ ^
our system of protection with impunity, and with
an unbounded limit to our expansiveness, we
might go on advancing by the application of our
accumulations for generations to come.
The value and beauty of such a state rest in
its total exemption from extravagance. No
yearning here after excesses, nor speculative
appliance.^ for the purpose of indulging a sickly
precocious desire after something we are not
prepared for. But steadily and patiently pressing
on with energ}'^ the cultivation of those natural
sources of wealth which exist in her rich and
fertile soil, her forests, her mines and minerals ;
and then following up as a necessity the other
more artificial sources of wealth which lie more
obscurely perhaps, but not less certainly in her
manufacturing capabilities. Canada might thus
retain with pride, for generations to come, the
reputation which she justly deserves, that of being
the most desirable and happiest portion of Her
Majesty's dominions.
Presuming upon a state of things such as we
have depicted, and such as appears to be the
simple fruits of a correct policy, as far as we can
draw inferences from the philosophy of the
subject, or from example, we would enquire,
Where is the jeopardy to arise from which the
happiness and prospects of the Province are to
suffer? Can it be in the exercise of the laudable
principle of self-help in preference to a state of
helpless dependence?
As applied to this Province, the whole fabric of
the Free Trade policy is based upon the principle
of dependence, forgetting that help from without
28
SELF RELIANCE.
ii
is enfeebling in its effects, whilst help from
within is invigorating.
There is an immense amount of wealth in this
Province which is hidj not visible, and requires
the application of men and means for its full
development. This hidden wealth wants unfold-
ing, and the instruments for this purpose want
protection, and if the function of good government
is becoming daily more and more resolvable into
the principles of protection, it is protection of
life, of liberty, and oi property.
But we are told that it is absolutely impossible
to m^^intain these protective principles, and
preserve ourconiiectionand amicable relationship
with Great Britain. This is the opinion of one
of the leading journals of this Province, and no
doubt the opinion also of many who think like it.
We admit that it is quite consistent, for it is
necessary, to their object, to show the protective
principles in a damaging point of view. If,
however, in framing our internal policy there
does arise reasonable grounds of offence to the
mother country, it would indeed be a most
ungrateful return for all she has done for her
offspring, and an unjustifiable act on the part of
the Government and people of the Province.
But these amicable relations are to be disturbed,
according to the opinion of our opponents,
because the Canadian Government has thought
it more correct to attend to her own governmental
necessities and the interest of her people, rather
than pander to the clamors of a few Sheffield
cutlers and Manchester manufacturers. But
with this unreasonableness, however, the Govern-
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION. 29
ment of Great Britain has no possible sympathy.
There is also an amount of inconsistency in
our opponents, for whilst they speak in flattering
and encouraging terms from time to time,
conveyed through their public organs, as to the
success of our eS'orts in establishing manufactures
and of the blessings and advantages it confers
upon the Province ; according to their opinion
thus expressed, with the earnest expression of
hope that they may piosper, they nevertheless
avail themselves of every opportunity of condemn-
ing that fostering care extended to them by
Government Legislation, and aver that it jeopar-
dizes the best interests of the Province, and under
the system renders it impossible to maintain our
amicable relationship with Great Britain. To be
consistent our opponents should be able to defend
successfully the policy of Free Trade, as applied
to this Province, either on the principles of reason
or example. Hitherto, however, they have failed
in this, although upon their being able to do so
or not, ought to determine what should or what
should not be the relative feeling between this
Province and the mother country. Under the
principles we advocate, the Province is left in the
position she ought to be towards Great Britain ;
and finds herself with that amount of Protection,
both externally and internally, which is justly
due to youthfulness, and surely the mother is not
so indirterent to her child's happiness as not to
rejoice in witnessing the independence to which
her ollspring has attained, nor so selfish as to
desire the aggrandizement of that which is the
result of those self-reliant habits.
We are very much deceived if the governments
30
SELF RELIANCE.
11 !-
\^''^.
t.:>i-
m
of Great Britain have not long since determined
to leave as much as possible the internal manage-
ment of her Provinces to themselves.
What benefit can arise to Great Britaiijli in
keeping her dependencies more dependent iipon
her, than is absolutely necessary for their
individual benefit? There are many circumstances
which render them beneficial to her, that are not
connected with their internal management, or
resulting from it. and these are benefits which
don't entail upon her responsibilities such as a
selfish interest might result in.
The British Government is too wise to place
herself in a position that would leave our Colonial
possessions entitled to claim by reasonable right
the entire necessity ot protection to the Provinces
from her against foreign hostilities, and the desire
to see the opposite of this state of things may
account in some degree for the bias on the part
of our opponents against depending too much
upon themselves for defensive purposes. What
could be more reasonable, for instance, than this
line of argument might be on the part of this
Province 1 In order to preserve amicable
relationships between us and you the imperial
government, you have insisted upon us depending
upon you for our manufactures, that you may
derive the benefit. You have consequently
debarred us from acquiring possession of that
wealth resulting from them, and you cannot
therefore consider it unreasonable in us, if we
clai»^ from you in return, the right to demand
yoiv entire protection as a quid pro quo.
Tu e are many alarming consequences that
p
11
P
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
3t
might result from that state of dependence which
the exercise of the early cultivation of a self-reliant
habit might at least ameliorate if not avert.
IJ^solated as are a large portion of Her Majesty's
British North American possessions, our situation
would be painfully unpleasant in the event of the
disturbance of peaceful relationships with the
United States, or any other great maritime power.
For dependent, as we should be, for all our
manufactures from a foreign source, from these,
we might be entirely cut off; and this circum-
stance would render us still more helpless for the
purposes of self defence, and the more ready prey
for engulphing us in the deep abyss of republican
wretchedness.
We have no necessity to indulge in the
alarm that we shall forfeit the paternal aftection
and regard of the mother country by any act of
the Province, in a laudable effort to attain to a
position of self reliance. Let the Province
continue to exhibit and practice that loyalty and
faithful attachment to the Crown for which she
is at present distinguished, and let her respect
her engagements with her people in simple good
faith ; and those noble and generous qualities that
have ever characterized the beloved home of our
Fathers will be found in full exercise, ready to
encourage and protect by all reasonable means,
the efforts, the rights, and interests of one of the
most respected and distinguished portions of her
Majesty's colonial possessions.
In closing these observations we have no
desire that they should be interpreted into
anything beyond what refers to the subject in its
^■.
92
SELF RELIANCE.
Ii
'.'■I,
m
business character, for it is one thing to defend
the protective principle for political purposes
or for the gratification of a party feeling,
and quite another to deal with it as a
question apart from politics, but in which
the advocate posesses an earnest desire
after that truth intended to benefit his
fellow-creatures, in the ordinary Jivocations and
pursuits of life. The motives of a party will
discoverthemselves to intelligence by the weapons
they employ, and if we find an advocate satisfied
to rest the honesty of his intentions, and the
correctness of his views on past experience or
correct reasonings, there is at least jnima facie
evidence that he is neither selfif^h nor insincere ;
that he is satisfied to throw open the field of
argument to any one, whatever may be his
politics, who, like himself, would benefit his
fellowmen by the establishment of justice and
truth.
But, on the contrary, in discussing a plain
matter of business propriety, embracingintimately
(as this question does) the general welfare and
happiness of the social community, any one in
lieu of argument, for instance, should condescend
to avail himself of the lapsus of a political
opponent, simply out of which to make political
capital, then, as far as his conduct can be applied
to the practical subject before us, he fails
lamentably to accomplish his purpose, unless,
perhaps, with some rabid partizan ; and it has
been well said: — "it is impossible to bring
"against a public man a more damaging charge
" than to say, — he has subordinated his principle
" and reason to partyism, for in such a case, his
A PLEA FOR PROTEOTION.
33
"public virtue becomes irretrievably contam-
" inated."
As respects the duty of a Government, we
cannot close the subject better than in the words
of that excellent philosopher and divine, Dr.
Chalmers :
"The difference between a good and bad
" government is, that up to the existing limit of
" their produce and resources, the people are or
" are not in a state of secure enjoyment."
APPENDIX.
i
NOTE.
The following correspondence is appended simply because it contains
our defence of several of the objections of our opponents not referred to
in the foregoing more general remarks.
LETTER IN DEFENCE OF FREE TRADE
BY " UNION JACK" INSERTED IN THE
TORONTO GLOBE.
While the leading journals both here and in Britain are discussing the
best method of " Colonial Defence," I consider the present a very
appropriate time to say a few words in favour of Canada's best defence,
viz : " Free Trade and Direct Taxation."
By Free Trade, we mean the liberty of importing and exporting free of
duty. By Protection, we mean that insane, old-fashioned system of
propping up monopolies, in order that the few may prosper at the expense
of the many; or what is generally called, the " ecccuragement of native
industry.'' Canada is, "par excellence," an agricultural country,
possessed of an immense extent of rich land, a large portion of which is
still in a state of nature; has unbounded resources, and will have for a
long time to come. She lorras a very important part of the Great British
Empire, and long may she remain so.
Farming ha3 been called an honourable occupation ; so it is; it ia
likewise healthy and profitable. Then why should we, as a farming
community, pay 20 or 25 per cent, on all the necessaries required in the
very development of the resources of the country, in order to please a
few capitalists, under the pretence of " encouraging native industry" in
the towns and cities 7
If any man on the face of the earth deserves to be " encouraged for his
native industry," it is that man who, with his axe on his shoulder, starts
for the trackless forest to make himself a home. Well might the poet
ticlaim, —
" The noblest men I know on earth,
Are men whose hands are brown with toil,
Who, backed by no ancestral biiih.
Hew down the woods and till the soil :
And thereby win a prouder fame
Than follows king's or warrior's name."
But what encouragement does the "bush-whacker" get? The very
axe he uses pays 20 per cent, duty; every particle of clothing he wears
pnys the same or more ; every pound of sugar, and all iron or iron work,
is more or less taxed, not taking into consideration the price of the land,
which is dear enough at the simple cost of clearing,
'j,^
\^''ii
33
SELF RELIANCE.
m
m
The system of highly taxing the necessaries of life, either for the
purpose of Protection or Revenue, is unjust to the poor man, and by far
the most expensive system of taxation. Is it not absurd that a mechanic
or a farmer, with an annual income of $400, should pay as much towards
the support of the Government of the country as some man whose annual
income is $-1,000 ? Yet such is the case. We know it to be a fact that
the labouring portion of the community, earning from $300 to $500 a
year, pay individually from $20 to $30 annually into the Consolidated
Fund, whereas by equalizing the tax by direct taxation, the amount
would be between $5 and $10.
Manufactures, like everything else, must prosper in a congenial soil.
It would just be as wise and rroiitable to raise tropical fruits in this
climate, as to attempt cotton and some of the manufactures, for this
simple reason : we require to import everything necessary ; Ist,
machinery; 2nd. fuel; 3rd. raw material; 4lh. labour; 5th. the main
spring, capital. All these Britain has, in a great measure, within
herself, and, cousequintly, can manufacture cheaply, and until Canada
can say the same, slie cannot have manufactures profitably conducted.
Canada's prosperity, and the prosperity of every nation, depends, not
«pon her manufacturing cotton or anything else, but upon her people
being profitably employed.
We ought, then, to turn our attention to thoGe manufactures only in
■which we have the advantage over other countries, such as wood,
leather, wool, &c.
I am aware that some objection exists to direct taxation, on the score
of its inqusitiveness, and the difficulty of properly equalizing it ; but our
municipal system, and the manner in which local taxation is at present
collected, is admirably adapted for the collection of General Revenue in
place of customs.
As an example how unjust and expensive the present indirect system
of paying taxes is, let me give a case in point: take the following store
account, during 18GI, viz : —
IKetall Total Re : First i Total ■ Puty
! 1 ■ First ;
i Price. 'tail price Coit. j Cost. Iperct.
jper lb.
Sugar, 220 Ibg I 8c
Tea, 38 lbs $1 00
Raisins, 20 lbs j 17c
Spices,.. i
Boots andShoes \
Cottons and Woollens;
Clothing j
Sundries !
1 Plough i
$17 fiO
38 0(>
3 4(1^
1 Hii;
32 00 i
60 00 i
30 O'l!
10 00;
25 00,
«217 50 i
per lb. ,
''/2'~
60
10
$12 10
19 00
2 00
80
18 Oil
30 00
16 00
5 00'
j 15 OU
\ 122 00 i
25
15
20
30
25
20
25
30
20
Total
Duty.
Imp't'rsR'tail
profit. ; profit.
per rent per ct.
|3 02| 10 ; 6
33 i 80
16 i 26
15 i 25
15 ; 25
15 i 26
20 i 25
20 ; 30
15 ! 20
2 85:
40i
24:
1 4 &0i
i 7 00 i
' 4 OOi
; 1 i)Oi
1 3 00
i $20 61
From the above it appears that on $217.50 of store goods, tho amount
of duty was $26.51. But this is not all the cost ; had these goods come
into the importer's hands duty free, and giving him and the retailer the
same profits as above, the goods would have cost only $179.tJ0, making
a difiference of $37.90 ; to this has to be added 10 per cent for collecting
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
39
revenue, $2.75, makiLo a total of $40.55 ; so that, if the $26.51 duty had
been paid by the consumer to the township collector for behoof of
Government, he would have been a gainer of $14, and the merchants
would have had the same profits 1 1 ! Hence it is evident that $4,000,000
of customs costs the country over $6,000,000.
Some may think the profits on these goods exorbitant, but, (with the
exception of tea, which is a monopoly at present,) such is not the case.
The above are not net profits, as they include carriage, packages,
depreciation, &c.
It is high time we had a change. We have every confidence in our
new Finance Minister, and in the intelligence of the merchants rnd
farming community of Upper Canada, and are certain that this subject
has only to be brought prominently before them to receive their strenuous
support ; and, further, we cannot better strengthen our position in the
eye of the people of the mother country, or show our gratitude and
loyalty for the many advpitages we derive from her, than by taking her
manufactures free of duty, and following her example " Free trade with
the whole world."
Yours truly,
UNION JACK.
Co. Wellington, August 20, 1862.
REPLY BY MR. WRIGHT.
To the Editor of the Globe : —
Sir, — Although a constant reader of your paper, and an admirer of your
energy and talent, I cannot give an unqualified assent to all the
sentiments expressed in your valuable publication. The opinions put
forth in a letter to the Globe of the 20*h of August, 1862, and signed
" Union Jack" are so little calculated to promote the object for which
they profess to be written that I hope you will permit me, and your
correspondent excuse me, if I venture to offer a few remarks in opposition
to some of them.
There are some subjects, I am happy to say, about which your
correspondent and I are of one opinion. I approve, for instance, of hia
definition of Free Trade. I also agree with him In his view of Protection,
that is, .13 far as he considers it "an old fashioned system," for perhaps
no system can claim for itself so antique an authority. It has been
practised since the days when Adam and Eve extended their fostering
arms to assist their infant offspring to walk, and I suppose that your
correspondent himself would not question the propriety of such a paternal
application of this very antique system even in the present day, whether
as applied after the example of our first parents, or as applied in the wise
encouragement of a juvenile native industry. I presume from the whole
scope of" Union Jack's" letter, his intention is to argue the necessity of
keeping the Canadian community an exclusively agricultural one.
Whether he is an agriculturist himself, or not being one, his own private
interests clash with the prosperity of the manufacturing interests of the
40
SELF RELIANCE.
colony, I know not, but one tbing is pretty clear, tbat he is, from somo
cause or other, unable to deal with the subject on the principles of
political economy. His sphere of argument is too contracted to do it
justice, for the true spirit of this economy is to consult sufficiency and
comfort for the mass, by multiplying the means of human enjoyment ;
and since we cannot all be farmers our occupations must be as varied as
our wants, and the success of all can only be accomplished by that nicely
balanced arrangement which affords to each just that protection which is
necessary and n i more. Before I begin to reply to your correspondent's
Tiews of agriculture and its interests as an item in the constitution of this
commonwealth, I may be permitted to say at once that he cannot possess
a higher opinion of its importance than I do. A-: an instrument of wealth
and happiness, I know of no occupation in life that is so well calculated
for the comfort and happiness of man ; and it would appear that, very
properly, it has always been an object of especial consideration on the
part of every government, whether ancient or modern. What, th'refore,
I object to in "Union Jack's" letter, is not that he holds the interest up
as the greatest ia the country, but as the only one worthy of consideration
— not that he considers it the most important source of wealth and
comfort, but as the only one from which wealth and comfort can possibly
emanate. Now, I hope to show that by a consideration fairly directed,
there are other sources of wealth and comfort in store for the inhabitants
of this colony, although not directly connected with agriculture, yet are
30 indls;iensible to its success, that even that important element _^cannot
be fully developed without them, and it is absolutely necessary that
those tributaries should be sustained In the colony before she can realize
the full benefit of her natural productions.
In order to enforce his views (that agi'lcullure ought to be exclusively
privileged,) he informs as that it is an honorable occupation. Now as
an epithet of respect he is right, but it is no more so than any other
occupation honoi-ably pursued. He next informs us that it is healthful :
no one disputes this ; and then to make it perfect, as he supposes, he, in
an uuqurtlifiod manner, states it is profitable ; but I think it may, or may
not be, for it depends for its success, fully as much as any other
occupation, upon the individual, rather than upon the pursuit itself.
Indeed from the whole tenor of your correspondent's argument, ono may
fairly presume tbat if Canada is to consult her own prosperity, it would
be absolutely wrong to depend in the least upon " manufacturing cotton or
anything else,' or even to give to them the smallest encouragement.
But I would ask what are threshing machine?, reapers, ploughs, axes, and
all other agricultural implements, but artkies of manufacture already
protected by latv, which according to your correspondent's opinion, ought
not to be so protected, but which the manufacturers should be contented
to sell to the farmers at little below cost price, and be thankful that he
19 privileged to work for, (if we can attachany importnnce to his ;>r,etioal
effusion,) those most noble of men — constituting so honorable, so healthful,
And so money making a community.
This may appear to some an unreasonable deduction, but from " Union
Jack's" expressed sentiments, it is the only one that can be fairly drawn
from his premises, and to apply the " argumcnfum ad hominem' rule, is
the only just inference.
I have no intention to enter into the question of taxation with your
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
41
correspondent, or to enquire whether this mode of raising revenue or that
is most desirable for tlie colony. The question before us is, whether it is
desirable to afford a reasonable protection to her youthful energies or
not, such energies not being agricultural, or whether the effect of such a
line of policy would be to add to the wealth and happiness of all her
people ; for if it would it becomes the clear duty of her government to
adopt it, and might be our duty to leave the modus operandi to it.
The primary question being settled, there would be no great difficulty in
dealing with the minor one.
T now come to that part of your correspondent's letter which deals in
presumed facts, and to do him justice, I will quote his own words in full.
" Manufactures, like everything else must prosper in a congenial soil. It
would just be as wise and profitable to raise tropical fruits in this climate
as to attempt cotton, and some of the manufactures for this simple reason,
we require to import everything necessary : Isi machinery, 2nd fuel,
3rd raw material, 4th labor, 5th, the main spring, capital. All these
Britain has in a great measure within herself, and consequently can
manufacture cheaply, and until Canada can say the same she cannot
h.ive 1 1 - .ifactures profitably conducted."
Ihere ib a little obscurity in this paragraph, for whether it would be
unwise or not to expect to raise tropical fruits in this climate, it would
be extremu'ly unwise to expect that manufactures would prosper in
Canadian soil, whatever they might do upon it; and whctlier your
correspondent intends the folly to apply to growing, manufacturing, or
attempting the manufacturing of cotton itself, is not quite clear. But
giving him the benefit of what I really believe he does mean, it would
stand thus simply, that Canada is not a country for the establishing of a
profitable manufacturing business for the five reasons which he quoted
and we will take those reasons in the order :.i whicli they appear, and
see how much they are worth to him in proof of his opinion.
1st in order, — There is th»- question of machinery, which he informs us
must be imported. And why? Simply because your correspondent begs
the question, assumes the necessity, and argues upon it. It so happens
that machinery is already made here, in several enterprising and profitable
establishments t > i great extent, and one of these within this neighborhood,
I know is cont- yhi ling extending their business into the higher branches
of machine ma^ ' , . ". hich might in time render us not partially only, but
wholly indejeiui i- o importing it. Is it advisable to suppress by
legislation their c'*o .s'l' or is it just, having legislated for their
encouragement, to siiun; ",rily repeal such laws, and so eflect their ruin?
2ndly,— As to fuel, 1 will only say that I am laying down ccal in my
yaid here of a better quality, at a cost of five per cent less, than I did in
England within 60 miles of Manchester. 3rdly, — As respects the
importation of raw material, how are we placed with reference to Great
Britain? One of the most importan* articles, from the manufacturing of
which she has derived the largest portion of her wealth, she has had to
import principally from this coktinent; and whilst we have it within a
few hundred miles of us, she has to import it from a distance of about four
thouaand < les. Either this important branch of Great Britain's
manufactti ,^» efforts — I mean cotton — has prospered, or it has not. If
it has, how ut... c! it accord with your correspondent's " congenial soil''
t-'
42
SELF RELIANCE.
principle ? I particularize this item, for a"; compared with it, all her other
sources of wealth are of very minor consideraiion. But she importa
priucipaliy her flux too from Ilassiu, although she may grow it on her
own soil, so that it is not always profitable even to make use of a
" congenial soil." In fact; as respects raw material, I question if there 'S
anything required fur manufacturing purposes that cannot be found on
this contiueut, either in Canada or no great distance from it. 4thly,^
The next item in iiis list is labor, and liere your correspondent will excuse
me if I say he is in a perfect laybrinth of error (not purposely I believe,)
for if there is one stronger point than another in my case, it rests on this
question. The chiss of labour necessary in manufacturing textiles
especially, is just that class which, in exclusively agricultural districts,
is usually idle for tlie want of suitable employment, say that of boys, girls
and young womeu from the age of twelve to twenty years ; and one of the
greatest sources of poverty in the purely agricultural counties of England,
to this day, aiises fioni this very circumstanc '; md I feel sorry I cannot
do justice to this part of the subject without m . {" '^ in some degree, a
personal matter. Had I attached too great impc to the well-meant
advice of some of my best friends, I should have sLi c from prosecuting
my intention of establishing a cotton manufactory inDunda-, the general
opinion being that labor could not be procured.
Now, what is the fact ? I say it, and I challenge inspection— I have
fts fine, respectable and intelligent a class of young people in my
establishment as can be fuund in the world, and have also just now upca
my list applications from double the number if I could employ them. The
aiuount of cash I distribute in Dundas on account of this description of
labour is not less than from !?250 to %2Q0 weekly, and I have no doubt 75
per cent of these young people were formerly living in a state of
comparative id;enes3. Now, is this or is it not an important item iu
estimating the probable happiness of a community ? But, in a moral
point of view, whiit are the f icts ? Some of these boys, from living iu a
state of idleness, hiid contracted habits which had frequently brought
them before the authorities of justice, but who are now, from being
usefully and respectably employed, reclaimed into habits of honest
industry, and have become respectable and upright members of society.
That this class of labor abounds all over the country will be obvious to
every intelligent and observing individual, and it will be equally obvious
that it requires employ mem. Land any day of the week in Toronto, and
walk up into the town from the Great Western Railway Station, and see
how many poor, degraded, young creatures will accost you, trying to eke
out t;y mendacious habits, or perhaps in a less reputable way, a miserable
existence ; and yet all of whom, I have no doubt, might be re^pectably
and profitably employed, if only the means presented itself. Surely in
such a social polity there appears some deficiency. Pray how does
•' Union Jaclc" intend to remedy it?
Stilly, — As re^^pects your correspondent's mainspring, I would only say
I belk've there is ample capital in Canada for all her manufacturing
necessities if only rightly directed.
From the cuncluding imragraph of your correspondent's letter, he is
evidently liibduring uiuicr the impression that the interests of the colony,
and agricultural enterprise particularly, are seriously burdened Ijy tlio
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
43
duties imposed on foreign manufacture^, but perhaps he OTerlooks the
fact tiiat they don't necessarily increase the value — they have fiequenily
the oi)po.site icndency, by inducing competition at home. I will give
you ai. instance. By the Tariff of March 1859, cotton batting, which
hitherto had paid a duty of 15 per cent, nd valorpin, was raisod to 20 per
cent. Now, how was the piice ellected ? AVliy cotton batting, that in
the latter part of 1858 and the early part of 1859 sold for SG to $7 per
bale, went down in 18tJ0 to $5 per bale. So that whilst the duty had
been increased 25 per cent., the jirice of thid commodity fell 25 per cent.,
and the importation of it almost eiitiiely ceased.
If space would permit I co Id give other instances, showing that
imposts of this kind, or the removal of them, frequently operate directly
contrary to anticipation, ))roving that they have little to do, in the long
run, with the marketable value, which depends more particularly upon
other contingencies. I will give one mure instance in the opposite
direction. The object of the auti-corn-law agitation in Great Uritaiu
was to reduce the value of wheat, and it was strenuously oppose! from
the conviction that it would do so ; but what is the fact i why, for several
years after the repeal of those laws, the average price of wheat ranged
higher than it had done for several j ears before. But to come to the
point, your corresjiondent rests the merit of his argument, not upon this
thing or that thing, so much as w\ion Canaaa's population being profitably
employed. So do I. But I ask him again, how is he to do it, unless
through the instrunieutality of that diversity of employment, which opens
out a field of useful occupation for the youngest as Avell as for the
oldest, and for the females as well as for the male i)ortion of it? He
Sjieaks of aftection for the mother country ; but if he has a greater affection
for it than I have " it"s a caution.'" And yet I am not prepared to sacrifice
the intercits of Canada, so far as to admit her manufactures duty free,
and so far follow her example. No, for her example has already in some
things, been too closely imitated fur the interests of this colony. We
should not forget that what is becoming in a motiier may be very
unbecoming in a child. England hassjient her surplus richer, for instanc ■,
in extensive railroads, useful watcr\vorks, beautiful Crystal Palaces, and
magnifi ent Parliament Houses ; in all thi- it may be very unprofitable
and unwise for Canada to follow her example. Precociousness, I fear, is
obviously an element of mischief on this continent. If imiiation is a
Tirtue it must be a wise imitation, let Canada follow the exam[de of her
mother by throwing ulf Protection when she has attained to something of
her motherly maturity.
With one sentiment more. Sir, I will conclude, viz ; that in my opinion
Canada's best defence consists in a reasonable protection to her youthful
energies, and British courage.
I remain, Sir,
Your obedient Servant,
JOSEPH AVllIGHT.
Dundas, Aug. 30th, 18G2.
44
SELF RELIANCE.
!.;■■
SECOND LETTER BY « UNION JACK."
PROTECTION VS. FREE TRADE.
To the Editor of the Globe : —
Sin, — In the Tri-weekly Globe of the 15th September, 1862, which has
just reached me, I find a letter under the above heading, signed Joseph
Wright, Dundas, in which he attempts to controvert the opinions
expressed by me, on a former occasion, on this subject. At the outset I
am compelled to say that I am treated unfairly, and with a degree of
misrepresentation totally uncalled for. In order to show this, it will be
necessary that I briefly recapitulate the heads of ray previous
communication : I said that Canada was an agricultural country of
unbounded resources ; that farming was an honourable, healthy and
profitable employment ; then I asked the question. Why should we, as a
farming community, give a bonus of 20 per cent, to every other branch
of industry, while this great and paramount one of farming was exempt?
I said further that if any man on the face of the earth deserved
encouragempnt for his " native inlustry," it was that man who, with his
axe upon his shoulder, starts for the tractless forest and makes for
himself a home.
Although in the above remarks I assert the dignity of rural labour, it
doc not necessarily follow, as your correspondent infers, that I consider
all other branches of industry as dishonourable.
Your correspondent says he is aware of the vast importance of
agriculture to a count'-y ; he knows of no other occupation in life better
calculated to contribute to the comfort and happiness of man, and he says
it has always, very properly, been made an object of special consideration
by all governments, ancient and modern. Your correspondent is aware
of all this, and yet he shuts his eyes to the fact that farming is the only
branch of industry to which Canadian Governments have not given
especial consideration; that every other, that of agriculture Alone
excepted, has been fosisred and fed at the public crib; that tariff his been
added to tariff to protect those industrial pursuits, while agriculture has
been left to follow its natural course ; and, what makes matters worse,
the farmers have to bear the principal expense.
Your correspondent says my intention is to keep the Canadian
community exclusively ogricultural. Such is not the case. I have not
given the slightest hint that any obstacles should be thrown in the way
of manufactures. What I desire is that farmers should not be taxed to
build work-houses for able-bodied paupers. He says my views are
" that agriculture should be exclusively privileged." He could not have
made a greater mistake. What I argued was that every industrial
pursuit should be placed on a footing of equality ; that there should be
no privileged classes as at present exist. In the words of Shakespeare :
" Country men! I sue for simple justice, • • •
Naught else I ask, nor less will have,
Act right, therefore, and yield ray claim."
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
4S
Your correspondent takes umbrage at a poetical quotation I made, and
sarcastically observed that the " Manufacturer shou'd be contented to sell
to the farmers at little below cost price, and thankful that he is
privileged to work for those most noble of men — constituting so
honourable, so healthful, and so money -making a community" — (meaning
the farmers). The verse runs thus : —
The noblest men I know on earth,
Are men whose hands are brown with toil,
Who, backed by no ancestral birth,
Hew down the woods and till tlie soil,
And thereby win a prouder fame
Than follows king's or warrior's name.
No intelligent person, I think, could take offence at the language used
here. What has " riled" your correspondent is apparently the word
"brown;" this he translates literally, making the poet consider out-door
labourers alone entitled to be called noble, and consequently excluding
factory operatives (whose hands are proverbially white) fi-om ranking as
noble as the farmer. I did not quote it with any such intention. I
consider the phrase " brown with tcil" to mean " soiled with labour ;"
and that this is the evident meaning of the poet, in justice to him I give
the remaining verses, and am sorry that factory operatives are agaia
mentioned only indirectly. The italics are mine : —
The working men, whate'er their task,
To carve the stone or bear the hod,
They bear upon their honest brows
The royal stamp and seal of God,
And brighter are their drops of sweat
Than diamonds in a coronet.
li^
God bless the noble working men,
Who rear the cities of the plain.
Who dig the mines and build the ships,
Who drive the commerce of the main,
God bless them! for their swarthy hands
Have wrought the glory of all lands.
Your correspondent agrees with me in my definition of free trade, and
also that of protection, in so far as it is " old-l'ashioned ;' he says it dates
as far back as the creation, but he miserably fails to show that a
"reasonable protection to juvenile native industry' existed when
" Adam delv'd and Eve span."
It gives me great pleasure indeed to learn from so important an
authority as Mr. Wright, that as regards the manufacture of cotton,
Canada is on a par with Great Britain, and is in as good, if not a better
position, to manufacture that invaluable fabric as either Manchester or
Glasgow.
He says machinery is made hero to a great extent ; that he lays down
coal at his mill in Dundas, of a better quality and 5 per cent, cheaper
than he could do 60 miles from Manchester; tliat as regards ra>v material
he is within a few hundred miles of the place of growth, and BritAin is
46
SELF RELIANCE.
ft
li ' ,?'i'.'
some 4,000 miles distant, and I presume he must have it cheaper than the
latter. As to hvbour, " it abounds all over the country," and is.
consequently cheap ; and capital, he tells us, is " ample for all Canada's
necessities."
From the above it appears that we have the three principal requisites
necessary to profitable manufacture cheap and abundant, viz., fuel, raw
material, and labour, and as we are exporters ot wool and Ha.v, it
natural!}- follows that as regards cotton, woollen, and linen manufactures,
we are in a position to manufacture as cheaply as any country in the
world. Wiiat need, then, can there be for protection? It is only
necessary to follow your correspondent's advice, which is, that capital
should bo rightly directed. I ask no stronger argument in favour of the
immediate abolition of customs duties for the purpose o\ protection than
Mr. Wright has here given us ; although from the whole tenor of his
letter it is evident that he feels with Demetrius of old, that by the
propagation of these principles his craft is in danger, and he is constrained
to shone as lustily, and jjossibly to the same purpose, " Great is
protection to the Canadian.''
Your correspondent makes the following bold assertion, "but one
thing is pretiv clear, that he is, from some cause or other, unable to deal
with the subject on the principles of political economy." Sure I am the
political economy he has enunciated in his letter was not learned withia
60 miles of Manchester. Since he left the mother country (for which he
still professes great all'ection), his ideas on this subject have undergone
a change. His political economy changes with climate, and is altered by
circumstances; in short, to give it its true name, it sliculd be called
" self-interest," The political economy which " Union Jack" believes in,
is not a creature of circumstances, and is adapted for all countries. I
give in to no man in my desire to see manufactories increasing and
flourishing in our midst, but I deprecate all interference by Government
in granting bounties to any branch of trade. The cotton spinner or the
plough maker has no more right to a bonus of 20 per cent, than has the
farmer to receive the same on every dollar s worth of produce he sells.
I consider " manufacture^ are only valuable to a country, in so far as
by their moans the people can be supplied with the article cheaper than
they are able to procure it elsewhere. When a manufacturer requires the
support of bounties, or of laws prohibiting the importation of similar
articles, a part of the national wealth is consumed in fostering a
branch of industry incapable of supporting itself. There is 'no greater
error in policy than this. *••*••
Where industry is left to follow its natural course, every country will
betake itself \o the production of those articles which circumstances
enable it most advantageously to supply; and the consumers in
consequence, Avill be furnished with the article." they require at the
lowest possible cost. Ev^ry man's means of consumption Avill, to the
degree in which the cost is reduced, be enlarged, and his command of the
comforts and enjoyments of life be extended." (Ency. Brit. 8th Ed.
Article, Cotton Manufactures.)
The above extract is sound and to the point, and coincides with what
I said in my previous communication, but unfortunately, it docs not suit
your correspondent ; his political economy is the liberty of the minority
to tax the majority of the community for their own benefit.
A PLEA FOR PROTECTION.
4T
And now, Sir, in conclusion, if, as Mr. Wright alleges customs' duties
do not necessarily increase the value of iraported goods, such duties must
be useless for the purpose of protection. Had your space permitted I
might have enlarged, and shown the evils of Government interference
with the natural course of trade, and the beneficial effects of a free and
unrestricted commerce, but I reserve that for some future occasion.
I am, Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
UNION JACK.
Maryboro', 20th September, 1862.
REPLY BY MR. WRIGHT.
To the Editor of the Globe:—
Sir .—In perusing the sccind letter of your correcpondent, 'Union
Jack.-' inserted in the Globe of the 1st October, I am at a loss to discover
the alleged injustice I have done to him. by "unfair treatment,'' or
"uncalled for misrepresentations of bis sentiments." It was certainly
not my intention, and I hope I am sutBciently satisfied with the soundntss
of my own views, to feel it unnecessary to have recourse to any such
expedients, for it would only betray tiie existence of weakness and a
conscious sense of the indefensible character of the cause I desire to
advocate. I wish to moot (his gentleman with a candid fairness, for I
hope that neither he nor I would trouble ourselves in this matter, except
for a good and laudable purpose.
If, however, your correspondent marks out for himself a peculiar stylo
of reasoning, he ought not to feel injured if I make use of his materials
to establish out of them more than ho could wish ; and if the result of a
well intentioned though enthusiastic exultation of the particular interest
he espoase? carries his defence beyond the limit of prudence, it is not my
fault if it L exposed, but his ; and he must really excuse it if he fails to
carry me along with him. To see the merit of such au application of the
term noble for instance as would place an honest worthy bush-ranger
(with no other motive in view than to satisfy his necessities) in a higher
position of nobility than the kings and princes of the earth. Such a
tight of conception may serve the purpose of a poet's license, but will
ecarcely do for the more practical realities of a political economist. At
least, however, there is one of his own poetical authorities with whom he
differs on this subject, for if he completes the stanza he wrote in part of
John Bell's the crazy priest, of Kent, it would stand thus :—
" When Adam delved and Eve span,
Who was then the gentleman.-'
I am glad to find, after explanations, that your correspondent disclaims
80 many of the opinions, which, from the general tenor of his letter, I
have assumed as his. These disavowals, together with his approval of so
many of my sentiments, bring us much nearer to each other than I
eupposed we were.
48
SELF RELIANCE.
a.-
in!,
«■■!
\b
I am also willing to give " Union Juck" all the beneflt of bin di^^covcriea
in my letter, 80 lar as tbey may etretigtben his viewH of Free Trade
principlei) in x.\e abstract , for in thisscnHe I can tell him I am as much a
tree trader ns be is. It is not therefore, to bis principles that I olject, but
to his mode of applioutiou.
I iiolieve. for the permiinent interest of a community whose institutions
are maiurnd, no line of policy can be more deniruble than tbut whicb
results in a free, unfettered lilt) rcoiirse with the world, but then, aucb
a commnaily must b« propnied for it, by the enjoyment of those
advantages which that maturity affords. Give it assistance when in
infancy ; when at maturity withdraw it, for assistance would th'ju be
an incumbrance. For a proof of the scuadness of such a policy I would
call your correspondeni's attention to the fact that every civiliz(.-d
country I believe without an exception, has found 't necessary to adopt
it ; but it, lias U'en left to our own wise and b«lcved c lunlry to show to
the world lliut there is a period in the history of all, whun such restrictive
laws can sately be dispensed with, and this, I am happy to a <y, is the
political economy I learnt within sixty miles of Manuhuator.
Taking this view of the subject, the quotations your correspondcMit bus
given from the Encydoptdia Brillanka may fairly be accepted as much ia
proof of my opinions as his, lor as the woric was publishod iu England, the
author of that article wrote it with one of the most compl-te sptcinvns of
a finished country before his eyes Ihit the world could produce ; and iu
the absence of any proof to the contrary, the opinions enunciated therein
may fairly be taken, I apprehend, as the result of impressions which such
a state ot things alone would suggest.
This article to which I refer, it must be understood, was written to
apply to the United States of America, condemnatory for fostering cottOD
manufactures in the north. And a little further down, on the same page,
will bi; found this pa'^sage, by which, no doubt, "Union Jnck's "
congenial soil sentiments have been confirmed: Manufactures may be
found to grow on soils not congenial to its culture, (meaning, I presume,
the culture of raw material), but iu such cases the application of capital
is unprofitable.
Now what will your correspondent and liis authority say, when he
discovers, which be may, I think, by an investigation, that cottoa
manufactures have nrospered to an iucalculable extent in the uncongenial
soil of the North, whilst in the Southern Stales, on the very spot where
the raw material is produced, it has been unsuccessful, and most ruinoua
to the capitalist ; or how. I would ask, can they reconcile their views
with tbe fact that Great Britain carries the cotton from three to four
thousanil miles across the Atlantic, manufactures and returns it. and yet
the Government of the United States is obliged to impose a duty of twenty-
five per cent to keep it out of this congenial soil element.
There are ways, Sir, of accounting for all this to an intelligent
practical mind, for he knows that there aru contingencies upon which
manufactures depend, of much greater importance iu tbe element of
Bucce.^s than can be found in the congenial soil principle.
If this principle is indefensible in practice then I presume) the
immutable character of •' Union Jack's" political economy will have to be
modified a little. Probably the most sensible paragraph to be found ia
your correspondent's communications is in liis first letter, and it runs
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thai :— " Canada's proeperlty, and the prosperity of every nation, dnpends.
not upuQ her manufacturing; cotton or anytbing else, but upon her people
being profitably employed." Then, I gay, employ them. The agri-
cultural interest will employ one portion of the population nnd the
manafaoturing the other. No doubt, Canada ia eminently an agricultural
country. She posaesses all the materials tor greatness in this respect, and
her natural qualifications are such that she requires not the aid of artificial
Msistance. She may well be proud of such a position. She will be
greater, though, when she can manufacture her own necessities, and she
will be greater still when, like Great Britain, she can add to her other
Bouroes of wealth that of supplying, from her own agricultural productions,
» large surplus to minister to the comfort and necessities of other
countries less favored than herself. I asli, then for Canada, what has
been found indispensible to every youthful country : protection to suoh of
her youthful eoergiefl as require it ; and I can tell your correspondent and
those that think with him, that it would have been impossible, in the
neighborhood of such powerful competitors, to have established
manufactures in this colony without it and for this reason : Every
individual connected with handicraft must be educated to it, and in
most instances it requires an, appreDtieeship ; and in the manufacture of
textiles especially it occupies a girl sometimes for years to become a
Eroficient. In older and more established countries this difficulty has
een oveccome, and this class of labour abounds, and can be found at all
times educated and ready for practice. This is one difficulty, : and there
Are others equally great, which, for my purpose, it is unnecessary to
enumerate. Now, if your correspondent, for instance, had shown that no
labour ot this description exists in thiscolony in a state of idle unprofit-
ableness, and that no wool could be found, no flax, nor wood, and that
within a reasonable distance, neither coal, nor cotton, nor iron could be
found, all of which, if found, might be applied to a useful purpose for
adding to the general comfort and wealth of the community— if he had, 1
say, been able to do this, he might then have said with some reason,
*' pray don't trouble yourself about these things, for this is not a congenial
toil for any such purposes."
He has not been able to do so. I ask then would it not be wise to
advocate a principle of action that would call into exercise so many
elements of greatness ; by adding so much to the comfort, the wealth, and
the happiness of the colony, and to save the country and individuals
those exorbitant expenses included in carriage, packages, depreciation,
fto., of which he speaks in his first letter, as necessary to the importation
of .monafactored goods from a foreign source.
There is, bowerer, in eonclueion, very frequently a wise and merciful
interporition on the part of Providence, that oeceasitates the practice of
what is right, and I uink the absolute requirement of custom duties for
Surposes of goverament, in the present youthful coaditioa of this colony,
I one of them.
I remain. Sir ,
Yoor very obedient servant,
JOSEPH WBIOBT.
DoBdu, Ootober 6tb, 1S63.
£0
SELF RELIANCE.
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OFFICIAL LETTER FROM THE COMMIT-
TEE OF COUNCIL, QUEBEC, ON THE
SUBJECT OF EMIGRATION, ^c.
Legislative CouDcilj Quebec, 3rd M^rch,;l86S.
Sir, — The Cominittoe of the Legislative Council appointed to " take
into consideration the subject of Immigration, and especially to report upou
the best means of diB'using a knowledge of the great resources of the
Province, so as to induce the influx of men of cap!tHl and maDufacturing
enterprizc'' are anxious to obtain your views as to the opportunities now
piescnted oi maaufacturing in this Province many of those articles wbioh
have hitherto been imported from Europe and the United States, begging
of you to enumerate such as you think can now be produced here with
advantage and profit.
The Committee would be glad to know what manufactui:e9 are a],rea4/
established in your district? Whether difficulty has been e;cper^enced io
obtaining at all times a sullicient number of operatives? Wha,t rates of
wages generally paid to men and women? Whether during the laat two
years sales at remunerative prices have been readily eflected ip the uuuk^tji
of the Province? And the Committee further desire to receive frpm yoo
full information in regard to the Commercial and ^Anuljekctariag
advantages of your own district of country and espqclally as to the
extent ot waterpower there to be found? Their object being to publi^
facts in Europe and elsewhere, for the guidaaca of thoqe disponed \9
emigrate.
Be pleased to favor the Committee with aa early reply, and oblige,
Sir,
Your most obedient servant,
GEORGE ALEXANDER
Chairman.
REPLY BY MR. WRIGHT.
Stb,— I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your cominanicatiMi
es Chairman of a Committee of Council, appointed to investagate tlie
subject ot emigration with a view especially '• to report upon the best
means oi diffusing a knowledge of the great resources of the Pf ovince«o at
to induce the influx ot men of capital and enterprise ;" and espres^ng fk
wish to obtain my views as to the opportunities, of piaaufficturipg la u|a
Proviijce, &c.
I will in the first place endeavor to reply to the queries put by-tite
Committee, as to the capabilities of this neighborhood for manufacturing
purposes, confinipg n}yself:to<the limits of an areaol from four to five milei
around Dupdasi I.fiud as nearly as I can approximate to the truth tbera
are of
Occupied water power about 500 horses.
Unoccupied Do do 400 do.
And of Steam power about 300 do.
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The power occupied is employed by, say three millwrights and foundem,
neven BawmilU, eight griHt mills, two cotton mills, four woollen mills, two
paper mills, live manufuctories of a^^riculturul implemeats two builders,
two tool makers aod three tanneries.
To show the importanct of some of these establishments I may instance
one, that of Mr. John Gartshore, of Dundas, Founder, Millwright and
Engineer. This establishment alone employs about 120 mechanics,
principally adults, and pays a sum weekly in wages of about $000, and
from its character and the nature of its productions, offers great inducements,
especially to this neighborhood, for manuTacturing enterprise. The
locality itself offers great facilities for the same purposes, the immediate
railway communication with the whole of the populated continent, as well
as direct wat<«r communication with all parts of tue world, and being an
old settled district there is abundance of labour for the most of e<ich
necessities. The rate of wages ranges for girls, from $1.00 to $2.50 weekly,
and for men, from $4.50 to $12.00 weekly,
With respect to the subject of these businesses having been profitable for
the last two years, the Committee will see that the extremely unsettled
Btate of every manufacturing and commercial interest during the period to
which they reler, aflbrds no reasonable test upon which to depend for
accurate information. I should, however, say that under ordinary
circumstances, every one of these different departments of business wouM
e "rd an ample reiurn to the proprietor, and their generally healthful
would appear to confirm this assumption.
.wnjrrlng to the use of water as a motive power, and in order that the
Oommittee may be able to draw correct conclusions as to the value of it, I
hope it will not be considered out of place if I offer a few remarks arising
from some experience of its nse.
The effect of drainage and cultivation over this district has very much
altered its character, and I presume this will apply to a large portion of
this description of property over the Province generally, and in estimating
the value of water power it will be well to consider how far it is justly
entitled to the importance generally attached to it. The rivers and their
tributaries no doubt discbarge about the same quantity annually, but more
irregularly. In the winter or rainy season there is a super-abundance, but
in the summer or dry season the supply falln off most seriously. The
consequence Is that whilst it may answer the purposesof small establishments,
such as sawmills, gristmills, &c., it would in reality be practically valueless
as respects larger manufacturing interests, for when a numerous class of
woik people are dependent upon regularity for their existence, it would
not only destroy their interests, but that of their employers, if the motive
power should be in the least degree interfered with. Nothing can more
fully establish this view than the fact, that in order to secure the regularity
to which I have referred, some of the most important manufacturing
establishments, (at Lowell for instance, on the River Merrimac, U.S.) have
found it necessary to add an auxiliary steam power equal to their water,
and in Great Britain so decided has this conviction become established,
that water privileges are entirely neglected in favoi of that certainty upon
which you can always depend in the use of steam.
There is another objection to water-power, arising very frequently from
Ht remote locality: An intelligent and experienced person wishing to
52
SELF RELIANCE.
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invest cnpUal in a maniifacturlDf? concern.— say for Instance to employ two
hundred people,— would probablv find it to be Lie interest to eBlablisb such
a business in the vicinity oi his labor, rather than undertake to do so in
Bome remote, unpopulated district, with all the heavy and tedious
contingencies of colonizing, and although at the expense of steam power,
would feel himoelt fully compensated in that ready provisioa of labor^ Ac.,
usually to be found in more populated districts.
In looking over the list of manufactured articles imported into Canada
during the year 1861, as handed to me by the Committee of Council, I And
there are several of the most important that are not referred to. These are
those, however, which would appear to have been Bach as a sense of early
neces!>ity made most desirable, and conseqnently received an earlier
attention simply because they presented the surest reward to the enter-
prising. I mean the manufacture of agricultural implements and the
manufacture of machinery of a certain class, such as woollen machinery,
steam boilers, mill gearing, tnachinery for grist mills, &c. I assume
their not appearing on the list to which I refer, is to be accounted
for by the fact that they have mos*; effectually driven out foreign
compttition by their successful efforts. The amount of capital invested
and labor employed, arising from these sources, must not only be great, but
exceedingly beneficial, a full sense of which could perhaps only be estimated
by imagining their withdrawal ; and whilst their success establishes the
wisdom and bcneBts of a legislative fostering care, they now afford the«e
articles of absolute necessity to the farmer and others at as cheap a rate
as they can be purchased in the States or ia any part of Europe.
Leaving out of view, however, for the present, these important branches
of manufacturing industry, there appears to have been Imported isto the
Piovioce during the year 1861, of other manufactured goods, a valii»
amounting to $15,0"0,000 ; and in examining the list, I can see no reason
why the whole benefit of this amount of industry might not be secured to
the Province. Without entering into details with reference to the greater
number of ihem, many of which may be considered more articles of luxury
than necessity, I will conflne my observation<j to three of the most
important character, those which may be considered absolute necessitieB,
and which cmpluy the greatest amount of capital and labor, viz : the
manufactories of cotton, of wool, and of flax.
Thase three items embvace over two-thirds of the whol« value of tboio
articles suggested to me as the importaiions of the year 1861, and they
■tand thus :
Cotton manufactures, $5,677,980
Woollen do 4,224,199
Linen do 357.320
$10,259,499
In order to point out to the Committee the importance of having these
goods manufactured in the Province it will only be necessary to state, at
nearly as I am able, the probable amount of capital to b« invested.
And here it must be observed, the manufactured articles enumerated
embrace several distinct businesses, all of which are distinct operations,
acd frequently conducted separately or independently of each other, vir :
eplaning, maaufaoturing, blsaohing, printing and dyeing; and would
A PLBA FOR PROTECTION.
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(
employ In the varioufl departments, direclly and indirectly, not le^s than
25.000 operatives, groat and f^mall ; and would involve probably the
necessity of an invested capital ut not less than $S,U00,i)OO.
Tbe importance of employing so large a popniaf'.on, and of invpsting so
large an emount of capital, will be obvious ; but perhaps the greatest
importance rests upon the description of labor so employed. In an
agricultural community, (not only as to that directly employed in it. but
as to that indirectly employed in connection with it) adult male labor for
tbe greater part, is that which is most generally required. Th« consequence
ia that to sustain the labor necessities of this paramount interest^ there is
frequently a large and important amount of labor lying in a state of
unprofitable inactivity, viz : boys, girls, and young women.
Now it so happens that this is the character of labor, which goes to make
up a large portion of tbe 25,000 individuals necessary for the manufactur-
ing purposes to which I have alluded ; and if it be admitted that the
application of its labor capital constitutes the most important clement
in a country's prosperity, the Committee will see the wisdom of a govern-
ment using its influence as much as possible to secure, in the first pldce,
tbe employment of its own.
it must also be remembered that this is not the class of labor usually in
excess in Great Britain, or in any pa^^ of Europe where manufactures have
been extensively cultivated ; the rapid advances made in that diroction
have usually been restrained only by the want ot it ; and as respects
inducing a transfer of ekilltd labor, and supposing that under the present
adverse circumstances abroad that an influx could be induced to try their
fortunes here, it could only be to create a pressure of labor on the one
hand, for the purpose of alleviating the pressure on the other. Nor
would it be wise for this Province to bring itsulf into a deailly competition
with the great and powerful manufacturing interestp of Great Britain and
others, for so sure as these present difficulties are withdrawn, so sure would
this labor be instantly withdr-^wn also, at any cost ; accelerated, of course
by the innate afi'jction these people usually entertain for their native
homes.
Whatever may be said of tbe importance of manufactures, and of a direct
and immediate application of capital and skilled labor, 1 believe it will be
found to have been the experience of all successful efforts in this direction,
that there is no royal road to eminence, but that real and permanent
Buccess can only be the result of a sense of its neceesities, in the first place,
and then the most healthful appliances are the application of its legitimate
means, the fruit of its own natural resources. Tbe character of this
community must be altered in its relationship, and in its political economy,
before it can reasonably hope to carry its manufactures to an uulimitel
expansion.
In order that the Committee may be able to draw correct conclusions on
this important subject, with a view of doing justice to the emigrant, the
capitalist, and the best interests of the Province, I would further remark
there is one feature of the subject which should neve-, I think, be lost
eight of, and that is, the very limited sphere of operation for manufacturing
purposes presented by the Province. A population probably not
exceeding 3.000,000 cannot ofl'er any great inducements on an extensive
Male for any such purposes, and it would be difficult to divest oneself of
ekLF Ri;iiUNo¥.
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the opinion that it capital a^d labour were pretis^ uAVeatonabiy inio ritieli
a service, it might prove an injnry rather than arn aaVantage to the
community ; and as I have intimated before, ft will b6 obviom to tlte
Committee that the manufacturing interests of the Province, in.its present
youthful position cannot hope for some time at least, to aspire i6 a field of
operation much beyond its own requirements; ior if it is to manufacture at
nil, the necessity which calls for protection to its energies forbids its
<!xtension beyond these limits ; and if manufactures are at any future time
l;o constitute an important item in its growing prosperity, this is »
lestrfction wl^icb boin the Province and the interest itself must for the
present submit to, and the consequence of forcing it beyond the natural
results of Us own wants might prove injurious to the community, and
unjust to those enterprising individuals who may be induced to embark
into it.
Having given to the Committee as correctly as I can, the probable
manufacturing capabilities of this neighbonrbood, and' having commentedl
upon the general subject, with a view of assistini; in its impoi'tant
deliberations —I may, perhaps, be permitted to remark futher, viz : as to
those interests which appear to me of the firf^t importance. The natnial
elements of the wealth of this Province lie in her agricultural and miaenfl
resources, and are fi-om those which she has already derived, and mast
continue to look Icr her greatest amount of benefit; for whilst her
manufacturers, for instance, have to wait the progress and cultivation of
these natural resources, they themselves have to wait for nothing but the
development of their own energies and means ; and whilst, also, the
tendency of the extension of the former is to limit the boundary of its
own demand ; that of the latter is to expand it in somewhat the exact
proportion of every new addition to the enlargement of its sphere.
If this view be correct, the Committee will see how necessary it is to
make these interests of primary importance and especially the agriculturarl.
and in recommending a line of policy to the government, it will be obvious
how desirable it is to attach to them all the importance they merit, for
although there are many other great interests, there are none so decidedly
so, for out of them must necessarily flow, as a consequence, the fuUnei^
of expansion, and probable success of all others.
For this reason too much labor and capital cannot be diverted into
these channels, as being the most important elements, out of which to
calculate upon the futHre greatness of the Province. As to her
manufacturing benefits, when they take their proper place, they should
spring out of a sense of the necessity, and in this way they will pi^ove
themselves to be, not only an important auxiliary, but an instrnmeut ia
efibcting the completeness of the social happiness and prosperity of her
people.
I remain, Sir,
Your obedient lervant.
J. WBiGtit.
To the Hon. Geoige Alexander,
Chairman of Committee,
LegislatiTe Coaneil.
r^
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