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SELF RELIANCE, OE A PLEA FOR THE PEOTECTION OF CANADIAN INDUSTRY. • » We will preface the few remarks we have to make hy stating in the onset, that as far as we are concerned, we will not advance any opinions we do not entertain with disinterested sincerity; nor willingly clothe those opinions in terms that may convey an unpleasant feeling on the mind of any one with whom we may difter. Our ohject is to defend that policy which gives to a youthful province like Canada, the assistance necessary to enable her to develope her internal resources, not for the interest of one portion of the community exclusively, but for the benefit of the whole. When a subject of this importance cannot be approached without disagreeable asperities or personal invectives, it is not likely thnt any good can result, and such subjects also should be dealt with divested of all those trammels which are sometimes imposed upon them, by possibly selfishness on the one hand, or an inordinate adhesion to the claims of political party on 'the other. No theories, however plausible, that are not sound in their deductions for the benefit of SELF RELIANCE. the whole, in a practical sense j or that can be traced to purely political motives, can for a moment be admitted as proof of a sound policy, however plausible that policy may appear on the surface. The question is, then, not what is good for the farmer, nor what is good for the merchant, nor what is good for the manufacturer, exchisively; but what is good for the combination of all these interests as a whole. There are those who profess strong opinions that the agricultural interest demands a prominent consideration, and in this they are right ; and others who conclude that to advance the interest of the mercantile community is also very important. There may be truth in this also ; but if it is supposed by these parties that the readiest way to advance the general interests is to import manufactures for the benefit of either the one or the other, in this we fear they will be disappointed. A large number of intelligent people in this Province, and some of the leading members of the Press, have undertaken to defend an unqualified adoption of the policy of Free Trade principles in legislating for the welfare of her people. It may be well to inquire, then, if these gentlemen have formed their views in accordance with a wise intelligence, with a sound and practical sense of its merits ; and in a public journalist, with a disinterested intention to promote the happiness and , welfare of the community, in which, we are free to acknowledge, he exercises an immense influence, either for good or evil. It is not difficult to quote authority, and I % A PLEA FOR PROTECTION. important aulhority, to serve the purpose o1 an argument in favor of a Free Trade policy. That clever political economist, Adam Smith, was an advocate for the principle, and our opponents may also claim the distinguished modern authorities on the same subject, Messrs. Cobden and Bright. But it augurs little for the discern- ment of a casuist, in a controversy ot this character, if he is either not able or not willing to draw a distinction between a principle applied in the abstract, and one applied lurse. Smith was a theorist, and whilst he propounded correct doctrines as such, and independent of circumstances, his ability and clear discernment would no doubt have modified the application of his principle according to circumstances, if he had been called upon to put his theories into practice. Cobden and Bright were wise men in their determined advocacy of a liberal principle on this subject, because they were at the time in advance of the age, and had the ability to discern that there was nothing to fear for eithei agriculture or manufactures, in the advanced and finished position of Great Britain, in fostering these powerful interests up to the stage of their maturity, and it would have been unwise to continue it beyond the period of this necessity. We cannot question the wisdom of Adam Smith's abstract principles, nor the wisdom of Great Britain's application of them, and why '? Because the principles are right when rightly applied. Older communities, for instance, may have found protection an impediment to progress, but when on that account we refuse protection to youthfulness, we distinguish ourselves for as i .' SELF RELIANCB. much wisdom as the parent who refuses his hand 10 assist his helpless child to walk, because it has been discovered invariably to be an incumbrance to older people. The writer is aware that this mode of reasoning will be looked upon by many as all very well for argument's sake, but fallacious when brought to a practical standard. We are, however, not inclined to leave the subject open to this objection, but will go into the question of the necessity of Protection to the native industry of this Province, with a view ioipVwit from the facts and circumstances before us, such evidences as may enable us possibly to remove some of the difficulties which stand in the wav of the acceptance of the soundness of the principle. There is, however, a fallacy which many well intentioned people endorse, viz. : that protection to manufactures means to foster them at the expense of the agricultural and commercial interests. By agvicultaral interest we suppose is meant that branch of industry which is directed towards the cultivation of land; but land they muyt remember, is nothing without the application ofcapitnland labour, and exactly the same as any other brauch.of industry in proportion to the amount of capital and labour brought to bear upon it. With respect to the manufacturing interest; it must be understood to mean every description of manufactures that is, or that mjiy be, found necessary wiihin the limits of the Province, and in order to ascertain a correct estimate of the pros and conf. embodied in the question, we should require to know the relative value of each description of property involved in it, the amount of the labor and capital they I, i A PLBA FOR PROTECTION. 4 severally employ, and how much they pay individually towards the support of the Common- wealth. If this were accomplished it would probably appear that a greater proportion of the population exists upon manufactures, and sustain their portion of public responsibility, than i» usually understood. If so, it might modify the views of the hardships to the agricultural interests in supposing that they sustain all the burden of taxation. We, however, have no necessity to rest the merits of this case upon the issue of the question put ia this shape, but would merely wish to convey the impression that looking at the manufacturing interests in this aspect, as compared with agriculture, it will be found to be vastly more important than is generally admitted. We may here also inquire what is meant by that description of protection to native industry which is essential to the welfare of this community, and we consider, looking upon it for this purpose, it is not to be estimated simply as a financial necessity on the part of the Govern- m;ent, for viewing it from this point it may be only a consideration whether a duty of 1 percent or 2 per cent would raise the greatest amount of revenue. But irrespective of a Government financial necessity, we would rather examine whether the value of native industry as applied to the manufacturing necessities of the Province, is not jeally of that importance to the welfare of the general community that it demands the favourable consideration of any Government, in such a sense as would place it beyond the reach of a financial caprice. We had got thus far in otir remarks when we discovf red the following SELF RELIANCE. unqualified opinion expressed in a Provincial leading journal, viz. : " If we could abolish the tariff altogether and "pay the expenditure by direct taxation, we " should do more for the prosperity of Canada **than all that was ever dreamed by a ** Protectionist." No doubt this gentleman takes his creed from the example of Great Britain, but I would inquire did Great Britain adopt this principle of throwing off Protection to her native industry] before she had effectually fostered it, so as to meet her own individual necessities 1 Nay, more, did she not retain in the exercise of her whole policy, that principle of Protection towards all her interests until, like a wise guardian of her people, she found they were beyond the reach of any injurious competition? As this is a simple fact in history it will not be denied. What is there then, I would ask, in the circumstances which makes that found to be indispenslble in the policy of Great Britain, an impedimein to progress in this Province? Have we some peculiar advantages which she had not, or do we possess some supernatural powers by which we are enabled to do that which has been found impossible on the part of those communities that have struggled on before us ? We think not. Possibly a reason may be found in one of those well intended but lamentably mistaken motives that are always presuming that things have attained to what they ought to be, rather than exercising that wiser course which dictates the line of conduct suggested by a just 3 A % A PLEA FOR PROTECTION. estimate of things as Ihey are. We must confess that this quotation has the merit of being unmistakable, which is to establish, too, a panacea at once for all the ills existing in the social and political economy of Canada. It stands, however, at present only in the form ot an opinion, and we may be excused if we inquire by what process of example or reason he has been brought to this very decided conviction. He will be prepared of course to instance some country similarly circumstanced, which has successfully set us the example, or he will be prepared with some practical appliciition of his rule that will carry with it a ready proof of its soundness. There might be less dilhculty for him were it not for this abominable little conjunc- tion if. No doubt the machinery for work ing the financial affairs of a Government would be vastly simplified e/"§'c.;and the prosperity of'i he mercantile class would be materially increased if they could with impunity tax the country with all the heavy charges attendant upon the importation of goods from a foreign source, and send all the money out of the country (for this purpose) that might be better employed in providing for the Avants of its labour and population. Indeed, manufacturers throughout might be dispensed with altogether from tiie maker of a spade up to the manufacturer of the finest piece of broad cloth, if the poor labourer of Canada could dispense with food and raiment. It is throughout the provoking necessity of using this hypothetical little term «/, that prevents our making short work at once of the principle of Protection in every form. If Free Traders mean anything they mean this : 10 SELF RELIANCE. i Remove that tyranicfil »ax imposed to encourage manufactures here and you relieve the farmer of a burden which, whilst it is of no ben^^fit to the country, is an intolerable injustice to himself and others, and this simply to pamper a system that encourages the employment of a multitude of our fellow creatures, that as far as we can see, would be better luxunalins in, idleness or contracting habits 0/ vice. We have no doubt that the words here which are emphasized will be considered extravagant, and we are willing to believe that the votaries of Free Trade principles generally, would shrink from their u'tcrancc; but we would ask in all cand'd fairness, — Is it not a correct picture of the result, siipposing the manuiiicturing interests of this Province were extinguished ? A libcjal political economy may be very well in a country whose population has overgrown her means and resources of employment. Such a country has not only attained to its maturity, but has discovered tlie excess to be an intolerable burden from which islie fmds it perpetually necessary to relieve herself. In drawing then a comparii^on between this Province and Great Britain ; or we would rather say, in holding up Great Britain as a pattern lor oar imitation, we should not" lose sight of the fact that the very source from which ive hope to draw our own healthfujness, ahe possesses in such an excess as to ondanger her very existence. Hence the periodical and convulsive efibrts which are constantly being made to disgorge herself of the excess of her labor population, and here we I SI A PLEA FOR PROTECTION. n would call attention to the marked difference between age and youthfulness; for whilst those vitals which impart to the one growing^ health- fulness and vigor, they endanger the existence of the other from the fear of a plethoric extinction, the result of their very excess. From this, we contend for the advantage and necessity of securing as large an amount of labor population as possiblr, for the various wants and necessities of Canada, and also that it is the duty of this Goverinnent to encourage and cultivate, by every possible means,1he growth of these very important and vital sources of her future greatness. If a practical proof should be necessary to establish these premises, we will take the example of a country whose rapid and successful advances will not be denied ; and so far has she outstripped the progress of any other country in this respect, that the facts would be inexplicable, were it not to be accounted for from the principles we advocate. Almost the whole of the period since the Declaration of Independence, this very question has occupied most .prominently the attention of the greatest statesmen of the United States, and her page of history vvill point out to the inquirer the conilicts that have harrassed her legislative eilorts. The one side not satisfied with availing them- selves of those natural internal elements that are almost inexhaustible, and by which they are almost overwhelmed, but blinded as the same plass of political economists are in this Province, into the belief for the supply of their wants; it is much better to rely upon others than upon themselves. w SELF RELIANCE. [i:, On the other hand, no less energetic have been the efforts of those, who jealous of neglecting the application of every latent principle to be found for their country's advancement, have struggled to secure for her internal economy, the entire application of her surplus labour^ material, and capital. These two conflicting parties were over a long period alternately successful, and their opposite principles kept their country's code oscillating between Free Trade and Protection, until at last it finally settled down in the entire surrender of the Free Trade policy. It may probably be replied that this may be no proof after all, of the superiority of the final result ; if so, we wo'jld recommend a perusnl of the records which detail the effects produced upon their common country's vital interests, and it will be found that in every instance, without an exception, the liberal policy, (as it is termed) left the country with an impoverished exchequer, and her internal energies totally prostrated, and as often as the experiment was repeated, it as systematically resulted in the same disastrous circumstances, whilst the very opposite was the result of the application of her Protective principle. Attlie time when the repeal of the Corn Laws was being agitated by the advocates of Free Trade measures, (which was a very sound measure for the purposes of Great Britain), they of course adopted a very proper and very forcible mode of reasoning, by which to prove the correctness of their position, and we must say it is somewhat amusing to see with what com I M A PLEA FOR PROTECTION. 13 placency and confidence our opponents ever avail themselves, like true copyists, of the benefits of their rules. But like the generality of imitators, they forget entirely that particular rules are not usually of general application. Thus we find in a leading journal of the 23rd of January last, a somewhat lengthy specimen of their mode ot reasoning, which winds up with an interrogatory, in this way: "If it was tyrannical in England to make " wheat dear to themanufacturer,howcanitbeless tyrannical to make goods dear to the farmer here, for the purpose of nampering the raanu- "fiicturer?" Now whatever may be said about the effect of the broad principle of import duties increasing generally the value of a commodity, the editor is somewhat unfortunate in his selec+ion in this case. For what was the immediate result of a it the repeal of these laws in England ? Why, that wheat became much higher in value for several years afterwards than it was for several years before the repeal. So then, after all, the tyranny to the manufacturer was increased for the benefit of the flirmer, by the very act which was intended to accomplish the opposite result. We will now, for the purpose of testing a little further the tyrannicil principles, transfer the subject to this side of the Atlantic, and we will take for instance, that branch of manufacture established in this Province which is the most extensive, and the one the most intimately connected with the agricultural interests ; we mean the manufacture of agricultural implements. And how does it stand 1 Why, although there 14 SELF RRLIANCE. i 11 ill ji! i\\ is a duty of 20 per cent imposed upon their importation from a foreign source, yet they are entirely excluded, by their being lurnished by the manufacturers here, cheaper to the farmer, and of a better quaViXyt than they can be imported either from England or the United States. We leave the editor to point out wherein the tyranny to the farmer lies in this case. We will take another instance of the same descriptionof tyranny inflicted upon the oppressed farmer, the result of this protective policy. The coarser descriptions of woollen goods manu- factured in this Province, can now be purchased at a cost of five or ten per cent cheaper than they can be obtained in any foreign market. The consequence is, that the importation of these goods has ceased to be an article of commerce, and the duty oi 25 per cent, imposed by the tariff upon their importation, has, of course, become a dead letter. And what is more than this, in addition to this practical piece of tyranny imposed upon the farmer, the Protective policy becomes guilty also of furnishing him at home with a splendid market for his wool, and consequently saving to him and the country, all the expenses and charges of exporting it to a foreign market to mnnnfacture. We would respectfully ask the intelligent farmer is this a yoke he would like to dispense with? We desire to deal in facts, not in theories; and in weighing the merits of the parties advocating these principles, we wish to place them simply in the scale of their own balances. As a general rule, we cannot compliment the opponents of the Protective principle, on their usual method of :$f^ 'I •I I ^ A PLEA FOR PROTECTION. 15 defending their views. For neither their examples nor their application of them, appear to us very well calculated to carry conviction. If an example, for instance, is intended to do this, it should at least be applicable, and so consistent in its application that it will admit of the test of close reasoning. But we find, usually, that instead of confining their strictures to the simple question of Protection or no Protection, as a piece of policy for good or evil, applied to the internal social economy of this Province, there is usually a sort of muddle goes on, by mixing up with it the claims of a reciprocity treaty, or the balance of trade question, or perhaps some other question still more remote. We confess we cannot see what these subjects have to do with the simple question between us, which is, whether it is more desirable for th§ interests of this Province to cultivate at home our own manuuictures, or to depend for the supply of our necessities upon a foreign source'? We set out with the opinion that no consideration, not even those which usually regulate the conduct of a Government in its foreign relations, nor its financial arrangements, (looking at this Province in its present youthfulness), are sufficient to justify any act tending to impede its manu- facturing interests. And it appears to us that such questions as the b-ilance of trade, or even the reciprocity subject, place them in any shape you please, cannot be made acceptable for the loss of our home manufactures, and the consequences attending it. Neither can we see the reasonableness of the advocates of Free Trade applying these subjects in argument, to 16 SELF RELIANCE. >M! !■; I establish their views. We can understand these questions being very important to older states, as forming an important consideration in their social and political economy. But can we be said to be sufficiently advanced in this Province ? With a population not exceeding 3,000,000 ; and with so large a portion of our natural resources undeveloped, can we be said to be able, wisely, to assume a footing of equality with older states on subjects such as the reciprocity question, especially if a condition in so doing means a destruction of our home manufactures, or in any degree an obstruction to their progress. Let the advocates of such schemes remember that precocity is not a desirable quality in youth, and in desiring to imitate the conduct of older states, it may be at least judicious to have a desire to do so wisely. We are aware that very strong opinions are held and publicly advocated, of a contrary character, and if they can be shewn to be correct, they constitute powerful reasons against the Protective principle. Under two heads these opposing views may be concisely summed up in this way : — " In " the first place protection to the manufactures of " this Province will jeopardize her happiness and " prospects ; and secondly, that it is absolutely "impossible to maintain it and preserve our connection and amicable relationship with Great " Britain." We are sorry to feel that we are compelled to differ so decidedly with our opponents, and in order to give our reasons, we will take the two subjects in order, as th( y stand, and see how far a practical inquiry will sustain us in our contrary opinion.