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 IMPORTANT LETTER 
 
 f 
 
 11' 
 
 ■ 4: i 
 
 ON 
 
 
 f 
 
 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT, 
 
 
 PROM 
 
 v*' 
 
 i#;'v 
 
 LIEUTENANT-COLONEL GO WAN, 
 
 • M. r. r. FOR THE COUNTY OF LEEDS IN TJ. CANADA. 
 
 'isfcVr 
 
 
 
 '■ Tlic ir.an who is not moveil wi1.li what ho reads, 
 " WJio take's not lire, ivhen e'er his country nocds : 
 Urwcrthy of the bloseings of the brave, ^ 
 
 Js 'jaae in kiml, and born to be a slave. " 
 
 CowriR. 
 
 < i 
 
 i I 
 
 
 i 
 
 A' 
 
 r' 
 
 ;! 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 TORONTO : 
 PRINTED AT THE EXAMlVEII OFFtCE, " 
 
 ■■^>*; 
 
* \ 
 
 ) 
 
 1. E T T E R. 
 
 " Th« qoMtion is an important one, and it is 
 " but fair, that it should be approached on all 
 "honds, in a spirit of candour, impartiality 
 '•and truth. "—Jlfontreai Gazette, 2Uth July 
 1839. 
 
 I have taken the above motto, from one 
 of the most ultra, if not the most able, an- 
 tagonist of Responsible Government, on 
 the continent of British North America. — 
 I have selected it purposely to show^ frst 
 that those who aro its greatest enemies, 
 admit its '•importance?" and secondly, 
 to prove, by tlio same authority, that its 
 discussion should bo conducted * in a spi- 
 rit of candour, impartiality, and truth' — 
 in that spirit I no^r approach it ; and 
 while I fervently hope for its continuance 
 through the discussion, I cannot with- 
 hold my anxious desire, that in tho same 
 spirit, tho reader will accompany mo 
 through it. With this introduction, which 
 tho public of all parties, will admit is a 
 brief one, I proceed at once to the consi- 
 deration of the subject. 
 
 As many persons cither do not know, 
 or do not desire to know what is meant by 
 responsible government, it is necessary 
 to explain what is meant and intended by 
 t^.ose terms i so that all may know what 
 they really are discussing and that no room 
 for doubt, or cavil may hereafter exist. 
 
 By responsible government then, I 
 mean that the Lieutenant Governor should 
 form his Executive Council, or Colonial 
 Cabinet, of gentlemen having seats in the 
 local Legislature ; and in whose judgment 
 ability, and discretion, a majority of the 
 Representatives of the people would rely, 
 so as to ensure to the Executive, upon nil 
 important questions of domestic govern- 
 ment, the concurrence and support of the 
 Legislature — the Governor not to be bound 
 to take any particular set of men, but to 
 be allowed a free choice ; and an unlimit- 
 ed discretion, not only in the selection, but 
 in the dismissal of his advisers also. This 
 then, is what I call responsible govern- 
 ment — it is the British Constitution, as 
 administered in England, but denied to 
 the Colonies, v^ith this exception, that in 
 England it is necessarily more enlarged, 
 embracing the Imperial interests of the 
 whoJe empire ; while in a colony, it would 
 
 bo necessarily more narrow and circun ' 
 scribed, embracing domestic and local ii 
 tc rests only. 
 
 Having now stated what Colonial res 
 ponsibilify means, I will proceed to consi - 
 der tho matter under the following heads. 
 Firsl — Does the present irresponsible 
 system benefit England ? 
 
 Second — Does it benefit Canada 1 
 Third — What were its effects in the old 
 Colonics ? 
 
 Fourth — Is Colonial responsibility con- 
 sistent yith tho Constitution % 
 
 Fifth — Is Colonial responsibility, a 
 British or an American custom % 
 
 8ixth — Aro the people of Upper Cann 
 da, deserving the benefits of its introduc- 
 tion ? 
 
 Seventh — What has been its origin and ^ 
 progress in the Colony ? 
 
 Lastly — Some objections to it answer- 
 ed. 
 
 I am first to consider ; does the present 
 irresponsible system, benefit England ? — 
 To answer this question, it will not bo ne- 
 cessary to use much argument ; it ho: 
 been already declared in a continued strain 
 of language not to bo misunderstood fov 
 the last twenty years : and by authorities 
 not to be doubted ; that instead of benefit- 
 ing England, the present irresponsible sys 
 tem, has been a constant source of unhnp 
 piness to her statesmen, and a constan'^ 
 drain upon her resources — a sort of uii 
 fathomable whirlpool, into which the beslj 
 intentions of her Ministers, and the mi 
 lions of her gold continually enter, an 
 from which, nothing but discontent a:i 
 fresh demands are emitted. To establislj 
 this fact, I will only refer to a (ew auihc 
 rities ; but those shall be conclusive. 
 
 Admiral Coffin, upwards of fifteen yean 
 ago, declared in his place in the Britis 
 House of Commons, that so great and e:; 
 travagant, were our constant demands u 
 on England that it would be much bette| 
 for the nation if tho tow rope was cut m 
 the Colonies set a drift ! 
 
 Mr. Warburlon, in the course of 
 lengthy speech, delivered in the Britr 
 House of Commons, in August 18^^ * 
 ted that the Canadot oost too EoffP*^ & 
 
 r 
 
 tioHN^ 
 
 t house 
 clesias 
 vy, an 
 missai 
 partm( 
 elusive 
 Wheat 
 argued 
 .to the I 
 gociate 
 Upw 
 nions y 
 nell Ba 
 ry at w 
 his li ig 
 Jier Ma 
 the best 
 a corret 
 The] 
 Chancel 
 on open: 
 House o 
 last, Stat 
 EXPExN 
 defence ( 
 ending A 
 dred and 
 and that 
 epding ir 
 ^ndred 
 pounds; 
 makes tt 
 sand thri 
 Qxtraordl 
 wo add t j 
 a^ stated] 
 Pjftrnell, 
 for the Ij 
 the Britis 
 nine mill 
 fhousandl 
 h I migl 
 »'ject fror 
 ^Jumo, 
 other Ral 
 their prif 
 with tnei 
 such upc 
 as I am,| 
 shown, t\ 
 that the 
 fruitful 
 already' 
 Nor car 
 
 I«»% 
 

 nrcun 
 ocal ii 1 
 
 ial res 
 3 corisi • 
 ' heads. > 
 >on8ibio 
 
 1 the old 
 lily con- 1 
 
 bility, n 
 
 er Cann 
 ntroduc- 
 
 rigin and 
 
 ; anewer- 
 
 present! 
 gland t— 
 lot be rtc- 
 l: it ho 
 aed attain 
 stood fov 
 luthorities 
 >f benefit- 
 osiblo sys- 
 of unhnp- 
 a constant 
 lort of uii- 
 ;h the besl 
 i the mil 
 enter, an 
 Dntent a-i( 
 'o establis 
 few authc 
 ive. 
 
 fteen year 
 the Brills 
 eat and e: 
 emands up 
 nuch bette 
 vas cut qJi 
 
 ^n upwards of tmo miUlomfne hunthred 
 thousand annually, including Canals, Ec- 
 clesiastical establishment, the Army, Na- 
 vy, and Indian establishments, the Com- 
 missariat, Ordinance, and Engineer De- 
 Public Works, &c. «fec., ex- 
 the Timber Monopoly, the 
 
 partments, 
 elusive of 
 
 coureo of 
 the Briti 
 
 lb I 
 
 me »»»" 
 1 18^ 
 
 Wheat, Corn, and other Monopolies, and 
 argued at much length, that it would be 
 to the advantage of Great Britain, to no- 
 gociate a peaceable separation. 
 
 Upwards of two years ago, similar opi- 
 nions were expressed by Sir Henry Par- 
 nell Bart M. P. for Dundee, and Secreta- 
 ry at war ; and it is to be presumed that 
 his high rank and official standing in 
 her Majesty's Government afforded him 
 the best possible opportunities, of forming 
 a correct judgment upon th.e subject. 
 
 The Right Hon. Thomas Spring Rice 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his speech 
 on opening the * Budget,' in the British 
 House of Commons, on the 7th of July 
 last, stated that the EXTRAORDINARY 
 EXPENSES ALONE, for the military 
 dofence of the Canadas, for the two years 
 ending April 1838, amounted to nine hun- 
 dred and forty seven thousand pounds ; 
 and that the estimate for the irresent year, 
 opding in April 1840, is one million one 
 ^ndred and one thousand, three hundred 
 pounds; which added to the former sum, 
 makes two millions and forty eight thou- 
 sand three hundred pounds sterling, for 
 Qxtraordinary expenses alone. And if 
 wo add this sum, to the ordinary expenses, 
 a9 stated by Mr. Warbuvton, Sir Henry 
 P^rncll, and others, it will bo found that 
 ibr the last three years the Canadas cost 
 the British nation, tho enormous sum of 
 nine million five hundred and forty eight 
 fhousand three hundred pounds sterling ! ! 
 ,, I might quote much to illustrate this sub- 
 yject from the published speeches of Mr. 
 .^ume, Mr. Roebuck, Mr. O'Connell, and 
 other Radicals, but as neither tho men nor 
 their principles have ever been authorities 
 with me, so I declino to adduce them as 
 such upon the present occasion : satisfied 
 as I am, that sufficient has been already 
 shown, to convmce every reasonable mind 
 that the present irresponsible system is the 
 fruitful parent of increased tax.atlon to tho 
 already over-taxed people of England. — 
 Nor can we hope by its continuance for 
 tlMl^liint dii9inut&S^n In this outrageous and 
 •j^lpU^VO* eiplibSiture — this fact we are 
 ^0k^fiiiM by" thoBc who are its warmest 
 
 and aUiMt advo(»at«s : as for exampio, in 
 the * Report oftho Select Committee of the 
 House of Assembly, on the state of the 
 Province,' drawn up by Mr. Henry Shor- 
 wood, Q. C. and adopted by tho House, 
 in the Session of 1837 and 8 ; the follow- 
 ing passage occurs. — ♦ Tho next sugges 
 
 * tion to which your Committee beg to 
 
 * draw the attention of your Hon. House, 
 
 * is the necessity (now too plainly obvious) 
 
 * of keeping up a respectable military force 
 
 * within both Provinces.' And again, the 
 sama demand is reiterated for continufjd 
 military occupation and expenditure, in tho 
 
 * Report of the Select Committee of tho 
 ' House of Assembly,' drawn up by Mr. 
 Hagerman, A. G. and adopted by fho 
 House, at the close of the last Session, 
 (1839) as the following passage will prove. 
 
 * Yo.ir Committee feel called upon to im- 
 
 * press upon your Hon. House tho neces- 
 
 * sity — a painful one it certainly is — of 
 
 * assuring our gracious Queen, that while 
 
 * her loyal subjects in these provinces, ac- 
 
 * knowledge with the deepest gratitude tho 
 
 * efficient protection extended to them, by 
 
 * the large military force that has been 
 
 * stationed in the country, they are bound 
 
 * to reiterate the opinion expressed in tho 
 « Report of your Hon. House of tho last 
 
 * Session ; that the continuance of this 
 < protection is essential to their future 
 
 * peace and safety.' 
 
 Thus, then, I trust I have shown, that 
 not only is the present irresponsible sys- 
 tem deeply injurious to England ; but that 
 it is proposed by its advocates, to render 
 that deep injury, a settled incubus upon 
 the mother country. Under such circum- 
 stances the plain question will naturally 
 strike the mind of every reflecting man, 
 can the continuance of such a system, 
 promote a lasting connexion with tho 
 ■ Parent State ; or can those who uphold 
 it, be considered as favourable to that 
 connexion ? Should they not rather be 
 viewed as its worst enemies, and as the 
 Traitors to British Supremacy in the Col- 
 onies ? Is it of any consequence to Eng- 
 land whether Mr. Chri«topher Hagerman, 
 or Mr. Robert Baldwin, is tho Attorney- 
 General of Upper Canada — whether Mr. 
 Henry Sherwood, or Mr. George Boswell, 
 is called UfK-n to discharge tho duties of 
 Queen's Counsel — whetlier Mr. Carf- 
 wright, or his partner, Mr. Armstrong, 
 fill a similar post— or whether the situa- 
 ticns held by Mr, John Joseph, Judge 
 
 . 1' JL 
 
Khci'wood, Judgd Junai, or Sir Allan 
 Macnab, were filled by gentlemen uncoii- 
 noctnd with what is popularly termed, the 
 •' Family Compact'?" 1 use the names of 
 these gentlemen, by way of illustration ; 
 and I again repeat that it can make no 
 dltrerenco to England, which class of 
 those persons, fill the public ollices in Up. 
 
 •Having thus siiown, that the Irrc^jpo^]- 
 sible system docs not benefit Enj^land ; 
 I now come to the consideration of tho 
 second h'.>ad, nunit^ly does it benefit Ca- 
 nada ? 
 
 To a resident of the province, it would 
 be scarcely necessary to put this interro- 
 gatory ; one view of the country would bo 
 
 Canada, provided the duties of tho ofiicea sufiicient to satisfy any observant mind, 
 nro discharged with integrity and ability. Y ot strangers might bo led to believe tlial 
 What iniorest then, can England have, to u country, where so manycstablishnionts 
 resist tho public wish ; or to keep any set nro upheld, and in the support of which, 
 of men in office, in opposition to the public England annually lavishes so many mil- 
 voice? And yet, the advocates of irres- lions, would surely possess, at least a 
 ponsibility, wish to make it appear, that degree of temporary contentment, pros- 
 upon tho perpetual continuance in office, perity & wealth ; .Ait unfortunately the sad 
 of jne particular set of men, depends the reality forces a contrary confession; in- 
 connexion with tho Mother Country ! — stead of havinff peace rnd tranquillity 
 Surely the futility of such an assum})tion tcUldn and receiving capital, cnterjM-isu 
 is obv ous to evjry man. Even the Hon. and emigration from without^ wo have 
 John Neilson, Editor of the Quebec Gaz- civil war and coniontion at home, Vrhile 
 cite, one of the most able antagonists of tlie miserable piitanee of capital, eniigra- 
 responsible government, in an elaborate tion or enterprise received from abroad, 
 article, published on the 15th July, 1809, wu have neither tho influence nor tho 
 honestly admits, that "it can be of no import moans to keep with us when they come. 
 »* to England, who are the men who hold Thus then we find, that this irresponsible 
 •* office in the province, provided they dis- system, instead of benefiting Canada ; 
 »* charge the duties of their office. She that it discourages the British population ; 
 ♦♦ spends more money in Upper Canada, that it inflames the Reformers; that it gives 
 " than all the Civil List amounts to, and a handle to domestic radicals and foreign 
 "it can be no great satisfaction to tho Hympathicers; that it satisfies nono but tho 
 *' the Queen's Secretary for the colonies, vile "Compact ;" that it taxes En/'land; 
 •' to be troubled with the quarrels of the impoverishes Canada, and benefits tne U. 
 ♦'colonies." To close this head of the States; into which country all our money 
 
 discussion, I would merely ask ; — Does 
 Great Britain desire to maintain tho con- 
 nexion, or does she not ? This is a car- 
 iMnal question. If tho answer is in the 
 jiffirmative, then I ask, in what way does 
 uhc desire to maintain it — with the con- 
 tent of the people, or by the sword ? If 
 with the consent of the people, then the 
 
 idtimatcly finds its way, never to return. 
 If any man of common observation, will 
 only divest himself of prejudice, and look 
 at the country from tho Eastern to its 
 Western extremity, ho cannot fail to be- 
 hold its fruilii, which the irresponsible tree 
 has produced. Independent of the deep- 
 est and bitterest party-strifo and animosity 
 
 v»'ishes of the people should be consulted, he cannot open his eyes without viewing 
 
 and persons enjoying their confidence deserted mansions ! uncultivated fields ! 
 
 should administerthe government. Thus a neglected harbours! half finished or half 
 
 reciprocity, between those governing and closed canals! miserable roads! depreciated 
 
 fliose governed would prevail and the mu- 
 tual tiev/ould be too strong and tooelastic. 
 
 property' a stagnant trade! a crippled 
 commerce ! a selfish and illiberal banking 
 cither to require military force to defend it system ! bayonets for Canada ! and taxes 
 or to be snapped by every hurricane, that for England to send them here ! a dimin- 
 faction and unprincipled men might at- ished revenue ! and an increasing debt ! — 
 tempt to raise, it is not necessary to ar- lie can see nothing of a prosperous, hcal- 
 guc the other alternative ; because it must thy or a thriving nature — his eyes only 
 bo obvious, that it is neitlier the interest, rest upon what has been described by Sir 
 ijor the principle of Britons, to enforce Francis Head, as "a land pf pcstilenj^ 
 llicir institutions with the sword, nor to and famine*' — "a gir(]k(|Jre»|. 
 trace the records of their benignant sway, drooping branches, tostS^aiiSiy , 
 in characters of blood. that its natural nouris!h|^ni|^^)t^|[^ 
 
 liboratcly 
 visit tho 
 ask ; wh! 
 vou desc 
 t dsj, vvh 
 f (Untry 
 your dill 
 parent st 
 would 
 could not 
 fess, thai 
 our dill 
 pure ; oi| 
 internal 
 plod; anc 
 we sprur 
 but that 
 " Stood a ll 
 If it i 
 our air o 
 or intellij 
 our mise 
 ing of o 
 responsil 
 scribed ? 
 called m 
 it down. 
 No ! eve 
 rather le 
 — every 
 every ar 
 tatod str 
 spurious 
 lop off t 
 been tor 
 symmetr 
 new life 
 which fc 
 and hea 
 peace a 
 follow. 
 
 1 trus 
 Canada i 
 of the in 
 it Can be 
 at this 1 
 have bee 
 hall, for 
 the Impr 
 or wheed 
 the part 
 fare. / 
 ing our 
 in the as 
 is there 
 blinded 
 who can 
 ms^in a 
 
liboratoly «ut olT." Sliould a it.angor 
 visit tho tlio l*j'Ovinc:o, ho woiil'i naturally 
 ask ; what has caused all tho uVi-icfy whioli 
 vou describe ; all tlio trair* of altniKhint 
 1 ils> which are but too nmnifost inyoir 
 r luntry ? Is your aoil iinprodLictivo ( 
 your climato co'.d and barron i Is tl.o 
 parent stem lUihoalthy ? And what ro|ily 
 would wo give to such quusiion 3 ? \\'u 
 could not iicgative them : wo should con- 
 fess, that our soil is rich and fertile ; that 
 our climate is wholesome ; our water.=3 
 pure; our mineral wealth abundant; our 
 internal water communications unexam- 
 pled; and that tho parent stem from whence 
 we sprung, is not only sound and healthy, 
 but that it has 
 
 "Stood a thousand yo.irs.tho battle nnJ tho Ijrcezc." 
 If it is nothing in ojir soil or climate ; 
 our air or water ; our industry, enterprise, 
 or intelligence ; what then can cause all 
 our misery and unhappincss, but the work- 
 ing of our colonial constitution ; the ir- 
 responsible tree, which I have before de- 
 scribed ? Shall then the Axe man ])Q 
 called m, and tho fatal order given — "cut 
 it down, why cumbcreth it the ground" ? 
 No ! every British manly feeling forbid it! 
 rather let every voice be loud in its favour 
 — every heart fortified for its defence — 
 every arm uplifted to ward off the medi- 
 tated stroke. Let the axe fall on the 
 spurious protuberance of irresponsibility: 
 lop off the unnatural swelling, that has 
 been too long permitted to destroy its 
 symmetry Sf draw oft' its sap — infuse tho 
 new life blood into the old channels from 
 which for a time it has been withdrawn ; 
 and health withi.i and beauty without ; 
 peace at homo and strength abroad, will 
 follow. 
 
 1 trust then, that I have shown, that 
 Canada is not benefited by a continuance 
 of the irresponsible system ; unless indeed 
 it Can be a benefit to us, to view ourselves 
 at this moment ; and to consider that we 
 have been for years, a sortof polilicaiybo/- 
 ball, for the two great parlies into which 
 the Imperial Parliament is divided, to kick 
 or wheedle at their pleasure, as it may suit 
 the party purposes of their political war- 
 fare. And what hope have we of better- 
 ing our condition, whatever party may be 
 in the ascendant at home ? Or what man 
 is there, not stultified by ignorance, or 
 Winded by the most criminal selfishness, 
 who can desire that we should longer re- 
 rnsjin a political play-toy for Mr. Christo- 
 
 pher TLigermun, and a luughiiij-altxik loi' 
 the infellignnt aud civili',;cd woild ' Tho 
 hingungf may be tcM'nKMl strong, but is it 
 nittru(!? and wliat truo-hearlrd loyalist, 
 rir lover of his country can avoid it ; when 
 ho beholds " the most dospisnd mt'ti iu 
 Upper Canada,'' us if in mockery o' tho 
 jHiblio voI;:e, not only coiillnui d iu oflico, 
 iujt rcfjronco madi; to him, and hU advico 
 and couiiud gMUM'ally asked! Should 
 furthrr iuff.rnintion bo d(.'sirod, as to tho 
 nctu;il coudilicni, to wliioh irrcsponsiblo 
 govcrniiiont has reduced Upper Canada ; I 
 know no docimKiUt, in which it is more 
 truly find faitlifullv described, than In his 
 Excellency Sir Cleorge Arthur's desj)atclii 
 to [jord Glcnclg : and to that docum'nt, 
 full of descriptive truth, I bog rcspcctijlly 
 to refer. 
 
 1 am to consider, thirdly ; what were 
 its efiects in the Old Colonics ] 
 
 To view the clFects of tho irrcsponsibio 
 system in the Okl Colonies, and to see 
 what it has brought about, ono has only 
 to turn to their library, and open the first 
 history of those colonies and plantations 
 upon which the hand is laid, and in almost 
 every page, we trace the baneful efiects 
 of this anti-BrilisIi and rebellious system. 
 Inuoed the annals of our parent country 
 abundantly prove that the Anglo-saxon 
 race, would not long sufler tho govern- 
 ment of an irresponsible power. Franco 
 has very recently demonstrated the same 
 imperishable truism, and even the United 
 States, men of our own blood, c^' children of 
 our own parents, have brought homo tho 
 samo fact, and deposited it at our very 
 doors ! Nay, more, does not the past 
 history and present condition of our colo- 
 nial possessions on this continent, estab- 
 lish the samo fact ? Do we not see Up. 
 and Lower Canada ; Nova Scotia and 
 Prince Edward's Island ; N jwfoundland, 
 and Cape Breton ; all " hungering and 
 thirsting," for local responsibility ; and 
 all declaring, in language not to be mis- 
 understood that without it, they can hope 
 Cor no peace, no prosperity ? Have wo 
 not beheld the same system, produce the 
 snme fruit in New Brunswick, until the 
 administration of Sir John Harvey, when 
 in an hour of threatened invasion and 
 emergency the responsible system was 
 conceded to that colony ; and since the 
 concession, what people have been more 
 united ; what Governor more popular ; or 
 what province more truly British ? Why 
 
 I!; 
 
 It 
 
tluHi siioukl wo bo dubari'od of the same 
 privilegos, enjoyed by us when by our 
 nativo iiro-sides, in old England ; and by 
 our fellow-colonlats in tlifs loyal and fldii- 
 risbing province of Now Hrunswick ? All 
 history, as well human us divine goes to 
 provo that without peace there can bo no 
 jirosperify, contentment, being the founda- 
 tion of all prosperity. A family, n church, 
 a society, or a nation, at war with itself, 
 instead of enjoying prosperity, wastes its 
 resources, enervates its strength r^nd falls 
 into rapid decay — " a house divided against 
 itself cannot stand." Lot us then have the 
 benefits and blessings of peace, by local 
 self-government and security, and suflfur 
 us no longer to bo repining in disfrust and 
 dissalisjaclion, lest those may lead to a 
 bitterer and more hostile feeling than at 
 present exists. It is worthy of remark, 
 that those of the old colonics which had 
 the freest constitutions, remained the most 
 loyal. Those in which the Crown retained 
 the most power in its own hands, were the 
 first to reb«I ; while those that had extend- 
 ed to them, the principle of even a partial 
 responsibility, remained firm in their duly 
 and allegiance, and were only torn from 
 the parent stato, by the ' pressure from 
 without :'* and even many of them (Rbodo 
 Island for example) retain to this day, tho 
 Royal Charter, with slight modifications! 
 as their constitution. It has been well and 
 truly said, by an able and distinguished 
 writer in the St. Catharines .Journal, that 
 the present State of New- York, was once 
 tho Colony of New-York ; so it was ; — 
 there too, the "Glorious Flag" of Great 
 Britain unfortunately protected a once 
 proud and local " compact :" there, for 
 many years, did a patient and loyal people 
 pray for a redress of grievances : long and 
 earnestly did ihey remonstrate against the 
 irresponsible powers assumed by the do- 
 mestic " compact :" but unluckily their 
 complaints were unattended to, and what 
 was the result % Where British laws might 
 have been administered with British jus- 
 tice; where British power might havo 
 protected millions of happy and loyal Bri- 
 tons, content with the enjoyment of British 
 constitutional liberty! and where the time 
 honoured and glorious Red Cross of St. 
 George might still have waved victorious, 
 now floats in triumph the * Stars ^ Stripes' 
 of a new & rival power. Such were its ef- 
 fects in the old colonies, and such must be 
 its effects here if persisted in. Let the 
 
 pcoplo of UppQr Canada th«» who ard 
 loyal and true at heart, implore a benefi- 
 cent ProTidcnce, to rouchiafe to them, a 
 speedy and safo doiiverance from the like 
 perils. Lot them ''struggle zealously and 
 earnestly" for British responsibility, and 
 with it an *• eternal connexion" with the 
 British Empire. 
 
 I am now to consider is colonial rotpon- 
 sibility consistent with the Constitution ? — 
 By tho constitutional act, Slst of George 
 III, wo are allowed to have a council * for 
 ihe ajfairs of the Province," not for any 
 particular or special afTair, but the affairs. 
 Had tho act said, for its decision on a Mi- 
 litia claim or a U. E. right, or any other 
 special, or express matter, tho power of 
 the council, its duties and prerogatives, 
 might be said to bo defined and limited by 
 law ; but when * the affairs of the province* 
 ore expressly slated, to be within the duty 
 of the Council, then there can be no room 
 for cavil, or doubt, ns to its extent, or 
 limitation — all things that can, with pro- 
 priety, bo termed 'the affairs of the Pro- 
 vince,' a re clearly and by the express letter 
 of the constitution, within tho sphere of 
 its action ; while all things foreign to *tho 
 affairs of tho Province,' are foreign to tho 
 duty of the council. This is the plain and 
 obvious reading of the constitution itself. 
 Independent of tho letter of the constitu- 
 tional act, tho spirit of all free govern- 
 ments is on tho same side. To a clear and 
 observant mind ; indeed to any persont at 
 all acquainted with history, it must be ob- 
 vious, that in no free country can govern- 
 ment, be conducted, either with advantage 
 or satisfaction, if opposed in its important 
 measures, by the people, In many mat- 
 ters, tho servants of the crown may be, 
 and indeed often are in a minority in tho le- 
 gislature, without any serious interruption 
 to the general harmony ensuing but when 
 the legislative and executive powers meet 
 in hostile array, upon any cardinal questi- 
 on, it is plain that ono party or the other 
 must recede, or tho general tranquillity 6s 
 safety will be jeopardised. But although 
 I give it as my opinion that in such a case, 
 the advisers of the Governor should give 
 way ; still I am far from supposing that 
 the representatives of tho people, as 
 well as their rulers, may not err — they 
 may come to hasty and erroneous conclu- 
 sions, and arrive at doctrines which if 
 carried out, would sap the foundation '"f 
 the very constitution itself. In such « 
 
 
 ,>l»nd 
 •precis 
 Govern 
 aolemn 
 terfwei 
 be is8U( 
 Colonia 
 would ii 
 road at 
 service, 
 situatior 
 whom a 
 accordiL 
 wo are 
 form of 
 
lich 
 
 if 
 
 ition 
 
 -f 1 
 
 such 
 
 
 oaao ilwouU bo the duty of ihu council , 
 ilMtead of receding fi'otn tho Governor unJ 
 withdrawing from iiia confKlonco u> remain 
 firm in their course, unil adviao an 
 immediate appeal to the people hy a disso- 
 lution of tho Assembly, within a reasona- 
 ble time ; should tho people support the 
 views of tho council, well and good ; if 
 otherwise the provincial judgment would 
 have been clearly pronounced, and it 
 could not conduce to tho public weal, that 
 the council should longer continue in tho 
 
 fublic service. Ever since the days of tho 
 mmortal Prince of Orange, when the li- 
 berties of tho people were fixed on a secure 
 and imperishable foundation, this practico 
 has prevailed in England, and when it is 
 constitutional and conservative there, why 
 should we not enjoy it here ? Tho single 
 exception may l>e taken to 178G, when Mr. 
 Pitt did not retire from tho public service 
 although a largo majority of tho House of 
 Commons, were opposed to him ; he was 
 moreover supported by tho Lords and by 
 the Sovereign, «& he eventually succeeded. 
 'Such doctrines are however, exploded in 
 these days. In 1829, the Duke of Wel- 
 lington and Sir R. Peel, gave up their op- 
 position to * Catholic Emancipation,' bc- 
 |:auso the commons had so frequently 
 declared for it. And again in 1835, both 
 thow eminent statesmen, retired from the 
 CiAniet) after many unsuccessful attempts 
 to Mcapb a majority in the commons. Tho 
 vftrv nature of a free constitution, ncces- 
 '•ily inirolves responsibility without which 
 ^oiple, the name is but a mockery. If 
 * ia to bo no diredt and immediate ac- 
 ibiUty within the colony, it is absurd 
 of a colonial administration ; better 
 ^ repeal the constitution at once, 
 Mr. Stephen, or whatever other 
 ^^n writes the colonial despatches, 
 ^^drad out the orders of his master, with 
 ^l^recise imtructions' to the Lieutenant 
 Grovernor to enforce them, without the 
 soiemn farce of a nominal legislative in- 
 teifwence— let the • precise instructions' 
 bo issued from Downing Street to each 
 Colonial Governor ; just as an 'order' 
 would issue from the Horse Guards to bo 
 road at the head of every regiment in tho 
 service. We should then know our exact 
 situation and form of government, and by 
 whom administered, and govern ourselves 
 accordingly ; — but if, on the other hand, 
 wo are to have a free and representative 
 form of government, let us have that local 
 
 indcpendenoe and rospoutiibiiity which tts 
 spirit guarantees — lot us not bo mocked 
 with the name deprived of its reality ; tho 
 name without tho gain. I do not aak to in- 
 troduc this principle into tho working of 
 our colonial government, as ' tho device of 
 a ciintting man ;' as an unpractical theory 
 duiibtrul in its results and consequonccb. 
 I'oth systctnf^, the responsible and irrcs- 
 })onsiblo, have been tried ; the former in 
 England, liio latter in Canada ; one has 
 succeeded, the other has failed ; one has 
 produced charity, power and wealth, tho 
 other sanguinary strife, weakness and j j- 
 verty ; ono has stood tho test of nges, tho 
 other cannot stand a century. But view- 
 ing the matter even as a mere experiment, 
 its trial is perfectly safe, because if ('as is 
 contended by its adversaries) it would 
 lead to separation from the mother coun- 
 try, the moment such an attempt would 
 bo made by a colonial cabinet, the British 
 Government would possess the same pow- 
 er to crush it that it possesses at present. 
 Tho experiment (H' experiment it can 
 properly bo called,^ would not weaken or 
 diminish British supremacy in tho colony, 
 wrest a single fortress from its grasp, a 
 heart from its allegiance, or a bayonet 
 from its defence. It would be as free and 
 as powerful to crush rebellion then, as it 
 is now. The only diflerence, it seems to 
 me, which the introduction of the British 
 principle, into the practical administration 
 of our colonial government, would effect, 
 would be this. It would place the Execu- 
 tive government of the provmce, at the 
 Jiead of public opinion, instead of leaving 
 it at the tail. It would station a steady, 
 vigilant and constitutional pilot, at tho 
 helm of public sentiment, directing tho 
 various adverse winds and currents by 
 which it is continually assailed into safe 
 and legitimate channels ; instead of, as at 
 present, placing itself in direct opposition 
 to that sentiment, blocking up the currents 
 and concentrating the floods, until at 
 length they resist all barriers, and burst 
 forth with overwhelming violence, against 
 all impediments and opposition. 
 
 In New Brunswick, the late Governor 
 Sir Archibald Campbell, refused to com- 
 ply with the wishes of the Assembly, 
 which body declared that they wanted se- 
 veral reforms, and had no confidence in 
 the Governor's advisers to carry them 
 through. Sir Archibald dissolved the As- 
 sembly and appealed to the people ; they 
 
 tl,: 
 
8 
 •oiificnifil ihe tj|i'mi(jn «;xprelicil hy lliuir 
 ro()roscritiitivr:j, iiiuJ ugniri tclurmul llicm 
 fo Parliiiiiiciil ; tlio new Iloutc srnl homo 
 Mosars. Cnmu iiial W'ilinot, as duN'^'utcs 
 Id till! Cohm'uil n!il( o : wliiit. wn.s tlio ro- 
 sult I yir Aicli!l);ilJ Ciitii|)I)cll was it;- 
 rallml ; Sii- JdIih lliirvry was a))j)(/uiti?(.l ; 
 lio chose for liid CiMiiail, muii who accur- 
 (ul ii trmjority in ihohjcal I'ai liaincnt ; uikI 
 fiuru ihat dny to this, that (wcelk'iit and 
 |)o-)iihtr Governor, Sir John Harvey, ruh-a 
 the Province in peace, liarmony, loyahy 
 and prosperity. Wlial other principh', 
 then, had redponsiiile govcrntiient Intro- 
 •luccd, hut a change of men, luid with 
 thcin, some nceesauiy locul rcj'orins ? AikI 
 if so, \vc surely cannot suppose that the 
 holding of the olllco of Attorney or Soli- 
 citor CJencral, of Queen's Counsel, Tnspoc- 
 for, or Receiver General, or any similar 
 apj)ointmoiit, by A. ]>. or C'. or Ity X. Y. 
 or Z. can load to ot brinp; ahout scpuratiun. 
 Lot us then have rcspr)n.si])le government 
 in U[»per Canada, as our ffHow-colonisia 
 have in New JirunswieU ; and instead of 
 having hundreds of traitors to contend 
 witii at homo, and hundredd of syn)pathi- 
 sors to lepel from abroad, wo shall bo 
 ns loyal a people as the gallant New I'luns- 
 Nvickers; and following their noble c.sarn- 
 ple, wo shall freely oiler our men and our 
 money, to the neighboring colonies, should 
 they need our assistance. Say then Uri- 
 tons of Upper Canada, sh'dl we continue 
 this little mound of partition, which a self 
 interested 'Compact' has erected between 
 ouraelves and the glorious constitution of 
 our mother country, or shall we come out 
 boldly, as Britons & loyal subjects should 
 do, to level it with the dust, and to erect 
 upon 'ts foundation, the Pillar of ]>rilish 
 Liberty, with the Flag of the constitution 
 floating from its loftiest lower % 
 
 My fifth proposition is to con^'idor whe- 
 ther Colonial responsibility, is a British, 
 or an American custom. 
 
 There can be no person acquainted with 
 English annals, who will deny that res- 
 ponsibility — immediate, direct and une- 
 quivocal — in every department of the Ex- 
 ecutive governinent, is a "part & parcel" 
 of the Constitution itself — that it is so in- 
 terwoven with the customs and practices 
 of Britain, as to be considered the modern 
 Magna Charta of the Parliament of the 
 Empire. Responsibility on the part of the 
 Executive to the people's representatives, 
 is characteristic of the British name — it is 
 
 blended with ihc vory i.aturc of her poU 
 licul institutions ; and it is tho most dittin* 
 giiishing and protnini'tit |irinciplu of the 
 compact between the Britihh Sovereign h 
 tho Jiriti:ih I'e( pU- — it is written us clear 
 11,1 with u sunbeam, in every page of her 
 h^gislulivo hibtory. In the mother country 
 W(! behold her INIajesty so fur consultmg 
 tlu! wishes of the pe<;ple, os to continue 
 nf) IMiiiibtcr in Dlllce, no matter how pow- 
 eri'ul by connexion, or how great or varied 
 may be his talents, except he possess tho 
 oonlitlenctj of iIkj nation, as expressed 
 through its representatives in Parliament ; 
 w hile here, on the otiier hand, we behold 
 that Sovereign's deputy, continuing his 
 Advisers in ollice, w hciher thi-y [)os8eas 
 the conlidi'iico of tho people or not! — 
 Hero then, is tho great tlislmclion and thy 
 true source (-f all our didictdties. Tho 
 Sovereign in England, administers tho 
 Constitution according (a Jiritish princi' 
 p/rs ; while the CJovernor in Canada, ad» 
 ministers u, uccnriliv^ to American prac- 
 tice. The Queen's depn'y is allowed to 
 do more in the capital of Canada than the 
 (^ueon herself can do in the capital of 
 ]'Jngland, the very heart of her Empire! 
 Jle may act as u powerful and coloniuUy 
 irresponsible despot, while She must adt 
 as a Constitutional and limited Monarckl 
 In Er.gland, the government mustbottt*^ 
 ried on, wiili the approbation of Paalifr 
 ment; here it may be conducUd in dfl^ 
 ance of it ! Surely then there it noihK^ 
 of British practice, British principle,' 
 British feeling, in such a coucve. f 
 quite unnecessary that I should lo«d'' 
 few pages with quotations from.' 
 stone, or from any of the moderp 
 lary works of eminent Englirf. 
 the principle and practice at home, . 
 well known to be doubted or questiotw 
 But if any thing were needed lobriog djil 
 practice down to the very latest date, waiA 
 from the very highest authority, wb«t de 
 recent events open to our view ? Do^'V 
 not read that in Er^land even His Grace 
 the Duke of Wellington and Sir Robert 
 Peel, tho highest " tory" and *'preroga- 
 tivo" statesmen of modern times, actually 
 declare that the Queen's confidential advi- 
 sers aro responsible to Parliament, even 
 for the very Household apfoiniments ; aye 
 even down to her Majesty's waiting maids. 
 Yet, here forsooth, we can have no parli- 
 amentary i-esponsibility. even for the high- 
 est and most impoivai •^ offices in the colo- 
 
 i 
 
 jire/oi'.it 
 ted : it i 
 a Ijo.ve 
 
 '1. 
 

 ny. Ilow can nk.'n \viit> uphuUl sucli ix 
 iiysLPin, Buy tbcy aro J^ritons 'tt hoait, fool- 
 in;^ and prRctico 1 ^^()sl ufaurodly fhny 
 cannot. AliJiouj^li iho IJi-itisli constitution 
 is not a body of written lau\ us ours \n ; 
 vol, i'. is as cU-iir, as simple, as nol)l(.', and 
 Its dcliiiL'd, us tlial portion of it, wliicli is 
 written in ilio pii!^f)s of IMiiguu Clmrlu. — 
 ]t is u stn()ondous coliuan, (erected alter 
 !i)]fes of o.\j)Cirien<',o ; cndearod to the liearts 
 of the peoph) of Knjjlund, hy the loil and 
 blood which cemented it ; und us visible 
 to their ' mind's eye,* as were tlie Pyra- 
 mids of the Pbaroahs to the optics of an 
 li^^ypliiin. It is a conipcnilinni of laws 
 all I customs, of practices and usages, of 
 ](rci"oi\i fives ndmitt(;d,of concns.:ions gran- 
 ted : it i>! a I'biono erected by Iveason ; 
 a []() .ve; where Liberty delip,hl3 to dwell : 
 it is not porfuir.cd ))y aonuals that bloom 
 only for a sea..-;on, nor adorned by tinsel to 
 capllvalo ihc eye ; it.-i odour and its orna- 
 ments emanate from that Divine JJeing, 
 whose blessings it supplicates; wlioso 
 protection it has exporienced ; nmy truly 
 ])i) compared to the ' Table of the liaw,' 
 traced by an invisible finger upon the heart 
 of England y the Ibunlain to \vhicli llio 
 thirsty and oppressed Englishman flies fur 
 relief; the Jdount Sinai of a I>riton. 
 
 " Pfi/.o it yo Miuinlorq ; 30 Monar'.'hfl spnro, 
 " Y«i rutriola {Tiiaril it v.itli a JNIisor'a rare." 
 
 An irresponsibly administered govern- 
 ruent, instead of bcin'' allied to raiy thim? 
 '»i;Ui8h, in name, nature, or practice; is 
 •»08t con6j)icuous feature of a Dcino- 
 ,it is a Democrat by biith ; in prin- 
 ts fallacious; in practice, it is re- 
 'md yaukce ; since the glorious 
 % great & good King \Villlam,' 
 !qi.od any part of the open, 
 .d " be jast und fear not" cou- 
 ^4 a true Jjrilon, who, instead of eva- 
 iig direct, immediate & j^rcsent accoun- 
 ability, is proud of it; solicits a scrutiny 
 ito all Ills actions ; and stands with clean 
 ^ands and an open heart, responsible to 
 ills God, to his sovereign and to his coun- 
 try. The irresponsible system is tint of 
 secrecy and the ballot ; its foundation if 
 deceit its prmciple is distrust it is protect- 
 ed by secrecy : it discards allection and 
 conlidcnce : sets at naught the natural 
 and consttutional fealty of the people and 
 car. onl^' bo preserved in the ascendant — 
 at the bayonet's point or the cannon's 
 mouth — I: is the dear bought and ill be- 
 stowe<l gift, which costs the heavily taxed 
 
 B 
 
 people <A Eii^k'ul tJirociiHUicns uuuiiulh\ 
 which lines tiro pockets of the few in Up. 
 Canada, but iinjwvorislios the matij — it is 
 but n polished counterfeit, whii'h a few 
 yours currency, will «irip of its tmscl 
 gli'SJ, or a i';w \vRva disuse, corrode and 
 rot. Under its fair but fallacious fucr, lis 
 garb of \\ lilto, but its heart of saljlc — CJcn. 
 Jackson, wluui Pn'sidenf, put the b'glsln. 
 tlvo cnactUHMits in his ])ocUct; turned his 
 back upon the public will, and his heel 
 upon tlio publl': neck. Under tho Biinie 
 irresponsible clouk, did Go\ernor Rltncr, 
 of i\!nnsylvania, follow t'lo example of 
 the President to an almost alarmmg extent. 
 Nor did tho latter I'resident himself, con- 
 fnio his despotic und irresponsible power.s 
 to the cari'ylng away of tho public bills ; 
 but extended it to the appointment of Am- 
 bassadors to foreign courts, not only with- 
 out the consent of ('ongress but even 
 ugainst its ex])reilB('d wishes. Yet are v\ e 
 told tint the United States is a responsible 
 form of govertiment; and tho great num- 
 ber of murders and the great laxity of law 
 are consttintly appealed to, to show how 
 badly it works and how numerous are tho 
 evils it entails on society I If there is any 
 responsibility it is not founded on the />/*/- 
 iis/i priiicip/e c»i the Uritisk practice ; but 
 afur the fashion of republicanism ; which, 
 it would seem, affords rather a nominal, 
 than a real rcspon-^ibility ; as a thousand 
 acts have amply d-'mohstrated. 1 have 
 already (juoted a few jjrominent instances 
 during tho administration of President 
 Jackson, and GovcrnoV Ritncr ; but I li nd 
 the same principle fully ca riled out, by 
 the present President, IMr. Van Buren ; 
 ibr example, — (and jierhaps a contrast 
 would be the best example) — upon a men^ 
 question of colonial policy, tho British 
 Ministry v/ent out of office, having only a 
 bare majority oi five to support them, in 
 tho House of Commons, last May ; and 
 this on tho Jamaica (paestion : while in the 
 " great Republic" we have seen measures 
 come directly from the President and his 
 Cabinet, fivie times in succession rejectee 
 hii Congress J and yet, both President and 
 Cabinet keep their places. Now, here 
 then, we have the contrast — in Britain 
 direct and immediate responsibility — in 
 the United States, dogged and unac- 
 countable chicanery. Still we are rcforrc<l 
 to tho United States, as a responsible form 
 of Government ! ! ! Surely the enemio,3 
 of domestic responsibility, must be hard* 
 
10 
 
 driven Wi'-a'ii tlipy resort to 3i3,c}i aTi artificr 
 to (Icrcivc its supportora : but the 'obwch 
 is too thin to cheat ovon a school-boy. — 
 Those wlip support British rosponsilnlity, 
 or British princi[)lc3, and in a J->ritish col- 
 ony, look to Britain and to Britnin only, 
 for tlio workings of the systum — lot thoso 
 v.-ho desire potty tyranny, and star cham- 
 ber responsibility, look to tho U. States 
 lor examples; thoso who desire British 
 responsibilityiiavo no occason to go abroad 
 to look for examples. An irresponsible 
 colonial government, is but another namo 
 for a Roman Pro-Consulate — it may suit 
 the capacity of a minor, as milk will tho 
 stomach of an infant; maturity requires 
 meat as well as milk ; and no Proconsu- 
 lar form of government can be permanent 
 where the stream of domestic responsi- 
 bility, does not supply thn milk that nou- 
 rishes and tho meat tliat strengthens to 
 maturity, p.nd gives to tfianhood its life, 
 vicrnur and elasLicitv, 
 
 i*,lv sixlu proposition i.-^, nro tho people 
 of Upper Canada deserving of the benefits 
 of its introiluction i 
 
 Under this head, [ would remark, that in 
 tliis colony, as well as in all others, there 
 nro religious, local, political and party dif- 
 ieronces : in fact, I view them as csscnlial 
 to the purity of the community, and to tho 
 stability, if not the existence, of all free 
 governments — they arc inseparable from 
 the varied and cvor varying opinions of 
 man ; they will find life and form, as long 
 as our fallen nature has an existence. In 
 England, we find the greatest jealousy of, 
 and opposition to, the great contending par- 
 ties ; but tlieref there is no treason against 
 the state : but simply ^Vhigs against To- 
 ries ; Ministers againsv Oppositionists; or, 
 in other words, the Ins against the Outs^ 
 and vice versa. Hero, every man, no mat- 
 tor how loyal, who asks for the introduc- 
 tion of the British principle of responsibi- 
 lity, in tho administration of the colonial 
 government, is denounced as a rebel and 
 traitor to his country ! It is in vain to 
 urge that through his whole life he has 
 been a devoted loyalist; that through tho 
 partial insurrections and invasions of 1837, 
 1838, nnd 1839, he rushed to the post of 
 danger, and volunteered to expose his body 
 to every passing bullet ; nay, even the 
 wounds upon his own body, received in 
 his country's defence, are not sufficiout to 
 screen him from the malignant opposition 
 of antagonists, or to husU to siloncc the 
 
 calumny, of tho &ccrot and irrcsponslblo 
 enemy. These observations I regret to 
 say, not only apply to myself individually, 
 but arc also continually applied to all thoso 
 v/lio support tho same principles ! As np- 
 ])licd to myself, I care nothing about them; 
 tiio whole history of my political life, and 
 the evidence which I always carry about 
 my person, nro tho best answers I could 
 give to such calumnies ; but v.s applied la 
 the great bulk of the people, I woidd sny, 
 they are either true or false — thoso who 
 titter them, may take cither horns of tho 
 dilmma. If true, then it demonstrates a 
 very unwholesome state of society, and 
 one that ought not to be allowed to conti- 
 nue : if false, it ought never again to bo 
 repeated ; but to bo r.t onco and for 
 ever abandoned. No country can prosper 
 where ui.slryalty is allowed to flourish ; 
 tno utmost latitude should bo given to n 
 conscientious diirorcnco of opinion in all 
 matter's whether religious or political ; but 
 ail cau'3cs for treason and disloyalty ought 
 to be immediately removed — this I appre- 
 hend is the true science of government, 
 and without its application no country can 
 prosper. Governor Simcoc, the first Re- 
 presentative of Majesty in Upper Canada, 
 old tho assembled representatives of tho 
 people, in their first Parliament, that ours 
 was tho '* very imago and transcript" of 
 tho constitution of the mothdr-country.' — 
 Well do tho groat bulk of tho peopio of 
 Upper Canada deserve that free and glof^ 
 ous constitution, and rationally and r " 
 have they defended it. Though oncr^ 
 lution had torn from tho ancestors^ 
 of them, all their earthly possesr' 
 ti;c homes of their fathers ; and 
 dread of another stared them X. 
 yet, was not tho altar of Britisu 
 prostrated in their hearts — the procW^ 
 tions of Hull, and the multitudes of WiM 
 kinson, wero not able to allure their aHe- 
 giancc, or damp their valour — the intern^ 
 treason of Mackenzie, Duncombo & Phil 
 lips ; and the external throats and pro- 
 mises of Sutherland, Van Ranssclaer andj 
 Von Shoultz, foil alike still born, lifclesFJ 
 and sterile, on their manly hearts. And 
 are not the Emigrant llrilons, as well as 
 thoso who forfeited their all, rather than 
 their connexion with Britain, and who 
 liO' od foreign foes and domestic traitors, 
 ;n perpetuation of that connexion, onlitlcd 
 to some rcf^pcct? Do they not dcscrvo 
 all tho rights of tUo Empire, for the integi 
 
■I 
 
 11 
 
 * blessed not with a mutilated Constiia- 
 
 * tion, but Willi n Constitution which lia.s 
 
 ! 
 
 v'lty of which tliey have so nobly, so suc- 
 cessfully strugglnd ? Lot the man who will 
 deny to such a people, the common rights • stood the test of oxporicncc, and is the 
 oC their fellow-subjects in Britain, stand ♦ image Sf transcript of ihtxt of Great Dri- 
 forth before the people of Upper Canada, tain." Nor was the promise left unde- 
 ararrt art* for the public gaze and the pub- mandcd. In the days of Mr. Justice 
 lie scorn. But why need 1 write upon such Thorp, it was amply discussed, and ioud- 
 a subject; it is only necessary to refer to ly demanded. In IS/S, ('eleven years **- 
 any of the numerous despatches of Sir ago,) the lion. Roberr Baldwin, brought ' 
 John Colborno, Sir Francis Head, or Sir the subject prominently forward, in his 
 George Arthur, to establish the ♦ devoted,' address to llie electors of the Town of 
 * generous' and * enthusiastic' loyalty, of York, ('now the City of Tororto.) In the 
 this * noble British l*rovince." same year it was introduced into an ad- 
 Having shown that the 'j-osponsible dress to the Throne, adopted at a public 
 system, inflicts deep injury upon both Meeting, held in the capital of the Prov- 
 Dritain and Canada — that it produces the inco ; of which William Warren Bald- 
 samo effects here that attended it in the win Esquire, was Chairman ; and the 
 Old Colonies — that domestic responsibili- present Lord Stanley, in his reply to Doc- 
 ty is perfectly consistent with the consti- tor Baldwin, not only declared that the 
 tution — that it is a British not an American supplies might bo stopped, if a really /es- 
 custom — and that the people of Upper ponsiblo charactf^r should not be given to 
 Canada, are eminently entitled to its in- tlio Executive Council," but also made 
 troduction — I now proceed to enquire, in use of the {bllowing words. •* I do how- 
 the seventh place what has been its ever think, that some thing might be dono 
 origin and progress in the Colony. with great advantage to give a really res- 
 The system of domestic rc?5ponsibil- lionsiblediaractertotke'JBxecutive Coxmcil 
 ity on domestic questions as in England ; which at present, is a perfectly anomalou?) 
 has been termed the child of Rolph, Mac- body hardly recognized by the constitution 
 kenzio &i Co., but such is not the fact. In and elTective chiefly as a sourco of patron- 
 J'lngland, it is as old as the Revolution 5 ago." In the following year ('1829) the 
 v/hile hero it has been cither promised, or subject was again introduced, in the reply 
 demanded, since the first days of the of the House of Assembly to the speech 
 
 Constitution, down to the present hour, 
 as I shall presently prove. Governor 
 Simcoe in his opening speech at the first 
 session, of the first Provincial Parliament 
 of Upper Canada, promised to the inhab- 
 itants, the introduction of this vital prin- 
 ciple of the Constitution, in the following 
 unequivocal and emphatic words. " I 
 ' have summoned you together, under the 
 ' authority of an Act of the Parliament of 
 ' Great Britain, passed last year ; which 
 
 * has established the British Constitution, 
 ' and all the forms ivhich secure andmain- 
 
 * fain it^ in this distant Colony." And again 
 it) his closing si)eech, of the same Session, 
 ho not only reiterated the same scnli- 
 monls ; but in the most emphatic manner, 
 1/3 requested the tcpresentativos of the 
 People, to explain to their constituents. 
 
 from the Throne, made by Sir John 
 Colborne. In the next Parliament (which 
 was a Conservative one,J the samo 
 principle was insisted upon, as the follow- 
 ing extract from the Journals will prove. 
 " We cannot think it was intended, (by 
 
 * the constitutional act,J to give a power of 
 ' interference with our internal affairs : a- 
 
 * gainst :uch an interference, we respect- 
 ' fully, but plainly protest, as inconsistent 
 'with those sacred principles, which aro 
 'essential to a f'ec government: since it 
 *is manifest that if your Majesty's Minis. 
 ' ters, at a distance of more than four thou- 
 ' sand miles, and not at all controllable hy, 
 *■ or account alle to, your Majesty's subjects 
 
 * here and possessing nccessaril}' a slight & 
 ' imperfect knowledge of the circumstan- 
 
 * CCS of the country : the wants and habits 
 
 ihat it was not the piebald, mutilated sys- * and feelings of the inhabitants, and the 
 
 tern of irresponsibility, by wh.ch they 
 
 were to bo governed, but by the pure 
 
 forms and practices of the Parliament of 
 
 Great Britain. His words arc ♦* At this 
 
 juncture, I particularly recommend to you, 
 
 to explain that this province is singularly 
 
 ' mode of transacting business amongst U3, 
 ' can dictate a different course, in relation, 
 ' to measures effecting ourselves only, 
 
 Fr.OM THAT WHICH THB PeOPI.E nv TIIFIIl 
 
 RErKEi-ENTATiVEs, ond with the concur- 
 rcncf >*'the other branches of the Provin- 
 

 12 
 
 cial Legislature have cliosen, wc are rc- were prepared to unsay and lo undo, all 
 
 duced to a state of mere dependence upon they had done the day before ! Alas, foi 
 
 tho will and pleasure ofa ministry thataro our fallen nature, that one man could so 
 
 irresponsible to us, and beyond the reach soon influence so many of one species tc 
 
 and operation of ihe public opinion of the act contrary to the course they had so lone 
 
 Province." The stoutest and ablest and so deliberately considered to be right 1 
 
 advocates, for responsible Gcvcrnmcnt Surely when wo have it recorded that sucl 
 
 never asked for more than is contended men as Sir Allan Macnab, Judge McLear. 
 
 for in this address , and the rcmalndur of and Mr. Hagerman, deliberataly declarec 
 
 the same document, is couched in language that ♦• a responsible Executive Council was 
 
 fully as strong 'nd decided, aa the para- one of the happiest features in our consti- 
 
 graph I have quoted ; yet it was supported tution," there &ha be little of either prin- 
 
 by every Member then in tho House; ex- ciple, consistency or truth, in jtho:.so v^hc 
 
 cept one fMr. Jesse Kttchum,) and in the charge tho advocates of the same princi 
 
 numb«;r of its advocates, I find recorded, pic, with being rebelfi and traitors, foi 
 
 the names of Sir Allan IMcNab, tho Hon- supporting it ! Nor, had I room or lime, 
 
 arables James Crooks, Alexander Fraser, should I desire to stop here ; I cou!cl show 
 
 William Morris, Pliilip Van Koughnett, that tho authority of almost all public mer 
 
 and John Wilson, as well as Joiirtecn of in the province has been at times exercis 
 
 thehiffhcst Tory Members in the House cd, in favor of this vital conrjitutional iv'm 
 
 of Asscnibiy. Vide Commons Journals ciple. In tho f^imous Report upon tin 
 
 183V and 8. Page 141, 
 
 And again in tho 2d Session of tho 12th 
 rarliamcnt, the same priuciplc was again 
 
 State of til'' Province, drawn up by Mr 
 Hagerman, signed by a majority, if no 
 by all, of tho member;? ; and afterward; 
 
 insifctod upon and adopted, with the dis- adopted by a vote of the whole House, (th( 
 agnling voices of Messrs. V.ov'^l .•■. -nd Mul- present Parliament of Sir Francis Head, 
 loch alone ; as the following resolution of n-^ it has been called.) we arc told, " Tha 
 
 the people are intelligent ns well as patri 
 otic, and when left to themselves, ii 
 tlie free exercise of their constitutioila 
 rights, they have ever proved able to cqjpli 
 l/w. nccessarij rcm<\hi to any attempt t( 
 oppress nr rnisload I licm." Tiiis is exacLb 
 the princiijlo of responsibility, nnci itianl 
 that tho warmest Briton contend.^ t\)r, o 
 can desire, if the intelligence and \wU''\ 
 
 otism of the people is such, as is hero dd 
 
 thero being 55 present, of which number scribed, why not allow them " to apply ihl 
 
 5a are recoi Jed as yeas, and only two as remedy," which that patriotism demands 
 
 nays; and in tho list of its supporters, I Why, in fact, should not the public ser 
 
 the House itself will prove : — 
 
 "Resolvod— Tliut tliia II()ii.-i! roiisi.lcrs l!i(! nppoinl- 
 niciit of ii UESPONSIULE EXECUTIVE COIINCML, lo 
 tiihisotlie Lieut, (jovcriioi-, or pcrt'on adiiiiiii.'-luriiig tho 
 <i(ivoi'Uiiioiit, (ill f'lo niriir.s of this I'roviiKK, (o bn ONE 
 OV THE MO.-T HAI'PY A\T) WISE EEA'J'IJIIES in 
 ijiir Coiii-litulioii, ii;i<l ES51'..\T1A(, in omi- form of (iiiv- 
 vniiiiciit, ami as bciii;,' oiin of tho s-troitjof-t srcuritins, for 
 a just nuJ crpiitii'olc uiliiiiiii:>lriilioii of tin, Governni.^nt, 
 tiiiil full ciijoj aioiit of our civil uad i-ijliyiuus rijjlit-J uuJ 
 privilcij <-'.<," 
 
 For this resolution, the whole House, 
 wlih the exception of two mombois, voted; 
 
 lind not less than 21 high Tories, includ 
 ing Sir Allam Pdacnab, Judge Mct.can, 
 Mr. W.^Uobinson, ("brother to the ('hiui' 
 iustice,) and Mr. Atlorney-Geneial Hug 
 
 vants be responsible to public intclligonc 
 and patriotism ? I will quote a 'low ej< 
 tracts from the writings wvA speeches o 
 public men and public presses, to shoi 
 
 erman ! And on llio same day, (the i4ih liow gcnoral and constant hnr, been th 
 of March, 18*30, J tiie samo' sentiments desire, in all tho colonies, for the intrc 
 were embodied in an address to tho Crown duction of tho responsible system. 
 
 and passed by tho House. Nov/ it, will l;'j 
 remembered that u[) to this time, all men 
 and all parties, supposed tho Executive 
 Council, ndvis "d the Covernor, upon llio 
 Jifiairs of the pi'ovinoe, and therelbio it 
 was, that all parties united, in demanding 
 *« a responJ^^ble Executive Council ;*' but 
 before tho clock had struck 12 that nirht. 
 !-"'tr Franciii Head, lia<! o;ivcn ?^"/'.• %/(V to 
 Mr. Hagerman, Sir Allan Macnab and 
 otlT^r^S and by the ncxt^rnornjng. th-^y 
 
 "With siicli i'lforniilion, I s'lUil Ik: cnultiod to iiccon 
 plish niiicli towaids tliu object I liiivi; in viow— niimrOy, tl 
 oil! ilr.ina' vcaj'on.iiilc (;''ivpriii>i<Mit in .ill lliy liriti.-h Coli 
 ,.}...«." — Vji1»>, liCtl.nr from Henry S. ('I;apm'in, Esq. to Ji 
 6. [ill Uowu, Emi- M. 1'. lor llulilax, Kova tjtotia, 18lU i\\ 
 
 lo.;:.. 
 
 "if you roaii.v tlesiro to rniilinnc tlin connrxio;! vi 
 r.rit'i'.i", until llii'.tf! (."olo'.iKs liuv" i.Town up lo "iiiiiu'n n 
 tutc"-— until I'lry iui! ri;>oi- in Icnoivlcilgr, viitiio imv! n 
 sourco?, tlian I tliiiik \\vy aro now — unil merely .sccU sir 
 clianir'-^ !;:irl r>,fonii!-,'.!oi',:i nn aro i-ssonti.il to (Ii' ir pence i 
 pro'^pcniy— to tli" controUintr of local fnciions, ond tl 
 pujoynif lit of ocor.oniuMl r.iid re; p.iuaiijl.i !>oVPiiiinjiJ 
 li.puv, ill I ;;o \vit!i you. lioivrt and iin.nd, arid what is 
 niiieli more <M>ii3i^'pi(>ncr, the rrcat bi'lk of tbri peopli : 
 tln.'?pri<.viiu"::, willgo witli voii nlsn." Vide, Utr. llowj 
 rpply te Mr. <'h(ipman'H letter, 2ik1 Oct.dr.-r. I8:i5. ■ I 
 
13 
 
 *' Tbone ar« c4rcuiiM>taiicOi that i-oquira full Inveoti^ntion 
 ant] tlio IIoBso uf AiBoui'ily having juKt coiifldoiiue io tliu 
 wlfldum, dotoriniimtinn aud vigour of tho Uovornnr Gunu- 
 ral, that such investigation will be riguroiiely iiixtitutcd — 
 that tho Ofllcors of tho Crown, will bo Riilijoctud to duo 
 reiponaibility— that tho sonts of .jiiKtice will bo piirifloil : 
 hattbove all that the rights &, priviln<<a.s ot'tli« (,'ommons 
 Ilouae of Afscmbly, will bo ])ruscrvoil in tht^ir iii\ iobibili- 
 tjr." Vide, Address of the IIouxo of Assembly of Now- 
 foWBdlud, to tho Earl of Durham, 1B3S. 
 
 " Revolved, That tho errors into which the Uight lion. 
 flW-'Sftr! of Durham ims fHlIen, in his I.ordHhip'N Iloport 
 OB the atAte of these ProvinccH, so fur ns they rclivte to 
 the Dumberaof tho Roman Cuthnlic population of Upper 
 Oamede, and to tho alioged hostility of Orangemen, while 
 tbey are aubjects of regret to tho Grand Lodge ; yet tlioy 
 cannot at tbe tame time, prevent tho Members of this lu- 
 atitetion from expressing their nesenc to the general accu- 
 racy of His LonUhip's statement^ nud llirir dusiru to :;eo 
 many of liis suggestions curried into prartical cfVect, par- 
 ticularly a thorough local responsibility, upon all matters 
 of domestic government, winch great healing measure is 
 «o eminently calculated to restore peace to those distracted 
 Colonics, promote their future grentiiess and prosperity, 
 end secure their * ctcrijul counectiou' with iho Parent 
 Htatc. Vide, Resolution unanimously i'dopted by the 
 Grand Ornniro Lodge of British North America, at it's 
 Grand Annual Meeting, 11th June, 1839. 
 
 Let us now have a few extracts from 
 the Press, with which I shall close this 
 head of the di.sciission : 
 
 "if the Governors aro to rontintio to act tho pnrt of 
 men. puppets, and to move otdy us they are moved by tliosn 
 who happen for the tini'i !)oiMg, to occupy the Colonial of- 
 fice, as liSs been mostly llio case heretofore, wo could dis- 
 pense with them altogether. Steam n., -igation has gono 
 far to auuihilatc ttra di.slunce between us, and our Down- 
 ing street Directors, and tlio experiment might now bo 
 niude of governing us entirely by DcsiJatches, witliout tlio 
 intervention of any one npcing Majesty, and ojily capable 
 of injuring us by imbecility. Is it con.sistcnt with tlie in 
 lerosts of the country, and wc nmy aiid, its connection 
 with Urituin.thnt this absurd intornu-ddling of tlir; Colonial 
 Office, should bo longer permitted ?" Vide, Montreal 
 MorniM!,' Courier, JDth Or,t(i!ior, 16;!f'. LdituJ by Mr. 
 Mitchell, an Enfilishmun, aud a ISarristcr, 
 
 "Let there then lie a merging of minor diflTerenees, and 
 a Union of uU jiolitical parlic--, in favour of this grc.it lio;i- 
 lin^'measurn, df maliiui,' the Executive Coaiu-il rcspo.i.si- 
 ble, aud we shall arise fiom t\v^ dust— be asliMuiod of what 
 we uro — ashamed of wluit ".e hnvo beivi— niul unal)lt) (o 
 compute what wo are dosti ml to nttiiji." Vi.In, Toron- 
 to Mirror, 10th October, 18;)c. Ldiiud by Mr. Carey, nn 
 Ir:.s'.;man. 
 
 " VVo lid'.c! no ho-:italion in nvovtin.-r, thot wo advocnte n 
 Respons!l)io Provincial Administralian, n,^ the only Con- 
 wLitulional remedy fdr our long uccurmils'ting grievances. 
 We wish to see the Govi-rnment adniini ureil in b'lriiiony 
 with the House of Assembly, wlunher ii, be VVhi?, Tory or 
 Radical, and we are pnisuadeJ it can lie adiniiiistorcd iu 
 no other way,nnlpsR with tho assistance of Uritisli bayonets. 
 But itithongh strongly advocating responsible government, 
 as far as our intrrn-il afTiiirr. are concerned, we are e<tuiil)y 
 detcnniued to maintain Jio snpremac^y of the Mother 
 Country, in our foreign relations." Vide, tho Toronto 
 " Examiner," 3rd July, 1238- Edited by Mr.Iiincics, an 
 Irishman. 
 
 " Wc maintain that tho English, Irish and Scotch inha- 
 bitants of Canada, US well as tho native • of the Province 
 on the Westci-n si.lo of the Atlantic, ni'^ Just as worthy 
 Jouiijoj the iiivilegGs and advantages of t!ie British C'ln- 
 stiiution, ns are the isiliabitniits of Great Britain and Ire- 
 land, on tl)e easfrn side of the /. lianti'-." Vide, Toronto 
 Christian Ciuuniian, 17lU July, l^W. liM'fpd by f.Ir. lly- 
 erson, a Canadian, and Organ of the British V/esloyau 
 Motbcdist Conforeuce in Canada. 
 
 "It being presumed tliat tlie Lieutoiiant Govornir.IirAV- 
 pvr versed in till constiuitioaul rirhts and luip-.-ial iiilo- 
 rests in the Colony, could not possibly of his own k; ow- 
 ledqe bocomo Hctiiiainted willi 0!!r LOt'AL detalN, ;>.r.d in 
 consequence, for tho purpose of carrying ''ifo cfl'oc*. tirj 
 local policy of our Provincial Lrgislaiurr, must !)e ,';!iidi:d 
 by tlio advi' o of tlrjr i\ whoso i\'sidenc-> in the Coluii. ■unl 
 ".ngni;e.n"nl« in conducting tii.» b lad.* uf lJo|):ir(meiif >, 
 Invo eiiublrtd llieiu to for;ii opiiiioiiT iu llcir several i^rnn- 
 rlias, from ob~oivuli"ii and exporienco. T.) guide liis Ex- 
 -erianry in such mnttcrs, he is r;n;;'i)wcr';d to call to hii 
 
 councils, tuch iiomotui ad ho uny doAni best qua1t<tod to 
 afford that advice which may enablo hlui '.o curry on tho 
 executive fuiictlona of his atiitlou. In all that relates to qui* 
 LOCAL affairs in accordance with tho spirit of our Pro- 
 vincial enactment : — tho Imperial interest in tho Colony 
 being of course wholly under the control of Downing st. 
 For this purpose, a counterpart of those through whose 
 intorpoKition the ('rown can do no wrong, aud wlioaru re- 
 sponsible for their advice, which the Crown is bound to 
 seek autl tlioy to give, was originally intended to bo affor- 
 ded to this Province by our provincial constitution under 
 the title of tiu) " Executive Council." Tlio constitutiona- 
 lity and ndv:iiiiage of such a Council has been totally ab- 
 rogated in this Province, by tho principle ns laid down by 
 the late liieiitonaut Governor " that though bound to call 
 them together, he was not compelled to consult them ;" Sc 
 the fact of tlioir functions having' been wholly usurped by 
 the self constituted and irresjionsible body, usually desig- 
 nated as t!ie " Family Compact" wlu) have so long used an 
 undue influence in tlie alT-iirs of the Colony, and in truth 
 con rolled and guided tho executive functions of the go- 
 veri inent, around which they form a barrier t'.rrough which 
 nont but those devoted to their interest can possibly ob- 
 tain a passage." Vid(!, Peteiborough llar.kwoodsman, 
 5th July, 1831). Edited by Mr. Dare us, J. P. an Irishman, 
 
 " Wo do assert, and on this ground wc ta!;H our stand, 
 that the Governor is bound by that power which granted 
 a Representative System to Canada, to submit to the opi- 
 nions of the Parliament which may have been elected in 
 coiis> 'luence of that appeal, and to tho advice oi* a coun- 
 cil wno are nominated by tlie Governor because thoy are 
 known to possess tho confidence of such Pi>rliamont." — 
 Vide, Hamilton Journal, 10th July, 1839. Edited by Dr. 
 Thomas, nii Englishman. 
 
 " We cannot see why nn extension of this principle, 
 juiliciously managed, should tend to a dismemberment of 
 tlio Empire. If, for instance, the Governor's Council 
 should consist of tho Heads of Departments, chosen from 
 int!n the bcit qualified to fill their various appointments, 
 and of gentlemen of high professional attainments, soma 
 of whom should hold scats in both Houses of Parliament, 
 as is the case with the leading Miuitters at home ; if, wo 
 say, those gontluincn were held responsible to this country 
 but subject to the Imperial Veto, as they would, in what 
 manner could thot respoiisiI>ility endanger the connection 
 with the Mother Countrvt" Vide, Toronto Palladium, 
 10th July, lf30. Edited by Mr, Fothergill, J. P. an En- 
 glisliman, and the former Uenrcscntative for the County 
 of Durham. 
 
 "British freemen, accustomed to tho working of the 
 Rritibh Constitution, will aot endure a system which ron- 
 de;-s representative goveniineat a f irce, by placing the full 
 power of the state in the hands of men who are indepen- 
 dent of tho people's roprn.sentatives, and in no shape or 
 s'>:isn accountable to tliein lor any improper or illegal act. 
 ?'eu who have been arcustoinad to sec their votes influcuco 
 tlio govcrnir.ent, and i)roduco a prompt agreement with 
 t!i3opiuioi;s rf aj.iajority, uaturidly rfjcct a system which 
 renders their votes useless, an.! enables the cabal who rule 
 to set thsir votes ut dofiatico ijr a soiics of years, with 
 ii!i!uiuity. It would not be ea.-y to diviso a plan that 
 could produce greater irritation than this. If we had no 
 pri^tonco to the iirili^h Coi,;-titution, but were avowedly 
 under the sole contnd of a fu.v irrcjponsible men, at any 
 rate we should not be disappoinKMi. We shouM expect 
 nothing liberal or equal, and having no right to iuterfero 
 with tho gdvcrnmcnt, we could not complain that it never 
 regarded us. But to be mocked with a shailow yet denied 
 tlin substance; to bo told that wc are governed under tho 
 British Constitution, yet be der.ic J the vital principle 
 which is essential to its successful working, is to add in- 
 sult to injury, and to give us a stone when we usk for 
 breod." Vide, Kingston Herald, 53id July, 1830, Edited 
 by Mr. Waudby, an Englishman. 
 
 I have heforo me the St. Catharines 
 Journal of tho . Ifh of July, the Niagara 
 Reporter of the 5;h of July, the Brock- 
 villa Recorder of tho "oih of July, the Mon- 
 treal Morning Courier for July and Aug. 
 the Nova Scotian i- •; July, and an almost 
 innumci'ablo number of other colonial jour- 
 nals, iVom which I might quote, did my 
 time, or space permit. I have also beforo 
 me, the rcsolationo adopted at public meet- 
 
14 
 
 iiigd, he J within iho last month at Niagara, inmilalc the workings of both consiilutiong 
 ntThorah and Mara, in the Home District : in their practical details — it would confer 
 nt Haldimand, Brighton, Colbornc, and only a local, not a general responsibility, 
 Eldori, in the Newcastle district ; at Trent- leaving every prerogative of tho Crown 
 port, in the Victoria district ; and at Gait, untouclicd, inviolably observing every iet- 
 Dundas, Guelph, Preston, and Hamilton, tcr of the Constitutional Act, as it now is, 
 in tho Core district ; at all of which rcso- vesting in the Sovereign forever, the i»ow- 
 liitions in fuvor of responsible government or of declari ;g war, and of making pfaCQ^ 
 were ad-jpted ; but 1 really deem it unnc- of regulating and protecting our commerce 
 cessary to copy them ; the public send- with fjreign nations ; of appointing our 
 ment being so well known, and so clearly Governors ; keeping our garrisons ; ne- 
 cxpressed upon tho subject, that not a gativing our acts; dissolving our Parlia- 
 single meeting, or petition, or address has ments, and calling them together at plea- 
 been attempted m opposition, in any part sure ; selecting his Ministers, and, on tho 
 of the province : I will, therefore, pass on, English principle, dismissing them when 
 in the eighth and last place, to consider he pleases ; appointing one branch of tho 
 some objections that have been made co-ordinate Legislature for life ; or even 
 against tho introduction of the re^ponsi- rendering it hereditary, if found benefi- 
 ble principle. These objections I shall cial ; in a word, not curtailing or dimin- 
 notice seriatim, as I have read them, or ishing in the city of Toronto, one single 
 heard them ; and in the plainest and most privilege, power, or prerogative, nppcr- 
 simple manner, so that every man may taining to the Sovereign in the city of 
 distinctly understand the nature of the ob- London. Where, then, is the independ- 
 jection, arid the effect of the reply. encc which must follow? Independent 
 
 1st Objection. — A responsible govern- we would be. so far as our independence 
 ment Avould render useless the functions of on the Colonial office, in the management 
 tho Governor, the Executive and Legisia- of our domestic and local affairs arc con- 
 tive Councils, and all that would bo requir- corned, but no further ; and this just and 
 cd would be, the Clerk of the Assembly to necessary independence, is what will pre- 
 record, and the Sergeant at Arms to on- vent separation, and perpetuate the con- 
 force, the acts of that body. ncxion, to the latest period of time, v. . 
 
 Reply. — If there ia any force in this ob- 3d Objeclion. Whenever a Colisny 
 
 jection, it applies with more effect to the enters upon ths enjoyment of the right'* "of 
 
 Commons of the Empire than to the Com- domestic responsibility, it ceases to bo a 
 
 mons of the Province — the former claimB Colony, subject to be legislated for by the 
 
 and exercises an Imperial responsibility ; Parent State, and becomes at once, a freo 
 
 eupreme & uncontrollable over every por- and independent nation, 
 
 tion of the Empire ; whereas, the latter Reply. This objection :s, in substance 
 
 solicits only a local, limited, and compara- the same as the former ; but as it has been 
 
 tively unimportant responsibility ; bcsidus, repealed at different times, and in differ- 
 
 tho Legislative Council is a balancing ent language, I will discuss it a little more 
 
 power, independent of the Assembly, and fully. And first, I would asl:, has this 
 
 can at any time, as the Lords do in Eng 
 land, cast the shield of it authority, be- 
 tween the Executive Government, and an 
 unwarrantable approach of the Assembly. 
 I contend only for the English system ; 
 and in England, the practice sought for, 
 has not been found to produce the effect 
 dreaded. 
 
 2nd Objection. — Colonial responsibility 
 
 local independence and responsibility, pro- 
 duced soparatio)! in tho Unittd States ; 
 where even the principles of Universal 
 f.ufu-age and t!ie i]allct, are exercised? — 
 No, so far from it, that we find neaily 
 thirty s'ates, delarinf^ themselves 'free and 
 independent,' sovereign and uncontrollable 
 sc far as their local aJJ'airs arc concerned; 
 yet, in relation to tho national interests, 
 
 would so weaken and unhinge the powers forming but so many parts of a whole 
 
 of the Imperial Government, as to praeti- ])eople. W'th this example before our 
 
 cally dis-unite the colony and the Parent eyes, an example almost at our very doors; 
 
 Slate. how can it be said that local responsibility 
 
 Reply. — So far from producing such a will naturally produce a division of tlxj 
 
 result, that it appears to me, it would knit Empire ? But it is not necessary that I 
 
 8f unite them much closer — it would u;.:ii- slioukl go to the United.^ atcs for examples 
 
' ( 
 
 lii-^'of 
 
 Ibo a 
 
 the 
 
 freo 
 
 
 U 
 
 nil OS 
 
 15 
 
 I wonld merely l)cg the reader to consider 
 that no more is asked for by this whole 
 province, than hns been nl ready conceded 
 to the large Cities of the Empire — Lon- 
 don and Dublin, for example. 'J'here they 
 have the power of appointing their chief 
 Magistrate, their Lord Mayors and their 
 Aldermen, yes, and their Chief Criminal 
 Judges loo, called a Recorder — they ap- 
 point their Court of Conscience — their 
 City SheritFs, and thnir City Magistrates 
 — they levy their City Taxes, and they 
 expend them, they lay out new Streets, 
 and Squares, and Lanes, and widen and 
 straighten old ones — they make City Laws 
 and ordinances — theycarry their privileges 
 so far, as even (o exercise the right of pre- 
 venting the Queen's subjects, from passing 
 through the city ; as in the case of Sir F. 
 Burdett, under Lord Sidmoiith's Warrant, 
 when sent to the Tower for Libel : and 
 as in tho case of Sir Abraham IJradley 
 King, Bart. CLord Mayor,) with Georgo 
 the IV, when ho visited Dublin, in 1820. 
 — Nay more, they claim, and constantly 
 exercise, tho right of entering tho House 
 of Commons, with the Mace, and Regalia, 
 and of presenting by the Lord Mayor, in 
 person their humble petition, or Remon- 
 monstrance. Yet after all this those cities 
 arc a3 loyal, as intimately connected, and 
 indissolubly bound up, with the general 
 interests of tlie Empire, as if no such local 
 and legislative functions and responsibili- 
 ties existed. Why then, should the Loy- 
 alists of Toronto, or Kingston, be taunted 
 as being desirous of separation, because 
 they ask for privileges, far short of those 
 exercised by their fellow subjects, in Lon- 
 don and Dublin ? Away with such an 
 unmanly insinuation ; it is but the olFspring 
 of self interest ; or the illusive shadow of a 
 disordered mind. But as those persons, 
 who arc opposed to respcnsibit government 
 po constantly refer to tho United States, 
 for examples, allow me to refer once again 
 to the same authority. The state of Ohio 
 by its constitution " retains its sovereignty, 
 freedom and independence, and every 
 power, jurisdiction and right, which is not 
 by the confederation, expressly delegated 
 to tho United States ;" yet it is as firmly 
 handed and knit, to the rest of the Union, 
 as any one of our Colonies, Provinces or 
 Plantations is, to tho empire of Britain. — 
 Why then, all this bugbear here about inde- 
 pendence ? Ohio has not half the popula- 
 tion of the Canadas ; yet has it arespon- 
 
 Riblo and independent govcrlimcnt. We 
 worship at the samo altar — we speak the 
 same language — wp are descended from 
 tho sumo Sires — we are instructed in the 
 samo Sciences*— wo follow the same agri- 
 cultural and commercial pursuits — our 
 soil is equally fertile, and our climate much 
 moro healthy ; yet, witli all this our very 
 Emigrants with all their British feelings 
 and British habits, leave us for Ohio ; and 
 even our old grey headed U. E's. with all 
 their early prejudices against the Yankees, 
 are leaving tho province, as if it were ♦' a 
 land of pestilence and famine," and re- 
 turning to a country, which but a few 
 years ago, they sacrificed all their 
 earthly possessions rather than live in. — 
 Surely when we thus find British feelings 
 and Canadian prejudices, alike give way 
 to despondency, we cannot longer shut our 
 eyes to the naked fact that thero must bo 
 something wrong, in the body politic ; 
 some cankerous, eating worm, knawing at 
 the heart, and preying upon the vitals of 
 the Province ; something which brings 
 about that state of society, described by 
 Addison, when he wrote. 
 
 " When vicG prevails, and evil men bear swny* \ 
 " The post ol honour, is a private elation." I 
 
 4th Objection. — The principle of res- 
 ponsibility can never be extended to any 
 part or portion of the British nation; but 
 must be solely vested in the Imperial Gov- 
 ernment, which represents not only every 
 particular part but the tchole people of tho 
 Empii'e; and upon this principle, England 
 is obliged to submit to Ireland and Scotland 
 the balance of whoso members, overturn 
 the clearly expressed wishes of a majority 
 of the English representation. 
 
 Reply. — This reasoning though speci- 
 ous, is entirely fallacious : so long as En- 
 gland and Wales were united in the king- 
 dom of Great Britain, so long the respon- 
 sible system existed in their Parliament 
 alone. While Scotland remained as an 
 independent kingdom, that is between the 
 Union of the two Crowns and the two 
 nations, she exercised the responsible sys- 
 tem by her own Legislature alone, the 
 principal measures for its deliberation be- 
 ing first prepared by the Lords of Article^|: 
 but when, in the reign of Queen Anne, she 
 agreed to a Legislative Union, her respon- 
 sibility was not ahandonedj but transfer- 
 red; it was not a giving tip, but a local re- 
 moval ; it still adhered to her Nobles and 
 her Commons, and with them was trans- 
 
fcrrcd from Holy rood-House to St. Ste- 
 phen's Chapel. So long as she; ))o.sscssecl 
 her local legislature, sho possessed her lo- 
 cal responsibility ; and when the former 
 was transferred, the latter naturally ad- 
 hered to it. The same may bo said of Ire- 
 land. Previous to the Union under Geo. 
 HI, sho had an independent Legislature, 
 nltho' in connexion with, and subject to, 
 tha Crown of England. Her case was 
 entirely analagous to this province, '^he 
 had her Vicc-Koy, or representative of iho 
 Crown, by whoso directions, the principal 
 government measures were submitted to 
 Parliament. She had her l/|)per and her 
 Lower House also : but l)e it remembered, 
 so long as she retained them, so long she 
 retained her independence and her local 
 responsibility. Many, and many were the 
 stormy nights in which the Ministerialists 
 and Oppositionists arrayed their respective 
 forces against each other in the Irish House 
 of Commons ; when the eloquence of her 
 Foster, her Flood, c^^ her Ogle — hcrGrut- 
 tan, and her Castlereagh, — her IJourke, 
 and VVellsIcy Pole — her Curran, and her 
 Toler — her i>ush and her Maxwell Carry, 
 were heard to resound tiiro' the domes of 
 Jier once classic and splendid, but now 
 silent and golden legislative halls. Great 
 as were the powers of England's Rut- 
 lands, nndTowNsuEXDS they could only 
 retain their places at the Castle of Dublin, 
 a5 the Deputies of England and the Vice- 
 roys of Ireland, so long as they could com- 
 mand a majority of the, Irish Senate upon 
 important questions of Slate-govf;nn)x;nt : 
 but the moment they ceased to have power 
 they virtually ceased to bo the Viceroys of 
 the kingdom. What clearer proof can 
 possibly be afforded of the principle of res- 
 ponsibility, being iniicrent in a local and 
 independent legislature ?■ Like Scotland, 
 however, the Irish nation agreed to a Le- 
 gislative Union with Great r>ritain, and 
 the three kingdorns becoming thus incor- 
 porated into one legislature, the responsi- 
 bility which was before separate, became 
 united ; but this did not abolish, but change 
 the responsible system from the represen- 
 tatives of each separative kingdom, to the 
 representatives of the whole. Should they 
 sir separately and mdependently, in the ca- 
 pital of each kingdom, the responsibility 
 would still appertain to them ; and when 
 they unite for the general purpose of a 
 more extended legislature, it still adheres 
 to them. By parity of reasoning, so long 
 
 as this province retains hor separate Gov- 
 ernment and legislature, so long i!ls sho 
 possesses a free constitution, so long sho 
 is entitled to a local responsibility : but 
 should sho receive a moru direct incorpo- 
 ration into the Empire, by a Legislative 
 Union; then, liko Scotland and Ireland, 
 her rcsponsibil'ty will be transferied from 
 Toronto to London, and her representa- 
 tives, instead of sailing down lOrie, and 
 up Outailo, will cross the Atlantic. And 
 that wo should, to a certain extent, bo ro- 
 prosonted in the Imperial Parliament, is 
 mucii to be desired, and the principle will, 
 I hope, soon be conceded. 
 
 5th Ohjcclion. — The people do not de- 
 sire local responsibiliiy, because it would 
 divest the Lieutenant-Governor of hi3 pro- 
 per patronage. 
 
 ' llrpJy. — There are two principles in- 
 volved in this objoctioii ; the first, the 
 wishes oi" tho people : the second, the 
 cause of those wishes. As to tho first, it 
 i-cems absurd to me to argue that tho peo- 
 ple do not desire responsible government, 
 which simply means, in other words, that 
 they do not ('cnire the government to bo 
 conducted as tliey wish ! To suppose that 
 any set of men could desire a gove/nment 
 to be conducted by persons in wn^fci they 
 have no confidence, in opposition to those 
 who possess their confidence, is too pre- 
 posterous a notion for serious discussion. 
 As to the second part of the objection it is 
 not only a very futile, but a very selfish 
 0:10 also. If tho object of retaining tlu.'j 
 colony as an appendage of the Empire, is 
 merely to confer the patronage of office, 
 on a Lieutenant-Governor, let it be at 
 once, openly avowed, and let u« not be 
 led to believe, that higher and nobler mo- 
 tives actuate the British nation. If, how- 
 ever, I must descend to the consideration 
 of an objection so low, and petty, and sel- 
 fish, my answer to it is this. — Under the 
 present system, the Governor must advise 
 with some one, because (and especially in 
 the outer districts,) he knows not the par- 
 ties qualified for ofiice. Candidates for 
 situations, must cither apply themselves, 
 or be recommended by some friendly in- 
 fluence. Whether then is it better that 
 the appointment of Magistrates, Commis- 
 sioners, Sheriffs, and other public functi- 
 onaries, should pass under the review of 
 the chosen representatives of tiie landed 
 proprietary, and commercial enterprise of 
 the province, and be selected by the Exe- 
 
17 
 
 les in- ; 
 it, tho 
 id, the 
 Irst, it 
 he pco- 
 nrncnt, 
 Is, tliat 
 t to bo 
 )so that 
 rnment 
 h they 
 o those 
 )o prc- 
 ussion. 
 !on it is 
 sellish 
 g tl'.i.'i 
 birc, is 
 ofiicc, 
 bo at 
 not bo 
 r mo- 
 how- 
 ii'ation 
 nJ sel- 
 ilcv tho 
 advise 
 |ially in 
 ic par- 
 |tes for 
 iselvcs, 
 idly in- 
 |er that 
 mmis- 
 functi- 
 iow of 
 landed 
 rise of 
 >c Eso- 
 
 cutlvo Council, who would be lield directly siblo government is not more natural than 
 responsible for tho appointments; or that his Lordship's tenacity tooling to odke ; 
 they should, as at present, be chosen upon and the marquis of Nornmnby's dea 
 
 the priva*o reference of an Altorney-Gen. 
 n political Judge, or some secret and irre- 
 sponsible eourtier ? 
 
 6th Objection. — A responsible colonial 
 government, might ieild to foreign collisi- 
 ons and national wars, because the local 
 Parliament might assume powers not given 
 it by tho constitution. 
 
 Reply. — I think it barely possible that 
 an honest man could seriously advnnco 
 this objec Ion. If the provincial Pari la- 
 ment should attempt such an interference, 
 it would have no more power to do so than 
 to pass a law to hang a man for walking 
 to church on a Sabbath-day, instead of 
 riding in an air-balloon! IJcisides, tho 
 council should assent to it — tho Governor 
 should assent to it — and even if passed by 
 all, British money and llritish troops 
 should enforce it. But really the matter 
 is too puerile to waste words about. As 
 well might it bo argued, that tho manu- 
 facture of gunpowder should be prohibited, 
 because, if made, some mischievous fel- 
 low might load a pistol, and shoot his 
 neighbour through the head! 
 
 7ih Objection. We should not forget 
 the motives of Rolph, Bidwell, and others, 
 who were the warmest advocates of res- 
 ponsible government. 
 
 Reply. With tho motives of others 
 we have nothing to do : they are wholly 
 beside the question ; and it only shows 
 weakness in argument, to fly from the ob- 
 ject under discussion, and seek shelter 
 under the motives of some individuals, who 
 
 patches, are just as powerful with the gov- 
 ernment of Canada, as tho Marchioness' 
 iMfluenceis said to be, with the Government 
 of England. 
 
 Oili Objection. The Colonies now form- 
 ing tho United States of America, never 
 obtained local responsibility, and why 
 shoLjId it he granted to the Colonics, north 
 of the line 4.^ '? 
 
 Reply. True, they did not unfortunate- 
 ly obtain local responsibility : and what 
 was the result ? \Vhy simply that "they 
 sought for and won their indopendcnco 
 with tho sword !"' Do the objectors really 
 desire, that such a crisis should arrive 
 here : and that a similar result should fol- 
 low the liko causes ? If so, they had 
 better at onco a ow it. 
 
 10th Objection. We have had a tafto 
 of " the blessings of responsible govern- 
 ment," in the profligate cxpcnditureof Mr. 
 Van Buren, at an Hotel in the City of N. 
 York, where in six and a half days, ho 
 spent C7G dollars. 
 
 Reply. Admitting that the Americans 
 had a responsible form of government, 
 which I thitjk I have clearly shewn they 
 have not, at lea^st after ihc British form ; 
 what I would ask, has the president's tra- 
 velling expenses at an Hotel, to say to tho 
 question of I'esponsiblc government in U. 
 Canada? Why nothing tibsolutely no- 
 thing. But after all, what are those great 
 expenses that have been blazoned forth 
 with such triuiDph 1 Why about £25 a 
 day / Surely those Gentlemen could never 
 
 were once its supporters. As well might have thought of urging such a circumstance 
 
 the christian Faith, be stabbed through tho in opposition to responsib'o government, 
 
 side of Judas, or Annanias ? Many a had they recollected that Lord Durham's 
 
 good measure was supported by bad men, travellingexpenses, were about t£80 a day, 
 
 and many an evil measure by good men. or 1,920 dollars for six days ! But some 
 
 The public have nothing to do, with the 
 motives, either of its friends, or its ene- 
 mies — it is the measure itself, and that 
 ulone, they are called upon to discuss. 
 
 people will make themselves laughed at 
 whether or not. 
 
 11th Objection. A responsible govern- 
 ment might lead to the dictation of "an 
 
 Q\\\ Ohjectuni. Even the present Whig irresponsible cut throat and mail robber, 
 
 Government of England, is opposed to it. like Mackenzie." 
 
 Reply. No person acquainted v/ith the Reply. Such an event would be high- 
 policy of modern Whiggery, can view their ly improbable, if not impossible. Muck- 
 opposition as singular. The irresponsible enzie when in the parlinment of this pro- 
 system continues their power and patron- vince, and before heavowed histreasonablo 
 
 age, and there is no instance, that I re- 
 member, where they have parted with ei- 
 ther, as long as they could retain them. — 
 Lord John Russell's opposition to respoa- 
 
 prqiv"xts, never was a Leader in the As- 
 sembly ; and althoTigh ho generally acted 
 with and nnder the Leaders just as Mr 
 Fothergill, Mr. Dalton, Mr. Thomson, and 
 
18 
 
 other GctitlcmcMi did, in n formor '^ Uid- 
 well and Rolpli parliamr ut ;" still wa lind 
 by references to the Juurnals, and to his 
 published speeches, that ho not only con- 
 tstuntly voted in tho minority ; but that ho 
 frequently heaped tho most bitter abuses 
 on the Leaders of the majority. And if 
 such was tho cfFect of his agitation, before 
 ho became an avowed Traitor and Murder- 
 er, and while he had innumerable and ob- 
 vious grievances to stir up the [jliblic mind 
 with, what would be tho eftuct of his agi- 
 tation after ? Surely the answer is obvious. 
 Can any man in his common senses sup- 
 pose that the majority of the people of U. 
 Canada, who havo been described by Sir 
 J^'rancis Head in one of tho very last sup- 
 plementary chapters to his *♦ Narrative," 
 as possessing " a manliness of character 
 which it is almost impossible to describe" 
 would unite that '* manliness of character" 
 and their " noblo British feelings" to tho 
 chariot wheels of a cut throat, a mail rob- 
 ber, a murderer, and an incendiary i The 
 bare supposition is a libel upon the Elec- 
 tors of Upper Canada ; and the authors 
 Know it to be a libel. After the numerous 
 and long continued perils and privations, 
 ^hich the people have suffered, to defend 
 their soil from the ruthless hands of the 
 invaders in 1812, 13 and 14, and from 
 the unprovoked attack of the sympathisers 
 in 1837, 8 and 9, it is treating them infin- 
 itely worse, than they have been treated 
 by the Pirates, to be told after their many 
 acts of heriosm and suffering are over, 
 tl^at they are now ready to throw themsel- 
 ves into the arms of the enemy, and to 
 become the champions of a cut throat and 
 a mgrderer ! Shame, utter shame, upon 
 such calumniators. With as much justice 
 might it be said, that the present respon- 
 sible Parliament of England, would follow 
 the example of the irresponsible Parlia- 
 ment of Cromwell, that brought Charles 
 to the block ! 
 
 12th Objection. A House of Assembly 
 might be found that would pass such reso- 
 lutions, or adopt such principles, as would 
 80 compromise the connexion with the 
 mother-country, aa to render separation 
 an inevitable consequence. 
 
 Reply. It is more likely that a House 
 of Assembly would pass such resolutions, 
 or adopt such principles without the guid- 
 ance and moderation of a responsible 
 Ministry, than with it. The name, or the 
 nature of the Governor's advisors^ woiild 
 
 have nothing to say to tho resolutions or 
 principles of a traitorous House. If such 
 a House could be found, and such resolu- 
 tions would be adopted, it would bo the 
 duty of tho Governor, whether his Coun- 
 cil was responsible or not, to dissolve Par- 
 liament and appeal to the people ; if a con- 
 stitutional majority were returned all good ; 
 his council should possess their confidence ; 
 but if the same pack of rebels wore son^ 
 back, and they reiterated their treasonable 
 resolutions, tho Governor might again dis- 
 solve the House, and give his reasons for 
 doing so, if they persisted in returning 
 avowed traitors to the connexion, it would 
 then become his duty to prorogue Parlia- 
 ment, and to report the whole matter to 
 the Home Government, for Imperial con- 
 sideration and decision. This would bo 
 the obvious course, whether there was ti 
 responsible ministry or not : I cannot see 
 that the responsible system would inter- 
 fere with it, or prevent the just authority 
 and supremacy of tho mother-country, in 
 such a case. 
 
 13th Objection. The ancient colonies oi 
 Greece and Rome were not favoured with 
 the responsible principle. 
 
 Reply. Granted. But what has thajt to 
 say to us ? Are we to follow their examo 
 pie ? It. Old England reduced to the piti- 
 able plight that she must * pick up crumbs* 
 that fall from the tables of the Grecian, Ro^ 
 man, or A^'ienii^n Colonies '? If so, Ih&n 
 she must abolish our present representa" 
 tive form of government, and reduce us 
 to the ancient condition of Scio ! 
 
 14th Objection. A responsible govern* 
 ment would destroy the authority of the 
 Crown, and subject the government to the 
 authority of the Assembly. 
 
 Reply. This principle, which has been 
 so eagerly contended for by Mr. Hager- 
 man, Mr. Sherwood, and the " Compact" 
 in Upper Canada, is not only one of abso- 
 lute despotism, but it is worse than the 
 most naked despotism that has been yet 
 attempted in modern times — because it is 
 a despotism toilJiout danger — a poisoned 
 dagger struck by an unknown hand ! To 
 establish this fact, it will only be necessary 
 to quote a passage or two, from the report 
 of the Select committee of the House of 
 Assembly, on the state of the Province in 
 1837 and 8. This report from the pen of 
 Mr. Hagerman, and signed by Mr. Sher- 
 wood, as Chairman, states, at page 528, 
 that the responsible system "would utterly 
 
Id 
 
 Jos'roy the authority of the Crown, and 
 would subject the people to the government 
 of the capricious and over varying opin- 
 ions, of the party tlmt might chance to 
 have the ascendancy in the House ol As- 
 sembly." And again, at page 59, wo are 
 told that the British Governmont should ex- 
 tend to the Colonial Governors, "a liberal 
 and generous share of confidence-;— rely 
 upon their honor and follow their sugges- 
 tions, and not deprive them of office, so 
 soon as they are found to differ with, or 
 are unreasonably complained against, by 
 the faction that happens to be in the as- 
 cendant, in the Assembly, or out of it." — 
 What is the plain and obvious meaning of 
 those passages I First, that the majority 
 of the people of the province of U.Canada — 
 (for it must bo a majority " in the EIouso 
 of Assembly, or out of it,'* to be •' in the 
 ascendant") — are denounced as " a fac-» 
 ! tion ! I" Is it to be supposed that Sir John 
 . Campbell, would continue for one hour^ 
 ^s Attorney General of England, did he 
 denounce the majority of the House of 
 Commons, and the majority of the whole 
 people of England, as "a faction?" If 
 even an attempt to retain him was made, 
 after the use of such language, all Eng- 
 land would be in arms in a week ; yet here 
 not only Mr. Hagerman and Mr. Sher- 
 ' wood are allowed to continue in the sun- 
 i shine of Executive favour, but Mr. Ha- 
 german has been since promoted to the of- 
 fice of Attorney General, and Mr. Sher- 
 wood advanced to the dignity of Queen's 
 Counsel ! ! ! Let us now see what does 
 the principle of the paragraph imply. — 
 Instead of appointing a new governor, 
 when the old one loses the confidence of 
 the whole people, the British Government 
 is to continue him in ofiice^ to give him a 
 generous confidence ! ! to rely on his hon- 
 or !! ! and to follow his suggestions ! ! ! ! 
 If this is not the daggeryrowi the invisible 
 hand ; or despotism without danger^ then 
 I don't know what is. The Governor may 
 (to use Sir F. Head's language,) *'say 
 what he chose, write what he chose, and 
 do what he chose," without any responsi- 
 bility whatever, to the Courts, the People, 
 or the Parliament of Upper Canada? Nay 
 more, the remonstrances of Parliament 
 and People to the British Government, are 
 only to procure for him, continnance in 
 •flice, strict confidence, an honorable re- 
 iianoe, and a following out of his suggesti- 
 ons ! ! ! To what absurdites will despotism 
 iaterq^tf le^ their votariea .' 
 
 15th Objection. Tho British Govorn- * 
 mcnt want no responsible cabinet in the 
 colonics to advise them, because thoy havo 
 ever shown alacrity in sending out com- 
 missioners, at great expense, to enquire 
 into our complaints, and to correct them. 
 
 Reply. This argument only amounts 
 to this, that a parcel of surgeons havo been *. 
 consulted, who admit the existence of dis- 
 ease, but prescribe no medicine or remedy ! 
 Whatbctter arc such Surgeons than quacks, 
 who admit the nature and extent of the dis- 
 ease, yet apply no medicine to cure 1 The I 
 Surgeons, it is true, aro numerous. At ^, 
 one time, it was proposed to send us Lord 
 Amherst ; and next. Lord Canterbury — 
 then followed Lord Gosford, like a Bashaw 
 of three tails, with Sir Charles Grey, Sir 
 G. Gipps, and Mr. Frederick Elliot, in his 
 train — our appetite was next satiated by 
 Sir F. Head, with "bread and butter" — 
 then came the " Durham purge" — now tho 
 lancet is in the hands of Sir Geo. Arthur, 
 and we know not tho hour, when we may 
 bo honored by fresh piiis, or a more pow- * 
 erful lotion than has yet been administer- 
 ed, from Lord Clarendon, Lord Dumferm^ ? 
 line, and other skilful state physicians ! -*" 
 But to be serious, what have all our con^- 
 missions and commissioners, and all our 
 committees of enquiry, and all our inqui- . 
 sitors general and special done for us? — 
 why, nothing ! nothing is to be done ! But * 
 after seriously thinking from 1839 to 1842, 
 they will then consider what will be best 
 to be done ! ! ! Where then is the weight ^ 
 in this objection % It is worse than use- 
 less to employ Doctors, if they kill, inr ^ 
 stead of cure. 
 
 I have now finished. Every article or ' 
 speech, which I have recently seen upon 
 the subject of responsibility, I have care- 
 fully noted, and selected from them every 
 objection, which could at all be deemed 
 worthy o^ attention. To those objections 
 I have given candid, and I hope satisfac- 
 tory replies— satisfactory I trust they will 
 be to those for whom they have been spe- a 
 cially written — to those brave and loyal 
 men who are their country's pride and 
 their country's strength — those who are 
 its productive wealth in time of peace ; 
 and its right-arm of defence in the hour 
 of danger-^} mean the loyal, industrious, 
 and ever to be respected Yeomanry of 
 Upper Canada. If these observations 
 shall prove satisfactory to them, I shall 
 care but little for the malignant slanders, 
 which the ♦* Comnact hack*" mav hpun 
 
f 
 
 I 
 
 ( 
 I 
 
 J 
 
 I 
 
 ( 
 
 
 so • . .. 
 
 upon mo ; and with " Milesuts," I will tLsii princIjilcH aiid Dritiuti fiucltcc-^'rot 
 
 ■ay that "I would blush to allow my hum- tho Conslitution, the whole Cons^oiioi, 
 
 bio name to figure in public or in piivnti^, and noiliitig but tho Constitution., a 4' 
 
 &H the coadjutor or fellow-labouri v of tl:o Rrmeinbor, Oji myl'iiontlHjthe LawB, lhe«{|fKt«, 
 
 republican slanderers of Britain," on the Thogcncrouu plan of I'owor delivered tJt\tti, \ 
 
 ono hand, or, on tho other, with those ^'romu.roiocgc: by your renowned rorctathpn^; 
 
 f • I • 1 . Ml I- ISO (It'urly uouirlit tlic price ot so much bloMi : 
 
 fawnmg sycoplmnfs and ciiterpillar poh- oh let .t^nevo'i perinh'in your hands ; K ' • 
 
 ticians, whc feeling veneration for Brituin But uiounly transmit it to yourchildren. 
 
 would deliberately sot down as •' designing l^o thou great liberty inspire our Bobla, • ,« 
 
 traitors," ihoso who for many a long year ^"'^ *""}" «"' ''/^? '» ^'.'^ I oBsession hap^y, 
 
 havo spent their time, their talents, and Or our death- gIonou-,m thy jnstdotencj^^ 
 
 • thoir means, in Britain's service, and who Brockville, Upper Canada, 
 rfiow only pant for tho introduction of Bri- 22d August, 1839. 
 
 W^ 
 
 Since tho foregoing admirable letter wns in typo 
 
 ^n mport has been industriously circulated, that its 
 author, Col. Oowan, has abandoned the views no 
 ably advocated therein. To prevent nil misunder- 
 standing on this subject we hove thought it advisa- 
 ble to append the resolution adopted by tho Orange- 
 men of the County of York, together with the gar- 
 bled version of it, publi«bed in tho Demi-oflicinI 
 Patriot, convinced, that our readrra of all shades 
 of politics, will join in condemning tho scandalous 
 condu<A of our cotcmpornry in thus misrepresenting 
 the sontimonts of Cul. Gowan. Tho Resolution 
 before UB, and likawisi. those afterwards adopted 
 by the Orangemen of Simcoe, condemn in the most 
 unequivocal manner, nil opinions " rcpugnunt to 
 tho principles of oA glorious Constitution,"— they 
 express the most decided opposition to any party 
 or persons desirous of overturning that Constitution 
 or destroying our connection with tho British Em- 
 pire. So far from objecting to them on this ground 
 they havo our hearty concurrence. It is to be in- 
 
 ^•ferred, from, tho wording of tho resolution, that iho 
 Earl of DurnaAi has advocated in his Report, prin- 
 
 * ciples repugnant to the British Constitution, and 
 
 -we therefore think it right to declare our entire 
 
 'disbelief that such principles arc inculcated and to 
 
 express^ our regret that they were not distinctly 
 
 jgointed out. The strictly Constitutional princi[ilo 
 
 ^,*of llesponsiblo Government,— -the principle conten- 
 ded for by tho heroci|of the Revolution of 1638, — 
 cannot bo referred to, because 1st, Col. Gowan, the 
 nio^^ of the resolution before us is its avowed ad- 
 VlMnte. 2nd. Tho Grand Orango Lodgo has una- 
 
 • nimously ^claA^in its favour. 3rd. The first re- 
 solution {idopted at Simcoe clearly leaves Responsi- 
 ble Governraelkt as " an open question" and admits 
 that loyal mon may differ as to the expediency of it. 
 4th. Th«/l5imc(je meeting unanimously concurred 
 in a vote of confidence to Col. Gowan with the full 
 ledge of his determination to advocate that 
 
 principle. With Lord Durham's English politics, 
 wo, Canadians, have nothing to do. We aro con- 
 tending, be it always understood, for the principles 
 of the Revolution of 1(»88, — for British Cuiistitu- 
 tional liberty as distinguished from the government 
 of a " Faction." Th(; Orangemen of Simcoo nn«e 
 expressed their determination not to let their insti- 
 tution bo perverted into a cnljal for itio support oj 
 a Faction. Let them bsar in mind that the donfi-« 
 nant faction of this Provinco have only cxi8le4 
 heretofore by exciting the enmity of Orangemen 
 against their equully loyal fellow-subjccts, on ti^o 
 ground that the latter are seeking to subvert tho 
 Constitution. The Constitution is in no danger 
 whatever, and will bo on a much more secure basis 
 whon its real enemies cense to be the ivresponsihlc 
 advisers of tho Crown. With these lew ob^ervaii- . 
 ons wo copy tho resolution moved by Col. Go\^^. 
 — Ed. Examineh. **' 
 
 As puhllshcd in the 
 Patriot. 
 
 Resolved,— Th.it wn cn- 
 tiiplv ESCHKVV, CON- 
 DEMN, and RKPUDIATE 
 every DOCrillNl;;. OPIN- 
 ION, and hi;ntiih;nt, 
 
 Ul TERliD, LXPRESSED 
 or WRITTEN, bv tlio right 
 Honorable the Karl of DUR- 
 HAM, in Ili^ LonUhip'H 
 REIORT on tho state of 
 thr.so Provinces. 
 
 1 lint we eqimlly REPU- 
 DIATE the Govornnieiit of 
 liny faction in Ihn Colony 
 biit am DETERMINED to 
 RESIST the SWAY of RA- 
 DICALS, who sock in any 
 Gunner to impair our IN- 
 STITUTIONS or WlTfi- 
 DRAW from the ESSENCE 
 and PRINCIPLES of the 
 BRITISH Constitution. 
 
 As proposed bij Col. 
 Gowan. 
 
 Rejiolvpd.—That^lfft en- 
 tirely rtfclicvv, con<tiBii,and 
 repiidiato every doetrine, 
 opinion and sentiment, ex> 
 prcshcd or written, by the 
 Right Hon. tho Earl of Dur- 
 hiim in His LordNhip'a Re- 
 port, on tho Ffulo of theiio 
 Proviuccs BO Inr us tho said 
 Report in any way up- 
 holds or • advocates elec- 
 tive in9tit«tl|>n8, or any 
 Hpeclcs of dciiiocrntio noti- 
 ons, repugnant to the prin- 
 ciples of our Glorious Con- 
 stitution a Constitution 
 
 which, under all circum- 
 stances Vr'c are resolved to 
 mnintuiu — that wo equally 
 repudiate tho GovernuioDt 
 of any faction in the Colony 
 but aro dctormised to rosif t 
 tho. sway of radieals who 
 seek in any manner or under 
 any guise to impair our vHi^ 
 erable institution, or witli-^ 
 draw froin the «t«ence of tbe 
 British ConttituUon. 
 
 J^ 
 
tufion.. ^}' 
 nwH, the t^in, 
 verod ifbyth, ' 
 ?d (brorathpr/; 
 much blofi ; 
 litis f « * 
 lildren. 
 
 •o(il», • ^« 
 'sion hap^y, 
 9t dorciicQ, . . 
 
 . GOWAN. • 
 
 English politfcs, 
 I. ^Ve aro coii' 
 r the principles 
 ritish Conatitu- 
 the government, 
 of Sjmcoo natn 
 > lot tlieir in»ti- 
 
 iho support 0/ 
 
 that the donfi. 
 e only cxisUtI 
 of Orangemen 
 [jjccts, on tiito 
 to subvert the 
 
 in no danger 
 re secure Laisis 
 9 iiTPsponsihIc 
 
 (ew (ibiiervati- . 
 y Col. Qovf%m. 
 
 I ( 
 
 oscd hij Col. 
 uwan. 
 
 —That we eiH 
 vv, coii<lemii,an(l 
 ?vcry doetrioe, 
 1 sentiment, ex. 
 wiiitoii. by the 
 the Earl of Dur- 
 Lortlship's Re- 
 5 Rtulo of theso 
 10 /ariis the said 
 any way up. 
 idvocatos elcc- 
 tlbns, or any , 
 iniocrntic noti- 
 int to (he prin- 
 ' Gloriotm Con- 
 I Constitution 
 3r ail circnm- 
 ire resolved to 
 at wo equally 
 o Governmoot 
 i in the Colony 
 'mined to rosiet 
 ' rndicals wiio 
 lannor or under 
 mpair our vel|^ 
 itioB, or with-, 
 e essence of the 
 itulion.