ir 
 
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 IRepoit 
 
 OF THE 
 
 CONFERENCE 
 
 HELD 
 
 JULY 29, 1884. 
 
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 CA88ELL & COMPANY, LIMITED: London, Paris & New York. 
 
Imperial Federation. 
 
 IRepovt of the Confetence 
 
 HELD 
 
 JULY 29, 1884, 
 
 AT THE 
 
 JFESTMINSTim PALACE HOTEL, 
 
 The Right Hon. W. E. FORSTER, M.P., 
 
 IN THE CHAIR. 
 
 I'UBLISHED BY AUTHORITY OF THE COMMITTEE. 
 
 CASSELL & COMPANY, Limited 
 
 LONDON, FARIS <0 NEW YORK. 
 1884. 
 
List of the Provisional Kornniittee. 
 
 Crijtiirman. 
 The Riout Hox. W. E. FORSTER, M.P. 
 
 CTommittfc. 
 
 FREDERICK YOUXG, Esq. ) 
 
 } Vice-Chairmen, 
 Captain J. C. R. COLOMB. ) 
 
 Sin DANIEL COOPER, Baiit. 
 
 W. J. COURTIIOPE, Esq. 
 
 R. R. DOBELL, Esq. 
 
 W. GISBORNE, Esq. 
 
 ALEXANDER STAVELEY HILL, Q.C., 5I.P. 
 
 J. B. WATT, Esq. 
 
 Sir SAMUEL WILSON. 
 
 Tjie Hon. HAROLD FINCH HATTON, 
 
 11), Bury Street, W. I j^^^^ 
 
 J. DENNISTOUN WOOD, Esq , ' treasurers. 
 
 82, Liidbroke Grove, S.W. 
 
 F. P. LABI L LI ERE, Esq.,\ 
 5, Pump Court, Temple, E.G. 
 
 H. 0. ARNOLD-FORSTER, Esq,, 
 80, Eccleston Square, S.W. 
 
 Hon. 
 
 t Secretaries. 
 
TABLE OF CONTENTe^. 
 
 I'AliK 
 
 List or Provisional Committee '" 
 
 1, .... viii 
 riu;rACE 
 
 List or those Attending the Confeuence 
 
 LeTTEUS AlTllOVINCJ THE OrJECTS OF THE CONFERENCE 12 
 
 Extracts from Letters : — 
 
 The Marquis of Lorne *'^ 
 
 Lord Woi,seley 
 
 Sir Alexander Galt 
 
 Sir Henry Parkes ^^ 
 
 Sir Charles Gtavan Duffy ^*' 
 
 Sni Thomas McIlwraith ^^ 
 
 Viscount Hampden ^^ 
 
 Sir Henry Barkly 
 
 Sir Leonard Tilley ^"l 
 
 The Hon. Lavington Glyde '7 
 
 Sir John Rose ... ..■ ••• ■•■ ••■ ■•■ I 
 
 Sir Daniel Cooi-er '^ 
 
 The Earl or Dunraven ^" 
 
 1 s 
 Bishop Perry 
 
 The Bishop or EiYERiNA 1** 
 
 1 K 
 
 PRorEssoR Seeley _ 
 
 The Right Hon. Lord George Hamilton, M.P 
 
 Joseph Coaven, Esq., M.P. 
 
 James Bryce, Esa., M.P 
 
 E. Heneage, Esa., M.P 21 
 
 N. Story Maskelyne, Esq., M.P 21 
 
 Alexander McArthur, Esq., M.P 21 
 
 Thomas Aucher, Esq 21 
 
 The Hon. R. B. Dickey 22 
 
 The Hon. J. B. Watt 22 
 
 The Hon. Donald Smith 22 
 
 Kenric B. Murray, Esq. 
 
 R. Barr-Smith, Esq 
 
 W. Walker, Esq 
 
 A. J. Hunter, Esq. 
 
 Alfred Simmons, Esq 23 
 
 J. Ferguson, Esq 24 
 
 Speeches Delivered at the Conference 26 
 
 Names of Speakers: — 
 
 The Right Hon. W. £. Forster, M.P 26 
 
 The Right Hon. W. H. Smith, M.P 29 
 
 The Earl of Rosebery 3n 
 
 20 
 20 
 20 
 
 22 
 22 
 23 
 23 
 
VI 
 
 Siu Chaulks Ti'iTEU, G.C.M.G., C.B H 
 
 Viscount HuKY, K.G.M.G ' 47 
 
 II. BoMi'AH, Ks(i., Q.C 4S 
 
 Sir Hknuy Holland, Baut., K.C'.M.(i., M.l' 49 
 
 K. DoiiKLL, Esu ... ■>(» 
 
 T. D. Wanliss, Es(i. ... .')() 
 
 Sir J. Eauuley Wilmot, liAur., M.P. o2 
 
 Mk. Serjeant Simon, M.P -Vi 
 
 The Hon. E. Stanhoi-e, M.P ')4 
 
 The Hon. Olivku Mowatt •')■■) 
 
 W. GiSUORNE, E.SQ. iJG 
 
 The MARcuisi of Xoiimanhy, G.CJI.G. ... ... ... oO 
 
 James Croi'I'ER, E.sii., ^I.P. ... ")9 
 
 G. "W. RUSDEN, Es(i (il 
 
 Admiral Wilson G] 
 
 J. Hexnikek IIeato.v, Esu ... ... ... ... ... (il 
 
 F. YouNo, Esq (14 
 
 Dr. G. Clark (i-l 
 
 Alexander McArthvr, Esq., M.P. ... ... ... ... 6") 
 
 Lieut. -General R. W. Lowry, C.B 05 
 
 Sir Charles Tupper, G.C.M.G., C.B 05 
 
 G. W. RvsDEN, Esu. liO 
 
 The Right Hon. W. E. Eorster, M.P GO 
 
 illNUTE OF THE ViEWS OF THE CoMMITXEE SURMITTEI) TO THE 
 
 Conference ... ... 07 
 
 E'=;soLUTioN8 Passed hv the Conference ... ... ... ... 08 
 
 Opinions of the Press :^ 
 
 "Times"' 09 
 
 " Stand.\rd " ... 74 
 
 "Daily News" 78 
 
 " Daily Telegraph " ... SO 
 
 " Morning Post " ... So 
 
 "Daily Chronicle" SS 
 
 "Scotsman" 90 
 
 "Pall Mall Gazette" ... 94 
 
 "Glore" 97 
 
 "Morning Advertiser" 100 
 
 "t>PECTATOR" 101 
 
 "Saturday Rkvieav" 104 
 
 "Liverpool Post" 108 
 
 " LivEKPooL Mercury " 108 
 
 "Manchester Courier" ... 108 
 
 " Manchester Guardian " ... 109 
 
 "BiRMiNOjtAM Post" ... 109 
 
 "Leeds Mercury" ... ... ... ... ... ... 109 
 
 "Yorkshire Post" ... ... ... ... ... ... no 
 
 " Sheffield Telegraph " 110 
 
pheface. 
 
 A FEW words of iutrodaeiion are necessary in placing this 
 report before the public. The object of the conveners of 
 the Conference was twofold. In the first place they 
 desired to promotv-^, as far as possible, the great end of 
 Imperial Federation. In the second place they were 
 anxious to record an effective protest against a belief which 
 appeared to be prevalent to some extent at Home, and to a 
 still greater extent in the Colonies, to the effect that there 
 was a i^arty, or important section of any party, in the 
 United Kingdom which was careless of the Colonial 
 Connection, and which looked forward with pleasure to an 
 early disintegration of the Empire. That such a belief is 
 happily erroneous will appear from a perusal of the names 
 of those who attended the Conference, or who expressed 
 their approval of its objects. It will bo seen that among 
 the number there are representatives of all parties and all 
 shades of party. Being well aware that without the 
 energetic co-operation of Englishmen beyond the four seas 
 the objects they have in view are simply unattainable, the 
 Committee have endeavoured to issue the present report in 
 the form most useful and intelligible to Colonial readers. 
 For this reason they have added short particulars of services 
 
VIU 
 
 rendered to the State by the bearers of the names recorded 
 in the various lists of sympathisers. By so doing they 
 believe that the truly representative character of the meet- 
 ing- will be more fully realised. 
 
 It will be seen from the report of the proceedings that 
 at the close of the Conference a provisional Committee was 
 appointed, charged with the duty of publishing this report, 
 and of arranging for an adjourned meeting to be held at a 
 later date. This meeting is shortly to take place, and it is 
 intended to include in its proceedings the formation of a 
 permanent society, having for its object the promotion of 
 Imperial Federation, All those who desire to become 
 members of such a society, or to receive any information 
 with regard to its methods and constitution, are requested 
 to communicate with the hon. secretaries, by whom all 
 documents will be forwarded to such secretaries as the 
 Conference may appoint. 
 
Imperial Federation. 
 
 The following is a list of those who attended the 
 Conference : — * 
 
 Baden Powell, George, C.M.G. 
 
 Barkly, Sir Henry, K.C.B., G.C.M.G. 
 
 Barling, W. E. 
 
 Bennet, J. B. 
 
 Bell, Sir F. Dillon, K.C.M.G. (Agent-General for 
 
 New Zealand). 
 Bompas, Henry, Q.O. 
 
 Borlase, W. C., Liberal Member for East Cornwall. 
 Bourne, Siepiien. 
 Bruce, J. A. B, 
 
 Bruce, The Hon. R. P., Liberal Member for Fifeshire. 
 Bryce, James, Liberal Member for the Tower Hamlets. 
 Burrows, Professor Montagu. 
 Bury, A^iscount, K.C.M.G. 
 Camperdown, The Earl of. 
 
 Cheetham, J. F., Liberal Member for North Derby- 
 shire. 
 Clark, G. B., M.D. 
 Clarke, Hyde. 
 Clifford, Sir Charles. 
 Clifford, G. H. 
 Cornish, J. W. 
 CoLOMB, Capt. J. C. R. 
 Cooper, Sir Daniel, Bart., K.C.M.G. 
 Courthope, W. J. 
 
 * Tho Committeo have endeavoured to include the names of all who 
 attended the Conference ; but fear thiit owing to the failure of some of 
 those present to sign their names there may be omissions in this list. 
 
10 
 
 CowEX, Joseph, Liberal Meiiibor for ISTewcastle. 
 
 Chopper, James, Liberal Member for Kendal. 
 
 Dickey, The Hoy. 11. B. (Senator, Dominion of Canada) 
 
 DoiiELL, E. Px., (Canada). 
 
 Ebkington, Viscount, Liberal Member for Tiverton. 
 
 Errington, George, Liberal Member for Longford. 
 
 FiN-CH Hattox, 'J'lie Hon. Harold. 
 
 FoRSTER, 11. O. Arnold. 
 
 FoRSTER, The Eight Hon. W. E., Liberal Member for 
 Bradford. Late Vice-President of the Council and 
 CJiief Secretary for Ireland. 
 
 Freeland, H. AV. 
 
 FuLCHER, Paget. 
 
 Gibson, The Bight Hon. E., Conservative Memb(>r 
 for Dublin University, Late Attorney-General 
 for Ireland. 
 GiLLiAT, The Bev, E. 
 GiSBORNE, W. (New Zealand) 
 Gordon, J. W. 
 Graham, Cvril, C.M.G. 
 Greene, Molesvvorth (Victoria). 
 Gretton, George Le M. (South Australia). 
 Grey, The Hon. Albert, Liberal Member for South 
 
 Northumberland. 
 GzowsKi, Colonel, A.D.C. (Canada). 
 Henniker-Heaton, J. (New South Wales). 
 Holland, Sir Hknry, Baut., K.C.M.G., Conservative.' 
 
 Member for Midluirst, 
 Inglis, C, M.D. 
 Keep, Edward. 
 Labilliere, F. p. 
 Lester, H. F. 
 Lennard, Sir John. 
 Little, Stanley. 
 
 LowRY, Lieut.-General, B.W., C.r>. 
 Malleson, Colonel G. B., C.S.I. 
 Man, Major J, Alexander. 
 Manners-Sutton, Hon. John. 
 Martin, A. Patciiett. 
 
11 
 
 May, J. 
 
 McAuTiiUR, Ai.nxANDER, Liberal Member for Leicester 
 
 McCaiithy, D'Alton (Member of the Canadian House 
 
 of Commons). 
 McLean, R. D. Douglas. 
 MiLi.Eii, William. 
 Mills, Captain Chakles, C.M.G. (Agent-General for 
 
 the Cape Colony). 
 
 MOLINEUX, GlSBORNE. 
 MONTEFIOHE, JaCOB. 
 
 MoiuJAN, O. Vaughan. 
 
 Mokgax, 8. Vaugiian. 
 
 JMoi'AT, R J., M.D. 
 
 ^FowATT, The Hon. O.; Premier of Ontario. 
 
 MuuRAY, Kenuic B. 
 
 XouMANiiY, The Mahquis of, G.C.M.G., late Governoi- 
 
 of Nova Scotia, Queensland, Ncav Zealand, and 
 
 Victoria. 
 O'Halloran, J. S. (Seci'etary, Eoyal Colonial Institute). 
 Paton, G. 
 Preston, W. C. 
 Prince, J. S. 
 Potter, Geohge. 
 PvAE, John, M.D. 
 IIedpath, Peter. 
 Rivington, Alexander. 
 Robinson, Admiral Sir Spencer. 
 RosEBERY, The EapvL of. 
 
 RUSDEN, G. W. 
 
 Samuel, Sir Saul, K. C.M.G. (Agent-General for New 
 Soutli Wales). 
 
 SiiRiMPTON, John. 
 
 Silver, S. W. 
 
 Simon, Mr. Sehjeant, Liberal Member for Dewsbury. 
 
 Simpkin, Captain. 
 
 Smith, Samuel, Liberal IVIember for Liverpool. 
 
 SiMiTH, The Right Hon. W. H., Conservative Mem- 
 ber for Westminst(!r, late First Lord of tlie 
 Admiraltv. 
 
12 
 
 Smyth, General Sir Selijy, K.C.M.G. 
 
 SoUTHEY, The Hon. K., C.M.G., (formerly Adminis- 
 trator of Griqiialand West). 
 
 Stanhope, The Hon. E., Conservative Member for 
 Mid Lincolnshire (late Under-Secretary for India). 
 
 Summers, W., Liberal Member for Stalybridge. 
 
 TuppER, Sir Charles, G.C.M.G., C.13., High Com- 
 missioner for the Dominion of Canada. 
 
 TuppER, J. Steward. 
 
 Wallace, E. A. 
 
 Wanliss, T. D. 
 
 Westgarth, William. 
 
 White, Captain. 
 
 White, Arnold. 
 
 Wilkinson, H. Spenser. 
 
 WiLMOT, Sir J. Eardley, Bart., Conservative Member 
 for South Warwickshire. 
 
 Wilson, Sir Samuel. 
 
 Wood, J. Dennistoun. 
 
 Young, Frederick (Hon. Sec. Iloyal Colonial Institute). 
 
 Letters approviiif;' oE the objects of the Conference 
 were received from the following- : — 
 Aberdeen, The Earl of. 
 Anderson, Andrew A. 
 Archer, Thomas, C.M.G. (Queensland). 
 Arnold, Edwin, C.S.I. 
 Austin, Alfred. 
 Baden Powell, G., C.M.G. 
 Bariiam, a. H. Foster. 
 Barnett, The Rev. S, A. 
 Barns, Thomas A. 
 
 Busby, Hon. William, M.L,C., (New South Wales). 
 Binnv, John (U.S.A.). 
 Bompas, H., Q.C. 
 BoRTHwiCK, Sir Algernon. 
 BousFiELD, William. 
 Broadhurst, H., M.P. for Stoke. 
 Bunsen, E. de. 
 
13 
 
 Burrows, Professor Moxtaou. 
 Caine, W. S., M.r. for Scarborough 
 Campbell, William (late Member of t. . Victorian 
 Legislative Council). 
 
 Chapman, John. 
 
 CiiEETiiAM, J. A., M.P. for North Derbyshire. 
 
 Cook, R. J- 
 
 CooDE, Sir John. 
 
 CosTELLOE, Bernard. -n ^v t 
 
 CuRRiE, Sir Donald, K.C.M.G., M.P for Perthshire. 
 
 Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan, K.C.M.G., late Premier 
 
 of Victoria. 
 DuNRAVEN, The Earl of, K.P. 
 Elliot, The Hon. Arthur, M.P. for Fvoxburgh.] 
 EoRSTER, E. P. Arnold. 
 
 Galt^ Sir Alexander, G.C.M.G (late High Com- 
 
 uiissiouor for the Dominion of Canada). 
 Gkll, Philip L. 
 GoLDSMiD, Sir Julian, Bart. 
 
 Greg, Percy. „ ^ i * +L-. 
 
 Hampden, Viscount, G.C.B. (late Speaker of the 
 
 British House of Commons). 
 Hanbury, Philip C. 
 
 Heneaoe, E., M.P. for Grimsby ,, , ,. P 
 
 Hicks-Beach, Right Hon. Sir Michael, Bart M.P. 
 
 for East Gloucestershire (late Secretary of State 
 
 for the Colonies and Chief Secretary for Ireland). 
 Hill, A. G. Staveley, Q.C, M.P. for Coventry. 
 Hodgson, Arthur, C.M.G. (formerly Premier of 
 
 Queensland). 
 
 Holton, R. 
 
 JouRDAiN, Henry J. (Mauritius). 
 
 Knowles, James. 
 Lee Warner, Henry. 
 Lethbridoe, Roper. 
 
 Lloyd, Sampson. n i ^p 
 
 Lorne, Mauquis of, K.T. (late Governor-General of 
 
 Canada). 
 
14 
 
 LUDI.OW, Joiiv. 
 
 Macfie, R. a. 
 
 Maclkay, Sir George, K.C.M.G. 
 
 Maskelyne, K Story, M.P. iov Cricklado. 
 
 MclLWRAiTir, Sir Thomas, K.O.M.G. (late rromier of 
 Queensland). 
 
 Maiivix, Charles. 
 
 Mkuriman, The Hon. J. X. (late Moniber of the Cape 
 Ministry). 
 
 MoNTGOMERiE, H. E. (Canada). 
 
 Napier, Proj'ESSOR (in the University of (Jottinp;en). 
 
 Nicholson', Sir Charles, 13art. 
 
 Ossory, Lord Castletown and. 
 
 Pender, John, M.P. for Wick. 
 
 Plunket, Eight Hon. David, MP. for Dublin Uni- 
 versity (late Solicitor-General for Ireland). 
 
 Potter, George. 
 
 Reay, The Lord. 
 
 ROTIIERY, G. C. 
 
 Rouquette, a. 
 
 Scotland, Thomas. 
 
 Seeley, Professor. 
 
 Shaftesbury, The Earl of, K.G. 
 
 Suand, Sir Charles Farquhar (late Chief Justice of 
 
 Mauritius). 
 Simmons, A. 
 Simpson, J. W. 
 Smith, The Hon. Donald (formerly Member of the 
 
 Dominion Pai-liament). 
 Smith, R. Barr (South Australia). 
 Stead, W. 
 Tottenham, C. 
 Turnbull, Alexander. 
 
 Walker, William (late of the West Indies). 
 Wanliss, T. D. (Victoria). 
 
 Watt, The Hon. J. B. (M.L.C. New South Wales). 
 Webster, R. G. 
 Wells, L. B. 
 White, A. Cromwell. 
 
1.J 
 
 AViLSOx, E. D. J. 
 
 Wolff, 8iu Henry Drummoxd, Bart., G.C.M.G., 
 
 M.P. for Portsmontli. 
 W01.SELEY, Lord, G.C.B. (Adjutant-General of the 
 
 British Army). 
 Youl, James A., C.M.G. 
 
 The following are extracts of speciul interest from 
 letters received by the '' ,)mmittee bearing upon the subject 
 of the Conference : — 
 
 The Mauquis op Loune, K.T., Late Covenior-General 
 of the Bomi)iioii of Canada. 
 
 " I much rcr?ret I shall be away in Scotland at the 
 time of the Conference, or should certainly attend. Let 
 me ao-ain mention to you my idea of the importance of 
 ascertainin<>' the views of the leadinoj men in each of the 
 great Colonies, as well as of the gentlemen who have been 
 or are connected with them resident in England. '^ 
 
 Lord Wolseley, G.C.B. , Adjutant-General of the Brituh 
 
 Army. 
 
 '' Had not the pressure of official business made it im- 
 possible for me to do so, I should certainly have attended 
 the Conference at the Westminster Palace Hotel, as the 
 closer union between this country and her Colonies is a sub- 
 ject in which I have always felt the deepest interest, and, 
 in my opinion, is of great national importance, and well 
 worthy of the earnest consideration of every serious 
 statesman." 
 
16 
 
 Sir Alexander Galt, G.C.M.Cx., Late llinh Commissioner 
 for the Dominion of Canada. 
 " I need not say that I sympathise most warmly in the 
 object of the Conference, and will do all in my power to 
 promote \t." _______ 
 
 Sir Henry Paukes, K.C.M.G. La h^ Premier of Neio 
 
 South Wales. 
 
 " As I have to leave En<vland early next month, it 
 would be useless for me to take any part in your projected 
 Conference, which has my best wishes for its success/' 
 
 Sir Charles Gavan Duimy, K.C.^NI.G., formerly Speaker 
 of the Legislative Jsscuhli/, and Premier of Fieforia. 
 
 '' The politics I have retired from are part// politics. 
 My interest in Australia, or in Ireland, has not at 
 all diminished, and I will <4-la(lly co-operate in any way I 
 can with colonists like yourself ^ in pushinj.- the Federation 
 of the Colonies into the held o£ practical politics/' 
 
 Sir Thomas McIlwraith, K.C.M.G., Late Premier of 
 
 Queensland. 
 
 " I woiald have willincrly taken part in the Conference 
 you refer to, but I leave for Australia next Tuesday. I 
 thoroughly believe in the object of the Conference. I 
 think it hig-b time some action was taken in this country, 
 and am gka to see so firm a statesman as Mr. Forster 
 inclined to work. I believe he is in earnest in desiring the 
 union of the Colonies with the mother-country on a more 
 permanent basis. 
 
 * Mr. Dennistoun Wood. 
 
17 
 
 The llioMT Hon. Viscou.vt Hampden, Laic Speaker of the 
 Bntinh House of (Jomnioru. 
 
 " The movement has my best wishes, and I liope that 
 it will l)e ^-nidecl to the end in view with judg-ment/' 
 
 Sir Henry B.vrkly,G.C.M.G.., K.C.B., Snccessiveli/ Gover- 
 nor of Jamaica, Victoria, Maicrititis, and the Cape. 
 
 '' I have much pleasure in accepting the invitation you 
 have addressed to me on behalf ol' the Committee for pro- 
 moting^ the Unity of the ]']mpire, to allow my name to be 
 added to the list, and to attend the Conference/^ 
 
 Sir Leoxari) Tilley, K.C.M.G., C.B., Finance Minister 
 for the Dominion of Canada (formerly Premier of 
 New Brnnsioich) . 
 
 " I am heartily in sympathy with any practical move- 
 ment for the Unity of the Empire, and wish you every 
 success/^ 
 
 The Hon. Lavington Glydb, Recently Colonial Treasurer 
 
 in South Australia. 
 
 "I sympathise entirely %vith the principle that "the 
 Unity of the l^mpire should be permanently maintained ;" 
 and I think I may venture to say that nearly all the 
 prominent public men in South Australia share the same 
 view.'^ 
 
 Sir John Rose, Bart., G.C.M.G., Formerly Finance 
 Minister in the Canadian Government, 
 
 " I concur very heartily in the principle of the im- 
 portant object you liave in view.'' 
 
 B 
 
18 
 
 Sir Daxikl Coopeii, Rart., K.C.M.G., Formerlj/ Speaker 
 of the Leg Ida tire AsscuiIjIij of New South fFales. 
 
 " I think you know how stronji^ly I advooaio the Unity 
 of the Empire, to promote which 1 would join in any 
 movement/' 
 
 The Earl oi-- Duneavkx, K.P. 
 
 "In my opinion there is no question of deojier import- 
 iince before the country than that of Impei-ial Eederation, 
 and I shall at all times he hap])y to co-operate in any 
 movement which will advance thai oltji 
 
 l.TV." 
 
 Bisiioi' Peimiy, Lute <f Me/ijonnie. 
 
 " I am (piite willini? to pled,<4'e myself to the principle 
 that the Unity of the Empire should be })ermanently 
 maintained/' 
 
 The Bishop op Riveiuna (N.S.W.). 
 
 " Many thanks for your letters, and the card for the 
 meeting-. I quite agree with its intention." 
 
 Piioi'ESSOR Seelev, Regius Professor of Modern Ilistor// in 
 the Uiiiversitj/ of Camljiulge ; Author of ''The 
 Rrjjausion of Etiglaad!' 
 
 "Dear, Sir, 
 
 " As I am absent from Juig-land, and as it is im- 
 possible for me to attend your meeting", I hope I may be 
 allowed to convey to it by letter my warm sympathy with 
 those who have convened it, I am in hearty aj^reement 
 not only with their purpose, but also with those more par- 
 ticular views of the Committee vvhich are expressed in the 
 minute of which you have sent me a copy. 
 
 " I heartily agree that it is not desirable at the present 
 
1!) 
 
 mom(M\t to raise a premature cry of Federation, or to dis- 
 euss the details of a federal ovfj^anisation. In such questions 
 "ripeness is all;'' discussed now, they might seem insur- 
 mountably dillicult, hut the dillieulty will vanish it' they 
 are held in reserve till the proper time. 
 
 " 1 iim also glad to hear that you receive support from 
 both ])olitieal parties. There is, indeed, no reason why 
 l»oliticiaus of every school should not meet in furthering an 
 eiiter[)rise like this. 
 
 " Some, no doubt, of those who pride themselves upon 
 being serious politicians will exclaim, 'Child's play!' but 
 surely, on your Committee there are those who will not be 
 denied to be serious politicians. Surely, too, if it be true 
 that we may have too ranch even of a good thing, this is a 
 moment when wo have at least enough t)f party ])olitics. 
 
 " I suppose it is the effect of party politics, making 
 l)assion and discord almost the one motive force in ])ublic 
 a If airs, that has betrayed us into the unaccountable attitude 
 which we assume towards the Empire. How else can it be 
 accounted for that on the question of the Unity of the 
 Empire the majority of Englishmen have actually no 
 opinion? — and this not because they have considered it 
 with anxious care, and have been unable to arrive at a con- 
 clusion, but because they have never considered it, have 
 never studied it, and have no knowledge about it at all. 
 
 ''To enlighten public opinion is the main object which 
 the Committee propose that a Society should be formed to 
 attain; and even if they had not the strong conviction 
 which they have — which all of ns have— of the desirable- 
 ness of maintaining and strengthening the nnity of the 
 Em])ire, it would still be urgently necessary that public 
 opinion should be enlightened upon the subject — that, at 
 least, the existence of this vast Empire should be impressed 
 ui)on the mind and imagination of every Englishman, rich 
 and poor, whether in England or the Colonies, is urgently 
 necessary. 
 
 "The idea ought to be popularised and diffused — a 
 
 B 2 
 
20 
 
 wlK.lt' lilcnilmc ouoht to bo dcvoUnl to it. Tlio extension 
 and vocation of the I'lnolish niee ouy'lit to be a snbjeet ol' 
 study to a whole stuff of students, and of exposition to a 
 bri^'ade oi poinilar writers; and so it ou^'ht to become 
 familiar to all IjiolishnuMi aliUe. 
 
 " That this has not for a lon^' time been the ease is to 
 nie a matter of astonishment. 1 eannot understand the 
 deadness of imagination whieh has made ns remain, as it 
 were, indillVrent to the sid)jeet. I am sure that such 
 nu'lancholy narrowness and pettiness ou^-ht to cease. The 
 main thing is to till our imaginations with the great faet. 
 Let this once be done, and 1 hardly think it will be neces- 
 sary for the Society to inculcate any ])articular doctrine. 
 
 " If, when we have Imh/u oul-c awakened to the question, 
 and have learned to consider it with eager interest, we 
 arrive at the conclusion that the J^miiire had better go, or 
 at the still stronger conclusion that it should be left to 
 chance to decide whether it shall go or not, be it so! In 
 that ease, we shall show ourselves a unitiue people ! But 
 it seems mm'e reasonable to exju'ct that some sort of pai/- 
 AvglicuHis»i will spring uj). In this century, when the 
 idea of national unity has been everywhere so i)owerful — in 
 Italy, in Germany — should we alone among nations remain 
 insensible to it? But if we do, let us at least be sure that 
 we resist the fascination from superior wisdom — that is, 
 after due study of the subject — not from sheer dulness and 
 indift'erence, not because the motions of our spirits are dull 
 as night ! <. Yours truly, 
 
 "J. R. Seeley." 
 
 Lord George Hamilton, Conservative Member for Mid- 
 dlesex ; Under Secretary for India, 1874 — 1878; 
 Vice-Fresident of the Council, 1878— 188U. 
 
 " I thoroughly approve of the object of the proposed 
 Conference. '^ 
 
21 
 
 ATi!. .TosKi'ii CowKN, l/ifjci-dl Member fur Newcontle. 
 
 " If I am at liberty, I sliiill W most happy to attontl 
 !i cotilVronct' for such a purpose as you indicate. I am in 
 entire sytnpailiy with your views." 
 
 Mr. Jamrs ]5uyce, J/ilernl Member for llie Tower 
 
 IlamlelH. 
 
 "I am prepared to join in eonsiderinnf any schemes 
 s\d)mitied by those who have o-iyen more attention to tlie 
 sid)jeet, and feel very strongly the <^\n\\. advantaf]fes to the 
 Colonies, as well as to (jlrcat l^ritain, in maintaininc;' a 
 political connection, and leading- the various En<;'lisli- 
 speakin«; peojjh's over the world to feel themselves even 
 more fully one peo])le than they do now." 
 
 Mit. 1^. IIkn'kage, iihenii Member for (J rent (Jrlninbi/. 
 
 " 1 rei;ret that my absence should have made me over^ 
 look your important meeting- relating' to the Federation of 
 I']n<;'land and the Colonies. I shall be very ^'lad to join 
 your Committee or Association, and heartily agree with the 
 object of your Association.' 
 
 )) 
 
 Mr. N. Story 'M\i^KEL\-KE, Liberal Member for 
 
 Crick lade. 
 
 " I have much general sympathy with the ends of the 
 movement towards the consolidation of a greater England ; 
 and I hope, as time goes on, that the proposal may assume 
 a practical sha})e. It is merely a truism to say that therein 
 lies the difficulty, as is too often the ease with the ideals of 
 politicians. Is there heart enough for the thing on the 
 side of Colonial as well as of Home England ? Any way, 
 it is a great purpose in ur polities, and I for one bid it 
 ' God speed ' in its forward course.^' 
 
22 
 
 Mr. Alexander McArthur, Liberal Member for 
 
 Leicester. 
 
 " I must only say I am, and always have been, strongly 
 in favour of the 'i)ermanent unity of England and the 
 Colonies/ " 
 
 Mr. Thomas Archer, C.M.G., Late Agent-General for 
 
 Queensland. 
 
 " 1 hope the time is not far off when we may see some 
 practical means adopted for carrying out so desirable an 
 object. Public opinion in the Australian Colonies is, I am 
 convinced, highly favourable to the adoi)tion of any 
 reasonable plan that would draw closer and strengthen their 
 connection with this country/' 
 
 The Hon. R. B. Dickey, Senator of the Dominion of 
 
 Canada. 
 
 "Being strongly in favour of maintaining the union 
 between the Colonies and the mother-country, I shall be 
 happy to attend.'' 
 
 The Hon. J. B. Watt, Member of the Legislative Council 
 of Neio South iFales. 
 
 "The object of the Conference is a most important one, 
 and one in which I feel a deep interest. I should be glad 
 to take a part in the movement, either as a member (tf 
 Committee; or of any general association which may be 
 formed for the purpose of promoting this object." 
 
 The Hon. Donald Smith, Formerly Member of the 
 Domin ion Farliamen t. 
 
 " Being fully in accord with the views you give ex- 
 pression to — that the unity of the people of this country 
 
23 
 
 iind the people of the Colonies should be permanently 
 maintained, I have pleasure in accepting your invitation," 
 
 ^Ir. Keniuc B. MuiiKAY, Secretari/ la the London 
 Chamher of Commerce. 
 
 " T am, as you correctly surmise, strongly desirous o£ 
 promoting- some scheme of unity or federation between 
 England and her Colonies, and I shall for this reason have 
 pleasure in following the action of the Committee/^ 
 
 Mr. R. Barr-Smitii fSouf/t. Australia). 
 
 " So far as my experience goes, the desire for unity 
 with the mother-country is universal in South Australia." 
 
 Mr. W. Walker (West Indies). 
 
 " I regret that it will not be within my power to attend, 
 but I shall be with you in sjiirit, and I earnestly hope you 
 may have a most successful day. 
 
 " I am especially glad that you are to have such an 
 array of distinguished men of different views on public 
 matters, as this is a subject which ought to be lifted up 
 far above the somewhat murky region of party politics." 
 
 Mu. A. J. Hunter, Secretar// of the Glasgow Liberal 
 Workman's Electoral Union. 
 
 " At a meeting of the above Union it was agreed to 
 write to you on the objects of a society that you are much 
 interested in for a closer imion with the Colonies. You 
 will see from the rules and principles of our society (which 
 was instituted in February, 1876) that that is one of the 
 objects recognised by us." 
 
Mr. Alfred Simmons, Secretary of the Natioiial As.sociaiiou 
 for Promoti)ig State-Directed Em iff ration and Colo- 
 nization. 
 " Thanks for youv iiote and card of invitation to Con- 
 ference. Havin<^ two eng-aj?ements in town on Tuesday, I 
 iim not sure if I will be al)le to attend; l)ut if I find it 
 possible, will certainly do so. I have no doul)t at all that 
 I should find myself in full symi)athy with you on the 
 principle involved in the expression on the card, for I have 
 lonff felt it to be a tremendous blunder that the Govern- 
 ment of the mother-country should take such small pains 
 to more securely attach to herself the varit)us Colonies. 
 The time will come when it will be difficult, if not im- 
 possible, to secure Imperial Federation, and this is essen- 
 tially one of those cases in which delay is dangerous.'^ 
 
 Mr. J. Ferguson (Ceylon). 
 
 " 1 trust that the outcome of the meetinc^ to-morrow 
 will tend to confirm the unity of the British Empire, fully 
 convinced, as I am, that — at least in that part of the world 
 with which I am best acquainted — the (greatest evil which 
 could befall the people of the Asiatic Dependencies of 
 Britain would be their deprivation (from any cause) of the 
 proud and happy title of ' British subjects.^ '' 
 
REPORT OF PROCEEDINGS. 
 
 Ox tlie motion of Mr. F. Young, seconded by Captain 
 J. C. R. CoLOMB, the RIGHT HON. W. E. FORSTEE, 
 M.P.,'^ was elected to preside. 
 
 In opening the proceedings, the CiiAiinrAN said : — 
 
 I ho]ie none of you will think, from my friend Mr. 
 Youiio' haviiiff moved that I should take the chair at 
 this preliminary meeting, that I wish to put myself for- 
 ward as the head of so important a movement as this. 
 This is a i)reliminary meeting of gentlemen who feel 
 interested in the matter, and I hope will be followed by 
 other much more important, or at least much larger, 
 gatherings when the object for which we have met to-day 
 has been thoroughly discussed by the public. Short 
 speeches are the necessary condition to a successful con- 
 ference. (Hear, hear.) There are several gentlemen 
 present from the Colonies, as well as others living at home, 
 who, from their study and experience, are well qualilied to 
 give opinions upon this important matter. I am sure that 
 you are, as I myself am, most anxious to hear them ; and 
 therefore I shall confine my remarks in opening the pro- 
 ceedings to the shortest possible introductory statement 
 concerning the object and aim of our meeting. 
 
 We are here to-day because we wish to preserve the 
 unity of the Empire (cheers) by binding the several parts 
 together, and also because we think the time has come 
 
 * Liberal Member for Bradford, Under Secretary for the Colonies 
 18G5; Member of Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet, and Vice-President of the 
 Committee of Council on Education, 1868 to 1874; Chief Secretary for 
 Ireland, 1880 to 1882. 
 
26 
 
 wlion those who have that wish sliould meet to^'ether to 
 see how they can attain it. I will not take up your time 
 with ariruments in favour of this unity of the J']mpire, or 
 against disruption. You would not be here to-day if you 
 required convincing- in that matter (hear, hear) ; and I 
 think I may go further, and say that outside this room 
 there are not now many Englishmen who Lelieve that 
 England would gain by the loss of her Colonies. (Cheers.) 
 The question now is not is it well to keep the Colonies, 
 but how we are to keep them. (Hear, hear.) It is qviite 
 true there have been some gentlemen, and there may still 
 be a few gentlemen — but I believe they are becoming 
 fewer every day — who try to persuade themselves we 
 should be better oif at home if we were left to ourselves, 
 and who look forward with pleasure — ]Mn-haps I should 
 hardly say with pleasure, but without pain — to Aus- 
 tralians and Canadians and South Africans ceasing to 
 be our fellow-countrymen. Well, to my mind that pros- 
 pect is unbearable (cheers), and I believe it is to yours 
 also. It means, in my opinion, the weakening of England, 
 the increased probaljility of war among Christian nations, 
 and — I do not think the words too strong — the throwing 
 back of the progress of civilisation. (Cheers.) 
 
 It is sometimes said that England would be richer if 
 she could get rid of her colonial responsibilities. Well, 1 
 believe that, as a rule, the material interests of a nation 
 are not best served by making their promotion the sole, or 
 even the chief, aim. (Hear, hear.) The result is national 
 degradation, and with it the loss of pow'er, and even the 
 faculty of making money. But, putting aside this some- 
 what abstract consideration, there is no fact more proved 
 by practical experience than that the trade does follow the 
 flag. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, we may well believe that, 
 if the flag be lowered, trade will suffe:. So much for the 
 English view of the matter, which I have endeavoured to 
 express in a very few words. 
 
 There are influential colonists ])resent who can — and I 
 doubt not will — tell us that the prospect of separation is as 
 
27 
 
 luit(>ful in the Colonies as it is hero (hear, henr) — that, in 
 their opinion, it means danger to the Colonies themselves, 
 and an arrest of their g-rowth ; and I helieve they will also 
 tell you that there is no colonial feeling stronger than the 
 longing that there should be such treatment of her Colonies 
 l)y England as will make separation improbable, or even 
 impossible. (Hear, hear.) We Englishmen, both at 
 liome and in the Colonies, have a different future in our 
 mind's eye in this matter than we had a generation ago, or 
 even than we had nine or ten years ago, when I remember 
 trying to impress what were then thought to be rather 
 fantastic views upon the public. But you see the reason 
 why that is the case. The inventions of science have over- 
 come the great difficulties of time and space which were 
 thought to make separation almost a necessity, and we feel 
 now that we can look forward, not to the isolated indepen- 
 dence of England's children, but to their being imitcd to 
 one another, and with the mother-country, in permanent 
 family union. I feel certain that, to the public generally, 
 as well as to you, that prospect is as pleasant as the pros- 
 pect of separation is painful. (Hear, hear.) In private 
 affairs — and I think it is the same in public affairs — plani- 
 or hopes for the future greatly modify action in the 
 present ; and therefore we naturally are now asking our- 
 selves what can be done to avoid the calamity of separation 
 and insure the fulfilment of this beneficent idea of union. 
 We are met here to-day to answer this question. We want 
 to see how we can make this desire for union a fact, and 
 how we can realise this grand idea of unity. I believe we 
 must not stand by looking on. We must not suppose that 
 present ties are in themselves strong enough to bear 
 .straining; they require to be pulled and knit together. Diffi- 
 culties may arise — intercolonial difficulties, and difliculties, 
 jierhaps, between England and her Colonies — which might 
 lead to separation if we do not take care to prevent them. 
 In the words of the resolution which will be submitted 
 to yoU' — simply submitted for discussion — it must be clear 
 . t the relations of our Colonies with the mother-country 
 
28 
 
 must nltimatcly end either in disinteo-ration or in some 
 form ot- Federation. We liave ^iven our Colonies— those 
 of our own race — i'ull self-<?overnment. We should have 
 been aeting- with the greatest possible folly and injustiee if 
 we had not done so; but this self-S'overnment must, 
 end in one or other of two ways— isolated inde])endenee, 
 or some form of o-cneral union whieh is expressed in the 
 eommon term Federation. (Hear, hear.) What will he 
 the actual form of this Federation is not, to my mind, the 
 question to-day. (Hear, hear.) The word does not neces- 
 sarily imply a Federal Parliament. It may, for instance, i)e 
 fullilled by a coimeil of representatives of the different 
 Colonies. In fact, all that is im})lied is that there shoiUd 
 be some combination tog-ether of the Colonies with the 
 mother-country which would bind them so that separation 
 would be felt to be a most improbable result. I think 
 myself that they are the real foes of union — or at any rate 
 the disbelievers or sceptics of its possibility — who Avould 
 ask us to-day what should be the form of Federation, or 
 demand at this moment a written Federal Constitution. 
 (Hear, hear.) 
 
 As the popidation a-nd power of the Colonies increase, 
 both absolutely and relatively to the power and poi)ulation 
 of England, it will every day become more and more clear 
 that the ultimate terms of Federation must in some manner 
 or another be framed on the princiides of perfect e([uality. 
 (Hear, hear.) That will appear more and more clear as 
 time goes on. In the meantime, what is wanted is this 
 — that those who have power and influence in England or 
 in the Colonies should be possessed by the Federal idea, 
 that they should seize every opportunity of working to- 
 gether in good fellowship and sympathy and mutual self- 
 respect; that they should strive to eo-operate in com- 
 mon defence, and that they should take counsel together 
 in all Imperial matters, and especially as regards each 
 colony in any relations with any foreign Government. 
 (Hear, hear.) I said persons in power and authority. 
 
29 
 
 1 Jo not by that expression mean simply the members of 
 the respective Cabinets — either the Coh)nial Secretary in 
 Downing Street, or the Prime Minister of any Colony — 
 nor do 1 confine the remark to members o£ the respective 
 Parliaments, but I include all who, by speech or by writing-, 
 can influence what now, in our English-speaking- races, 
 must be admitted to be the great g-overning- force — the 
 power of i)ublic opinion. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 The main object of onr meeting- tog-ether to-day, and of 
 the society which we hope to form, will be to keep con- 
 stantly the idea and aim of Union before all classes of the 
 British public, both at home and in the Colonies — before 
 the peoi)le both in Great Britain and in Greater Britain — 
 and especially to show to the masses and to the workmen 
 that it is to their interest as much as to the interest of the 
 cajiitalists — that we should keep together, so that our 
 rulers, both here and in the Colonies, should let slip no 
 opportunity, as circumstances change from day to day, of 
 develoi>ing this idea of union, and of hastening" the realisa- 
 tion of this principle of Federation, than which, I believe, 
 there is none more fraught with beneficence to England, 
 and even to the world. (Cheers.) 
 
 Mr. F. p. LABILLIERE, Hon. Secretary of the 
 Conference Committee, read letters from several gentle- 
 men who had been expected to attend. 
 
 THE RIGHT HON. W. II. SMITH, M.P.:^ 
 
 I have no claim whatever to appear at a Federal meet- 
 ing like this, for my connection with the Colonies is 
 exceedingly slight. It consists only of that connection 
 which, I believe, almost all Englishmen have — a connection 
 of interest, a connection of investment, and therefore I 
 
 * Conservative IMcmbor for Wostminstor ; Financial Secretary to the 
 Treasury, 1874 to 1877 ; a member of ]\lr. Disraeli's Cabinet, and First 
 Lord of the Admixalty, 1877 to 1880. 
 
30 
 
 can only speak from the point of view of an I'n^-lislnnau 
 desirous of secin^^ the interests of his country and the 
 interests of the Colonies, which are identified with Eno-hind, 
 promoted and advanced. But, g'ontlcmcn, I can (juitt! 
 understand why I have been selected to take i)art in this 
 meetinj,'-. It is in order to show that politicians of this 
 country of all orders, degrees, and parties have one common 
 aim and purpose, and that is the security, the development, 
 the advancement, and the pros])erity of the Empire, that 
 we reg-ard our Colonial friends, our cousins, and our neigh- 
 bours as ]!]no-lishmen in the full and true intent of the 
 word, and that they are entitled and should obtain as com- 
 plete a place in the manag-ement and in the control of 
 the affairs of the Empire as we Englishmen claim in our own 
 little island. In saying this I do not wish to go an atom 
 further than my friend, Mr. Forster, has g-one. We are not 
 here to discuss the details of any scheme of Federation. 
 We are not here to prepare a scheme which shall be put 
 forward for the acceptance of Great Britain or the Colonics. 
 We are here to insist upon the principle to which your 
 Chairman has given expression in the fullest and strongest 
 terms — the principle of unity — a unity of sympathy, of 
 common interest, of a common purpose, and of a common 
 object. The resolution I am called upon to move is as 
 follows : — 
 
 "That the political relations Ijctween Greao Britain and 
 her Colonies must inevitably lead to ultimate Federation or 
 disintegration. That in order to avert the latter, and to 
 secure the permanent unity of the Emi)ire, some form of 
 Federation is indispensable.^^ 
 
 It apiwars to me that that is a proposition which is 
 absolutely incontrovertible. (Cheers.) In recent years, 
 within the memory of those who are within this room, the 
 progress of the Colonies has been so vast, their extension — 
 to use the words of Professor Seelcy — has been so enormous, 
 that unless they become integral parts of the Empire, and 
 unless they have a voice, a concern, a power of expression 
 
31 
 
 in its policy in tliose matters \vliich are common to the 
 Colonies and Great JJritain, (lisinte<;-ration appears to me 
 to l)e inevitable. (Hear, hear.) We have heard recently 
 of an event which has occurred in the Australian seas. 
 Unless there was a cordial feeliii"' of svninathv and interest 
 bindin<>' tog-ether the mother-country with the Colonies, 
 it would be possible to conceive a dilTerent course of policy 
 pursued by the Colonies from that which the Mother 
 Country would seek to pursue for herself; and I can con- 
 ceive no circumstances which would tend more to the dis- 
 advantage of the mother-country and also to the disad- 
 vantan'c of the Colonies than that a separate and distinct 
 course of policy should be pursued on matters of that kind 
 and importance. (Hear, hear.) But I can only refer to that 
 (luestion as an indication of the questions which certainly 
 must arise in the course of the next fcAv vears unless we 
 o;\n find some mode of expressino- that unity in strong'er 
 and more comjilete terms than exist at the present moment 
 — some system by which the voice, the policy, the interests 
 of the Colonies shall be blended with those of the mother- 
 country, and expressed in the mother-country itself more 
 completely than they are at the present time. (Cheers.) 
 
 My friend, j\Ir. Forster, has referred to our position in 
 Eno-land. AVe have a laro-e population ; we have a vast 
 amount of capital. The Colonies have g>reat opportunities 
 and o-reat means for the employment of the population 
 and for the development of their resources by means of the 
 capital which is found to exist here. There is a basis of 
 common interest and common advantage which we at home 
 at all events cannot afford to neglect or leave undeveloped 
 or unused. There can be no doubt whatever, however men 
 may cavil at the sentiment, that the circumstances in 
 which this country is placed require that we shall advance, 
 and in sayinu: that I do 'ot wish it to be understood that we 
 are to advance by force of arms, to advance adversely to the 
 interests of community at larf^e, or to the world at large. 
 We seek no such means of advancement, but I will ask you 
 
32 
 
 to consider one qtiostion — that is the increase of the 
 ])Oj)ulati()n of tliis country, which is soniethin;;' alt()<i;'etlier 
 independent of law, or of any syslein which exists at the 
 l)rescnt time, to hrin<i^ under control. 
 
 Our population advances; but it is certain the actual 
 material resources of the country cannot advance in the 
 same proportion. The increase of our jjopuhition is out of 
 all j)roportion to the increased capacity of the jji^round, the 
 land in which we live, to maintain that ])opulation. We 
 trust to the dcvcloiiment of our manufactures, of our com- 
 merce, and of our trade, and these undouhtcdly ail'ord vast 
 resources for oiu* jiopulation; but no statesman, no ]']n<i;'lish- 
 man can say that with all these may;nilicent resources at 
 our command we dare shut our eyes to the fact that emi- 
 •Jl'ration, the peojdinjr' of the earth, is a necessity of this 
 country, a necessity wdiich wo must endeavour by all means 
 to make as successful as we possibly can. How can we do 
 so with (creator advantaf»"e to this country, to those who 
 remain as well as those who ^o, than in connection with 
 the Colonies of Great Britain, in connection with those 
 communities which are Eng-lish-sjicakin*);', which have 
 Eno'lish habits and customs, an<l which are in dee]) and real 
 sympathy with I'hioland at home as well as abroad? I 
 cannot myself see why every boy, if he leaves this country 
 to become a settler in Australia or in Canada, should forego 
 his rig'ht to take an interest, and his duty to take an interest, 
 in the prosperity of his mother-country. (Hear, hear.) 
 I believe in both the duty and the ri<j;ht. And although 
 we do not seek to exj)ress the particular mode in which that 
 voice shall be exercised, let us at least assert the jirinciple 
 that unity is to be maintained, that some method shall be 
 found, some course ado])ted which shall j^ive our colonists 
 all the ri<^'hts, and the interests, and the advantages which 
 belour^ to resident Eng-lishmen in Great Jh'itain and H'cland. 
 (Cheers.) I believe it can be done. At the same time, 
 there is no w^orse method than by at the present time 
 endeavouring- to frame a constitution or basis of a Federal 
 
33 
 
 Council, or Fodoral Piirliamont, or anything of tlie kind. 
 Federation meiins only at the i)resent time an asj)iration 
 after union, and it means tl)at tliose who liavo <Tiven their 
 life to the interests of the Colonies— and I do not distin- 
 g-uish the interests of the Colonies from those of the 
 conntry at larjye, but speak of them as one country and one 
 people — should endeavour by discussion, by study, by ai)pli- 
 eation, l)y weiohini^ of objections, by meeting- them, to at 
 last elaborate some system which will (rvow into the most 
 perfect expression of the views and wishes and wants of 
 our fellow-subjects and countrymen beyond the seas. 
 (Cheers.) I read some time ag-o a paper by Sir Geor^'-o 
 Cornwall Lewis, deprecating- any attempt to give expression 
 to the views and sentiments of the Colonists in Eng-land by 
 anything in the nature of Parliamentary representatif>n 
 because of the enormous distance which separated the 
 Colonies from this country. Well, what was the distance 
 in time which separated Scotland and Ireland from the 
 capital 100 years ago? (Hear, hear.) Was that distance 
 less than that which sejjarates ]<:ngland from Canada at 
 the present moment ? Is Australia more remote than many 
 of tli(> islaiuls to })e found on the west coast of Ireland and 
 Scotland? For all practical purposes the electric tcle- 
 grai)li and steam have brought the most distant and the 
 most remote colony into nearer relations, and certainly 
 into greater sympathy with the interests of Govern- 
 ment in the capital of London than the distant and remote 
 portions of (Jreat Britain were some 100 or 200 years 
 ago. (Hear, hear.) Government was possible then, and 
 I believe Government Avill be possible under the altered 
 conditions which I suggest may possibly arise. But let me 
 say this, as an individual, that I do not contemplate any 
 union, any federation, any system of any kind whatever 
 which in the slightest degree interferes with the perfect 
 domestic and local self-governmentof the Colonies. (Cheers.) 
 I regard it as an essential condition of any arrangement or 
 attempt at arrang-ement that entire independence, so far as 
 c 
 
34 
 
 local self-fi^ovcrnmcnt is rnncorned, should be thoroughly 
 and entirely respected. (Hear, hear.) It is impossible for 
 us here to venture to pass laws dealing with local affairs, 
 with the diflieulties of which wo are only imperfectly 
 acquainted ; but there are questions on which undoubtedly 
 union must exist. 
 
 I could not help beinji;' struck the other day with an 
 expression of the objceis of Federation in the Bill which, I 
 believe, has passed throupfli one or two of the Parliaments 
 of Australia within the last few days. It says, by way of 
 preamble: — "Whereas it is expedient to constitute a 
 Federal Council of Australia for the purpose of dealino; with 
 such matters of common Australian interest in respect to 
 which united action is desirable as can be dealt with with- 
 out unduly interferini^ with the arranojenient of the 
 internal affairs of the several colonies of the respective 
 Legislatures.'' Instead of Australian I would insert 
 English, and say that, without unduly interfering with the 
 internal management of the several colonies by their re- 
 spective Legislatures, you should have a common executive 
 and a common power for the ])ur])ose of dealing with 
 matters of common interest, for the purpose of dealing, for 
 instance, with a common enemy, whether he be a convict 
 who seeks to obtain entrance on your shores, or whether he 
 be an enemy who seeks to tak(! advantage of your weak- 
 ness. I will venture to use the words used by Professor 
 Seeley, in a book which I have read with great interest. 
 He says : " All political unions exist for the good of their 
 members, and should be just as large and no larger than 
 they can be without ceasing to be beneficial." That is a 
 doctrine to which I entirely adhere. If this union is not 
 to be beneficial to its mond)ers do not attempt it. It is 
 because I believe the union will be most beneficial to its 
 members that I most earnestly advocate it, and I advocate 
 it as something which will tend to advance the prosperity 
 and happiness and strength of the Empire. (Hear, hear.) 
 Mr. Forster made one remark of great moment. He said 
 
36 
 
 he thouj:?ht a union of this kind would have the elTect of 
 avertin<jf war. I boliove tluit thoroui^Wily. (Hoar, lioar.) 
 There is nothing- wliioh tends to avert war so much as 
 strength— stren<rth exercised wisely and pro])erly, and 1 
 believe when we see Eno-land bound in a leao-no of defence 
 with her Colonies that war, so far as rej^-ards the Colonies 
 themselves, will be impossible, and that w.ir, so far as 
 rej^ards En<i;-lan(l herself, will become much less ])roliab)A?, 
 It is therefore in the interests of penf-r av.d of the ad- 
 vancement of the human nif'o iitlar<>'e that T most earnestly 
 press this resolution on your acceptance. (Cheers.) 
 
 The llifji-ht Hon. Cenlleman then jn-oposed the first 
 "Resolution, as follows :—" That the politicn' relations be- 
 tween Great IJritain and her Colonies must inevitably lead 
 to ultimate Federation or Disintegration. That in order to 
 avert the latter, and to secure the permanent Unity of the 
 Empire, some form of Federation is indispensable.-" 
 
 TIIK CHAIRMAN: 
 
 I have now the pleasure of callini,^ upon a nobleman 
 present who is not otdy well known in our islands, but is 
 now well known — personally known— on the other side of 
 the world. I am very g'lad, indeed, that Lord llosebery 
 has consented to address us. (Hear, hear.) He shows 
 by his willingness to take part in these ]>roceedin<rs what 
 he has learnt by his visit to Australia. (Ilear, hear.) 
 
 THE EAIIL OF ROSEBERY : * 
 
 My Lords and Gentlemen, — I regard this meeting as 
 one of very prime and special importance in the history of 
 the Empire of Great Britain. I regard it as important for 
 the reason that it shows that public opinion is awakening 
 in a very marked way to what must be one of the dominant 
 
 • Under Socrotary for the Home Department, 18S1, in Mr. Glad- 
 Btone's Ministry. 
 
 C 2 
 
:?6 
 
 questions of the future ; and in the second ]^\aco, I welcome 
 it because the presence of the ministers and the ex-minis- 
 ters, and the ministers to be, at this Conference, sliows 
 that the (lucstion has been taken out of the hands of some 
 who had dealt witli it rather as a crotchet, an idea, and has 
 become a practical and living question in this country. 
 (Cheers.) I believe we have now ]mt our hiind to the 
 plouo'h, and arc not likely to look back till we have some 
 tangible result, and I view this is the inauguration of a 
 crusade of absolutely vital importance to the future of this 
 country. (Cheers.) Now, I think this is a matter of 
 vital importance now; and let me tell the meeting the one 
 reason why I think it is so at this moment. It is so now 
 because the time will come when we shall all recognise it 
 as a matter of i)ressing and supreme importance ; and 
 when the time comes it will very likely be too late to do 
 what we ought to do now, (Cheers.) We have occasion- 
 ally seen accounts of two vessels coming into collision. 
 They meet in mid-ocean, and nothing seems to occur to 
 them as to any necessity for avoiding each other till all of 
 a. sudden one looms on the quarter of the other, and the 
 catastroi)he takes place. jNIy lords and gentlemen, I 
 confess myself very anxious to see all danger to the unity 
 of the Em})ire ])ostponed by timely action within the 
 Empire itself. (Hear, hear.) Now, my lords and gentle- 
 men, I have had occasion already to make remarks not 
 indirectly affecting this subject, and I have put in the 
 forefront of what I believe to be true policy in this matter 
 one very simple and somewhat selfish consideration, and that 
 is, that I do not care in the future to see these seething 
 populations of ours, these increasing popiilations, shut up 
 in two islands, one of which does not particularly care 
 about the other. (Hear, hear.) And if you carry out the 
 doctrines which are more or less identified with the names of 
 Sir William Molesworth and Mr. Goldwin Smith, that is 
 the position to which you reduce the Empire of Great 
 JJritain. (Cheers.) That is, as I have said a somewhat 
 
37 
 
 selfish view, but we have to take it into considemtion as a 
 ])nictic'al view, and we can then, beyond the practical view, 
 take what is a much higher view, which is this, that there 
 is in these distant colonies a feeling* of loyalty, which can 
 only be described as a passion, which we are not ready 
 to avail ourselves of now, when it is time, and ^vhich, when 
 we are anxious to avail ourselves of it, it may be too late. 
 (Hear, hear.) Of course, the question of cost may be 
 urged against any project of this sort, and I can quite 
 understand, with our annually increasing expenses, that 
 the matter oL' cost is a very great one; but I venture 
 to say, if this were a matter of expense, even that 
 should not be allowed to stand in our way. As a matter 
 of fact, it is no question of expense at all. We have seen, 
 only the other day, the Australian colonists, when they 
 urged a ])olicy on the Imperial Government, which the 
 lmj)erial (jiovernment was somewhat reluctant to adopt, 
 clieerfully oiler to bear the whole of the expense ; and if 
 there were any such expense involved here, which I do not 
 believe, money would form no ditliculty between the 
 mother country and the coh)nies. (Cheers.) Suppose it 
 did cost money, and this country had to iind its proportion. 
 You have had urged on you, very eloquently and im- 
 l)ressively, by Mr. i^orster and JNlr. Smith, what we should 
 get in exchange. We should get breathing space for the 
 J^hnpire, for we cannot say we have any breathing spaces 
 in these islands, and direct this great tide of emigration — 
 this nation which annually leaves our shores — to loyal and 
 attached homes, instead of to countries which are not so 
 attached. (Cheers.) As I believe it is better to-day — 
 and this is a hint which I recommend humbly to the 
 attention of the Conference — to put this Conference on as 
 practical a basis as possible — because we have had dis- 
 cussions in which ideas have been too prevalent, and have 
 been taunted with idealism — let me give two practical 
 illustrations of what I believe the effect of the unity of the 
 Empire will be. There are two questions, both of them 
 
38 
 
 burning questions. One of them attracts much more 
 attention than the other, but in my view both are of 
 imperial importance. There is the question of the Frencli 
 recidivists. Do you beHeve, my lords and gentlemen, that 
 V. if Australia had been as integral a part of Great Britain as 
 Kent, it would have been seriously proposed to turn all 
 the criminal refuse of France loose upon an island within a 
 few days of her shores ? (Hear, hear.) Do you believe, if 
 Australia had been an integral part of this country, it 
 would have been seriously proposed to poison with this 
 criminal refuse not merely the islands of New Caledonia, 
 but all the adjacent islands of the beautiful Pacific ? 
 (Hear, hear.) I believe that is a practical test. That point 
 shows how this question affects the colonies. Let me 
 allude to another question which affects the mother country. 
 We are now all profoundly agitated about who is to liave the 
 paramount position in Egypt. I am not going to intro- 
 duce controverted political matters. But does anybody here 
 suppose if Australia and the colonies had the same position 
 to this country that Scotland or Ireland have, that she 
 would not claim to be heard to a very considerable extent 
 as to who should have paramount influence on the banks of 
 the canal, which is the nearest road between Great Britain 
 and her Southern Empire ? (Cheers.) I cannot touch any 
 further on the subject, it is like dancing on hot coals. 
 (Laughter.) But I do venture to point out that these two 
 practical points do show the necessity of a united Empire. 
 (Cheers.) Our being present admits the principle, I take 
 it, of the necessity of federation ; and therefore, anything 
 said on that point, unless it was practical, would be so 
 much surplusage. Therefore, I do not wish to dwell 
 another moment on that point. One or two words upon a 
 question which is always asked of the advocates of federa- 
 tion — "How arc you to manage it?" We never meet 
 with a man in private life who is not convmced of the 
 necessity of imperial federation, but he almost always goes 
 on to say that no scheme was ever propounded, and that 
 
39 
 
 no scheme ever could be propounded. No one expects that 
 any scheme will be evolved by this Conference to-day. I 
 should exceedingly regret to see any such scheme evolved, 
 even if it were a practical and workable scheme, because it 
 would have the stamp of haste upon it, and would not 
 commend itself to the country. But there are certain 
 points which no statesman, I think, who wishes to con- 
 sider this question practically, can afford to disregard. 
 One was stated clearly, and with the cordial assent of the 
 meeting, by the last speaker. He said nothing could 
 affect the local Government of Great Britain by its own 
 Parliamentary institutions. I believe none of her colonies 
 would wish to interfere with her domestic self-government, 
 and 1 believe any proposition of that sort would be received 
 with an outcry — and a just outcry — among the population 
 of Great Britain. (Hear, hear.) But with regard to this 
 poitit, I suspect that any proper scheme of federation 
 would lead, not to a diminution of local self-government, 
 but rather to an increase of local self-government. I am 
 not sure that this is not an integral and vital part of 
 any scheme. But in England, as I take it — certainly in 
 the nineteenth century — there are two absolute necessities 
 in any scheme oi: administrative reform. The first is that 
 it should be preceded by inquiry, and the second — par- 
 ticularly in such a case as this — is that it should be 
 tentative in its nature. (Hear, hear.) I am perfectly 
 certain that if anybody were to introduce an absolutely 
 perfect and complete scheme to the Parliament of Great 
 Britain for the federation of the Empire, to which no 
 possible objection of time or space could be urged, that 
 scheme would iiave no chance of acceptance. The British 
 Parliament would say, and wisely say, ''We will go 
 gently ; we wish to see how this scheme works in minor 
 matters before we proceed to any cut-and-dried Constitution 
 of the British Empire. ^^ That has always been the way in 
 the British Constitution, and I do not suppose that on this, 
 the largest of all questions which could occupy Parliament, 
 
40 
 
 they would wish to depart from the triiditional rule. 
 (Hear, hear.) In relation to the two points 1 have urg'ed, 
 I want to say, as regards inquiry, I do think the 
 Government mi<^-ht do two thing-s. I think the Govern- 
 ment might appoint a oonimittee, or a royal commission, 
 to inquire into the practicability of any such federal 
 idea. I think they niig-lit do so for more than one 
 reason. In the first 2)lace, you would get the best 
 men to sit UY>on such a coiuicil — statesmen of tried ex- 
 perience, colonial re2)rosontativcs, and jjcrsons who would 
 sift all the claims presented to them, and report ex- 
 haustively on them to the British Parliament. In the 
 second place, if it were not able to achieve results such 
 as these, it would, at any rate, have this ellect : it 
 would show throughout our vast colonial Empire that 
 the Government of this country are not showing a 
 want of interest in those distant colonies. (Cheers.) 
 And let me remark in ])assiug, it might do one thiug 
 more. Even it" there was a disinclination to issue a 
 royal commission, or to nominate a select committee, the 
 Government might send out invitations to the colonial 
 governments to ask them if they could suggest ny 
 sclieme, or what their predisposition towards the idea 
 might be. I believe that would have a healthy in- 
 iluence on the governments of Australia aud Canada, 
 because no one can travel in those countries without 
 being aware of the sensitiveness, and just sensitiveness, 
 of the colonists to the attitude of the British Govern- 
 ment in relation to their claims. (Hear, hear.) As 
 regards a tentative experiment in the direction we are 
 seeking, I may be considered to be a person of oue 
 idea on this subject ; but I do believe it might 
 seriously be considered by the House of Lords if 
 delegates from the colonies might not be admitted to 
 sit as do delegates in the Senate of the United States. 
 Of course, that would be a large change, but not so 
 large as it at lirst appears. The main objection always 
 
41 
 
 urj^ed is that of distance. I think that question has 
 been conclusively dealt with by Mr. Smith, but I woulil 
 point out an even more recent illustration. I refer to 
 the state of California, which, when a territory, and a 
 distance of weeks from the main seat of government, 
 sent delegates to the Senate of the United States 
 without the slightest difficulty. I do not beUeve in the 
 diliiculty of distance; and I believe a tentative experi- 
 ment in the House of Lords would not interfere ^«^ith 
 the financial control of the House of Commons over 
 the affairs of the Empire. (Hear, hear.) I invite con- 
 sideration to these two or three points. I see it is 
 proposed that a so(!iety should be formed with the 
 direct object of bringing this question before the 
 country. I think that a very good idea. There is another 
 idea I have long wanted to lay before such a meeting 
 as this. I cannot see why there should not be formed 
 some sort of vigilance committee ; that is a word which 
 explains practically what I mean, although it is not 
 perhaps quite correctly used on this occasion — of mem- 
 bers of both Houses of Parliament with regard to 
 coloniiil questions, for the purpose of ventilating them, 
 and keeping an eye on them in both Houses. (Hear, 
 hear.) At present anybody who wants to take any 
 action with regard to colonial matters, has not much 
 support, simply because he has no means of knowing 
 who are the members of Parliament who are interested 
 in such matters. The other point is of minor im- 
 portance — namely, that this Conference, if it feels it has 
 done good work to-day, should adjourn to some day 
 during the autumn session, when there will be more 
 leisure for members of Parliament to attend. (Hear, 
 hear.) I have dealt entirely with practical points, and 
 I now come to the most practical of all. It is 
 that you should not postpone this question till it is 
 too late. On both sides the world — across the western 
 ocean and across the southern ocean — you have two 
 
42 
 
 j^rcat countries — empires, if you will, stretcbin<^ forth 
 their hands to you in passionate loyalty and devotion 
 to the country from which they spring. If you will 
 not avail yourselves of that sentiment now, the time 
 may come when you will bitterly repent it; and it is 
 therefore from the timely and practical handlint^ of this 
 question that I hope to see the greatest benefit arise. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 SIR CHARLES TUPPER:^ 
 
 I cannot express sufliciently the regret that I feel at 
 having- been compelled by imperative official duty tobe absent 
 at the opening of this most interesting meeting, and the more 
 because I was most anxious to hear the remarks of our 
 distinguished Chairman, whose name, I need not tell you, 
 is a household word throughout the liritish Colonies — 
 (hear, hear) — and whose opinions are known to be so 
 entirely in favour of the perpetuation of the colonial con- 
 nection with the Empire as to command a degree of con- 
 fidence and respect that could not be exceeded by any 
 other name. (Hear, hear.) No gentleman in this assembly 
 witnesses with greater satisfaction and ])ride than I do a 
 meeting like the present, embracing gentlemen occupying 
 leading and distinguished positions in both the great parties 
 of this country, brought together upon a common platform 
 — a platform calculated to carry out the best interests, not 
 only of these British islands, but of the colonial portion of 
 the Empire as well. (Cheers.) No person can witness 
 wdth greater pleasure than I do the growing feeling that 
 is exhibited in this country among the statesmen of all 
 ])arties in regard to this most inii)ortant and vital question. 
 I do not believe it possible to discover, in all the great 
 questions that occupy the attention of the statesmen of 
 
 * High Commissioner for tne Dominion of Canada, and formerly 
 Premier of Nova Scotia. Has held several important oUices in the 
 Dominion Cabinet. 
 
43 
 
 this country, a question in which these British islands or 
 the great colonial dependencies of these islands are more 
 vitally and deeply interested than the consideration of the 
 means by which the tie that now binds them together may 
 be drawn still closer and perpetuated indefinitely. (Hear, 
 hear.) So far I am entirely in accord with the views and 
 the sentiments which have brought this conference together, 
 and although I had not the good fortune to hear the 
 explanations in rcg-'ird to this first osolution offered by the 
 Chairman or the right hon. mover of this resolution, I may 
 be permitted to say that, in the light of the statements and 
 explanations given by the distinguished nobleman who has 
 just taken his seat, I can find very little to take exception 
 to. (Hear, hear.) But in justice to my c 'n views and 
 opinions 1 may be permitted briefly to point out the 
 grounds on which I ventured, before the meeting assem- 
 bled, to suggest to the Chairman the desirability of a slight 
 alteration of the wording of the resolution declaring that 
 "the political relations between Great Britain and her 
 Colonies must inevitably lead to ultimate federation or 
 disintegration.'' I am not prepared to agree in the decla- 
 ration of that abstract opinion in an unqualified manner. 
 (Hear, hear.) I will briefly state why. 
 
 The great Colony, the great British Dependency with 
 which I am more intimately connected — the Dominion of 
 Canada— has recently undergone a radical ,-hange in her 
 constitution. Seventeen years ago, at the instance of all 
 parties in the country, the Imperial Parliament was ap- 
 proached with a proposition to enable us to unite the 
 various isolated provinces of British North America under 
 one Government. We obtained the hearty co-operation of 
 the Crown and the Imperial Parliament, and a new consti- 
 tution was given, under which one Federal Government was 
 formed, extending from the little island in the Gulf of St. 
 Lawrence — Prince Edward's Island — to Vancouver Island 
 in the Pacific. It would be impossible, I believe, for the 
 most sanguine promoter of that great constitutional change 
 
44 
 
 to have antici})atocl the admirable results that have fol- 
 lowed. The noble lord referred in iittin*'' terms to the 
 enthusiastic loyalty to the Crown and the devoted attaeh- 
 mont to British institutions whieh i)ervade the Colonial 
 Empire, and I have no hesitation in sayin<^' it would 
 he impossible for any constitutional ehan<^e to increase 
 that sentiment of loyalty to the Crown or that love of 
 British institutions whieh animates Canada from end to 
 end. The same may be said, no doubt, of the great 
 ])rovinccs of Australasia. Those who have been watching" 
 the progress of Ciinada for the last seventeen years know 
 that, under the inlluenee of that great change, her ]>rogress 
 during that time will bear favourable comparison with the 
 progress of any portion of the great llepublic to our south, 
 rapid as has been its growth. If, therefore, a di'gree of 
 l)rogress has been made that is almost unexamjiled — seeing 
 the improved credit and development of the country, such 
 that we have had the means of grappling with vast 
 public works of an imperial character; and knowing, as I 
 know, the marked growth and development of devotion 
 to the Crown and British institutions — if, I say, under 
 our constitution this is what has taken jdace, I can hardly 
 subscribe to the proj)ositu)n that these relations must be 
 changed in order to prevent disintegration. So smooth 
 have been the relations between the Dominion and the Irn- 
 ])erial Governments, so little friction has there l)een, that 
 we have never come to them without meeting with a hearty 
 and zealous response to all our efforts for the develop- 
 ment of the country. Under these circumstances, while 
 I hail with delight anything which v/ill nu)re coinpletely 
 bind the two countries together, I feel some diiliculty in 
 declaring that those relations must be changed if we are 
 not to se])arate from the Crown. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 The noble lord proposed, and I think the projiosition an 
 admirable one, that a royal commission should be issued — 
 for what purpose ? For the purpose of accomplishing 
 federation ? No ; but for the purpose of ascertaining 
 
45 
 
 whether federation is prai'ticabh'. If it is noeessary to 
 iiuiuire into the praeticability of a federal connection 
 Itetvvecn the in(jther conntry and her Colonies, it is, surely, 
 too soon to say that federation is necessary to prevent 
 (lisinte<iiTation, and I should not be doins;' justice to myself 
 if, holdinijf such stron^i^ opinions, I failed to express them. 
 (Hear, liear.) It has l)een said, you cannot hope to devise 
 a cut-and-dried scheme of federal or<ijiinisation, but wliile 
 it remains a controverted (piestion whether you can devise 
 such a scheme, I am unwilling to subscribe to the abstract 
 proposition contained in tlie resohition, I f?o most heartily 
 with tlie lano'uaf,^e and sentiments of gentlemen present in 
 desiring to draw closer tlie tie which binds us to the 
 mother country, and I should be greatly pleased if any 
 slight modification of this resolution could be adopted, so 
 as not to put us in tlie position of declaring to the world 
 that the connection can only be maintained by a federal 
 union, but that we do not know whether a federal union is 
 practicable. The principle of perpetuating the connection 
 between the Colonies and the Empire we have all at heart. 
 It deserves our most zealous co-operation, and will be ac- 
 cepted, I believe, by the great deiiendency with which I 
 have the honour to be connected, (Cheers.) 
 
 THE EARL OF WEMYSS : 
 
 I beg to move that the resolution be amended by 
 striking out the (irst two lines, and that the resolution 
 should then read : — " That, to secure the ])erinanent unity 
 of the Empire, some form of Federation is desirable.'^ I 
 move that as an amendment. 
 
 MR. BOMPAS, Q.C. : 
 
 I do not like either the resolution or the amendment, 
 and I would suirgest that the first of the minutes that the 
 Committee have placed on the table should be substituted. 
 That would overcome the whole diliieulty. 
 
46 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN 
 
 Porhaps I may bo allowed to make one or two roniarlcs. 
 I am sure we arc miicli oMio-cd to Sir Charles Tapper both 
 for his sympathy and crilit'ism. What wo want is that, 
 an'rooing' as wo do in principle, we should so express that 
 prineiplo as not to g'ive rise to niiseoneeption hero or in the 
 Colonies. In using* the word ''Federation,'^ we do not by 
 any means bind ourselves to a particular form of Federal 
 Parliament. It may be effected by representation in the 
 Imperial Parliament, or it may be by a Council of repre- 
 sentatives of the Colonies. We want to convey the notion 
 that ultimately, hereafter, there must be a union, in some 
 form or other, of Eng'land with her Colonies, on terms of 
 perfect equality to the Colonies as well as to Eng-land ; 
 and I do not know any word which will better express that 
 notion than the word " Federation.-" Sir Charles Tupper 
 g-ave us an excellent illustration of how Federation does 
 tend to prevent disunion or disruption by showinij^ that the 
 difficulty which years ajj^o would have been thought quite 
 as great, and even greater, than is the difllculty between 
 England and her Colonies now, has been so successfully 
 surmounted, and by that means differences which would 
 certainly have arisen luive been avoided. I quite under- 
 stand, however, that it is undesirable to indulge in 
 prophecy, and it is not necessary to do it. I think Tjord 
 Wemyss's suggestion is a good one, but I should be glad 
 to hear the oj)inions of gentlemen present. The resolution 
 would then read thus : — " That, in order to secure the 
 permanent xxnity of the Empire, some form of Federation 
 is indispensable." 
 
 THE RIGHT HON. W. H. SMITH: 
 
 So far as I am concerned, I am prepared, as the mover 
 of the resolution, cordially to accept the suggestion made. 
 There is no difference of opinion on the subject. (Hear, 
 hear.) 
 
47 
 
 MR. G. W. RUSDEN: 
 
 I had already written out a resolution to the ofEoct that, 
 " in order to promote the \v(!lfare of the Empire, it is 
 desirable to establish some form of Federation of the 
 Colonies with the United Kin^-dom/' I prefer the word 
 " welfare " to " prosperity." I hope Mr. Smith will adopt 
 this resolution. 
 
 Tin: CHAIRMAN: 
 
 The resolution now before the meetin<^ is in these 
 words : — " That, in order to secure tlie permanent union of 
 tlie l*]inpire, some form of Federation is indispensable.'' 
 
 THE EARL OF WEMYSS : 
 
 Desirable. 
 
 LORD BURY:* 
 
 We are to consider the substituted resolution as the one 
 under discussion. I rise for the purpose of saying that, as 
 a very old worker in this cause, I wish the cause every 
 success. For the last thirty years I have taken very great 
 interest in this matter. AVhen we talked of the necessity 
 of the Federation of the Empire only twenty-five or 
 twenty-six years ago, we addressed deaf ears. The school 
 of Mr. Cjoldwin Smith was very much in the ascendant in 
 the country, and the general body of the population was 
 not fully convinced of the necessity of preserving the in- 
 tegrity of the J^lmpire. Look at the state of things now. 
 The meeting that is assembled in this room represents all 
 classes of thought, all political opinions; and men from 
 every part of the world are met, not to affirm the necessity 
 of the continuity of the bond between Great }3ritain and the 
 Colonies (for that is a matter admitted by all), but to 
 
 * Undor Secretary of State for War in Lord Beaconsfiold's ilinistry. 
 
48 
 
 decide upon some practical way in which that continuity 
 can be best secured and advanced. For twenty-ilve years 
 |)ast tlu' subject we are now discussin<^ has been niakinfjf 
 •^-iant strides. I( has l)een, in various |)arts of the Ihnpire, 
 tried aiul found a success; and this has inspired other parts 
 of the l^npire to try it. We are (h)in<»; what our ri<?ht 
 hon. Chairiuau advised us to do — tryiuf^ tliis matter in 
 detail — kiu>wiii<;' full well that it could have but oiu^ result 
 — the eventual solid Federation of the l']m])ire. The expe- 
 rience of the past years has shown that the col(Uiisin<i^ 
 qualities of the An<i;'lo-Saxon race are siu-h that that race 
 will eventually become the dominant race of the world, 
 and wo only recpiiro to bo welded toji^ether in one homo- 
 ovneous whole to hasten that very desirable event. (Hear, 
 hear.) I do not want, at this moment, to enter into any 
 details, but merely rise for the purpose of asking- this 
 meetinfi^ to allow me to express the deep symi)athy with 
 which I res'i'ard the movement here inaui^-urated. We are 
 all a<i^rccd as to ^\hat is to be done, and we will all ])ut our 
 shoulders to the wheel when we are shown the way in 
 which we are to proceed. Such a meetin<^ is too lari^-e to 
 discuss details. I suj)pose that, by subse((\UMit resolutions, 
 to a small conunittee will be committc^d the roruHdatiuiy of 
 some scheme. The movement will, I feci c(>iilidcnt, be a 
 thoroucfh success; and I think you are to be cong-ratulated, 
 Sir, on having' assembled under your presidency such a very 
 representative body, coming' from all parts of the world. 
 (Cheers.) 
 
 MR. BOMPAS, Q.C. : 
 
 Even as the resolution now stands, Sir, it seems to me 
 that it is open to some extent to the objection raised by 
 Sir Charles Tuppcr, whereas the first minute submitted by 
 the Committee seems to me to exactly correspond to the 
 wishes of the meeting. It does not definitely bind us on 
 any point, but declares that the Colonies should have " an 
 
49 
 
 n(l('(inate voice in the control '' of the Kmpire. What thai 
 :Hi(>(|tiate control whiiU ho is a matter for the Committee to 
 <l('oi(h'. Surely, iK.hody will dt-ny that they ouo-lit to have 
 an adeciuate control, aiul a fair share in sustaining- the 
 rosponsihilities of the Empire. Wliat that fair share shall 
 he may ho left for minute consideration. Federation, as 
 1 understimd, means that and soinethin<4' more. I he'"- to 
 move the lirst minute as an amendment. 
 
 SIR 1I1<:NRY HOLLAND, M.?. :* 
 
 I hope the amendment will not he pressed. This is 
 only a conference. I do not understand the learned gentle- 
 man to deny that " in order to secure the permanent unity 
 of the l':mi)ire some form of I'Y'deration is desirahle.'' I 
 myself would ])rei'er the stron^'cr word indispensa])le. 
 Jlovvever, I do not understand the learned ^'•entleman to 
 deny the proposition. Do not let us oo into the (iuesti(.n 
 whether the Colonies should hear any i)art of the Imperial 
 resp(msil)ilities. There will be plenty of didiculties when 
 we enter that stat^^e or case, and I earnestly hoi)e the 
 amendment will be withdrawn. Only one word more. 
 With reference to procedure, I venture most respectfully to 
 su^fu^vst that the Society should, if possible, keep clear of 
 Iloyal Commissions, or Committees, and all sorts of 
 Colonial Olliee incpiiries. (Hear, hear.) I speak as an old 
 hand at the Colonial Odlco. {Laughter.) We are a society 
 composed of all classes of })oIitics in this country and the 
 Colonies, and I think we should, if possil.le, keep clear of 
 these official or semi-official inquiries. (Hear, hear.) The 
 Society, as Lord liosebcry has said, is one of great in- 
 Huence— quite suiiiclent influence with the Colonies and 
 the statesmen of the Colonies to get their opinions 
 thoroughly before us without resorting- to official inquiries. 
 (Hear, hear.) 
 
 ♦ Conservative Member for Midhurst. Assistant Under Socretarj' for 
 tho Colooios, J 870 to 1874. Member of tlio Imperial Duiuuce L'ommii- 
 
 «ion. 
 
 I> 
 
50 
 
 MR. W. WESTGARTII, 
 
 As a furtlior amondn.cnt, suo'o-estcd the omission of the 
 word '' i'oderation/' and the insertion in its place of the 
 words '^some form of political union." 
 
 Mil. 11. DOBELL (Canada) : 
 
 Contrasted witli the meetino^ held some four years aryo, 
 this g-atherin":, really so harmonious and unanimous, shows 
 at a g'lance what proo-ress this question has made in Great 
 Britain. I endorse very warmly all the last speaker has 
 said. Avoid Royal Commissions and the Government. 
 This question, if it is to he worked out at all, must he 
 worked out hy practical men in the Colonies and Great 
 Britain. At the last meeting- convened hy the Dominion 
 Board of Trade in Canada, an irresponsihle and unoflleial 
 body, after three days^ discussion, we could only arrive at 
 one resolution, and that was to the efl'ect that it was 
 desirable to draw closer the political and trade relations 
 between Great l^ritain and the Colonies, and that to secure 
 the unity of the Empire some form of federation was the 
 most desirable and practical means of furthering that end. 
 I do not think we could adopt anything' better than that. 
 I am g-lad to see there is some hope of this question being- 
 put in a ]n'actical sha])e, especially after our Chairman and 
 other distinguished men have taken a move in it. I can 
 confirm what fell from the High Commissioner, that in 
 Canada we would be one in favour of the movement. I 
 think the simpler the resolution c.juld be made the better, 
 and I would sugj^cst the one that I iiave just read. 
 
 MR. T. D. WANLISS (Ballakat) : 
 
 I think something- practical should come out of this 
 meeting-, and that we should take a decided step. As an 
 addition to the resolution, I would move : — " That this 
 Conference is of opinion that, as a preliminary step towards 
 
61 
 
 the Fedoration of tlie British Empire, it is desirable in the 
 meanwhile to recommend the Government oi' the United 
 Kiiiodom to form a Colonial Couneil— to consist of the 
 liio'ht Hon. the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the 
 ITiyh Commissioner for Canada, and the Agents-General 
 for the several Colonies, with power to the various Colonies 
 to appoint an additional number in proportion to oue 
 member to one and a half million of the population/' 
 (Cries of " Question/') If such a Council were created, it 
 would, in my opinion, be the beginning of something 
 larger and better. 
 
 Mr. Wanliss was i)roceeding to refer to the origin of 
 the British Cabinet and of the Indian Couneil as precedents, 
 when 
 
 Mr. P. YOUNG, interposing, said : 
 
 I rise. Sir, to order. The statement may be very 
 interesting, but it is, I venture to think, out of order to go 
 into details at this meetinjr. 
 
 MR. WANLISS: 
 
 If this addition to the resolution meets with the ap- 
 proval of the meeting, it Avould, I think, be a practical 
 step towards the ol)ject we have in view, and I beg to 
 move it. 
 
 Till'] CHAIRMAN: 
 
 I would put it to the gentleman who has just spoken 
 whether theiv is not some truth in the remark of my 
 friend Mv. Young, that wu do not wish to come to a de- 
 cision upon these ))oints to-day. It might come afterwards. 
 I liiink there is a good deal to be said for the resolution he 
 proposes, but it go.-s much more into detail than is neces- 
 sary at a ])reliminary meeting. 
 D -Z 
 
52 
 
 Sill J. EARDLEY WIL^IOT, M.P. : >:- 
 
 I do not like the terms either ol' the resohition or the 
 amendment, and I would respeeti'ully hiy Ijet'oro you a 
 -short resohition, whieh I think will obviate the objections 
 that have been raised. It is: — "That it would be to the 
 best advantage of Great JJritain and her Colonies that a 
 Federal Union between them should be established /■" 1 
 listened with great respect to the remarks made by Sir 
 Charles Tupper, and I agree that we should endeavour to 
 avoid any expression that would be regarded as showing 
 that we had the least idea oh' doubting whether perpetual 
 unity will be preserved. 
 
 MR. E. STANHOPE, :M.P, : 
 
 Let us try to show ourselves unanimous. We arc 
 unanimous. (Hear, hear.) I'^aeh one oi' us might make 
 some suggestion commending itself to our individual 
 feeling, but let us try to combine u})on the resolution 
 which Sir Charles Tupper has accepted as amended, and 
 which I believe is agreeable to almost every one in the 
 room. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 MR. SERJEANT SIMON. M.V. : f 
 
 I hope. Sir, that on this occasion we shall not pass over 
 a group of Colonies which have hitherto occupied a very 
 important position, and which at this moment s^and in 
 great contrast to the Colonics to which more particular 
 reference lias been made. We have been speaking of 
 Australia and Canada — countries of enormous size, great 
 resources, and with a great future. It is with the view of 
 retaining the allegiance of those Colonies that this meetiiig 
 has mainly been called. But there is another group of our 
 Colonies— our possessions in the West Indies— which are 
 
 * Conservative :\rembor for South Wurwickwliiro. 
 t Libcial Member lor Dewsbury. 
 
53 
 
 not in the same happy ])ositiou, and cannot look forward to 
 the same happy future that these Colonies can. They 
 have passed under great trials and vicissitudes, throug-h no 
 fault of their own, but entirely under the operation and 
 influence of Imperial legislation. These Colonies formerly 
 had complete self-o-overnment ; from some of them that 
 scdf-g-overnment has been taken away. The island of 
 Jamaica, for instance, which has been a Crown Colony for 
 seventeen years, has had a partial restoration of self- 
 government. {" Question.^^) This is the question. Let 
 us consider, not only our great dependencies, which we 
 caanot defy or displease; but let us give some attention 
 and consideration to those Colonies which are not in this 
 position of independence. They have not been mentioned 
 in one of the resolutions that are submitted, and I beg to 
 suggest that the terms of the fifth resolution, which pro- 
 vides that copies of the resolutions shall be forwarded to 
 the several Agents-General, be extended so as to include 
 the AYest Indies, which have no Agent-General. (Hear, 
 licar.) 
 
 THE CIIAIIIMAN: 
 
 AVe do not wish to hurry the meeting, but I believe 
 there is really an agreement. (Hear, hear.) I dare say 
 words better than any that have been suggested might, 
 if we thought long enough, be produced; but I cannot 
 help thinking that with the alteration that has been 
 made the resolution really meets the general feeling of 
 the meeting. It is in this form : 
 
 "That in order to secure the permanent unity of 
 the Empire, some form of Eederation,'-' not "is indis- 
 pensable,'' but " will be indisi^eusable.'' 
 
 THE EARL OE WEMYSS : 
 
 Js desirable. 
 
54 
 
 THE CIIATRMAN: 
 
 Allow me to say one word a1)out " dosirablo/' I liope 
 wo shall not be content with that word. (Hoar, hoar.) 
 Iwcrybody dosiros it. AVe have fi-ot beyond merely wish- 
 ing? it, and we think that something bad will happen if 
 we do not <4'et it. 
 
 The resolution was then submitted to the meetinn;' in 
 the following- form, and passed nnanimonsly : — " That, 
 in order to secure the permanent unity of the Empire, 
 some form of Federation is essential. -"^ 
 
 MR. E. STANHOPE, IM.P. : ^ 
 
 I have so little ])ractieal exjiorionee in this matter 
 that in reality what I have to say may jieri'octly well 
 be summed up by expressing- hearty coneurronee with 
 the g-oneral fooling of the meeting-, and my desire to 
 co-operate with the Committee to gain a jtractical agree- 
 ment. I do not think any one can exaiiiiorate the growth 
 of this movement. Some nine or ten years ago those who 
 have spoken in this room would have been criticised as 
 beinf^ ])ra('tically visionaries. AVe have g-ot, I am glad to 
 say, far beyond that. AVhat we have got to do to-day is 
 to get tight hold of the idea we have in common, and 
 endeavoxu- to give it practical effect by the steps we shall 
 take hereafter. I do not think anything- more true was 
 said than has boon said by the Chairman in his excellent 
 speech in 1S75, when he stated that the .t(h)ption of 
 an idea sometimes tends to its realisation. 1 believe 
 that is so in this case, and that if we get tiglit hold 
 of the idea of Federation or Imperial unity we may 
 proceed step by step to impress on the public opinion of 
 the country the g-reat and growing im])ortance of this 
 question, the very great dilTerence the realisation of the 
 
 * Conscrvalivo IMomLer for ]\Ii(l-Lincolnshiro. rfulianicntaiy Sccn*. 
 tiiry to the lioaid of Tiaili^ in Lord IJcacoTisfit'ld'^ Ministry, 187o to 1878. 
 Under Secretary of Stiite for India, 1878 to 1880. 
 
55 
 
 idea would make to us and the world in <^eneval, and the 
 cowardice which would consist in abandonin<^ the idea of 
 maintaining the unity of the Empire simply because the 
 Empire is ah-eady very larfj^o. (Hear, hear.) The i'eelinf? 
 is g'rowini];', I believe, among- our fellow-subjects abroad 
 even more largely than in this country. They do not like 
 to have the political cold shoulder from this country, and 
 they are entitled to have from us, as we shall give them 
 to-day, our hearty sympathy and our assurance that in the 
 l)olicy we desire to adopt for the future towards our 
 Colonies we are looking to the idea, not of separation, but 
 of giving them, in some mode or iinother, a more real 
 part in the Government of this great JMni)ire. (Hear, hear.) 
 It is, therefore, with great ])leasure that I beg to move — 
 
 " That for the pur|)ose of enlightening and instructing 
 the ])eople, both in the United Kingdom and the Colonies, 
 as to the incalculable advantages which will accrue to the 
 whole JMupire from the ado])tion of such a system of 
 political organisation, a Society be formed of men of all 
 l)arties, to advocate and support the principle of Federation. 
 
 " That this Conference refers to a Committee all 
 details connected with the establishment and organisa- 
 tion of such a Society, for a report thereon to be 
 submitted for the consideration and a})proval of an ad- 
 journed Conference, to be held at a suitable period iu 
 the ensuing year.'^ 
 
 1 know a great many persons have a strong objection 
 to the formation at the present time of any new society, 
 but I am sure there is no object for which the formation 
 of a new society is more desirable than the cause of 
 Federation, which we are here to advocate to-day. 
 
 THE HON. OLIVER MOWATT •* 
 
 I have great pleasure in seconding the resolution. I 
 came not for the jjurpose of taking part in the discussion, 
 
 * I'limo Minister of Untuiio. 
 
56 
 
 but of hcarln<^ wliat was said and seeing- wlio said it. It 
 is imjiossible to exag-g-erate the feeling- of loyalty and 
 affection tliat exists in Canada. While that is the case 1 
 feel I would have had no difficulty in accedin;w to the 
 resolution as it was pro])osed, and to which Sir Charles 
 Tupper took exc'ei)tiou. We feel in Canada that it is per- 
 fectly inipo.ssil)le for the present state of things to he 
 pernianent. AVe have all the feelings of ]5ritish freemen, 
 and we pretty generally feel that for a country numberiiig 
 five inillions of people to be permanently under an authority 
 in which they have no representation is a thing that 
 (iannot be. But we rejoice in the connection as it exists 
 now. It has been one of unmixed good, and 1 believe 
 will continue so, even should no constitutional change be 
 found practicaljlo. We have felt great difficulty, many of 
 us, in perceiving how any scheme can be suggested which 
 would answer the jmrposc. A scheme which was thought 
 jiracticable here might not be practicable abroad. I do not 
 think any scheme has been propounded which our ])co])le 
 have thought to be a really practicable one. We do not, 
 however, abandon the idea in desj)air. (Hear, hear.) What 
 are statesmen for, imperial or colonial ? For the purpose 
 of resolving difficulties. (Hear, hear, and laughter.) It 
 iias been found ])t)ssible, both here and in the Colonies, to 
 solve difficulties that seemed insolvable. (Cheers.) A\'hilc 
 I am not as sanguine as some as to our finding some satis- 
 lactory scheme for promoting the permanent unity of the 
 Empire, I am as anxious as anybody I'or such a scheme ; 
 :ir.d would rejoice as much as anybotly if the solution 
 cnild be ftmnd. That is the feeling which I am sure 
 animates the breasts of o|]ths of the peoi)le of Ontario, 
 whom I represent. (Cheers.) 
 
 Mil. W. GISBOllNE (New Zkaland) : * 
 
 I feel a considerable interest in this question. I have 
 l>asscd many years of public life in the Colony of New 
 * Foi7aioily Membjr of the Now Zealand Miiii.-,ti y. 
 
57 
 
 Zealand, wliore tlic quostion oL* tlie rolations of the United 
 King-dom to her Colonies has elieited mucli diseussion, and 
 where it has, I think, presented more puzzlini? problems 
 than in any other jxart of the Britisli dominions. I am 
 ^lad to hear from you. Sir, that we start from a common 
 principle— the unity of the British Empire; and aim at a 
 common end— the permnnence of that union. I am only 
 expressintr- my own individual views— I have no rig-ht to 
 speak on behalf of any one— but I see two ^n-eat anomalies 
 in the existinf,^ state of the relations between the United 
 Kino-dom and the Colonies. These diliiculties will only 
 come into prominence when p]noland ^oes into war with a 
 great naval power. (Hear, hear.) What will then be the 
 case? The streno-tli of a comieetion lies in the weakest 
 pjirt, and I wish to point out that in the state of thino-s 
 which will some day happen there will bo a most defective 
 link between Enn-land and her Colonies. (Hear, hear.) 
 On the one side the United Kin<vdom will be payiu"- for 
 the naval defence of outlyino- parts of the Colonies\vithout 
 any assured or rey-ular contribution from those Colonies 
 (I am speaking- of self-o-overnincr Colonies), althouf^h in 
 those Colonies the avcra.<'-e taxpayer is in a better position 
 than the averag-e tax])ayer.in the United Kinodom. (Hear, 
 hear.) But what will be the state of the Colonies ? The 
 state of a Colony would be much worse. The Colony would 
 not, like the United Kingdom, have had any voice in the 
 origination of the war. It would have no voice in its 
 prosecution, or in bringing it to a s])ecdy and honourable 
 termination. And yet the Colony must, under any cir- 
 cumstances, be a serious sailerer. Trade would suffer, and 
 in the event— a very possible event— of any sudden attack 
 by an enemy on the Colony the damage inflicted must be 
 very grievous, and a great loss incurred both in life and 
 property. (Hear, hear.) I would not say one word 
 against the loyalty and the patriotism of Englishmen 
 either at home or abroad. They are unquestionable. But I 
 say there are hard, practical questions— (hear, hear)— which 
 
58 
 
 must not be left altogcthor to bo ro<^uIate(l by an impulse 
 
 of reelinj^. There are duties and responsibilities involved 
 
 attaehing- to all }iarties, wliieh must he determined and 
 
 adjusted eaeli in its due pro])ortion. What is the remedy 
 
 for these anomalies? 1 say the eonfederation of inde- 
 
 l)endent otou])s of Colonies, however useful for certain 
 
 l)ur[)oses, is no remedy for these anomalies, (Hear, hear.) 
 
 It may be questioned whether this coniV'deration of iiule- 
 
 l)endent g'roujis is even an aid to the Imperial confederation 
 
 to which we wish to attain. The only remedy consists in 
 
 some sort of Imperial confederation — some kimlof Imperial 
 
 confederation for tlu' external defence of the whole Empire. 
 
 (Hear, hear.) I believe in that will lie the true remedy 
 
 for the anomalous state of the relations between i'lnaland 
 
 and tlie Colonies if England went to war with a naval 
 
 power, and that in that lies the only approach to a jjcr- 
 
 manent unity of the Empire. I believe, if thnt could be 
 
 cifected, anytliiuf,^ which must be rc(piired to sup])lement 
 
 or perfect that unity cotdd be attained afterwards with 
 
 ])erfect ease. Let us ap])roacli the question, if ])ossible, in 
 
 that direction. Let us try by some means to put i)romi- 
 
 nently this question of Imperial confederation for external 
 
 defence before the public, so that it may elicit public 
 
 discussion throuohout the Emj)ire, with a fair prosjjcct of 
 
 arrivin<f- at some practical conclusion. Once aceom])lish 
 
 some such kind of confederation, and I believe the dan^^'cr 
 
 of disinteg'ration of the I'^mpire would at once cease, and 
 
 the process of incorporation would at once beji'in. 
 
 This vast British l^mpin^ would never then become a 
 disjointed or dissolvin<^ mass, but would become a living- and 
 coherent whole — an Jun])ire, at unity in itself, and around 
 which the course of time would only wrap closer and closer 
 the bonds. (Cheers.) I hold that the existence of such an 
 Em])ire would not only be of incalculable advantage to its 
 own inhabitants, but would also be a nuiterial <>'uarantee 
 for the peace, order, and j^ood "•overnment of the world, 
 and the advancement of the whole human race. (Cheers.) 
 
69 
 
 THE MARQUIS OF NORMANBY:* 
 
 In coniiiii,'- to this moetiii','' to-dny, I did so sim])ly for 
 the purpose of hoiiriii<r the discussion which would take 
 place, and without the least intention of addressinff the 
 meetnio'. It is the feeliuf];' that jjossihly, consideririn^ the 
 ])ositi()n I have so lou"- held in the Austnilasian Colonies, 
 and also in Nova Scotia, my absolute silence nii,<>-ht be 
 niisinter])reted, which has induced ine to address you. I 
 yield to no man in my anxiety for the union of the Empire. 
 (Hear, hear.) I am anxious to see the bonds which con- 
 nect the mother-country witli her Colonies stren<>'thened as 
 much as possible. (Hear, hear.) I rejoice, therefore, to 
 see this movement which has taken jjlace, for durini,^ the 
 lonn^ years I have si)eiit in the Colonics I have year by year 
 learnt to respect, to admire, and to love those Colonies more 
 and more. (Cheers.) I know how slow o-ceat movements 
 of this kind move in ]*]noland, and I think, in the words of 
 the rcsohition, that the time has come when some step 
 should be taken towards streuf'i'theninjr the union between 
 the mother country and her Colonies. I only rise now 
 publicly to say that this object has my entire and hearty 
 support. (Cheers.) 
 
 MR. CROPPER, M.P. :t 
 
 As far as I know the people of this country, the object 
 of this meetinr? is one that will have their hearty support. 
 The feeling- of unity with our Colonies is not lackinj^ 
 among- the humbler part of the ])opulation, but they 
 would have the heartiest sympatiiy with a society 
 formed to carry out such an idea. (Hear, hear.) I 
 would venture to su])port the su^'g-cstion just put for- 
 ward by Lord Rosebery, that the meeting- should be 
 adjourned to some day during the forthcoming- autumn 
 
 * 11(18 boon Gov(>rnor, in succession, of Nova Scotia, Queensland, N(!w 
 Zealand, and Victoiia. 
 
 t Liberal Moniber for Kendal. 
 
60 
 
 session. I wns vorv ihticIi stnu-k witli tlio spoocljos mnde 
 
 by the g-ontlemfn from Iho Coloiiios, ospcciiilly with that 
 
 from my fritMid on my loft. (Mr. (iisbonic.) They sliow 
 
 that the feelinp: in favour of tliis movement exists in other 
 
 eountries, and I am eonvineed tliat if tliose i)resent eould 
 
 ^•o amono- the meetino-s wliidi will be held in siidleient 
 
 nund)ers, no doubt, (hiriii,<.- the next three months, they 
 
 would lind a very ,yeneral reeliii<r in suj)iK)rt oi a movement 
 
 of this kind. I trust the resolution will not result in 
 
 lecturinn- and instruetin;? the peoi)le merely, but that we 
 
 shall meet ton-other as soon as possible to take a further 
 
 step. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 MR. ^y. C. BORLASE, M.P. : * 
 
 I venture to make a sun'o-ostion. The objeet of the 
 Society^ to be formed is "to enlighten and instruct the 
 people." I think nothinir has done more to cnliohten and 
 instruet the ])eo])le uj)oii this subject than the "admirable 
 lectures of Professor S(«eley. My suo-o-ostion is that one of 
 the first works the Society should take in hand is to print 
 and circulate these lectures, if it could be arranoed, in a 
 cheap and popular form, both in J'hiojand and her Colonies. 
 (Hear, hear.) I doubt Mhether there are very many jn-escnt 
 to-day who have uot read and benefited by those lectures. 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: 
 
 The suggestion is well wortli the consideration of the 
 Executive Committee, but I would remind the meeting- that 
 no large subscrii)tions arc wanted to this movement.'' Our 
 great object is to let the i)ublic km)w what we are aiming 
 at, and ask for their assistance. We believe all that i^ 
 required is that it should be known such a Society is at 
 work, and we believe it will get abundant sui)port. (Hear, 
 
 * Liberal JMumbcr for East Cornwall. 
 
61 
 
 hour.) TlKiro will l)o nortaiii exponsos for printini,^, ii(lv(>r. 
 tisi.ij,^ &o. I mysclt' havo suhsorihod £10, iin.riHM-liiips 
 otlior <,^oiitlemoii proseut will make contributions. 
 
 MR. G. W. RUSDI-:N:* 
 
 I venture to think tliat people generally, and espeeially 
 people in the Colonies, do not like to he told they want 
 ''enlighteninjr and instruetinjir," and I su-nest that For 
 those words should be substituted " inllueneini,^ public 
 opinion/' People in the Colonies have thoujrht over this, 
 subjoet for many y,.iirs. They have folt the shoe pinch' 
 much more than in l']n«.-Iand. 
 
 ADMIRAL WILSOy.-t 
 
 I think the word "Federation'' in the first resolution 
 \vdl be misunderstood both at home and abroad, and 
 may be made use of by the enemies of the meetin*' 
 
 ■^^• 
 
 THE CHAIRMAN: 
 
 The word is contained in the first resolution, and I 
 hardly think we can alter it. 
 
 MR. J. IIENNIKER HE ATON (New South Wales) : 
 It is said that all Hssh is o-rass, and if that is so there 
 must be a great deal of Australian grass in England at the 
 j)rosent time. (Laughter.) I wish to take advantage of 
 the o])portunity of saying that all true Australians believe 
 HI an Imj)erial union, whieh we believe would be a gua- 
 rantee for the peace of the world and for our own safety. 
 I think the words 'imperial Union" would be better 
 understood than "Eederatiou" in Australia. 
 
 Jrombor of tlio Civil Service in Victoria, 
 t Lato C'ouimodoro ou tlie Australian Station. 
 
r.2 
 
 The resolution, with tho words " innuonciii';' )>ul)lic 
 opinion" siilistituti'd for " cnliyhtcnini"' and instructinj^ 
 the j)('oi)h'/' wjis j)ut to the nieotin;^' and ayrccd to. 
 
 TIIK CHATinrAN: 
 
 Wo havo n'ot throu<4'h the resolutions afl'cctin'T' the 
 principle, and we now come to the details. I think tho 
 snyu'estioii that has heen made, that we should not 
 adjoui-n till next year, hut that we should a<Ijourn till tho 
 autumn, is a very o-ood one. It is (juite true the Govern- 
 ment havo oidy o-ot one thin<3^ to do, hut it is no reason 
 wjjy everyhody else should only havo that to do. The 
 reason why next year was mentioned was to enahle us to 
 yet answers from the Colonies, hut I think we all Tool that 
 this is a matter which will havo to be done stej) hy step, 
 and I dare say hy the autumn even wo shall he {^'lad of 
 further su<;'i;estions. Tho next roscdution relates to tho 
 appointment of an ICxocutive Committee. It should ho 
 clearly understood that that Committee is not appointed to 
 lix tho objects of the Society, or to })roduco a i)lan of 
 Federal Union. Wo havo not yet come to that. (Hear, 
 hear.) Tho duty of tho Committee is to consider tho 
 (piostiou of orjj^anisation. 
 
 MR. ALHKllT (iUMV, ]\r.P., moved:* 
 
 "That the Committee consist of Frederick Young', Esq., 
 Chairman ; Cajjtain J. C. K. Colomb, ll.^NI.A., A'ico- 
 Chairman ; Francis V. Ijaliillierc, J']sq., lion. Sec; T. 
 Dennistoun Wood, Es([., II. O. Arnold- Forstor, Escp, and 
 Hon. Harold F^inch-IIatton, lion. Treasurers; Sir Daniel 
 Cooper, Jiart. ; W. J. Courtho})e, Esq.; Alex. Staveley 
 Hill, Esq., a.C., :\I.P. ; K(q)er Lethbrido-e, Escp ; Sir Samuel 
 Wilson, with power to add to their number; and that, 
 pending- further notice, all communications be addressed to 
 F. P. LabiUiore, Esq., 5, Pump Court, Tom])lo, E.C." 
 
 I would like to move an amendment, which will have 
 * Liboiul MeiiiLer I'or South Nortliumljciland. 
 
63 
 
 tho cordiiil ^-oodwill and ai)i)r()v;il of every «-ontl(«inan in 
 the room, and will, 1 trust, recoivo the ready and uillinjr 
 assent ol' ..nr (^li;.irniMn also. It is, tl.at the Coinn.ittee 
 referred to in Kcsoliilion No. 4 Ik. pivsided over hy our 
 Cliairnian of to-day. (llnar, hear.) If he will kindly 
 give ns his approval to that sii,i.-u-estion. I ain sure it will be 
 cordially adopted by every one in this room. It is ex- 
 eeedin^rly important we should have as Chairman some one 
 whose name is a household word in the Colonies. These 
 resoluti<ms will be printed in every Colonial newspap.-r. 
 They will be ea-crly scanned and hotly discussed by po..|)le 
 whoso loyalty Lord IL.sebery has described as i)assionate. 
 It is most important, I think, that the Chairman of the 
 Committee should be a fj^entleman of the position of :\Ir. 
 Forster, whose kncnvledj^e of Colonial matters is so ^reat, 
 and whose name is so well known beyond the seas. (Hear, 
 hear.) 
 
 ADMIIl.VL SIR SPEXCEll ROBINSON: 
 
 I be.,- to second the resolution. I have attended the 
 moetino- with the ^n-eatest possible satisfaction and delight, 
 and I am sure everybody who has listened to the varTous 
 speakers has felt as I have felt— that this is an important 
 point in the history of our country. We have before us a 
 prospect— and a not distant prospect, I hope— of working 
 out the designs contained in the resolutions which have 
 been so well and ably discussed. I hope with all my heart 
 that we shall follow the advice of our Chairman, and r(>fuse 
 to enter into details which are not proper to a preliminary 
 conference. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 THK CHAIRMAN: 
 
 One word about the alteration in the resolution. I do 
 not think that the actual names are of ^veat importance, 
 but I shall be glad to give any time I can to the matter! 
 (Hear, hear.) It I am to be there, I shall have to get the 
 assistance of .Mr. Young; and I cannot mention the name 
 
Gi 
 
 <if IVIr. Yoimg- willioiit sayinj^- lliat, tlirouoh bad rojort and 
 j4'ood report, and tlnouyli no repori at all — wliich is by far 
 the most dislieartenin<;' Ihiiisi;-— my Friend, Mr. Young-, has 
 stood by this cause of tlte jicrmanent unity of the Empire 
 for many years i)ast. (Cheers.) 
 
 MR. F. YOUNG:* 
 
 Perha])s I may be allowed to j^ay a Mord or two. I 
 did not intend to take any part in the discussion on the 
 present occasion ; but as my name has been prominently 
 mentioned in connection with the resolution, I may say 
 that I think the su<j'<;-estion of ^Fr. Albert (Jrey is a most 
 a(imiral)l(! one, and 1 shall rejoice very much to have Mr. 
 Forster to jtreside over us. (Hear, hear.) I shall be most 
 hap])y to render any assistance in my power in carryinij^ 
 out the work of this great conferc ice, either as de}iuty- 
 cliairman when ]\Ir. Foriitcr is unable to attend, or in any 
 other way. (Hear, hear.) It should be perfectly under- 
 stood that this Committee is not intended to have any 
 power to formulate a scheme. It is intended simply 
 to organise the ISociety, and to 6U<;<>-est somethin*;' to ii 
 future conference, which it will bo for that conference 
 either to accept or reject. I hojie you will <iuite 
 undei-stauil that I cordially agree to the proposition of 
 Mr. Albert drey. (Hear, hear.) 
 
 DR. CLARK: 
 
 I would like to suggest that the (\immitteo be 
 termed a Provisional Committee. There will ])rohably be 
 an ajjpeal to the country very soon, and we ought to 
 do all we can to bring this (piestiou before the people 
 in the meantime, in order that the next Parliament 
 may be in a jwsition to deal with it. 1 have lectured 
 a great deal amongst Liberal and workingmen's clubs 
 and associations in London and the provinces, and I 
 
 * Hon. yecjctaiy of tho Koyal t'olojiuil InstituU'. 
 
1 
 
 65 
 
 can testify that public opinion is much more advanced 
 on tliis subject than many people would believe. 
 
 With the addition of the name of Mr. Young as 
 one of the vice-chairmen, and the insertion of the word 
 " Provisional " before " Committee/^ the third and fourth 
 resolutions were adopted. 
 
 On the motion of Mr. ALEXANDER McARTHUR,* 
 
 M.P., seconded by GENERAL LOWRY, it was also 
 resolved — " That copies of these resolutions be transmitted 
 to her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, the 
 High Commissioners for Canada, and the Ag^ents- General 
 for the other Colonies, with a request that they will forward 
 them to their respective Governments; and that copies 
 also be sent to the Governors of such Colonies as are not 
 represented by Afrents-Gcneral.^' 
 
 It was further agreed that, by way of amendment, the 
 word " political " should be omitted from the second reso- 
 lution, the Chairman explaining that the word mig-ht be 
 misunderstood abroad. 
 
 SIR CHARLES TUPPER : 
 
 Without taking uj) time unnoecssarily, I venture to 
 move a resolution to which you will unanimously agree, 
 and that is, that we pass a hearty vote of thanks to our 
 Chairman for the able manner in which he has discharffed 
 his duties to-day. (Cheers.) His duties have been dis- 
 cliargrd not only with ability, but with tact, which is so 
 iuij)ortant on occasions of this kind. Let me further say, 
 and 1 can speak esi)Ocially for the Colony from which I 
 come, that there is no name which could be placed at the 
 head of a g'veat movement of this kind which will com- 
 mand such hearty support and confidence among all classes 
 as that of the right hon. gentleman. , (Cheers.) 
 
 * FiihcMil Mcmhcr for Tjciccslcr. Formorly M('Tnl»(>r of {lie Logislu- 
 livo Assembly, aud also of the Lcgislativii Counuil of Jscw South Wuk-s. 
 E 
 
66 
 MR. (}. ^\. RUSDEN: 
 
 I he^ to ppcond the rrsolution, and to assure Mr. 
 Forster that as Sir Charles Tupper hns answered for 
 Canada, so T, who have spent half a century in the 
 Australian Colonies, can say thnt there also his name is 
 rej:farded with the same kind of feeling. We kr^w that 
 he does not pnive up to party what was meant for mankind, 
 and the identification of his nnme with this movement will 
 inspire confidence amono^ Enn-lishmen in all parts of the 
 world. (Cheers.) 
 
 The resolution was passed with ncclamation. 
 
 TIIK CHAIRMAN (Mr. Forster) : 
 
 I cannot too warmly thank, the mover and the 
 seconder of the resolution for the kind words they have 
 expressed. They are far too kind. But they are spoken 
 with some authority, and 1 shall remember them as 
 one of the hrio-ht spots in a political life which has 
 not been brij^ht altoo^ether. 01" course, ev(>ry one who 
 tries to do his duty must occasionally meet with what is 
 unpleasant as well as what is pleasant; but this day 
 will hereafter be remembered to me on a much stronj^^er 
 ground than this. I think I have now seen— and"" I 
 think we all see— the beginninn- of a. movement than 
 which 1 believe there has been none of more import- 
 ance to the world. We know there are difliculties, and 
 we shall not endeavour to shirk them ; but we Ix-lieve 
 it lies in the English character, and in ]Cno-lish deter- 
 mination, to cret the better of them, and that we shall 
 eventually see— even I, I believe, shall see— the beneficent 
 fact of the world encircled by self-c,^overnin<T- English 
 communities in a firm bond of friendship and perma'Iient 
 alliance one with another. (Cheers.) 
 
 The i)roeeeding8 then terminated. 
 
67 
 
 The followinn^ Minute of the views of the Committee 
 was sul)mittcd to the Conference : 
 
 The Committee would submit to tlie Conference :— 
 
 1 . That in order to maintain the permanent unity of the 
 Empire some extension of its ])olitieal or^^^anisation will be 
 indispensable, so that the laro-e and rapidly increasing 
 poi)ulation of the portions of the Empire beyond the sea'^ 
 may have an adequate voice in the control of Foreig-n 
 relations, defence, and all other common interests and 
 concerns, and may take a fair share in sustaining- Imperial 
 responsibilities. 
 
 2. That the time has arrived when those who feel the 
 need of some i^olitical ornranisation for this jnirpose should 
 openly advocate such a policy, 
 
 .'i. That, whilst there should no lono-er be any hesitation 
 on the pnrt of the advocates of the unity of the Empire in 
 I)ointin,£>: to Federation as the end the/ have ultimately in 
 view, they should at present avoid embarrassin^r. the question 
 by attempt in.o- specifically to lay down the details of a 
 Fed.M-al oruauisation for theEmj)ire; neither should they 
 prescribe the time within which the establishment of such 
 a Federation should take place. 
 
 4. That, in order to attain the end in view, it is onlv 
 necessary to brino- l„)me to the minds of the people of this 
 country, and of the Colonies, the advanta^-es of the per- 
 manent unity and ultimate Federation of the United 
 Kino-d„m, Canada, Australasia, South Africa, and other 
 British Colonies, as our o^reat national aim in the future, 
 thedc^tails bein- left to be adjusted by those authoritatively 
 empowered to arranifc them on behalf of this country and 
 the Col.)nics, when the time shall arrive for the formation 
 of such Federation. 
 
 5. That if the permanent unity of the Empire be kept 
 clearly in view, and the nature of Federal Government be 
 well considered, its adoption will not be difficult, even if 
 
 E 2 
 
68 
 
 the growth of the Colonies or the circumstances of the 
 Empire should require it to be carried out sooner than may 
 be anticipated. 
 
 6. Tiie Cornmittee recommend the formation of a 
 Society for the special object of cnlin^htenino- public opinion 
 throughout the Empire as to the advantages of ])ermanent 
 unity, and as to the nature and different forms of Federal 
 Government; so that tlie people of the Empire, both in 
 these Isles and beyond the seas, may be the better able to 
 decide as to the exact form of that Government which they 
 may prefer whenever they shall feel that the time has 
 arrived for its adoption. 
 
 The following is a copy of tlie Resolutions as linally 
 ado])ted and unanimously passed by the Conference : — 
 
 1. That, in order to secure the permanent unity of the 
 Empire, some form of PYnleration is essential. 
 
 2. That, for the ])urpose of influencing jjublic opinion, 
 both in the United Kingdom and the Colonies, by showing 
 the incalculable advantages which will accrue to the whole 
 Empire from the adoi)tion of such a system of organisation, 
 a Society be formed of men of all parties, to advocate and 
 support the princii)le of Federation. 
 
 .'3. That this Conference refers to a Provisional Com- 
 mittee all details connected with the estalilisiiment and 
 organisation of such a Society, for a report thereon to be 
 submitted for the consideration and ai)proval of an ad- 
 journed Conference, to be held at a suitable jjcriod in the 
 coming autumn. 
 
 4. That the Provisional Committee consist of the Right 
 Hon. W. E. Forster, M.P., Chairman; Frederick Young, 
 Esq., and Captain J. C. ]{. CoJomb, Vice-Chairmen ; 
 Francis P. Lal)illiere, Esq., Honorary Secretary; J. Den- 
 nistoun Wood, Esq., H, (). Arnold-Forster, i']sq.,^ and 
 * Siilis(M|iiriif]y to IIkj CoiifciviK'o, tho roimnittci" rosolvcd Ihiit Jlr, 
 II. <). Arni)lil-l''i)is((.'r Ik; iipiioiiitcd joint lion. Sec. with Mr. F. T. 
 Liibillieit', inj^toad of continuing ono of the Hon. Truasuivr.s. 
 
69 
 
 Hon. Harold Fineh-Hatton, Hon. Treasurers ; Sir Daniel 
 Cooper, ]Jart., W. J. Courthope, Esq., Alex. Staveley Hill, 
 Esq., Q.C., M.P., and Sir Samuel Wilson, with power to 
 add to their number; and that, pending further notice, all 
 communications be addressed to E. P. Labilliere, Esq., 5, 
 Pump Court, Temple, E.G. 
 
 5. That copies of these Resolutions be transmitted to 
 Her Majesty^s Secretary of State for the Colonies, the 
 Hig-h Commissioner for Canada, and the Agents-General 
 for the Australasian and Gape Colonies, with a request that 
 they will forward them to their respective Governments ; 
 and that copies be also sent to the Governors of Colonies 
 not having- Agents-General. 
 
 0. Tliat this Conference do now adjourn to a date to be 
 hereafter named. 
 
 The preceding Minute and Resolutions were subse- 
 quently forwarded to the Secretary of State for the Colonies, 
 the High Commissioner for the Dominion of Canada, the 
 Agents-General for the Australian Colonies and for the 
 Cape, and also to the Governors of all Colonies not having 
 Agents-General. 
 
 With very few and unimportant exceptions, the Press, 
 both in London and in the Provinces, took a most favour- 
 able view of the Conference and its objects. 
 
 A few extracts from some of the leading journals of 
 the United Kingdom are given below : — 
 
 Times. 
 
 " The Conference which assembled yesterday at the West- 
 minster Palace Hotel to consider the question of Imperial 
 Federation is a remarkable sign of the times. It included 
 representatives, official and unofficial, of all the more important 
 
70 
 
 colonies, aiul conspicuous members of both political parties at 
 homo. Mr. Forstei* was in the chair, and was supported by 
 Lord Itosebcry, Lord Weniyss, Mr. \V. ]I. Smith, Mr. Gibson, 
 Mr. Stanhope, Sir Jfenry Jlolland, Mr. Cowen, Mr. Bryce, and 
 other public men of every shade of jjolitical opinion. Ex- 
 Governors of the principal dependencies of the Crown, such as 
 Lord Normanby and Sir Henry liarkly, were there, as well as 
 military and naval olllcers of distinction to whom the defence 
 of the Empire is a problem of the highest ])ractical interest, 
 and Colonial JJigh Commissioners, Agents - General, and 
 Ministers in lai'ge numbers. Mr. Forster's earnest and ener- 
 getic speech at the opening of the proceedings was followed uj) 
 by Mr. Smith and Lord Uosebei'y, who rcspeclivi-ly j)roposetl 
 and secondi'd the first resolution, alliruiiiig 'That th(( political 
 relations between Great Britain and her Colonies nmst in- 
 evitably lead to ultimate federation or disintegration,' and 
 ' that in order to avert the latter and to se-cure the permanent 
 unity of the Empire some form of federation is indispensable.' 
 It is no exaggeration to say that a dozen years ag(j such a 
 movement as that initiated yesterday would have bet-n ab.so- 
 lutely impossible. The ideas of Mr, Cobden were then in the 
 ascen<lant. The dominant party in the State was powerfully 
 intluenced by the ingenious and passionate arguments of 
 writers like Mr. Goldwiu Smith, and by a reaction against the 
 policy of Lord Palmerston, There were sonuf even then wIkj 
 contended fur the principle of a federal union betwei.'n the 
 mother-country and her Colonies, but the (juestion was not 
 regarded as a practical oni', and it would have been dillicult to 
 induce any politician of mark to identify himself with a project 
 which seemed likely to remain a splendid but impracticable 
 Utopian dream. To-day the conditions are very dillerent. 
 The Colonies are no longer looked ujion with cool indiHei'enct! 
 or ill-di.sguised dislike. We are proud of them, and wc; liave 
 confidence in them. We have no excuse for treatinic them as 
 poor relations, im2)ortunate and exacting and not to be trust«'d 
 in time of need. Our Colonial fellow-subjects, with ftiw excep- 
 tions, have developed and given ample proof of a .self-reliant 
 and manly teuiper which, instead of leading, as Mr. Goldwin 
 Suiith anticipated, to a demand for political independence, 
 
71 
 
 has been concurrent and incorporated in its ;,'rowtli with a 
 spirit of devoted loyalty to the British Crown and the 
 IJritish Flag. Whenever danger has tlireatened, or seemed to 
 threaten, the Eni[m-e the Colonists have been forward, not, as 
 'sophisters and ccononiists' had calculat<;d, to shelter them- 
 selves from risk by sei)arating their fortunes from the mother 
 country, but to oUer — nay, to piess upon — the Imperial 
 Government their moral sympathy and their material support. 
 ►Social intercoui-se between Great Britain and Greater Britain 
 lias become closer every year ; trade, letters, arts, even sport, 
 have been incessantly forging new links between them, and it 
 would now be impossible to sever the connection without a 
 wrench which would be felt in every pai-t of the body politic. 
 So it happens that in the j .resent day the problem of Imperial 
 IV'ihnatit)!! presents itself to the minds of statesmen, not only 
 as a practical, but a« an urgent one. Those who have been 
 and will be again Ministers of the Crown, Liberals as well a.s 
 Conservatives, have been convinced that the difficulties of 
 action — and no one who understands the question underrates 
 those difficulties — are outweighed by the dangers of inac- 
 tion. 
 
 "The Conference agreed yesterday, very wisely, to drop 
 fi'om the fii-st resolution the statement that unless federation 
 in some form be adopted, disintegration must ensue. That 
 proposition is argumentatively defensible, and probably tjie 
 conviction underlying it is among th(! strongest of the motives 
 which brought the promoters of the movement together. But ab 
 Sir Charles Tujjj.er, the Jligh Coumiissioner for the Canadian 
 Dominion, pointed out, to affirm that disintegration can only 
 be avi-rted by the adoj.tion of a federal scheme must, if such a 
 scheme be long delayed, only tend to strengthen the advocates, 
 at present few and feeble, of se])aration. It would be rash to 
 predict that a federal union of the Empire will be carried into 
 (■Uect without hesitations and controversies, or that even thost; 
 associated at the Conference can be brought easily to an 
 agreement on the bases of the project to be oilered for the 
 acceptance of the people of the mother country and of the 
 C/olonies. While the federal policy remains in abeyance the 
 Sejjaratists must not be allowed to argue that, by the admis- 
 
72 
 
 sion of the Unionists thonisclves, the] existing state of things 
 cannot endure. 
 
 " We have no doubt that, inconvenient and unsatisfactory 
 as the present system is, the loyalty of the Colonists is capable^ 
 of bearing even a great(T strain, though it would bo inex- 
 pedient us well as unfair ^to subject them to it. The Con- 
 ference, however, has been content o aflirm the general 
 principle of federation and to appoint a committee with a view 
 to future inipiiry and discussion. The vagueness of the (pies- 
 tion in thi.s rm provides a security against divisions of opinion 
 within the movement, but it weukt.'iis the iovec of tlu! appeal 
 made by the Coiifenmce to public opinion. Still it is clear 
 that the subject nmst pass through th(! present phase; before 
 any particular scheme of federal co-operation, such as that 
 which Lord Wemyss siiggests in a letter we print elsewhere, 
 can be uscifully considered in its details. When the Eiiglisli 
 people have made up their minds — as we believe they are fully 
 prepared to do — that it is worth while entering into clo.se 
 relations with the Colonies, the practical qualities which are 
 characteristic of English statesmanship will surely be able to 
 overcome tin; superficial difiiculties of the prolilcm. 
 
 "The obstacles to unicm interposed by distance and extent 
 of territory have vastly diminished, and aie diminishing frouj 
 day to day. Hteamships and railways, postal organisation and, 
 above all, the electric telegraph, have brought the most distant 
 provinces of our Colonial Emi)ire at tin; present day into inti- 
 mate connexion with tlu! i.-iotlier countiy. Australians and 
 Canadians are, in every r(!al sense of the word, nearer to the 
 centre of English social life and political activity than the 
 country people of Scotland or Ireland, or even of England, a 
 century and a half ago. Moreover, we must reckon with a 
 new distribution of poj)ulation and of power in the next or the 
 succeeding gcmeration. Franct; and (jermany, if tlu; present 
 movement of population continues, will then have fallen back 
 into the second rank as comparjul with Kussia on the one side; 
 and the United States on tlie other, and if England is satisfied 
 to remain a purely insular State she, too, will ha\e to recede 
 before youngtjr and stronger comnmnities. 
 
 " But it will be her own fault if she breaks the ties which 
 
73 
 
 bind Iier daughter nations to her. No' doubt there are and 
 will bo points of diilbronce botween the motlier country and 
 the Colonics, and a prfnnature and ill-considcnnl scheme of 
 fcidcration would be spc^cialiy (hmgerous for this i-eason, be- 
 cause, unless the niachinciry worked well, it would inevitably 
 h'ad to friction and irritation. As Lord Eosebery, however, 
 ol)sorvod in liis interesting speech at the Conference, some 
 KU[)i)()sed dillicultics are imaginary ratlior than real. The 
 Colonists are quite prepared t<j pay their fair share of any 
 exp(!n(liture incurred for the common benefit, if they be 
 allowed by some means to have a voice, however limited, in 
 d(!tormining tlie policy of the Empire. There is no fear that 
 federation will be made a pretext for diminishing the local 
 self-government of the Colonies ; on this both jNlr. Smith and 
 Lord Ilosebery were very decided. It i.s no less clear that 
 Colonists cannot intervene in the domestic concerns of the 
 United Kingdom. JJut there is a wide circle of interests 
 common to the motlKjr-country and the Colonies. Lord 
 Hosel)ery nuintioned the Egyptian question, which is one of 
 paramount impoi-tance to the people of Australia, though in 
 d((termiiiing what the policy of the Empire shall be in regard 
 to it they have no voice. Another subj(>ct on which the 
 Australians have ellectually, though .somewhat irregularly, 
 made themselves heanl is the conduct of Fiance in exporting 
 her 'incorrigible crinnnals' to the Pacific, disregardhig its 
 overflow upon the shores of Queensland, New South Wales, 
 and Victoria. We welcome, in the answer given by the 
 Und(!r-St!cretary for the Colonies, on Monday night, to a 
 question whether the Colonists would bo allowed to legislate 
 for their own protection, a proof that Lord Derby's frigid 
 indiflerence has been thawed by demonstrations the warmth of 
 which cannot be ignored. Mr. Ashley said that if the neces- 
 sity arose the Imi)erial Government would not interfere with 
 well-considin-ed legislation by the combined Colonies against 
 the intrusion of criminal aliens. At the same time, the 
 Foreign Olhce has been using its utmost endeavours to induce 
 the French Government to prevent the question from becoming 
 a .serious one, as it might well become if the Colonists were 
 driven to act for their own protection. We understand that 
 
74 
 
 Lord Lyoiia litis urj^cd most stroiif^'ly tliiit tli(! objections of the 
 AustruliiiiiH to iUv. Jvocidivist Mill would not Ik' iciiiovod by 
 any cod(! of rci^'ulatious ov restrict ions to bo enforced in Now 
 Caledonia. 'I'lio only assuramt; wjiidi will hatisfy the Colonists 
 is that no llcciilivists aro to be sent out to the Paeilic at all. 
 M, Ferry's reception of the icpresentations of the Ui'itish 
 Anibas.su(h)r was considerate! and enconraL;in;jf. The progress 
 of the IJill will bi' almost certainly delayed till after the recess; 
 the report of the Conmiittet! was only laid before tla; Senate 
 yesterday, and in the existing state of French politics it is 
 inijtrobabh; that iiiuch business w'ill be done beforo the close of 
 tlu! Parliamentary session. The chances of the ultimate aban- 
 donment of the JJill an; increasetl by this delay. It is (piite 
 certain, howi-ver, that, as J^ord lioseliery put it, if Austialia 
 had been an integial |»art of the iJritish Empire, it wcmhl 
 never have been seriously pro|iose(l, even in France, to i)oison 
 the country with 'criminal iofuso.'" 
 
 Staudui'd. 
 
 " Th(! remarkable gathering that assembled yesterday at the 
 Westminster I'alace Hotel to dist-uss tin; projtriety of Imjierial 
 Federation was in itself the best evideni-e that this ipiestion 
 has emerged from the regions of patriotic tlreamland to the 
 sphere of actual jiolitics. It is rare in these ilays to lind rej)re- 
 sentative men of all parties uniting in the promotion of a 
 political movement, and though probably an attemjit to give 
 practical a]>plication to the views jiropounded at yesterday's 
 Conference would disclose many diversities of opinion, tin; 
 absolute unanimity which has now been obtained as U) the 
 principle of the scheme will prcpui*; the way for a solution of 
 the problem when a suitable time ariives. The advisability of 
 retaining our Colonies is a (piestion which, as JNlr. Foustkk 
 remarked, has been hnally disposetl of. We have; now to con- 
 sider how we can best organise that union which both tin; 
 inother-eouutry and the Colonies are resolved to maintain. It 
 was no j>art of yi'sterday's proceedings to suggest any plan, nor 
 is the scheme yet ripe for practical elaboration. Nev«'rthele.ss, 
 the supporters of this movement have no reason to bo ili.s- 
 
75 
 
 satisHod with the prorrros.s of their views in the public mind. 
 A dozen year.s jigo the idea of Imperial IVderatiou hardly 
 exist'jd exce})t in name; ; or, if it did, it was .subscribed to only 
 by .some hardy j.atriots and a few Huj»i)osed croteheteers. The 
 Government of the day wa.s known to be re.signed to disinte- 
 gration, and Home of its prominent mend)(!is were strenuous 
 advocates of separation. The world was still oppressed by the 
 idea of remoteness, and but impeifcctly realisctd that by the 
 scitMililic achievements of our own era distance had been 
 virtually abolished. Dissolution was accepted as the inevitable 
 fatcf of empire, and we were sujtposed to be exhibiting our 
 »'nlighteniiunt by ])iomoting our own dismemberment. More- 
 (jver, F(-ilrration — the then doubtful experiment of the United 
 States apart — was somehow associated with Centralisation, 
 with " Imperialism," with military despotism, and with a host 
 of other more or less obnoxious doctrines, and was, therefore, 
 supp().s((l to be inimical to liberty. The conception of free 
 States combining for self-jjroteetion on a grand scale was not 
 yet understiiod. A great Party was dominateil by parochial 
 notions, and a Federation of the Colonies was, in spite of tht^ 
 development of political organisation, as inconceivable to many 
 people as a Kingdom of the Middhi Ag(!s would have been to the 
 Municipal Statesmen ot Attica. To e(|ually erroneous, if more 
 excusable, sentiments, was added a perverted notion of our 
 mat(!rial interests, which, from its very sellishness, insi)ired a 
 popular reaction that .sensiiily facilitated the progress of the 
 Imperial idea. IJut even a more important agi-ncy than a 
 growing appreciation of our national duty was the centripetal 
 inlluence of the Colonies them.selves. In Australia, in South 
 Africa, in America, our kinsmen caught ujt the Imperial tradi- 
 tion with all the fervour of national youth, and not only re- 
 fu.sed to separatt; individually from the mother-country, but 
 collectively interdicted the dislocation of an Empire in which 
 they claimed an inheritance. This moviunent in the Colonies 
 dtsmolished at once the foundation of all the theories of 
 Separatists. It was found that a tendency towards disintegra- 
 tion was not inevitable ; that the action of our North American 
 Colonies last century, which, till then, was held to govern all 
 similar connections, was due to si)ecial and temporary causes; 
 
76 
 
 and that th« force of coliosion in politics might, undor certain 
 circunistaiicos, Ik; more jtowcifiil than that of dissolution. 
 Nor has tho sellish notion of a Ijurdcnsonu' connection hcon less 
 effectually controverted. The incidence of Imperial liability 
 may not l)0 yet scientitically adjusted, but tho indirect advan- 
 tages accruing to us are now admitted to compensate for nnich 
 of our direct outhiy, and thi^ recent action of the Australasian 
 Colonies respecting the administration of t\w Pacific i)roves 
 that they would be by no means unwilling, under an organised 
 F(Mleration, to contribute tlu-ir (piota towards Impeiial ex- 
 penditure. 
 
 " Although the Conference avoided a formal discussion of 
 details, and left over these matters till the means and the 
 opjuntunity arose for prolitably entertaining them, it was im- 
 possible to avoid reference to what might be tlio real outcome 
 of the movement. Several suggestions were hazarded, notably 
 by Lord Roskiskuy, who, iresh from his visit to the Antipodes, 
 rather shares the impatience of the Colonists for })articipation 
 in Imperial affairs ; but no one cared to anticipate the solution 
 to be provided by the growth of ])ublic opinion and the force ot 
 events. It is contrary to the genius of the Anglo Saxon race 
 to project cut-and-dried Constitutions. An experiment in tho 
 present case ■would be the less happy, because the circumstances 
 cannot be governed by any historical example. Not so long 
 ago commercial intercourse was supposed to precede ])olitical 
 unity. Experience has sliown that, however excellent fiscal 
 freedom may be, its ]»oliticiil influence luis been ovei'-estimated. 
 The Cermau Customs Union was certainly the forerunner of 
 the Emjjire, but it was little more. The Latin Monetary 
 Union, which, in the imagination of Napolkon III., was to 
 have been the basis of an undefnuHl political and commercial 
 superstructure, has ])roduced no effect whatc^ver, beyond the 
 restricted purpose to which it was originally applied. On the 
 other hand, we find in America an ill-assorted Customs Union 
 maintained only by the intense political sympathy of the 
 Federated States ; and in India the commercial relations with 
 the foreign settlemc^nts are closer than with native States, such 
 as Indore and Gwalior, whose fiscal methods are altogether at 
 variance with the system obtaining in the Empire, to which 
 
they are united by tlio cloKost ])olltical, i'eli<,'ious, iind social 
 ties. 13ut wlmtever may \h) the ellects of a ZoUvereiii — and at 
 one time it was su)»])()S('(l to ]»> the only iiossiUIc hond in tlie 
 British system — its upplicution is now admitted to l)e out of 
 tho question. Not only are tlie ('uh)nieH at issue with the 
 motluT-country on this suhjeet, but they are liostile to one 
 another. Since, liowever, it has been ])roved that a Customs 
 cordon between Victoria and New South Wah's as ri;,'id as that 
 aloni; the; I'yicnees is no l)arrier to cordial political co-operation 
 in inter-Colonial matters, there is no reason to believe that a 
 mere conflict of tarills — much as this mi^dlt be deplored by 
 sensibhf people on economical j^rounds — would impair the senti- 
 ment of Imperial unity. Nay, so little; impoitaiice is placed 
 u|)ou the reaction of dillerent ])olitical and economical unions, 
 that both th(; French and Poi'tui^uese have united tlunr Indian 
 Possessions to the fiscal system of Ibitish India, and some 
 strictly loyal Canadians are now found a(lvocatin<;f a commercial 
 union with the Ignited States. If a Zollverein is harndess for 
 discord, it is eviilently useless for political union. Other ex- 
 pedients nnist be found — or, rather, allowed to declare them- 
 selves. Any interference with our insnlai I'arliamentary 
 systiMn would at this moment be rei)U;,'nant to the people of the 
 United Kinj^'dom. Our political system in its present develoj)- 
 ment oilers no room for an Impei'ial Senate. I>ut possibly tin' 
 jj;erm of a Federated Adniinistratioii will bo found in a repre- 
 sentative Colonial Council to advise; the Secretary of State on 
 matters of common interest. The materials for such a body 
 are already at hand, and its influence would develop in the 
 ratio of its usefulness. 
 
 "iJut the Colonists and supporters of Federation generally 
 will have reason to be satisfied if yesterday's Conference should 
 lead to no more visible residt than the atlirmation of the prin- 
 ciple contained in the {{esolution moved by 3lr. W. IT. Smith. 
 that " some form of Federation is indispcnsabl(>," and to the 
 formation of tlu; Committee suggested by ^Ir. Stanhoi'E, for 
 the purpose of influencinu; anil eidi,i,ditening public opinion on 
 th(; advantages t(j V)e derived from a closia- union with our 
 Colonial possessions. Thev have alrcadv to con i,'ratu late them- 
 selves on the 'onverbion of all Parties in this country, and on 
 
obtai'nijn,' rnatorial oonoossions from tlifir old oppononts. It is 
 soin»'tliiTi<,' t(. have extorted from tlie l.ilieral Party, whirli so 
 ostentatiously oU'ered them tlio odd slioidder wlien last in power 
 a sincere ree()i,'nit ion of tlieir " niiinifest destiny." The result 
 is duo not only to the prevalence of more enlif^litened ideas at 
 home, but in an especial niiuiner to the enerj^'y of tlie Australian 
 (Joloiiies themselves. The j)ersisteiicy with which these 
 Colonies have asserted their ri<,dit to l)e Jieard in Jmju'iial 
 matters connected with their own re;fi()ns has scH'ured tlieni a 
 footin"^ in Imperial Councils that scarcely reipiires the formal 
 reeo<,'nition of le,i;islativ(^ enactment. TIk^ creation of an 
 'Australasian Dominion' will almost necessarily involve the 
 transfer of the direction of the affairs of the I'acilic to Sydney 
 or Melbourne, as mattei^ connected with lln' North. 'Vmeri<'a!i 
 Continent are now practically concentrated at Ottawa. With 
 this ac<piisitioti, the Colonies may reasonably allow the project 
 of an elaborate Federal t-onstitution to stand over. The 
 Keileration, like our own national institutions, will jirobably 
 e.xi.st in fact lonuj before it is admitted in theory. Its influence 
 may be idready traced, and in Aw comse pro\ ision v/ill l»e 
 made for a fuller allocation (tf Inipei'inl responsibilities. It is 
 something,' to liav(> destroyed the disinti-irration theory ; it 
 recpiires only a continuance of the ell'iirts of the ]t!ist few years 
 to convince tlie population of every possession of the Crown 
 that a Federated llritish I'hupire woidd lie an immense material 
 ailvanta<,'e to oui'selves, and a j,'uarantee of j)e,ice and progress 
 to the world." 
 
 " The Conference on hnperial Federatifin, which was held 
 yesterday at the Westminster l'ala<'e Hotel, shows that the 
 divisions of party anioiiir l"]nglishmen, even whi'u tiiey are most 
 keenly ed;,'ed, are compatible with community of national 
 feeling. Mr. Forster and Lord Jlos('bery on the one side, and 
 Mr. W. H. Smith .and Mr. Stanhope on the other, ai-e illustra- 
 tions of the interest which Liberals and Conservatives alike 
 take in preserving the unity of the Empire. We do not think 
 that there is any danger of its being disturbed. It is imprac- 
 ticable to divorce those who wish to remain united. In dis- 
 cussing the question of nationality Mr. J. S. iMill said that it 
 
79 
 
 was iinpossiMo to flofmo in M-liat its ossonoo consistocl. A 
 cnnininn raco, rcliiiion, and lani^uitf^o aro stron<» bomls. ]>nt 
 llioy do not alwiiys jirosfrvo national unity, and thoy aro not 
 t^ss»'ntial to it. Switzfrland is a nation, and the Swiss patriotism 
 is as ardent and steady as that of any Europoan ronntry. Yet 
 in Swit/.(>rland the fniitons are iiot oidy divi(h'd in mutters of 
 relij^ion into ]*rotestant and Catholic, hnt also hy Ianc;ua<?e and 
 race into (ierman, Fi'cnch, and Italinn. ^Ir. ^lill came to the 
 eonchisif»n that riothini; more could be said on the suliject than 
 that a nation was one which felt itself to lie one. Jn the same 
 way we may say that the British Empire is one I>ecause it feels 
 itself to l)e one. The testimony home yesterday to this com- 
 munity of sentiment hy such men as ^Ir. Forster and Mr. 
 Smith on hehalt' of Enjj;land, and by the representatives of 
 Canada and the Australian colonies, is a witness to a fact 
 which makes jtredictions of separation as futile as theories of 
 federation arc premature. Our Colonial system has passed 
 t fou<;;h several jdiases. Little more than a ;j;en(>ration a;^o the 
 unity of th<^ I'lmpin' was maintained Ity the almost despotic 
 lule of t]w mothei'- country over what wei-e truly called her 
 Dependencies. Since self-jLjovcrinnent was conceded to the 
 Colonies the JJritish Enijiire has consisted of an association «. 
 free States with a c(M-tain ])riinacy and authority on the jtart of 
 ]']n<;land ofti'U little more than nc-iiiinal and titular. 
 
 •''I'liis condition of thinij;s has bc(>n attended with a certain 
 amount of inconvenience. The>T; has been occasional di.scord, 
 now and then threatenin<^ conflict, and there have been ho.stile 
 taritVs, but the sentiment of union has b(>en stron;j;er than th(>se 
 diiliculties ; and without forecasting,' any scheme of Jm])erial 
 Federation, we believe that one will gradually shape itself with 
 a little aitl from human wisdom as opportunity and mn-essity 
 snirj'est. Such a svstem mav be somethiuj' new in human 
 history ; but historj' lias not yet exhausted itself, and the livitig 
 being nuu be trusted to create; for itself an organisation .suit- 
 able to its character and needs. We do not l)elieve that the 
 dominion of England will within any time, or under any cir- 
 cumstances, which it is reasonable to contemplate, be restricted 
 to thcs(> two islands, still less to one of them. I'ossibly, under 
 stress of (events, this or that colony may separate itst^lf. But 
 
80 
 
 tlio 7']ii;,'lisli arc still fiii f'xi)nTi(lin<i; mid (■iiiii^'tJitiii',' iiiition, iiiid 
 others will 1k> formed, (lie jL,'ro\vtli of wliicli will iiiiiiiitaiii tlin 
 Kitij)ir(( midiiiiiiiislied. Cut luid dried selieiiies of delilieriite 
 separation, such as that which Lord l^oseiiery connected truly 
 (Hiougli with llio nanic of Mr. (Joldwin Smith, and (|uite 
 erroneously svith that of the late Sir William Moh'sworth, are 
 powerless ai^ainst old his(oii<! traditions, common sentiment, 
 and the conviction of common intei'csts. The openin;^ sjmhm'Ii 
 of Mr. Korsler, whose hold upon his countrymen is lar<fely iluc 
 to the stroiii,' lihre of old l']ni,dish patriotism which runs through 
 his (tharacler, and which redeems occasional errors, as we thitik 
 them, of opinion and conduct, struck the keynote of the 
 m(!etin<,' ycslei'day with a vigour iind clearness which elicited 
 prompt and hearty rcs|(onse. Our only doulil is as to whether 
 th(! ('(tid'erence was not in itself superlluous, except in so far as 
 manifestations of a feeling strengthen the feeling i(s<'lf. ()ther- 
 wis(Mt might seem to he giving rcidity to a fictitious danger, 
 'i'liis at, any rate is, we think, certain. When an I'lnipire or 
 any other organisation, political, s(M'ial, or jiliysieal, liegins to 
 fall in pieces, it is lieeause its life is decaying. While there is 
 still a vigoi'ous prinrijile of vitality within it, it will c<inlinue 
 to maintain itself, and growth or exjiansion in one direction 
 will atone for loss or decline in anothei-. 'This liraiich may lie 
 lopped oil', or that sliodt may he triinyplanlcd, hiil there will he 
 other shoots and iirnnclies so long as the roots are \ igorous and 
 supply sap to the I rank." 
 
 Iht'ilji Tilt iirtijili. 
 
 "At last it- would seem that, if a gi'eat idea, e:in he hrought 
 t,(» I'calisal idii, we .ire within measur;iliie distimce lit' a federated 
 Anglo Sa,\oii i'aiipire. 'The project of unit iiig till our colonies 
 to the mother country in some more visitde nnd laiigihlc form 
 than at |iresei!t, is not a. new one, hut it, li;is never heeii so yiro- 
 mineiidy l>roiiL,'lil imwiird as at, the iiieeliiig .'.illed together 
 yesterday morning in liondon to wclcume iind suppoi't the 
 general scIk'Hic of l''ederat ion. \\v Iminc already tlwelt hy 
 anticipation with the pregnant and Impeiinl topic which was 
 I hen; disiai.ssed, and the fiict that it is a sulijeei aliove paiiy 
 liolitics is sutliciently e\idenccd hy men like Mr. Korster, Mr. 
 
81 
 
 Sinitli, and Lord Rnscbory uniting tofjctlior in sujiport of tlio 
 sninci vi(!\vs. lu'iilly mikI truly tlx' (lucstion wliicli was <lfl>,it»'d 
 l)y liu! curncst spciikcrs ut tli»! Wcstniinstcr I'aliUH^ ILotfl was, 
 What am \\(\ to do witli our Knipiro ? Is it to li(> rctaini'd as 
 a pricflcss l('<j;acy from tini(;s <;on(i l>y, or is it to l)o <j;ot rid of, 
 pinccincal, with tlio utmost dc^roo of speed consistent vith 
 Kadifid convenience ] It is noteworthy tliat tlie lii-st resolu- 
 tion declared ' that the political relations between (Ireat Ihitrin 
 and her colonies must inevilaltly lead to nltiniafi^ Kederahon 
 or disinte^'ration.' 'I'hiidiers who are not alllicted with wiiat 
 Mr. Spencer calls the ' l)ias of patriotism ' niiijht demur to tliest- 
 t(M'ms. I'l'ofessor ( {oldwin Smith, for example, had he assisted 
 at yesterday's j;atherini;, Avould proltahly have niovi'd to omit 
 tho wonls which make it appear even possilile that tht> lOmpire 
 may not ultimately lie In'oken into fra,u;ments. Ihil it is notioe- 
 alile that the ('olonisis, or those most capable of speakini,' on 
 their behalf, do mtt take this iL,doomy view of the future. Thus 
 Sir (Jharles Tupj^'r olijected to the resolution we have reierred 
 to because it bi'cathed tli(! base notion of disintetjrat ion as the 
 alli'rnative t(i I'^ederation. There is, in the opinion of the 
 f^reati'st Colonial authorities, no ivasou in the nature of thing's 
 wliy our I mperial children should not. j,fo on in their present 
 state of allect innate unity with the mother country till the end 
 of iiistory. Mr. h'orster, we bt<li(n'e, was pe"fectly coi'rect 
 when he said that ' inlliKMit ial (Colonists would tell them that 
 tilt! prospect, of .separation was as hateful to the ('olonists as i',. 
 is t(» us at home.' Wwi there is no doubt that the esistim; tit- 
 is htose, irre:4ular, and so far misatisfactory. It does not brini;' 
 home to the popular imaLjination either of Mnnland or her 
 colonies the fa<'t of the kinshij) between distant communities 
 and the reality of t)ur Imperial relationshii». To nundiers of 
 our countrymen the first idea of the vastness and the i^randeur 
 of the I'lmpire and of the I'cality of the newer l']iii(iands across 
 tin* ocean comes with a .sense of suipri.se as a result of travel ; 
 and those who do not make the trip to Canada or Australia 
 often fail to receive tim impression at all. 
 
 " ^'et our Colouial friends woulil l>e makiiii^ a real misiake 
 if they supposed that there is one whit less of ]>ride in the 
 [)ower and prosperity of tlu>se distant possesions now tiiaii in 
 
82 
 
 any previous poriod of our aniiiils. It is possiltlc, of course, 
 that some tlay a colony may drift away from us ; l^ord Rose- 
 bery's warnin*^ tliat we may delay Federation till it is too late 
 to federate is not at all unnecessary ; but if that evil hour ever 
 arrives we may he sure that we shall never realise so vividly 
 the value of our Colonial Empire as when we are on the point 
 of losing it altog(^ther. 
 
 " Specific i)laiis for Fed(!ration between all the component 
 parts of the British Empire may possibly be premature. Mr. 
 P"'orster, the chairman of the meeting of yesterday, stated that 
 the ultimat(i form which Federation should tak<' was not the 
 main cpiestion for the audience to consider. .Mr. Smith also 
 deprecated hasty counisels at what was practically oidy a pre- 
 liminary (,'onf(,'rence. Yet some practical outcome! ought to 
 residt from the eft'orts of thosci who have oi-ganised the new 
 movement, or the subject will inevitably sink back into the 
 region of asj)iration and hojje where it h.is so long lain. We 
 ourselves have .suggested the scheme of a Federal Council which 
 might carry on its labours side by side with the Imperial 
 Parliament. Lord Ivosebery, whos(? interest in the Colonies 
 must hav(! been quickened by a recent visit to Australia, pro- 
 jmsi'd th(! ai)i)oiMtment of a Connnittee or a lioyal Conunission 
 to examini! into seh(!mes of Federation, and to report to Parlia- 
 ment upon the best working plan pr<'sented to Ihem. '{'here 
 would be a double advantage in such a cour.se being adopted : 
 in th(! first plac(>, the evidence tid^en would serve to show how 
 and in what dintction the first expei'imental att('U\])t to federate 
 might best be madt; ; and, besides this, Ihert" v.ould ho. the .solid 
 benefit of the interest which would be excited, and the fre.sli 
 tie which such an incjuiry would constitute between Great 
 Britain and the 'CJreater Jlritain.' At th(> present moment, 
 nothing could well be looser than the formal bond between 
 England and Canada, for example. In all internal matters the 
 Canadians manage, and ought to manage, their own affairs; 
 tlu^y possess what a, liundred years ago woidd have been con- 
 sidered a most dangerous institution — a Parliament of tluiir 
 own. The presence of a (Joveraor, sent out periodically fr.im 
 England, to represent the paramount authority of the Crown, 
 and the existence of a power of apjieal from legal decisions to 
 
the Privy Council in Enjjland, aro about tlio solo indications 
 that Canada is not at tliis inonicnt possessed of the independence 
 which some philosophers wish to force upon her. 
 
 " Such ar(^ the formal l.onds. liut we have, of course, 
 omitted the stronjjjest of all possible ties — the feeling of attach- 
 ment to the mother-country and lier institutions which does 
 practically mak(^ us and our most remote ('olonial kinsmen por- 
 tions of onc^ largf^ 'family party.' That bond, allicit senti- 
 mental, is one wliich is more valuable than any other; but we 
 nnist remember that in future the (V)Ionists will unavoidably 
 lose something of the personal fondness for the ' green lields of 
 England,' as genei-ations arise which know them not except by 
 the tales they have heav<l from their fathers or from what they 
 read in books. Tlierc^ is also some danger lest a race-i'ehUion- 
 sliij) of which there is no outward manifestation perpetually 
 recurring will gradually and in.sensibly be weakened. Our 
 colonies are loyal and patiiotic to the core; but it is only 
 human nature to thiidc of (hat which is seen, and to forget 
 what does not bring itself constantly Ix'fore the imagination. 
 These aie undoubtedly the sentiments which are entertained 
 by the most j)atrio(ic of our Colonial statesnu^i, and which 
 found expression at yesterday's (\)nference. We lu'lieve that 
 no greater (^r nobler work was ever iiiiiugurated than this of 
 drawing together ( Srcat liritain and iier insular and Continental 
 oll'shoots into a federated jiartnership. in which all shall ]tar- 
 tici])ate in the benelits, and of wliich the jiower will be 
 infinitely greater for mutual good and mutual protection than 
 in a loosely-bound congeries of atoms, such as is the J'ritish 
 Empire of to-day. We must tak(* account of the . xpansion of 
 the Colonies. We shall .soon liave to do with peoples as 
 numerous and as iiulustrious as our own. Our Colcmial children 
 will outgrow their parent ; they iiumber already as many as all 
 the ))opulation of this kingdom at the time of the American 
 AVar of Independeiue ; and we must think of them already as 
 powerful kindred nations, soon to become still more powerftd, 
 whom it is alike our interest and our glory to join with us in 
 directing the future course of our Imperial history. 
 
 " One objection which is sometimes heard to the ])lan of 
 Colonial representatives in either House of Parliament is that 
 
 ,,, .) 
 
84 
 
 llio (listanco is so fjroat tlmt, at election lime, it would lio difti- 
 cult to make the niachiiieiy Avoik. But the answer which the 
 senior ]M(;nil)er for Westminster <j;ave yestei'day to this ar^ni- 
 nicnt is conclusive. Canada is not so far oil' now as London- 
 derry or Aberdeen in last century. 'Phe mail-coaches which 
 were in vogiu^ up to the introduction of the railway system 
 hardly lirouifht Ediidmr^^h into closer communion with LoikIou 
 than is Montreal or Quebec at the present day. 
 
 " it used to be considered a wonderfid feat when letters 
 wen* brou;L;lit in four days IVom the capita! of Scotland ; 
 while ]Mr. Smith truly remarked that Australia in jioint of 
 timt! is hardly more distant now than wei-e the islands on 
 the west coast of Scotland or Ireland a centurv ai,^). Then 
 th(? tele<,'raph has joined England with the Antijiodes in a 
 mfiuner which renders .Melbouine or Sy<Iney really nnah 
 nearer for purposes of commerce and business than was Dublin 
 or (dasn-ow sixty years back. With Australian cricketers 
 coniim,' over every sunnner to EnjL,dand, and with En_<,dish 
 .scientilic meii rushinj,' oil' to hold the meeting; of the ]!i'itish 
 Association in Canatla, .space is already anniliilatfd. TIk; 
 Empire is brought close to<,'ether, and tht; desired Federation 
 would be oidy the formal ratification of a chanije induced by 
 the marvels of steam and electi'icity. It is now scarcely more 
 than a hundred years since t'ai)tain Cook and Sir.Josei)h Hanks 
 lirst .set fv)ot in Aus lia ; yet what a nn'txhty rexolution has 
 supervened since thai date 1 ' No nussiouai-isiny,' once wrote 
 Dr. Arnold, 'is half so beneilcial as to try to j)our sound and 
 healthy blood into a youn<,', civilised soci(?ty — to make our 
 colony, if possilile, likt; the ancient colonies or like New lui"- 
 land, a iivinj,' suck(!r from the motliei'-country, bearing,' the 
 same blossom and the same fruit.' 'I'o .some the tojiic of Eede. 
 ration may appear uninteresting because it is iu>t a 'burning 
 question,' or because it would li(> dillicult to mamd'actun' out of 
 it any political capital worth speaking of at the p(»lling-booths. 
 We trust that no such sentiments will jti-evail in th<' considera- 
 tion of this noble and far-reaeliiiig project, but that there; niav 
 be sutlicient patriotism .still left in thesi; islands to understaiul 
 the vital importance of a real union of the Empire, and enough 
 statesmanship to cany it out." 
 
85 
 
 Morning Post. 
 
 "The niovonient wliicli was iriauifurated yesterday at the 
 Conference held at tlu^ Westminster Pahice Hotel, with a view 
 to the i'tdenition of (ireat JJritain and h(>r Colonies, is calcu- 
 lated to lj(j followed by results the nia<,'iutude and iniitortance 
 of which cannot l)e exaggerated. Even the least observant 
 must have noticed that of late years the relations between the 
 mother country and the oUspring she has called into existence 
 in various j)arts of the glob(! have assumed a character which 
 l)oints at no distant period either to a much closer union than 
 at present exists between tlu; two or to a complete sei)aration. 
 The Colonii'S form, it is true, so many distinct portions of the 
 IJritish Empire, and those who inhabit them u\v, we are 
 rejoiced to say, no less loyal to the JJritish Crown than the 
 inhabitants of the United Kingdom. But in the necessity 
 of things a conllict, or, perhaps, more corn^ctly speaking, a 
 want of unity of interests, occasionally arises, which iniper- 
 eeptilily raises the question whether it is worth while to 
 maintain a connection which to a greater or less extent 
 hampers the action of both. On the one hand it is urg(>d that 
 England does not gain so many material advantage s irom the 
 Colonies as to justify her in accepting onerous engageuienta 
 and liabilities on their account, whilst on the other the 
 Colonies, finding their peculiar inti'rests threatened l)y a state 
 of things which, save in tiie most remoter degive, does not 
 allect the parent country, are naturally indignant if, in the 
 vindication of their rights, tiny do not obtain the .sympathy 
 and support to which they consicUsr themselves justly entitled. 
 A cas(! in point arose a .short time .since, and for that matter is 
 still pending, when the Australian Colonies protested against 
 the deportation of French criminals to islands in do.se 
 proximity to their territories. Their [n-otests met with but a 
 half-hearted sui)port from the Home Government, and, though 
 their loyalty to th«f Ciown and their desire to maintain the 
 existuig connectioii with tlu' jjarent country ai'e undiminished, 
 they are by the mere force of circumstances compelled to 
 conside!' whetL-r, with a view to their own self-preservation, 
 they ought not to take inilependent action. 
 
8G 
 
 " At tlie Conferoijco wliich was hold yesterday it is (ispo- 
 cially gratifyiiif^ that those; who took part in it wro statosinoii 
 ent(;rtaiiiiii^ the most divcrso opinions on (|U('stions of domestic 
 policy. The chair was tak(!n \>y Mr. Forstcr, and the lirst 
 resolution, which aflirined the necessity of udoi)tin{^ some foiin 
 of federation hetweeu (ireat Jiiitain and her Colonies in order 
 to av(!rt the disintegration of the Empire, was moved by Mr. 
 W. II. Smith and seconded l)y the JOarl of Jloseliery. The 
 important issue I'aised is in no sense a i)ar(y one, hecaiise every 
 British subject, whatever his special ))olitical predilections, 
 must be equally interesttid in maintaining the integrity of the 
 Empire in which he takes a pride. And it is impossible for 
 any one to study attcsntivtily tlu; relations which at piesent 
 exi.st between the panMit country and her dcpendencii's without 
 agreeing with Mr. Forster that .sooner or later there must Ik! 
 disintegration or federation. The ouestion is not, us the 
 Mend)er for JJiadford put it, whether we siiall ktutp our 
 Colonies, but how we shall keep them ; and, although it would 
 l)e prenuitun; to ask in what manner this end is to be acecjm- 
 plished, it is none too soon to invite di.scu.ssion as to the best 
 way of solving this probhsm. It is, further, to be taken into 
 (;onsideration that the; inventions of modern seience liave gone 
 far to annihilatt! thosi; ditliculties of time and spiice which only 
 a f(!W years ago might have bec^n supposed to raise insuperable 
 obstacles to the realisation of such a scheme as is now ad- 
 vocated. It is not too much to say that oui* Canadian, South 
 Afi-ican, and Australian dependencies, not to speak of our 
 Indian Kmpiiti, an; now much closer to luigliuid than was 
 Ireland at the commtjncement of the presi'ut century ; and if it 
 was then found not only po.«sible, l)ut expedient, to ellect a 
 union between the latter country and (!r»'at iJritain, how much 
 mojo so should it be now to (establish a federation between the; 
 Unitt^d Kingdom and hei' various Colonies, however scattered 
 over th(! face of the glolu', which would have the eil'ect of 
 creating such a community of interest as would enable all to 
 present a solid front to the rest of tin; world. The first object 
 should be, as Mr. Korster (!xpress(!d it, to ellect .so close a 
 combination that sciparation should be t\'lt to be a mo.st im- 
 jirobable result. 
 
87 
 
 "Tiikiiifi; for f^fniutccl — and we prcsunio the proposition will 
 not !)(', (lisputod — that the unity of the British Empire is 
 pn'fcriililc to its tlisint ('Juration, thccjucstion n(!cessarily presents 
 itself wlictlier we should not tali'.e udvauta^(! of conditions 
 wlpch at prestMit exist, but which may possihly soon disappear, 
 to erteot that comltiiiation l>y which all will equally benefit. 
 This was specially dwelt upon in the speeches of !Mr. Snuth 
 and Jionl Ivosi'bcry. We have now a strong feeling of loyalty 
 and attachment sul)Kisting V)et\ve<'n the Colonics and the 
 United Kingdom, but no one can say how long it will last if 
 the Home (lovernment adop<^ the selfish policy of declining to 
 allow the Imju'rial policy to be aflfected by the wants of the 
 Colonics. !,ct us take for example our dependencies in the Au.s- 
 tralian Continent and the adjacent isl.inds. They have assumed 
 a magnitudt> and hav(f ac(piir('d a power which un'iuestionably 
 sui)ply to them a temptation to refuse to coniide their interests 
 to the keeping of the particular statesman who for the tiuu; being 
 happens to preside at the Colonial Otlict^ at Whitehall. This 
 temptation should be renK)ved by enabling them, as an integral 
 portion ol* a great empire, to employ their due weight and 
 inlluence in securing due jirotcictiou for their interests. It is 
 no little advantage, as Mr. Smith jminted out, that England 
 should possess (^»l(lnies to which her surplus ])opulation should 
 be .sent, which, whilst founding new lields of industry, would 
 still feel that they continued Hritish subjects, with unabated 
 interest in the m.iintiuuinci! of the JJritish Empire. ]f the 
 parent c(»ui<try manifests indiflerence, these Colonies nuist 
 jM'rforce tak(^ mea.':'.ires for their own protection, and disin- 
 tegration must iio tlu! necessary result. The unju.stifiable 
 intervention of (Jreat Jh'itain a century ago brought about the 
 revolt of the American Colonics, and her apathy may now lead 
 to a jtracLically identical result as regards dependencies which 
 are only too anxious to maintain their allegiance to the British 
 Crown. This point is apparent to many, both in this country 
 and in tin; Colonies, ))Ut until now no attempt has been made 
 to avert it. 'i'lu; Conference of y(^sterday very properly ab- 
 stained from propounding any .scheme of fedtu'ntion. That can 
 only be the outcoiiu' of long and an.xious deliberation, in which 
 the represeiit.atives of the Coloniiis must take a part. \Vhat- 
 
88 
 
 evor form it nHSumcd it would, as Lord Rosdicrv ol (served, 
 lursssiuily It-iivu iiiluct tli(( existinj,' ( Jovcnmiciit mid Constitu- 
 tion of tlu^ Tiiitt'd Kingdom. Hut tlicrt! cortiiinly sconiH to 1)6 
 no insupcralilc ohstiiclcH to thi! cn-ation of such ii 'Iioud' or 
 union lictwcu-n (in-at iSritain and tlio Colonics as, wliilst Icav- 
 ini^ the donii'stic institutions of each and all unall't'ctcd, would 
 nt-vcrtliclt'ss, in ri'spcot to the external relations of the wliolo 
 with foreifjn Slates, creat(! a hond of union with a sin;^leness 
 of purpose and identity of interest ns would eonduce to the 
 security of what under those conditions would Imj an umlivided 
 ompiro. 
 
 DaUif Chronicle, 
 
 " For men capaMo of taking an extend((il view of tlio 
 future of this eountry, the ('onferenee iiehl yesterday luider 
 the presidency of iMr. W. K. Forster has a deej) si<,'nitieance. 
 Indeed, it can hardly l»e doiil)ted that liie outcome of the 
 resolutions unanimously passed on that occasion will lead in 
 the fulness of tinu; to the serious consith^ration l)y I'arlia- 
 nient of what Lord Uoseliery, in the course of his remark- 
 al)le speech, ealh^d ' the lai';,'est of all (piestions ' that can 
 occupy a legislative ass(Mnl»ly. It was neither expected nor 
 desired that any scheme for the federation of (Ireat ISritaiu 
 and her colonies should lie pi'oj)ounded in the course of the 
 pi'oceedings yesterday. The ohjects of a gathei'ing including 
 men of widely dill'erent i»olitical ci'eeds were to elicit the 
 opinions of tho.se present as to the importanct! and practi- 
 cability of such a fcih'i'ation as that just indicated, and to 
 found a .society for the j)ur|)os(! of promoting that union of 
 intenvsts Vtotweeu the mother-country and her colonists, which 
 is really essential to the continued stiiliility ami }irosperity 
 of the Empire. J>oth these ohjects wen; accomplished, and 
 with a heartiness that spe.iks well for the energy which will 
 1)0 devoted to promotin^;/ the new undertaking. Jt is im- 
 po.ssihle to conceal from ourselves the fact that .sooner or 
 later the great connnunities which live Ixtyond the seas will 
 in succession, as they develop in population and in po\V(!r, 
 seek to rid themselves of any trammels which we have im- 
 posed upon them, unless we can confer upon them advi ntages 
 
89 
 
 luoro tliaii conuiipiistirato witli tho control wo would exiTciso 
 over tlinii. As whs said ycstonlay, citlicr fcdt-ratiitii iniiHt 
 ill cuui.sc of tiiii(( takd pliico or ' disiiiti ■,'iiiti()n.' To allow 
 iiiiiiioiis(t populations of tlio same rai-c and lan^'uaj;(! as our- 
 Hidvcs, and livini,' under tho sanio laws, to scparato tlicni- 
 KclvoH from us for ovi^r would bo to brinj^ altout ulliniatcly 
 tilt' isolation of Kni,daiid to an cxtont which would not only Ik* 
 iatal to her f,'ifat inllucncc aiiioii!^ nations, l»nt would seriously 
 alleet our L'oniiiierfial prosperity ; for, as Mr. Forster oliserved 
 ill th(! course of his reniarks on this aspect of tho (juostion, ' no 
 fact is more clearly proved by practical cxporienco than that 
 th(( trade follows the llaj^.' The power of a country anion;,' tlm 
 nations of (he earth does not depend solely upon her wealth, 
 and even if it did there are dear grounds for i)t>lieviiig that if 
 this ICnipire were rediii'ed to 'two islands, one of which did not 
 particularly care altout tho otlna-,' that wealth wouhl soon he 
 seriously deci"eas(M|. Kortunately, there is yet tho wannest 
 attachment to their native land existing on the part of the 
 niiiltitiides of people who hiive gone to Australia, to Canada, 
 and elsewhere in search of that which they could not find hero. 
 The ti'stimoiiy is overwhelming on this point, and it is ono of 
 the most encouiiiging facts that can lu; cited in jtroposing to 
 seek for the iiiciiiis of uniting this country and her colonies 
 into oiH( great Tower. How this desiiahle <'nd is to ho 
 achit'ved rem.iins to he considered, hut that it is practicahlo we 
 are fully convinced. This country would lie wcMkeiied, hi^yond 
 all doiilit, liy the loss of her great colonies, liut so, too, would 
 they for iiiMiiy a year after that se|)aratioii was eflected. Whore 
 there is still a community of intcH'est the task of formulating a 
 Hcheme of federation, what(!ver its dilliculties, is one which 
 may, as time goes on, he successfully accom[<lislie(l. That no 
 undue delay should take placi* in advocating federation as a 
 general principle, is made apparent hy that ' rajtid and vast' 
 progress of our colonies alluded to hy Mr. W. 11. Smith while 
 proposing tho first resolution sulunitted to the meeting. Wo 
 have seen what America has become since she shook off tho 
 yoke of this country ; and thoughtful men have not failed to 
 not(' the etieitts of letting our emigrants go forth to live under 
 another Hag instead of under our own. Tho j)oi)ulatiou of this 
 
90 
 
 country is steadily outgrowing its material resources, as was 
 pointed out by the late First Lord of the Admiralty yesterday, 
 and the tide of emigration must therefore go on. But it is to 
 our interest that the great bulk of it should go to lands the 
 people of which have a loyal sympathy with us and our insti- 
 tutions. If the increase in our population is constantly checked, 
 as it must be under the present condition of things, by the 
 drain of emigration, and if the people who thus seek their 
 fortunes become lost to us as part of the nation, together with 
 those who have preceded them to our great colonies, then we 
 say without hesitation that this country must certainly decline 
 in power, while others, with areas capable of sustaining much 
 larger numbers of people, will develop in influence and in 
 wealth. Time will show what the constitution of the proposed 
 federation should be, and the views of the colonists themselves 
 must be consulted on that subject, but the necessity for the 
 steps taken at the Westminster Palace Hotel yesterday are un- 
 (juestionable." 
 
 Scotsman. 
 
 " Meetings like that held last night, in support of the prin- 
 ciple of the Federation of the Empire, widen the horizon and 
 purify the atmosphere of British politics. The smoke and dust 
 in which our party struggles are carried on seem to be lifted for 
 the moment, and men are enabled to see clearly, not on what 
 points they dili'er, but those matters in which, as citizens of a 
 great country, their desires and objects are the same. Attempts 
 are indeed made from time to time to represent patriotism as 
 the perquisite of one party in the State, and to attribute to the 
 other designs for the degradation and dismemberment of the 
 Empire. Such charges or insinuations are, as a rule, brought 
 only by politicians of the baser sort ; they are shabby and 
 shallow as well as untrue ; and they do harm only to the side 
 that makes use of them. Whig and Tory agree heartily in their 
 pride in the splendid fabric of Colonial Empire bequeathed by 
 their fathers, though they may disagree as to the extent to 
 which particular principles and actions may have contributed 
 to building it up. They are at one, also, in their fixed and 
 ardent resolve to hand it on intact to their sous, however they 
 
91 
 
 may dispute regarrling the best method of preserving and im- 
 proving their inheritance. If ever there was a .time when it 
 could be said of any influential party or section in British 
 politics that it favoured the idea of getting rid of the undoubted 
 burdens and responsibilities attached to the possessions of a 
 Colonial Empire by getting rid of the Colonies themselves, that 
 time is long past. The current of public opinion, on which 
 such an idea never could have a real hold, has been setting 
 strongly the other way. The changed conditions of commercial 
 intercourse and of political thought have modified the whole 
 aspect of the question of union between the mother-country 
 and its family of Colonies. The facilities, and with these tlie 
 desire for holding them closely bound to us by ties of sympathy 
 and interest, have vastly increased. The Colonies themselves 
 have grown enormously ; they have become a possession such 
 as no other nation in the history of the world could boast of : 
 but with their growth in wealth and population there has been 
 no corresponding development of impatience at the continuance 
 of the Imperial connection, and of a longing for independent 
 existence, as many had looked to see. On the contrary, the 
 spirit of loyalty to the Crown and the desire to remain part 
 and parcel of tlie British Empire were probably never stronger 
 throughout the Colonies than at the present moment. 
 
 " The solidarity of feeling and warmth of interest excited 
 by the question of preserving the unity of the Empire were well 
 reflected at the Federation Conference held last evening, under 
 the presidency of Mr. Forster. They were manifested in the 
 speakers and in the speeches. The former embraced men re- 
 presentative, in the best sense, of both the great parties in the 
 State, of both Houses of Parliament, of the mother-country 
 and her principal Colonies. The addresses, also, were worthy 
 of an occasion which not improbably may become historic. 
 They were the utterances of arden.t patriots who were at the 
 same time practical statesmen. Paradoxical as it may seem, 
 their practicality was shown not least in declining to propose or 
 to suggest any deflnite plan of Federation as a means of 
 knitting into closer and more durable unity the several parts of 
 the Empire. In this the cautious and conservative qualities of 
 the national character were exemplified. At a conference of 
 
92 
 
 Frenchmen held for such a purpose, the chances are that a 
 score of cut-and-dry schemes of Federal union would have been 
 propounded. But it was felt by those who took part in yester- 
 day's meeting that it was wholly premature to V)ring forward 
 any proposals of the kind ; that, as Mr. Foi-ster expressed it, 
 he would be no friend or helper of union who would seek to 
 press the merits of particular plans regaixling which there has 
 been neither experience nor sufficient inquiry to guide them to 
 any useful conclusion. The real object was to cultivate and 
 ripen the Federal idea ; to prepare tlie public mind for dealing 
 with a great subject, that promises at no very distant day to 
 become, as Lord Eosebery said, the dominant question before 
 British statesmen, but which as yet has not emerged into the 
 Held of practical politics. Advocated in this spirit, no possible 
 objection can be taken to the holding of conferences, the estab- 
 lishment of societies, and the adoption of otlier means for 
 awakening interest in the question of Colonial Federation, 
 Bather these promise to be of the greatest possible service in 
 preparing public opinion to give a wise decision when the time 
 shall call for dealing with the subject. Lord Rosebery had 
 valuable suggestions to make that were not included in the 
 programme of the Conference, but that show the care and 
 thoroughness vdth which his Lordship has studied this subject. 
 He proposes that the Government should appoint a Connnittee 
 or Boyal Commission to pursue inquiry into the feasibility of 
 a scheme of Colonial Federation. He also throws out the idea 
 that a ' tentative elibrt' in the desired direction mi'dit lie made 
 by admitting delegates from the Colonies to a seat in the House 
 of Lords. To the request for full and authoritative investiga- 
 tion such as would be obtained by a commission or connnittee 
 constituted as Lord Rosebery desires, it is prol)able that no 
 serious obstacle would be raised. What the present Govern- 
 ment, or any future Government, would ask for would be proof 
 that such an inquiry would be welcome and useful to public 
 opinion at home and in the Colonies ; and such proof is likely 
 to be forthcoming. The task of recommending his 'experi- 
 ment ' to the ai 'proval of the House of Peers will test all Lord 
 Rosebery's powers of persuasion. The Second Chamber is not 
 fond of experiments, especially experiments on itself. It has 
 
93 
 
 already emphatically refused the appeal made by Lord Rose- 
 bery to institute an inquiry -whether its constitution as a 
 legislative and representative body does not stand in scrae need 
 of revision after the wear and tear of seven hundred years. It 
 may think that it has already enough on its hands without 
 opening the door for the admission of delegates from the 
 Colonies, and also for questions as to whether, in other 
 respects, its machinery might not be capable of remodelling 
 and improvement. It must be feared that the prospects of 
 Colonial Federation being substantially forwarded in the way 
 of experimental trial in the House of Lords are not very 
 promising ; and this is a great pity, for in theory and in 
 accordance with the practice of other States, a Second Chamber 
 is naturally the place where Imperial questions would be best 
 discussed and settled. 
 
 " It may be assumed that the organisers of the Conference 
 are perfectly well aware of the difficulties that must be over- 
 come before their hopes can take tangible shape, and are pre- 
 pared to possess their souls in patience. These difficulties are 
 very formidable ; they may prove insuperable. At all events, 
 no scheme has yet been broached that could be accepted as a 
 practical solution of the problem of safe-guarding and recon- 
 ciling the various rights and interests that must be considered 
 in framing a fabric of Federal Government. It might be con- 
 tended that the Conference has been hasty in declaring that 
 there is no ultimate alternative between federation and disin- 
 tegration. As an abstract political dogma it may be true. 
 But tlie British Empire has flourished in the teeth of abstract 
 rules ; it is one great political anomaly, which has grown up 
 and been pieced together as the practical necessities of the day 
 have required. Such as it is, its organisation, or want of 
 organisation, has, at least, not prevented our Colonial Empire 
 from growing great, or the colonists from remaining loyal. We 
 might thus find an argument from experience that the Empire 
 will continue to hold together without the assistance of federal 
 bonds ; and that at least there is no immediate danger of dis- 
 integration, so long as the Colonies where British blood and 
 British institutions prevail, are left free in the exercise of their 
 self-governing functions, and as the mother-country is strong 
 
94 
 
 enough to protect them against outward aggression. Anoma- 
 lous or not, sucli an arrangement as now exists has been and 
 may continue to be for the mutual advantage of tlie Great 
 Britain and "Greater Britain." But undoubtedly new 
 questions are arising as these young nations advance rapidly 
 towards manhood, which the existing arrangements do not in 
 all respects cope with satisfactorily. At all costs, the risk of 
 estrangement, pei'haps of arhied collision with the Colonies, 
 such as once before befel in historv, must be obviated. If it 
 can be avoided by federation, to federation we must strive to 
 find a way. The meeting of the Conference will at least draw 
 greater attention to the vast imp. stance of our Colonial Empire, 
 and to the problems in connection with it which are approach- 
 ing for solution." 
 
 Pall Mall Gazette. 
 
 The Future of the English Realm. 
 
 " Rapid as is the rush of events, still more rapid is the 
 ripening of iiu1)lic opinion. It is not .five years since it was 
 the fashion among those who regarded themselves as the 
 thoughtful Liberals to postulate as inevitable the disintegration 
 of the empire. In those days, when the most important 
 Liberal newspapers were directed by men who seemed to think 
 they owed Providence a grudge for making them citizens of a 
 world-encircling State, such a Conference as that Avhicli 
 assembled yesterday under the presidency of Mr. Forster 
 would have been overwhelmed with denunciation and ridicule. 
 To-day, when we take up newspaper after newspaper, we ask 
 in amazement. The advocates of a little England, where are 
 they now ] Without one solitary exception, the whole of the 
 Englisli press bursts forth in an unln'oken chorus of approval 
 of a project which in 1880 would have been derided as visionary 
 if it had not been denounced as mischievous. Judging from 
 the comments of the newspapers the journalist of the school of 
 Mr. Goldwin Smith is as extinct as the megatherium. The 
 contraction of England has not one articulate advocate left in 
 the daily press, and Liberals and Radicals vie with Conserva 
 tives in professions of enthusiastic patriotism, in that larger 
 sense, which regards all the English, whether theyliv^e at home 
 
95 
 
 or are dwellers beyond the seas, as the fellow-citizens of a 
 common realm. The old school has ]iassed away, giving place 
 unto the new, and it is one of the most hopeful auguries for 
 the future that this remarkable revolution of English opinion 
 has taken place simultaneously with the rapid progress of the 
 English democracy towards that position of supremacy which 
 it is ultimately certain to attain. 
 
 " The meeting yesterday was a portent of better things to 
 come, but the reception which it has met this morning is a 
 gratifying proof of the extent to which the new Liberalism has 
 outgrown the decaying traditions of the so-called Manchester 
 school. Ko English public man with any regard to his future 
 will now speak of colonies as incumbrances, or allude to the 
 possible disruption of the empire except as a national calamity. 
 Six or seven years ago there was a danger that the reaction 
 against the bombastic Imperialism of Lord Beaconsfield might 
 lead to a revival of the fallacies of the extreme non-interven- 
 tionist school. From that we were happily rescued by Mr. 
 Gladstone and the Bulgarian agitation. In that great popular 
 movement the democracy was taught the value of the European 
 Concert, and the lesson was fatal to the hopes of the advocates 
 of a policy of national abdication. In the popularisation of the 
 principle of the European Concert, that germ of a federal! sed 
 Europe, it will probably be found that we gained more than 
 was lost even by the Jingo fever. The Afghan and Zulu wars 
 gave great opportunities to the party of retreat, but fortunately 
 the Beaconstield Cabinet fell in time to impose upon the 
 Liberals the duty of facing the responsibilities and realising 
 the opportunities; of empire. For some time after our advent 
 to office the reaction from Jingoism rendered it almost impos- 
 sible for the advocates of a reasonable Imperialism to gain a 
 hearing. Time, however, and experience have done their work. 
 Imperialism is no longer tainted with tlie foul associations of a 
 swashbuckler Jingoism, and the most advanced Liberals can 
 now take part Avithout reproach in a hiovement avowedly 
 intended to maintain and consolidate the unity of the empire. 
 It is a great and happy change, and one which, it is to be 
 hoped, will be duly noted by those highly-placed officials who, 
 although at present in positions of power, represent the ideas 
 
96 
 
 and prejudices of an age that is fast vanishing away. Never 
 again, we hope, will a distinguished Colonial statesman return 
 to the Antipodes declaring that Liberal INlinisters did not care 
 one penny piece if all the Colonies were to cut the painter to- 
 morrow. But that such an impression was ever produced sheds 
 a flood of light upon the extreme unwisdom of some of those 
 who have acted as Colonial Secretaries in our time. 
 
 *' Professor Seeley strongly condemns the extravagance of 
 those who speak of the British Empire as if it were a miracle ; 
 but probably if the eloquent author of ' The Expansion of 
 England ' had had a more familiar acipiaintance with the 
 Colonial Office in recent times he would have modified his con- 
 demnation. Nothing but a miraculous interi)osition of a 
 kindly Providence could have ensured its maintenance intact 
 to the present time. It has, howevei', fortunately held 
 together, and what we have to do is to take anxious thought 
 for its preservation. We have at least gained a great point in 
 having it recognised, almost without one dissentient voice, that 
 to the English at home as to the English beyond the sea the 
 idea of separation is abhorrent. Whatever may befall us, that 
 must at all cost be averted. Whether we should ever be able 
 so far to overcome the vis inertice of the established order of 
 things as to federalise our empire of our own mere will and 
 motion we do not know. But events stronger than ourselves 
 will force our hands. ' Home Bule,' said a distinguished 
 Colonial administrator after a careful survey of the situation at 
 home and abroad, ' will sa^e the empire yet,' and he was right. 
 At present it is premature to discuss details of federalisation. 
 We are not yet in committee on the subject. But it is a great 
 thing, so to speak, to have carried the second reading nevi. 
 con. 
 
 '• Before very long it will be almost incredible that any 
 patriotic Englishmen ever contemplated with complacency the 
 disruption of this ' world-wide Venice with its ocean streets.' 
 But at present leading statesmen continue to cherish the old 
 delusion that the sea is an element of division instead of a bond 
 of union. As a matter of fact, for all purposes of communica- 
 tion we are nearer to New Zealand than we are to Khartoum. 
 Six hundred miles of land are a more formidable barrier than 
 
97 
 
 sixteen thousand miles of sea. Day by clay the world per- 
 ceptibly shrinks before our eyes. Steam and electricity have 
 brought all t]w world next door. "We have yet to readjust our 
 ]iolitical arrangements to the revolution that has been wrought 
 in time and space. But at this stage it is probable that an 
 English Arndt, who would accustom the masses of our people 
 to the thought that the English Fatlu^land, the true country 
 of the English patriot, is as wide as the whole range of English- 
 peopled lands, would be politically more useful than any Sieyes, 
 liowever able he might be at devising systems of federal 
 government." 
 
 O'lube. 
 
 " Th(^ great meeting which took place yesterday at the 
 Westminster Palace Hotel was not more remai'kable for the 
 diversity of political creeds represented by the speakers than 
 for the occasion of the assembly. As Mr. Eorster and others 
 })ointed out, scarcely a decade has elapsed since those who 
 favoured the idea of Imperial Federation were regarded as 
 fantastic dreamers and impracticable visionaries. They were 
 credited with the very be.st intentions, of course, but the 
 Goldwin Smith school was then dominant, and it had come to 
 be very generally accepted that our colonies and dependencies 
 Avere becoming unmanageable and shoidd be cast adrift as 
 (piickly as might be. This nervous shrinking from Imperial 
 responsibility naturally begot a feeling of contempt and almost 
 aversion in Greater Britain, and there, too, all the talk was 
 about separation. It is truly noteworthy, then, to see in the 
 British metropolis an assembly of leading politicians, both 
 English and Colonial, met together to discuss and promote the 
 very object which only ten years ago was scornfully dismissed 
 as too Utopian for serious consideration. How has this mar- 
 vellous change been wrought 1 To what cause or influence is 
 due the resuscitation of the Imperial sentiment which used to 
 characterise the English people more than any other nation in 
 the world, until it was undermined and nearly destroyed by the 
 timid teachings of the economical school? While most anxious 
 to keep this immensely important matter free from party spirit 
 and party bickering, we unhesitatingly attribute the revival to 
 
98 
 
 tlie wholosomo awakening whicli the people of England ro. 
 ceived from tiie Beaconsfield Government. Whatever view 
 tliey may take of the foreign policy of that Cabinet, in sonn* 
 l)articulars, all candid Liberals must now acknowledge; that it 
 dissipated the dream that England could retain her place 
 among nations without accoi)ting the responsibilities due to 
 her Imperial position. It was some vague idea that the 
 colonies might be safely left to shift for themselves, while the 
 mother country devoted herself to purely insular afi'airs, which 
 lay at the back of the general acceptance given to tlie doctrint^s 
 of the Goldwin Smith pi'opaganda. If Imperial disintegration 
 resulted, what matter ] Canada, Australia, South Africa, and 
 New Zealand would still be as open to our trade as ever, while 
 we should save a great deal of money by withdrawing from 
 their protection. It was the Beaconsfield Goveiniment which 
 shattered those mean and craven notions by breathing life into 
 the dormant instinct of Imperialism, and yesterday's gathering 
 demonstrated that, although England has changed her rulers, 
 there is no change in her determination to strengthen rather 
 than w(!aken the bonds which keep her mighty Euiinre 
 together. 
 
 " That the federation of the Empire on such a footing as 
 will insure the due representation of each part, is beset with 
 difficulties, is a truism. But no*/ that it is recognised by 
 thoughtful politicians of all parties as an object well worth 
 sti'iving for, we may look forward hopefully to some practical 
 solution of the long-standing problem. There has l)een too 
 much of a disposition during recent years to leave difficult 
 matters alone, merely because of their difficulty ; an excuse 
 which necessarily leads to public apathy and indifference. All 
 that yesterday's meeting affirmed, after exhaustive discussion, 
 was that, in order to secure the unity of the Empire, some form 
 of federation is essential. Lord Rosebeiy suggested that this 
 end might be attained by allowing colonial delegates to sit in 
 the House of Lords. In a letter to a morning contemporary, 
 Lord Wemyss recommends that a consultive body should be 
 formed in London, composed of the Secretaries of State for the 
 Colonies, Foreign AflPairs, War, and India, the first Lord of 
 the Admiralty, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to repre- 
 
99 
 
 sent England, and the Colonial Agents to represent Greater 
 Britain. Apart from other objections of a more or less grave 
 kind, we do not think that either of these plans would com- 
 mend itself to the colonists. Even as matters stand at present, 
 there are frequent consultations between individual Ministers 
 and the accredited Agents, so that very little would be gained 
 by the adoption of Lord Wemyss' proposal. Nor would it be 
 of much use to give colonial delegates ex officio seats in the 
 Upper House, since it is in the Commons that their local 
 knowledge and experience would be the more profitable. This, 
 however, is a matter of detail which will engage the attention 
 of the society that is about to be formed for the purpose of 
 keeping Imperial Federation before the public. Lord Rose- 
 bery would prefer to have the matter relegated to a Royal 
 Commission or Select Committee, but the idea found little 
 support, the general feeling of the meeting, with which we 
 entirely agree, being in favour of independent action and in- 
 vestigation. There is always a good deal of red tapeism about 
 Royal Commissions and Select Committees, not to mention 
 the inordinately long time they generally occupy with their 
 deliberations. 
 
 " It is curious that this movement for the Federation of 
 the Empire should have come to a head at a time when the 
 Colonial Office is filled by Lord Derby. He cannot be sus- 
 pected of feeling very sympathetically towards an endeavour 
 which has for its object the strengthening of the ties which 
 subsist between the mother country and her lusty offspring. 
 Yet so great is the force of circumstances, that he has even 
 been compelled to move in the direction of annexation. It has 
 fallen to him to sanction the establishment of a limited British 
 Protectorate in the southern part of New Guinea, and to him 
 also the Fates allotted the duty of extending the aegis of 
 England over the unfortunate Bechuanas. Basutoland has also 
 been brought back under the Crown during his administi'ation 
 of the Colonies, and matters are fast tending to make the 
 Reserve in Zululand an integral portion of the British Empire. 
 Lord Derby thus stands forth as an annexationist maJ(jre lui, 
 and it may be hoped, therefore, that the society which is about 
 to be formed will be able to move him in the direction even of 
 
 G 3 
 
100 
 
 Imperial FiHloratioii. That, indood, will be one of tlui most 
 important provinces of this lons^-required organisation — to keep 
 unwilling Ministers abreast of the requirements of the Empire, 
 by bringing publie pressure to bear upon them whenever they 
 show apathy. At the present momeiit there are, as Lord 
 Rosebery reminded the niec^ting, two great questions which tlw; 
 English people should not lose sight of for a moment if they 
 wish to prevent colonial discontent. The one is the exporta- 
 tion of the very cream of French I'asoality to the Paciiic ; the 
 other, the maintenance of British supremacy in Egypt. We 
 are apt to forget that Australasia has quite as great an interest 
 in the latter question as ourselves, and iintil lately, we have 
 also been too apt to make light of Antipodean sensitiveness in 
 the matter of convict neighbours. IJut the time has now come 
 when it is recognised that in these affairs Greater Britain has 
 a right to make her voice heard, and it will be tin; duty of tlie 
 forthcoming society to impress that fact on any Colonial Secre- 
 tary who desires to "rest and betliankful." There are happily 
 some signs that a more sympathetic if not more vigorous 
 policy has already come into favour with Lord Derby. It was 
 a step in that direction when he consented to place the 
 southern littoral o£ New Guinea under British jurisdiction, and 
 another was indicated by Mr. Ashley when he declared that 
 tlie Colonial Office would not interfere if the Australian 
 Governments jointly took legislative action against the impor- 
 tation of criminal aliens. This is a wholesome change?, so far 
 as it goes, but there are some Ministers who require to be kept 
 up to the mark by persistent " pegging away," and for such as 
 these a powerful organisation to watch over colonial affairs will 
 be a most useful means of coercion." 
 
 Morning Advertiser. 
 
 \No loftier idea, no more inspiring ]))irpose has ever 
 animated a number of statesmen than that which came yester- 
 day before the meeting of English and Colonial public men at 
 the Westminster Palace Hotel. And when the Committee 
 reports in October to the adjourned Conference, we believe it 
 will enable the country and the Colonies to see at once what is 
 
 (1 
 
101 
 
 practical)l(! in tlio in-csent, and what for the momeut avouIiI be 
 visionary, \Ve trust tliat tlio result of yesterday's meeting 
 will be as warmly welcomed ut home as it is sure to be by our 
 thildren everywhere over the blue watei's." 
 
 Spectator, 
 
 " The meeting at tlie Westminster Palace Hotel, on Tues- 
 day, was in every way a success. It was comprehensive and 
 it was practical. Had it not had the former quality, it would 
 not, as Knglish polities now stand, have been a success at all. 
 The knitting England and her Colonies more closely together 
 is too big a task to be undertaken by either Liberals or Con- 
 servati\('s alone. Liberals can do numy things without any 
 aid from without ; but they must be things that appeal strongly 
 to innnediate int(!i'ests or emotions. If a closer bond with the 
 Colonies were made a Liberal cry, the professional Opposition 
 would naturally be enlisted on the other side ; and it would be 
 found in the long run that the force required to overcome the 
 professional Opj)osition was always appropriated in advance by 
 questions of a more popular kind. In addition to this, the 
 invention of some closer bond with the Colonies is singularly 
 unsuited to become the exclusive property of any party. It 
 has manv and creat difliculties, and difficulties of a kind which 
 can only lind their solution in the future. At present, it is 
 inq)ossible not only to devise a working scheme, but to foresee 
 on what lines such a plan will ultimately be framed. It is 
 quite easy to discover fatal faults in everything that can be 
 sucerested ; and the basis of the conviction which we neverthe- 
 less entertain, that, somehow or other, something workable 
 will one day be suggested, is the double fact that the faults of 
 the theory opposed to a closer union — the theory which would 
 turn the Colonies out of the Imperial nest so soon as they are 
 fully fledged — are far more fatal ; and that science has already 
 done so much to bridge over the space which divides the 
 mother country from her children, that we may confidently 
 look to it to do more. The idea of some closer union was born 
 on the day that the first submarine cable was laid. Without 
 the telegraph it would have been not so much difficult as in- 
 
102 
 
 conceivable ; with the telegraph it remains difficult, but it has 
 l>ecoine conceivable. Still, jwssibilities of this kind are not a 
 proper subject for the successive stages of a great party 
 measure. Abstract resolutions, amendments on going into 
 Supply, Bills inti'oduced by private Members, and finally. Bills 
 introduced by the Government of the day, have their use in 
 Parliamentary procedure, but the fortunes of this particular 
 question are not likely to be furthered by resort to them. 
 What is wanted is a kind of consideration of Avhich Parlia- 
 mentary procedure seldom admits, — the consideration that 
 allows a subject to simmer, that is content to leave it alone for 
 long intervals, that is always ready to take it up again when- 
 ever some new incident, whether at home or in tlu'^ Colonies, 
 seems to open up fresh possibilities of useful action, — the con- 
 sideration, in fact, that belongs to statesmen rather than to 
 politicians. The comprehensiveness of Tuesday's assembly goes 
 some way to secure for the question this kind of treatment. 
 All shades of political opinion were represented there, and 
 every one was disposed to raise the object of the meeting to the 
 high place it deserved. The decision whether England and 
 her Colonies shall remain united is, in one sense, more 
 momentous than any decision about institutions or forms of 
 government. It is concerned with the issue, not how the 
 English Empire shall be administered, but what empire there 
 shall be to be administered. The Avhole future of England is 
 bound up with the answer given to this inquiry. There is no 
 place among the Great Powers of the world for the England of 
 the sixteenth century. But the greatest of those Powers may 
 well be the England of the twentieth century, provided that 
 she does not let slip the marvellous chances which the dis- 
 persive energy of Englishmen has reserved for her. To guide 
 her to take full advantage of these chances is the object of 
 those who have some closer union with the Colonies at heart. 
 It is an object that appeals equally to all pai'ties, and will, as 
 we hope and believe, remain the common property of all 
 parties. 
 
 " The value of the practical good sense that marked th<' 
 proceedings of Tuesday is a natural corollary of what has been 
 said. Nothing could be so injurious to the ultimate solution 
 
103 
 
 of tliis great jiroblem as the adoption of a premature solution. 
 Once let a plan be determined on, and its success becomes 
 identified with tliat of the object to the attainment of which it 
 is really but one means among many. When it fails — and in 
 the nature of things it is bound to fail — the end itself easily 
 comes to be despaired of. If the meeting had had a scheme 
 for the creation of a federal empire submitted to it, had adopted 
 this scheme in principle, and had appointed a Committee to 
 settle details, we should have thought the day not wasted 
 merely, but misspent. We should have been further removed 
 from a really united empire at the end of it than we had been 
 at the beginning. The plan would at once have become a 
 target for hostile criticism, both in England and the Colonies, 
 and it is morally impossible that it should not have succumbed 
 under the converging fires. All that it is exj)edient to do at 
 this moment is to define the goal to which a growing public 
 (lesii'e points, and to accustom men's minds to regard that goal 
 as one which must somehow be attained. As to the means 
 chosen for its attainment, those will be best in the first instance 
 which are most modest and most tentative. Lord Rosebery's 
 idea of admitting delegates from the Colonies into the House 
 of Lords may hereafter offer a way out of more than one difti- 
 culty, but even its time is not yet. By-and-by it may be 
 possible to provide machinery for giving the Colonies a voice 
 in the decision of questions in which they, equally with the 
 mother country, will be interested. But as yet such questions 
 are still future, and a good deal remains to be done in and by 
 the Colonies before they can become present. The Colonies 
 nuist have more federation among themselves ; they must have 
 taken effectual steps towards the creation of their own land 
 defences ; they must have given some indication of the propor- 
 tion in which they will be ready to bear their part in Imperial 
 burdens incurred for their protection. But though questions 
 of this kind are still future, there are others which are already 
 present. The relations which the Colonies will bear to foreign 
 Powers, as part of a single empire, cannot yet be determined. 
 The mutual relations between the Colonies and the mother 
 country have to be determined every day. Something can and 
 ought to be done without loss of time towards putting these 
 
104 
 
 relations on a better footing, and in tlip Agents-Gen(>i'al of the 
 sev(!ral Colonies Ave have the machinery ready to our hand. 
 These high and repi-esentative officers might constitute a 
 Colonial Council to which the Secretary of State should be 
 bound to communicate his decisions on Colonial i)olicy, and 
 from which he might receive assistance somewhat similar to 
 that which the Secretary of State for India receives from the 
 Council of India. It would be a substantial gain for the 
 Colonies if Lord Derby were bound to listen to and answer 
 the arguments of such a Council before overruling them. It 
 would be a greater gain still if Lord Derby's successors were 
 thus bound." 
 
 Saturday JRevieio. 
 
 " The meeting of the Conference on Imperial Federation 
 last Tuesday was one of the few hopeful things which have 
 happened in connexion with colonial affairs for some time. 
 Even if it could be shown that the formation of a ffood workino- 
 Federal Union of a simple and flexible kind, and it is probable 
 that nothing more is aimed at, was impracticable, tJie meeting 
 would not the less have served a very useful purpose. The 
 noisy little clique of economic pedants who were fund a few 
 years ago of preaching to the mother-country and the Colonies 
 on the text, " Let them go," have of late been less successful in 
 getting themselves listened to. They are not, and doubtless 
 never will be, perfectly quiet ; but when a body of responsible 
 statesmen work together to forward that friendly union with 
 the Colonies wliich is certainly desired by the great majority 
 of Englishmen, they stand a fair chance of being reduced to 
 the melancholy necessity of preaching to one anoth(u-. The 
 formation of a Committee to promote an Imperial Federation 
 will do something to make the belief that the Colonies arc of 
 vital importance as universal as it was in the times before Mr. 
 Cobden. On every consideration, both of interest and senti- 
 ment, the connexion is so valuable to Great Britain that, unless 
 we are to fall wholly under the influence of a so-called practical 
 idea of politics as stupid as it is ignoble, the miion will be 
 jealously guarded. It is of equal value to the Colonies them- 
 selves, to whom it gives security from attack by foroigners. 
 
105 
 
 From a purely military point of view, a close and friendly 
 union has become indispensable in the interests both of the 
 mother-country and the Colonies. Nobody who is capable of 
 looking facts in tho face can hope that England will again 
 possess the unquestioned naval supremacy it enjoyed at the 
 beginning of this century. That supremacy was the result of 
 a century of wars ended by twenty yeai-s of unbroken victory 
 at sea, and could never have been won without the help of the 
 disorganisation of some of our rivals and the decadence of 
 others. The balance of power has altered to our disadvantage, 
 and the Empire has become far more vulnei'able. In any 
 future naval war we shall stand in need of effectual assistance 
 from the Colonies. One of the objects of the Committee 
 formed to forward an Imperial Federation will doubtless be to 
 construct some machinery by which this mutual help can be 
 rapidly and efiectually given. A great step in advance has 
 been made from the moment that responsible statesmen set 
 themselves to try and lind a mtians of supplying some practical 
 organisation. What Lord Kosebery calls " the inauguration of 
 a crusade," and what less eloquent persons would describe as 
 the beginning of an attempt to do a good piece of work, is in 
 itself a subject of unmixed satisfaction. 
 
 " It is all in the favour of the ultimate success of the move- 
 ment that its promoters have resisted the strong temptation 
 to commit themselves to a cut-and-dried scheme. At this early 
 date a programme is unnecessary, and it would almost certainly 
 attempt to do too much. A moment's consideration will show 
 that any possible scheme of federation must have very strict 
 limits, and that very formidable dithculties must be met in 
 ti'ying to carry it out. The advocates of a closer union with 
 the Colonies who have hitherto published their ideas have 
 generally proposed to form a new Imperial Parliament, or some 
 kind of general Council with powers and functions which have 
 never been very clearly defined. Some among them have sug- 
 gested that representatives or delegates of the Colonies should 
 be admitted to one or both of the Houses of Parliament. Such 
 plans are mainly fantastic. It may be taken for granted that 
 this country would never allow its Parliament to be swamped 
 by colonial representatives, and the speakers at Tuesday'^ 
 
106 
 
 meeting were agrood that there must be no tampering with tlie 
 perfect freedom of local government. A federation for purely 
 Imperial purposes presents difficulties almost as great as a 
 general ParlianT^nt. It is certain that the Colonies would 
 expect to have an equal vote, and in a body of that kind it is 
 not easv to see where the ultimate authoritv would be found. 
 No one of the members would allow a majority to impose upon 
 it a sacrifice of its vital interests. Hitherto the necessary 
 work of supervision has l)een done by England alone, and the 
 discussion of irritating questions has been avoided. The real 
 lion in the path, however, will be the difficulty of deciding how 
 far the Colonies would be entitled to interfere in the purely 
 European political troubles of England. They would have to 
 share the risk of a war, and might well be unwilling to ap- 
 prove of it if undertaken for something which did not immedi- 
 ately interest them. It is, however, obvious that this danger 
 exists already, and that nothing would be lost by providing 
 some means of concerting common action. The habit of acting 
 together may also be found to develop a general patriotism in 
 all the Colonies. Australia has lately given proof that, like 
 the American plantations in the last century, they would be 
 ready to bear a share of the expense and danger of military 
 operations undertaken in defence of its known interests. 
 Meeting the Colonies half-way on occasions of this kind is the 
 best argument to persuade them to return the service at 
 some future time. For the present it is a hopeful sign that a 
 serious attempt is to be made to provide some organisation 
 which will facilitate united action. When the means foi' 
 gaining this desired object are known it will bo time to 
 criticise them. For the moment it is enough to praise the 
 spirit which has inspired the attempt. Without beij g unduly 
 hopeful as to its chance of success, we may feel reasonably 
 sure that the mere existence of the movement will have a good 
 influence on the present hap-hazard fashion of managing 
 colonial aff'airs. 
 
 "The Ministry and the House of Commons have made 
 haste to supply Mr. Forster and the other speakers at the 
 meeting with an admirable argument in favour of Federation 
 or anything else which shall be as little like the present system 
 
107 
 
 as may be. By far the most pressing colonial question of the 
 day is the condition Zululand ; and yet, when Sir Henry 
 Holland brought forwai ;1 a motion on the subject some time 
 ago, neither the Ministry nor the Opposition thought it worth 
 while to make a House for him. When the debate was forced 
 on in Committee of Supply on Wednesday, the speakers only 
 proved that the uniform practice of the Colonial office is, and 
 has been for years, to do as little as possible, to do it too late, 
 and to take it for granted that the duty of a good colony is to 
 cause no trouble in Downing Street. Mr. Dawnay, Sir Henry 
 Holland, and Mr. Forster showed again, for the fiftieth time, 
 that Zululand has been reduced by us to a state of inde- 
 scribable misery. The Ministerial speakers had nothing to 
 answer except that it would be very troublesome to put it 
 right, and would, moreover, cost money. Mr. Chambei-lain 
 descanted on the blessings brought by the Boers to the Zulus ; 
 and Mr. Gladstone Avas indignant when strong language was 
 used about our worthy friends in the Transvaal who have torn 
 up their treaty with us and repudiated their ])romises to pay. 
 Neither party cared to face the necessity of occupation, the 
 one effectual remedy, and then a majority of fifty-six decided 
 to leave things as they are, Lord Derby is to continue to 
 enjoy the congenial spectacle of anarchy produced by a long 
 course of impartial half-measures and temperate makeshifts. 
 To get rid of Lord Wolseley's settlement, which was not 
 exactly a masterpiece of statesmanship, and for the sake of 
 Cetewayo, a general overturn was brought about. When the 
 historical partial restoration of that unlucky chief ended, as 
 every observer of any common sense foresaw it would, the 
 Ministry decided to allow Zululand to stew in its own juice. 
 It has been doing so ever since. The chiefs massacre one 
 another's followers, and Boer adventurers shoot all parties 
 freely as a matter of business. All this is going on in the 
 immediate neighbourhood of the most vulnerable of English 
 Colonies, and a little handful of British troops stands there to 
 keep the Colonists from putting things straight under pretence 
 of defending them. It is a most characteristic feature of the 
 whole business that the British Government carefully keeps 
 such a stake in Zululand as serves to en^acce its resoonsibilities 
 
108 
 
 wliile it throws every possible obstacle iu the way of a x-eal 
 settlement. To scuttle out of the muddle, to leave Zululand to 
 the Boers, whom Mr. Chamberlain admires, and Natal to itself, 
 would not be a magnanimous policy, but it would be thorough, 
 businesslike, and comparatively humane. When once the 
 Boers were masters, they would stop the tribal wars in their 
 own interest, and the people of Natal would probably be able 
 to do the necessary shooting on their ov/n account. Our policy 
 is to remain there without settling anything, but hampering 
 the natural development of things, and sedulously stirring the 
 witches' cauldron." 
 
 Liverpool Post. 
 
 " Among the political movements of the day, few conmiand 
 more sympathy or seem less likely to be realised than the 
 project for the federation of the Colonies with the mother- 
 country. To form a grand federation of English-speaking 
 countries under the Sovereign of Great Britain is an idea that 
 commends itself to the imagination, and as emigration from 
 the British islands must necessarily continue, and perhaps 
 increase, it is pleasant to think that those who quit their 
 native shore will still i -main citizens of the Empire and retain 
 an interest in its prosperity and a sympathy towards those 
 who remain at home." 
 
 Liverpool Mercury. 
 
 " Of late years it has become increasingly evident that at 
 some future period we shall have to choose between allowing 
 our Colonies to take care of themselves or providing some link 
 which, without fettering their freedom, would mutually bind 
 them and the mother-country in one vast connnonwealth. It 
 is beginning to be understood that, without imposing any 
 restriction upon their laudable desire to grow strong and self- 
 reliant, an arrangement might be feasible which would ensure 
 a grand imperial union consistent with the fullest liberty of 
 all the parts." 
 
 MancJiester Courier. 
 "Every Englishman who is proud of the history of his 
 country will welcome this tardy awakening of politicians to 
 
109 
 
 the nocessity of strengthening the bonds that unite it, and will 
 wish every success to this new society." 
 
 Manclu'ster (Jnardian. 
 
 " The proposition that it is of the highest importance to the 
 Empire that the Colonies should be kept in union with the 
 Kingdom, and that ' some form of federation is essential ' to 
 prevent disintegration, may safely rely on the assent of all by 
 whom the injurious consequences of losing the Colonies are 
 (Inly recognised. Where there is a will, such as is shown in 
 ,iLS instance, there is generally a way ; and while complete 
 federation must be rejected as futile, it is still possible gi'eatly 
 to improve the official methods and instruments of communica- 
 tion between the Colonies and the Imperial Government." 
 
 jiirniinffham Pout. 
 
 " It hardly admits of dispute that, in respect both to 
 strength and prosperity, the country is deeply concerned in 
 retaining its colonial connections. It is confidently asserted 
 that there is in Australia, in Canada, and in South Africa, as 
 cordial a desire f(jr amalgamation Avith England as there is in 
 England for the incorporation of those dependencies. If such 
 be the case, we must agree with the Conference that it only 
 requires time and consultation to bring about a definite plan. 
 The colonists are ripe for Imperial federation, but we are not 
 so certain that the same can be said of the English. There is 
 infinite trouble and delay in introducing reforms into our limited 
 Constitution. But, fortunately, the promoters of that kind of 
 reform do not at present invite us to discuss it in the form of a 
 practical measure. They only ask for assent to abstract princi- 
 ples, and that assent we believe they will command." 
 
 Leeds Mercury. 
 
 " The day is happily past when anybody who had the 
 smallest chance of being regarded as a politician of importance 
 could look with equanimity upon the prospect of a possible separa- 
 
110 
 
 tion between England and her Colonies. The wliole tendency 
 iiinong both political parties is now the other way. It is the 
 object of every man with the slightest pretensions to statesman- 
 ship to bind the Colonies more closely than ever to the mother- 
 country." 
 
 Yorkshire Post. 
 
 " Here is the shadowing forth of a policy which is in the 
 highest and truest sense Conservative, and which may fitly 
 occupy a prominent place in the programme of the Conservative 
 party. The consolidation of the British Empire is a conception 
 grand enough and beneficial enough to occupy the mind of a 
 great statesman and an historical party. If ever a confedera- 
 tion of nations under the British flag were to become a 
 practical, working reality, it would involve an Imperial Parlia- 
 ment, whose greatness and power would dwarf into insignifi- 
 cance the national Legislature as it exists at present, "one 
 thing, at any rate, is certain, that tlie Radical faction in 
 England, little though they realise it and little as they may 
 desire it, arc steadily preparing the minds of the English 
 people for such a change by their persistency in lowering the 
 tone of one House, and disparaging the other." 
 
 Sheffield Telegraph. 
 
 " Yesterday saw not perhaps the inception but the formal 
 public inauguration of a movement which is destined to mark 
 a momentous turning point in the history of the British Empire 
 Which are we to choose? A fairly drafted and practicable 
 scheme of federation would consolidate, perpetuate, and expand 
 the proud position to which we have attained in the world. To 
 drift down stream to the cataract of disintegration is to decide 
 upon the act of suicide which nations employ to extinguish an 
 effete and paralytic dotage." 
 
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" There is 7io more idle conception, a?no7ig 
 all the vain imaginations that Jill the atmo- 
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 now and then finds vent, that there are in 
 this country a painty of men who are insensible 
 to the great dignity and the great duties 
 connected with the maintenance of the Colonial 
 Empire of England. There have been super- 
 stitions gathering round the nature of that 
 Empire. It may have been valued in ivrong 
 ways ; but there is 7io man, I believe, zuorthy 
 of the name of a statesman — no 7nan knoiun 
 to 7ne in the sphere of political life — who is 
 not sensible that the business of founding and 
 of cherishing those Colonies is one which has 
 bee7i so distijictly e7it}'usted by P7'ovidence to 
 the care of the people of this country, that 
 we should alfuost as soon i/mik of I'CJioimcing 
 the very name of Englishme7i, as of rcnotmcmg 
 the very great duties zuhich, passing beyond 
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