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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. 12 3 1 2 3 4 ^ 5 6 A N ADDRESS T Q T HE R EPRESENTATIVES In parliament, UPON TH E STATE OF THE NATION, The difpute between Privilege and Prerogative may eafily be compored by la.vfi, by vote, by conferences and conceflions, where there is a tolerable temper, or pruder.ce on both fides, or on either fide Among contending titles the queltion can only be determined by the fword, by devaluation, and by civil war. HuME'8 Eflay XV. Vol. I. p. 510. For my part I (hall always be more fond of promoting moderation than zeal J though perhaps the fureft way of producing modera- tion in every p^ty, w to encreafe our zeal for the public* Hume's Eflay III. Vol. I. p. 14, LONDON: Priiited for J. Almon, oppodte BlirliogtOQ Houfc^ Piccadilly. MDCCLXXIX. /:' tS ■^% ■F mmmmm A N Address, &c. I iim TH E filence with which you are permitted to aflemble at this very critical junfture. You may with more reaibn impute to the imbecilhty of adminiihation, and the diftraflion of tlieir councils, than to the integrity of their in- tentions, a refpedt to your independence, or to the Want of an hireling to execute their purpofe. The laft SefTions of Parliament was opened iinder a fcourge of ironical ridicule, too thinly veiled for the concealment of its audiors, or in- tention i And yet whilft the fneer arofe, and was encouraged from that part of the houfe which dared avow the p'lrpofe of reprefling public de- bate, and of difcountenancing thofe who had al- ways aded honeftly, and wilhed then to fpeak with freedom ; Judicious men would not commend or join in it : and even thofe whom a flow of fpi- rits, or the poignancy of the fatire had united in the general laugh, felt upon reflection a ferious and deep regret, that they might, by their indif- cretion, have aflifted a fcheme, fatal to the free- dom of debate in parliament, and therefore dan- A 2 gerous t. ..■>*fiS«:: 7 [ 4 J gefous to the fecurity of every individual in the kingdom. The defign was deep, the contrivance artful — and feemed to form a part of that fyftem which may be traced in the writings, the public condu(5t, and the declared opinions of the minifters, and of thofe who have devoted their abilities and exertions to their fervice. They had failed in an open and dived: attack upon the privilege of eledors •, the freedom of the prefs -, and the birthright of the fubjedts of the Britilh empire; the names of Conftitution — of Freemen — and of Patriot were ftill to be read in every didionary, and daringly mifinterpreted in one only * / But that work was not in the hands of every fubjedt, nor was the authority of the com- ment conclufive upon thofe who read it. The Whig was not yet feparated from the in- tereft of the family upon the throne, nor from tlie principles which placed them upon it; nor had the Tories yet condefcended to write a panegyric upon any Britilh monarch of the prefent century -f. It was neceflkry for an admin iftration, which had determined upon the deftrudlion of public prin- ciples, and the confufion of liberty and power, un- der fuch circumftances, to change their mode of attack, which had been hitherto ineffecflual : The fpiric of the country was not broken, and the ex- ertions of individuals in the caufe of conftitutional independence and liberty were Hill rewarded with public gratitude, and were ranked amongft the Tirtues of a good citizen. Whilft this encouragement remained — whilfl: the confidence of the people was firm in thofe who had perfev^red in the public caufe, and had fuf- • Johnfon's Di£lionary. f Falfe Alarm, p. 54 and 57. fered .'if *s 4.-^^ . .*•— **^ -•H*"'** [ 5 ] fcred greatly for it— it was vain for ad minift ration to expedt a completion of their fyftem. Two expedients prelented themfelvcs: to make patrictirm and public iervlces contemptible in the eyes of the people *, or to perfuade them, that the profefTion of thefe virtues by their pro- tedors and their favourites, was from motives of private advantage, or perlbnal enmity: that the patriot of this day would be the tyrant of to-mor- row, and that All were united in the approbation and purfuit of one arbitrary fyftem of power. But they knew, that the minds of the people were not yet prepared to treat Patriotifm with ridi- cule and contempt. The boldett adherents to their arbitrary fyftem hefitated to comment upon fuch a text thus barely ftated, without fome preparatory and probable grounds of fupport- ing fuch a propofition ; And it was eafy for them to foretel the confequcnces of a fuccefsful at- tack upon the condutft and character of thofe men, to whom t!ie people direded themfelves upon all public occafions icr comfort and fupport, and whom, upon tried experience, they had ap- proved as tlieir patrons, and the guardians of their liberty and lives. If then, by I'cattering fee^.s of diffidence and mif- truft, the adrriniftration could induce the people, but for a time, to with-hold their countenance from them, who by their meritortious fcrvices were in full pofleflion of it j the confequence of fuch fufpence appeared certain, That the contempt of the patriot would counteraft the etfedt of his fcrvices -, and the proffered advantage and fccurity would be rejeded by the people, becaufe the hand prefenting them was become fufpeded. Thefe were the fuggeftions, and the grounds of the t, [ 6 ] the fyftem, which they have adopted. To mak-' ridicule the teft of truth — to deny the exiftencc of political principle — to adjull the meafure of right and wrong by the fludtuating fcale of opinion, or by the fpecious neceflity of the times — to quicken the jealoufy of a free people againit their patrons and proiediors, by fuggeftions as bafe as they are ill founded -, That felf-ihtereft is the univerfal paf- fion, that public virtue and ambitious tyranny fpring from the fame fource, and that to be emi- nently virtuous in the public line of life is only to be little known. Under the influence of corruption the minds of the people and of ferious men have been poifoned by luch fali'e afperfions ; and to confirm thefe po- fitions by a fpecious fembla nee of truth, as if AH mankind had in all times thought, reafoned, and adled upon fimilar motives j public offices, fo- reign courts and countries, the repofitories of pri- vate families, and even the palace at Kenfington, have been raniacked for papers, correrpondence, and documents, vvhich have been applied to thi5 purpofe of convhicing mankind, that all public conduct is diiefted by other motives than thofe of the public fervice — diat the orator in parliament is a hireling — that the general in the field fights only to enrich himfelf — that RulTel was a traitor to his blood ; and Sydney to his country^ The examples of former times ad very forcibly upon the imagination and condufl of thofe who read and hear of them. The fate of Laud and Straf- ford had deterred minifters (whatever might be their inclinations) from excefs of corruption and political treachery. The fuherings of Sydney and of Rufiel had Itamped a virtue upon patriotifni which tyranny could not Ihake, and which grew under ncc of right on, or uickcn )atrons ley are fal paf- yranny DC emi- only td linds of )oifoned lefe po- 3 if AH ed, and :es, fo- of pri- ifington, )ndence, i to thi:i public thofe of rliament ki fights a traitor forcibly lofe who nd Straf- might be )tion and dney and 3atriotifn\ ich grew under C 7 ] under opprefTion. It was left to the wretched compilers of modern limes, under the immediate countenance of adminiftration, to unite the treafon of felling and enllaving a country with the hypo- crify of Charles I. and after having imagined fuch a character, to give to it the name of Sydney. But their intent was obvious, I'hat by deftroying this pattern of true patriotifm, they might turn the people from the admiration of it in any other form. They have exercifed tlie fame licentious free- dom upon examples, and men more nearly con- neded with the prelent period. The Revolution, and the protedors of it -, the Whigs, and the friends to the bill of luccefTion ; have been traduced in mangled and manufadured colledions of n^.pcrs, which, if ftriftly and lite- rally genuine, could be of little authority. Defi- nitions have been called in to fupport this darling fyftem % and the author of thefe Definitions, in a pamphlet publiflied under the immediate infpedlion and countenance of the Court, has audacioufly af- ferted, " That there has not been a monarch of " Great Britain for almojl a century^ except the " prelent, who has appeared to defireox: deferve the " affedions of his people -f." A laboured attack upon the character of a pa- triot was next attempted by this favorite author of government. The objed was the fame, but more openly declared : it is a pointed fatire againft thofe yho were at the period of its publication high in the eftcem of the people for great and public fervices : and when he wifhes, at leaft for form's • Johnfon's Diftionary. t Falfe Alarm, p. 54. publilhed 1770. 1 fake [ « ] Jake, to fuppole the cxiftence of ftich a man as a true patriot, he attempts in vain to exprefs him- felf, acquiefcing and well fatisfied with his proof of the negative — that he knew not one* ! To quote and expofe the fcurrilous and excep- tionable paflages which have appeared in the fe- veral political publications of this author would be a'tedious and invidious tafl< — But I cannot help applying one of his own ientences to the circum- ftances and ftyle of himfelf and of his party, asi peculiarly defcriptive of them •, and then I take my leave of him for ever. *' Among the difturbers of our quiet are fome «' animals of greater bulk, whom the power of •' roaring perfuaJed us to think formidable, but " we now perceive that found and force do not " always go together — The noife of a favage ^» proves nothing but his hunger f." It is from the adoption and prevalence of the principles and do<^trine, and from the infinuations of fuch authors, that the Britifh nation have been al- moft brought to avow corruption, and to adopt it as a neceffary and aftive fpring in the feveral motions of government. — The excefs of it is per- haps even 7Jow punifhable -, but when the principle is once acquiefced in, the meafure of its agency muft be determined by opinion — by neceflity — by the circumftances of the perfons, and the habit? of the times; and what in 1779 may be ex- ceflive, and therefore to be reprobated in an ele^or of Great Britain, may, perhaps, in 1780, be par- donable in ajirft minifier of the country ! * ** Patriot" publilhed in 1774, at the eve of the gene- ral eledlion. I I'alkUnd's Iflands, p. 141, lad edition. The lan as a cfs him- proof of d excep- the fe- would not help circum- »arty, as^ take my are fome )ower of ble, but do not favagG of the ations of been al- adopt it feveral t is per- principle agency fity — by le habits be ex- tn ele^ior be par- the gene- The ■•# [ 9 ] The depravity wh'h h has attended this corriipi tion is not confined to the public w.ilk of hfe ; the lower •. laH^s hope to rtiid a refuge, and boliily leek ic, where they (houkl have met their piinifh-t menc — in the pr.irticc and hearts of their 1 tiif- lacors. In this t'ley are coLinienanced l^y tlie ill- judged afperfions upon thole charadlers whom they had been taught to revere •, and whilft the people fcek a j unification for their vices in the example of thele their favourites, they are de rived of the: advantages whuh would otherwife hive refulted to them, from the imitation ot their virtues. After having eHc(::ted a complete difiolution of the vir- tuous compact betweei! the feveral ortlers of men in this country, the aJminit^ration have directed their iatt effort againit the aggregate and collefted virtue- of the State, by llij.'jinatizing with ridiculd anil low fatire, the members of the legiQature af- femblT from his loom, the handicrafts* men from their tools and families, and have given a fatal ftab to the true conftitutional and political fyftem of raifing and difciplining troops in a free and commercial country. Pofterity will feel the lavilh neceflity of this war, and may find it diffi- cult to apply a fufficient remedy to the evil. This is the prefent ftate of the contending powers: when you are called upon to grant your fupplies for the fucceeding year. You wiil recollect by what grants and by what expedients this pro- digious armament has been brought to fuch bulk and power-, and you will confider maturely, whe- ther it is fafe to prolong it, even if the refources of this country fhouid be equal to fuch a fcheme ; and whether it may not be fatal to increafe it. Is it a trivial vote which confirms this military fyftem for twelve months more, and which gives to the minilters of this country a difcretionary power of ufing this great force againft fuch parts of the empire, as to them appear to deferve or tO want coercion ? And yet, if you Uftcn with the fame patience, and receive with the fame credulity, the profeflions of the men in power, you may perhaps unadvifedly be induced to fubfcribe wirh them to a war for another year. 7'he minifters may perhaps tell you that th^ Eaft India Company will pay two millions, and that with fuch aflillance no new tax will be necef- fary. But the contribution from the Eaft India Company has no conpeiftion with the war. It is for a renewal of their charter, and muft be given to you at all events : furely then a peace with America, the conciliation and return ot their afFedlion to this country is a far more defirable objeft of pur- chafe, f :ionary 1 parts ^ or t6 h the diility, may with T at the s, and necef- India It is iven to nerica, ion to f pur- chafe, [ «5 ] chafe, than the continuance of an unneccflary and unnatural war, aggravated by fome circumftances. of favage wantonncfs, which the blind fury of for- mer civil wars have not produced. A fteady oppofuien to the continuance of a war^ even in ics fimplell form, is upon many accounts juftifiable : but when a war prelents itfclf with fuch accumulated circumftances of danger, diftrcfs, and ignominy -, where, at an early period of it, the relburces of the country will hardly enable you to adt upon the defenfive, without the hazard of incurring tiie difgrace of flight and acknowledged inferiority, and in that particular part where Bri- tain hitherto was reputed invulnerable i it becomes ' the duty of thofc who reprefent the people, to con- fider well the motives, and the hopes from fuch a war, before they impower and enable the govern- ment to prolong it. The inferiority I mean, is too notorious, and you will find upon a comparifon of this with the relburces and exertions of former wars, that the prcfent unfavourable inequality ariles from the impolitic dii'union of the Bricilh empire : that America may almoft at all times turn the fcale between Great Britain and the houfe of Bourbon j and when you calculate the evenrs and probable coniequence of this war, you will find Great Britain and America to be the only iuf- ferers, and perhaps Great Britain in the iurgcit proportion. You will be forced to admit thai both are Irfers^ ,1 1 that the profits of luch loflcs are the portion of France and Spain. Will you then Itill contribute to their ?^y iran- dizemcnt? Will you with an iinnnturul anJ cruel colvinefs l^icrifice the mod gen«'ro;.is or bocii n.^iion? to the afpiruig biood of the iioule of juqujI r^ ? Will ?; 'Mi [ i6 ] "Will you be the dupes of a family who have here- totbre bowcvl under your yoke, and to v/hofe ambition this country, with the virtuous pride of freemen, and in the caufe of freedom, have fixed the bounds ? Will you prefent to them America in chains, thai we may gratify our monarch and ourlelves with the right ot a free people humbled ? or fhall we continue to pledge our cxiltence, as a free and great people, againft a petty contribution and imaginary revenue from the Weltern Continent, as if it were fit to be fet in competition with ourftake ? Will you by your vote confine a gallant army with- in the precinds of a narrow d ftrid, upon the mere pretence ot a conqueft, to the accomplifhment of which their numbers do not enable them to ad- vance; or will you hear with patience of thou- fands of your fellow fubjefts, parching in the fands of Georgia, overwhelmed in fwamps, difgraccd, retreating, and burying themfelves under the cover of the firll lines they can enter, to avoid a multi- plied and overbearing deftrudion, whilft at the fame inftant the moft valuable of your iQands are facrificed every month, through a deficiency of men to fecure them from the infults and inroads of the moft infignificant armaments ? Such is the Itate of your armaments againft America, to the fupport and maintenance of which you will be expeded to give your voice, without a poffibility of improving their fituation. But you may effedlually remove thefe very ftrik- ing caules of dilcontent amongft your foldiers — » of apprehenfion amongft your merchants— and of hazard and dil'grace to the empire, by refifting fternly the continuance of che war with America} by teftifying in open parliament, and by a decifive vote, that France and bpain are the only enemies known w here- ?;hofe de of fixed nerita h and bled? a free >n and ;nt, as \ake ? y with- le mere lent of to ad- ' thou- le fands graced, le cover \ multi- at the nds are of men of the againft )f which without ry ftrik- Idiers— • —and of refifting tmericaj decifive y enemies known [ >7 ] known to the Britilh l^uliament — that America ihall be free, and independent of Great Britain^ and that the hearts of this people are always open to the iuft claims of a free nation ; and that the British Farliamciit difavows the bale attempt of governing by other laws, than by thofe of a free empire. That you are ready to addrefii the King to withdraw all his troops aud arms from America, that the Americans may be affured of tlie faith and lincere intentions of this country. Upon this declaration of their independence, and after the troops arc withdrav/n, and every hoftility by fea and land llilpended againll them, if they will not immediately forgive the hafty and inju- dicious violence of preceding years ; if they will ftill remember that we have befieged and burned their towns, ravaged their country, and deftroyed the induftry of ihcir hands, and will therefore obftinately perfift to encourage and countenance the enemies of the Briiilh empire— perhaps a ftridl and continued forbcanince on our part from them and their property (except what the necellity of defence, and the honor of the Britilh arms and flag Ihould call for) a free .idmiflion of their fliips into all |)ur ports, a reltoratiun c;f fuch of their property fts is yet in our hands, and an adual renewal of ICommerce with them, might fofcen their animo- sity, and produce what our arms have in vain at- tempted — an union becween the two countries •,— - They might and would probably catch at the terms MofFered i — They would feel and improve lo greatly ;by the change, that the mod adverfe of the Ame-? ticans would fubicribe to the generous and pro- Jtable fyftem propofed by us, and we might again I n in g f!t| I 1 1 ■ ' [ 18 ] be parts of the fame empire, inheritors and pre- fervers of true freedom. Bur, to give a more favourable turn to this pro- pofal, if they fhould at firfi accede to the terms ; if they fhould accept Independence from our Commiflioners, and feel with gratitude that the removal of our troops from their provinces, and our fleets fr i their coafts, had enabled them to adt for themielves, to improve their country, to negociate with credit, to trade freely, and to ap- ply the profits of their induftry and of their trade to their own advantage ; and withall, that the Bri- tifh people, inftead of enemies, were become the faithful guarantees of their independence and free- dom. "With what fpirit might we turn our arms againft the houfe of Bourbon in the Weft Indies, in America, and at home! We might then give fcope to the gallantry of our troops, by fending them to defend countries which are our own, which wifh to continue under our government, and which only want the countenance of this country to drive the piratical and faithlefs D'Eftaign with difgrace from their ports. Objefts for their conqueft would open to them, affifted by America, and pufhed forward by a fpiritcd determination of giving circulation to the American paper, by putting them in poffellion of the Spanilh main, or of fettlements which would be the lafting fund of their credit, the fcene would be totally changed -, the necejfity of fighting, the Worft calamity which can befall a free and high- fpirited people, would be removed ; and we might again be the arbiters of a general peace. This would be the refult of an union, or of a t>eace with America. To mark the consequences which and pr€- ) this pro- he terms -, from our : that the nces, and d them to ountry, to and to ap- their trade at the Bri- )ecome the e and free- rms againft Indies, in then give by fending iwn, which ment, and his country Lftaign with en to them, ward by a ition to the )oireflion of hich would fcene would fighting, the i and high- id we might on, or of a onfequcnces which [ >9 ] which muft attend our perfcverancc in th war againji America does not come within the compafs of my intention ; and would add no other force to the argument, than by proving our (late to be def- perate, if we proceed as we have done — the ne- ccjfity and not the juftice of peace would bind you to the acceptance of it. Under a deep imprelTion of the deftrudive efl^c^ls of civil conteft with America, your attention will be called towards a fub)ed, in fome of its circum- ftances bearing fo near a refemblance to the ori- ginal caufes of dilpute between Grcrat Britain and the Colonies, that it will be unpardonable if you do not colleft fome uieful hints from what has palled, which, when ferioully confidered, may de- cide upon the cafe now before you. You are called upon by the Iriih nation to give them a free trade — You are informed of this de- mand by the unanimous vote of the Houfe of Commons in Ireland, the rcprefentatives of that people, who declare, that nothing Ihort of a free trade will enable them to live as a free people, or to fupport their proper rank and place amongft the component parts of the Britilh Empire. It were to be wilhed, that previous to this pro- per and conftitutional reprefentation, fpeculative politiipians had not ftepped in to anticipate not only the claim of thefe our fellow fubjedts, but very largely and forcibly to infift upon their right to it, without any reprefentation or any claim. Arguments drawn from fpeculation fervc very often to illuftrate fubje<5ls in their nature far re- moved from the public or general notice of man- kind. Speculation ailids the invedigation of prin(» ciples, religious, moral, and political : but when ipeculation and abilra^ reafoning are applied to C 2 thQ y ft [ ^-o ] the fubjcdV of praclicablc government, and attempt to fubilitutc a new and untried fyftcm (however true it may be in its fountiation and unexception- able in its principles) into the place of that, which a long luctefllon of ages iur, n-.odclled, improved, and confiimed, it is muc!i to be doubted, whe- ther any lociety would profit by the change. The habils of men being formed upon pra6lice, do not fit themfeivcs fo immediately and fo aptly to the ntw fyftem, as to do jufticc to the experiment, or to direct it to the true end and obje<^l: of its intro- dudlion. In tlie firll eftablilhrncnt of every fyftem of go- vern nunt there mull be maoy defedts, which tinie and exp-ricnce will lelien, and have often removed. It is almolt an axiom in politics, that a conftitu- tioh CL-n never be made perfecl at its creation : the frequent alterations in ir.en, the fubjed: to which all governments muft be adapted, call for altera- tions of a fimilar kind in the laws which are to dire<5t them. But we are told, that the principles of a free government are alvvays the fame -, and to this afiertion we are rel<;;rrtd for a full juftification of the prefcnt claim. The fubjecl is not new — In the beginning of this century Mr. MoJyneux, in an elaborate and very learned trcatife, und.ertook to prove that Ire- land had never fubfcribed to the fuperintendance or controul claimed by the Brit.fh Parliament. He admitted the ufage, altliough in fome inftances he attempted to explain away the acquiefcence of Ire- land upon other and independent grounds. The author of the " Obfervations upon the doc-* ^' trine laid down by Sir William Blackiftone re- <* fpefting the extent of the power of the Britiib *^ parliament, particularly with relation to Ireland," . : has MMHMI ittcmpt owevcr :eption- which proved, i, whc- ;. The do not ' to the lent, or s intro- n of go- ch time emoved, :onllitu- lon : the :o which r altera- h are to rinciplcs and to [ification nning of late and that 1 re- iance or nt. He ances he e of Ire- the doc-s lone re- le Britifn Ireland," [ 21 ] has confidered this dodrine in its full extent, and has applied it to the feveral communities of which a free empire may be compofed, and has deduced the following general principle : That in a free empire, fuch as the Britifh, the fcvcral communi- ties have a legidature of their own, abfolutely inde- pendent of each otlier ; and that the exequtive power, the Sovereign, is the only link of connec- tion by which the leveral communities are united in one (late. That the practice in the feveral communities of the Britilli empire, whether in America, or in Ire- . land, has not, at any period, been the fair refult of this principle, mull be acknowledged by the moil fanguine patrons of this fyflem : that Great Britain to confirm this principle muft relinquifli the exer- cile of a power which fhe has enjoyed for centuries, muft alio be admitted. With the moll fincere refj efl for the principles and opinions of the author of thefe obfervations, I cannot therefore help exprefTing my furprize, tiiat he fhould fo ftrenuoufly at this period enforce this principle, who had oblerveJ, in a northern coun- try *, the very fatal effecls of difcord between the feveral powers of a Hate •, where, whilft each drove for the afcendant, in the inflant, by an exertion, ^he boldeft and beft concerted that was ever exev • 5wfflV«. — The hiftory of the late revolution there was publiftied (as the author exprcfles himfelf) to apprize the people of Great Britain, and of other free countries, of the danger which may arife from too confident fccurity in the principles and forms of their conftitution : but it is more applicable in the prefcnt times to the dreadful confequeuces of a difference and con ted between the feveral component parts of a ftate, or which is the fame, between the ievexal ' fO(nponent members of an empire. cuted C " 1 cutcd by man, the kiiT" witliout a blow, annihl^ lated the contending powers, and fixed himlelf for ever abfolute upon the throne. The principle which this author lays down in Ms letter to Sir William Blackillone, and wliicli he attempts with great inge^ijity and force of ar- gument to fupport, as far as it relates to the pre- ient circumllances of the Britifh and Irifh parlia- ments, if in fitted upon, would very probably re- duce the two countries to a fituatlon not unlike that of the fevcral States of Swedrn before the re- volution. But as it is not poffible to fuppofe that there ever will be a monarch upon the Briiilh throne who would wifli to improve fuch an advan- tage; I will only rtate the confcquences which uii^ht refult from the conteft. The two Parliaments contend, one for indcr pendence, the other for coniroul. The King is admitted to be the fupreme execu- tive power in Ireland, as well as in Great Britain. If the Parliaments, who own him equally for their head, Ihould carry their refentment and their excr* tions to the extent which the Nobility in Den- mark * did againft the orders of the clergy and commonalty; or the Nobility and the States in Sweden, fometimes againft their King, and at other times, • This revolution, in which the nobility, clcrgv, and commonalty furrendered the government into the hands of- Frederic III. was completed upon the i8th of Oclober 1660, in the fpace of four days. — •" GerJ'drff, a principal fcnator, ** was the only man (according to Molefworth) who dared ** open his mouih in the behalf of their expiring liberties ; ** faying, that he hoped and trufted that his Majefty defigned •* nothing but the good of his people, r.nd not to govern ** them after theTurkifli manner; but wifhed his Maje/ly's '* fucceAbri might follow the example which his Majefty *• would mnihi- elf for 3wn in whicli : of ar- ic pre- parlia- bly re- unlike the re- ofe that Briiilh advan- which 3r indcr e execu- [ Britain, for their teir cxcr* in Dcn- ;rgy and States in i at other times, Icrgv, and e hands of' tober 1 660, lal fenator, I who dared g liberties ; fty defjgned t to govern is Majc/ly's his Majefty «' would I ..if, r 43 2 times againft each other, why may we not af>prc- hend the pofllbiUty of a fimilar event ? A volun- tary devolution, or a corrupt and fplenctic ac- quicfccnce in the abfolute empire of one, the com- mon head and king of botli, rather than that the Parliament of Great Britain could bear the contra- diftion of the Irilh, or thelrilh Parliament fubmic to the controul of the Britifh. It is painful to anticipate a danger of fuch for- midable magnitude -, but when we have the recent examples of Denmark and Sweden before us— whiUl we are overwhelmed with difgrace, and almoil by defpair in a conteil with another part of the em- pire upon quellions originally of lefs importance, how can we rcfufe to bear tellimony to the hazard of dilputing upon fpeciilative rights? and if we con- fels the hazard, how, without the imputation of ex- treme political folly, can we encourage the difpute ? Nor would it be lefs abfurd, where the eftablilhed pradtice has been eminently advantageous to both nations, productive of riches and llrength to the one, and of liberty, and the true ends of good government to the other -, and where that liberty may-be further and effectually Iccured, either by an alteration in the mode of alking or of granting, to contend, that this pracfticc and eftablilhmenc ** would undoubtedly fet them, and make ufe of the unli- •♦ miied power for the gcoci, and not the harm of his fub- *• jeds. ** Not one of the reft fpolce a word, or feemed to mur- •• mur in the '.'ail at what was done; and it is obfc-rvable, ** that amotig Jo many great men, ivho a few days before *• feemid to ha-ve fpirits Jui table to their birth and quali' *• ties, none bad the courage, during thefe laji three days, •' either by remonllrance, or by any other way, to oppufe ** in any manner what was doing." Account of Denmark, p. 46. I muft s ! !j 'f [ 24 ] mud notwithftanding yield to the fyllem oi* pure fpeculation, becaufe it is impofiible to continue free under any government which is not framed ac- cording to the nice adjuftment of a philofophical politician. It is for thefe reafons that I omit to touch upon the right of the Britifh over the Irifh Parliament i and it is upon the fame that 1 would recommend to the political writer to confider what is deficient in fraitice^ what in pra^fice may be amended, rather th'n to hunt after an Utopian liberty or fyftcm ; and by one ftroke, carelefs of the event of it, to extirpate an eftablilhmenr, fanftified in its ufage ac lead by the experience and approbation of ages. But it will remain for your confideration, to what extent you will participate the bleffings of commerce with your loyal and brave fellc v fub- jefts of Ireland. Their demand is for a free trade ; that their induftry may be exerted under the di- redion and influence of their own intereft \ that their talents may be everciled upon fubjects which are beft fiiited to them, or which are more parti- cularly within their reach and command ; that the product of thefe exertions may be applied to their own benefir, in the manner which they Ihall judge the bell \ that they ni:iy learn, praclife, improve, and have a free communication with you in the cftablilhment of manufactures, in the improve- ment of the arts, and in extending the commercial connedlions of thefe iilands to the moll uiilant parts. They afk only for the produd of their own in- duftry, and of their own talents •, to be allowed, in common with ftrangers, to purchafe a partici- pation with you of the improvements which fuc- ceflive ages have made in tiie various ariicies of traffic and of commerce. The of pure continue amed ac- ofophicgl luch upon •liament ; :ommcnd deficient d, rather fyftcm ; of it, to ufage at ages, ation, to effings of lie V Tub- ee trade ; the di- eft \ that :ts which )re parti- that the 1 to their I all judge improve, u in the improve- tnmercial ant parts. • own in- allowed, a partici- lich fuc- rticies of The [ 25 1 The fame indiiftry which enabled the Eriglifli rrtanufafturer to produce his work complete, the fame ingenuity and labour in refining upon the work are neceflary to thofe who attempt a fimilar ellablifhment in Ireland, unlefs they purchafe the knowledge of the art •, and then the terms of tliis participation, the price to be paid for it, is at the difcretion Of thofe who are in the pofTefTion and enjoyment of the manufadures, and of the im- provements. Where then is the injuftice of this requeft ? where is the alarm, or injury to the empire, or to this ifiand .? Is it a detriment to the empire, that its ports are become more numerous, its fleets more powerful, the people rich, and its political confequcnce raifed in the great fcale of empire ? T)oes the incrcale of domeftic induftry lefTen or promote the actual ftrength and riches of a nation ^ Does it contrail or expand the benefits and extent of foreign commerce r or, may we not with great propriety apply to the feveral communities of an empire, what Mr. Hume fays of the feveral mem- bers of a ftate : " The riches of the leveral mem- *' bers of a community contribute to encreafe my " riches, whatever prcfefTion I follow : they con- •' fume the produce of my induftry, and affbrd me " the produce of their own in return*.** The arguments upon the feveral articles of trade rtiuft be left to yonr difcuftion, as the queftions arife in the Houle of Commons. But the application from Ireland is, fur a free trade^ which does not feem to adinit of partial exemptions ; whether it will be prudent to attempt the limitation of a grant,' evidendy and materially bencticial to Ireland, and • EffaylV. Vol. i. p. 342. but ■f;.' [ 26 J but partially, if at all affcfting the Englilh trader, will very well defervc: the attention of the Britilh legiflature. By a liberal grant the queftion of right is inap- plicable and at an end. It is the wifli of Ire- land to remain firmly united to the caul'e, and in the interefts of Great Britain -, and the emulation between the two Parliaments will only be, Which, by encouragements and rewards, can moil effec- tually promote the true ends of commerce. To be rivals in induftry is more congenial to the tem- per and high fpirit of both nations, and more be- neficial to the conftitution and fecurity of the em- pire, than to blot the pige of hiftory with ex- amples of rebellious outrage and avenging punilh- ment. The advantages which muft refult from a liberal grant, whatever is the event of this war, or what- ever relation America fhall hereafter bear to thefe iflands, will amply reward you for the generofity of your gift. If America accedes to our propofals, (he will again be our friend, and we fhall have no realoh to dread the alienation or wilful transfer of her com- merce to other countries. If fhe fhould force her- felf into independence, and feparate herfelf from us with inveteracy and a fixed hate, what an al- luring objex^l will be held out to her from the ports of Ireland as well as Great Britain ; from the pro- duce and materials for traffic, enlarged and im- proved by the co-operating induflry and talents of the two nations, ready to be poured forth into her bofom at a price much below that of other markets. Their inveteracy will yield to intereft, and the apprehenfions which were entertained of a fatal check to our cquinierce, will be changed into the fullcft M h trader, Britifli t is inap- of Ire- ', and in mulation Which, )ft effcc- To be the tem- more be- the em- with ex- 5 punilh- a liberal or what- r to thefe erofity of , flie will reaion to her corn- force her- ■felf from at an al- the ports the pro- and im- talents of 1 into her markets. , and the f a fatal 1 into the fuUeft ;*■ It. ft [ *7 ] fulleft enjoyment of the firft fruits of the trade and induftry of that produftive continent. Other ad- vantages will arife from the eftabliftiment and im- provement of manufaftures and commerce in Ire- land ; Emigrations from that country, which have been always lamented, and if America had driven us from the continent during the prefcnt diftrefled and hopelefs ftate of Irelar i, would have been a very ferious concern to that nation, and to the ftrength and defence of thefe iflands, will be effec- tually prevented. Emigration is the lalt refource of the wretched : the meaneit of the people are compelled only by the mod preffing necefiity to quit their native foil. Perfecution has operated much to this end in fome countries ; Poverty and difference of religion has driven many from Ire- land; but that difference in religion will befoftened and melted down by a more eafy communication, and by a joint intereft in labour, in manuFadbures, and commerce ; as in other countries merchants of every perfuafion unite in mercantile partnerfhips and acquire an efteem for the perfons of each other, unabated by the confideration that they worfhip their God with different ceremonials and prayers. The Legiflature has in vain attempted to unite the papift and proteltant in Ireland in their civil intereft, or in the common tranfaftions of lift • the papifts have withftood the importunity of kindnv,*fs, and have defied punifhment. If the grant of a free trade can in the end conciliate and produce' this confidence between them ; if it can fecure Ireland, whatever may be the flattering profpeft and rifing hopes of America, from a lofs and emigration of its inhabitants (which in the prefent ftate of Ire- land would unavoidably follow the removal of our troops from America) it muft be matter of iri- D z um^h t a8 ] unipli to every honed man who has voted for the grant, that he has loftened the acrimony of reli- gious (liflentjons, and has made their country a leat of happinefs and of comfort to miUions of poor and loyal lubjtds. The oppofuion made in the two la(t feflions to the limitetl and reafonable demands of the Iriili mult raife a doubt in the minds of all men ,about the fucccfs of their prcfcnt application. But I trutt, the real circjmilances of the Irifh nation were not then kmwn to thofe gentlemen who thought it an unnecejfury grant : and I alfo trult, that the feveral cities and towns of this ifland which prefitrd their oppofition by a train of legal argu- ments, and a parade of council at your bar, as if the conltitution or fome points of legal importance hati been in agitation, have been already fatisfied that their fears were too haily, and without founda- tion in fadl. If however the impolitic jealoufy of trade fhould bring once more to your bar petitions againft the grant pn pofed, it will be incumbent upon you, who fit in that houfe as fupporters of the dignity of the en pire, and as prome«-ers of the general and eirenr.al intereft of it in all its parts, not to gratify the feelings and the avarice of one or two cor- porations, or bodies of conftituents, although you arc invefted with their right and reprefent them in parliament, at the expence of a principal mem- ber of the empire, and to the detriment and per- haps the ruin of a deferving and high fpirited na^ tion. *' For if narrow and malignant politics (hould f* meet with fuccefs, you wiU reduce all your ^' neighbouring nations to the fame itate of iloth K and ignorance that prevails in Morocco or the ^« coaft ^ -^nr^m'^'f' 1 ■m ed for the ly of reli- country a )illions of feflions to the Iridi nen ,about f the Irilh lemen who alfo trult, land which egal argu- bar, as if mportance dy iatisfied >ut foundsi- •ade fhould againft the upon yoy, :he dignity he general •ts, not to or two cor- hough you ;fent them :ipal mem- t and per- 'pirited na^ tics fhould e all your ite of (loth ceo or the »« coaft ^ •i t '9 1 •< coaft of Barbary. But what would be the con-« " fequence ? They could fend us no commodities; •' they could take none from us. Our domcltic " commerce itlclf would languifh for want of emu- *' lation, inftrudion, and example ; and we our- *' felves fhould foon fall into the fame abjcd con- " dition, to which we have reduced them *." Thefc are the thoughts which have occurred to me upon the requifition from the Iriili nation. The third artick for your deliberation, which I hinted it in the opening of this letter, is, the Tecu- rity of the empire in all its parts. A reconcilia- tion with America, the relloration of peace to the minds of the Irilh, and a liberal grant to thctn of the free exercife of their talents and of their in- duftry for their own benefit, will enable us to l^ok forward with hope to the final fettlement of io great an objeft, which muft have its foundation in a general peace •, difordercd and convuhed as the empire now is in every part by the mifmanagc- ment of thofe to whole charge it has been en- trufted. I cannot however clofe this addrefs to you with- out fome remarks upon a pamphlet, intuuietl, " A ** fhort Hiftory of the Oppofition during the laft ^^ Seffion of Parliament \ '* which by a fpecious ndvertifement, in the form of preface, promifes to make a full difcovery of the principal and ital enemies to the dignity and peace of the Hritilh Empire. That the author of" this pamphlet is able to difcover and to point out, according to their degrees of guilt, thole who come within iuch defcription, there is little doubt •, but as he proba- i^Dly might involve himfclf or fome of his nearcft * Hume, Eflay \l. VoL 1. p. 345. friends ':M t 30 ] friends in the confequence of fuch a confeflion, I could not exped to Hnd ir. Under fuch an idea I began to read with diffi- dence, not fufpefting that the conduft of a very refpeftable part of the reprefentative and legifla- tive body of this kingdom in matters of the moft public nature, and quite recent in the memory of the nation, could be traduced by audacious falf- hood and bafe mifreprefentation. But the objed of the author difcovers itfelf in the fixth page, where we are told, *' that the una- nimity and concert which their Sovereign re- quefted for the fupport of the intereft and honor of the nation, exiit only in them (the Oppoli- tion) for the ruin of the one^ and the tarnijhing of the other. ^* And again, p. 47. " That an oppofition begun in ambition has degenerated through difappointment into a fpecies of infanity, and that in attempting to ruin the miniftry, the " farty have given a fatal Jiab to the honor and in- " tereft of their country.** Scurrilous and general invedlive never produce the effeft expeded : it cannot prcfuade, bedaufe it confounds reafon by irritating the pafTions : it car- ries no terror with it when it iffues from the pen of an anonymous pamphleteer-, and it can leave no fting, when it is direded agalnH: charadbcrs of tried virtue and approved fervices to their country. To you therefore without paflion I Ihall appeal, and where the votes and public afts of the laft feflions have not already confuted the charges, pro- duced, I fhall fuggeft a plain anfwer — either by pointing out contradidions in the pamphlet itfelf, or by expofing the fallacy, by which alone the charges are fupported. To «i cc (( C( cc <( cc nfe(rion, I with difR- l of a very and kgifli- )f the moft memory of lacious falf- Ts itfelf in lat the una- vereign re- t and honor the Oppofi- he tarnijhing " That an degenerated ; of infanity, liniftry, the onor and tn- ver produce ', bedaufe it ons : it car- om the pen it can leave haradters of eir country, hall appeal, of the laft :harges. pro- — either by ilet itfelf, or the charges To [ 31 ] To the principal, which feem to be contained Jn the two paffages above quoted, every page of (Che votes of the laft feflions produce a pofitive , tcontra iiction ; I mean as to the confequences charged to have been brought about by oppofi- tion : for of motives, what man can fpeak of another with certainty ? or who will be fo unjuft as to im- pute to a large number of men in the grofs, the corruption or bafe intent of an individual who may be conncdlcd with them ? The votes prove inconteftably, that every motion for peace, concili- Ittion, or upon the public meafures of government, njade by thole who were confidered as oppofed to adminiftration, were negatived, and therefore with- out effed:. And that, amongft the variety of bills and mo- tions made by the adminiftration, very few were not admitted and paffed, one bill in particular ex- cepted, which by the diftraftion of minifterial cpuncils was rejeded in the Houfe of Lords. " If then the wifhes of the Sovereign for the pro- •* fperity of his people have been in every inftance *f crofled and difappointed ; if the honor of the ha- ** tion is tarnifhed, and if a fatal ftab has been given ^ to the interefts of the country," are we to impute it to the operation and confequences of thofe ads, bills, anJ councils, which for thefe ten years have dJredled and executed all things internally or ex- ternally in peace and in war ? or are we to fay im- plicitly, with the blundering author of the pam- phlet, that motions, bills, and propofitions, which t^hen fuggelled were fmothered in their birth,. l|hich ntver had any adtivity, nor could have any cffeft, for want of an adiual, and even a legal ex- "lence, have yd done all ibis evil ? hy what * mode ;i ;'i if mode of reafoning can any man be conducted to fuch a conclufion ? If indeed we had been oppreflcd by the parfi^ tnony oi a Britilh Parliament in fuch an exigency •, if the reprefentatives of the people had with a nig- gard hand proportioned their grants of money and of arms to the exertions of preceding years, or to the expeftations which with reafon they could form from the capacity and aftivity of adminiftration for the fuccefs of future campaigns ; and a factious party had withftood and prevented fuch necejary fupplies •, againft fuch an oppofition the author of the pamphlet might have inveighed in terms beft fuited to' the candour of his reelings and the pu- rity of his ftyle, and perhaps without contradiftion. But here the fafts are notorioufly otherwife, there is not a fhadow for fuch an argument ; every de- mand, every propofition, every neceflity^ real or imaginary, every luxury of political convenience, lias been gratified to the full extent of miniilerial expectation. To the Sovereign, whofe wilhes the oppofition are charged feditioufly to have refitted, a very li« beral grant for the difcharge of an enormous debt, and an additional eftablifiiment of 100,000 1. per annum, have been made with the exprefs conft-nt, and probably by the afliftance of oppofition -, and as I cannot fufpeSl the writer to mean, that the ruin of the honor and interefts of the nation have been attempted, by giving to the Sovereign and to his miniftcrs all they alk, and by encouraging them to aflc more, I cannot aflent to tlie propofition, that the oppofition have attempted the ruin of cither, To thefc imputations therefore in" the grofs, I Ihall ndufted to the parfi* exigency ; with a nig- money and Tars, or to could form niniflration a factious ch necejjary ) author of terms beft md the pu* itradiftion. rwife, there ; every de- ty, real or onvenience, miniiterial : oppofition I, a very li- rmous debt, DjOool. per refs conffnt, ifition ; and ?, that the lation have eign and to incouraging propofition, he ruin of he grofs, I Ihall I 33 ] (hall in the grofs anfwcf, by a fentcnce from the pamphlet before me. " Aflertions which carry along with them their *' own refutation, arc not likely to make converts *' within, nor profelytcs without doors *." The next imputation, which, with a long com- ment, fills the p' incipal part of this pamphlet, is, ** That the oppolition, to excite mutiny in the •' army and navy, have fa/fely ajferted, that go- *' vernment had employed no commander of an " army, no admiral of a fleet, whom they liad " notdifgraced f." To prove, thar the conduct of admmiitration did not jull;fy this afTcition, he enumerates every commander who has returned from the fervice (except Lord Howe, whole fer- vices have not protected him from the cenfure of fomeof the /)r^«/ adminift ration) and in (lead of Itating the approbation which any one of them has met with, or the honors conferred upon them by the Kmg, which might have raifeii douots in the bread of impartial men of the canJor of a party who could make fuch an aflertion in contra- didion to the truth and to notorious fadt; he vilifies the condudt of thefe commanders i he raifes fuipicions which his employers have not dared to avow i and for fear that we Ihould be at a lol's for a motive in admininiftration to perfecute and difgrace thofe whom themfclves had chofen and employed, he itlls us, " That the mifmanagcment ** and confequenc w^nt of fucccfs on every fide of the " war had convinced the nation, that there was an *' error in planning at home^ or a defeat in the exe- " cution abroad ;^." — In plain terms, that the nii- niftcr or the commander mull be facrificed : the • P. ro. fP. 7- P. lO. E power X y' [ 34 ] power was in the hands of the minifter; therefore the General and Admiral are difgraccd. As the fail could alone jullify the aflertion, we find convincing proof of it in every page of this pamphlet. Even in the obfervations which this authormakcs upon the individual commanders, he fcems unfor- tunate in the choice, or deceitful in the application of them. Perhaps the habit of mifquoting and fuppreffing pafThges, which has been difcovered in lome other publications of the gentleman to whom this pamphlet has been attributed, might have tempted him in the comparifon * he makes between the return of G 1 B ne from Ca- nada, and Terentius Varro from the fields of Can- nae, to forget, or not to read to the end of the book which records that event, where he would have found, that upon the return of Terentius Varro to Rome, " Adeo magno animo civitas fuit " ut confuli ex tanta clade, cujus ipfe caufa maxi- " ma fuit redeunti obviam itum frequenter ab om- " nibus ordinibus fit, & gratia a5ia^ quod de re- *' publica non defperafl[et •, cui fi Carthaginienfium " 2f«^or fuifict, nihil recufandumfuppliciiforet\** The Englilh nation have exprefled no emotions of refentment, no fymptom of contempt againfl; the general who returned from Cf.nada ; not a murmur has been nationally railed againft his cou- rage or his conduft. When he appeared in public, an anxious regard has been caft upon him from the public eye, as upon one whom misfortunes had tried, but had not broken: they with-hcld • P. H. ** His enemies remarked, that he came from ** America, where he had loft an army, with as much con- *< fidence as Terentius Varro returned to Rome from the «• fatal fields of Cannae." f Livy, 1. 22. edit. var. £lz. vol. 2. p. zzz* their therefore s thefaSl )nvincing jor makes ns unfor- plication >ting and ilcovered eman to d, might e makes from Ca- s of Can- d of the he would Ferentius vitas fuit ifa maxj- '' ab om- w de re- ^imenjium oretf?* emotions t againO; ; not a his co'j- n public, im from sfbrtunes vith-held :aine from nuch con- from the their [ 35 ] their approbation till his condud received the , fandion of a proper courc, and they treat him at this inftant with rcfpccftfiil diilance •, and whenever the unfortunate remnant of th;it army fhall return to this country, I have not a doubt but the Eng- lifh nation will fanctify the example of the Ro- mans after tlie battle of Cannru, by receivinp; them with the moll affedionate tcndernefs and a warm fcnfe of gratitude for their fervice. Where then is the difference between the two pic- tures, fo fatally rcrembling each other in the line of misfortunes ? The anlvvtr 1 give, is, in the tr^.atmcnc of the General and his gallant army To whom then is it to be imputed that this na- tional and charafteriftic dignity of a free and high fpirited nation has been fuppreflcd ? To whom is it to be imputed that this brave General, upon his return to Knglaiid, is excluded from the prcfencc of his Sovereign, from the countenance ot govern- ment, from every refpedl and attention due lefore co*fvi^ion to the moil guilty ? The government, who muft have taken the lead in any national expreflion of gratitude to a Gene- ral, when they faw him ihattered with fatigue, overwhelmed with an honourable and delicate fhame upon his entrance into the Houle of Com- mons to relate the misfortunes which under his im- mediate guidance had fallen upon the ilate } whilfl: he was labouring for utterance in behalf of thole his brave fellow-loldiers, who were made cap- tives by the convention, and in whofe defence, m the midll of adverfe arms, himfelf a captive, had boldly attacked and impeaclied one of the firft of- ficers of the enemy— Ihe miniilry (1 fay) who fent him out, who planned the fcheme, and who, at the beft, were under the fame cloudy milt of guilt, E 2 op l-^TWi.-— « Ill , ;i [ 36 ] or of fufpicion, ftiould, in the name of themfrlves and of the nation, have fupportcd him with their voice •, they (hovild have countenanced him at lealt with this afi'urcince, that his gracious Sovereign did net cKtiapate (cni'i^icn\ that the nation thanked him tor his manly ai',d anxious attention to the captive arn.y in America j and for his return to Great Britain, that the government might be in- ibuded by him in what manner their captivity would be made ealy, and their redemption from it ubtaintd. 'I o this tender and delicate addrefs from the mi- niiier, t!ic gtntrous Englilh people would have a(ic;ed the tribute of their thanks, " Quod de re- ** pubhcu non dcfperafl'et." i he reverie has happened; the General is diC graied unheard, the army languilh without relief, and thtir hopes ot vromotii n extinguifhed ; for they have been luperfeced. Pofterity,when they read the fate of thefe two armies, will conclude that the governors and the people o\ Rome were Romans ; that the people ot England were Englifhmcn, but that the adminiftration were of the bleed of Carthage. I will not trouble you with the recapitulation of the feveral charges againft the other commanders, prclieu with indircreet warmth by the author of this pamphlet (whofe object was not to juftify but to accufc) becauie having proved his Irate of the cafe in a principal inllance to be falic, contradift- ing, and lelf-deilroying, his credit mull fail In all tlie reit. But before you can hope for a reftoration of mutual confidence between your generals, your admirals, and your country, or for a congenial Jpirit in the nen to execute what is commanded to them for the fcrvice of their country —Delenda •s M C< «4 'A V • ^ mfelves h their him at vereign hanked to the rtiirn to be in- aptivity >n from the mi- ld have d ck re- 1 is dif- it relief, 'd i for icy read that the omans ; en, but irthage. ation of landers, thor of :ify but of the tradift- il In all ition of 5, your )ngenial manded Deknda [ 37 ] ^ Carthago ; — for it is in confident with freedom* with honor, and with greatneis. The very heavy imputations, " that the Oppo- «*• fition, witli a want of prudence as well as de- •* cency, have tied up the hands of their country •• in the hour of danger, have made the people *• timorous, have impeded the levies of men, or «• have diflTuadcd the people from a fpirited exertion '•* tgainU the enemies of the ftate *," are confuted ^i^hat I have before laid about the fupplies and Its fo liberally given to adminiftration, and are ^|tradicted cxpredy by the author in his 57th page, ire 'le lays of the nation, " Inftead of being de- (refled with a fcnle of danger, all ranks and de- crees of men feel that elevation which threatened {>erils excite in generous minds : inftead of look- ng forward to future difgraces or difafters, they Fcfle(^ on the glory of former times. The pofte- '♦ tity of thofe who conquered at Poiftiers, Crefly, *• tnd Agincourt, and annexed France itfelf to •• the Englilh crown, cannot form to thcmiclves •* any fears from a French invu^on ; on the con- •« trary, when they have fufficiently prepared for •• fecurity at home, they will aft offcnfively ** abroad, and carry back to the bofom of the •* enemy that terror which he vainly hopes to «* create." I have infifted more particularly upon the con- tents of this pamphlet, becaule I know that it lup been indujirioujly fprecd about during the reccfs ol parliament, to confirm in the mmds of the pub- lic the fulpicions of mifconduft in the generals and admirals who have been employed in the courfe O^ this war : the extent and fatal conlequcnces of iiich an attempt the wiled man cannot forclecj M 1\ 4. & pai&au but I ' '^ vf ; i C 3? ] but every novice in the hiftory of mankind muft know, that to ftiake the confidei.ce of an army in its general, or of a fleet in its admiral, or to turn the rerpe6t due to them^ towards the minijlers of a coun- try who zre fometimes in oppofition to the inteiefts of thefe commanders, muft endanger the event of every a6lion, whatever may be the proportion of the force they are engaged with. But you will not forgive thnt author, who by falfehoods, fallacies, and inveftive vilifies the honor cf a nation to protefb thcfe from punifhmcnt, who, with the fullefl powers to cruih rebellion, to pre- vent a war, to fecure the country from lofs and Gugrace, have laid us proftrate at the foot of re- bellion i have plunged us in the moft dangerous and unequal war, without allies, with an inferiority at fea, which has almoft brought the (ecurity of thefe iflands into difpute. When you have confidered and difpofed of the two material objc<51:s which have been mentioned in the beginning of this letter, America and Ire- land, yo'.i will be at Icifure to inveiVigate the caules which have hurried us to this brink of ruin : ar ' when you have dilcovered the movers or the pro- moters of them, with the fame fpirit which has given liberty and peace to a continent, and the parti, ipatioii of commercial benetits to your fellow fubjedts, you will execute that final adt of juRicc, which will be a wriiiiy accompaniment to ilich an cxercife of your power, and which will be revered i^y a grateful poilerity ! I have the honor to be, with the truefl refpeft, , Yours, &c. mkind muft • an army in )r to turn the TS of a court' the intcicfts ?r the event )roportion of hor, who by fies the honor bment, who, lion, to pre- om lofs and foot of re- )ft dangerous an inferiority le fecurity of pofed of the ;n mentioned rica and Ire- ate the caufes of ruin : ar ' rs or the pro- it which has ent, and the ) your fellow adt of juRicc, nt to Itich an rill be revered Hfhis Day, the 2^th Tnflant, being the Fir ft Day of the Meeting of Parliament, ivill be publijbedy A New Morning Nevvfpaper, m TOBEENTITLED The London Courant, AND Weftminfter Chronicle. l^^giAnd to be continued every Day. Piice Three Pence, ted and pubiillied by J. ALMON, oppoiite Bi,rlington- Houfe, Piccadilly. fpeft, fours, &r. TO THE P U B L T C. T the Solicitation of many Perfons of high Rank and illiies, this Publication 'S undertaken. The Editors will MPt, prefume to eltimate fo lightly the Judgment of the POfelic, as to trouble thcin with any Apology ^br thisDe- fioNi ; Nor is the Plan of a Newfpaper fuch a Novelty as to llJMe a Detail of it nccelfary. Suffice it, therefore, to fay, ti^t the Plan of the London Courant is brif ily this To ftffe the eailiefl" and trueft Intelliijcnce of every public Tiranfaftion ; to print all fnch Obfervations on public Af- fStfrs, political, parliarr.eiitary, connmercial, r..'.litary, naval, theatrical, mifcellaneous, 8fc. &c. as fhal' appear interefl:- )j(^ or entertaining. The Editors will vnx be lavifh o£ j?||iinifcs ; th. Execution is the proper Recommendation, ^ey only beg Leave to fubmit the London Courani to pub- lic Examination. The AffiA^nce of the Ingenious and Intelligent is moft mbly requefted Thrir Favours will be gratefully re- ed, and propfirly attended to. All Letters, Information, Advertlfcments, and Order for this Paper, are delired to be feit to J. Almon, Bookfeller, oppofite Burliagton-Houfe, in PiccadlHy, London.