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This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est fi)m4 au taux de rMuction indiqui ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X / 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X The copy filmed here has been reproduced thank* to the generosity of: La Bibliothique de la Villa da Montrv .;■ Toronto: l-:- '■ i" ''■■':.'; PRINTED BY HUNTER, ROSE & CO., 86 & 88 KING STREET WEST. ■;- .■ ■.-•.O 1870. . •■■- .,^.^: "r: ,j.^ ■■:■:■ I. I* 9 » -^ f*^*.' fe*. - / m< ^-^m^-' ^K£«SiSiiia»fc iffS^'M t LETTERS OK JOHN O'COfflOR, Esq., M.R, I. 1 1 li ON Jil FENIAN ISM. ADDBE3SED TO HIS BXCBLLBNCY THE RUlHT UoNOURABLB .SIR JOHN YOUNO, BART., P.C., OX'.B., O.C.M.O., OOVKRNOR GENERAL OF CANADA, ETC., ETC., ETC. 4 » Y PRINTED BY HUNTER, ROSE & CO., 86 & 88 KING STREET WEST. 1870. I.inRAIKIE G.D1T(HARMF 'H!i, rue Fulliim Montreal INTRODUCTION, Vfi President Grant having, in the wise exercise of his executive clemency, pardoned the leaders of the Fenian outlaws who caused us so much annoyance on our South-eastern frontier during the past summer, those gentry are now again at large, and are con- cocting fresh schemes for the invasion of our country, and another attempt is to be made to bring jibout tlie liberation of Ireland by the robbery of a few Canadian hen-roosts. The O'Neill and Savage ssctions of the sacred Brotherhood have reconciled their different 38, and a vigorous raid upon the pockets of the Irish ser- vant girls throughout the States is being prosecuted, with a view to procuring the necessary funds for the next campaign. But while Canadians can afford to treat these effoi ts with the con- tempt they deserve, we must not forget that they touch us in our most sensitive part— our pockets. It has been stated that the Fenian attempt of last summer cost the Canadian people upwards of two millions of dollars, and we are not disposed to submit to the repetition of such an expenditure, when the Mother Country has it in her power to compel the United States (xovernment to cease to tolerate the Fenian nuisance in its midst. Some other way of conciliating the low Irish element in the States must be discovered, or the Home Government will be compelled to take a more decided stand, and teach our neighbours what is required of them by the law of nations. The loyal Irish Catholics of the Do- minion (and thank God, Irishmen of all creeds and parties in Can- ada are now a unit in respect of their loyalty and devotion to British connection) are indignant at the insinuations and ill-ccn- cealed distrust to which they have been subjected in certain quar- IV tors, in conscquonco of the wicked attempta of these Fenian nm- raudera. They tiiorefore think that this is a fitting time (in view of the new life whicli ia being attempted to be infused into the Fenian circhis in the United States,) for the refnodiietion in pam- phlet form of the following letters. These letters, which created such a profound sensation upon their apj«;arance some months ago in the columns of the daily press, are from the pen of John O'Con- nor, Esquire, M.P., who is recognized as one of the leaders, if not the leader, of the Irish Catholics of Ontario. They contain the most scathing exposure of the Fenian swindle which has ever a[)peared and are besides a noble vindication of the honour and loyalty of oui Irish Catholic fellow-countrymen. Written in a calm, judicial spirit, which is more eloquent and effective than any flights of rhetoric, they tear aside the veil, exhibit Fenianism in its true colours, expose the underhand encouragement which parties in the United States have given to it for political purposes of their own, and teach us what we have a right to expect and to demand of Mother England in the premises. In these letters, Mr. O'Connor has done good service to his fel- low-countrymen, both here and in the States, by tracing the his- tory of the Fenian im[)osturc, by exposing the villainy of the scoundrels who have played upon that most sacred feeling of the human heart — love of country — in order to rob the innocent and the confiding, and by showing that it is after all only n political organization, which, as such, has been by turns coquetted with and encouraged (though to the very serious injury and damage of the Canadian people,) by both the great political parties in the United States. Mr. John O'Connor, the author of these letters, is still in the prime of life, and we believe that, should he be spared, he may look forward to a long career of public usefulness. In early life he was a member of the press, editing newspapers both at Wind- sor and Sandwich, and displaying a vigour and ability in the edi- torial chair which caused many to regret his retirement there- 'i 1 from. Ho was called to the bar in 1854, anil has for yoara been one of the leading barriwters in tho western peninsula. He was for many years a member of tho County Council of Essex, and was three times'elected Warden of his county — twice by acclama- tion. He first became a candidate for parliamentary honours upon the retirement of Col. Prince from tho representation of tho West- ern Division in the old Legislative Council of Canada, in 18G0. On that occasion, Mr. O'Connor, much against the wishes of his friends, retired in favour of the late Sir Allan McNab. Since then he has been twice elected to Parliament for Essex, the county he now represents. At the last general election he defeated the regu- lar government candidate, but in the House he has hitherto given the present ministry an independent support, voting with them in fsupport of all useful measures, but not hesitating to oppose them upon any questions which he deems calculated to aflect the inter- ests of his Province, or the Dominion at large, prejudicially. Mr. O'Connor is not one of those with whom it is easy to estab- lish terms of intimacy. Quiet and unobtrusive, he requires to be known long and well in order to be appreciated. Gradually he has won the respect and confidence of his fellow-members at Ot- tawa, and though seldom heard in the House, his opinion is sought and valued in those little private caucuses of members, which have more effect upon the votes than any set orations on the floor of the House of Commons. He has, however, the ear of the House, and when he rises to speak is listened to with marked attention. His speech last session, in reply to Mr. Blake, on the occasion of that gentleman's moving his resolutions upon the Nova Scotian subsidy, was one of the happiest efforts of the session. Cool, logi- cal and incisive, it was a complete floorer for his learned friend, and a thorough exposure of the absurdity of his buncombe resolu- tions. Mr. O'Connor's name has on more than one occasion been men- tioned in connection wi' h a seat in the Cabinet. When recent events at Ottawa seemed likely to render a reconstruction of the 1 VI Ministry in{>vita])lo, \i was nimored at tho i-apital that he had been soiukKmI as to his willinrrncss to accept a seat in the (!abinet. tho portfolio beint^' even mentioned which was about to beassi^'ned to him. Sooner or hiter, wo believe tliat he is (h}stined to become a member of the Government, and we trust tliat it will bo in such a sphere ns will nfford his comprehensive and well-trained mind and his administrative capacity full scope for extended usefulness. In conclusion, we would express the hope that he may always de- vote; his talents as efficiently to tho service of his country as he did when ho penned the following letters. TouoNTO, November, 1870. )« luid ubinfiti si^'ried )ecome 1 such mind ulncss. ys de- as he LETTEUS or JOHN O'CONNOR, Esq., MP., OTSr FENI^NISM. ENGLAND'S DUTY. Letter from John O'Connor, Esq.,M. P. for the County of Essex. To His Excellency, the Right Ilonoamhle Sir John Young, Bart., P. C, G. C. B., G. C. M. G., Governor General of Canada, ecifically. (^ on the Iluminati, s and dis- that it reel of a rsal revo- ng social- nd ideal as its ex- continen- Church. inal Cul- and con- nd ener- Bishops hands of 3f West- i in Eng- id gener- In the ^ops and 'anada it 3hy and eminent le Arch- ercsts of Confed- iermina- steemed id every ! Bishop ter and erpent's )n, been and dis- Fath»ir m wilh tain'ng 'ed suc- hurch ; •"enian, lations es, the LETTEllS ON FENIANISM. 9 rite of Christian burial has been denied to Fenians after death ; and the same has been done elsewhere ; and it would be done everywhere if the friends of deceased Fenians presumed to require the rite. Such being the state of tl*o case, it is, I apprehend, too clear to admit of doubt that no Catholic, bo ho Irish or not, who is attached to his church, and guid- ed by her teaching, can be a Fenian, or harbor sympathy for Fenianism, after he learns and understands its character. By the mere fact of join- ing that society, the Catholic incurs the censure of the Church, and ceases to bo of her, until he recants. I desire not, however, to be understood as denying that Catholics have become Fenians. Undoubtedly many Irish Catholics in Ireland and the United States joined the organization, allured tliereto by artful appeals to those feelings of dislike for and hatred of British rule in Ireland, which centuries of misrule and oppression had engendered in the minds of most Irish Catholics. But those who were so allured were the unre- flecting, many of them generous and patriotic people, who became an easy prey to the wiles of initiated knaves and demagogues, most of whom made the whole affair a matter of speculation for profit's sake. Yet these poor dupes, without knowing it, in most instances without even thinking of it, in the excitement and tumult of their roused feelings, forfeited that which, under other circumstances, would be to them of tlio highest moment, the sanction and favor of their Church — of that church for adhering to which their forefathers, if not themselves, had endured all the wrongs and sufferings, the memory of which was so adroitly urged to them as an incentive for joining an organization whose principles in- volve the destruction of that Church as its ultimate and chief object. The Catholics of Ireland, in days gone by, and not long gone, endured the proscriptions of the penal code because they would be Catholics ; because they valued the church and their faith above all earthly treasures ; and they adhered to and cherished both when to do so was to incur priva- tion and death. Are they likely now to exchange that church and its fiiith for Fenianism — a living branch of the most sub^^le and deadly ene- my with which Christianity has to cope ? I think noo, except by the ig- norant, the unwary, or the malevolent. Thus it has been in Canada. At the outset, when little or nothing was known of the real value of the thing, emissaries from the United States, by representing that the sole end and aim of the order was the liberation of Ireland from British mis- rule, by reviving the memory of the past wrongs, and by seductive ap- peals to the feelings thus excited, did succeed, but to a very limited ex- tent, with some of the poorer, but industrious and simple-minded class of Irishmen in Toronto, Montreal and Quebec city, and duped them for a while. But even this partial success of those imps of Satan was of short duration. The alarm w as sounded by poor McGee, who ultimate- ly fell a sacrifice to his zeal. He had had peculiar means of learning the real character of the organization ; and his eloquent tongue and power- ful pen put the clergy instantly on the alert. The truth became known, and was proclaimed by the sentinels from the watch towers of the i 10 LETTERS ON FKNIANISM. Church, and the Irish Catholica who liad been ullurod to partake of the forbidden fruit spewed it out, and cast it from them. A few caUing themselves Catholics did otherwise, but they were strayed sheep, foolish ones, who preferred to stray in the wolfs donuvin. The second reason, or that, why the Iiish Catholics in Canada do not sympathize with Fenianism, in its designs on Canada, is as obvious as the first. Canada is a free country ; there is none more so. Her freedom is real, it is rational, sound and stable ; liberty without licentiousness ; re- straint without iibuse ; protection without discriminative tavor, are its attributes. The constitution is one of wisdom, not emj)irical, but the product of experience and of practical stattsmanship. Its provisions, whicii secure to us the glorious privilege of self-government, are equable and just. Equal rights are secured to all men and classes of men indis- criminately. There is no distinction, no preference. The institutions of the country are in accord with the sj)irit and character of tlie consti- tution, liberal, sound and ijesdthy. Life, personal liberty, and the rights of T)roperty are secured by wholesome laws, impartially administered. Industry and good citizenship are fostered. The country's natural re- sources are various and immense ; fields for the exercise of profitable in- dustry are illimitable. The climate is salubrious, and the soil produc- tive. Particularly, in no other country is the Irish Catholic so free, prosperous and ha])py, greatly more so than \u'. is in the United States, notwithstanding the boasted liberty and equality of that country. Why then should it be presumed that Irish Catholics in Canada, merely be- cause they are Irish Catliolics, sympathize with American Fenianism in its mad and liabolicai design on Canada 1 The assumption is absurd aud unjust. It is unreasonable to presume that the Irish Catholic is less attached and devoted than any other to that which secures to him and his family the enjoyment of life and liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness ; the enjoyment of civil and religious liberty. Is it reasonable to assume that they would encourage the invasion of their own country, the desecration of their own hearths, the destruction of their own i)roperty, by lawless, irresponsible hordes — mere marauders, who are accountable to no nation or recognized authoiity t Sui'ely it is not reasonable. The Irish Catholics, like all otheis who have settled in Canada, have made it their home, their country. In it they and their descendant.s are to blend with the ])eople and descendants of people of the divers other na- tional origins therein, and to form in time, and ere long, a homogeneous, hardy, liberty-loving, law-abiding and liajjpy people, delighting in, and proud of the title, Canadians. One more letter, and I shall have done for the present. Meantime, I remain. Your Excellency's humble servant, John O'Connor. Windsor, Ont., June 6th, 1870. I LETTERS ON FENIANISM, 11 LETTER FROM MR. JOHN O'CONNOR, M.P., ON FENIANISM. To Hia Excellency the Right Honorable Sir John Young, Bart., P.C, G.C.B. G.C.M.G dr.. d-c, d-c. Your Excellency, — In the letter which I had last the honor of ad dressing to you, I endeavored to show somewhat of the nature of Feni- anism ; the position of the Irish Catholics of Canada in relation to it ; and the fundamental and principal reasons why they could have no sym- pathy with or aftection for it. And I flatter myself with the hope that I succeeded in doing so to the satisfaction of candid minds. I now propose to offer for consideration some remarks on the primary end, the main object at which, as it is professed, Fenianism aims ; the absence of reasonable ground for expectin*? that it can attain that end ; how and why, as I can conceive, the organizatii^ . has been so long sus- tained ; what its general conduct has been ; and the general results of that conduct in respect to the Irish people, but particularly the Catholic people in Ireland, in Great Britain and Canada. The professed primary end and object of Fenianism is to ameliorate the condition of the Irish people, by wresting Ireland from the. grasp of British power, and establishing there an independent government, re- publican in form. How probable the attainment of this proposed end is, can be judged of, only by looking at facts as they exist, and paying due regard to " the logic of events," rather should I say to the logic of known circumstances. Ireland is unquestionably, I think, a necessary part of the British em- pire. What I mean is, that without it, the British empire as such, can- not exist. Wrest Ireland from, and make it permanently independent of. Great Britain, and you virtually terminate the British empire. Fur- thermore, I say, establish a permanent republic in Ireland, acknowledged amongst the nations as a free, an independent sovereignty, and the sub- jugation of Great Britain by it must speedily follow. Because, in the circumstances and civilization of modern times, they must be politically connected, else neither can be an independent sovereignty. This is, I believe, an inevitable condition of their situation, relative position and proximity — coupled with the character and tendency of governmental ideas in our day. Such, I apprehend, was the opinion of Pitt, Avhen, at the beginning of this century, he, by the use of means anyt\ing but scrupulous, bound Ireland to Great Britain more closely than she had been, by the extinction of her legislature. Such, I doubt not, is +he belief of the British people and government. Therefore, when Great Britain is compelled to fight for the maintenance of her dominion in Ireland, she will fight for her own political existence. Consequently, when Fenianism undertakes to wrest Ireland from the grasp of British power, it undertakes the more than Herculean task of overcoming all the resistance which can be made by the great military and naval power of Britain, sustained by her vast resources, her immense wealth, her powerful alliances, and above all, by her millions of loyal IS LETTERS ON FENIANISM. If \l D people, impressed with the belief and animated by the consciousness that the struggle is not merely for the maintenance of supremacy in Ireland, but for the preservation of her own distinctive nationality — for the ex- istence of British sovereignty. The accomplishment of this by any means within the power of an organization like Fenianism is, I venture to say, not within the range of what the human mind can regard as probable, I may even say possible. Empires as great, in their day, as that of Britain — some probably greater, more powerful and more magnificent — have existed before, and passed away. The Babylonian, the Assyrian, the Macedonian and the Boman empires existed in turn, and in turn vanished. The Turkish empire, once so powerful as to menace and jeopardise the liberties of all Europe, has dwindled into insignificance. But those mighty char ges from magnificent existence and potency to nonentity or insignificance, were produced not by the direct agency of human power — not by means devised by human ingenuity for such results, but by a combination or succession of causes — human or providential, or partly both — the effect whereof the human mind could not foresee, — by means, therefore, which the human mind could not devise. The British empire may in like manner decay, and disappear from the list of nations, leaving only her history behind ; aud then Ireland may become free, may be a republic or a kingdom, and may even obtain supremacy over England and Scot- land. But that such an event may be looked for as a result of the direct agency of Fenianism, or of anything devised or that may be devised by it, is, I take the liberty of saying, hardly M^ithin the province of possi- bility, considering the matter as within the cycle of natural causes. Behold Ireland as she is, every harbor fortified, every city and impor- tant town garrisoned ; the navy of Britain, still the most powerful on the ocean, surrounding her, or ready to surround her when required ; all being equipped in the highest style, furnished with the latest improve- ments of steam, of guns, of gunnery, and of all the appliances of war in abundance. Last, yet not least, add to all this, that the people of Ire- land are by no means united on the question of independence ; perhaps not even a majority of them consider it desirable, even were it attain- able. Is it then probable, nay, is it possible, that the notion of wresting Ire- land from British power by such means as Fenianism can possibly bring to bear, should have entered into any mind possessed of ordinary intel- ligence ? I doubt that it ever has ; the very supposition is preposter- ous. Grant that all the men in Ireland who pant for independence are ready to fight for it at all hazards, what could they do, without discip- line, without arms, without munitions of war, as against trained hosts, supplied with all things needed, seconded by a powerful navy, and shel- tered by the garrisons of the land. To suppose that arms and munitions of war could be supplied in adequate quantities from America, is frivol- ous. The mere mention of such a scheme is too wild to be entertained LETTERS ON FENIANISM. IS sness that Ireland, the ex- uiy meanu re to say, probable, probably fore, and and the Turkish ties of all Y charges ^nificance, by means nation or the effect ore, which ty in like only her I republic and Scot- the direct levised by I of possi- uses. ,nd impor- werful on juired ; all improve- of war in le of Ire- ; perhaps I it attain- esting Ire- ibly bring ary intel- preposter- ience are ut discip- ed hosts, and shel- nunitions is frivol- itertained I by any mind rij|Lcontrolled by an imagination the most extravagant. That such a scheme was ever HtM'iously entertained by men so shrewd as the Fenian leaders in the United States, is too much to bo believed ; too much for ordinary credulity. I feel constrained, therefore, to attri- bute the phenomena exhibited by Fenianisni in tiio United States, in Ireland, in England — everywhere — during tiu; past six years, to a causo other than that which appears on the surface, and to the attainment of an end other than Ireland's independeno. At the close of the late civil war in the United States, there existed in the Northern States a class of politicians who had, during the war, amassed wealth by ways and practices ill-suited to stand the test of in- vestigation in time of peace. Investigation was, therefore, to be, if pos- sible, averted. The wealth accumulated by those men by their specula- tions and peculations gave them ))ower and influence, particularly as they had the government almost wholly in their hands. They adopted a scheme, profoundly laid, of diverting public attention from the consid- eration of the question of burdensome taxation, from inquiry into the causes thereof, and into abuses generally,. Hence was raised the cry for the oppression, for the absolute extirpation of the people of the sub- dued States, -which produced the desired excitement, and the inevitable party warfare in consequence thereof But this measure alone was not sufficient. The Democratic party, though not in the ascendant, was still powerful, and with the ample ma- terials furnished it, by the past misdeeds of its opponents, it might pre- vail in the struggle. Safety to the delinquents could bo securer did succor go. The duped had to abide the consequences of their own indiscreetness, and of martial law brought upon them by the heralds of freedom from America. The public mind in England has been agitated, panic-stricken at times by the secret plot- tings and midnight workings of the brotherhood, exciting vague fears and terrible apprehensions ; but what benefit has come to the Irish people from all this turmoil and tumult there or elsewhere 1 Some have been hanged, others imprisoned, and hundreds ruined in their circum- stances. In the United States, the Irish people have been tortured by agita- tion, the industrious have been fleeced, plundered, to fill the coffers of the institution, and set the principal knaves at fighting over the division of the spoils, resulting in scandalous crimination and recrimination amongst themselves. In Canada, the Irish people have been injured, not only in common with the people generally, by the constant alarms of threatened raids, but in an especial manner, by the distrust of their fellow-subjects, from being suspected of having sympathy for Fenianism. Such have been the fruits produced. By its fruits the huge swindle must now be judged. But the secret-wire-pullers — the politicians of shoddydom — iiave gained, or nearly gained their end. Time has dried the festering sores. Mammon may now sit majestically and reign se- curely in the model Republic ; for investigation, with a view to retri- butive justice, is no longer possible. Let us hope, therefore, that we shall hear no more of Fenian raids in Canada. Probably, too, after the next presidential elect, on, the Alabama claims will be settled or drop- ped. Then Fenianism, having served the purpose of its Yankee keep- T Id LETTERS ON f ENIAl'iSM. era, will be neglected, and numbered with tbe other ephemerals of the past. One thing, however, it has eftected, for which it will be remembered with shame on the one hand, and with jeers on the other. It has at- tached the stigma of cowardice to the Irish character. In this way Pigeon Hill and Hinchinl) ok will long be remembered Heretofore the Irish had credit, at least, lor gallantry, undaunted valor — heroism in battle. Without recurring to a period too remote, mention may be made of Aughrim, where Irish valor, exhibited in fighting for the cause of a renegade king, extorted words of admiration from the foreign com- mander, St. Ruth. In the armies of France, Irishmen sustained their soldierly character ; and on the field of Fontenoy, Dillon and his brigade won fame as imperishable as that of Leonidas and his three hundred deathless Spartans. In the armies of Spain and c* Austria, Irishmen distinguished themselves. In the armies of England they sustained their warlike reputation on many a bloody field ; and the "Connaught Ran- gers," dauntl»^Sc and defiant of death, became proverbial for their deeds of daring. So in the armies of the United States, and particularly in the recent tremendous struggle between the North and South, Irish valor held its own, and added new military laurels to Irish fame. But Pigeon Hill ! ! Hinchinbrook ! ! Alas ! alas ! shades of departed Irish heroes, in justice to your own memories, in mercy to the honest living, impart to us the secret of this inglorious decadence. I have it. Thanks, spirits of the brave dead, for the inspiration. I will write it. They were invading an innocent and peaceable people who had done no wrong to them or to Ireland, and incurred no penalty. They were acting with- out the sanction of authority. They were violating the laws of eterna ' justice ; committing an outrage on society. The presence of the coun- try's defenders, ready to do battle in the just cause, forced the truth in- to the invaders' minds, and vivified it. Conscience, aroused by the sense of immediate danger, smote them. The sense of injustice ciying to Heaven for vengeance, depressed them. Death stared them in the face ; every man shrunk within himself from the hazard of meeting an angry God, outraged by a flagrant breach of his laws. The sword of justice in the hands of the Canadian volunteers, inflamed with venge- ance, rushed upon them, and, paralyzed with terror, they fled like cow- ards : like cowards fled men who, before then, had stood with dauntless courage, and acted with heroic bravery on many a gorj field where Grant and Lee marshalled the opposing armies. Such, however, was the state of mind and the resulting cowardly conduct which gave opportunity to the plucky little soldier, Chamberlin, to proudly shout, " give the cow- ards a parting shot." Another eff'ect has, indeed, resulted from Fenian- ism and its threats towards Canada — an effect more agreeable than any other for Canadians to contemplate — an eff'ect of priceless value. It shews that though sunbeams cannot be extracted from cucumbers, good may ensue to the innocent from the evil machinations and doings of the wicked. ' LEITERS ON FENIANISM. 17 Although Canada has been compelled to incur great expense, and her progress has been seriously interrupted and retarded, yet all is, perhaps, more than compensated by the spirit of patriotism which has been aroused, and of self-reliance which has been implanted, resulting in an army of volunteers, not large, indeed, but well disciplined, and as brave, intelligent and patriotic, as any age or country has yet been able to boast of. In them Cauada has the nucleus of a large and fine army, should her circumstances ever require it, which event, however, may God in His goodness long forefend. I remain. Your Excellency's humble servant, John O'Connor. Windsor, Ontario, 10th June, 1870.