^u^

**"<e>.

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

O -/JT^.

J/.

1.0

1.1

us Uii I

«* |40

2.2

1.8

il.25 ill 1.4 i 1.6

Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

^^.%

CIHM/ICMH

Microfiche

Series.

CIHIVI/ICMH
Collection de
microfiches.

Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques

Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques

Tl
tc

The Institute has attempted to obtain the best
original copy available for filming. Features of this
copy which may be bibliographically unique,
which may alter any of the images in the
reproduction, or which may significantly change
the usual method of filming, are checked below.

D
D
D
D

Coloured covers/
Couverture de couleur

I I Covers damaged/

Couverture endommag^e

Covers restored and/or laminated/
Couverture restaur6e et/ou pelliculde

I I Cover title missing/

Le titre de couverture manque

I I Coloured maps/

Cartes g6ographiques en couleur

Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/
Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire)

Coloured plates and/or illustrations/
Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur

Bound with other material/
Relii avec d'autres documents

Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion
along intevior margin/

La re liure serrde peut causer de I'ombre ou de la
distortion le long de la marge intirieure

Blank leaves added during restoration may
appear within the text. Whenever possible, these
have been omitted from filming/
II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties
lors dune restauration apparaissent dans le texts,
mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont
pas dti filmAes.

Additional comments:/
Commentaires suppl6mentaires;

L'Inst'tut a miurofilmd le meilleur exemplaire
qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details
de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du
point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent moJifier
une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger una
modification dans la m6thode normale de filmage
sont indiqu6s ci-dessous.

□ Coloured pages/
Pages de couleur

I I Pages damaged/
I " I Pages endummagdes

□ Pages restored and/or laminated/
Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes

I Images discoloured, stained or foxed/
1^-^ Pages ddcolordes, tachet^es O'j piqu^es

I ~\ Pages detached/

Pages d6tach6es

Showthrough/
Transparence

Quality of prir

Qualitd indgale de I'impression

Includes supplementary materia
Comprend du matdriel suppl^mentaire

Only edition available/
Seule Edition disponible

r~~L Showthrough/

I I Quality of print varies/

I I Includes supplementary material/

I I Only edition available/

Pages wholly or partially obscurid by errata
slips, tissues, etc., have been refiimed to
ensure the best possible image/
Les pages totalement ou partiellement
obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure,
etc., ont 6t^ filmdes A nouveau de facon d
obtenir la meilleure image possible.

P
o
fi

b
tl

si
o
fi

si
o

si
T

e
b
ri
ri
n

This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/

Ce document est filmi au taux de reduction indiqui ci-dessous.

10X 14X 18X 22X

26X

30X

12X

16X

20X

24X

28X

32X

ils

(cfier

age

Th« copy filmsd hara has baan raproducad thanks
to tha ganarosity of:

Vancouver Public Library

Tha imagas appaaring hara ara tha bast quality
possibia considaring tha condition and lagibility
of tha original copy and in kaaping ^vith tha
filming contract spacifications.

L'axamplaira filmi fut raproduit grica A la
ginArosit* da:

Vancouver Public Library

Las imagas suivantas ont At A raproduites avec la
plus grand soin, compta tanu da la condition at
da la nattat* da Taxamplaira film*, at an
conformity avac las conditions du contrat da
filmage.

Original copias in printed paper covers are filmed
beginning with the fror.t cover and ending on
the last page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All
other original copies are filmed beginning on the
first page with a printed or illustrated impres-
sion, and ending on the last page with a printed
or illustrated impression.

Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en
papier est imprimis sont filmAs en commen^ant
par la premier plat at en terminant soit par la
darniAre page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration. soit par le second
plat, salon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires
originaux sont filmAs en commen^ant par la
premiere page qui comporte une empreinte
d'impression ou d'illustration at en terminant par
la derniire page qui comporte une telle
empreinte.

The last recorded frame on each microfiche
shall contain the symbol ^^> (meaning "CON-
TINUED "), or the symbcl V (meaning "END"),
whichever applies.

Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la
dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le
cas: le symbole '-^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le
symbols V signifie "FIN".

Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at
different reduction ratios. Those too large to be
entirely included in one exposure are filmed
beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to
right and top to bottom, as many frames as
required. The following diagrams illustrate the
method:

Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre
filmAs A des taux de reduction diff6rents.
Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre
raproduit en un seul cliche, il est filmi A partir
de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche d droits,
et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre
d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants
illustrent la m^thode.

ata

ilure,
§1

1 2 3

4 5 6

PPMIiiPiPilliiP

or 3^

• b

s 'I

GK "S
•< So

SB S
K -So
tu SS

If iS

It) g

=«

HiJ

RPRVKWJ.W 9. ■"■

©•v'TA.ver'k

■(' "nv ., -■■'■-:

FOUR BOOKS IN ONE VOLUME

,y/-:

SOUTH AFRICA

ITS HISTORY, HEROES AND WARS

PROFESSOR W. DOUGLAS MACKENZIE, D. D.

OF CHICAGO

author of

"Christianity and the Progress of Man," "The Ethics of Gambling," Etc.

,, ' t

assisted by

ALFRED STEAD

LONDON, ENGLAND

SUPERBLY ILLUSTRATED

WITH

ORIGINAL DRAWINGS AND PHOTOGRAPHS

UNDER DIRECTION OF GEORGE SPIEL

J. M. MAC GREGOR PUBLISHING CO.
VANCOrVKR, U. C. CANADA.

' . ' - ■ ■ • ' . '•

. . > > ' ■

I « « 1 >

• ' ' ' 'l .

I ■

' * * * s

.' t > '

J » » I

I 1 •

> ) ) « > I '

b ■ » >

••»•'.• •

' •■ • " • .

• » • «ff«»tb

•

■ /

v^ -*►•■

PREFATORY INTRODUCTION.

IT HAS often been eaid that there is no teacher of geography so
interesting and so thorough as war. Americans, for example, hardly

knew anything more of the Philippine inlands, and their inhabitants,
and their political associations, than that such islands existed in a
colonial relation to Spain. But alike the geography and the history
of those islands have been studied with intense interest by scores of
thousands of all classes in America during the last eighteen months.
The new relations in which America found herself so suddenly involved
with the West and the East Indies led many of her citizens to face the
general history of colonization, and especially to investigate the extra-
ordinary place which colonization has occupied in the development of
British commerce and influence throughout the whole world during the
last hundred years. It is not too much to say that a large number of
Americans have come to understand the growth of the British Empire
more sympathetically since they were led to see in their own case how a
great people could be impelled on her historic development by circum-
stances and forces seemingly beyond her resistance. The shallow notion
that Great Britain has conquered territory all over the world merely
through greed, and cruelty, and oppression, is rapidly being relegated
to the limbo already so well occupied of popular prejudices and inters
national misunderstandings.

It is safe to say that a still larger number of the inhabitants of
North America have been drawn, this winter, to a still closer study of
the growth and spirit of the British Empire through the occurrence of
this deplorable and disastrous war in South Africa. The demand is very
great indeed for information regarding the history, the geography, the
inhabitants of that country. People wish to know who the Boers are^
when they arrived in Africa, what kind of people they found there, and
the history of those people since the invasion of the country by Euro-

PREFATORY INTRODUCTION.

peaas. Bspeciallj do peraons desire to know the history of Cape Colony
while it was under the Dutch government, how it became the property of
Great Britain, part of the British Empire, how it is that so many wars
have occurred in that region between the Boers and the natives, the
British and the natives, and the Boers and the British. There have not
been wars so frequent or so disastrous, even in India, during the last
seventy-five years, as in South Africa, There have not been race quar-
rels in Canada during this century like those in South Africa, No-
where else have whole bodies of Europeans sought +- escape beyond the
boundaries of any British colony or dominion in which they were born
and brought up, save only, perhaps, in the case of Ireland. People wish
to know who have been the prominent figures of South African history.
They know vaguely that it has been the scene of great exploration,
exciting adventures with wild beasts, prolonged and most earnest mis-
sionary labor. They know that in recent years South Africa has sud-
denly revealed her possession of enormous treasures in precious metals
and precious stones. All these facts have had their own influence upon
the racial problems which have been so intense as to appeal to the
terrible arbitrament of war for their settlement.

It is the purpose of this book to present to the reader a general
account of this region, such an account as shall enable him to form a
fairly full and clear idea of the land where this most fierce and ruthless
war is raging. An effort has, therefore, been made, as rapidly as pos-
sible, within the space allowed, to throw some light upon everything
that may help to interest the reader in that country, to explain to him
its problems, account for and describe its wars. The book professes
to be a conspectus of South African history, heroes and racial struggles.
The best authorities available have been consulted. The works of
missionaries, travelers, historians, politicians, and the Blue Books of the
British Parliament have been consulted. The author and his assistant
have both very deep personal interest in South Africa and a familiarity
with its history derived from years of reading and discussion there-
upon.

The general standpoint aimed at is that of a fair, frank and unpreju-
diced description of all matters bearing upon South Africa, and espe-
cially those that illuminate the meaning of this war of 1899-1900. No

',1

^-•A

■ '■,[

\\-'--'i^i-

>, *

■■

PREFATORY INTRODUCTION.

man can profess, on anj great matter, to be absolutely impartial. But
every man ought to strive ifor fairness and justice. In this book, a
serious attempt is made to present both sides of every great discussion
that has arisen in South African history, especially between the British
and the Boers. It will be seen, in the following pages, that sometimes
the Boers have had the most of right on their side, and sometimes the
British. As to which side, on the whole, has manifested the nobler
spirit and deserved the more lenient judgment or the warmer sympathy
of all intelligent and humane onlookers and students, this is not the
place to attempt an opinion. The honest and earnest attempt to tell
the truth, whatever conclusion regarding the merits of this dispute that
truth may force upon us, is claimed for the substance and tone of the
following pages. /"^

Chicago, Januaiy, 1900. W. D. If.

<»»■?■■

/;.•■

-ji

CECIL J. RHODES

Said tc have been "taken growling before brealtfast, but very characteristic."
Fiioto. by S. B. Darnard, Cape Town.

' ,■■• ■.;■■-■■ ' -

CONTENTS. ' :

BOOK I.

THE HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA.
PART I.

GENERAL SKETCH OF THE STATES AND RACES OF

SOUTH AFRICA.

> CHAPTJ]R I.

Page

The Geography and Climate of South Africa 23

OHAPTEK II.

The Dutch Occupation, 1650-1806 ;J7

CHAPTER III.
The Colony of Natal 41

CHAPTER IV.
The Orange Free State , 43

CHAPTER V. :

Zululand 70

CHAPTER VI.
Basutoland 91

CHAPTER VII.
Bechuanaland 99

CHAPTER VIII.

Rhodesia ,.,...... 10;-^

14 CONTENTS. " "^ -

CHAPTER IX. '
Cape Colony, 1814-1900 126

CHAPTER X.

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC 139-199

Section 1. The Earlier History of the Transvaal 139

Section 2. The Transvaal, 1864-1877 -144

Section 3. Characteristics of the Boers 151

Section 4. The Transvaal Government and Native Races 161

Section 5. The Annexation of the Transvaal 169

Section 6. Through Imperial Rule to Independence 166

Section 7. The Constitution of the Two Republics , 190

CHAPTER XL

The Native Races 200-214

Section 1. Gariepine Races 201

Section 2. The Bantu Race 204

CHAPTER Xn.

The Animals of South Africa 215

CHAPTER XIIL

The Chief Industries of South Africa 231

V*.

:d.

PART II.

FAMOUS MEN AND LEADING TOWNS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

■^«

CHAPTER I.

POLITICAL WORKERS 239-284

Section 1. Earl Grey 239

Section 2. Dr. Jameson 241

Section 3. General Joubert 2.50

'".1

/
CONTENTS. ' ' is

, i:"..>i-''' ■■■■.; '■'■I- /".■■''.'■'•■-'■■ Page

Section 4. Sir Hercules Bobinson 257

Section 5. Olive S'chreiner 266

Section 6. Sir Theophilus Shepstone 269

Section 7. Hon. W. P. Schreiner 273

Section 8. Sir Jno. G. Sprigg .' 276

Section 9. President Steyn 278

a> CHAPTER IL

Khama, Chief of the Bamangwatos 284

CHAPTER III.

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES 302-855

Section 1. The Influence of Missions 302

Section 2. Robt. Moffat 307

Section 3. David Livingstone 315

Section 4. John Mackenzie 328

Section 5. Francois Coillard 355

CHAPTER IV.
Cape Town 358

CHAPTER V.
Johannesburg 363

- CHAPTER VI.

Eimberley and the Diamond Mines 368

CHAPTER VII.

OTHER LEADING TOWNS 378-394

Section 1. Bloemfontein 378

Section 2. Buluwayo 380

Section 3. Durban 383

Section 4. Grahamstown , 387

Section 5. Port Elizabeth 391

Section 6. Pretoria 394

wmmmmmmmm

mmm

CONTENTS.

BOOK 11.

CECIL J. RHODES, CAPITALIST AND POLITICIAN.

CHAPTER I.

Page

Introductory 461

> CHAPTER II.

The Earlier Life of Mr. Rhodes 404

CHAPTER III.
His Early Political Life 416

CHAPTER IV.
Mr. Rhodes and the British South Africa Chartered Co 427

CHAPTER V.
Mr. Rhodes as Prime Minister 439

CHAPTER VL

Mr. Rhodes and the Jameson Raid 446

L CHAPTER VII.

Mr. Rhodes Since the Raid 459

BOOK III.

STEPHANUS JOHANNES PAULUS KRUGER.

CHAPTER L
The Earlier Life of Mr. Kruger

469

vv.

^mm

mmmmm

,. /■<':/' :;' ■' ' CONTENTS. '• :v '" ' ^- , . ., 17

. - ^ ' ■ ' , '' , '' '

CHAPTER II.

** ■ ' 1 ■,* -'

iTaga

Mr. Eruger and Transvaal Politics 475

CHAPTER III.
Mr. Kruger and the War of Independence 484

CHAPTER IV.
Mr. Kruger»s First Presidency 490

CHAPTER V.
President Kruger and the Outlanders .... 496

CHAPTER VI.

President Kruger and the Raid 511

President Kruger's Last Stand 517

BOOK IV.

THE BRITISH BOER WAR~1899-1900.
PART I.

THE CAUSES OF THE WAR,

CHAPTER I.

The Transvaal and South Bechuanaland 525

CHAPTER II.

The London Convention, 1884 ,....., . . . 531

CHAPTER III.
The Settlement of South Berlmanaland . , 544

mmmmmm

18 . CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

The Outlanders of the Transvaal 551

CHAPTER V-.
The Story of the Jameson Raid 557

CHAPTER VI.
The Colonial Office and the Raid 577

CHAPTER VII.
The Transvaal After the Raid 582

CHAPTER VIII.
The Afrikander Bond and the Presidents' Hope 590

CHAPTER IX.

Diplomacy and the Ultimatum 608

Summary of the Causes of the War 623

PART II.

THE PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

CHAPTER I.
The Invasion of Natal 627

CHAPTER II. *

The Invasion of Oape Colony 650

1 ■

* •• •

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page
Hoisting the British Flag in South
Africa by Dr. Jno. Maclienzie, the
Author's Father Frontispiece

David Livingstone and John Mackenzie
Frorillspiece

President Kruger.. 11

Cecil J. Rhodes 12

Cape Town 21

House of Parliament in Cape Town 22

A Pretty Suburb of Cape Town 31

Hon. W. P. Schreiner 32

Sir Alfred Milner 32

Soldiers' Monument 33

A Queen's Memorial 34

Pietermaritzburg, Capital of Natal 43

Chief Teteluki, Natal 44

Sir W. Hely Hutchinson 53

Conyngham Greene, C. B 53

Sir J. Gordon Sprigg 53

J. H. Hofmeyer 53

Soldiers' Graves 54

A Pineapple Field 55

Going to Market 56

Boers Outspanned 65

A Traveler's Difficulty 66

Zulu Kraal 83

Zulu Ladies' Reception 84

Dagga Smokers.. 101

A Native Wizard 102

A Zulu Military Review 119

Pago
Zulus Defying the Lightning 1 20

A Family Group 137

Inside the House 138

Zulu Warriors.. 155

Zulu Warriors Uncivilized 156

Zulu Warriors Civilized 156

Sifting Gravel for Diamonds 173

DeBeers Compound ^ 174

Chief's Kraal, Zululand 191

Native Kraal ^ 192

Building a Homestead ^...209

Waiting for the Vultures 210

The Tugela River 227

Mica Deposit In a Donga 227

Natives of Amatongaland 228

Olive Schreiner 245

Dr. Jameson «. . .246

Barney Barnato 246

Muster of Town Burghers at Pretoria. .246

Majuba Hill ^ 263

Going to Work 264

Going Home from the Mines 2S1

Diamond Field Claims in 1869 282

Ostrich Farming 282

Native Miners.... 299

Native Compound 300

Old Workings — Kimberley Diamond
Mines 317

Durban— Main Street 318

LIST or ILLUSTRATIONS.

Page

Durban— Road to Berea 318

Charging the Boers' Laager 335

The Middle Mugan River— Natal 335

A Street in Johannesburg 336

Civil Prisoners Entering Pretoria 353

General View of Johannesburg 354

Gold Mines at Johannesburg 371

Wrecking an Armored Train 372

The Charge of the Lancers 389

A Boer Scout ^ 390

Wounded Boer Prisoners 407

A Warm Day at Ladysmlth ^ 408

Front Door of Mr. Rhodes' House 425

Mr. Rhodes' Library 426

The Home of Cecil Rhodes 443

Mr. Rhodes' Farm 444

General Tan Koch's State Funeral 461

Pretoria Commando Leaving for Ser-
vice 462

General Joubert Ready for War 479

General Joubert Ready for the Plat-
form 479

Dr. Leyds ^ 480

General Plet Cronje 480

President Steyn 480

Lord Roberta Face 528

General Kitchener...... " i28

Pago
General White Face 529

General Buller '* 529

Gen. Sir A. Hunter " 544

Gen. Sir Cornelius F. Clery " 544

Maj-Gen. Sir Wm. Gatacre " 544

Lt.-Gen. Sir F. W. B. Forestier

Walker " 544

General Methuen " 545

Col. Baden-Powell " 546

Lt,-Col. Otter and* Officers " 669

Lady Mlnto " 661

Lt.-Col. Otter " 561

Highlanders " 576

The First Canadian Contingent in

Street Parade " 577

Group of Canadian Officers^ " 692

PMrst Canadian Contingent at

Toronto " 593

Group of Artillery Officers " 608

Farewell Manitoba " 609

Boers in the Trenches " 624

General Warren " 615

General French " 625

A Wagon Breakdown " 625

The Battle of Spion Kop " 640

Hauling the Guna Up Coles Kop. . " 641

544

545

66»

561

576

'• 693
« 608
« 609
" 624
" 61 5
" 625
" 625
" 640
. '• 641

'^w

- ^K

•ta'

-'oB

>« '^^B

-a 'S

« i

BOOK I.

The History of South Africa.

PART I.

GENERAL SKETCH OF THE STATES AND RACES OF

SOUTH AFRICA.

CHAPTER 1.
THE GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

SOUTH AFRICA, or, as it has been sometimes called, Austral
Africa, is the term given to that portion of the continent of Africa
which lies south of the Zambesi River, on the eastern coast, and a
point at or about the port of St. Paul de Loanda on the western coast.
The whole region is roughly shaped like a triangle, with the apex point-
ing south and somewhat blunted. One of the most remarkable things
about South Africa is the monotony of its coast-line which affords very
few safe harbors, and no rivers that are navigable for any distance
inland. This fact has undoubtedly much to do with the slow develop-
ment of this region, for travelers and explorers have been compelled
to make their land journey from the very coast by ox wagons. Until
within a few years only three or four ports have been much used, and
from these ports nearly all the development of the entire region has
taken place.

It is true that on the west side there is one fine harbor, known as
Walfisch Bay. This bay and a portion of the land round it, consisting
of about 800 square miles, was nearly twenty years ago proclaimed as
British territory and annexed to the Cape Colony. But, while the harbor
is good, it is as yet practically valueless on account of the dreary nature
of the country lying behind it. For many, many miles it consists

s 23

24 GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

exclusively of barren hills and sandy plains, with only here and there
a small oasis or a river channel which contains water only after the
fall of rain. Some day it may be that this harbor wil' be of great value,
when a railway, which waf proposed more than ten y ars ago, runs from
this point across the desert into Bechuanaland.

The next break in the coastline is found at the mouth of the Orange
River. While this is the largest river in South Africa the estuary is
barred by sandy banks and thereby rendered useless for shipping. Fifty
miles further south is Port Nolloth, a small harbor from which cargoes
of copper found in Naiuaqualand are shipped to Europe. Thence we
come to St. Helena Bay, which is 30 miles across, but as yet con-
nected with no inland industry and therefore of no importance, and
Saldanha Bay, which, while a line natural harbor and the best on this
coast, is also rendered valueless by being far removed from any town
or sources of production. At the extreme southwest corner we come
upon Cape Agulhas; from that it is but a short run to Table Bay, on
which Cape Town is placed, and False Bay. The former has been made
comparatively safe for shipping by means of breakwaters, but with a
northwest wind the anchorage is still precarious. The much larger bay,
known as False Bay, contains within it a still smaller one known as
Simons Bay, which is thoroughly well protected and has been for many
years the Imperial naval station. It is of the utmost value to the
British Empire alike for its safety and its importance as a coaling
station.

The southern coast has only a few small indentations and useless
fiver mouths. The harbor at the outlet of the Knysna River is available
for small ships, which must find their way over a double bar ere th jy
can reach security. At the southeast corner of the continent lies the
well known Algoa Bay, which is 35 miles across from point to point.
On this bay stands the prosperous town of Port Elizabeth, which is the
chief shipping place for the entire eastern province of Cape Colony and
has in recent years run a race with Cape Town for commercial leader-
ship In South Africa. It has the advantage of being the central landing
place for Cape Colony, lying as it does about midway between Cape
Town and Durban. It is now connected by railway with the important
regions north and northwest and proposals are made for a railway along

GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOU.f AFRICA.

{
25

tho coast which will Htill further add to its prosperity by encouraging
IriduRtrics in regions hitherto practically isolated from the commercial
world. Algoa Bay, while now somewhat improved, used to be a n"^st
dangerous anchorage owing to its exposure to the terrific force of the
southeast winds. Storms from this direction have sometimes in a single
night thrown many vessels upon the shore. Beyond this point we have
Poll; Alfred, at the mouth of the Kowie River, and having trade con-
nections with the Graharastown district. Beyond that again we reach
East London, the third seaport in Cape Colony. The sandy bar at the
mouth of the Buffalo River has been, with considerable enterprise,
dredged and the channel deepened to allow vessels of a considerable
size to reach the harbor. It is connected with Queenstown by a railway,
which thence passes on through the Orange Free State and thus reaches
the Ti'ansvaal. The land journey from this point to the gold fields is
much shorter than either from Port Elizabeth or Cape Town.

Passing Port St. John at the mouth of the Umzimvub'i River we
come to the coast line of the important colony of Natal. Natal has only
one harbor of importance, formerly known as Port Natal, but for many
years as Durban. The bay is shallow throughout, with an area of 7 or 8
square miles. It has been well dredged and the entrance has been nar-
rowed by means of breakwaters so as to measure only about a quarter of
a mile across. On the south side of the entrance is the bluff, over 200
feet high. The town itself is the largest in this colony and is situated on
the north side of the bay. It is overlooked by the beautiful Berea Hill,
on whose slopes are built most handsome and picturesque residences.
The name is derived from a mission station which in former days was
situated here. Beyond this the only important break consists in the
straD<j:e shaped lake of St. Lucia and the mouth of the Kosi River. As
yet the former is too shallow to be of much use for shipping, although
the day may come when capital and skill may turn some portion of this
lake into the finest harbor on the eastern coast of Africa. Beyond these
again there lies the well known Delagoa Bay, which has as its central
port the Portuguese settlement known as Lorenzo Marques. This place is
connected by submarine cable with Aden in the north and with Durban
to the south. It is the nearest harbor to the Transvaal, whose border is
only 57 miles westwards, is situated in the territory of Portuguese East

GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

Africa, and has attained great importance in recent years through the
very large increase of shipping caused by the development of the Trans-
vaal gold mines and the building of an important railway between Pre-
toria and Lorenzo Marques. For a number of years Great Britain has
had a treaty with Portugal affording the former the right of pre-emption
of Delagoa Ba}', and it has long been the opinion of South African states-
men that at somf no distant date that most important point must, for
the development of a vast portion of Austral Africa, indeed for the good
of the entire country, pass into the hands of the British. Delagoa Bay is
12 miles v/ide, over 50 feet deep at the entrance, and affords Avell shel-
tered anchorage for the largest vessels. Hitherto the development of
Delagoa Bay has been much hindered on the one hand by the incapacity
and corriiption of the local Portuguese officials, and on the other hand
by the extremely heavy charges upon goods carried from this point to
Pretoria by railway.

When we come to study South Africa by moving inland from the
coast line the first fact of imp^'i'tance is that along the coast, almost
around the entire region, there is a narrow strip of land not exceeding
500 feet in height, sometimes very narrow, at one iiint broadening to a
few miles and at Delagoa Bay extending even to 15 or 20 miles, which is
properly speaking the coast belt. On tho east coast this belt is the un-
healthiest part of South Africa, and i^ dangerous character increases
northwards towards the tropics. Europeans especially find that in this
strip of coast land they are liable to malarial disorders. Beyond this
low strip of coast land the hills lead up to a second region. Except in
the far northeast and in the neighborhood of Cape Town the rise is
somewhat gradual, while at the places named it is abrupt and rugged.
The second region is healthier than the first, but it again gives way to a
third. As the traveler passes inland he finds himself mounting towards
yet another terrace, through ranges of hills. When he has traveled from
30 to 50 miles from the sea he finds himself at a height of from 3,000 to
4,000 feet above sea level, and this is increased in some regions again to
a lofty plateau land only 60 miles from the sea coast, which rises to a
height of from 5,000 to 6,000 feet. These hills intersected with narrow
valleys or passes belong to the long range of mountains which extends
a distance oi 1,600 miles from Cape Town right up to the valley of the

}- M-'

GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

Zambesi River. No name has been given to the entire range, although
the tendency is to extend over the whole the name Drakensberg, which
was first confined to that portion of the range forming the eastern
boundary of the Orange Free State. Only in Basutoland do the peaks
of this range attain the height of 10,000 and 11,000 feet. Here they are
even covered with snow for several months of the year. Beyond this
range of muantains one goes down only from 1,000 to 3,G00 feet to find
one's self on a vast table land. This table land is generally flat as the
flattest prairie land in America, or it is gently undulating, its rolling
contours being broken here and there by abrupt and rocky hills. At
some points this plateau is even 6,000 feet above sea level. This third
region, this great plateau we may say, is South Africa itself, since it
consists of no less than seven-eighths of the entire region so named. In
the far north it descends slightly to the channel of the Zambesi, to the
west it slopes gradually down and descends less abruptly to the sea level
than on the eastern coast. No one can thoroughly understand the possi-
bilities of colonization and the prospects of development in South Africa
who does not clearly realize the peculiar characteristics which result
from the extension of this plateau region.

We have referred to the importance as a geographical feature of the
Drakensberg Mountains. They form the most important, if we may not
even say the only, water-shed determining the direction of the South
African rivers. It has been remarked that South Africa is the land
where the rivers have no water and the birds have no songs, where there
may be thunder without lightning. It is true that many of what are
known as rivers of South Africa are practically just dry channels for
nmst of the year and contain water only during what is known as the
rainy season. This is true, however, in the main only of the rivers which
flow from the Drakensberg Mountains westwards, and is not true of the
rivers which from the mountain heights take the shorter course east-
wards to the Indian Ocean.

The greatest river system of South Africa is that of the Orange River,
whose chief tributaries are the Caledon and the Vaal. The Vaal is itself
a large river with tributario*? of its own. As the Orange River flows
west on its journey of 1,000 miles to the Atlantic Ocean, the number of
its tributaries decreases. In many parts it flows through rough and

GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

wild scenery and at one point passes over what are known as the Great
Falls, to which some day no doubt many tourists will go as they go to
Niagara, or as they will go to the still more beautiful Victoria Falls on
the Zambesi. The Orange River with its tributaries drains an area of
about 300,000 square miles. The Limpopo River, otherwise known as
the Crocodile River, having its source in the hills near Pretoria, flows
northwards and then eastwards and forms the northern boundary of the
Transvaal, falling into the Indian Ocean north of Delagoa Bay. This
river also suffers from the irregularity of its water supply.

There are signs not a few that in past ages the entire region of south
central Africa possessed a much more abundant water supply than it
does to-day, and it is one of the Interesting problems of the future
whether by means of irrigation and the extension of verdure over the
central desert region a change in the annual rain fall may not be grad-
ually secured. South Africa at present enjoys two principal seasons of
the year which are known, not as summer and winter, but as the wet
and dry seasons. The wet season is caused by the moisture laden winds
from the east and southeast. As the clouds are driven towards the land
they are caught up on the sharp peaks of the Drakensberg Mountains
and pour their rains upon the highly favored eastern coast. This causes
of course the swollen rivers, the many floods familiar in that region ; but
the abundance of rain is also the reason for the remarkable productivity
of the eastern coast, which stands in strange contrast with the barren
and sandy wastes of the western shores. The rest of South Africa is
watered from those clouds which succeed in passing the Drakensberg
range. In some parts of th western region the annual rain fall is only
from 5 to 10 inches. The value of this, however small it may be, vanishes
almost altogether owing to the intense heat of the sun and the perpetual
thirst of the arid soil. It is the opinion of many explorers that even the
great Kalahari Desert, which extends from Kuruman northwards and
westwards, can be made to blossom like the rose in spite of its almost
complete destitution of rain-fall by means of artesian wells. Such wells
have been opened at various unpromising points with remarkable suc-
cess. If this can be done on an extensive scale results ought to be ob-
tained comparable only with vliose which followed the first turning of
the soil on the prairies of Nebraska and Kansas,

GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

The famous African explorer, Sir Henry M. Stanley, in his well
known letters to the Times on his journey "Through South Africa," has
thus described the region which he traversed in Bechuaualand :

"To a new-comer it would not seem so full of promise as it was to me.
It would appear as a waterless region, and too dry for a man accustomed
to green fields and flowing rivers, but I have seen nothing between the
immediate neighborhood of the Missouri River and the Rocky Mountains
to surpass it, and each mile we travelled in Bechuanaland confirmed that
impression. Every few miles we crossed dry watercourses, il>ut, though
there was no water in sight, it does not derogate from its value as farm
land. The plateau of Persia is a naked desert compared to it, and yet
Persia possesses eight millions of people, and at one time contained
double that number. The prairies of Nebraska, of Colorado, and Kansas
are inferior in appearance, and I have seen them in their uninhabited
state, but they are to-day remarkable for the growth of their many cities
and their magnificent farming estates. All that is wanted to render
Bechuanaland a desirable colony is water, so that every farm might
draw irrigating supplies from reservoirs along these numerous water-
courses. For Nature has so disposed the land that anyone with ob-
servant eyes may see with what little trouble water could be converted
into rich green pastures and fields bearing weighty grain crops. The
track of the railway runs over these broad, almost level, valleys, hemmed
in by masses of elevated land which have been broken up by ages of
torrential rains, and whose soils have been swept by the floods over the
valleys, naturally leaving the bases of the mountains higher than the
central depression. If a Persian colonist came here he would say: *How
admirable for my purpose. I shall begin my draining ditches or canauts
from the bases of those hills and train them down towards the lower
parts of these valleys, by which time I shall have as many constant and
regular running streams as I have ditches, and my flocks and herds and
fields shall have abundance of the necessary element.' A thousand of
such Persians would create thus a central stream with the surplus water
flowing along the valley, and its borders would become one continuous
grove. As the Persians would do, the English colonists whose luck it
may be to come to this land may also do, and enrich themselves faster
than by laboring at gold-mining.

GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

"These dry river-beds, now filled with sand, need only to have stone
dams built across, every few hundred yards, to provide any number of
reservoirs. They have been formed by rushing torrents which have fur-
rowed the lowlands down to the bed rock, and the depth and breadth of
the river courses show us what mighty supplies of water are wasted
every year. As the torrents slackened their flow, they deposited their
sediment, and finally filtered through underneath until no water was
visible, but by digging down about two feet it is found in liberal quanti-
ties, cool and sweet."

One of the remarkable features of south central Africa is its destitu-
tion of trees. Through great tracts of the country the forests are sparse
and the individual trees small and scrubby. Thorn trees abound, but
these are usually somewhat short and possess little beauty of form or
color. There are many wild fruit trees and it is possible that from some
of these may be developed new and luscious contributions to the break-
fast tables of the world in years to come. In some districts, as for
example at Shoshong, the former capital of the Bamangwato tribe, it is
known that long ago trees abounded where now few are to be seen. The
fact is that they have been destroyed by the native tribes themselves
who needed them for building their huts as well as for fire-wood. A
great change has been wrought in such formerly treeless districts as
Johannesburg and Kimberley by the planting of suitable trees and
shrubs, and careful watering of them. Beautiful parks and shady ave-
nues are now seen where all was sandy, stony and desolate twenty years
ago. This of course has been facilitated by the fortunate introduction
of the blue gum tree (Eucalyptus) from Australia. This tree has evi-
dently taken to South Africa in a most lively and happy manner. It
grows rapidly, throwing a fine shade, and has done more than any other
plant to make unlovely places cool and beautiful.

The climate of the country of course varies from the coast belt where,
in many parts, malaria is frequent, to the intense heat of the sultry in-
land valleys; but by far the larger part of South Africa is high and dry.
The result is that on the whole the climate is one of the most healthy in
the world and eminently suitable for European colonization. Sun-stroke
is unusual although the direct rays of the sun can be very fierce, espe-
cially in those parts that are within the tropics. Europeans, however,

SOLDIERS' MONUMENT

TEis monument was erected at Pietermaritzburg, in Natal, in memory of the Natal colonial roldlers who
fell Id the horrible massacre of Isandhlwana during the Zulu war.

Jt;

■'*. ■

-;t ./.I , ■•>-.•■■>

i <

A QUEEN'S MEMORIAL

The Inscription on this plain cross In far-off Zululand tells Its own story.

■fif

CHIEF TETELUKI— NATAL

Not a Bird of Paradise — a Zulu warrior— the professional rapine and slaughter maker of South Africa.

■ .- , I f

-?■;•

GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

neither on first going nor in the third or fourth generation show any sign
of lassitude or loss of energy. They are big, robust, active and alert men
and women. Many parts of South Africa will become famous as health
resorts, especially for those who suffer from chest complaints in more
northerly regions. This salubrity of the country is due of course to the
dryness of the atmosphere, to the height of the plateau land above sea
level, which renders heat less trying and the air more invigorating than
would otherwise be the case in that latitude. There is a danger encoun-
tered by newcomers which arises from the fact that at nightfall, as soon
as the sun has set, a sudden coolness penetrates the air. In the winter
season the contrast between the heat at noonday and the often very
intense cold at midnight is most remarkable. This requires the exercise
of care and prudence on the part of all at night time. Many of the native
tribes suffer greatly from pulmonary complaints through the use of in-
sufficient covering during sleep at night. But where this alternation
between heat and cold is prudently prepared for it rather adds to the
exhilaration of the system, the cold night doing much to refresh the
wearied frame to endure the heat of the ensuing day.

The deadly pest of malarial fever has been already referred to as
I)revalent especially in the tropical coast belt, but inland it is to be
found in some parts, especially in the northeastern Transvaal. In fact,
the early Boer settlers were driven back from some portions of the Re-
public rather by the attacks of fever than of natives. Pretoria, which
lies in a well watered area among the hills, is said to suffer considerably
during the wet season from malaria, but Johannesburg, which is only
forty miles off, has no fever at all, as it lies on the top of a dry, stony
ridge. Far up in the north the fever is found as you reach the valley of
the Zambesi, but in Matebeleland, much of which is 4,000 feet above
the sea, it is practically unknown.

In the matter of climate one of the most remarkable portions of
South Africa is that known as the Karroo, which was formerly described
as a desert and was the terror of travellers by wagon who were hasten-
ing from Cape Town northwards to Bechuanaland. It is a vast prairie
country between the second and third ranges of hills from the coaSt.
Scarcely a tree or shrub is seen on its wide extent; it is covered by a
strong, wiry looking grass which, unpromising as it seems, has proved to

GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE OF SOUTH AFRICA.

be full of succulence and makes the Karroo one of the finest stock rais-
ing districts in the world. Sir Henry M. Stanley describes the air of the
Karroo as strangely appetizing. Mr. Bryce says: "The brilliancy of the
air, the warmth of the days, and the coolness of the nights remind one
ivho traverses the Karroo of the deserts of western America between the
Rocky Mountains and the Sierra Nevadas, although the soil is much less
alkaline, and the so-called 'sage-brush' plants characteristic of an alka-
line district, are mostly absent." And again he says: "In a landscape so
arid one hears with surprise that the land is worth ten shillings (about
|2.50) an acre, for one or two of the smaller shrubs give food for sheep,
and there are flowers scattered about sufficient for the flocks. The farms
are large, usually of at least 6,000 acres, so one seldom sees a farm house.
The farmers are all of Boer stock. ... At Matjesfontein, an enter-
prising Scotchman has built a hotel and a number of smaller villas to
serve as a health resort ; has dug wells and planted Australian gums for
shade, making a little oasis in the desert."

This entire territory of South Africa is divided between three Euro-
pean countries. Germany now owns since the year 1884 the regions on
the west coast known as Namaqualand and Damaraland. On the far
northeast a strip on the coast has hitherto belonged to Portugal. The
remainder has been developed under the influences of the British Em-
pire, and the war of 1899-1900 has for one of its main objects to deter-
mine how those influences henceforth are to be exercised and what they
are to secure. Cape Colony occupies the southern portion, with the
Orange River for its northern boundary, while South Bechuanaland has
since 1890 been annexed to it. The area of Cape Colony is 276,551 square
miles. In the east we have the colony of Natal with 20,461 square miles.
The native territories under the Imperial Government consist of Zulu-
land and Amatongaland with 15,000 square miles altogether, Basuto-
land with 10,293 square miles, North Bechuanaland with about 200,000
square miles. In addition to these we have Southern Rhodesia, which is
administered by the South Africa Chartered Company and whose area
is about 210,000 square miles. Besides these we have the two independ-
ent states mainly ruled by Europeans of Dutch descent, namely, the
South African Republic (the Transvaal) with 114,000 square miles and
the Orange Free State with 48,000 square miles.

CHAPTER II.

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION. 1650-1806.

SOUTH AFRICA became known to Europeans in the year 1486,
when Diaz, the famous explorer from Portugal, discovered the
headland at the southwest corner of the continent. Here he
encountered such terrific storms that he called it "Cape of Storms."
It was his king who, disliking the name and foreseeing, perhaps, the
benefits which this discovery might bring, called it "Cape of Good
Hope." Some years later another famous Portuguese sailor sailed right
round the southern end of the continent, found his way up the east
coast and thence to India. This voyage opened up the great trade route
which henceforth was taken every year by fleets of me -chant vessels
plying between Europe and the East Indies. The Cape, ap t came to be
called, did not seem inviting in itself to any of those who passed its
shores. They stopped there only to obtain fresh water and to rest their
sailors on land for a few days ere starting out on the weeks of sea life
which yet lay between them and their destination in either direction.
About the same time the English and the Dutch East India Companies
thought of placing some kind of a fort on this southern point and
making it a regular port of call in that region. Accordingly, in 1620,
two ships, belonging to the English company, did actually run up the
English flag and took formal possession. When this action was reported
to the English government, they disapproved of it and no further steps
were taken to carry out the policy of the great East India Company.
This is the first of many instances which we shall note in the course of
our story, in which Great Britain first took a step and then withdrew it
in her dealings with South Africa. The habit became so confirmed that
an African chief, a few years ago, called the British government "The
government that is always going away."

But, to return. In 1652 the first permanent settlement was made by

the Dutch East India Company, with the full consent of their Govern-

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION, 1630-1806.

ment. The crew of a ship which had been wrecked had spent Bomc
months on the very spot where Cape Town now stands; they liad planted
a few seeds, had found the climate pleasant, the soil productive, and some
of them reported their happy experiences to the authorities in their
homeland. A number of people, amongst whom were a very few wouK.'n,
were accordingly sent out under Jan van Riebeck to establish a hospital
for sick sailors, to cultivate gardens for the supply of ships with fresh
food, to barter with the natives for cattle and to build a fort for their
own protection. They were not considered as colonists in the ordinary
sense; they were all servants of the East India Company, living there
in order to facilitate the movements of their great merchant fleets. It
was found necessary, however, at a later date, to have the land in the
immediate neighborhood of the fort parcelled out into farms and to give
these over to colonists of another type. Towards the end of the seven-
teenth century the number of these colonists was very largely re-
enforced by the arrival of French and Swiss Protestants, who, having
fled from persecution in their own countries to Holland, were sent out,
with thtir own consent, to the Cape. These new arrivals added elements
of the greatest value to the little Dutch community. To them is traced
the beginning of that grape culture, for which Cape Town has since
become so famous. These French families became gradually absorbed.
They were forced to give up their language for Dutch and soon lost all
direct relationship with their own country.

At first these European settlers came into contact with the natives
of South Africa in the trading of cattle and sheep. As their numbers
increased, they gradually occupied lands which the natives had used
for the pasture of their cattle, and over this land question the first
quarrels arose. To begin with, the Dutch sought to buy the lands. At a
later date they gave up this formality and formed the habit of seizing
what they wanted for their farms. At a still later date they even went
the length of employing the former owners of the soil as their slaves
in its cultivation. The slave movement was, most unfortunately, stim-
ulated by the introduction of negro slaves from the west coast.

It must not be imagined that the early Dutch governors of South
Africa found it an easy task to administer their singular dominion. To
begin with, some of the governors themselves were self-seeking and

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION, 1650-1806.

UDHcrupulouH men. They were apt to break the rules of their ofllee by
attempting to make their own fortunew. This brought them into com-
petition of a commercial kind with the very people over whose interests
they were supposed to rule. Further, they fell into the blunder of im-
posing heavy rates of taxation, which created great and increasing
impatience. These, and other such circumstances, induced many of the
farmers, or Boers as they were called, to move farther away from the
seat of authority and tyranny. They passed northwards and east-
wards, occupying all the desirable lands, often encounteiing the natives
in warfare and enduring great hardships. But they found it not easy
to isolate themselves and become sovereigns of their own domain. The
Dutch governors followed them over mountain ranges and across large
rivers into their distant homes and insisted on treating them either as
citizens still responsible to the Dutch government, or as rebels liable
to the severest punishment.

The life which these distant settlers lived was by no means unen-
joyable. The climate is extremely healthy. Their habits of life were
simple and regular. They performed their journeys, drawn slowly at
the rate of fifteen or twenty miles a day, by long teams of oxen. They
built their li'tle hoose, tilled their patch of land, looked after their
ever-increasing herds, fought off any of the natives who threatened to
be troublesome, paid their rare visits — once or twice a year — to the
nearest church for the celebration of the "nachtmaal" or holy com-
munion. Nevertheless, the life was by no means elevating, for as they
spread northwards they became less and less of an agricultural, more
and more of a pastoral people. Their farms became larger until no one
was contented with less than three miles square; they came to relish
manual labor less and less and depended wholly upon the inefficient
service of ignorant natives. They formed no large towns which they
could visit and where something of civilization could lay hold of them;
they learned to love hunting and traveling, and the mere independence
of their isolated life.

Towards the end of the eighteenth century, three or four European
countries were engaged in a mighty struggle iov the control and the
development of large portions of the world. It was being determined
whether France, or Holland, or England should lead the destinies of

THE DUTCH OCCUPATION, 1650-1806.

vast regions through the nineteenth century. It was impossibl*^ that the
importance of the Cape should remain unnoticed by these fierce con-
testants, and hence we find that the South African colony changed
hands several times with the changing fortunes of war in Europe. The
European nations were contesting for supremacy in the East and the
Cape route was the only one available; it was therefore important to
determine whether France, Britain or Holland should own the
Cape Colony. From 1795 to 1802 it was held by Britain and was then
restored by treaty to Holland. But in 1806, when Napoleon was crush-
ing Europe, Britain felt compelled to keep the Cape from his grasp.
It was not then formally annexed by the British Government, which
looked forward to the possibility of restoring it to its former owners
at the conclusion of the war. In the meantime two Governors were"
sent out successively from London who acted with great wisdom, and
on the whole succeeded in allaying the first intensity of bitterness felt
by the Dutch colonists at being conquered and made subject to a
foreign power. In 1814, when she had finally overwhelmed Napoleon,
Great Britain had many treaties to make. She had saved Europe at
infinite cost to herself, and was entangled in many complicated rela-
tions as a consequence. At the treaty of London, accordingly, provision
was made with Holland for the purchase by Great Britain of certain
Dutch colonies, including the Cape Colony. For these Great Britain
paid the ^um of £6,000,000 (about $30,000,000), the interest on which
was more even at that time than these colonies could possibly have
paid in cash to the purchasers. The history of the Dutch occupation
of South Africa legally ended in that year and the history of British
supremacy in that region began its curiously uncertain and perplexing
course.

CHAPTER III.
THE COLONY OF NATAL.

AB0X31 two years after the Great Trek out of Cape Colony some
of its leaders discovered the pleasant land of Natal. T \y crossed
under a brave and able man, Mr. Pieter Retief, over t e i>raken»-
berg Mountains, and found themselves in the region of the Tugela River.
This region was supposed by the Boers to be entirely new to Europeans
except along the coast line. But at Port Natal, the name of the harbor
where Durban now stands, a few enterprising Englishmen had for a
number of years been settled. In 1825 one of them, a British officer, had
already obtained a concession from the Zulus covering a lar^^e part of
that territory. This concession is ignored by all the pro-Boer
historians. These Englishmen petitioned in vain to the British Gov-
ernment for the formal annexation of their region and their own pro-
tection by British power. They, from the first, resented the idea of
being united with, or considered as a part of. Cape Colony, and wished
to have a new history and a country of their own.

When the Boers arrived in Natal they found that the splendid coun-
try from the Tugela River southwards to that which now is called St.
John's River had been almost entirely denuded of native inhabitants by
the ruthless wars of a Zulu tribe. This was the tribe which had been so
marvelously organized into an irresistible army by the great chief,
Chaka. He had been succeeded by his brother Bingaan, whose capital
was situated in a valley north of the Tugela River. The town consisted
of a vast circle of huts surrounding a central open space or kraal ; this
was the spot where his regiments were drilled and reviewed ere they
engaged in their vast feasts of beef and beer and engaged in their
weird and terrible war dances. When Retief found that Dingaan was
the most powerful man in that country he resolved at once to get into as
friendly relations with him as possible. It was his aim to obtain the
formation of a treaty by which Dingaan as an independent ruler should

grant to him and his Boer followers a large slice of territory. There thrv

THE COLONY OF NATAL.

h±

If 1*^ '

li *>

Loped to be £»ble to settle in a region over which the British Government
had as yet established no authority, and where the Boers might hope at
last to erect an independent republic of their own. Retief was received
by the chief with every sign of good-will and a large territory was
offered to him on condition of his compelling a distant chief to repay
some thousands of cattle which he had taken from Dingaan. This con-
dition Ketief fulfilled., and, returning with the cattle, he b ought also
from the Orange Free State, we are told, nearly 1,000 wagons containing
the families and movable property of those who hoped, under his leader-
ship, to establish the new state.

When they descended upon the region which they expected to
make their home, Retie^ went with some 50 Boers and about 40
black men to make their final agreement with Dingaan. T'^o
chief received them as before, displayed his warriors and hell •./.■;■
dances, and then with foul treachery, at a moment when the Boer party
were collected before him without their arms, he shouted to the dancing
warriors, "Kill the wizards," and not one of Retief s entire party was
allowed to escape. Swift as a thunderbolt Dingaan hurled his army
upon the encampments of Boers. The first was reached at a place of sor-
row, ever after named Weenen (place of weeping). Here they surprised
a party of 41 white men, 56 white women and their children to the num-
ber of 185, besides more than 200 black servants, and put everyone to
death except one young man, who hastily rode to the other encampments
and vvarned them of their danger. In the year '38 the various companies
united under a powerful lead3r called Andries Pretorius, and under him
they succeeded at last in crushing Dingaan's power. But several most
fierce and terrific battles were necessary ere this was accomplished.
The Englishmen at Port Natal also assisted. With more than 1,000 na-
tives, they attacked Dingaan. After fighting for many hours they were
overwhelmed by thousands of Zulus and only four Englishmen and some
hundreds of blacks escaped, having rushed through the Tugela River.
The most memorable day of battle was the 16th of December, 1838,
when about 450 Boers met many thousands of Zulus, defeating and scat-
tering the very flower of Chaka's army. This day has ever since by the
Boers of the Transvaal been celebrated as Dingaan's Day, with religious
worship and solemn rejoicing. lu memory of their victory they also

1 ■

IWipf'M

or
u

If)

h .

■<ia

€ o
SO
o
(» o

r//£ COLONY OF NATAL.

• I

£ 5
o ^

o
X

built a church at the town which they proceeded to establish and which
they called Pietermaritzburg. They were enabled finally to crush the
Zulus by means of an alliance with one Panda, who revolted with a large
section of the tribe against Dingaan, the chief. The latter fled north
and was assassinated in 1840.

No one can fail surely to admire the courage and almost sublime de-
termination with which these Boers carried out the conquest of Din-
gaan. Whether one reads of the heroic women who urged their hus-
bands on to punish the chief for his act of treachery, or the men who set
themselves with a fierce will to rid the land of this blood-thirsty tyrant,
or even the young boys who went into battle with the passion of filial de-
votion; or whether we think of the religious fervor which characterized
them all through their campaigns, which enabled them to pray night by
night: on their marches, and to praise the God of battles after every vic-
tory, we cannot but feel that this story of the conquest of Natal deserves
to be placed as a mere story of brave deeds and dauntless enterprise
among the most remarkable in the history of men.

All the more must we sympathize with the keen disappointment of
these farmers when it came to their knowledge that the British Govern-
ment was about to assert its authority over Natal. Stories came to Cape
Town of certain efforts which the farmers were making to drive other
tribes away from desirable locations and to move them south and west
towards Cape Colony itself, thus intending to make comfort for them-
selves at the expense of the citizens of the older colony. When a small
party of soldiers at Port Natal claimed authority over them the Boers at
once attacked them and laid siege to their camp. At last, however, rein-
forcements came and the Boers at once submitted. At a meeting of their
Volksraad, prolonged and bitter debates took place, which ended in a
resolution to accept the inevitable and come under the authority of the
Queen. Some hundreds of families remained in Natal, and have ever
since enjoyed the peace, the security and prosperity of a steady and
strong Government; but the majority, it is said, could not brook the idea
of remaining under authority. It is probable that not a mere prejudice
against government by Great Britain led to their fresh emigration. The
fact is that they were once more brought into contact with the funda-
mental principle upon which Great Britain deals with native races.

/ >"■

THE COLONY OF NATAL. [

That principle in its humbling application by British Governors had
driven them from Cape Colony, and the prospect of its application drove
them from Natal. One of the chief reasons given for the assertion of
British authority in that region was the protection of the rights of native
tribes, and three conditions were announced as necessary to be observed
by all who would settle there as subjects of the Queen. First, there
should not be in the eyes of the law any discrimination founded upon
distinction of color or language or creed. Second, no attacks should be
made by private persons or bodies of men upon natives residing beyond
the limits of the colony without direct authority of the Government.
And, thirdly, slavery in any form and under any name must be consid-
ered as unlawful within the Queen's dominions.

It was in 1842 that Port Natal was taken; in 1845 it was constituted a
Colony. Between these years various parties of the Boers crossed the
Drakensberg Mountains and settled in various parts of the Orange Free
State and the Transvaal. In 1856 Natal was granted a still larger
measure of self-government, the affairs of the colony being managed by
a council consisting partly of representatives chosen by the white inhab-
itants and partly of officials appointed by the Crown. One of the imme-
diate results of the British occupation and government was that the de-
populated country became a haven for tribes and remnants of tribes, and
vast numbers of individuals who had for years been practically without
homes. As they flocked into the country, locations were assigned them.
Now the population is estimated at between 400,000 and 500,000 natives.
Many of these live under tribal laws and have been hardly touched by
either Christianity or civilization. They are increasing with enormous
rapidity and the wisest statesmen in Natal look forward with anxiety to
the problem which they will present in a few years to that Government.

Natal, with its warm climate, its rich soil, its abundant rivers, yields
many most valuable products, but these can only be grown by means of
native labor. Inasmuch as the African natives are lazy beyond com-
pare, the enterprising Natal Europeans hit upon the idea of importing
coolies from the East. Many thousands have been brought-from India,
of whom it was thought that they would all return to their homes, but
most of them find Natal as good a place to die in as India; and there they
remain. As they were British subjects before coming to Natal their

THE COLONY OF NATAL.

presence there has constituted a distinct and serious problem for colon-
ial politicians.

Like the Cape Colony it is a self-governing colony, complete self-
ernment having been granted in 1893. The Legislature consists of
<he Governor, a nominated Legislative Council, and an elected Legisla-
tive Assembly. The Legislative Council is composed of eleven mem-
bers, nominated by the Governor on the advice of his ministers, and
distributed between the eight counties into which the colony is divided.
A member of the Legislative Ck)uncil must be 30 years of age, a resi-
dent in the colony of ten years' standing, and possessed of immovable
property within the colony to the net value of £500. He holds his seat
for ten years. The Legislative Assembly consists of thirty-seven mem-
bers, elected by ballot to represent thirteen constituencies. The quali-
fication for membership of the Assembly is the same as the electoral
qualification. Electors must be 21 years of age, and possess immovable
property to the value of £50, or rent such property to the annual value
of £10, or have resided three years in the colony, with an income of not
less than £96 per annum. The life of the Assembly lasts for four years,
if it is not previously dissolved by the Governor. Members of the
Council and Assembly are not paid, but are entitled to a travelling
allowance.

The executive power is in the hands of the Governor and his Execu-
tive Council, the latter consisting of the Ministers for the time being.
They are not more than six in number, and may sit and speak in either
house, but vote only in the house of which they are members. Under
the Constitution Act a Civil List is reserved, one item in which is the
sum of £10,000 to be devoted annually to promoting the welfare and
education of the natives.

CHAPTER IV.
THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

THE Boer farmers, who in large numbers were moving north-
wards, met with many strange and dreadful experiences, but
large numbers of them settled down in regions where they en-
joyed comparative peace and prosperity. Amongst these were the set-
tlers in what is now known as the Orange Free State. This region,
lying north of the Great River — now invariably called the Orange
[Uver — and south of the Vaal River, has for its eastern base the
remarkable highlands of Basutoland and the range known as Dracken-
berg. The country itself consists, for the most part, of rolling prairies
intersected with many streams. It is a rich farming country.

When the Boer farmers first reached it, they found that it had been
recently devastated by a section of the Zulu tribe under a brilliant but
ruthless leader called Moselekatse. These savages, afterwards called
Matebele, had swept the country, slaying the people, destroying their
fields and carrying off their cattle. They spared only the young boys
and girls, who were destined to be brought up as members of their
tribe. The Boers could not escape a contest with these terrible and
bloodthirsty warriors. One section of the Boers, under a man named
Potgieter, left at a certain point the women and children of their large
company in order that the men might explore the country further
north. In their absence, the families were attacked and a large num*
ber of them put to death by a band of these Zulu warriors. The Zulus
went to their headquarters for re-enforcements, and in the meantime
Potgieter and his company returned. He proceeded immediately to
form what is called in South Africa a "laager," which is a rough circle
of camp material formed by drawing the wagons together and filling
up the space between the wheels with earth and branches of trees.
From behind this breastwork the Europeans could use their guns stead-
ily and with comparative safety, while the Zulus, not possessing fire

: I

THE ORANGE FREE STATE,

[ling

rees.

ead-

fire

arms, found themselves unable to break through the barriers and \isg
their terrible spears. By these means Potgieter inflicted a severe defeat
upon the Zulus and drove them off. The savages were so driven to
despair at not getting through the wagons to reach their enemies that
they attempted to attack them by throwing their spears over the roofs
of the wagons. This, of course, was a comparatively harmless pro«
ceeding.

Having, in several skirmishes, thrashed these Zulus and taken some
thousands of cattle from them, they found themselves at last attacked
by Moselekatse himself at the head of twelve thousand warriors. The
Boer farmers only numbered 135, but they were on horses and armed
with guns and for nine days they kept up an incessant battle against the
hosts of their enemies. Their method was simple, daring and most
effective. They approached to within a short distance of the Mate-
bele, used their guns with terrific precision and then galloped away
from the rushing onslaught immediately made upon them, thus keeping
beyond the reach of the Matebele assegai and shooting down no one
knows how many of the masses opposed to them. They at last fairly
disheartened Moselekatse and his famous regiments. Invincible these
had proved themselves against natives armed as they themselves were
and invincible also they had deemed themselves against the white men.
Great was their amazement and horror to find themselves defeated, and
they fled, northwards they fled, spreading death and destruction
throughout the whole region which they traversed. Many years after-
wards visitors to Matabeleland, now called Rhodesia, where Mosolekatse
settled, were wont to hear the older warriors of his tribe speak of their
ancient battles with the Boers. Always they spoke with tones of
respect and even of awe as of men they had found superior warriors
to themselves.

At the place where one of their victories was gained, namely at
Winburg, the emigrants formed themselves into an organized com-
munity, adopting articles for their self-government. That was in the
year 1837. It was not long before they found themselves pursued, as
heretofore, by the long arm of British authority. In 1846 there arrived
across the Orange River one of the most famous governors of South
Africa, Sir Harry Smith by name. He found himself involved in dig-

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

putes with these farming communities that were establishing thera
selves at various parts north and east from the Cape Colony. In the
conduct of these disputes, the British authorities were not always right.
They frequently made mistakes, especially in their dealings with the
immense variety of native tribes, many of whom were quarreling
amongst themselves for the possession of the lands of which also the
Boer farmers were taking possession. If the Cape governors and their
officials had known all about South African ethnology, about the cus-
toms and laws of native tribes, which is known now, many of their
worst blunders might have been prevented. Moreover, the principle
had been adopted and was sedulously maintained, that the Boer farm-
ers, being actually British subjects, could not expect to be allowed to
pass beyond the control of the Queen. Wherever they went, they went
as British citizens, responsible to the Governor at the Cape; wherever
they went he was responsible for them. The fact that they settled
among natives in territories which were not British did not seem to the
latter authorities any reason for disavowing their citizenship. Rather
did their presence, and the positions of ^'re-eminence which they gained
in regions hitherto occupied by native tribes involve their rulers in
serious obligations regarding their conduct. This principle had been
maintained by the Dutch government before the British came, and has
been generally acted upon, it is believed, by every European govern-
ment when groups of its citizens have settled in savage lands or unoc-
cupied territories.

It was in pursuance of this principle that Sir Harry Smith, in
1846, established what he called the Orange River Sovereignty over
the region described above. The Boer farmers were many of them
contented to have it so, but others of course were discontented.
These latter placed themselves under Commandant Pretorius, who, in
the year 1848, drove the English officials across the Orange River and
proposed to rule the country without them. Sir Harry Smith imme*
diately returned and in a fierce fight at Boomplats defeated them.
Pretorius, and those who were thoroughly irreconcilable, forthwith
set out on another trek. This time they crossed the Vaal River and
settled down in the region which came speedily to be known as the
Trans- YaaL The communities which remained \xx the re^on bietweep

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

the Orange and the Vaal Rivers were, on the whole, well content to be
under British government. Unfortunately, the Governor was able to
leave in that region only a very small military force. When Moshesh, a
powerful chief of the Basutos on the eastern border, oifended the
Orange River authorities by making raids upon the farms and carrying
off thousands of cattle, this little force attempted to attack him. I'hey
were driven back and the farmers were in consternation. The British
forces were already engrossed in a protracted and severe struggle fur-
ther east with the natives of Kaffraria and no immediate help could
be expected from them. The farmers accordingly appealed for help to
their former commandant, Pretorius, who at this time was treated by
the British as an outlaw. He at once saw his opportunity and gave the
British their choice between recognizing his community across the
Transvaal as an independent republic, or meeting him again at the head
of the disaffected farmers of the Orange River Sovereignty. Finding
themselves in this dilemma the British accepted the former alternative
and in that year, 1852, at the Sand River convention, agreed to those
articles which created an independent Transvaal State.

And now Sir Harry Smith found all his plans upset from an entirely
new quarter. The home government in London were becoming thor-
oughly tired of incessant struggles in South Africa with natives they
could not love and Boers they could not understand. It seemed as
though Cape Colony were only a burden and an expense, which brought
no return either of wealth or of glory. Accordingly, it had been resolved
that the Orange River should henceforth form the northern boundary
of British dominions in South Africa. Sir George Cathcart was there-
fore commanded to abandon the Orange River Sovereignty and to enter
into a treaty recognizing the Europeans there as an independent and
self-governing State. "He called upon the European inhabitants to elect
"a body of representatives to take over the government; but when the
"representatives assembled, they objected in the strongest terms to be
"abandoned by Great Britain, for even while they were debating, Mos-
"hesh was crushing Sikonyela and another of his opponents, and adding
"their territory to his own. In effect, the representative assembly said
"to Sir George Clerk (the British special commissioner) that they held
"England in honor bound to reduce the great barbaric power she had

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

"done 80 much to bullfl up. When that was done, they would not need
"military assistance, and would be prepared to take over the govern-
"ment of the country, though they wished to remain permanently con-
"nected with the British Empire. The special commissioner, however,
"was prevented by his instructions from paying any attention to lan-
"guage of this kind, and was obliged to term those who ustvl it 'obstruc-
"tionists/ The assembly then sent two delegates to England to implore
"the Queen's government and the parliament not to abandon them, but
"those gentlemen met with no success in their mission." (Theal.)

After a considerable amount of negotiations, the Governor at last
succeeded in persuading the assembly of delegates to agree to accept
independence — it was asserted that it was even necessary to bribe some
to vote for this measure. The foUowinf^ excerpts from the articles of
convention, which were at last agreed to between the Queen's special
commissioner and the representatives of the inhabitants, may be inter-
esting at this point.

In Article I: "Her Majesty's special commissioner, in enterin i
a convention for finally transferring the government of the Orange
River territory to the representatives delegated by the inhabitants to
receive it, guarantees, on the part of her Majesty's government, the
future independence of that country and its government." A procla-
mation is promised "finally freeing them from their allegiance to the
British crown, but declaiming them to all intents and purposes a free and
independent people, and their government to be treated and considered
thenceforth as a free and independent government." The second article
declares that the British government has no alliance whatever with
any native chiefs or tribes north of the Orange River, with the exception
of one whose case is afterwards dealt with. It is, moreover, asserted
that this government has no wish or intention to form any treaties
"which may be injurious or prejudicial to the interests of the Orange
River government." The seventh article declares that the Orange River
government shall permit no slavery or trade in slaves in their territory
north of the Orange River.

Thus did Great Britain take a great step backwards, not merely
resolving to push no farther but actually to withdraw from a rich
territory and a prosperous community where her continued exercise of

SIR W. HELY HUTCHINSrN

Governor of Natal and Zululund.

CONYNGHAM GREENE, C. B.

British Consular Agent at Pretoria,

, ■'

^HXEnp^'^^^^^qjB^HHLf;

SIR J- GORDON SPRIGG

Late Prime Minister of Cipe Colony.

MR. J. H. HOFMEYR

Leader of the Dutch Party In Cape Colony.

Ml 1

^ J

el W

o o

M
I* O

Sin

•O (1)

o o

n oi S

•"♦' u
o rt O

tC3 !w 03

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

57 /'

authority was freely and profoundly desired. This is the second in-
stance of British withdrawal, made with as much sincerity as spon-
taneity, but destined, like nearly all the other instances which we
shall have occasion to record, to bring forth troubles more numerous
and more perplexing than those v/hich it was intended to ward off.

One reason why the fifteen thousand white inhabitants of this
territory feared to stand alone was their fear of that powerful Basuto
tribe which already had caused them so much loss in possessions and
in valuable lives. Nevertheless, the little republic settled down to its
extraordinary task among these ominous circumstances with a courage
which proved itself indomitable. The British government has never
had reason to interfere with the internal administration of this country
from that day to this. The Free Staters have proved themselves both
wise and firm, and good-hearted citizens. They have had the inesti-
mable advantage of being led by several presidents who were men of
great ability and high soul. They have administered their affairs with
care and with singular success. They have gradually increased in
wealth; they have paid much attention to education and thus have
earned for themselves the hearty respect and good-will of their former
rulers — ^their permanent friends — the British government.

Within five years of acceptance of their independence the people
of the Orange Free State found thpinselves in such litiiculties that they
actually petitioned the British g* u»rnment to receive them again into
the British Empire, annexing them to the Cape Colony. After some
consideration, this petition was finally refused.

On only two occasions have the British government and the Orange
Free State found themselves in serious difficulties with one another.
The first of 11 ese events occurred in the year 1867, when the Free State
found itself once more at war with the Basuto? On a fonner occasion
the Governor of the Cape had intervened t isave the Boers from the
Basutos. On this occasion, Moshesh, the Basuto king, finding himself
hard pressed, sent a message to the Governor imploring his interven-
tion and good offices. The Governor acquiesced, much to the indigna-
tion of the Boers, who hoped on this occasion to finally crush their
inveterate foes, annex their country and thus take one long step towards
the sea coast. It was one of the ambitions of this young republic to

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

Stretch its territory across the continent eastwards until it should pos-
sess a seaport of its own and become one of the States of the world,
with an international importance. The Governor of the Cape, wit-
tingly or unwittingly, shut this project off forever by making Basuto-
land a protectorate under the British crown. Very naturally the Free
State felt a bitter chagrin at this most unexpected move on the part of
Great Britain. They could point to the words of the second article of
the convention, quoted above, and apply the promise there made to this
case. The British Governor could, on the other hand, very fairly argue
that the protectorate assumed over the Basutos could not be proved to
be injurious or prejudicial to the interests of the Orange Free State as
it then existed. It simply made impossible the scheme of extension
which was not in contemplation at the time of the convention and could
not be fairly included under that article.

The other occasion on which the two governments clashed with one
another was in the year 1869-70 over the discovery and development of
the diamond fields. At this time the President of the Orange Free State
wa^ one Jan Hendrick Brand, who was first elected in 1865 and was
repeatedly re-elected until his death in 1885. He was a man of high
character, great ability and consummate tact; one of the noblest figures
of South African history and one of the best beloved. If he had not
conducted the prolonged and sometimes embittered controversy regard-
ing the territory in dispute, worse troubles might have arisen.

Elsewhere in these pages, the diamond industry of Kimberley is
described. Sufl8ce it here to say that the first diamond identified in
that region was found in 1867. In 1809 a native was found wearing as
a charm a large stone which is now always known as the "Star of South
Africa." When a few more had been found, it became evident that the
region lying in the narrow angle between the Vaal and the Modder
rivers was diamondiferous and the inevitable rush of prospectors and
fortune seekers began. No railway came within several hundred miles
of this district and the thousands of people who flocked thither from all
over the world had the hardest experiences in a i tempting to reach the
object of their journey. They had to travel either in wagons, or crowded
day after day in small coaches, or they had to tramp over the whole
distance. Of course, they were of many nationalities and of many varie*

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

ties of character. Camps that were speedily formed at the spots where
diamonds were said to have been found became centers of the usual free
and reckless life associated with mining populations.

The first question that arose had regard to the government which
was responsible for the maintenance of law and order among these
camps. Over this difficulty the British government came into its most
serious collision with the Orange Free State. The negotiations were
protracted. At times they verged on bitterness, but they were brought
to a termination without an open rupture, and that very largely through
the calm wisdom and magnificent self-control of President Brand. Of
course there were great divergences of opinion regarding the merits of
the dispute but it is ever more widely agreed, among those who have
investigated the story, that the Orange Free State had by far the best of
the argument; that the British governors at the Cape committed a
grievous error in law when they seized and occupied the territory of the
Diamond Fields.

The territory of the Diamond Fields, as we have pointed out, lies in
the narrow angle between the Vaal River on the north and the Modder
on the south. To the north of the Vaal there lived a Griqua chief by
name Waterboer, who employed as his business agent an exceedingly
clever European named David Arnot. Under the advice of Arnot, and
guided by his skilful diplomacy, Waterboer laid claim to the territory
of the Diamond Fields before an arbitration court which had been
constituted to settle a dispute regarding his territory on the other or
northern side of the Vaal River. The arbitrator does not appear to have
investigated at all closely this particular claim and he did not summon
the Orange Free State to say whether their interests were involved in
it. When the arbitrator, Governor Keate of Natal, issued his award, it
was discovered that he had assigned to Waterboer this territory of the
Diamond Fields. Waterboer, under the advice of his agent, immediately
applied to the British government for advice and aid in the control of
this region.

Now the Orange Free State have their story to tell concerning this
most valuable territory. They assert that it was bought by them in
earlier days from the Korannas, who had, in the ordinary course of
South African events, conquered and driveu out its original owners.

■»';

.-• -- .„.. \i

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

This purchase by the Boers appears to have been freely acknowledged
80 far back as 1850 by the British Resident, while the Orange Free State
was still under the British authorities. Moreover, it was afterwards
proved that the British authorities had themselves granted title deeds
to certain farms in that very district, which were filed in the office at
Bloemfontein, the capital of that country. Copies of these deeds were
produced by President Brand and shown to the Governor at the Capo.
In that district President Brand proved that a hundred more farms
had been allotted and their title deeds likewise filed. Moreover, a mag-
istrate had been appointed whose authority was also understood by the
Free State government to extend over the region where the diamonds
were discovered. That region itself was almost entirely barren, and
hence had not been settled. When the first rush of miners came, the
Free State authorities immediately sent a new magistrate, placing his
office at the little village of Pniel. He was already there and beginning
to exercise his office when the Governor at the Cape, having received
the appeal above mentioned from Waterboer, sent another magistrate,
appointing him to that very district. He began his work on the north
side of the Vaal River, but speedily crossed over with a band of police
and entered upon the duties of his office on the Diamond Fields.

There might, of course, have arisen a very serious condition of affairs
if the Free State had not been guided by President Brand. He imme-
diately issued a proclamation, in November, 1871, characterized by great
wisdom as well as dignity. He firmly and frankly described this pn)-
ceeding of the Governor as an hostile invasion in time of perfect peace
and a violation of the territory of the Free State, but he at the same
time ordered and enjoined the officers and citi:;ens of the State to avoid
any action which might lead to a collision between the two countries.
He expressed the fullest confidence that the information and explapa-
tions which were to be placed before the government in England would
secure the acknowledgment and recognition of their rights. The British
government in London was, so far as regards accurate information, at
the mercy of its representatives in Cape Town. Accordingly, tho
Colonial Office threw the responsibility upon the Cape government, ex-
pressing willingness to have this territory annexed only if the Cape
Colony desired to possess it and agreed to rule it. This the Cape gov-

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

eminent at first seemed willing to do, but later it declined the responsi
bility.

Here then was a. strange complication. The authorities in London
agreed to take Waterboer's territory if the ministers at Cape Town would
annex it to Cape Colony. The colony, after hesitation, declined. Now
the Governor of Cape Colony had already taken the momentous step of
sending a magistrate and the policemen to occupy the territory, practi-
cally, on his own responsibility. He therefore found himself in the
unhappy predicament of ruling a small territory which neither England
nor the Cape Colony desired to possess or had empowered him to annex.
But such a step is more easily taken than withdrawn, and the Governor
proceeded to treat the Diamond Fields, with the surrounding country,
as a British protectorate under the name of Griqualand West.

Throughout all these events a voluminous correspondence wad, of
course, passing between the two governments at Bloemfontein and Cape
Town. President Brand on one occasion paid a visit to Cape Town
when a :iew Governor had arrived. On this occasion he complained of
the length to which the correspondence had grown, and in illustration
said that one letter alone had extended to a certain very large number
of paragraphs. "It must be a very poor case, said the Governor, that
needs such a long argument." "But, your Excellency," replied
the President, "that was your own letter."

Curiously enough it was a British court that put the strongest
argument in the hands of the Free State government. It has been
ever the custom of the British government, when it was settling a
new country and found conflicting land claims, to appoint a court
with full power to investigate and determine these claims. This
happened in Griqualand West, and one of the conclusions to which
this court came was that Waterboer had no right to the terri-
tory and, therefore, that no claims to any portion of the land which
were based upon a transaction with him, could be held as valid. As
soon as President Brand obtained this powerful argument, he went
straight to London and there presented his case. He was very warmly
received, and very generously treated. But when it came to deciding
as to whether the Diamond Fields territory, which had now been ruled
by England for six years, should be handed back to the Orange Free

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

State, practical difficulties arose. The population was equal to fully
half that of the Orange Free State, and was composed of the most
diverse elements from all parts of the world, forming a community
notoriously difficult to control. The expediency of retrocession was at
least debatable. The British government finally said to President
Brand that they desired, without attempting to decide the merits of the
original dispute, to pay to the Free State a solatium of ninety thousand
pounds (about $450,000.00). President Brand does not seem to have
struggled very long over this offer. He accepted it, and on returning to
his own country applied that sum to the reduction of their public
debt. No doubt the Free State did feel sore over this apparent wrong,
and the gradual discovery that the Diamond mines were worth far
more than was anticipated even in 1876, may have tended to inten-
sify their disappointment. But, on the other hand, it must be con-
sidered that in the development of this region they have found a splen-
did market for the produce of their splendid farms, and that it has
brought to them a large increase of wealth without adding to the
burden of their administrative responsibilities. In 1880 Grequaland
West was annexed to the Cape Colony.

The development of the Orange Free State after the settlement of
the difficulties about the Kimberley diamond fields was on the whole
characterized by steadiness rather than rapidity. It was the policy of
that wise and far seeing President Brand to avoid all complications
which would in any wise drag his people into war or bring disorder
among themselves. In 1881, for example, when the Transvaal Boers
were preparing for their war of independence President Brand rebuffed
all overtures for co-operation which would have dragged him into the
strife. Again in 1887, when President Kruger came to Bloemfontein
and proposed an alliance which would have brought the two Republics
into the closest possible union both for commercial and for military pur-
poses. President Brand, in whose hands his Volksraad left the decision,
firmly but finally declined the proposal. Even when the Transvaal
President offered to pay the sum of £20,000 ($200,000) annually for ten
years to the treasury of the smaller and less wealthy Republic, the stal-
wart self-respect of President Brand thrust the temptation aside. The
result of President Brand's generous attitude was such as to give him a

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

positiou of great influence, where he enjoyed the confidence of every
statesman in South Africa and the ministers of the Queen. The honor
in which he was held in London was manifested when in 1882 he was
offered the decoration of K. C. M. G. by Queen Victoria. This he had
both the courtesy and the strength to accept, and he became henceforth
known as Sir John Brand.

In commercial affairs the Orange Free State has had to depend on
the whole upon the gradual development of its farming system. It is
true that a diamond mine was discovered at Jagersfontein, but it has
never reached large proportions, and- the prospecting craze which seized
the population at the time of this discovery has made it practically cer-
tain that every corner of the land likely to yield diamonds has been
searched and found wanting. One of the most important stages in the
commercial prosperity of this plucky and peace-loving Republic was
reached when the railway was built from Cape Town and carried
through to the Transvaal. Customs arrangements were made with Cape
Colony which have proved peculiarly favorable to the Orange Free
State. The country is subject to the affliction of recurrent droughts,
which are severely felt by the large farming population; but these now
produce less of real affliction, owing to the general level of comfort
which the people enjoy.

On July 14, 1888, the beloved and honored President Sir John Brand
passed away. The Volksraad immediately met and in the following
month elected Mr. F. W. Reitz to the presidential chair. It was this Mr.
Reitz who a few years later forsook the Orange Free State for Pretoria
and became Secretary to the Government of the Transvaal. In recent
years there have been repeated quarrels between the two Republics on
the matter of the tariff, but these became finally adjusted. When Mr.
Rcltz resigned, the present President, M. T. Steyn, was elected to succeed
him in the year 1896. Mr. Steyn is a son of the land, his father is an
honored farmer who was induced to send his promising boy to Europe
to complete his education. During six years of study both in Holland
and in London President Steyn became a master of the legal profes-
sion, gained an insight into the larger life of European countries, and
returned to become speedily a man of influence and a maker of history
in the Orange Free State. A solemn treaty had been formed with the

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

lYansvaal in which each Htate promised to assist the other if its inde-
pendence should be threatened or attaclied. It is this treaty which has
dragged the Orange Free State into the present war.

President Steyu all last year (1898) took a prominent part in the
events which led up to the catastrophe of war. He it was who helped to
secure the conference at Bloerafontein between President Kruger and
Sir Alfred Milner. At a later stage in the discussions he interposed with
a striking and powerful letter of protest and entreaty which he sent to
the British Government. In this despatch he wired that his Government
had "done all in its power to obtain a peaceful and satisfactory solution
of the differences between Her Majesty's Government and the South
African Republic," recommending important reforms in the matter of
the franchise and representation for British subjects who were desirous
of becoming burghers of that Republic. He complains that while the
Boer Government was trying to induce the Volksraad to accept the sug-
gested reforms, a change was noted in the tone of the despatches ema-
nating from London. "The British Government, — it is urged, — had in
fact departed from the basis on which negotiations were opened — that
of not interfering in the internal affairs of the Republic. The request for
the Joint Commission of Inquiry emphasized that fact beyond any
shadow of doubt." Still, he says, the Free State Government persisted
in their efforts and "once more advised the Government of the South
African Republic to make yet another concession, and to give yet an-
other proof of its willingness to meet the British Government by con-
senting to accept the invitation of the British Government to take part
in such a Joint Commission." He asserts that this advice was adopted
by the Boer Government, and that only then did they discover that the
concessions hitherto made by the South African Republic were unavail-
ing. The despatch goes on to assert that while the British Government
had promised new proposals it had persisted "in the absence of any
apparent cause" in the work of making extensive military preparations
in South Afi'ica. "This Government cannot conceive at present that the
points of difference that may exist on this subject justify those extensive
and ever increasing military preparations being carried out on this bor-
der, not only in South African Republic, but also in the Orange Free
State, and they are therefore reluctantly compelled to conclude that they

DUTCH BOERS OUTSPANNED

The span of oxen has been taken out and placed within the inclosure for the night. The Boer trav-
elers have lit their Are and are cooking their evening meal. They are tall, straight, powerful men,
accustomed to life in the open air, to physical exposure; some will sleep within the wagon, and some on
the ground beneath it with their guns always within reach.

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

67 / •

must be intended to secure other objects at present unknown to the Gov-
ernment of this State." The President begs therefore that no effort be
spared to effect a peaceful settlement if possible of the points in dispute
and urges that pending the issue of the new proposals which were being
prepared by the British Government, "any further movement or increase
of troops on or near the borders" should be stopped.

It is now a matter of history that this despatch, powerful as it was,
proved powerless to arrest the course of events. While the British Gov-
ernment was still preparing its new proposals the Government at Pre-
toria suddenly issued its ultimatum and the war began. President
Steyn then published his "Manifesto," from which we extract the follow-
ing powerful and stirring paragraphs:

111

2 »< 2
500

-"•3 a)

ill

"Burghers of the Orange Free State!

"That moment, which we have tried to avoid by all means in our
power, and which we are driven to oppose against wrong aoid shameful
oppression, has now come.

"Our sister Republic north of the Vaal River is on the eve of being
attacked by a remorseless enemy, who already for many years past has
looked for pretexts and has prepared for the act of violence of which
they are now guilty; the object of which is to end the independence of
the African nation.

"We are related to our sister Republic, not only by ties of blood, of
compassion, and of common interest, but also by a formal treaty, ren-
dered necessary by circumstances, and we are bound to assist them
whenever they should be unlawfully attacked, which, alas, we hfave had
reason to expect for a long ti*ne already.

"We therefore cannot tolerate that wrong to be done to them, and
our own liberty, acquired at so high a price, to be endangered, but are as
men bound to oppose it; trusting in the Almighty Lord, in the firm belief
that He will never suffer wrong and injustice to triumph, and confiding
in our good right in the eyes of Him and all the world.

"Thus if we oppose a mighty enemy, with whom we have always been
desirous of living in friendship, in spite of wrong and injustice suffered
from them in the past, we solemnly declare, in the presence of the Al-
mighty Lord, that we are driven to do so through the wrong done to our

r>8 THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

relatioAS, and through the knowledge that the end of their independence
will render insignificant pur o\y^n eitistence as an independent nation,
and that their fate, should they have to fall before an overwhelming
force, .will involve U9, too, in a short time. , ,

"Solemn treaties have, been of no avail to our sister Republic against
annexation, against cqnspiracj^, ,a^^in^t claiipso^ a .suzerainty no longer
existing, against 'ons^tant oppression, and me<^dling with their affairs,
and jaqyk^ jsg^in^t ^ p^peaied attack; the s(^le object of which is their
i*uiOf" ■ f . . .

. > M Then follovs. a ; statement of the- grievances which the Orange Free
State feela- itself to have a?eoelved) from the British! Government in the
early days of the Basuto quarrels. Thr^s-lead»<tQ.an important statement
regarding tlie franchise question which cannot but make the reader
wonder how far President Steyn had been sincere tand earnest when he
was ungio^g- Fresident Krugerto deal with that problem in a spirit of
compliance with the demands of the Outlandere. / .

"The consequence of this claim (i. e., of the franchise on reasonable
t^i'ths). if acquiesced in, 'will be that from ^66se or the^f ancestors, who
have saved the cbuiit'ry froni barbarism and have opened it to civiliza-
tion and' light with their blood and their tears, will be talcen away the
measure of (ionirol oviai* the affairs of their country to Which they are
entitled according to Divine and human laws; and thiat an excess of
pbwei* will' be placed iii t'he haiids of* those' who,' foreigners by birth,
enjoy tlie privilege qf emptying' the country ff-biii its most important
treasure, whereas tliey never evinced any loyaTty but to a foreign Gov-
eriimerit. Moreover, tlie unavoidable cdnsptiuehce'' of giving way to
these claims would be that the indepieridenoe of the country, as also their
autonomy arid sovereignty, would be irfep'arably lost.'' '"^ ' ' "'

.:.(

. . Two short paragraphs <2a»t the blame of tlie- war upon, Britain's move-
mentsfOa hertroops and her diploinaey> And the manifesto, concludes as
follows: (i -.,■., -.r!, ii, ,(.,,-, ,,.,;ii .. r , .-,,1 ,•„;;.;„;, i.,.,.

) '• n :. s I tt

"On their heads be the blood, and may an bquitable Providence pun-
ish those who deserve it by their acts.

"Burghers of th^ Orange Free State! Uise to a man against the op-

THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

pressor and violator of justice. Let none of your deeds in the war, to
which we are forced now, be such as would not beseem a Christian and
burgher of the Orange Free State.

"Let us trust for a favorable end to this war, relying upon the aid of
Him without whose assistance human arms are of no avail whatever.
May He bless our arms. Under His banner we go to the war for

Liberty and for Fatherland.

"These passed under my hand and the Grand Seal of the Orange Free
State at Bloemfontein. (Signed) M.T. Steyn,

"State's President"

\-,;

CHAPTER V.

ZULULAND.

THIS name is given to a narrow strip of territory which lies ol
the northern borders of Natal between the southeastern
border of the Transvaal and the sea coast. It runs north until it
borders with Tongaland, a small territory which again borders with the
Portuguese territory. The general geographical features of Zululand
are much the same as those of Natal. The name is derived from the race
which inhabits it, and they derive their name Zulu, according to some
authorities, from one of their early chiefs whose name was Zulu. As the
Zulus have, more than any other South African race except the Basutos,
made history in South Africa, it is worth while to describe them and
their political relations and influences during this century.

The remarkable and unique thoroughness of their organization as a
military tribe has been traced back to one man, Dingiswayo, the chief of
another tribe. This man belonged to the Tetwa tribe and was an exile
in Cape Colony during the years 1793-1799. There he closeiy observed
the military drill of the Dutch soldiers and noticed how their thorough
discipline gave them enormous power when fighting against much larger
forces of undrilled and undisciplined native opponents. When he re-
turned to his own people it was with the resolve to adapt to their posi-
tion and weapons the ideas of drill and discipline which he had imbibed.
While he was- thus perfecting the organization of his tribe there came to
him a young man, a refugee from the Zulus, who lived north of the
Tugela River. This young man, Chaka by name, born about the year
1787, had fled with his mother from the anger of his father, the chief of
the Zulus. He lived with Dingiswayo and under his instruction learned
the principles which that leader was applying to the development of his
people. When Chaka's father died the young man at once returned to
his own tribe, seized the kingship aiid on receiving a poriion of the

Tetwa tribe, who had become attached to him and resolved to become

■nu ft -•*,

ZULU LAND.

members of his tribe, set himself with their aid to apply to the Zulus the
principles of military organization and warfare which he had learned
from Dingiswayo. Being a man of extraordinary vigor and organizing
genius, and bent upon the extension of the power of his people over as
vast a region as possible, and having adopted certain plans which stead-
ily increased his power, Chaka very speedily made himself a name of
terror almost throughout South Africa. One of the fundamental rules
of his kingship was not to leave the people whom he conquered to enjoy
their independence, nor utterly to destroy them, but as thoroughly as
possible to incorporate them with his own tribe. In many instances this
necessitated the killing of all the adults and the absorption only of the
young. In some cases, especially 'in the earlier period of his history,
whole tribes were sometimes thus incorporated where the adults were
willing to come completely under his sway, and were likely to prove eflS-
cient Avarriors.

It was from his kingdom that there went out one day a young officer,
Moselekatse, who crossed the Drakensberg Mountains with some of
Chaka's regiments, and finding that these regiments had formed a deep
devotion to himself, resolved not to return to Chaka, but to set up a Zulu
kingdom for himself. It was Moselekatse who depopulated such a large
portion of the Transvaal and then, partly as the result of the Boer in-
vasion, moved northwards beyond the Limpopo River till he settled in
the region called Matebeleland. Of him and his tribe we speak else-
where, but as the organization was practically identical with that of
Chaka's it may be best to take from the pages of a competent observer
the following description of a Zulu chief and his relations to his tribe:

"Zulu society may be said to exist for the chief. His claims are su-
preme and unquestioned. To him belongs every person and everything
in the country. The droves of cattle which you meet in every part of
the country belong to the chief; and if one dies he is informed of it. The
herd-boy who follows the cattle, and his master who lives in the adjoin-
ing town, belong alike to the chief. The troops of girls who rush out
from every Zulu town to see tLe passing wagons belong all of them to
the chief; the immensely fat women who slowly follow are introduced to
the traveler as the wives of Moselekatse. The chiefs officers or head
men may indeed possess private property; but the chief has only to raise

ZULU LAND.

Ill

bis finger and their goods are confiscated and they themselves put to
death.

"The head men lead perhaps the most wretched lives under this
wretched government. The private soldier has little in possession or
enjoyment, but he has also little care. The oflQcer, on the other hand,
knows that jealous eyes are upon him. His equals in rank and station
covet his possessions, and regard the favors which he receives from the
chief as so much personal loss to themselves. Therefore the head men
are continually plotting and counter-plotting against one another. *We
never know,* whispered one of them to me, having first looked carefully
around to see if we were quite alone, 'we never know when we enter our
bouse at night if we shall again look upon the light of the sun.' As a
matter of fact such men seldom fall asleep sober, they every night call in
the aid of boyala (beer) to deepen their slumbers. One day a small wiry
man was introduced to me at Inyate by one of the missionaries. He was
asked where he had been the night before, and with a smile mentioned
the name of a certain village. This person had sharp, restless eyes, the
thinnest Itps I had seen among natives; his- mouth was wide, and his
teeth large and wide. I was told after he left that this was one of the
chiefs executioners; and from the frequency of his domiciliary visits he
was called by the Matebele 'the chiefs knife.' I thought his face befitted
his office. Waiting in the neighborhood till his victim has drunk the
last cup of beer, he gives him time to fall into that stupor of sleep and
drunkenness out of which he is never to awake. The chiefs knife has his
assistants, who are in readiness to *mak siccar* any bloody work; for
Moselekatse could not carry on his paternal administration with only
one 'knife.' According to the testimony of one of the missionaries, it is
nothing for him to send in one night four or five different parties of ven-
geance, to hurry the inhabitants of four or five different villages into
eternity. . . .

"The captives taken in their raids grow up in the service of their
captors, or of those to whom they sell them within the tribe. They herd
cattle in time of peace; they carry the impedimenta of the soldier when
he goes to war. At home they practice fighting and running with the
boys of their own age; in the field they are familiarized with deeds of
blood. Their physical frame thus becomes more fully developed than if

ZULULAND.

they had grown up in their own iiiitvaW'ike a;iid ill-fedf ttibe^. T liiiVd
seen children of Bushmen among the Matebele whose personal appeili'-
ance formed a perfect contrast to th'dr ill-favored i*elaiiveb iWthfe dMert.
As the captive boys grow older' they- bec6m6 impati^rit of the Pe^Miilt^
of their position, and laying thbir hiBfiids tog^lhel*, kll living iii A'd^ttkiti
town march off in a body to the chief fe ^u^rtets and f)reselit thielf tJ^ti-
tion to Moselekatse : * We are ni^h, 6' King ; We ai*e' no Idng^t* boyfe'; gi'Ve
us cattle to herd and to defend.' If' the chi^f atpjitoves df theii* p^etitfon', h'<^
drives out a few cows as their heMj dhd giv^s these "boys in char^^ '6f ia'ii
experienced soldier, with some a^^i^tkhts, Who, in the new t()#h' 6^ bar'-
racks which they erect, proceed t6 ti'^itf tlieM as Ifatebfele^oldiers. This
is called to 'bota.' It is in this way thaft' tlie' Itfatebdb arhiy i^ supplii^d

with men. ''' '" '"' " ' '"' '' ' '' " '""' ' ' " '

"The new military town or regim^tit l'^ called by th^'skttie'nitne'a^
the one in which they lived as captiWbdys:' '"Wheh th^y jgd to Wat^tlbW it
is as a company of that regiment. Biit th^y'ate tto'lbhger b'ag^A^e-cat*-
riers; they bear their own weapon^ how like tbeli'foriiier irtasters.
Should they succeed in killing and taking cajitive, they at ohc^ddcutiy
the position of their former owners, ahd ohi'd Second War have theii*'bdy
to carry their food and water. Should they not succi^ed ill killing matij
woman or little child, their position is still bhe o^ di«i(h6h6t. They' ki-fe
not men. If at the camp fire they sitlh the piresehtef of cohfitadds "whose
spears have drunk blood, the 'latter ^ill sbnietime^ show c^iiteiipt fb'i'
them by rubbing their port'ioii of beai in the sand, and theti tHroWing it
to them as to a dog. There iS therefoj-e evfel-y pdssibi^ induc'^itieht'to 'Ani-
mate the youth to shed bl6od Si)^dily. On thdr 1*6111^ jbuth'^y ftbiii a
successful raid the da'^tlves are dtiririgthe night tied tbthfeif c^titbr^, ot
to trees,' to prevent their escape, fehould a cdptfve fail oh th'^ iharcli
aftfer hib liiaster is iired ui^gin^ him forward, he' stabs hith ahd leaves
his body Ih the path. The Matebele Soldier^town has nothing doriiestic
kbbut it ; it is hot a toWh, bht barracks. Thi^ Voice df the infant, the sdhg
of th6 ihbther, are aiuidst uhknoWh thete. Ohiy after sotne signal 'setV-
ic^ does the chief bestoW, a^ a ^eat reward to tiie soldier, a dkptiVe giW
tb' be 'hib Wife, who has no ehbic^ in the mdtter, btit' is delivered td h^^
hewdw'her as ah ox is givi^n id another hiain, Wlidse' deeds have been idsS

:1 I 111;

■lit

.! n

t i: ' 1 N :il

ZULU LAND.

meritorious." ("Ten Years North of the Orange River," by John Macken-
zie.)

The result of this policy is of course that the Zulu people are now an
exceedingly mixed race. Accordingly, it is impossible to describe their
appearance in any adequate manner. The original Zulu seems to have
been of a reddish copper color and not to have possessed the flat nose and
the very thick lips of the negro and some other Bantu tribes. Accord-
ingly in Zululand there are to be found those who possess the basal char-
acteristics of the tribe, and those also who are of a jet black color, with
woolly hair, very large mouth, very thick lips and very flat nose.

Like all South African tribes the land under the Zulu ownership be-
longs not to the individual absolutely, but to the tribe as such, and
every man who desires a location on which to build his kraal must go to
the chief and receive from him the spot which henceforth he is to use.
He cannot sell it; he has it simply for himself by permission of the chief.
Hence it is that some have held all actual deeds of sale which Europeans
have alleged as having been transacted between themselves and indi-
vidual natives, or even between themselves and chiefs of native tribes, to
be illegal; since the law of the country has always been that the land is
inalienable, and thpt every man occupies his own portion of it at the will
of the tribe through the chief.

Having received the site of his future residence, the Zulu proceeds
first of all to make the kraal or circular pen for his cattle; its size will
vary according to his actual wealth or his ambition. Around this he will
build his huts for himself and his wives and dependents. Each hut is
built of the branches of trees woven together in a cup-shape, and covered
over with mud and grass. He shares his hut with whatever fowls he
has, and reserves a portion near the low, little eulrance door for his
goats and calves. It has never occurred to him to build a separate pen
for these. The Zulus are fond of ornament, and deck themselves out
with bracelets, necklaces, anklets and other decorations made of copper
and beads and whatever other materials are obtainable. Their habits
are lazy and sensual. The women work in the gardens, oftentimes carry-
ing heavy loads in harvest times as well as their children on their backs,
while the men loaf about the kraal, or go out hunting or sally forth on a
military expedition. The men care for the cattle and do the milking as

ZULULAND.

is the custom throughout all the Bantu tribes in South Africa. No
woman dare enter the kraal while the cattle are there: no woman dare
interfere with the duty of milking the cows. This strange and ancient
custom has no reason for it that the modern mind can discover. The
Bantu man himself has no better excuse for the strong and binding law
than that he is afraid the women will drink the milk. Such a custom as
this no doubt had its origin in circumstances, perhaps thousands of years
ago, which made it necessary and rational, but which we cannot now
discover or describe.

The superstitions of the Zulu people are innumerable and have af-
forded scope for much investigation by students of comparative religion.
They believe in charms of all kinds. They carry charms in the form of
bits of wood or bone about their necks, which protect them against all
kinds of evil, from the bite of a serpent to the lightning stroke. They
believe in the fatality attaching to the movements of certain birds and
animals. If a hawk or a turkey buzzard visits their kraal or sits upon
the hut, or is caught in a trap, it is an evil portent; it is fatal if a cock
crows early in tlie night before people are asleep; if any four-footed ani-
mal jumps upon the hut, sickness or death is thereby portended for the
dwellers there.

The chief Panda reigned nearly thirty years and during his time
maintained a remarkable moderation in his dealings, especially with the
neighboring tribes. Throughout this period the Zulus counted the
colonists of Natal as their friends and maintained an attitude of un-
changing hostility to the Boers. The Transvaal Boers had gradually
crept down southeastwards from the center of their territory towards
Zululand, and entered into various treaties with the Zulus. One treaty
of especial importance was made with reference to the use of a consider-
able strip of territory which the Boers considered that they had bought
outright, but which the Zulus afterwards asserted had only been loaned
them for purposes of pasturage. It is said that the Natal people were
cruel as well as foolish enough rather to encourage than dissuade the
Zulus' hatred of the Boers. This was done for the sake of their own
safety. Such an acute observer as Sir Bartle Frere when he came to
study the facts at close quarters was amazed on the one hand that Natal
had remained free from Zulu aggression, and was grieved also at the

ZULU LAND.

somewhat selfish attitude which Natal had assumed in relation to the
Boers.

Panda had two sons who, as soon as they reached manhood, both de-
sired the reversion of their father's position and power as king of the
Zulus. The inevitable contest resulted in the victory of Cetywayo.
When he was about to receive public recognition as the heir it was sug-
gested that Mr. Theophilus Shepstone of Natal should be present to
recognize him as the successor of Panda. This Mr. Shepstone, the same
who afterwards carried through the annexation of the Transvaal, was in
many ways a most remarkable man. He had gained great influence over
the Zulus. He is described as a silent and self-controlled man, with a
very strong and determined will, who curiously combined with these a
strong inclination to defer all disagreeable action and to trust that if
only a temporizing expedient could be discovered and employed for stav-
ing off the practical solution of a hard problem, time would bring that
solution to light. He, after some hesitation, agreed to perform this oflBce
for Cetywayo. But when he arrived at the Zulu capital it needed all his
strength and heroism to face the angry and tumultuous Zulus who
surged around him, threatening instant death, indignant at the thought
that he, a white man, should exercise the lofty privilege and function of
nominating the future king of the Zulus. Panda insisted, his people
yielded, and Shepstone who at one moment had been threatened with
death, found himself in a little while recognized as the king-maker, and
therefore as in a sense an oflficial father of Cetywayo. Henceforth he
was known by the latter as Father Somsteu (Father Shepstone). This
unique ceremony was completed when in 1873 Panda died, and Shep-
stone once more was present in Zululand to install Cetywayo as king of
the Zulus.

Cetywayo is described by a remarkable Norwegian missionary
(Bishop Schreuder) as "an able man, but for cold, selfish pride, cruelty
and untruthfulness worse than any of his predecessors. He has a curi-
ous lack of gratitude, and will never acknowledge the slightest obliga-
tion to anyone." Whereas his father had been of a kindly and merciful
disposition, Cetywayo showed himself cruel and ready even to torture
those who became the victims of his vengeful wrath. Cruel practices
that had been dropping into disuse were revived by him. The numbei*

ZULU LAND.

of people who were auuually killed in his own country steadily in-
cita.scd. lie carried on the horrible p:*actice of "smelling out" alleged
criminals; that is he trusted the power of a witch who was often in
league with himself, to discover not only actual criminals, but those who
in their hearts were plotting crime against the king and tribe. On one
occasion the horrible massacre of young women was so atrocious that
the Governor of Natal was compelled formally and very earnestly to
protest against the deed. The answer which he received from Cety wayo
opened the eyes of the British authorities to the new and threatening
spirit which Cetywayo was introducing into Zulu policy. He spoke of
the matter frankly and openly asserted that it was the custom of his
people to kill, that he intended to keep it up. "I do kill," he said, "but I
do not consider that I have done anything yet in the way of killing.
Why do the white people start at nothing? I have not yet begun ; I have
yet to kill; it is the custom of our nation and I shall not depart from it.
I shall not agree to any laws or rules from Natal. . . . Have I not
asked the English to allow me to wash my spears since the death of my
father. Panda, and they have kept playing with me all this time, treat-
ing me like a child? Go back and tell the English that I shall now act
on my own account. The Governor of Natal and I are equal; he is Gov-
ernor of Natal and I am Governor here."

About the year 1876 and onwards it became evident to many observ-
ers that a far reaching movement was abroad.among the various native
tribes in South Africa. The origin of this movement appears to have
been in Zululand. They themselves were encouraged when they heard
that in the far north the native tribe of Bapedi, under the brave chief
Sekukuni, had repelled the Boers and that the Dutch commando had re-
turned disgusted as well as defeated to their homes. This helped to con-
firm the self-confidence of the Zulus, and the ambition of Cetywayo be-
came inflamed to a great heat. But more than by any of these events
was Cetywayo rendered suspicious and hostile to the British by their
annexation of the Transvaal. Especially was he amazed and embittered
by the fact that his own "Father Somsteu" (Shepstone) was now chief of
his — Cetywayo's — hereditary foes, the Boers. This fact made it certain
to his own mind that the British could no longer be at the same time his
friends.

ZULULAND. ■

I --^

The dispute with the Boers concerning the strip of land above re-
ferred to became acute, and at last in 1878 a commission, appointed by
the British Government, attempted to investigate the claims of both
parties, and to reach a final and authoritative conclusion. It is said that
they declined to consider written documents as legal evidence when
those who formed one party to the contract could not read. It is beyond
dispute that, in many instances, white men in South Africa have at-
tempted to filch land from native chiefs by getting them to agree to a
document and to sign it, which, when read aloud in a native translation
to the chief, stated one set of conditions, and which, when presented
later before a land court or European tribunal of some sort, was found
to contain entirely different conditions. Such might easily have been
the method employed in this instance, and the commissioners therefore
shut out the evidence of documents which Zulus could not read. Hav-
ing heard and considered the evidence of both sides, the commissioners
decided in favor of the Zulus. Not long aft*" his Sir Bartle Frere, High
Commissioner for South Africa, came to Nat. a and among other matters
inquired into the findings of this commission. He was disappointed and
made up his mind that the Boers had suffered a serious injustice. He
attempted to atone in some measure for this injustice by warning Cety-
wayo that when land had been occupied so long as this land had been by
these European farmers they, although brought under his authority as
chief of the country, yet had rights in their homesteads and farms with
which he must not interfere. Cetywayo was in no mood to receive
advice or dictation from a white man, and he ignored this warning and
advice. His soldiers swept into the disputed territory, the farmers fled
before them, their homesteads were set ablaze and a fair land became
desolate.

On several occasions bands of Zulus had pursued the victims of their
raids into Natal itself, and there in defiance of local authorities had
seized and carried them off to be put to death. Protests against this
were made in vain, the chief offered to pay compensation in money, but
any further promise was declined. The result of their attitude and of
the successes of Sekukuni against the Boers, as well as of the peculiar
uncertainty regarding the intentions of Great Britain in relation to
the extension of her South African dominions, spread, as we have seen,

ZULU LAND.

unrest throughout the entire region. The position is briefly sumuiarized
as follows: "Col. Lanyon had written in May, from a place on the
Orange River, that for 150 miles of his march thither from Kimberley
he had found the country deserted and all the farmers in laager, the
attitude of natives being insolent, and cattle stealing, accompanied by
acts of violence, not uncommon. In Pondoland there was apprehension
of trouble with the natives. In the Transvaal discontent was on the in-
crease among the Boers; and Sekukuni, who had successfully defied
the Boer levies, and was closely allied with Cetywayo, was ready to
break out again. . . . There were Cetywayo's unwashed spears, a
thunder cloud on the frontier. Everywhere the outlook was stormy."
("Life of Sir Bartle Frere," by J. Martineau.)

The main fact which the rulers of southeastern Africa had to con-
sider was the mere existence of this great and ever-increasing tribe,
its thorough and stern military organization, and its complete sub-
jection to the will of a man who showed himself ambitious, self-con-
fident, and who manifested the conviction that he could overthrow
the power of the white people. This temper began to express itself
in definite acts which he knew could only be received as hostile to
Natal on the one hand, and the Transvaal on the other. Before the
award of the commissioners regarding the disputed territory was
reached, Cetywayo sent his soldiers into that region and drove many
Boer families away. On more than one occasion the soldiers crossed
the Tugela River into Natal in order to capture fugitives from his own
tribe. These invaders secured their victims and carried them ofif in
spite of protests of the local Natal authorities. Remonstranres from
the (xovernor of Natal were treated by Cetywayo with something
amounting to disdain. Those who know less practically of the temper of
such a race would no doubt to this day urge that pacific measures
might have maintained peace, and that it was better in any case to stave
off the evil day ; but men like Sir Bartle Frere, the High Commissioner
for South Africa, who had behind him a long and great experience of
savage tribes and who knew the enormous dangers which accumulated
upon the heads of those who imagine that a tribe of professional war-
riors can consider pacific measures as anything but weak compromises
on the part of their opponents, were and are probably unanimous that

ZULULAND,

sooner or later the Zulu army organization must have been faced and
beaten by British soldiers.

Exactly the same story was repeated some years later in Matebele-
land. Here again it was from the beginning perfectly obvious to those
who knew the facts that the country could not be opened to European
settlement, nor the surrounding territories peacefully inhabited until
the military organization of the Northern Zulus there had been com-
pletely smashed.

Sir Bartle Frere was a man who loved peace more than war, but
who also lived and worked under a high sense of responsibility and
guided by an experience of extraordinary breadth and variety. Cruel
and most unjust assertions have been made against him by some his-
torians of South Africa in connection with the Zulu and other tribal
wars which took place in his time. But a reading of the despatches
which he sent to London throughout this period will speedily prove to
most that his soul desired only peace. Those documents reflect also the
sad conviction which grew upon him as he became acquainted with the
facts, that since war with the Zulus was inevitable at some time, the
sooner the terrible necessity was faced the easier would be the victory
and the more certain the arrangement of an abiding peace. He did
not create conditions which made the war necessary. He says in one
of his letters, "The die for peace or war had been cast long before I or
Buller or Sir Garnet Wolseley came here." And again he says, with
pathetic emphasis, "I certainly did not come here to spend the fag end
of my life, away from all I care for, in setting up strife. I hoped and
still hope to do something for permanent peace and good government
in South Africa, and should be sorry to be regarded as the evil spirit
of war."

Frere resolved that in sending to Cetywayo the announcement of
the final award regarding the disputed territory, he would also send
him a demand in the form of an ultimatum regarding those matters of
dispute between the Zulus and the Natal Government. In 'lis ulti-
matum a demand was made for the surrender within 20 dayc> of those
who had carried the refugees from the Natal territory, and the payment
of a fine both for those offences and the delay which had already oc-
curred in atoning for them, and another fine for an offence committed

ZULULAND.

on two English officials. The most important points of the nltlmatnm
c'onsisteil in a demand that the existing military system of the ZuIuh
should be thoroughly reformed; that, for this end, the law enforcing
celibacy upon the Zulu soldiers must be abrogated and the men allowed
to marry and have homes of their own; that, while the law demanding
military service from every member of the nation need not be repealed,
the regiments were not to be assembled on the mere will of the king
without permission of the council of the Zulu nation and the council of
the Natal Government To see that all these provisions were honorably
carried out a British Resident must be received in Zululand, to represent
the Governor and to act as the friend and adviser of the king.

These demands were most wisely conceived, whether they were made
at the right time or not; for the threatening power of Zululand con-
sisted in the fierce devotion of all its people to the practices of war, the
ambition of every Zulu soldier to wash his spear in human blood. This
spirit could only be changed by a radical change in the social organiza-
tion of the people, and this could only be done by such alterations as
Frere demanded. The right to make these demands undoubtedly be-
longed to any or all the surrounding peoples to whom the existence
of the Zulu army was a constant menace and a source of unsettlement
and dread. The ultimatum was issued in December, 1878, and from 20
to 30 days were allowed to the Zulu king for considering and obeying
its demands. The time passed without any action on his part, and
there remained nothing to do but to march British troops upon Zulu-
land to secure by force the perfectly righteous results which could not
be secured by persuasion.

At this time there were available for the purpose of this war only
about 5,500 British troops. The Commander-in-Chief was Lord Chelms-
ford. Before the war began Natal volunteers were secured and some
Basuto troops were prepared for service. The authorities strove very
hard to imbue the military leaders and officers with a sense of the
peculiar nature of the war in which they were entering and the abso-
lute necessity for adopting plans not recognized as necessary or digni-
fied in European warfare. Boers who had fought in the famous war in
1838 were consulted and their evidence and advice was printed and cir-
culated among the troops. Just at this time Mr. Paul Kruger, after-

ZULULAND.

m
!

wards President of the Transvaal, was returning from England
through Natal, disappointed with the efforts which he had made in
London to secure the granting of independence to his country. He was
consulted by Sir Bartle Frere, who brought him to an interview with
Lord Chelmsfoi'd himself. We are told that "Mr. Kruger gave much
valuable information as to Zulu tactics, and impressed upon him the
absolute necessity of laagering his wagons every evening, and always at
the approach of the enemy. He urged the necessity of scouting at con-
siderable distances, as the movements of the Zulus were very rapid,
mentioning how even he had once been surprised, and was extricated
only by clever hand to hand fighting inside the laager." Kruger at one
point said : "Ask what precaution the General has taken that his orders
should be carried out every evening, because if they are omitted one
evening it will be fatal."

Alas! these efforts to bend the military leaders from their tradi-
tional methods or to draw them from their fatal contempt for black
enemies were in vain, as we shall see. The invasion of Zululand was
arranged to take place from three separate points, which of itself was
A bad plan, inasmuch as i^ divided up an already small force into three
widely separated columns, between whom no communication was pos-
sible. The plan was that they should converge upon Ulundi, the capital
of the country and seat of Cetywayo's power. What was called the
headquarters column, commanded by Lord Chelmsford himself, crossed
the Tugela at a place known as Rorke's Drift. Another column enteic««
near the sea on the east, in which the leader of the cavalry force was
Major Redvers Buller, who to-day (January, 1900) is Commander of the
British forces in Natal. Another column entered from the northwest,
under the command of General Evelyn Wood, who was very deeply
indebted for his own deliverance from disaster and for his success, to
the presence and advice of a venerable and noble Boer by name Peter
Uys who, with his two sons, fought in this war as loyally as if they were
members of a Boer commando.

On the Natal side of Rorke's Drift Lord Chelmsford left about a
hundred soldiers in charge of the commissariat. The General, having
crossed the river, pitched his camp under the hill called Isandhlwana.
In forming his camp he ignored completely all the advice which had

. "^ '.

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^"

< 'v..

1 P- ^^^IHD^^^ * A ^ J '

■. ^ . '^^

■ * ' ~^<«^//^**' \ I

I^SB^ '

^^S. ' . ~^^ t A

4,13

a ?<

'A '■'

*^' %>\ *■ ..- ■ 21

flg-

ms^r^^

V- w --- ■ • --" ft 1

i:ft

IK'

^ vV:^;NcJ^- '„ '4^^' M> 1

** § ?

^^^^i^* C« "^^ ¥ ^^^V

features. They
porridge-like
3 c?Iled "meali

\. ■'

^^^ -^B.

fc > . \t

■

& V*

■ *•!

«or 1

^B tt

TION

il tastes

substa

outh Af

H^H^^HH

If'

.^^^HHA''H^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^V ^■M^^^^^HH^^H

a 3«w I

^mflB^HI^^B H^^ '^

U S^o 1

hrT 1

L. -■'■■• ^'"-!'' :fl

S* RE

suits ind
dip int
n, whicl

■ .

^^■kj^i-^ ^ '^ ^^^H

u ^^s

^^^^^■B.j^Hk|Hk, ^v — ^^^^^^H

■■ u S t'

^^^■iV^^ -^«i:«- ^ 4' ^^^H

sSfl

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^f • ' >^^^^^^^^^^^^^lfl^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^R^^ w^v

ZULU

as to the siyl
;n spoons whi
ry Is the Ame

»^iF^^^

^^.'i' ^ V

'^^^^^^1

&^2 1

1'" ■

MM^^ ;- fl

deas va
use wo(
this cer

" >>l;

b V
J3 1^ a

■&

[ JmM

' '' * ■ ;, ■ - '

*A •" n ^^1

F^'**"

v'^^a

■j' t '" ' ^ (

L " " ^H

■g-oa

^'♦"

«|1

«) " 4)

B^^ ■.;-■/' *-*srf ^ ^

itMKkk^Jl -^W ^^H

a V V

i^^HK.m ^^F ,M ,^ ^^^^H

t.A u

[Ey^^jp^g

^^fkv^f^ " ^B

/i^ ca m

■■.*r'

**z^#^ '^ -1

ladies lov<
the food h
;rain used

1 .

. M^^^ ^ ■ . .

^^H ^^ ^^

^«

^flSSr Tr-.

01^^ ■**^' •- ^mm

aiJg

^BpR^^lii)* % ^^*^>4

;z?^ ■

','■,

i, '

^/.^

& ^^ ■ f^U^m,

^^^^^

■U.U

„a

5«

^fl

.■^

-o'^

ZULU LAND.

o u

4) 2 0)

E-Sa

0)"
CO OJ

S ftp
"d rt c4

Q; •4-' <*
*^ DO 3

lii

^•w a
i eg

&&a

w o«a
^ w.«

5 !>.

0) a C

!3 o c
f o S
^ ^ S

qj 03

lo a*-
a, o 4,

apa

a S u

00 O 3

II §
N5a

been given to him. Tlie work of scouting was so inefficiently done that a
vast Zulu army was able to assemble within striking distance, unno-
ticed and unsuspected. The camp itself was without entrenchments,
the tents were scattered and so placed in a hollow at the foot of the hill
that if an enemy attacked the front only one mode of escape was pos-
sible, back to the river, through an opening in the side of the hill, called
in South African parlance a "nek." On the morning of January 22,
1879, Lord Chelmsford left in the camp about 800 soldiers, and with as
many more moved forwards, hoping to attack and destroy a certain
kraal of Zulus a short distance off. After he left, scouts were sent out
who suddenly came in contact with a large force of Zulus. Firing at
once began, and the entire Zulu army, amounting to more than 10,000
men, rose for a united attack. They came on in front, rushing in great
masses upon the camp. The British soldiers were scattered about, en-
gaged in all kinds of employment; their ammunition was not within the
reach of all; they were compelled very hurriedly to assume the defen-
sive in disordered groups wherever it was possible; a few of them
rushed up the hillside to secure a retreat through the nek back to the
river, but almost with the swiftness of cavalry the right horn of the
Zulu host had swept behind Isandhlwana hill and met them at the
narrow pass. With irresistible force they now rushed upon the despair-
ing and disorganized British soldiers.

A small band of brave men on the hillside used their guns with
terrific effect until the last moment, and then their officer, with a
fierce sweep of his sword, leapt upon the encircling spears. The entire
800 soldiers were put to death in that horrible pit of blood. The Zulu
gives no quarter, dreams of no mercy; every man who is a foe is put to
death. A few broke through the crowds and made for the river; two
especially were determined to carry the colors of their regiment safe to
the other shore. They reached the river and jumped in to swim across;
the natives shot one, and the other, missing his companion, turned to
find him, as if his own life were valueless where the life of a romrade
is at stake. He helped him to the shore, and both attempted the oppo-
site bank. Exhausted and wounded they could nin only n short dis-
tance ere their fleet pursuers were upon them, and they, too, lay dead.

ZULULAND.

I ,.-..'

The colors were found long afterwards, for whose honor they so bravely
fought and gave their lives.

The victorious Zulus made of course for the Tugela River, and
crossed into Natal. There they came upon the hundred soldiers on the
opposite bank. These had in some way received warning and nobly
determined not to flee, even in such an extremity. They had hurriedly
made a rude laager for themselves out of stores which they were guard-
ing; sacks of corn and packed biscuit boxes were piled to form a circular
wall around them, and behind this rude defence they awaited the tri-
umphant and blood-thirsty Zulus. On they came^ in rush after rush,
only to be met with steady, cool and accurate fire from the brave little
force. Time after time the dusky force recoiled and at last, cowed and
afraid, they made for the river and betook themselves to their own land
again. That heroic stand saved Natal from being overrun with men
as fierce as wild beasts and worse in the damage they could do.

Poor Lord Chelmsford returned to his camp only to behold the heaps
of dead. His force actually slept there on that fearful field; a strange
and tortured sleep it must have been, full of startled awakenings and
horrible apprehensions. At dawn they woke and made for the river.
Back the discomfited General came to Pietermaritzburg, worn and
sick at heart, an object of universal pity and sympathy. The brave and
noble Sir Bartle Frere alone presented a courageous front in the days of
gloom which followed. All Natal citizens were thrown into indescrib-
able panic by the idea that Cetywayo would immediately invade the
colony and overrun their farms and towns with his cruel and irresistible
hosts. They did not realize the effect produced upon him and his
soldiers by the resistance which tiiey met from the brave band of less
than one hundred men. Of course, the only thing to do v/as to send
Immediately to England for re-enforcements. Sir Bartle Frere tele-
graphed to all of the nearest points where British garrisons were estab-
lished for help, and within a few weeks squadrons began to arrive from
nere and there; the nr-^s spread through the land and up into Zulu-
land that hosts of soldiers were arriving from England to take revenge
for Isandhlwana. Meanwhile the eastern column was content to in-
trench itself and await developments, especially re-enforcements. But
Gf^neral Wood, well advised and courageous at heart, on the northwest

■^

IM'

ZULULAND.

pressed on. He formed strong intrenchments at a place called Kam-
bula. Here on a hill, from which a gentle slope led down to a wide
plain, he awaited the onslaught of his self-confident enemies. They came
in thdir own terrific style, with yell and rush, but were thrown back
time after time and at last returned, baflled and ashamed, to their indig-
nant and angered king, leaving a thousand of their dead upon the field.

As speedily as possible Lord Chelmsford reorganized his troops and
once more entered Zululand. It was not until the end of June that this
was possible. With scarcely any resistance he was allowed to proceed
as far as Ulundi itself, and there the final battle took place. Forming
his infantry into a hollow square, with gatling guns at each comer and
in the center of each front, with squadrons of cavalry moving swiftly
from point to point according to the needs of the moment, he met the
onslaught of Cetywayo's entire army. The regiments of young warriors
were allowed to approach until within two or three hundred yard^and
then the full fire of the lines opposite them broke upon their compact
masses. They fell literally in hundreds as they came within a hundred
yards in their impetuous way. When the fiercely concentrated hail of
bullets struck them they wavered and fell back. At the right moment
the signal was given to the Lancers, and they charged through and
through the panic-stricken hosts, scattering them to the winds.

Cetywayo, who had watched the battle from a distance, was now a
fugitive. The enormous kraals which formed his capital, some of them
measuring 500 yards across the open space in the center, were burned
to the ground and the war was over. Not long afterwards the king was
caught and taken to Cape Town, where he was kept prisoner. This
battle took place on the 4th of July, 1879, and as soon as it was ov<'r
Lord Chelmsford resigned his command into the hands of Sir Garnet
Wolseley, who had been sent out from Enjiland to take chief command,
and to act as High Omimissitmer in 80uth»t»astei*n Africa. He came with
full power to establish the new order of thiugs in Zululand.

Wolseley was a man of undoubted ability as military commander,
but without any valoftble experience as administrator of native terri-
tories. He was, in a most fiiolish and indefensible moment in London,
appointed to take the plane of Sir Bartle Frere, and to act as High
Commissioner for that re^a in direct correspondence with London.

ZULULAND.

Wolseley appears to have, either on his own motion or actuated by sug-
gestions from home, resolved not to consult Frere regarding the future
of Zululand. The result was that he adopted a plan as ingenious as it
was foolish, utterly impracticable, because based upon no experience
of the facts with which he professed to deal. He proposed to break up
Zululand into thirteen districts and to appoint a chief for each; he gave
the chieftainship of the largest district of all to an Englishman, John
Dun, a clever and kind-hearted man, but one who had lived for many
years practically as a Zulu, having adopted most of their customs,
including polygamy. This degenerate Europeai was made the most
powerful person in Zululand!

As soon as Sir Bartle Frere heard of the plan, he, in the most
courteous way, pointed out its serious effects to Wolseley ; but his advice
was received with ill-concealed contempt. Zululand was not according
to this plan to be governed by any European, nor were Europeans to
be allowed to settle in it, and the Zulus were even half encouraged to
discourage missionaries. What Frere suggested was the plan which, in
1883, on the complete collapse of Wolseley's plan was begun, and was
fully adopted in 1887!

In 1883 Cetywayo was restored, but soon died. His son, Dingizulu,
had to fight against another chief, Sibepu, for the succession, and in
order to make success sure accepted the aid of Boers living in what
had been the disputed territory. He promised to cede to them a large
and valuable region in return for their aid. Of course, he won and
became chief. It thus happened, in the most strange whirl-i-gig changes
of British policy and foolish alterations of purpose, that part of the very
country which Great Britain had conquered at so heavy a cost of men
and money was handed over to the Transvaal Government, at a time
when not one foot of that territory belonged to Britain, the conqueror
herself! As a formal annexation of Zululand to Great Britain had not
been announced by Sir Garnet Wolseley, the large district known as
Vryheid thus became a portion of the Transvaal.

In 1887 this annexation actually took place. Something like the very
plan which Sir Bartle Frere proposed, in 1879, was finally adopted and
<>I>erates with the utmost ease and comfort to-day. The country is
divided into sections, over each of which a European magistrate is ap-

K ]

ZULULAND.

pointed. The Governor of Natal is also Governor of Zululand, a li^lit
but-tax cheerfully paid by the Zulus defrays all expenses of local gov-
ernment. The Zulus are being encouraged to accept education, the
Christian religion, and various elements of civilized life. Their country
is rich and productive, and the ease with which food can be obtained
tends to keep them lazy as well as cheerful, unprogressive because
content.

The hope of Zululand lies in the work of Christian missionaries who
have given their lives to the salvation of that degraded people. For
many years it was of course impossible to establish extensive missionary
operations in Zululand itself. The first success was gained by the Nor-
wegian Missionary Society, whose representative, Schreuder, began
work about the year 1844 and won his way to the approval of the Zulu
chief by means of his medical work. Schreuder was a man of high
character and great ability, who in time gained the complete confidence
of the Zulu monarchs with whom he had to do; so powerful indeed was
His position in the land that when the war broke out between Cetywayo
and the British, while many Europeans had to flee, Schreuder's station
was left untouched. No higher tribute could be paid to any man's
personality than that one fact. Some of the most successful workers
among the Zulu people have been the missionaries of the American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. Their work has been
confined until recent years almost entirely to Natal, but through them
principally was the encire Bible translated into the Zulu language and
foundations were laid for an extensive system of Zulu education. To
this department of the work they have, with singular foresight, paid
very earnest awl constant attention. Through their normal schools and
theological seminaries they liHve aimed to provide a comparatively high
type of native evnngelists an<l f)reachers. Through their boarding
schools for Zulu girls they have aimed at reaching the motherhood of
the land. It is from these ediKatioual centers that the strongest in-
fluences are n<*w str'^aniiug thr ughout Zululand. One of the greatest
names inecud with Amerirau missions In Natal to the Zulus is
un<i<»nhr«'dly that of Dr. Lindley, who gained f«»r himself a very high
place in the regard of the European and native people* as well as of the
Dutch. He has emphasized the enormous influence exercised upon the

ZULULAND.

native tribe by the advent of a missionary amongst them. It is the con-
verts to the Christian religion who became the healthy nucleus of :i
new and high development among the people. Their radicalism in
religion leads these converts to break away more easily from the cus-
toms of their tribes in other matters. They most quickly adopt Euro-
pean costume, build square houses rather than huts, use tables and
chairs instead of squatting on the ground. It is they who most readily
depart from native methods of agriculture, who use American ploughs,
and thus begin the healthy but remarkable change of sending the men
into the fields to do the work instead of women. It is they who begin
to protest against witchcraft and other heathenish and abominable prac-
tices. It is they who have learned to read and to write, and, thereby
gaining great power in many ways, stimulate the desire amongst their
fellow-countrymen to gain the same advantages. It is not unlikely that
with the enormous increase in population which is taking place in
Zululand, as elsewhere in South Africa, the problem of a livelihood will
become more acute than it is at present. In that case, when men must
work harder and a new energy is thus infused into the people, it will be
from the mission stations and those whom they have influenced that
the guidance of those new departures in history which economic cnanges
will make necestary, must be provided.

* •• V .

CHAPTER VI.

BASUTOLAND.

BASUTOLAND is always described a« the Switzerland of South
Africa. A traveller of so wide experience and a mountaineer so
intrepid and enthusiastic as Mr. Bryce goes into ecstasies over the
glories of Basutoland scenery. "Its peaks," he says, "are the highest
in Africa, south of Mount Kilimandjaro, for several of them reach
11,000 feet. On the southeast this mountain-land, the Switzerland of
South Africa, faces Natal and East Griqualand with a long range of
formidable precipices, impassable for many miles. The interior contains
valleys and glens of singular beauty, some wild and rugged, some
clothed with rich pasture. The voice of brooks, a sound rare in Africa,
rises from the hidden depths of the gorges, and here and there torrents
plunging over the edge of a basaltic cliff into an abyss below make
waterfalls which are at all seasons beautiful, and when swollen by tlip
rains of January, majestic. Except wood, of which there is unhappily
nothing more than a little scrubby bush in the sheltered hollows, nearly
all the elements of beauty are present, and the contrast between craggy
summits and the soft, rich pasture, and corn-lands which lie along their
northern base gives rise to many admirable landscapes."

This wonderful country is the home of the Basuto people, who now
comprise portions of various tribes. In the beginning of the century the
region was divided among several rival tribes, but about the year 1824
there began the work of consolidation under a young man known to the
English-speaking world as Moshesh. This youth, while belonging to a
family by no means of first rank and even while his father was alive,
displayed extraordinary gifts of diplomacy as well as a warlike courage.
He succeeded in bringing under his control one set of people after
another, conquered some small tribes, and added them to his followers,
and then, as his power grew, proceeded deliberately to select a capital
for his little kingdom. With the keen eye of a born strategist he selected
the top of ft wountaiii, overtooKlng the western plains, which cau gu\"

^wr

BASUTOLAND.

be reached by one narrow roadway through the rocks. The top of this
hill is a flat plateau, with its own supply of spring water, and extensive
enough to pasture cattle. It could therefore be hoped that it would
prove impregnable against direct assaults and would be able to with-
stand the trijils of a long siege. The name of this famous and hitherto
unconquered citadel is Thaba Bosigo.

As the renown of Moshesh spread more of the native tribes of this
region willingly came under his sway. This fame was much increased
by the cleverness with which he treated Moselekatse, the head of the
rebellious Zulu regiments who had swept the Transvaal with desolation.
When they attacked Moshesh, they found him of course beyond the
reach of the regiments; but as they retired they were surprised by an
embassy from Moshesh, which brought to thera provisions for their
journey homewards. This unexpected appeal appears to have been
successful; for the soldiers of Moselekatse never again attempted to
attack Moshesh.

In 1843 Moshesh agreed to a treaty with the British Government
which recognized him formally as the head of the Basuto people, and
which assured him not only of the moral support of the British Govern-
ment over his rivals, but also an annual subsidy of £75 (about |375).
This document had in after years to be rescinded, and there are many
critics of the past who assert that it was a great blunder thus to aiti
in consolidating the power of a man whose people were able in after
years to do great damage both to the English and to the Boers. It is a
great question, however, whe-'her after all it has not been easier to
deal with the Basutos as one people when the rational process of trying
to govern and to civilize them was seriously undertaken, than if they
had been left as separate rival bands, each having to be dealt with on its
own account.

When, in the year 1852, Sir George Cathcart heard that the soldiers
of Moshesh were committing depredations upon the Boer farmers of
the Orange River Sovereignty, he proceeded north to punish his un-
faithful allies. He met with an unexpected reverse when he had come
close to Moshesh's seat of power. No doubt by pressing on and adopting
other methods of warfare he might have pushed the war to a satis-
factory conclusion, and no doubt Moshesh, if he had been a shallow

BASUTOLAND.

pated and conceited man instead of a far-seeing and cautious states-
man, would have remained in his fastness, and for long have defied the
onslaught of English soldiers. But Moshesh once more displayed his
diplomatic gifts. After consultation with one of his missionaries, the
well known M. Casalis, he sent to Sir George Cathcart what has been
called "the most politic document that has ever been penned in South
Africa*" It ran thus:

"Thaba Bosigo,
"Midnight, 20tb Dec, 1852.
"Your Excellency:

"This day you have fought against my people, and taken much
cattle. As the object for which you have come is therefore a compensa-
tion for Boers, I beg you will be satisfied with what you have taken.
I entreat peace from you — you have chastised — let it be enough, I pray
you; and let me be considered no longer an enemy to the Queen. I
will try all I can to keep my people in order in the future.

"Your humble servant, Moshesh."

This letter does not mention the reverse which the enemy had sus-
tained, but simply the success he had enjoyed in carrying ofiE some
cattle. The letter very prudently requests peace and confesses wrong.
Along with the letter a message was sent in which the South African
habit of ninking familiar and f)uaint illustrations was employed. "I
am still," i " said, "the child of the Queen. Sometimes a man beats
his dog and ihe dog puts his teeth into his hand and gives him a bite;
but the dog loves his manter, and the master loves the dog, and will not
kill it. I am ashamed of what happened yesterday; let it be forgotten."
Inevitably such wisdom secured its end, for Sir George Cathcart was
only too glad in such a pleasant way to find a close, so soon and so
unexpected, to a campaign which he dreaded. Some of his soldiers and
many of the farmers would have preferred to see him press on and
puDish Moshesh, and no doubt it is, taking human nature as a whole,
a ui ique thing to treat an enemy generously if he has defeated you.
GeiuTosity is apt to be mistaken for weakness. But Moshesh was not
tbe ?aan to miscalculate an enemy, and he knew tha if the English
chose they could destroy him and his people. He therefore accepted
Sir George Cathcart's compliance with his letter in the n^ ht spirit and
boasted not that he bad beaten the English.

^">. ^.

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

4
^

1.0 t^

I.I

11.25

1^ ^

Ik
M

1.8

U nil 1.6

Photograpbiic

Sciences
Corporation

2"! WEST MAIN STREET

Vv'EBSTER, N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

ii.m iiiif I

BASUTOLAND.

Moshesh had one great ambition, which was to push his territorial
possessions westwards so as to include a large region formerly inhabited
by some portions of his tribe ere they were driven out by Moselekatse
and the Boers. This ambition led to depredations made upon the farm-
ers by some of his regiments, and that led to war. In this war, in the
year 1858, he pressed the Boers so hard that at last they appealed to
the Governor of Cape Colony for mediation. He stepped in, persuaded
Moshesh to cease fighting and settled some of the disputes about land,
taking some at one part from Moshesh and some at another from the
Boers. The Boers of course complained that they had got the worst of
the bargain.

The peace did not last long. In the year 1868, after the struggle had
lasted oflf and on for two or three years, the Boers pressed close to the
famous citadel itself. On one occasion they had actually got up the
narrow footpath and within a few yards of the flat plateau. One final
rush and the history of Moshesh would have been suddenly closed, but
one bullet which struck the leader of the Boers settled the matter, the
rest fled back, the attack was over and Moshesh had breathing time.
Now it was his turn to sue, and he begged the Governor to intervene
on his behalf, as a!? earlier Governor had intervened on behalf of the
Boers ten years before. On this occasion Sir George Grey not only gave
a considerable slice to the Free Staters, thus giving them a reward for
their long struggle, but sought to make an end of these border disputes
by proclaiming che Basutos as English subjects. A resident was ap-
pointed and Basutoland entered on a new phase of its history.

In 1871 the Imperial Government, in pursuing their fatuous policy
of retiring from every direct responsibility which they could possibly
escape, persuaded the Colonial Government, though young and inex-
perienced and in many ways unsuited to the task, to annex Basutoland
and rule it. The Cape politicians, unfortunately for their own country,
accepted the heavy task.

In the disturbances to which we have made frequent reference, dur-
ing the years 1877-1879, the Basutos did not escape the infection of
restlessness which spread from the eastern coast through to Bechuana-
land. When, at the close of the wars in the southeast, a peace protec'
tioo act was passed at Cape Town, whose principal measure for

' ;

-*•-

Ptii*I.V<N' !

• l,ll!iipWipi|«I^ll.

mmmmmmmm^mm

BASUTOLAND.

preserving peace waa the disarming of all native tribes within their
borders, they sought to apply this cure to the Basutos also. A few
of the better disposed obeyed immediately, but the vast majority of
the people considered tnis an indignity and war broke out. The Basutos
had by this time acquired the use of firearms and had raised a race of
ponies, always known now as the Basuto pony in South Africa, which
enabled them to move with great rapidity and security along their
mountainous country. They were, accordingly, foes of a formidable
nature whom the forces of Cape Colony were unable to conquer. The
sorry story ended when, in 1884, an act was passed by which Basuto-
land was once more separated from Cape Colony and placed under
Imperial authority. The Home Government accepted the responsibility,
on condition that the colony should help to defray the expenses of
government by paying the amount of customs received at the seaports
of Cape Colony upon goods going to Basutoland.

' The British Government at once appointed a Resident, who made
his abode at Masura. They were fortunate in finding Sir M. Clarke, one
who was supremely fitted for this difficult post. The problem before him
was on the one hand fully to respect the authority of the chief, to sus-
tain him in the exercise of his office, and yet at the same time gradually
to take over those functions which had become too complicated
for the untrained native mind to exercise. Some white men were
appointed as magistrates, about 200 native police were drilled by a
British officer, and these dealt with all cases of a more serious nature
which occurred amongst the various sections of the tribe. But the
ordinary tribal laws regarding the distribution and use of land and
minor offences were left in the hands of the chief, who thus retains a
real, though limited, sovereignty.

The name of the present chief is Lerothodi, a grandson of the great
Moshesh. At this date the popuh tion amounts to about 230,000 natives,
with more than 600 Europeans; the latter consist almost entirely of Brit-
ish officials, the missionaries and traders. No European is allowed to
settle in the country, even traders must obtain license before doing busi-
ness there. Some suspect that precious minerals abound among the
mountains of Basutoland, but all investigation is strictly forbidden and
relentlessly prevented, The ftim of the Imperial Ooyerpment ie gradu*

BASUTOLAND.

ally to develop the Basutos by keeping them intact, preserving them
from the disintegrating influences of a European influx.

This splendid experiment has been splendidly carried out during the
last fifteen years with the utmost possible success. The sore feelings
left by the struggle with Cape Colony against the indignity of disarma-
ment are passing away. The native respect for the Queen is firmly
fixed. With the absence of war more attention is being given to agri-
culture, stock raising and industry of various kinds. Many thousands
of Basutos sally forth to Kimberley, where they work in the diamond
mines, and return home with their wages, thus bringing money and
increased prosperity into the country.

Basutoland has been the scene of one of the most remarkable mis-
sionary enterprises in all South Africa. When Moshesh heard while
still a young man of the advantage to be obtained from the presence
of European missionaries, when perhaps especially he realized that
they might stand as intermediaries between himself and the Boer
farmers, he petitioned for missionaries. It was some years before his
request could be met. When missionaries did reach his country they
were Frenchmen sent by the Paris Evangelical Mission, men of Hugue-
not blood and tradition. The most important of the first group was
Mons. Casalis. Moshesh received them with great gladness, and him-
self assigned to them a spot for their station on the rich ground beneath
his steep and rugged fortress. He took a personal interest in their
work, frequently descending to their Sunday services and gradually
coming to an understanding of the principles of the Christian religion.
He himself, however, never became a professor of Christianity. He
attempted to use its social and political benefits while escaping its
personal claims of a more intimate nature upon himself. A character-
istic retort was made to him by one of the chiefs who had become con-
verted and whom he had reproved. "You told me," said the chief,
"when you bade me take care of the missionaries, that I was only to
put one foot into the church, and keep the other out; that I was only
to listen with one ear, and keep the other closed; I put one foot into
the church, but I could not keep the other out."

When Moshesh was in political difficulties with his white neighbors,
his trusted French missionaries proved themselves most valuable ad-

BASUTOLAND.

vtserB. They earned for themselves, as so many missionaries did in
other parts, the hatred of the Boers, who attempted to destroy their
stations and whose wrath against them was so great that when, in
1868, a portion of Moshesh's territory which contained four mission
(stations was handed over to the Boers, the stations had to be abandoned
by the Frenchmen. The French missionaries have succeeded in bring-
ing into the church large numbers of Basuto people. They have estab-
ished many schools, and among them an industrial school where work
of a high grade is performed. In 1897 there were 23 French Protestant
missionaries, 16 main stations and 140 out-stations. There were said
to be no less than 1,500 adult professing Christians. Prof. Bryce
records that at recent public examinations at Cape Town "The French
Protestant missionaries sent 20 Boer boys, of whom 10 passed in honors
and 10 in high class, the standard being the same for whites and
blacks." "There are now," he aads, "150 schools in the country, all but
two of which are conducted by missionaries. Some of these of coui*se
are missionaries who have been sent in more recent years to Basuto-
land by Roman Catholic and English Episcopalians, but their num-
bers are few and their power as yet is small." ("Impressions of South
Africa," by James Bryce.)

The history of Basutoland during the last fifteen years is a remark-
able proof of the wisdom of those who have for many years very
strongly and persistently urged that purely native territories in South
Africa ought to be administered by Imperial officers, working under
and responsible to the High Commissioner for South Africa. If Great
Britain had 60 years ago adopted this plan, when strongly recom-
mended by Sir Benjamin Durban, or if even nearly 25 years ago it had
been adopted when afresh urged by Sir Bartle Frere, with all his ex-
perience of Indian administration to strengthen his advice, much of
the saddest side of British history in South Africa would not have been
written. The British Government were afraid of expense, afraid of
difficulties raised from time to time by the prejudices of the Dutch and
the ambitions of the colonists in general. But these oppositions would
long ago and very speedily have been stilled, if only the policy had been
clearly grasped in London and had been consistently carried out He
would be a bold politician either in South Africa or London to-day who

■■■■■

BASVTOLAND.

should propose to change the political relations of Basutoland, and
what has been realized in that country might have been realized also
in other territories where less wise methods have been adopted and
where difficulties are yet to be eacaoutered.

.r ■■■

CHAPTER VII.

BECHUANALAND.

THIS word as a geographical terui is only of comparatively recent
use. The natives of South Africa do not call any territory by
such a name. Bechuana is a racial term including within it a large
number of tribes, who early in the century must have occupied more
territory than any other one race in South Africa. It was they who
lived in the best parts of the Transvaal and upon whom Moselekatse
descended before the Boers reached that country. A few of their tribes
remained in broken remnants here and there. Most of them moved
westwards and northwestwards.

The divisions of the tribes were by no means fixed and constant;
kaleidoscopic re-arrangements were constantly taking place as this or
that village waxed or waned. For example the Barolong people
included a number of tribes, each with its chief who had headmen
under him, and among these chiefs there was a considerable unanimity
as to who occupied the position of paramount chief. This paramountcy,
however, was a matter of keen contest and both British and Boer author-
ities have been frequently puzzled therewith. The Bechuanas have not
gone farther west than the Kalahari Desert, but they have extended
their territory all over central South Africa. The leading tribes have ap-
parently always been independent of one another, often making war
upon one another and yet feeling a certain community of interest which
united them against attacks of all who were not of their race. Hence
they would help one another against the Matabele, while willing enough
to quarrel among themselves when occasion offered. They are not
on the whole a warlike race, rather do they, in contrast to the Zulus,
present the appearance of quietness and submissiveness. They are
a fairly intelligent race and have produced several men of great vigor
of character, able to hold their own even against the white man.
Amongst these must be named Montsioa, who for so many years pre-
sented a bold front to the aggressions of the Boers, whom the British

fl;

100

BECHUANALAND.

Government treated so ill by deserting him in bis hours of need, but
who yet was clear sighted enough to know that safety for him lay iu
coming under the white Queen's rule. Into his hands loyal British
subjects in the Transvaal actually gave their possessions in goods
and money and cattle during the war of Independence in 1881. He ful-
filled his trust most honorably and his reward was neglect and aban-
donment to the mercy of his lifelong enemies, the Boers, until the year
1884. Another man of vigor was Monkoroane, whom the humorou<.
ofiQcers of the Warren expedition loved to identify among themselves
as "Macaroni." He, like Montsioa, stood faithful to the British Gov-
ernment on various occasions, remaining loyal when the Boers threat-
ened him with destruction if he did not side with them at the time
of the war of independence, and for his pains and loyalty was for a
time deserted to these enemies of his by the Government which he had
supported.

Truly, it may be said here parenthetically that if any people
in South Africa have reason to complain that Great Britain has no.
dealt fairly with them it is these native tribes of South Bechuanaland.
They have been in the strange position of always feeling and knowing
that Great Britain would be their best protector, and finding that she
repeatedly disappointed them and left them the prey to their relent-
less enemies on the east. Another of these chiefs of vigor and power
wa« Sechele, whose station it was at Kolobeng that the Boers attacked
when they destroyed Livingstone's mission premises. Yet another was
Sekhomi, and yet another his remarkable son, Ehama, of whom we
shall give a much fuller account. These four paramount chiefs prac-
tically controlled the territory from the Orange River to the Zambesi
River for many years.

Bechuanaland came to be used as a geographical term probably
from about the year 1871 and is now universally understood to de-
scribe the region occupied by the tribes owning the paramountcy of
the four chiefs we have named. South Bechuanaland entered into
British problems in the year 1877 and caused considerable trouble in
succeeding years. As we have shown elsewhere the region was for
awhile placed under the administration of Great Britain and was in
1881 abandoned. Then it became the scene of terrible confusion and

r, I

NATIVE WIZARD

This may be the most powerful man in bis tribe, whom even the chief may fear. He knows too
much, be knows the meanings of his bones and the secret spells by which disease and disaster may be
burled against the foe. He can "smell out" criminals, who are generally enemies of tbe chief or himself
and who are done to death at his word. He deals in drugs and poisons. In some tribes only tbe
wizard and doctor Is allowed to wear the skin of certain animals.

BECHUANALAND.

103

strife through the incursion of freebooters and filibusters from various
white races, but almost entirely under the leadership of certain well
known Boers of the Transvaal. In 1884 South Bechuanaland, which
includes all the territory south of Mafeking, was proclaimed as a British
territory. This proelamation was followed by the strange, incoherent
events, which we describe elsewhere, connected with the names of Mac-
kenzie and Rhodes, and which came to an end with the Warren expedi-
tion. On Sir Charles Warren's departure from South Africa the country
was placed under the administratorship of Sir Sidney Shippard, whose
chief and most onerous task was that of instituting a land commission.
This land commission considered the multitudinous conflicting claims
for the best farms and farm lands in South Bechuanaland, and endeav-
ored to do justice both to black and white people in their settlement.
For about ten years the country was known as a Crown Colony, being
ruled directly by Imperial officers under the High Commissioner, and
gave promise of steady development under . that political arrange-
ment. The natives were proud and content to have peace and to be
guarded by the "white Queen." The Europeans settled in increasing
numbers upon territory that was so highly adapted to stock raising as
well as to agriculture.

In 1895 the happy arrangement was disturbed by the agitation for
annexing the country to the Cape Colony.

The Blue Book, which preserves the story of the annexation of
South Bechuanaland, represents it as opening with favorable petitions
from that very region. These petitions recite the desire of the signator-
ies for annexation to the Cape Colony, describe the advantages which,
they think, will accrue from that step, and boldly assert that it had
always been intended to transfer the country from occupation "by
her Majesty's Government" as soon as "the Colonial Government" was
prepared for annexation. It is a peculiar fact that among the names
of the signatories are to be found some of those who took part years
before in the "Stellaland" troubles, Mr. Rhodes's friends of the dark
days of 1884-5. They represent distinctly the Afrikander Bond interest,
and the documents which they sent in were redolent of the spirit and
full of the phrases which one is accustomed to find in the productions
of that remarkable association.

I too

Belt

104

BECHUANALAND.

! /

While these petitions were being circulated for signature alarm was
taken by the native chiefs, and both Montsioa, with 48 headmen, and
Monkoroane, with 100 headmen, sent in earnest counter petitions
against the proposed step. It detracts little from the significance of
these counter petitions that, after they found the annexation to be an
inevitable fact, they were induced to withdraw them and substitute
the statement of a certain number of conditions on the fulfillment
•of which they agreed to annexation. Those who are familiar with the
manipulation of native chiefs at once understand this story. Any chief
would decide that when the event had become inevitable, his duty and
his interest directed him to make peace «vith those who soon were to
be his masters. It is significant that the petitions in favor of annexation
were arranged for and sent in before the opponents of the plan could
be organized. When these at last became aware of the dangerous
move that had been inaugurated, they sent in one petition signed by
three sets of men, namely Dutch speaking farmers, English farmers
and merchants and Indian subjects of her Majesty. Their petition
is much more powerful than those referred to above. It states the
reasons against annexation with great firmness and persuasiveness.
But they were too late. Mr. Rhodes and Sir Hercules Robinson had
already been in constant telegraphic communication with London, were
pressing for an immediate decision and had got the Colonial OflSce so
far committed that withdrawal was practically impossible. Accord-
ingly Mr. Chamberlain, who in this summer became Colonial Secretary,
sent out a message to assure the numerous inhabitants of South
Bechuanaland who desired to remain under Imperial control that they
were mistaken in their fears, that the Home Government had consid-
ered all their interests and the interests of all South Africa and were con-
vinced that every interest would be best served by handing over that
Crown Colony to the Cape Government! The last steps were rapidly
taken, the Act was passed without a hitch through the Cape Parlia-
ment, was brought with surprising promptitude to the notice of her
Majesty, and Sir Hercules Robinson was able so early as in the month
of October to announce that British Bechuanaland was annexed to
and henceforth formed a )art of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope.

No adequate reasons have ever been oflfered for this change in the

BECHUANALAND.

105

circumstances either of Cape Colony or of Bechuanaland. Colonial poli>
ticians had quite enough territory and quite enough native problems
to discuss at Cape Town and to deal with on the spot; the addition
of South Bechuanaland to their responsibilities could add do wealth
to their treasury nor glory to their political standing, ^or did Bechu-
analand need for its good to be transferred from the standing of a
Crown Colony to become a portion of th<» older colony. The natives
feared and had good reason to fear the change. The wMie people knew
that it would bring, and it has brought, no conceivable benefit to them.
But in spite of these facts the measure for annexation was carried
through. The fact is that Mr. Rhodes had his reasons for desiring it,
reasons which bore neither on the good of Cape Colony nor the good
of Bechuanaland, nor any peculiar blessing which he desired to confer
upon the Colonial OflBce in London. Ilis desire for this important
and nazardous step was due beyond all doubt to further plans
which he cherished regarding Bhodesia and the British South Africa
Company. Already certain schemes were rapidly maturing in his and
other minds with regard to the insurrection at Johannesburg and its
support by Dr. Jameson's force, and these could not be carried out as
long as Bechuanaland waj under direct Imperial control. That factor
must be eliminated once more. These matters were in those years
treated by the British public at large with silence, in spite of the efforts
of many earnest and far-seeing men in London and elsewhere who
strove to have the truth known and prevent the wrong from prevail-
ing.

One of the sad results of this annexation came in the war which
broke out in 1896 between the Cape Colony and the native tribes occu-
pying the western portion of South Bechuanaland. The history of
this war has yet to be fully told. It was the direct result of Mr. Bhodes's
"Colonial Imperialism." Suffice it to say that it ended in a measure
whose significance and shame the British public has not yet fully appre-
ciated. It was a measure which could have only been carried through
by men determined to act in thorough harmony with the Boer spirit
itself, a measure which for the fir-^t time allowed to happen within
British territory what has happened, and has been by British authorities
most severely condemned over and over again, in the Transvaal. That

106

'BECHUANALAND.

i!i

I 1

is to say the natives who were conquered in this Langeberg region
were carried wnolesale into Cape Colony and divided up among various
farming districts, where they were appointed to serve farmers for a
considerable term of years. This barbarous proceeding, this touch of
slavery within the British Empire, is of course an unspeakable disgrace.
The fact that it has been allowed can only be explained by the other
fact already mentioned that it was carried through not by Imperial
officers nor by Cape ministers of the Imperial type, but by men who
were under the dominance of the Afrikander Bond and who, alike
through their subservient ministry and their acquiescent Governor,
were able to prevent the Colonial Office from dealing with the facts
straightforwardly and abruptly.

North Bechuanaland consists for the most part of the territories oc-
cupied by the Bakwena and Bamangwato tribes. The history of the
latter is told with practical completeness in the account given else-
where of Ehama, its powerful chief. Suffice it here to say that one of
the most remarkable treaties ever proposed was that which Khama
submitted to Sir Charles Warren in 1885. According to this treaty he
offered hiLoself as a subject to the Queen, and he resigned to the Imperial
Government one of the richest portions of his great territory. This he
proposed that the Imperial Government should allot to white settlers on
terms which would repay the Government for its expense of administra-
tion. He claimed for himself that a certain portion, which he described,
should be reserved for himself and his tribe; within this region his tribe
should continue its own history and he himself retain his chieftainship.
This remarkable and wise offer the world can hardly believe that the
British Government, which is universally accused of land-grabbing
in South Africa, ignored for many months and finally declined. But in
the year 1895, when Mr. Rhodes was working for the annexation of
South Bechuanaland to the Cape Colony, he was working also for
the annexation of North Bechuanaland to Rhodesia. The one plan can
only be understood in the light of the other. He, as it were, said to
his friends at Cape Town, "I will give you South Bechuanaland and
I will take North Bechuanaland, and of course if we are only deter-
mined upon it the old fogies in London will give way." But Mr, Rhodes
bad reckoned without his host, his host being in this case his intended

BECHUANALAND.

107 /

snbject and tributary Ehama, chief of the Bamangwato. He with
great enterprise allied with himself two neighboring chiefs, x>roceeded
directly to England, and there, by his tour through the country and the
powerful plea which he personally placed in one great meeting after
another before the public, produced so powerful an impreotiioa that the
Government did not dare to accede to Mr. Bhodes's desire, Th€?re can
be little doubt that Mr. Chamberlain would at this time Uav0 actually
yielded even this rich and magnificent territory into the bandi of the
hitherto omnipotent Chartered Company. But as the well-known tele-
grams which passed in that crowded Autumn between London and
Cape Town suflftciently revealed, Mr. Chamberlain v , pulled tip by
British sentiments in favi»r of Khama and this huge injtiiitice was
prevented. It will need ail the alertness of those who utand for the
right to prevent this wrong from being yet consummated. North
Bechuanaland is now a British protectorate and a Resident live* with
Khama. There are many who very earnestly hope that If the present
war should lead to a re-adjustment of territorial condition* in South
Africa, South Bechuanaland will be once more separated from the Cape
Colony and united with North Bechuanaland in one great and trtily
Imperial crown colony. This colony should stand between Bbo<le«ia
and the Cape Colony, the center of direct Imperial administration, tintil
the day comes when the influx of a white population and the civilization
of the blacks shall make the granting of responsible government pos-
sible.

■■

4. .•

CHAPTER VIII.
RHODESIA.

TO THE north of the Transvaal there lies a large and magnificent
region into which there swept about sixty ^ears ago the terrible
regiments of the Zulu chief, Moselekatse. We have elsewhere
described the ruthless manner in which this people destroyed the vil-
lages that lay in their way northwards. The tribe gave its name, so
far as Europeans are concerned, to that part of South Africa, and it has
always been known as Matabeleland. Eastward there lay the region
called Mashonaland, inhabited by a peace-loving and industrious race.
They became the victims of annual massacres by Moselekatse's terrible
regiments. The result was that a country which at one time supported
a large population was practically denuded of human beings. Here and
there villages were still to be found, inhabited by shrinking and terrified
creatures who knew not the day nor the hour or rather the night, on
which they might not hear the fierce yell and irresistible onrush of the
dreaded Matebele.

In the year 1889, as we have described elsewhere, the British South
Africa Chartered Company was established by the British Government,
to which was granted administrative authority as well as exclusive com-
mercial privileges in these territories. As soon as the charter was
granted vigorous steps were taken to begin the building of the railway
from Kimberley northwards, for the erecting of a telegraph right into
North Bechuanaland. Within a year we are told that the railway was
extended to Vryburg, a distance of 148 miles, and the telegraph to
Palapye, a distance of 350 miles from Kimberley. A pioneer force of
about 200 men was organized under the immediate command of Major
Johnston for the purpose of making a road 400 miles long from the
Macloutsie river as far as Mt. Hampden in Mashonaland. The directors
had been earnestly advised to avoid even the appearance of touching
Matabeleland and so arousing the jealous alarm of Lobengula on their
first entry into. these territories. It was accordingly agreed that they

108

RHODESIA.

109

should go eastwards into the great and practically unoccupied terri-
tories of Mashonaland

The Company occupied at this time a most puzzling and dubious
position. They had received a charter empowering them to carry out
the terms of their concession with Lobengula and giving them authority
to exercise government, after the power to exercise it should have be-
come theirs; but as yet they had no territory of their own, they had not
bought an inch of soil nor had any been granted to them. How were
they then to begin their work? How could they introduce colonists into a
land where they could give them no titles and how could they exercise
iovereignty in a land where they held no possessions? They were
entering a country in the name of commercial transactions with Loben-
gula, with whom they were, or were supposed to be, on terms of peace
and mutual understanding. And yet when they proceeded to occupy
Mashonaland they felt bound not only to send forward 200 pioneers for
the purpose of opening the way, but found it necessary to send after
them a military force of 500 volunteers*. This force included some of
the flower of the English aristocracy, some of the dashing young officers
of the British army, as well as seasoned colonists of different races and
of many varied kinds of experience.

The money necessary for the equipment of these forces was partly
found by drawing upon the reserve of the De Beers Consolidated Mines
at Kimberley.

The charter had been signed on October 29, 1889, and in the Sep-
tember of the following year Mashonaland was already occupied by the
pioneers and police of the Chartered Company. They started from
Mafeking on June 10, 1890, the pioneers leaving first and having as
their task the making of a road and fixing upon sites for the forts which
it was intended to establish at various points on the long road. They
performed their work with great skill and courage. Their movements
were, for South African methods of traveling, remarkably quick. More-
over, the road which they chose under wise advice was one which kept
them outside of Lobengula's acknowledged dominions; so that while
his mind was in an uncertain condition a^d his regiments were full of
wrath no excuse was found by him or them for making an attack.
The Chartered Company^s forces moved, nevertheless, with all the

'Wf^^mm

110

RHODESIA.

wariness of an invader. They formed the laafers carefully at night
and kept the steam up in the engine for their search light; they also
maintained strict picket duty at night and careful scouting on the
march. The search-light produced a great efifect upon the few Mashona
natives whom they came across. As it swept the country at frequent
intervals it seemed to them as if the white man had chained the light-
ning for his use.

The military leader of the pioneer force wa« Major Johnston, who
was accompanied by Mr. Colquhoun, and also by Mr. F, CI Selous, the
famous South African explorer and hunter. On September 12th they
reached the high rounded hill known as Mt. Hampden, at the foot of
which it was intended to make the terminus of their long journey of 400
miles. Here Fort Salisbury was erected, which has now grown into the
town of Salisburj'. Other forts which were placed on the route were
named Ft. Tuli, near the Transvaal border, Ft. Victoria and Ft. Charter.
The Chartered Company's leaders were men of marvellous ambition
and energy, and their energy is by nothing more remarkably displayed
than their action in relation to the territory known as Manicaland.
They knew that here there had been discovered old and long disused gold
mines such as are found in some parts of Mashonaland itself, and they
had reason to believe that Manicaland still contained large quantities
of the precious metal. Mr. Colquhoun and Mr. Selous accordingly, in
September, 1890, made a journey to the kraal of the chief Umtasa in
Manicaland. Now, this territory had not as yet been effectively occu-
pied and claimed by any European country. The Portuguese had at
one time hoped to establish a great colonial empire throughout the
region south of the Zambesi, but they had been driven back by the
natives themselves and by their own weakness, so that their attempted
occupation embraced only a few points on the coast. But the Mozam-
bique Company had trading stations at various places and one of
these was in Manicaland.

When the representatives of the British South Africa Company
interviewed Umtasa, they were on the whole favorably received and
were assured by him that neither he nor any ancestor had ever made
any treaty with Portugal, nor sold nor granted any concession to any
Portuguese individual or company. Having satisfied themselves on

RHODESIA,

111

this point these forceful Britons induced him to make a treaty with the
company which they represented. In this treaty Umtasa bound him-
self to grant no land in Manicaland to any foreigner except with the
consent of the Company in writing. He now granted to that Company
the entire mineral rights of his country and gave them permission to
construct and establish public works of all kinds, including roads, rail-
ways, tramways, banks, etc. For these concessions the king was to
receive the assurance of British protection and the payment of an an-
nual subsidy either in money or in goods, at his option.

Not far distant there was an European trader, through whom these
transactions became speedily known in Portugal. The result was that
certain Portuguese officials appeared from the coast at Umtasa's kraal
and endeavored to coerce him into renouncing that treaty and entering
into relations with themselves. These officials, who were accompanied
with a large native convoy armed with rifles and swords, were, by about
forty police of the Chartered Company, put under arrest and disarmed.
The trader was released, the other officials were taken to Ft. Salisbury
and sent to Cape Town. This produced considerable excitement in
Portugal and a volunteer force consisting of 100 Europeans and 300
or 400 blacks invaded Manicaland. They were met by about fifty of
the Company's police, and in the battle which ensued they were put to
an ignominious flight. Of course this led to negotiations between Great
Britain and Portugal, with the result that for the first time a western
boundary for Portuguese possessions at this point was fixed, Manica-
land falling into Charterland. It was arranged that a railway should
be built from the nearest Portuguese seaport, named Beira, which has
since that time considerably grown and promises to become a most
important place. In fact it is through the development of the Trans-
vaal and of Mashonaland that Delagoa Bay and Beira have become
busy places and Portuguese possessions have become valuable to her.

After their arrival and after making sure of a sufficient garrison
for each of their forts, the Chartered Company allowed the volunteers
to disperse all over the country as prospectors for the precious miner-
als. The conditions under which they were to receive claims and
farms were fully made known to them. The terms appeared by no
means too favorable to the individual prospectors, although perhaps in

112

RHODESIA.

I i)r

actual practice they may turn out to be more favorable, for it must be
understood that most of the gold found in Charterland i» embedded in
quartz rock and cannot be extracted in paying quantities without the
use of expensiye and elaborate machinery. Each man therefore who
found a claim must either be able to form a company for the purpose
of working his claim or he must allow the Chartered Company to do it.
In either case half the produce in gold must be given to the Chartered
Company, the remainder being reserved by the claim owner for himself.

The Company had the good fortune to acquire soon after their
arrival in the country what seemed to be a secure title to their owner-
ship of the soil. Without this they could not have allotted farms nor
planted towns. A man, Lippert, persuaded Lobengula to grant him
the right to sell lands and form townships. Lobengula thought him-
self quick-witted when he granted this concession. He imagined that
it would prove to be a checkmate of what he now saw to be the extraor-
dinary ambition of the Chartered Company. But Lippert almost im-
mediately sold his concession to the Chartered Company, which now
had the whole thing in its hands! On this basis and in the most lavish
manner titles were granted right and left to white people. Sites for
towns were selected and the work of active colonization was begun.

The news that Mashonaland had been successfully and peacefully
occupied and that the pioneer Europeans were now prospecting all
over the country in safety, finding what promised to be magnificent
mining grounds, spread like wild-fire in the cities and towns of older
lands and a regular stream of people from Europe as well as from
the colonies of South Africa moved northwards. Large numbers of
these never got to Mashonaland. Some of them died on the way of hard-
ship and fever and accident; many turned back in disgust after a few.
weeks of familiarity with wagon travel; some, when they did get into
Mashonaland, were bitterly disappointed that the towns were still
scrubby villages, the mines still existed only in the hopes of their dis-
coverers, the price of living was extremely high, the comforts of civiliza-
tion lay some hundreds of miles away behind them, around them
appeared only the rolling plains of unoccupied territories varied with
abrupt rocky hills here and there, and covered with scrubby thorn
bushes or dwarfed and sparsely scattered trees. Many, even of the

RHODESIA.

113

pioneers, were disappointed. Nor did the first visit of Mr. Bliodes him-
self in the year 1891 succeed in putting any heart into the depressed
citizens of Mashonaland. During that and the following year or two
they became exceedingly critical of the Chartered Company and its
administiation. They began to ask how it was that the railway was
not being built from Salisbury to Berea, a distance of only 380 miles,
and why it was that the machinery for the gold mines was not being
hurried into the country on that shorter and cheaper route instead
of being brought 1,200 miles from Cape Town. They began in fact to find
that Mr. Rhodes, as at once Prime Minister of Cape Colony and manager
of the Chartered Company, had, like his chief, the Governor of Cape
Colony and High Commissioner for South Africa, two functions to
fulfill whose interests were sometimes gravely antagonistic. It ap-
peared of great importance to him as a shareholder and director of the
mines both at Kimberley and Johannesburg that he should retain
the friendship of the Cape Colony and hold his position as Prime Min-
ister there. But this position would be seriously endangered if his
friends at the Cape found that he had built a railway to the eastern
coast of Africa, had opened a commercial traffic in that direction in-
stead of through Cape Colony, and was thus developing south central
Africa without benefiting the older colony itself. It appeared therefore
to the settlers in Mashonaland that their interests were being sacrificed
for political reasons, or at least for reasons which they could not
appreciate and which affected other interests not their own. Mr.
Rhodes is a man not easily swerved from whatsoever policy he has
adopted, and they did not find themselves able to obtain from him
either any modification of the conditions on which mining claims were
allowed, or any promise of an immediate improvement in their commer-
cial relations generally.

That improvement was not possible until the war against the Mate-
bele had taken place in the year 1893. As we have seen, Lobengula
viewed with great jealousy the advent of the Chartered Company.
He saw that on the strength of the concessions which he had sold to
them the Company had entered, not as he expected in the capacity merely
of commercial seekers after gain, but as a veritable government which
threatened to become a powerful rival of his own. This rivalry ap-

114

RHODESIA.

i< I

peared in a curious form when in the year 1893 some of his regiments
went into Mashonaland on their usual annual raid. The poor and help-
less Mashona people fled to the Company's settlement for protection. Lo-
bengula demanded that they should be delivered up to him and would
listen to no arguments advanced from a European point of view re-
garding personal rights and liberties. He held that the Mashona were
as much his property as the cattle of his kraals, and were his to be dealt
with by himself at his good pleasure. The controversy became so acute
that everyone saw war to be impending. Lobengula, however much he
may have desired it, could not have restrained his ferocious regiments.
He manifested what for a savage Zulu chief was a high degree of honor
by warning the missionaries and white traders at his capital that they
remained at their own peril; that he himself did not desire to injure
them, but that he might not be able to hold in his warriors in their
passion for blood. Many of the white people, therefore, hastily left
the country. Two traders remained who were found as the only living
inhabitants of Buluwayo, when the chief had fled and left the town in
ashes^ The invasion of the Matabele was carried on by the Chartered
Company's forces from the east with about 600 men under Major Forbes
and a column composed largely of imperial police volunteers under
Col. Goold-Adams, numbering about 450, who advanced from the south.
The latter column was greatly assisted by a force of 1,700 or 1,800 men
led by Khama, the chief of the Bamangwato. These were of use as scouts
and in other ways. They remained with the British force until Khama
ascertained that Lobengula had been beaten Pud that the war was
virtually over. Without attempting to join in the triumphal march
into Buluwayo, he immediately returned to his own country. Loben-
gula was pursued under the orders of Dr. Jameson, who was Adminis-
trator of the territories of the Chartered Company, with a view to his
capture. It was while engaged on this mission that the sad and yet
thrilling disaster overtook Maj. Alan Wilson and a small company
of mounted men who were riding with him in pursuit of the fugitive
chief. They found themselves cut off from the main body, and sur-
rounded by large numbers of Matabele. Some of them had their horses
shot down from under them and the rest, who could have fled, remained
with their comrades to the last. As the Matabele closed in around the

/ <■

\ f

RHODESIA.

115

devoted band they stood back to back until the last cartridge was spent,
then the fierce savages rushed in upon them and left not one alive to tell
the tale. It turned out afterwards that before this disaster Lobengula
had sent two white men as messengers to Dr. Jameson, giving them
£1,000 (about $5,000) in gold to hand to him as a pledge of peace, re-
questing that the terms of a treaty should be sent to him. The black-
hearted messengers could not resist the temptation to keep the money
and the message to themselves. Their treachery was not discovered
until some time afterwards, when they were arrested and of course
amid universal execration condemned to a severe sentence. Loben-
gula spent some miserable months in wandering and exile and finally
died in January, 1894. Buluwayo, which had been the capital in Loben-
gula's time, was immediately pitched upon as the best center for the
government of Matabeleland by the Chartered Company. Immediately
there was a rush of white people to that place, and it is said that no
town in South Africa, not excepting Johannesburg itself, passed
through the early stages of development so rapidly and successfully as
Buluwayo.

After the first conquest of Matabeleland in 1893 it was proposed
to organize the administration of Matabeleland under the Char-
tered Company. This accordingly was done by the British Govern-
ment in May, 1894. The main features of the administration were
as follows: The executive power was placed in the hands of an Admin-
istrator and a council. The council consisted of a judge who could only
be removed by the Secretary of State in London, and three other mem-
bers whose appointment by the Chartered Company was subject to the
approval of the Secretary of State. The Administrator had very
large powers and was under no final obligation to secure the
approval of his intentions from the council, but he was bound
to report all action to the council. Legislation took place when
the Administrator framed and issued regulations which had se-
cured the concurrence of at least two members of the council and the
approval of the High Commissioner for South Africa. The judge had
separate jurisdiction over all legal procedure both civil and criminal;
and legal procedure was to be modelled as far as possible after that
which obtains in the Cape Colony. In cases between native litigant!/

.v,v, ...■.«

k 1

\i V

RHODESIA.

native law was to be observed in so far as that law was not repugnant
to the principles of morality or to the legislation of the new Adminis-
tration. Local magistrates were to be appointed by the Company with
the approval of the High Ck)mmi8sioner.

These simple and sensible a?"''«ingements appear to have worked
fairly well. Much importance attaches naturally to the laws bearing
upon the treatment of the native tribes. Everything was done to pro-
vide for full recognition of the rights of the natives as the original occu-
pants of the soil, and in the following regulations a remarkable contrast
is presented between the spirit of the Imperial Government even when
acting through a Chartered Company and the spirit manifested by most
of those Europeans who hitherto have seized native lands in South
Africa. Very careful restriction was placed upon the power of the
European communities to levy fines on native chiefs or tribes. Fines
could only be imposed by the Administrator, sitting with his council,
and every case of the kind must be immediately reported with full
particulars to the High Commissioner. Natives were to receive special
legislation and careful treatment so as to prevent the sale of liquor,
arms and ammunition to them. In order to safeguard the interests of
the natives in the land, a special Land Commission was organized. It
was composed of three persons, namely, the judge, one member ap-
pointed by the Secretary of State in London, and one member appointed
by the Company. The decisions of this Land Commission are subject to
revision by the Secretary of State. When the Land Commission shall
have completed its labors and the reason for its continuance has ceased,
all its powers and duties will pass to the judge. Its first task was to
assign to the natives then inhabiting Matabeleland, sufficient and suit-
able land for their agricultural and grazing requirements, and cattle
sufficient for their needs. They were to be carefully secured and pro-
tected in the ownership of the land, and hence no contract for the
purchase or encumbering of a native's land is valid in Rhodesia unless
it is made before a magistrate, who must satisfy himself that the native
understands the bargain and must himself attest the contract. All
natives, of course, have the same rights as white people to acquire and
hold and dispose of landed property in any other part of the country
with perfect freedom and on their own responsibility. Should the

' ■*•.-

RHODESIA.

117

company require any oi he land aHsigned by the Commission to natives,
either because of its mineral wealth, or Its adaptation for townships or
public works, the Company must bring Its plea before the Land Com-
mission. Upon good and sufficient cause being shown the Commission
may order the land so required to be given up, but the natives con-
cerned must receive full compensation in land elsewhere, and this land
must be, as far as possible, equally valuable for their purposes as that
from which they are removed. The inquiry leading up to any such Im-
portant action must be made upon the spot by the Commission. Such
regulations promise a fair future for the relations of the Company to
the natives.

But, ala«! the law may propose — it is the citizens who dispose. Even
in Bhodesla the actual relations of the Company to the native races
were such, after the Matabele had been conquered, as to cause Irritation
and fan the smouldering fires of resentment Into flames of open rebel-
lion. Many of the settlers acted In the spirit of Olive Schreiner's hero,
"Peter Halkett," and the natives were unable to obtain redress, or did
not know by what steps redress could be obtained. The Matabele were
chiefly annoyed by the administration of their affairs in respect to their
cattle and to the question of labor. The Company required large quan-
tities of cattle; they divided the country into districts and placed over
each district a native chief or induna who was held responsible for the
payment of as many head of cattle as the Company through its local
officers might at any time demand of him. No method of conducting
commerce or collecting tribute could possibly betray more ignorance
of the native spirit or be better calculated to quicken rebellion. Scarcely
less foolish in the circumstances was the method of obtaining native
labor by requiring from every induna as many black men as were re-
quired in this or that district. The Matabele had come to regard them-
selves as an aristocratic class, superior to those, like the contemptible
Mashonas, who engaged In manual labor. To be forced to labor even
for the Company and even for fixed wages, was to have the sense of
their defeat and subjection driven into their proud hearts day after day
and month after month. There seems abundant evidence that at certain
times even force had to be employed in order to bring a sufficient num-
ber of laborers to serve the whites. Matters were brought to a head

■I

118

RHODESIA.

svhi'u the news spread late in 1895 that Dr. Jameson and his force of vol-
unteers had left llhodesia. Only about 40 European members of the
police force were left to control the large number of native police,
who had been drawn from Lobengula's fierce regiments, and tb? coun-
try as a whole. It is scarcely possitle to think with pat'encc of the
blind folly of the administration at this time. They appear to have
been blinded in Matabeleland by the intensity of their gaze upon Johan-
nesburg. The fascination of the expected revolution in the Transvaal
and the illimitable possibilities which that suggested to the ambitious
minds of the Chartered Company, confused their judgment regarding
ths state of matters in Matabeleland. For some months they were like
people standing over a volcano, heedless of the quaking earth and the
rumbling sounds. All at once the volcano burst. When Dr. Jameson
was a prisoner at Pretoria, defeated and disgraced, the native police felt
their strength and wondered why they had allowed men to beat them
in '93 who were so easily crushed by the Boers in '96. In spite of strict
regulations against the sale of guns and ammunition many of the
natives had been able to purchase these from European smugglers, who
brought them into Matabeleland through Portuguese territory and the
Transvaal. Swiftly as news spreads through native territories the
word passed from kraal to kraal that liberty was at hand and that the
whites were at their mercy.

On March 24, 1896, the terrible rebellion of the Matabele broke out.
All over the land defenseless farmers with their wives and children were
suddenly overwhelmed and murdered, their bodie.^ mutilated, their homes
burned over their heads. Instantly every living white man in the coun-
try put himself under arms and made for Buluwayo or Salisbury. There
were many wonderful feats of courage, wonderful deeds of heroism per-
formed in those days by desperate white women and passionate white
men. Forces were raised also in the Colony and sent north, with the
result that in a short while there were more than 5,000 troops in Mata-
beleland under the command of Gen. Frederick Carrington. The chief
officers under him were Col. Plumer and Col. Baden-Powell. As these
troops, under magnificent and skilful management, were broken up into
parties who scoured the country, rescuing the whites wherever they could
find them and punishing bands of wandering native warriors, they grad-

>
u
fit

>
a

g2«^

21- J
cs > t: ?

Ill-
's ■"■«•-

1^ X a

_ -; s ~ ii

O 2 4, !»«

• r ?- fc

r 5'^ V
orj , a, M
I. = i .c ?

U _ — « ^
O S I-. —

o o . w

= S^ i ?
^ 3 5 1 S

u > 1- ^

n o M-c jj
;« K :: *" -3
* = u^H

r :. 2 fl
r-- r x: .

cr-g = r ,fl
u >■ *

2 h --

= i = 3

- *- *- ^

r '" u.-r n

- - = #

- t- T -

^ i n = t.
-■c — a s

n >> S '^•5

2 c« 3t:

2; M)J3

J3 a ■^ w 0)

= o - V

s o .^ w

eri ^ 0, u

•« to o C 5

rife «

S ~ _ 3 ■"

« a = •-

Q; S n >, OJ
►■ O ^ «""

3 " = £■"

— ,

3 to u f .fl

•s 1* IS o

g5*a

1 1

\ I

i! 1

1 i

1 il

:■!

ZULU'i DEFYING THB LIGtJTNING

Among the ourious superstitions of South African natives we must place that of maklnK the rain,
Md the one depicted in this scene of defying the lightning. Primitive men think of nature as standing
Id a closer relation to human beings than we can conceive. When an eclipse occurs they heat their drums
Ud raise their war shouts to frighten the evil spirit away; so here, when the lightning flsBbes and the
thunder roars, the warriors take their shields and spears and defy the power that threatens them.

RHODESIA.

Vll

ually drove the Matabele from the open country. Among the Matoppo
hills the natives took refuge, whence the white men soon found tlmt it
was practically impossible to dislodge them within a reaitouable time.
The only plan wa ; to starve them out. Towards the end of August, 1890|
the natives lost heart. The time for sowing their crops was at baud; there
was no prospect which they could see of winning the victory; they bad
indeed learned once more the humiliating but necessary lesson that tbey
were no match for the white people. Accordingly peace was concluded
with the leading commanders, who brought their regiments back to
their kraals and to their locations, and set them to work upon the sow*
ing of their seeds and the raising of their crops. The Company were
wise enough to provide the natives freely with seed corn In order to tide
them over the critical period lying before them. Mr. Rhodes fresh from
the humiliation of the Jameson Raid was in Matabeleland during the
war and distinguished himself by the frank courage with wbicb be
walked unarmed into the presence of the leaders of the rebellioo and
offered them peace. They were deeply impressed, as savages always are
when a white man defies them and their weapons in this way, and bence*
forth regarded Mr. Rhodes with new awe. In Mashonalaod the
natives had also risen encouraged by the Matabele and irritat(*d by
certain doings of the white people, but they were soon overwhelmed.
By this time the country was under the administration of Earl Grey,
who had succeeded Dr. Jameson.

Partly as a result of this second war as well as of the misuse of tbeir
power by the leaders of the Chartered Company in the orgauiisation of
the Jameson plan, the British Government readjusted the methods of
administration in Rhodesia. The necessary modifications lu the admin-
istration of Rhodesia by the Chartered Company were made in 1898
under an Order in Council issued by the Queen. The main alterations
and additions in the relations of the Chartered Company, as a governing
body, to the Imperial authorities were intended to obviate the repetition
of any such arbitrary action as the Jameson Raid. The British public
thought that it had been proved unsafe to leave the Company f n absolute
possession of the territories under its charge, and that some check must
be placed upon the possibility of disloyal proceedings.

The main feature of the new order consisted in the appointment of

122

RHODESIA.

a Kesident Commissioner, who derives his authority as well as his salary
directly and solely from the Imperial Government, is ex-officio member
both of the Executive and Legislative Councils, with power to attend
all their meetings and the meetings of any committee thereof. He may
discuss whatever matters are brought before such meetings, but has no
vote. It is his duty to make constant and full reports of all proceedings to
the High Commissioner at Gape Town. An equally important alteration
was made with regard to the Rhodesian police. These were taken entirely
out of the hands of the Company and placed under the direct control
and authority of the High Commissioner. The Commandant-General
and subordinate officers are all appointed by the Secretary of State in
London and paid from the Imperial trea^iury. In any case where the
Commandant-General as an Imperial officer differs from the military
plans of the administration under the Company, he may apply for
instruction to the High Commissioner, whose authority is final. A High
Court was also constituted by this order, whose judges are appointed
by a Secretary of State on nomination of the Company; the Company,
however, has no right to remove any judge who has once been appointed,
this being reserved solely for the Secretary of State in London. Fur-
ther and more elaborate plans were drawn out for the conduct of native
affairs. These were placed under the Native Secretary with a body of
assistants called native commissioners, who are all appointed by the
Administrator acting for the Company; but the High Commissioner and
Secretary of State have reserved to them ultimate power in the matter
of appointment, salaries and the removal from office of these
officials.

It is thus apparent that it has been found necessary within ten years
of the granting of the charter to the British South Africa Company, on
account of the policy and conduct of the directors and officers of that
Company in South Africa, very seriously to curtail the powers originally
granted to it. Practically the present system of government of Rhode-
sia consists in this: First, the Company, in return for the possessions
and privileges granted to it, and through which it hopes to make a great
income for its shareholders, pays all the expenses of the actual admin*
istration and legislation, and has po ;/er to nominate its principal officers
and to appoint subordinate officers. But on the other hand, all these

■"T"

mummtm

r-/

RHODESIA.

12d

nominations and appointments must be laid for final approval before
the High Commissioner and the Secretary of State. The Imperial Gov-
ernment has reserved to itself direct control of the military forces, and
has made arrangements for a constant scrutiny of the entire conduct of
affairs both legislative and executive, as carried on by the Company.
Every check has been placed upon the power of the Company in any,
way to wrong the natives or to misuse its forces in relation to neigh-
boring states. Many of the wisest supporters of the Chartered Company,
and defenders of the policy of colonial development by means ot a
chartered company, are thankful for the present arrangement. Th>jy
allege that it enables Britain and South Africa and the Company to
get out of the system all the advantages of enterprise and skill which
the members of a commercial company must exert in their own interests,
while it secures also all the advantages of direct Imperial guidance and
control.

Since the year 1896 the development of Rhodesia has proceeded at
a rate hardly equalled by the early history of any colony in the world.
The work of administration of the natives has been carried out on much
wiser plans and on the whole with great smoothness and success. Peace
has reigned throughout Matabeleland and Mashonaland. The original
inhabitants of the country have shown that they realize the position in
which they were left by the operations of 1896. They implicitly obey
the orders of the administration, and, what is of very great significance,
they pay the hut-tax, which goes towards the expenses of administra-
tion, with promptitude. For the year 1899 this tax was expected to
produce £42,000 (about $200,000). Even in Matabeleland, where the tax
was levied for the first time in July, 1899, the amount collected was
£22,000 (about $100,000), which was considerably in excess of the esti-
mates made by the native officials. The tax per capita is small, of
course, but it is suflftcient to make the people feel that they are under
authority and that they have a personal stake in the righteous admin-
istration of the law in their midst. The great difficulty, which presses
hard upon the administration, is that of persuading the natives to work.
The wages are for them fairly high and a man can by working a few
weeks make enough to keep himself and family for a year. This puts
a premium upon laziness, and laziness is the foe of development. The

124

RHODESIA.

chief practical problem in many South African native regions is the
same, — how the natives can be turned from useless, often loathsome,
idlers into active and progressive workers.

Perhaps the most striking feature of Bhodesian history is the build-
ing of the railways which connect that country with Cape Town in the
south and Beira on the east coast. In 1896 the railway had reached
Mafeking, about 850 miles north of Cape Town, in November, 1897, it
had actually been built as far as Buluwayo, 1,360 miles from Cape Town.
To celebrate this event invitations were made to eminent men in Lon-
don, some of whom availed themselves of the opportunity, made the
long voyage to Cape Town and traveled upon the new railway to Bulu-
wayo itself. Among these was Sir Henry M. Stanley, who, in letters to
the London Times, which have since been published in a volume entitled
"South Africa," describes his experiences and the opening of the rail-
way after an interesting manner. He appears to have been surprised at
the energy, the foresight and the ambition displayed by the Chartered
Company and the inhabitants of Rhodesia. The town of Buluwayo
itself, which had been formerly Lobengula's kraal and which within
one year after its selection as the capital of the country received a popu-
lation of no less than 3,000 white people, seemed typical to the British
traveler of the rapidity with which the whole country is likely to develop.
Of course, to start with, the class of men who settle in Rhodesia is, on
the whole, of very high average in character and intelligence. The
happy-go-lucky miner, the mere wayward adventurer has no chance in
that country, where prices are high and an income is only made by
hard work and by the exercise of intelligence. As soon as the railway
was opened machinery and goods of all kinds poured into the country
and were disposed of at prices far below anything attainable before.
The hope cherished by the majority of those who go to Rhodesia is, of
course, that they may become discoverers of gold mines. Undoubtedly
there are still gold districts which will become important as taey are
further developed, but no district in Rhodesia yet approaches the value
of the Rand in the Transvaal. The country, however, contains other
attractions. In the north along the valleys of the Zambesi there are rich
and splendid coal fields. In some parts rice can be grown in large quan-
tities and cereals, including wheat, flourish in others. Even in those

RHODESIA.

125

parts which are not likely to be so productive in fruit and grain crops,
there are excellent facilities for stock farming.

Perhaps one of the most important facts connected with the history
of the Chartered Company in South Africa is the fact that the territories
which we have been describing are known as Southern Rhodesia and
that across the Zambesi there is another enormous territory known as
Northern Ehodesia. Through the eastern part of this territory it is
proposed to continue the railway and the telegraph, which have already
reached Salisbury. The plans have been laid out for that tremendous
undertaking and the estimates received. As soon as favorable circum-
stances aris^, the task will be undertaken to carry railway communica-
tion from the northern bank of the Zambesi right up to Lake
Tanganyika.

Since the advent of the pioneer force in 1890 Southern Rhodesia has
developed with extraordinary rapidity. The sums expended upon pub-
lic works are large and they include a considerable amount which has
to be employed in the maintenance of roads to the extent of 2,485 miles.
The native population has not as yet begun to increase. In the prov-
ince of Mashonaland it is estimated that there are nearly 200,000
natives and in the province of Matabeleland about 115,000, making a
total native population for Southern Rhodesia of more than 300,000.
Since the opening up of the country by the Chartered Company, in spite
of the wars which have taken place, the difficulties of travel, the high
price of living and the many other practical problems which face the
miner, the merchant and the farmer alike, the population has grown
to more than 13,000 Europeans. The capital city, Buluwayo, is said to
have now a population of more than 7,000 Europeans. When the pres-
ent war is over, when the railway line to Beira on the eastern coast has
been made more useful and transportation upon it cheaper, which will
be the case soon, it is to be expected that there will be a large influx
of white people into these territories. It is not unlikely that Southern
Rhodesia may yet in many respects become the rival of the Transvaal
and the superior of all other South African states in its mineral wealth,
its agricultural facilities and, above all, in the energy of its colonists.
Sir H. M. Stanley suggests that Buluwayo may become the Chicago of
Africa — and what more can be said?

mmm

ciT

CHAPTER IX. ,

CAPE COLONY, 1814-1900.

FOR some years after the occupation of the Cape by the British Gov-
ernment at the Cape they were singularly successful in their con-
trol of Colonial affairs. They sent out as Governors able and
high-minded representatives of their country who neither sought to
advance their personal wealth nor found pleasure in tyrannizing
over any portion of the country under their care. Lord Charles
Someset, for example, had the good fortune to be warmly supported
by the best Dutch officials in the Colony. One of these especially, a Mr,
Btockenstrom, received from him the very highest encomiums for the
fidelity, ability and energy of his services both as a judge and military
officer.

It is a significant fact that even in those early days the first bitter
troubles between the Government and the Dutch arose over the treat-
ment of the natives. One of the most unhappy episodes, and one that has
left its influence on the entire history of the Colony down to this day,
arose from this cause. A farmer near the frontier, of the name of
Bezuidenhout, was accused by a black servant of having grossly ill-
treated him. The latter brought his complaint before the Landdrost
at Graaff-Reinet who ordered a subordinate to investigate th6 complaint
and deal with it. This subordinate was also a Dutchman. Bezuiden-
hout resented what he thought to be an invasion of his private authority
over his servants, and it was necessary to issue a warrant for his appre-
hension. This the farmer resolved to resist with force of arms. He
prepared himelf by carrying a large supply of ammunition to a cave
near his house which could only be approached by one man at a time,
'^hither when hard pressed he retired and warned his would-be captors
• hat he would shoot every man who came to the mouth of the cave. He
.i^d companions with him to support him in his struggle. The matter
was soon over, however, for one of the Government officers, stepping to
the front, shot him down before he could take aim.

The immediate relatives of this Bezuidenhout deeply resented what

CAPE COLONY, i8 14-1900.

127

had been done and his brother actually collected a band together to take
vengeance of a murderous kind upon the civil and military authorities
alike. It must be remembered that the civil authorities were their
fellow Dutchmen. They gathered together a band of rebels whom they
incited with threats and with warnings that those who did not help
them they would leave to the mercies of the Kaffirs. In the meantime
the authorities gathered another force which included a great many
Dutchmen; the latter came under the leadership of their Dutch field-
commandants. So far, then, the story is simply one of border ruffians
fighting against the simplest rules of Government. There was no
poetry, no patriotism, no morality, no religion in the struggle of these
Boers. There was nothing to show that they had been wronged, but
everything to prove that they were wild and passionate men desiring
to be left alone to live entirely as they liked. The result was, of course,
that in the battle which ensued the rebels were overwhelmed, the second
Bezuidenhout was slain and his followers immediately surrendered.
Thirty-nine men were put on trial and were condemned to various de-
grees of punishment. The five who were identified as the chief fomenters
of the miserable and unprincipled rebellion, were condemned to be ex-
ecuted by hanging. The sentence was carried out in public, of course,
according to the universal custom of the day. Unfortunately, either
through accident or, as is suggested, through treachery, the gallows gave
way and the poor wretches had to pass through the agony of waiting
until arrangements were made for carrying the execution out. Naturally
appeals were made by the criminals as well as by their sympathizers
for mercy; but the officer iii charge, probably a man as merciful as most
men, saw no way of avoiding his stern military duty, on the ground that
an accident had occurred. The sentence was carried out. The border
Boers called the spot where this occurred "Slaghter's Nek" and the
name has been retained from that day to this, the story being told with
embellishing details from generation to generation to stimulate hatred
of the British Government and to confirm the notion that this Govern-
ment has always persecuted the Boers. Every Government in the
world whose territories have bordered upon or included men of a lower
race as well as their own citizens of the wilder sorts has had to perform
deeds like this upon its border ruffians.

128

CAPE COLONY, i8 14-1900.

1 (

; i

Lord Charles Somerset found himself involved, as all his predeces-
sors and successors in the thankless office of Governor of the Cape Col-
ony, in wellnigh continuous difficulties with native tribes. It would
be needless to enter in the space at our disposal into the details of
the repeated negotiations and fights and peace settlements and terri-
torial annexations and fresh misunderstandings which were incident
to every one of the many contests with native tribes.

In the year 1819, in response to a suggestion from the Governor, the
British Government took one of the wisest steps, which has been re-
peated all too seldom since that day. They described to the people of
Great Britain and Ireland the advantages of South Africa as to climate,
beauty and fertility of soil. They were thinking of what is now known
as the Eastern Province, and offered to convey thither at the Govern-
ment's expense parties of emigrants to the number of 5,000. They
actually received 90,000 applications! On their arrival the emigrants
were taken in charge by officials appointed for the purpose and led to
the different districts suitable for settlement. They soon took root in
the country and took their place among the most valuable colonists in
South Africa.

In the year 1829 an Order in Council, dated from Windsor Castle,
gave to South Africa what one of the ablest and fairest historians of
the country (Mr. John Noble) has called "The Magna Charta of the
Colonial Aboriginal Races." This enactment was partly the result of
prolonged consultation with Mr. Stockenstrom as well as with the Rev.
Dr. Philip, the well known and powerful representative of the London
Missionary Society in South Africa. The name of Dr. Philip has from
that day to this been an object of intense hatred on the part of the
Boers.

At this time the Dutch felt some irritation over the remodeling of
the courts of justice and the decision to have all documents addressed
to the Government either written in English or presented with the
translation attached. These changes are nowadays referred to by a
certain class of historians as among the causes of the Dutch dislike of
Great Britain. An enactment of 1829 removed certain restrictions
which had been placed by Dutch law and custom upon the freedom of
the colored people and placed them on the same political platform as

CAPE COLONY, 1814-1900.

120 /

Europeans. This was also most deeply resented, and while it ought to
have prepared their minds for the approaching act of slave emancipa-
tion, it only rankled in their hearts and added to the bitterness with
which they received that great transaction.

In the year 1834 there arrived at Cape Town one of the greatest
Governors whom South Africa has ever seen, by the name of Sir Benja-
min D'Urban. One of the first measures which took place under his
Governorship granted to the Cape a legislative council which consisted
of the Governor himself as President, five Imperial oflScers, and five
colonists who were selected by the Governor as fit and proper to repre-
sent their fellows in all matters of legislation and administration. It
was in his day that the greatest strain was put upon the loyalty of the
Dutch people, for he it was who had to see the slave emancipation act
carried into effect. On Dec. 1, 1834, the ownership of slaves ceased to
exist in Cape Colony, but it was very carefully provided that the negroes
were to remain apprenticed to their former owners for a period of seven
years. All those who speak of the harsh way in which the British Gov-
ernment is said to have enforced emancipation upon the burghers of
Cape Colony practically ignore the economic significance of this seven
years apprenticeship. It was a wise measure which if wisely used by
the farmers very considerably weakened the force of their fall from
ownership to the other, yet higher, position of employership. Great
Britain had set aside the sum of £20,000,000 (about $100,000,000) to be
paid as compensation to slave owners throughout her colonies. It is
calculated that in 1833 Cape Colony had 35,700 slaves out of a total of
780,000, which is about 1 in 22. Of the total sum set apart for com-
pensation no less than £1,200,000 was set apart as compensation to slave
owners in the Cape Colony which reached the higher proportion of 1 in
16. The Dutch slave owners in South Africa were therefore intended to
be compensated at a rate above the average paid throughout the British
colonies.

Of course the carrying out of this measure entailed loss upon many
slave owners, and the Dutch very bitterly resented what seemed to
them a hard and arbitrary act of the Imperial power. Too ignorant
to know what occurred elsewhere they considered themselves as pecu-
liarly wronged; too ignorant to manage their money affairs well they

Il i

I ;

f i

130

CAPE COLONY, 1814-1900.

allowed greedy and clever money agents to cheat them out of a large
part of the compensation due to them; too full of resentment at the
recent act conferring political equality upon themselves and the col-
ored people of the colony they saw the day approaching when the men
who had been their slaves would have the same rights before the law
as themselves. To many Dutch farmers this was all too hard to bear,
too bitter a draught to be taken quietly and assimilated. For this
reason above all others that can be named, practically for this reason
alone, several thousands of farmers resolved to leave the Cape Colony
and seek some land where they could settle beyond the reach of the
British policy.

The number of emigrants has been variously estimated at from
5,000 to 10,000. They moved north across the Orange River into the
Orange Free State, and eastwards over the Drakensberg Mountains into
Natal; thence the most enterprising pushed north again across the Vaal
River to form the South African Republic. The story of their long
Journeys into unknown regions, their heroic struggles against misfor-
tunes of various kinds, and, above all, their fierce contests with native
tribes, forms one of the most stirring and picturesque pages in the his-
tory of European colonization.

Sir Benjamin D'Urban soon found himself under necessity to engage
in another Kaffir war. When it was concluded he saw a broad and
magnificent territory at his disposal. He immediately outlined a re-
markable policy; his plans was based upon the annexation of this
territory and provided for the direct control of native tribes and the
orderly settlement of the country by white immigrants. His policy
was a brilliant one. It was capable of adaptation to changing circum-
stances and yet was reared upon the fundamental principle that the
British Government must deal in advance with the native tnbes on or
near her borders through official residents at the native capitals, or
occasional commissioners sent by the Governor. If this policy had
been adopted the border wars would have been largely reduced in
number, the feuds between the farmers and the blacks would have been
prevented, the Boer farmers especially would have felt that they were
receiving wise and adequate protection, and, in fact, the best conditions
of steady progress would have been established. But alas! faintness

CAPE COLONY, 1814-1900.

131

came over the authorities in London and they not only repudiated the
Governor's proclamation but compelled him to move the border of the
Cape Colony back to where it was prior to 1819. The Governor's very
earnest remonstrance against this order from London resulted in his
recall. It was a disastrous event, as all students of South African his-
tory have decided.

The succeeding years were marked mainly by a series of border
troubles and Kaffir wars, varied by internal administrative troubles.
Shortly before the year 1850 an event occurred which once more showed
how little the authorities in London understood the problems of South
Africa. So many troubles had arisen in that distant Colony, such poor
reports of the prospect of its development, that it gradually became an
object almost of contempt. This ignorant estimate of the Cape Colonists
led to the extraordinary decision of Earl Grey, the Secretary of State,
to turn Cape Colony into a penal settlement. It is said in defence of
the Government, that the convicts whom they intended to send there
were not ordinary criminals but Irish political offenders for wht^n it
was necessary to find a home beyond the seas where they woulr be
unable to foment any more plots or rebellions. Whatever the intention
was, the Government found themselves opposed by a unanimous deter-
mination of all Cape Colonists to resist this disgrace. The Colonists, of
course, won. Earl Grey withdrew his order and the ship-load of con-
victs, who had been kept waiting off the shore for weeks, were sent
elsewhere.

The British Government were evidently surprised by the spirit,
intelligence and force which their South African Colonists manifested
in connection with this event. They were the more willing, therefore,
a few years later, to grant representative government to a people so
intelligent and self-conscious. The first Parliament met in July, 1854,
for legislative purposes. The Executive Council was still retained under
the direct control, and its members under the appointment, of the
Imperial Governor.

South Africa was fortunate at this time to receive another Governor
of great experience and ability, capable of formulating a broad and
intelligent policy. This was Sir George Grey. He succeeded in raising
nearly £100,000 (nearly $500,000), of which Great Britain contributed

132

CAPE COLONY, 1814-1900.

about one-half, for the purpoae of carrying out various public works,
including the opening of many roads and subsidizing the education
of native tribes. During his administration about 2,000 German agri-
cultural laborers, including their wives and children, were settled in
the eastern part of the province, and they have contributed very largely
to the rapid progress which that province has made. During the ten
years which followed the opening of Parliament at Cape Town the
commercial prosperity of the Colony* advanced with great rapidity.
While, in 1854, the exports were valued at about £700,000 (about f 3,800,-
000), in 1864 they had reached the amount of nearly £2,600,000 (about
$13,000,000); the importi» had risen from almost £1,550,000 (about
$7,500,000) in 1854 to about £2,470,000 (more than $12,000,000) in 1864.
During the Governorship of Sir Philip Wodehouse, which began
in 1862, various attempts were made to obtain a better administration
for the thickly populated native territories in the east of the Colony.
But this Governor became involved in difficulties through the failure
of the mixed syst'^u of government which had been established in the
Colony, to work smoothly. It was almost inevitable that friction should
arise between a Legislative Chamber, elected on a popular franchise,
and an Executive Government, appointed from outside. The result of
the discussions and the unhappy experiences which then occurred,
came in the granting of full responsible self-government, which was
instituted finally in the year 1872. Again, the conferring of this final

degree of self-government resulted in a great accession of energy and
commercial enterprise throughout the Colony. Now the exports
amounted to more than £4,200,000 (over $20,000,000); the imports in
the same year reached the comparatively large i^um of £5,500,000 (about
$27,000,000).

It was during this period that the opening of the diamond fields
brought a rush of Europeans and a great increase of commercial pros-
perity to the Cape Colony. It was the first great event which broke the
monotony of South African European life. Hitherto South Africa was
known practically as only a farm region. The attempts at viticulture
and the raising of fruits at the Cape or in Natal had made little or no
progress. The main hope of ambitious colonists had always gone in
the direction of developing the sheep Tarming of the country. Now for

lli

/. ',.,

CAPE COLON y, 1814-1900.

133

tlio fiPHt time in Soutli Africa tliere jfrew up a large town on a purely
couimerciai bauiM. Tlie rise of Kimberiey brouglit in many ways a pro-
found c'liange upon JSoutli Africa, uim)u Cape Colonial Hentimeuts.

In the year 1877 Sir Bartle Frere became (Jovernor of the Cai>e
Colony and entered upon hi» troubled reign. Elsewhere we deal with
the causes of his extraordinary failure. These causes lay not in him-
self nor in his policy nor in his methods, as we believe future historians
will abundantly prove. They lay, first, in the policy which curtailed
his sphere of authority as High Commissioner and in the failure of the
llome Government to grasp the real nature of the problems which con-
fronted him. They expected results of a kind and with a rapidity
which those who really knew South Africa saw to be absurd because
utterly impossible.

Cape Colony was deeply moved, of course, by that strange wave of
native enthusiasm and determination to fight the whites. It swept
from the east coast far across to the west side of the continent. It
specially affected the Cape Colony in so far as it troubled the territories
known as the Transkei, for which they were responsible, and, above
all, as it excited the warlike Basutos who had also been placed under
their authority. At this time the famous difference occurred between
the Governor and his Minfstry. He believed that the latter were acting
and determined to act in an unconstitutional manner, and he once for
all defended the Constitution by dismissing them from office. Mr. John
Gordon Sprigg, who became his Prime Minister, found himself involved
at once in all the difficulties of a most complicated situation. He
attempted to grapple with the Basuto problem by means of "The Peace
Preservation Act," whose main provision was that the natives occupy-
ing tribal territories under the Cape Colony should be disarmed. This
led to war with the Basutos, a war which lasted several years, which
brought no honor to the Colonial Government, which resulted in the
act for separating once more Basutoland from the Cape Colony and
restoring it to direct Imperial control. This disagreeable business was
finished in the year 1883.

In 1881, shortly after the advent of Sir Hercules Robinson as a
successor to Frere, there occurred the retrocession of the Transvaal.
This event thrilled the hearts of many thousands of Dutch farmers in

■

i;U

CAPE COLONY, i8 14- 1900.

l! |!<

Cape Colony with a new hope. The country which could give back
native territories in this easy way might, if pressed hard enough, give
back or give up still more. The Afrikander Bond was formed in the
heat of this hope, and the advent of that association at once exerted
untold influence upon both social and political life throughout Cape
Colony. It derived its main supporters from Cape Town and the western
province, and from the districts bordering on the Orange Free State.
Many of those members professed to be, and, no doubt, were, loyal to
Great Britain, but it is safe to say that many more, and they included
the really energetic and active members, seriously discussed together
."nd nourished the hope of hastening the day when South Africa should
be a so-called Dutch Republic and British authority be swept into the
sea. One of the earliest efforts of the Bond was to restore the Dutch lan-
guage to a level with the English on the floor of the Cape Parliament.
The result was that great power was put into the hands of the organizing
leaders of the Bond party at Cape Town, and those retrograde pieces
of legislation were begun which marred the history of that Parliament
from 1883 down to this date.

Needless to say the Cape Colony has been deeply affected by the
discovery of gold fields in the Transvaal, as well as by the opening up
of the great C^olony of Rhodesiih It must be remembered that the Cape
Colonists have ever cherished pride in their State as the Premier
Colony of South /frica. Among them lives the High Commissioner
for all South Africa, and he is the Governor of Cape Colony. The
Cclony has been eager to employ every means for maintaining its
primacy in commerce as well as in education, in diplomacy as well as in
official dignity. It has been chiefly anxious to hinder the opening up
of trade routes from other coasts into the interior, since it is evident that
if railway lines should run from harbors whether on the east or west
coast north of the Cape Colony borders, and pierce into the heart of the
continent, they would speedily prove more popular routes than those
which are reached by taking the longer voyage to Cape Town or Pt.
Elizabeth, and making in some cases a longer journey up country.

The Cape Colony must henceforth be content to stand on an equality
with the other members of the sisterhood of South African colonies.
The prosperity of these will uHimately add to her own, while the devel-

CAPE COLONY, 1814-1900.

135

opment of their distinctive resources will tend to concentrate the atteo-
tion of Cape Colonists upon those sources of wealth which hitherto
have received scant consideration. Enormous wealth lies before tho(M>
who will thoroughly improve the breed of sheep, who will perfwft the
manufacture of wine, who will open up the splendid fruit inmriog
regions, who will discover the best methods of stock raising ani who
will in these ways give to the Cape Colony the successful deyelopmeot
of its own characteristic treasures.

It remains to be said that in Cape Colony absolutely equal rlghtK ar
conferred upon black people and white people. Black people, of who li
there a^e now a considerable number fairly well educated and fairly
prosperous, may be appointed to serve on juries; and instances have
been known where a black man has served on a jury In a mm which
involved the acquittal or condemnation of a white man. The franchise
belongs to both races alike and on the same conditions. Aticording to
the laws of the land, as amended in 1892, a double test is applied. He
who would vote, whether black or white, must prove either that he hold))
property worth £75 (about $375) or receives wages amounting t<» £50 a
year (about $250), and, further, he must be able to sign his name aod to
record his employment and his address in his own handwriting.

Individual whites no doubt show contempt for -their black neighbors,
and some social customs have groVn up within the Colony whieh it is
hard for a superior race to avoid forming in its relation to an icferior;
but the fundamental fact, significant for the future history of the
races, is to be found in this absolute equality before the law. On the
whole, the black people of Cape Colony are aware that before most
judges and especially before those of English origin they can be stire of
having their cases fairly heard and justice honorably administered.

The Cape Colony is at present undergoing probably the severest
trial in its history. The strain upon the loyalty of its Dutch people
must have been at certain times within the last year almost lntoli*rab1e.
It ought to be recorded that their patience is very largely due to the self-
sacrificing devotion of Mr. W. P. Schreiner and his colleagues, especially
perhaps Mr. Kichard Solomon. These men are fighting as brave a battle
as Lord Roberts or General BuUer. For the sake of their country and
the Empire they are confronting the muttered resentment of the Bond

136

CAPE COLONY, 1814-1900.

party on the one hand ijnd the blatant Jingos on the other. When the
accounts are made at tl e close of this war the worth of the work of
these men will be seen by those who can see such things to have been
beyond all price. It surely says much for the future of South Africa,
gives us indeed a bright presage of the splendid days which are to come,
♦:hat Cape Colony is passing through this afQiction without civil war, and
it awaits, with divided feelings no doubt, but with stem self-repression
and patience, the approaching day when conditions shall be established
under which the final reconciliation of the white races will surely be
begun, and the best treatment of the enormous native population will
be deliberately adopted and steadily pursued by all the States and
Colonies of South Afriea.

;ii:'

>•
•J

tt.

lU-O

-I

i«

? o
o S

•s a

u
1^

5§

u a
§^

9
^§

a "

g»
IV

«««

^5
S2

4> U

a <-•
to o

•S '"

•0 a ta
rt *«

3 01 M

Nao
•<3— «

! .!

j i

^1^

' : 1 '

■f! .

■ t.

ll
i

Is
it
a^

"1
|s

is*

O
X

n «|

B * 3

u Sa

S ^^<
"s

o *^ 3

ail

<P Q> O

•sgfl

•of

■3 .5

S O g>

■gfl=

9 a

CHAPTER X.
THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

SECTION I. THE EARLIER HI&TORY OF THE TRANSVAAL.

ONE of the Boer leaders in the fierce battle of Boomplaats, in
1848, where the British were victorious, was A. W. J. Pretoriuf.
He fled northwards, followed by a large party of the more
determined and irreconcilable immigrants. A reward of £2,000 (about
$10,000) was offered for his apprehension. The British did not pursue
him across the Vaal River, especially as their small available force was
engaged in fierce fighting with the Kaffirs in the east. While the
British authorities were involved in these and other difficulties the
Boers across the Vaal River resolved to appeal once more for recogni-
tion as an independent state. The Governor, Sir Harry Smith, decided
to grant their request and a conference was held within the Orange
Free State, which resulted in what has ever since been known as the
Sand River Convention.

It must be clearly observed that in this act the Queen of Great
Britain, through her representatives, was in no position of submitting
to terms dictated by victorious enemies nor making a treaty with any
organized nationality having an independent standing. She was deal-
ing with men whom she considered as her subjects and who were so
considered by the rest of the world, so far as it thought of them at all.
In the next place in granting them the powers of self-government the
Queen did so on certain conditions, on whose fulfillment the continu-
ance of that self-government must be supposed to have rested. The
document is a very simple and a very short one, and was signed on
the 17th day of January, 1852. The names of the signatories are curious-
ly mixed up, those of the British commissioners standing amongst those
of the representative Boer farmers with whom the agreement was made.
The important parts of the convention are as follows: Her Majesty's
assistant commissioners are represented as settling and adjusting the
affairs of the eastern and northeastern boundaries of the Colony of the

119

140

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

Cape of Good Hope, and they have held a meeting with a deputation
from the immigrant farmers residing north of the Vaal Kiver. "The
assistant commissioners guarantee in the fullest manner, on the part
of the British Government, to the immigrant farmers beyond the Vaal
Eiver, the right to manage their own affairs and to govern themselves
according to their own laws, without any interference on the part of
the British Government; and that no encroachment shall be made by
the said Government on the territory beyond, to the north of the Vaal
Kiver, with the further assurance that the warmest wish of the British
Government is to promote peace, free trade, and friendly intercourse
with the immigrant farmers now inhabiting, or who may hereafter
inhabit, that country, it being understood that this system of non-
interference is binding upon both parties.

"Should any misunderstanding hereafter arise as to the true mean-
ing of the words the Vaal River, this question, in so far as regards the
line from the source of that river over the Drakensberg, shall be settled
and adjusted by commissioners chosen by both parties.

"Her Majesty's assistant commissioners hereby disclaim all alliances
whatsoever and with whomsoever of the colored nations to the north
of the Vaal River.

"It is agreed that no slavery is, or shall be, permitted in the country
TO the north of the Vaal River by the immigrant farmers."

The remaining four paragraphs deal with matters of trade, courts
of law, certificates of marriage, and the free movement of individuals
from one side of the Vaal River to the other in either direction. It is
distinctly laid down that "mutual facilities and liberty shall be afforded
to traders and travellers on both sides of the Vaal River."

It must be observed that the ambitious name of the "South Afcican
Republic" claimed by the immigrant farmers is not used or recognized
by this document.

Further it is of importance to notice that nothing was said, or
probably could have been said, regarding the boundaries of the Gov-
ernment here recognized. Much of the region into which they had gone
was practically unexplored, and therefore unknown to the British
authorities. Mr. Theal has risked the statement that "roughly speaking,
they (the boundaries) were the Limpopo River on the north, the Vaal

THE TRANSVAAL REPUb'JC.

141

River and a line a little above Kuruman on the south, the Kala-
hari desert on the west, and the mountainous country corresponding
with the Drakensberg on the east." This statement concedes too much,
even altb-^ngh it does not go to the extreme length which the Transvaal
delegat' i -vent when they placed their proposals before the Earl of
Derby in London in the year 1883. It is of significance that the docu-
ment always uses the phrase "north of the Vaal River" as the one
geographical term adequately describing the territory in question. Of
course, only a small part of the immense territory now covered by the
South African Republic was at that time actually occupied by the
immigrant farmers, and the question is how much territory eastwards,
westwards and northwards may fairly be said to have been in viev7
of both parties at the time of the Convention. To say that Mr. Pretorius
stretched his ambition as far as Kuruman on the west or the northern-
most point of the Limpopo River, is surely to give him credit for a
much larger ambition than was possible at that time. What is per-
fectly evident is, that, by the strict terms of this Convention at least,
no land west of the western end of the Vaal River could have been
claimed by the immigrant farmers. If they had at that time announce<i
it as their conception of the case that their territory included the region
of Bechuanaland which had for many years now been penetrated by
the missionaries of the London Missionary Society, with Moffat and
Livingstone among them, and by the traders who followed the route
which they opened up, the British commissioners would, beyond doubt,
have disallowed this claim. In determining the actual meaning of such
a document the entire circumstances on both sides must be taken into
account; and they, as subsequent conventions have proved, indicated
that the terms of that Convention applied, not to an unlimited territory
reaching more than half way across the continent, but to the territory
already occupied, or which could be easily occupied within a reasonable
time and without injury to other interests by the immigrant farmers.
The Article which states that the British Government disclaim all
alliances with natives to the north of the Vaal River must be inter-
preted in the same way; and it can be proved that no such alliances
have ever been made since that date by Great Britain until more than
thirty years afterwards, when native chiefs in Bechuanaland, after

■

142

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

repeated appeals to the British Government for protection from the
Boers, were declared to be under the British protectorate. But that
story shall be told later.

Tlie fourth Article is of immense importance not only as indicating
what was the prevailing and acknowledged idea concerning the attitude
of the Boers towards the slavery question, and their reputed treatment
of natives, but as forming a political basis for inquiry into the question
whether the conditions of the Sand River Convention were actually
observed by the Transvaal Boers in this as well as in other particulars.
This also is a story for later pages.

The immigrant farmers who had received recognition as a self*
governing community did not for a number of years exceed 20,000 men,
women and children. They were farmers distinctively and exclusively,
and they therefore selected from the vast territory at their disposal
those sections most favorable for agricultural and pastoral pursuits.
It is a recognized law of human history that the pastoral represents
a lower stage of development than the agricultural; it is therefore of
great significance that the Boer farmers of the Transvaal tended to
become lees and less of agriculturists and to attach their ideas of
wealth and prosperity to the extent of their flocks and herds. This
meant that every farm must be large, must consist of from 4,000 to
6,000 morgen or from 2,000 to 3,000 acres, and must be merely superin-
tended by the Boer owner; the actual work of attending to the stock or
raising the small crops necessary being left almost entirely in the hands
of native servants, as soon as these could be obtained and trained for
that purpose.

It is an interesting fact that the Transvaal Boers formed themselves
not into one but into several small republics. For twelve years there
were at least four of these, whose centers were respectively known as
Potchefstroom, Zoutpansberg, Lydenburg and Utrecht. Between these
several republics there were differences which became so bitter that on
more than one occasion there were brief and slight battles among them.
The bloodshed was happily not abundant, and the strife did not prevent
them from uniting in strong sympathy as soon as any movement out-
wards on native tribes was necessary. Efforts at the union of the four
began in 1857, when Pretorius, who was called President of the republic

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

143

at Potschefstroom, gradually obtained the assent of the other three
centers to a constitution, and at last, in 1864, the one Republic was
actually established. Its President was Martinus Wessel Pretorius,
and the Commanding-General was one whose name was destined to
become famous far and wide in after days, namely Stephanus Johannes
Paulus Kruger.

It is strange to discover that in this very year, 1852, on November
22d, the famous and high-sou led Robert Moffat wrote a letter to London,
in which he announced that the very Convention which we have de-
scribed was being made the basis and reason by the Boers for carrying
on war against tribes far distant from the main centers of the Boer
popiflations. After describing various attacks made upon different
tribes in which mission work had been begun, he goes on to say, "The
Boers can give no reason whatever for all this, except it be that all
the apprentices must become their vassals; and they conceive that
they have a special right to engage in wars and to depose chiefs of the
lands of their forefathers, on account of the late treaty between them
and the British Government, in which their independence north of the
Vaal River is acknowledged and proclaimed. Every account of rapine
and bloodshed is carried on with the excuse that the country is theirs
by authority of the Queen of England. This strange note jars horribly
on the ears of the natives. Their estimation of England was once very
high."

In the year 1857-58 the Republic began to cast its eyes westwards
and entered upon a policy of territorial expansion towards Bechuana-
land. The trouble for the Bechuanas was begun by a Bushman, who
committed depredations in the Orange Free State and carried his booty
across the Vaal River into Bechuanaland. Here he was unfortunately
allowed to settle by the paramount chief of the Batlaping tribe. His
success and apparent immunity encouraged several others to
follow his example, and they too succeeded in making raids both into
the Transvaal and the Orange Free State and bringing home a con-
siderable amount of live stock and some fine horses. As soon as pos-
sible a party of Dutchmen was sent into this district, the leaders were
killed and the chief himself, who had given them custody, was shot and
beheaded. The Dutchmen, not content with punishing so severely the

; 1
fl
1

1
1!

1
1

144

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

other depredators, pushed on to the village of Taungs, where a number

of refugees from the already punished tribe had taken refuge. The

chief of this district, Mahure by name, had himself disapproved the

raids and none of his people had taken part in them, but the Dutchmen

compelled him to promise payment of an exceedingly heavy indemnity,

amounting to 8,000 cattle, 300 horses, and 500 guns, besides 10 men

accused of murder. This fine was of course an impossible one, and it is

probable that Mahure did not know its real amount when he agreed

to it. The missionaries have always asserted that none of the Christian

chiefs of the Batlaping tribe villages had taken any part in these raids,

and they felt, therefore, that the threats uttered by the Dutchmen

against the whole Batlaping tribe were unjust. Nevertheless the

Dutchmen issued a warning that in the following year they would carry

their raids westwards, even as far as Kuruman.

About that time they heard that the representatives of the London
Missionary Society, who were considerably increased in numbers, were
contemplating, under the inspiration of Moffat and Livingstone, au
extension of their missionary work as far north as the Zambesi River.
A letter was therefore sent to Dr. Moffat informing him that no mis-
sionaries would be allowed to proceed north without permission granted
by the President of the South African Republic! This warning was
actually made while there were still four republics in the Transvaal
and in the name of Pretorius, whose only center of rule and authority
was at Potschefstroom. On hearing of these transactions Sir George
Grey, the Governor of Cape Colony, sent a letter of remonstrance to
Pretorius which had two results. In the first place a reply was sent
to Cape Town, in which T»retoriu8 expressed his own admiration and
high regard for the noble Christian work of the missionaries at Kuru-
man. The second result was that the threatened invasion of Bechuana-
land was abandoned, and not for many years was any claim heard that
the Boers had rights of sovereignty in that region.

SECTION II. THE TRANSVAAL. 1864-1877.

It was in 1858 that Marthinus Wessel Pretorius, who was at that
time President of the little Republic at Potchefstrom, drew up the docu-
ment which ultimately became the Constitution of the South

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

145

Africa Republic. It took six years before the other three little states
adopted this Constitution and the one Government was established over
the whole country. The four communities were very jealous of one
another and several fights took place ere the union was consummated.

From that year, 1864, onward the history of the Transvaal really
consisted in its struggles with the surrounding tribes and the occa-
sional changes in its supreme ofiieers. The internal history contains
almost nothing that can be recorded. No progress of any kind either in
social or political organization was made; rather is the story of the
internal aflairs of the Republic the story of growing ignorance and
bitterness until a state of actual collapse was reached. The population
was increasing at a considerable rate, and as it increased the distance of
the furthest farmers from the little villages which they called towns,
became too large for anything like frequent communication. A gener-
ation of Boers therefore grew up who were really more ignorant than
the fathers who had first entered the land. Fewer of them could read or
write, fewer of them had ever tasted anything of an orderly government,
even for the pleasure of repudiating it, fewer of them had ever been
pricked in conscience as to their treatment of the dependent races.
More of them took for granted that their isolated way of life was that
which the will of God ordained, and that the clearing out of blacks,
"brambles" as they were often euphemistically called, was a divine duty
imposed by the Scriptures of the Old Testament. No roads were made,
and hardly ever a bridge was thought of. Trade was carried on by
means of barter almost entirely, except when a wandering trader from
abroad or an enterprising hunter or a hated missionary came to their
farms for supplies. These always were expected to pay in coin of the
British realm, whose value was much prized while the image and super-
scription were detected.

The first trouble of any importance with an outside people began in
the beginning of 1865, when the Baramapulana tribe offered resistance
to some depredations by a Boer commando. This tribe occupied a very
strong position in a mountainous region in the north of the Transvaal.
They had for some years formed the habit, as all native tribes did so
rapidly, of purchasing guns from white traders; and this gave them of
course a much greater advantage when fighting with the Boers, com-

146

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

pared with that which even more warlike tribes had enjoyed when they
were armed only with the spear and javelin. Mr. Theal, the well-known
describer of South African history from the pro-Boer and anti-mission-
ary point of view, states the beginning of this war as follows: "In
April, 1865, when searching for a fugitive offender, some of the lawless
Europeans and a party of blacks who were assisting them, committed
acts of great violence upon the outposts of the tribe, and a general war
was brought on." When translated into less clouded language it means
that some one, most probably a native and very probably a slave, who
at 30 years of age thought his apprenticeship, which legally came to an
end at 22 years of age, ought to cease, had fled across the indeterminate
border into the territory of this tribe, or perhaps a herd had run off with
some cattle, or it may be that an adventurous spirit of this tribe had
stolen a cow from a Boer farmer. All these were things that happened
all round the Transvaal territory, and were made the occasion con-
stantly for calling a commando to go and attack the tribe whose chief
and headmen may have been absolutely innocent of all wrong, who may
have been in the first place the injured party, and who now had no
alternative but to fight or lose their land and cattle without fighting.

On the occasion here referred to the Boers found themselves involved
in a larger task than they anticipated. The leader of the Boer forces
was no less a man than the Commandant General Paul Kruger. He
found that the southern burghers refused utterly to help their northern
brethren in this struggle. He himself advanced with his troops as
boldly as usual, but to his own chagrin and the consternation of the
entire country, was defeated and forced to retire. So complete was the
reverse that the Boer farmers had to desert the neighboring district, and
the rich region of the Zoutpansberg was forsaken by the white farmers
for some years.

The news of this native triumph spread of course as all news does
with the utmost rapidity from tribe to tribe. Others grew bolder in
every direction, feeling that defeat was not inevitable and the Boers not
invincible. In Bechuanaland several chiefs whose names afterwards
came very much to the front in connection with border disputes, at this
time began their courageous attitude.

On the southwestern corner a very important dispute had gradually

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

147

been gathering in bitterness and determination. The Boers claimed
that this territory, which is opposite the diamond fields north of the
Vaal river, belonged to them. The native chiefs alleged that no treaty
and no conquest could be produced in evidence of this claim, that the
territory had belonged to them and their ancestors for a long time.
President Pretorlus got into correspondence with the Governor at Cape
Town over this, and it was agreed to submit the matter to a court of
arbitration. They decided that in case of disagreement between the
two arbitrators the matter should be submitted to a final umpire. It
is of the utmost importance to remember the fact as often as the "Keate
Award," as it is called, is mentioned, whether by Boer or British,
whether for condemnation or approval, that Mr. Keate, who was then
Lieutenant-Governor of Natal, was actually nominated as umpire by
President Pretorius himself. The arbitrators of course disagreed and
Governor Keate travelled across the country to receive the evidence
and come to a decision. It is alleged by the Boer's friends that Pre-
torius and his attorneys presented their case very weakly, and that may
well have been the case. But no one is able to dispute that on the evi-
dence presented to him Governor Keate gave a sound decision.
Although the Transvaal had been by its President committed to accept
this Award, the Raad promptly rej)udiated the whole proceedings, and
insisted upon the resignation of President Pretorius. This occurred in
the end of the year 1871.

The Boers made up their minds under some strange inspiration, that
what they lacked in their rulers was education and acquaintance with
the affairs of the world. They decided therefore that the next Presi-
dent must be a man who knew more than the ordinary matters concern-
ing Boer farmers and native disputes; must be a man in fact of real
training, large experience and acknowledged power. Such a man they
thought they had found in the person of Thomas Frangois Burgers.
This man had at one time been a minister of the Dutch Reformed
Church, whose views had grown too broad for that office and who was
now available for service in political life. As described on all hands
by those who knew him, he was a man of unbounded vigor of intellect,
great ambition, real knowledge of affairs, and possessing also a great
gift of ringing and persuasive oratory.

148

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

No sooner was Burgers in the Presidential chair, than he launched
out into the most ambitious schemes. He told the Boers that their
country ought before long to be inhabited by 8,000,000 people, white
people of course, and tfcat they ought to attain a speedy international
standing and high dignity amongst the powers of the world. He in-
sisted that this could not be attained without extensive public improve-
ments in the Way of roads, bridges, railways, and no on. They must
have better laws, especially dealing in a broader way with government
lands and native lands. Legislation having in view all these improve-
ments in administration and government was secured, and in good
time President Burgers proceeded on an important visit to Europe in
order to obtain the money wherewith to begin the vast schemes which
he had outlined. This mission was a comparative failure. Instead of
the i.30C,000 (about $1,500,000) which he aimed at he could only secure
£90,000 (about $450,000). With this sum he purchased the material
necessary for building a railway, and had this transported promptly to
Lorenzo Marques, where it lay undisturbed for years and went to rust
and destruction. On his return to his country he found that the acting-
President Joubert and the Commandant-General Kruger had co-operated
ardently in the work of undoing all that he had with infinite pains
managed to attain. They deliberately ignored his legislation and ren-
dered it impossible to realize a number of his administrative schemes;
they also used his absence as an opportunity for stimulating public
prejudice against him. The chief ground of accusation against him was
that he was an unbeliever, while they were the servants of the Lord.
This contrast was driven home with such persistence and power that it
gradually spread through the country a feeling of dread that they should
be found under the direction of an unbeliever. Many of them could not
see how they should expect prosperity when a man accused of such ter-
rific departures from the faith was their President.

These things happened up to the year 1875. In the year following
diflBculties began with the tribe of the Bapedi, who had as their chief a
strong man by name Secocoeni. As usual the dispute was about land,
and as usual the Boers determined to end the dispute by an attack upon
this tribe. Burgers himself led in this war, finding himself at the head
of about 2,500 white men and several hundreds of black men. The

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

149

quarrel had arisen not with Secocoeni in the first place, but with hiH
brother, a Christian man called Johannes who lived at the miMMion sta-
tioii of a Mr* Merensky. He fled of course from this place when the
trouole began, and was protected by his brother, the chief. It mti»t be
remembered that this chief had never been and was in no mnm a imb*
ject of the Republic when this war began, and that this land bad been
under the actual occupation of his own brother as part of the tribal ter-
ritory.

The Boers were successful in two opening battles of their campai^^,
the second of these taking place at the stronghold which Johanna had
occupied. The Boers left the actual attack to their horrible ankrt4, the
Swazis, and allowed them when the place was captured ta AimiToy it;
the women and children were killed with the utmost barbarl(*m. Jo-
hannes himself was fatally wounded; he lingered only two day« and
died, taking leave of his people in the most solemn fashion, urging bis
brother to become a reader of the Word of God. It is scarcely po^^ible
to read descriptions, more than can be recorded in these page«, of attacks
like these upon native chiefs, some of whom were at least &% earnest and
religious, at least as honorable and peace-loving as the ordinary white
man, without feelings of the utmost shame. And when one remembers
that the people who did this kind of thing were not isolated Irresponsi-
ble blackguards, but the leaders and soldiers of a nation which in being
described all over the world as a distinctively religious people, and that
they carried on these practices under the cloak of Old Testament exam-
ples, natural horror at the scenes depicted becomes moral Indignation
at the excuses urged in their defense.

On the 2nd of August in the year 1876, the Boers attacked the moun-
tain on which Secocoeni himself was intrenched. Only a few oi the
Boers had the courage to face th.^s problem, for as soldiers they have
ever been accustomed to fighting in the open with those who had no fire-
arms, and from behind breastworks and trenches when dealing with
those who possessed them. This attack therefore failed, and the entire
Boer army returned in disgrace to Pretoria. The President had suf-
ficient energy to build a fort at a place called Steelport, where be after-
wards kept a few men to guard against invasion of the Trausvaa].

Consternation thrilled through all South Africa, black and white, at

__. u:

15Q

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

the news of this disaster to the white men. The Boers themselves could
not be aroused to any fresh effort. A special meeting of the Raad was
called and it was decided to entrust the further operation of the war to
a body of volunteers. These were to be raised by a foreigner named
Schlickmann, who was succeeded later by a very clever and unscrupu-
lous Irishman called Ayiward. The latter, some years later, found it
so necessary to clear his name and to attack the British relations to the
Transvaal, that he wrote a considerable volume, which failed in both of
thes' inms. These men secured as their volunteers a strange mixture
of desperadoes from different parts of South Africa, men who for the
most part were wandering about in search of excitement, who were
attracted by the prospect of a war which was legitimized by a Govern-
ment and by the prospect of liberal rewards in lands and plunder which
were offered to them. Some of the horrors performed by these "filibus-
ters," as the newspapers of South Africa speedily nicknamed them, are
too dreadful for record. Of course they failed in their main object, and
the war lingered on in the most miserable fashion, increasing the pres-
tige of the black men and strengthening the convictions of the Zulus
and Swazis that their day of vengeance had come.

As a matter of fact Cetywayo, the powerful Zulu chief, made up his
mind that his hour had come for washing his spears in the blood of the
Boers. In the spring of 1877 he made quiet but effective preparations
for an attack upon the Transvaal.

The Boers then, after twelve years' effort at self-government, had
utterly failed. No other word can be written across the history of those
years than the word "collapse." These people had asked for self-
government from the Queen, who gave it to them; they had failed
egregiously not only in maintaining right relations to the native peoples
but in managing their own affairs; their taxes were unpaid; their
ofl&cers received their salaries long after they were due, and in very un-
certain installments. Bitterness among themselves was now approach-
ing a very intense degree, inasmuch as an election of representatives was
approaching and a supreme contest was raging between Kruger and
Burgers for the Presidentship. Observers of the country at this time
predicted that, if such an election took place war would break out
amongst the white men themselves. Burgers had tried in vain to obtain

fi V

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

151

/■

loans in Europe; he had even sought alliances with various European
powers including Germany and Holland, but these had consistently de-
clined. The country therefore had a gradually increasing debt, abso-
lutely no credit, no administration, no taxes, nothing in fact of all the
activities that constitute a living government. This was the position
of affairs in 1876 when the British Government first stepped in.

SECTION III. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE BOERS.

It has been wittily said that the Boers went to South Africa in the
seventeenth century and have been travelling backwards ever since,
This, of course, is not true of the Dutch inhabitants of the Cape
Colony and of the Orange Free State. The fact is that circum-
stances have divided the entire Dutch people of South Africa roughly
into two classes. One class consists of those who have had the good
fortune to live in or near European towns, or have possessed farms on
some of the main roads of travel. These have of course made great
progress in culture of various kinds. They are quite equal to any ol
their white neighbors of whatever descent, German or English or
Scotch. As one travels north and west in Cape Colony one finds that
the people gradually deteriorate in character and attainments until, in
the Orange Free State, the qui; i (y of the Dutch farmer suddenly rises
again. Hence it is that we find such contradictory accountN and such
confusion of mind in many directions, both in England and America,
when the Dutch of South Africa are being discussed. People contra'
diet each other with the utmost heat when they are not fliscussing the
same subject! In Africa the name Boer is now given to thoH* of the Dutch
population who have pushed farthest away from enters of civilization,
and the name has T^^'en long ere this used in a special manner concern-
ing the inhabitants of the Transvaal. The world is to 'ay chiefly inter-
ested not in those Dutch people who have grown in ■ the possession of
an ordinary European education and civilization, but in the Boers who
have pursued other ideals and who to-day confront Great Britain for
the preservation, as they imagine, of those ideals.

In the first place, be it observed that the Boers entered the Trans-
vaal fighting; that they have extended the borders of the Transvaal
until today it is larger than France, by fighting; that their whole career

162

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

is a career of warfare, and their principal national organizations have
hitherto been created for the purposes of war. Hence we must be pre-
pared to find the Boer a man of great vigor and independence and deter-
mination. His vigor is nurtured by his healthy life in the open air;
his independence is nourished by the largeness of his farms, for it i8
a small farm which measures less than three square miles in extent;
and his determination of will is strengthened by every attack which he
makes successfully upon a native tribe, by every call which his leaders
address to him to fear and resist the approach of an English "tyranny."

The kind of life which thus the Boer determined to pursue has re-
sulted in the creation of what we must call land-hunger. This is one
of the most curious and striking characteristics of the Boer people in the
Transvaal. The possession of land is the supreme social ideal. It is
this which gives a man status among his fellow citizens; it is this which
is a test of his worth, the more land the greater the man. The man
who owns none is an object of pity, if not of contempt. This passion
has exercised a very powerful influence over the entire history of the
country. The annual, or still more frequent, wars with native tribes have
always had for their main object the gaining of more land for hungering
farmers. The treaties made with nadves upon which afterwards gov-
ernmental authority was usually established had to do first of all with
land. Land is the Boer gold, and perhaps it may be called his god.

Closely connected with this must of course be mentioned the family
life of the Boer. They are famous for their large families. One man
is said to have boasted that he had given thirty-two citizens to his
country. The families usually range from six to twelve or fourteen
children. Of course as these grow up, provision must be made for
them, and the only provision possible is either the division of the
paternal estate or the obtaining of new farms. As marriages take
place very early in life the population thus increases at an enormous
rate and the demand for new farms makes a constant pressure upon the
borders of the country, forcing them out over neighboring tribal terri-
tories.

As is always the case with people who live far separated from ont
another, who have to take long journeys on various social and busines
occasions, hospitality becomes a highly valued virtue. Away from thi

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

153

high roads this hospitality is open and genuine. Every white face is
welcome, and the family arrangements are without hesitation com-
pletely upset that the visitors may be warmly treated. Beside the
high roads the farmers became liable to visits from wandering travellers
of various descriptions and were often made the victims of cruel jokes
and unjust dealings. This tended to make them suspicious and even
hard or greedy in their dealings with all "uitlanders" who approached
them. Travellers who have come long distances with wagons and oxen
have many needs to satisfy when they reach the verges of civilization,
and the Boer can help them or refuse to help them in many little ways
which concern their comfort. Where such travellers are frequent it has
become necessary for the farmers to make charges both for attentions
and for provisions which, away from the high roads, would be gladly
bestowed without charge.

In a Boer household the position of woman is by no means a high
one. She is hard worked, deprived of the privilege of much travel or
intercourse with her fellows; she is uneducated and not expected to
show any intelligent interest in other than domestic affairs. Visitors
to Pretoria have described the evident inferiority of the position which
even Mrs. Kruger occupies in her own household. The women go out
little, it is said, from the fear lest the sun destroy their complexion; the
result is that they are almost without exception very stout, as well as
very large, and that their faces iiave an unnaturally bleached look.
Some travellers and observers have made hard assertions upon the
households and personal habits of the Boers. It is not easy to find
excuse for whole families living in houses of two or three rooms, for
the neglect of the simplest habits of personal cleanliness, for the gen-
eral untidiness and dilapidation presented by the majority of their
farm buildings and agricultural methods. At the same time justice
must be done to them from the consideration that their life had, until
the last few years, taken them many hundreds of miles from any rail-
way; that they had no roads, and therefore little communication with
the outside world. Few were the influences brought to bear upon them
to rebuke their neglect of such matters. It was hard to obtain furni-
ture or ornaments, clothing, or other minor but necessary appurte-
nances of a civilized life. Moreover such things could usually be ob-

154

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

tained only for cash, and of cash the Boer usually saw little. His
wealth consisted in the land which he occupied, in the flocks and herds,
the grain and vegetables and fruit which his extensive farm or estate
so abundantly yielded. In all these things he might be said to be rich
beyond the average of such farmers anywhere.

Education is by the Boers of the Transvaal by no means openly
despised, but almost totally neglected. So far as it is carried on it is
mainly by itinerate teachers who pass from farm to farm or district to
district, instructing the children. Their chief object is to prepare them
for the examination in reading the Scriptures and reciting catechism,
without which they cannot be received into the church, nor be allowed
to marry. Thus the education of the majority of the Transvaal Boers
has been gradually growing poorer and poorer, and it is said that a very
large proportion of the adults can neither read nor write.

Next to their commandos and land extension, the Boers are interested
in their church. Perhaps it is not fair to say next, in this manner, for
much of their conduct in relation to land grabbing is stimulated by their
religious ideas. It is, as we shall see on the authority of one who knew
them well and as is so often described by so many travellers, the literal
fact that the Boers of the Transvaal apply the Old Testament language
concerning Israel literally to themselves, and its language concerning
the Canaanites, who were to be destroyed and crushed out,, literally to
the native tribes. It is hard to say how much of hypocrisy there is in
this; it must be confessed that in a very large number of instances it
is no hypocrisy, but a clear belief in which they have been trained from
childhood. The great church events of the year are the Nachtmaal
seasons, when they travel by ox wagon shorter or greater distances to
the nearest church for the purpose of celebrating the comEiunion.

The language which the Boers speak is hardly intelligible to Dutch-
men from Holland. It is practically a new colloquial tongue which
during nearly three centuries has developed on South African soil. It
has become differentiated from Holland Dutch alike in pronunciation
and idioms, some of which are drawn from native languages and all of
which together combine to render it a very uncouth and imperfect
medium of communication. It has not even the richness and smooth-
ness of the colloquial native tongues. In church of course pure Dutch

ZULU WARRIORS

Zulus as a people have learned to live for war. Their Chief Chaka was the first te drill his soldiers
In a systematic way, and thus made them practically Invincible. They use either the "asseBai" which is
a spear consisting of a long, wooden handle with an armored lancet-shaped point at one end, or the "knob-
keerie." The latter is the weapon held in their right hands by these men. In addition each man carrlea
a shield. In actual battle the shield is larger than those in this picture, so large as to hide a man as he
crouches behind it on the ground. The shield is made of dried skin stretched around a frame of wood.

~N*^-'-.-

•1: :i-;':^^^rx^^*:^Wi;&^si

r>;:.;:

fx^jitii

d %% W

if'h'fi^m I'i* *^*>|r»'%|

'■ ^

ZULU WARRIORS, UNCIVILIZED

The first picture shows part of a Zulu regiment with Its strange bead-gear and shields and spears,
crouching on the ground with ouly their commander standing In front.

ZULU WARRIORS, CIVILIZED

The second shows the same class of men after they have come under the training of British
officers. They are armed with rifles and bayonets, and wear the light and useful clothing of the
native volunteers.

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

157

Is spoken, and in their Bibles they read it, but it requires more frequent
church attendance than many of them are able to give to enable them
to become proficient in the understanding of sermonic Dutch.

It is an interesting and remarkable feature that one of the favorite
characteristics of the Boers, one which they admire most in every one,
is expressed by the word "slim." When a Boer farmer speaks affection-
ately and admiringly of General Joubert he nicknames him "slim Piet."
The word means cunning, and is applied to those who in their business
and political dealings have shown themselves adepts at "taking in"
their rivals and competitors. The man who can most effectively "take
in" a native chief or an English trader who thinks himself smart, or
the English Government conscious of its power and easily making
agreements with its weaker neighbors, thereby displays to his admiring
neighbors the quality described by "slim."

On the whole, concerning the average Boer of the Transvaal, the
judgment of travelers and close observers has generally been that he is
a man of natural power whose circumstances had until the last few
years been dragging him backwards into barbarism, but who has shown
in various ways his capacity to develop rapidly into an enlightened
citizen of this generation.

The following paragraphs, which seem to have a certain value as
coming from a close student of the facts and a sympathetic observer
of human nature in white race or black, were written by the late John
Mackenzie. In his "Ten Years North of the Orange River," which was
published in 1871,he says:

"A few years ago, religious strife and party-spirit ran high in the
Transvaal country; and on more than one occasion the opposing forces
took the field. They kept, however, at long range from one another,
and happily not much blood was shed. A description of the causes
of the combats would take us back more than two hundred years in the
history of our own country. The "Doppers," as they are called, occupy
the position of dissenters from the Established Dutch Church in South
Africa; although they do not object to receive aid from the State. The
only difference between them and their opponents which an elder of the
Dutch Church could mention to me, was first that (like the Cameronians
in Scotland) they sing only the Psalms of David in public worship; all

rr- -Tifrfi-Tigaagi^pji

158

THE TRANSVAAL ft^PUBLlC.

other sacred hymns being "carnal." Then there was a certain cloth
or covering used bj the Doppers in public worship and at the Table of
the Lord, different from that used in the Church. Beyond these two
points in ''religion" my informant could not go; although the differ-
ence had been the cause of bloodshed. He went on to say that in their
own dress the Doppers, like the Quakers, do not approve of the changes
of fashion. Their costume is usually a hat of the very largest dimen-
sions; a short jacket, part of the cloth for which would seem to have
gone to make the trousers, which are very roomy; a large vest, buttoned
to the chin; and the usual ''veld-schoen." My informant admitted that
the Doppers were very good people, although he thought that they
could be improved by "conforming" both as to the singing of hymns
and the wearing of longer coats. The remaining portion of the Dutch
community is divided ecclesiastically into Orthodox and "Liberaalen,"
or Rationalists, as they are called in England. In Potchefstroom these
three sections had separate congregations — all consisting of Dutch-
speaking people. It was perhaps better that they should differ and
even fight about a hymn or a vestment than remain in the torpid routine
of formalism. The existence of the Orthodox, Liberaalen, and Doppers,
in the Transvaal, and also in the Cape Colony, is an evidence of increas-
ing life and thought among the people.

"The frontier Dutchman prefers the Old to the New Testament. He
is at home among the wars of the Israelites with the doomed inhabitants
of the Promised Land. And no one who has freely and for years min-
gled with this people can doubt that they have persuaded themselves
by some wonderful mental process that they are God's chosen people,
and that the blacks are the wicked and condemned Canaanites over
whose heads the Divine anger lowers continually. Accordingly, in
their wars with the natives, the question of religion is at once brought
into continual and prominent mention. Dutchmen will tell you that
in a certain engagement the "heathern" loss was so many, and there were
so many Christians murdered. Worship is conducted in the laager
or camp by some official of the church, who probably exercises mili-
tary rule as well. In their prayers the language of the heroes of the
Old Testament is freely appropriated; they are God's people, and their
enemies are His enemies. And here a geographical question presents

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

159

itself to their minds. If they are the chosen people, they must be either
in or out of the Promised Land. The latter is the received opinion:

"Man never is, but always to be, blest."

In their journeys northwards they would seem to have cherished
the hope of speedily reaching the land of Canaan. A map of the world
drawu by a Dutch colonist would be a curiosity. At a certain mission
station some Dutchmen laughed to scorn the idea that the earth was
round. Those, therefore, whose cosmos is what they have seen on
horseback, or heard described by "traveled" neighbors, are to be
excused if their ideas of the distance between South Africa and Pales-
tine are peculiar to themselves. I have been often privately questioned
on this point by some grave house-father. "Was Canaan near?"
"Where was Egypt?" "Could one go there in his wagon?" In this con-
nection it is somewhat affecting as well as amusing to know that the
farmers in some of the most northerly districts inhabited by the Dutch,
have names given to them indicating the longing of the farmers to reach
the land of promise and of rest.

"The faith and the simplicity of the devout and humble Dutch colon-
ist are changed into fanaticism and superstition in the case of those who
have only the "form of godliness," without loyally submitting them-
selves to its "power." What they want in their own life and character
they strive to make up by wonderful "experiences," of which they them-
selves are the only witnesses. I have listened a whole evening, in a
company of Dutchmen, to the recital by one and another of anecdotes
of Divine interpositions and warnings; of people who were told, as in
Old Testament times, that they would get better of some sickness, how
long they would live, etc. — ^the event always tallying with the predic-
tion. It is a fact that some Dutch hunters resort to the use of dice
before going out to the day's sport, a native diviner being called upon
to declare by this means in which direction game is to be found on that
day. A Dutchman in the border districts will often submit to the
charms and necromancy of a heathen priest and doctor, under the de-
lusion — ^which the native of course encourages — that he has been
bewitched. Not long ago a native doctor was deliberately rewarded by
a Dutchman, who had long been without an heir, because through the

}

msei

100

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

said doctor's charms and spells the farmer's wife had at length brought
forth a son. Ignorance has thus been gradually lowering the tone of
the people, especially in the case of those coming into contact with the
natives. The remark which I have often heard made by Englishmen
who had long resided among the frontier Dutch might no doubt have
been made with equal justice for several generations — that the "young
Dutchmen are seldom such fine men on the whole as their fathers."
This of course could not apply to those who have come under European
influence, but to those who have fled from it.

"The farther the Dutch-speaking population is removed from centers
of civilization, from churches and from schools, the ruder are their man-
ners and the more uncouth the dialect which they speak. Their fellow
countrymen to the south affect great contempt for their restless
connections on the frontier, and sometimes call them "Vaalpensen,"
which is the Dutch for Bakalahari, the ill favored and lean vassals of
the Bechuanas. I have observed that many young Dutchmen, sur-
rounded from their youth by Bechuana servants, introduce certain
Bechuana idioms into their own language in ordinary conversation.
For instance, the Bechuanas have a hyperbolical way of speaking about
pain or sickness, which is ridiculous when reproduced in Dutch. If a
Bechuana man has a headache, the idiom of his language requires him
to say, "I am killed by my head;" if he has a sore finger, "I am killed
by my finger." This is now in constant use in Dutch in certain districts.
Again, when a Bechuana wishes to arouse or to hasten his servant, he
will say, although it should be before sunrise, "Make haste, the sun has
set." The Dutchmen on the frontier are learning to say the same thing,
not only to their servants but to one another.

"The hospitality of the Dutchmen residing in the remoter districts
may be said to be wonderful, and it is a most worthy trait in their
character. No person, black or white, leaves a frontier farm without
having partaken of food. Natives travelling through these districts
count upon such entertainment along with the farm servants, and
Europeans know that they may quite reckon upon a place at the far-
mer's own table. On much frequented roads this habit is gradually
changing; and a "bondle-drager," a person on foot, who carries his all
in a bundle, is not very welcome at farm houses, and for sufficient rea-

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

sons. In the Transvaal, when gold diggers in large numbers were
expected through the country, I had an opportunity of observing the
high place which hospitality occupies in the mind of the Dutch house-
holder. Not wishing to invite suspicious characters to his house, a
farmer whom I knew proponed to build on his premises a little "house
of entertainment," where he Intended to supply food and a night's lodg-
ing to passing strangers. "The bad character of the people must not
cause us to fail in what is our duty," said this Dutchman; and I believe
he gave utterance to the feelings of many of his neighbors. But the
white-skin passport to the Dutchman's table sometimes leads to amus-
ing incidents. For instance, a gentleman living in a certain distant
village rode out one day to visit a Dutch neighbor. To his surprise,
when all had assembled at dinner, he found his own coachman among
the guests. He had obtained leave of absence that morning, and, not
knowing his master's intentions, was paying a visit here on his own
account."

SECTION IV. THE TRANSVAAL GOVERNMENT AND NATIVE RACES.

During the years 1864-1876 the history of the Transvaal Republic
is chiefly concerned with the wars carried on by the Burghers against
strong native tribes in the northeast, east and southeast. The student
of their character and social organization will also be much concerned
during this period with the question of their treatment of natives
within their own territory. According to the fourth article of the Sand
River Convention (1852) they were bound to have no slavery, but in
the "Grondwet" or Fundamental Constitution of the Republic, drafted
in 1855 and adopted in 1858, which is the basis of the South African
Republic to-day, it is determined that "the people (the Boers) will
suffer no equality of whites and blacks, either in State or in Church."
The black man possesses practically no status in the eyes of the law,
except in relation to such laws as limit his freedom of movement and
his possession of property. The policy of the Transvaal was, in a few
districts where they found tribes existing, to allow tribal law to
continue, and it has sometimes been represented as the policy through-
out the country; but the same class of writers also urge in another
breath and for another purpose that the larger part of the centra'

KM.;" " !!

162

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

i i

' Trangyaal had been denuded of population by the terrific raids of
Moselekatse and his blood-thirsty Zulu regiments. When the Boers
settled in these unoccupied territories, the problem pressed upon them
how they were to obtain native labor. Natives did not and would not
flock to service under them as they have flocked to the diamond mines
or the* gold mines under the British Government, nor volunteer to serve
the farmers in the Transvaal as they have willingly done in many parts
of Cape Colony. The Boers, on the other hand, had already received
into iheir souls the poison which white people so often have contracted
where they are in the presence of such races; namely, that of a contenipt
for manual labor. Servants, therefore, had to be found, and one of
the interesting questions vital to the understanding of the economical
history of the Transvaal during these twelve years bears upon this
question. How did they find this labor? There can be little doubt
that during these early years the Boers were much less scrupulous
about the way in which they treated the native tribes than they have
become in recent years under the severe criticism of outlander whites
and of their own higher-minded fellow Dutchmen in the south.

The people who gave the blacks no equality in State or in Church
could iii/i;, if their principles were to be carried out, allow natives to
own land, oven when they had made enough money to purchase it.
Hence it became the custom for blacks here and there who desired to
own land to purchase it through, and have it registered in the name of,
some missionary or other white man, in whose honesty they trusted.
This was all that the black man could possibly attain. Further, no
native was allowed to move about from place to place without a pass,
which, needless to say, could not be obtained without some little diffi-
culty. The operation of these two laws resulted in this, that the native
adults in the Transvaal were wholly dependent for their work, rate of
wages and opportunities for purchase, upon the Boer farmers on whose
land they happened to live. Moreover, every farmer had the right to
impose hut-taxes upon all natives living on his lands.

N eedless to say, little or nothing was done by the Boers for the edu-
cation OP the religious improvement of the natives within their own
country. They provided themselves with churches, a ad maintained a
zealous form of religion, but they frankly and openly avowed that this

\:\h

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

103

religion was not intended for the blacks. It was not for many year*
that the ministers of the Dutch Reformed Church, many of whom bare
always been earnest and sincere Christian men, succeeded in perinad-
ing their church to promote the cause of the Gospel amoDgit their own
subject peoples. In fact, one of the most remarkable »t&tem€nUi, made
so late as the year of the London Convention, 18834, referred to this
very matter, and part of it may be quoted here as characterimtie of their
spirit and indicative of the progress they hvA hitherto made. In the
manifesto which they issued, addressed to the English'Speakfog people,
they dealt with the accusations made against them regarding the
treatment of the natives. They refer to the horrible mii»deed« com-
mitted by the Dutch in the Indian Archipelago and the EttgU^h in
India, and even in the present century by the Southern planters in the
United States.

They confess that their own people may have been guilty in earlier
years of the Kepublic*s history, "on that account we humbly pray to
the Lord, our God, to forgive us the sins that may have been committed
in hidden corners." "If you leave us untrammeled, we dare hope to God
that ere a new generation has passed by a considerable portion of our
natives in the Transvaal will be converted to Christianity — at least, our
Government is preparing arrangements for a more thorough Christian
mission among them."

In spite of the strenuous denials that have been made on certain
occasions regarding the Boer treatment of the natives, the evidence is
too abundant and too varied in its origin to allow of any donbt on ttro
points, first, that the supply of native labor was maintained by the
importation of captives, mostly women and young children taken in
their raids upon native tribes beyond the borders, and secondly, that
there was established within the Transvaal during the first twelve
years of its existence, a system which in its main principles and
actual working can hardly be distinguished from slavery. For many
years it was cloaked by what was called native apprenticeship, a
method whoreby the children brought from native tribes, whose parents
had been slain and who were therefore brought as orphans into the
country, were bound as apprentices to the farmers. This apprentice-
ship lasted until they were 21 or 22 years of age, after which ihej came

164

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

under the operation of the laws described above, whereby their life was
still restricted to the farms on which they had been brought up, and
some of the poor creatures took far longer than the rest of mankind
to reach their twenty-first birthda;7

No one who knows anything of the life in South Africa would criti-
cise the Boers for having instituted a law against vagrancy and a sys-
tem of passes. Where natives are held together by tribal law, lan-
guage and custom, they are not likely in large numbers to wander over
the country; but as soon as the cohesiveness of the tribe gives way,
consider the terrible social position in which the natives find them-
selves! They have no valuable property or steady industry holding
them to one place of abode; they can make their stay here for one
month and fifty miles away for another month; they can travel from
place to place, making their homes anywhere and their living anyhow.
Where natives in this condition amount to many thousands it is obvious
that the dangers of murder and rapine are enormously increased and
strict laws and supervision are needed, no less for the safety and com-
fort of the general community than for the social education and moral
development of the natives themselves. To secure this a system of
native locations and the employment of passes have become absolutely
essential. The injustice to the native comes in, when he is refuser* the
ordinary rights of property within the district which he inhabits, and
when besides that, as between him and the white man, the law asserts
that the one can have no equality with the other "in Church or State."
Few people would be found to deny, at least in Great Britain or
America, that black men ought to have full rights of property in the
country which they inhabit, and that to deny them these rights is to
make them dependent upon the white owners of the soil in a manner
which must tend continually toward slavery. Further, few people
would deny that a dominant people which collects taxes from black
subject peoples, ought to give them some direct return for this taxation
in the form of education and governmental measures making for their
social development.

It is of course very likely that some accusers of the Boers in the
matter of slavery have exaggerated its extent and made its conditions
appear darker than they actually were. It is certain also that there

■ in I

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

1G5

has always been in the Transvaal a section of white farmers who dis-
approved of slavery, and who disliked the methods employed by their
fellow-citizens of dealing with native tribes. We must also be careful
not to accuse the Boers of slavery in regard to those tribes to whom
they assigned locations, and whom they left for the most part under the
operation of their tribal laws and customs. It must also be admitted
that some of the worst deeds attributed to the Boers, some of the most
ruthless murders of black peoples, were committed not by the high-
toned farmers living near the centers of population, but by the wilder
spirits who pressed ever towards the borders. It was they who proved
themselves over and over again ruthless towards native tribes; it was
they who carried to its logical conclusion, the Boer principle that they
were a chosen people, and that the native tribes were to them as the
Canaanites to Israel, people deprived of their rights by the will of God,
and destined by the same Power to become servants to their conquerors.
When all these allowances are honestly and fully made, there still
remains, it must be sorrowfully insisted, a large amount of testimony to
the fact that the Transvaal Boers did for the first quarter of a century
of their existence as a people, treat the natives to all intents and pur-
poses as their serfs, that they denied to them the benefits of civilization
and deprived them in very large numbers of blessings which they had
enjoyed under pative laws and native freedom. It must also be asserted
as proved and sure, that in order to find servants for the districts which
had been denuded of population before the Boers arrived, a system of
importing orphans was brought into operation which remains a blot
upon the history of the Transvaal during those years. It was a British
Colonial statesman who pointedly asked how it was that the Transvaal
found so many "orphans that it needed special Legislature by their
supreme Government to regulate their welfare." The answer must be
found in the fact that Boer commanders, for some reason or other,
found it constantly necessary to attack native tribes, and that they
would carry off the children of these tribes and distribute them among
the farmers of the Transvaal, indenturing them under the laws of
apprenticeship then in operation. When they reached their majority
and became free, these orphans found themselves in a position of abso-
lute dependence upon the farmers on whose lands they had been brought

166

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

I'l

;fl

up; their own tribe was either far distant or obliterated from existence,
and their entire life cut off from any connection with their race.

In 1881, Mr. Herbert, Secretary of the Royal Commission through
which independence was restored to the Transvaal, said: "I do not
think it can be denied that the actual buying and selling of bodies
has almost ceased, though it did exist. But there is a form of servitude
more dreadful, because it is more universal and less easily detected;
and that is the authority exercised by the Boer farmers over the natives
of the kraals on their farms. There are the natives. They have
nowhere to go to escape this form of slavery. They are at the beck
•nd call of every Boer. The Boer takes their cattle and their children,
and there is no redress."

In the year 1865 a formal report was made to the High Commis-
sioner by Mr. W. Martin of Pietermaritzburg, who had paid visits on
two different occasions to the Transvaal, and who did not hesitate to
(describe the system then obtaining as slavery. He speaks of its exist-
ence as "a notorious fact to all persons acquainted with the Transvaal
Republic," and even asserts that the destitute children were bought and
sold as "black iyory." In the year 1866 the Governor of Cape Colony
addressed a letter to President Pretorius, in which he refers to the
•'popular sale" at Potchefstroom and its vicinity of native children.
This protest was based upon a report made by a Boer, a Mr. Steyn,
who himself had been Landdrost of Potchefstroom. He stated that
"every year we, the Boers, were at war with small native tribes at
Zoutpansberg, in the northern part of the Transvaal." After one of
these wars Mr. Steyn asserted that thirty-one Kaffir children between
the ages of 3 and 12 were publicly disposed of at prices varying from
£15 to £22, 10s. In some instances the price was paid in cattle.
In 1867 again, in one of these raids in the north, 120 children were
obtained from one tribe. These orphans were distributed among the
burghers. The Commandant General was at this time Mr. Kruger (now
President Kruger), who, of course, may not have known directly and
officially of these proceedings, or may have found it necessary to take
charge of these children when they had no parents left to them; but it
is easy enough to see how proceedings like these necessarily led to
Stories, which on the one haad awakened resentment amongst the bett<9r

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

167

class of South African Europeans of every race, and on the other hand
created hatred and fear of the Boer Government throughout the native
territories of the whole region.

The High Commissioner added in that letter, "I cannot close this
communication without inviting your most serious and immediate atten-
tion to those provisions of the laws of the South African Republic
under which, as I am informed, native children and youths, called
orphans, or perhaps made so by the murder of their parents, can be
registered as apprentices for a term of 21 years, and can, during that
term, be sold from hand to hand as a marketable commodity. I must
plainly state that such arrangements, no matter under what name they
n^ay be disguised, can only be regarded as sanctioning practical slavery,
and as being therefore the greatest violation of one of the most import-
ant stipulations of the convention between the Government and that of
her Majesty." He proceeds to demand a repeal of these laws and the
effective stoppage of "any further traffic in human beings." In 1868
the Lieutenant-Governor of Natal describes the system in the same way
and the evils to which it necessarily gave rise. At last, in August,
1876, one of the noblest natives in South Africa, Khama, chief of the
Bamangwato, addressed a letter directly to the Queen of England,
through the Governor of Cape Colony, in which he complained against
the practice of the Boers in carrying off the children of native tribes
and causing them to be sold. He pleads with the Queen to protect his
country from the Boers. He says, "I do not like them. Their actions
are cruel among us black people. We are like money ; they sell us and
our children. ♦ * • Last year I saw them pass with two wagons
full of people, whom they had bought at Lake Ngami."

In view of all these facts it must be concluded that the Boers' treat-
ment of the natives has been such as to deprive them of the sympathy of
all who believe in equal laws and strict justice for all men, both black
and white. The native problem in South Africa is an exceedingly diffi-
cult and perplexing one, even for those rulers who would act most fairly
and most generously towards them, but the difficulty is enormously in-
creased when their spirit has been embittered by undeniable oppression.
It is not asserted that the natives in any of the British colonies are
treated by all classes of white people with due consideration; no one

168

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

who has not lived where superior races mingle with inferior ones, can
conceive of the diflBiculty of maintaining right relations between them.
iThere will always be a tendency on the part of large numbers in the
yast majority of superior races to treat the members of inferior races
with unconcealed contempt. The result will be a setting up of customs
in their daily conduct and relations towards one another which are to
be deplored. No one would consider it therefore a matter of peculiar
accusation against the Boers that they have, either as individuals or
even as a community, formed habits of thought and conduct towards
these races which are open to criticism. The matter assumes an entirely
different complexion when it is not the silent pressure of social preju-
dices and private qualities that have led to injustice, but when it Is
the very constitution and statutes of the land which draw a line of dis-
tinction between the black and white, and which forbid the black
to have any equal claims with the white, before the laws of property,
education and religious freedom. It is of the latter crime against the
very name of a Republic that the Boers have proved themselves guilty.
In large parts of India the natives are governed by white people
and possess no vote, and in those parts the natives are liable to the
social and private ill-treatment of the official European classes; but
throughout India every native has rights before the taw. He can own
land, he can bring evidence in the courts of law against any man, white
or black, who does him wrong; he can and does even recover damages
against the Government when the latter is responsible for any loss in-
curred by him; he has offered to him opportunities of education, even in
government schools and colleges, that may carry him from the elements
up to the ripest and widest scholarship. In Cape Colony the colored peo-
ple suffer from social ostracism and have, no doubt, legitimate com-
plaints to make against the treatment which they receive from the white
minority inhabiting the land; but there the black man enjoys the fran-
chise and can vote on exactly the same terms as the white man; he can
own land and become rich, he can have education and religious privileges
as really as the white, he can even serve on a jury where a white man is
accused of crime. In Natal, where the proportion of white men is
smaller even than in the Transvaal, social and customary oppression is
probably greater than in the Cape Colony, and the pass system must, as

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

1G9

we have seen, necessarily be enforced; but even there the law does not
discriminate as it does in the Transvaal, making the black man practi-
cally the serf of the white. In all our discussions therefore of the
merits of the Boer Government and the claims of the Boers to independ-
ence and self-government, we need to weigh their claims not only in the
light of the complaints which a hundred thousand outlanders have
made against their misgovernment, but also in the light of the national,
deliberate, constitutional bad treatment of 700,000 natives during half
a century of history.

The complaints against the systematic cruelty of the Boers to the
natives have been accumulating steadily for fifty years or more. The
Boers accuse the European missionaries of having fomented this preju-
dice against them, and they have good reason. The Boers and the
missionaries have been opposed to one another during all that time.
Those who know, and the best men of science and students of ethnology
know, that the missionaries all over the world have been remarkable
for their fair and trustworthy evidence on all matters coming under
their observation, will not believe that the severe criticisms which they
have offered for three generations upon the Boer treatment of native
races, has been all that time unfounded in fact or based on inconsider-
able and scattered instances of cruelty.

SECTION V. THE ANNEXATION OP THE TRANSVAAL.

The course of events in the Transvaal which we have described in
the preceding section could not be unobserved by the Governors
of Natal and Cape Colony, as well as by the Colonial Office in
London. The Colonial Secretary at that time was the Earl of Car-
narvon, who had formed the ambition of signalizing his tenure of office
by a great achievement in South Africa. He had for two years pre-
viously been steadily laboring "towards one object and one end,"
namely, "The union of the South African colonies and states." He
was at this time considering the details of a bill which was to be pro-
posed in the next session of Parliament opening the way for the con-
federation of these South African colonies and states into a United
States of South Africa, or one large and powerful Dominion. In pre-
paring for this great consummation Lord Carnarvon kept a very careful

170

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

watch over the course of events in the Transvaal, as also throughout
the rest of 8outh Africa. He had not been unaware of the terrible dan-
ger overhanging the Colony of Natal in two directions, from the
aggrandizement of native tribes. He had been keenly sensitive to the
increase of this danger through the failure of the Boer wars with their
native enemies. It seemed to him, therefore, that the time had come
for taking some definite steps which should have the double effect of
arresting native ambitions and bringing the European colonies and
states into some form of actual union with one another.

In order to further his project Lord Carnarvon took two important
steps. First he selected a man as High Commissioner for South Africa
and Governor of Cape Colony, whose past magnificent career had given
him wide and rich experience in dealing both with colonists and de-
pendent native races. This man was the noble-hearted and high-souled
Sir Bartle Frere. Only two or three of the long list of Governors sent
to South Africa have resembled this man in breadth of mind, firmness
of grasp and loftiness of character. It was his fate to be sent out to un-
dertake an impossible task, to face complicated problems created by the
negligencies of his predecessors and the short-sightedness of colonial
officers; it was his fate to have the name of High Commissioner of South
Africa without the real authority and power, and to be considered by
the unobservant and harsh judging world as responsible for calamities
which would almost certainly have been one and all avoided, if the
power placed in his hands had corresponded with the title of his office.
Sir Bartle Frere was the victim of a series of Imperial blunders which
politicians in Great Britain were clever enough or ignorant enough to
heap upon his name, bringing his brilliant career to a saddened close.
Secondly, when Sir Bartle Frere was approached with a view to
his appointment as High Commissioner in South Africa, Lord Carnar-
von had already begun to act in relation to the Transvaal. As he said,
Great Britain had been on the edge for some time of a great native
war, and the difficulties of the Transvaal Government were bringing
native troubles nearer and making them more dreadful. He accord-
ingly sent, towards the end of 1876, Sir Theophilus Shepstone, of Natal,
as a Special Commissioner to the Transvaal. Shepstone was ordered to
act with discretion, but he had authority to act as his investigation of th(»

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

171

circumstances should detenuine. If the condition of affairs in the
Transvaal made its annexation to Great Brita'n desirable and possible,
he was authorized to arrange with the Transvaal Government for car-
rying through the momentous change.

Shepstone arrived on December 20, 1876, and was received every-
where with great kindness, and, by large numbers of the Transvaal
people, even with enthusiasm. His coming was a proof to them that
Great Britain was taking an active interest in their affairs, and that
the unspeakably miserable experience of the last few years would be
brought to an end.

Mr. Bider Haggard has proved, both from his actions and his words,
that Shepstone did not enter the Transvaal with the fixed purpose of
formally annexing the land. He kept clear before him the fact that he
was there to investigate, and that annexation was only one of several
alternatives which he was allowed to entertain. One of his earliest
acts was to offer a Confederation Bill to the Volksraad, hoping that if
they approved the idea of being brought into a living union with the
other South African colonies and states, this would open up negotia-
tions by which the affairs of the Republic might be put upon a sound
footing. Even President Burgers, in the defence oif his own adminis-
tration which he left for publication after his death, bore witness that
Shepstone, while he avowed his purpose to annex the Transvaal, also
frankly gave the Boers time to call together the Volksraad for the pur-
pose of considering measures by which Burgers felt sure that the coun-
try could be delivered from its distresses and its dangers. Burgers
tells us that Shepstone promised that he would "abandon his design
if the Volksraad would adopt these measures, and the country be will-
ing to submit to them, and to carry them out."

Shepstone lived in the Transvaal from December 20th till April
12th before he took action. Throughout that time he conducted him-
self with the greatest tact, firmness and wisdom. He was accessible to
everyone, and large numbers of Boers freely interviewed him both in
private and in public. He concealed nothing, plotted nothing, openly
told them that he wa« there to investigate the troubles in which they
were placed, and to find a way out of them. The idea of annexation
was discussed throughout the length and breadth of the land, was being

snm-

J 72

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

welcomed by some thousands of white persons, including many of the
most influential Boers, while it was of course being tleprecatetl and
bitterly opposed by the maj )rity of the Boer people. With the mem-
bers of the Government and President Burgers throughout these long
months Shepstone discussed every aspect of the situation. He urged
them to put things right, or to show that they could be put right, or
even to prove that the people were willing to back up the Government
in any advances which they might propose. As a matter of fact, he
made up his mind that the state was bankrupt, that the administration
and legislation, as well as the taxation, were all in collapse, and that
the danger of devastating invasions of native tribes was very real and
very dreadful.

President Burgers was meanwhile carrying on his oAvn agitation,
striving to arouse enthusiasm among the citizens and looking forward
to the contest now impending for the presidentship. Mr. Kruger was
on the other hand busily canvassing for his own elect' and stirring up
the people in his own way to resist all suggestiouts of annexation.
Neither of them succeeded in rousing the people to take definite steps
in one direction or another. Disheartened and humbled the farmers
only gathered in excited groups here and there and talked their patriot-
ism, condemned their opponents within the Transvaal and without it,
and went home without any clear idea of progress in any direction,
without any action leading anywhere.

On April 10th news came to Pretoria that Cetywayo had gathered
his forces in three powerful columns on the borders of Zululand with a
view to the invasion of the Transvaal. About forty square miles had
been already previously overrun and every house burned. Shepstone
at once sent off a messenger to Cetywayo with the news that the Queen
was now taking over the Government of the Transvaal, and that he must
not fight against the Boers. At once Cetywayo gave way, disappointed
but obedient. "You see my impis (regiments)," he said to the messen-
ger, "are gathered. It is to fight the Dutch I called them together. Now
I will send them back to their homes."

This warning was so significant and stern that Shepstone resolved
to delay action no further and Burgers gave way. A very curious
series of negotiations took place between Burgers and Shepstone. The

'Ji

« o

ill

• &

a (0 ^

- m«

lag

crrtS

■O 4) *

0' ja B

bS o

*. = X S

»S>

*< B>!l

h-,S

-as

^0.0

9 !*

H a a<

sis

bxija
o «

&a9

a-«

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

175

former in secret acquiesced in the annexation; he even read the procla-
mation of annexation before it waw made and proposed the alteration
of only two words. He did propose the addition of some matter which
Shepstone accepted and inserted. Burgers, on the other hand, explained
that it would be necessary for him to issue a protest "to keep the noisy
portioii of the people quiet." As a matter of fact he acknowledged that
the annexation was necessary, and most of the members of his Govern-
ment had already told Shepstone that they saw no other way out of the
difficulty. Burgers actually read the draft of his protest to Shepstone
and asked for his opinion upon it! When Shepstone complained that it
appeared to pledge the people to resist by and by. Burgers said it was
intended only to tide over the difficulty of the moment, saying that no
British troops were in the country within a fortnight's march, and that
by the time any action upon the protest was reported from London, the
opposition would have lost heart and retired.

In his proclamation Shepstone took high ground. He did not pro-
fess that the majority of the Boers desired this event, but he grounded
the reasons for it upon the collapse of the Government and the condition
of the country both from a commercial and a political point of view.
He promised of course that the country would be governed for the ben-
efit of the people, that their liberties would be observed and that con-
stitutional government would as speedily as possible be established.
Throughout South Africa this daring act was received with utter
astonishment and much disquietude. But when people heard that no
rebellion had taken place, that the Boers had gone back to their farms,
that British troops had entered unmolested, delight spread from region
to region. In the Transvaal relief came at once. Land values which
stood at nothing before the act of Annexation, sprang up; business
increased; an air of confidence reigned everywhere; people felt that
stable conditions had now been created and they put capital into
buildings and business; the native tribes were given to understand that
now they must reckon, not with the disheartened Boer commandos, but
with the organized and irresistible might of England.

At Cape Town the most surprised man probably was Sir Bartle
Prere, the High Commissioner for South Africa, The Transvaal had
been placed beyond Frere's authority, and this initial blunder is largely

'./■■ ■

176

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

accountable for the subsequent mismanagement and disasters. Even
Lord Carnarvon was astounded and for a time afraid, but he loyally
supported the decision of the man to whom he had given a free hand.
England at this time was, unfortunately for South Africa, absorbed in
excitement over the Eastern question. The "sick man," the Sultan of
Turkey, was in the thought of every European politician. Before the
tremendous issues of that controversy, the question of annexing
another slice of Africa with 50,000 white people was a small affair.
Politicians paid it little attention. Government officials treated it aB
a mere incident. Thus the prolonged and irritating neglect of the
pressing problems of the Government of the Transvaal was made possi-
ble, a neglect which in itself is absolutely indefensible and which beyond
all doubt led to the disasters both of '81 and '99.

SECTION VI. THROUGH IMPERIAL RULE TO INDEPENDENOB.

It would be of course foolish to maintain that the Boers enj«yed
the idea of coming under the authority of the Queen. Many of
them, ' ^^peciaIly the wealthier and better educated Boers, as also
all the English settlers, and practically all the German immigrants,
\ ,'artily welcomed the change; to them it made all the difference be-
tween a harassing poverty and an immediate prosperity, all the
difference between a sense of security and a permanent condition of
alarm at the threats of native tribes. Yet the majority of the Boers
must not be thought to have inwardly approved or welcomed the step
which was taken. The protest which President Burgers published, as
he said to Shepstone, for reasons of policy and really to quiet the people,
was immediately made the basis of action by the more determined
antagonists of Great Britain.

The Vice-President of the country and candidate for the Presidency
was Mr. Paul Kruger, and the Attorney-General was a Dr. Jorissen,
whose legal knowledge was afterwards found to be so meager that he
was more than once rebuked from the bench and compelled to retire.
These two at the annexation retained their official positions and re-
ceived pay from the British Government. A letter was afterwards
found in the Government offices, through which Mr. Kruger made a

.<p

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

Ill

definite attempt to obtain some post in the Queen's uepvlce. Mr. Jonbert
had the independence of mind to decline oflftce under i\n* (J«V(?rnment
which he hated; but the other two did not consider it IneofiMfxtent both
to accept pay as British oflficials and to proceed as a deputatUm to Lon-
don to protest agf' ' the annexation, and thereafter to wort( for the re-
bellion and indepti^^ „nce. Lord Carnarvon received the dcputatfoo, but
very firmly told them, as they had expected, that the annt'xatioii was
final.

While these protests wore made it must be remembered that there
was no active resistance within the Transvaal and no )*igD of mch. Hub-
mission to Great Britain was regarded as an evil, at thought of which
hundreds of men ground their teeth in anger, but they mem to have felt
it an inevitable evil. When therefore the annexation of the Tranttvaal is
nowadays described as an act of indefensible aggresHlon on the part of
Great Britain, the facts which we have glanced at mnnt be clearly
weighed in the balances. If Great Britain is to be convicted of perfidy
a d oppression then a number of facts must be explained. For example,
why was it possible for Shepstone to make his proclamatloa when he
had no British soldiers with him and was surrounded simply by a little
body-guard of 25 policemen? Why was it that the actual administra-
tion of the country passed over into his hands and the functiooM of gov-
ernment were exercised by him without one redcoat in the land? Why
was it that Mr. Kruge ind other members of the little Oovemment
recognized themselves as officials of the British Government and took
their salaries from it? Why all this, if the Transvaal Boer)» had not
found themselves unfit for self-government?

It is generally asserted nowadays by the opponent* of annexation
that the Boers could easily have resisted the natives. It muftt be re-
membered that Shepstone lived in the Transvaal five monthM and gave
them the opportunity to say this and to act upon it, and they did not do
so. In the very proclamation which he issued he made the threatening
strength of neighboring tribes one of the main reg^Kons foi the annexa-
tion, and no Boer commander appeared to say that thi« wa>* an error and
that they were ready to meet any such emergency. Ami wirely if they
were strong enough to crush these tribes they were Ktron^ enough to
defy Shepstone and 25 policemen, to laugh at hi» proelamaiion, and

178

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

%w^

i \

carry on the Government for themselves. Those who maintain that
the annexation was indefensible and perfidious must explain how the
annexation was actually carried through.

Candid historians will hereafter say that Gl-eat Britain did wrong to
annex the Transvaal ; — first, if she played them a trick or took them by
surprise, which is disproved by Shepstone's long residence in the coun-
try, and the open discussions of the entire circumstances before making
the annexation; — second, if she ought to have left the Transvaal as a
self-governing and independent community to meet the miserable fate
which seemed to all to be impending upon her, on the grouid that Great
Britain had no right to interfere in her internal affairs. There are those
who seriously maintain that Great Britain would have considered her
own interests if she had allowed this to come to pass; — third, she was
wrong, if it was her duty to step in and help the Transvaal out of its
difficulties, pay its debt, fight its battles and step out again, thus allow-
ing the country to enjoy its new-found strength, absolutely independ-
ent still. This no doubt would have been the ideal Christian method of
action, and there are those who maintain that this is what she ought to
have done. Certainly no believer in the Christian religion can criticise
the proposal except by saying that no nation seems as yet, as a nation,
to have attained this height of abnegation, and that it would be a little
unfair to criticise Great Britain for not having carried out a policy
which is so lofty that no other people has yet been found to pursue it.

On the other hand, impartial historians of the future will assert that
the Boers of the Transvaal were wrong when they acquiesced in the
annexation, if at the time they were strong enough to maintain their
own Government and to fight their threatening foes. But on ths other
hand, they did wrong, if they were at the time not strong enough for
these efforts, when at a later period they rebelled against the power
which had given them strength and deliverance.

As early as possible Shepstone made a tour of the country, travelling
slowly from one village to another, meeting with the Boers in all kinds
of ways in public meetings and private conferences. No incident hap-
pened seriously to mar his peace of mind or to suggest that the country
was indignant as a whole at the annexation. Rather did this tour seem
to prophesy a happy future for the country. He at once set to work

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

179

upon the new Constitution and form of GoTemment, which he had in
the name of the Queen promised to establish. This Constitution was
forwarded at once to London where, alas! and alas! it was received and
docketed and left in darkness and neglect.

Both in the Transvaal and in Cape Colony opinion and feeling were
divided regarding the act of annexation, and each division began to
express itself chiefly by the way of formal petitions or protests addressed
to Her Majesty, the Queen. One of these as a formal protest of the late
Transvaal Government was carried to England by the deputation con-
sisting of Mr. Kruger and Dr. Jorissen. This protest, however, lost
much of its force by the fact that it was drawn up and adopted by the
Government before the Act of Annexation, and that the very men who
carried it to England had, as we have shown, accepted oflSces under the
new Government! The largest petition against annexation and the
most remarkable was undoubtedly that which was sent in by the inhab-
itants of Cape Colony. It is a curious circumstance that the agitation
against annexation took at first a far stronger form around Cape Town,
and in the western province of Cape Colony geuerallr, even than in the
Transvaal itself. This petition was said to have been sigD^d by over
5,000 people. It does not attempt to describe any other way out of the
distress into which the Transvaal had come than that which had been
taken, the only practical suggestion being that the population of the
Transvaal "was loath to part with their independence, and willing for
the sake of retaining it to submit to the stringent laws which both the
Republican Government and your Majesty's special Commissioner con-
sidered necessary for the maintenance of order." This exceedingly
vague and unnatural statement evidently suggested that Shepstone
ought to have gone on making stringent laws in co-operation with the
Transvaal Government! How "stringent laws" could have effected t'.ie
transformation which was needed is of course not siiggosted.

On the other hand, petitions were presented by Cape Cohmists, in-
cluding many influential Dutchmen, strongly approving of the act of
annexation. Sir Bartle Frere who was a close observer of all these
events and a man of most penetrating and sane judgment, said that he
had given every facility he could think of to a free expression of opinion
on the subject, but that he did "not receive from any (piarter any prac-

■HJiXUi...

180

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

tical or even plausible suggestion for any alternative course dififering
from that adopted."

Further, petitions were received above all in the Transvaal itself
from large numbers of influential citizens strongly approving of the
annexation. The first of these was signed by certain members of the
Volksraad, officials of various kinds under the previous Government,
land owners and other inhabitants. This petition which is very ably
and clearly drawn affirms that Mr. Kruger and his companion rep-
resented "only a small minority of the influential inhabitants of the
country." It emphasized the prolonged consideration of the matter
while Shepstone was in the country and asserts that by its silence "the
population practically acquiesced in the act." His mission was known
and yet no movement was organized against it, hence "coercion cannot
be maintained." The petition refers to the weakness of the former ad-
ministration under which, it asserts, that civil war was impending. It
says that Shepstone by his ready tact had already assuaged the anti-Bri-
tish bitterness of the farming population, that the measures of reform
which the Volksraad had last approved had never been enforced, and it
had not been shown how they could be. It insisted on the dangerous
state of matters in relation to the native tribes. The other petition was
likewise signed by land proprietors and other inhabitants. It affirms
that the petitioners "although they might have been well content to live
in an independent Republic, if it had been well governed, were satisfied
with the proceedings of the special Commissioner" on account of the
proved incapacity of the late Government to promote the prosperity and
insure the safety of inhabitants. Besides these there were many ad-
dresses from small communities, official bodies, and private individuals
in various parts of the Transvaal, all expressing approval of the step.

Taking all these things into consideration, the difficulty is not to
prove that the annexation was at the time a thoroughly righteous pro-
ceeding and even approved by the most powerful sections of the country;
the difficulty is, to account for tLe gradual rising tido of disaffection and
the disasters of 1881. On the whole it would seem that the following
facts yield the best account of this extraordinary change. In the first
place, a few energetic Boers with Mr. Kruger and Mr. Joubert at their
head, persistently carried on a public agitation. They called meetings,

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

181

interviewed individuals, went on deputations to London, interfeFed
wherever possible even with the executive authorities, and, in fact, did
all that could be done to keep alive in the minds of the farming popula-
tion their anc'.ent hatred of British rule. Potchefstroom, one of the
oldest centerb of population, became the headquarters of the agitations.
In the second place, and it is a most remarkable thing, that the execu-
tive allowed this agitation to proceed. Even when steps were taken
which looked like open rebellion the leaders were allowed to go unpun-
ished. Meetings that were avowedly revolutionary were not prevented.
As these events succeeded one another they failed to produce the im-
pression which was intended, upon the minds of the Boers, viz., that the
British Government was generous to all, and shrank in the name of
justice from hindering the expression of private opinion, and allowed
the Boers to do just what her own citizens were allowed to do in London
or Manchester. The attitude of the Government on the contrary pro-
duced on the minds of the Boers an impression of weakness, insincerity
and a lack of determination to hold the country forever. For example,
when Sir Garnet Wolseley in January, 1880, had the courage to arrest
two of the Boer leaders and put them in prison awaiting their trial, he
suddenly dropped the prosecution, he even went the length of nominat-
ing one of these men, arrested for high treason, as a member of the new
Legislature! The utter lack of insight into Boer nature which this dis-
played is astounding. The real effect is piquantly expressed in a re-
mark made by a Boer in a meeting two months later. "Yes," he said,
"it appears you must be first put in prison befoi*e you can get a good
appointment." It is true that both Shepstone and Sir Garnet Wolseley,
when he succeeded Shepstone, repeatedly spoke of the annexation as
final and irrevocable; their words were firm but their acts were week.
But in another direction the Government undoubtedly blundered.
They failed, as we have seen, to provide a Legislative Clamber as they
had promised. This failure may have been due, as some cjuggest, to the
opinion that if South African ctimfedeT^ation was approaching it would
be more easily carried tlirough before such a Legislature was estab-
lished; and the Legislature itaelf coold then be created so as to fit into
the scheme of confederation that slu^uld be achieved. It is much more
probable that the delay was doe to the unoonfessed fear on the part of

182

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

the authorities in London lest the new Volksraad should be captured by
the malcontents and become a more powerful instrument than they
already possessed, in their struggle for independence. The Boers were
not only irritated by the absence of their Legislature but by what
seemed to them some arbitrary acts on the part of their military rulers.
Especially did the conduct of affairs by Sir Owen Lanyon create disaf-
fection and offend the proud independence of the farmers. And they
hated all direct taxation, resisting even with blood any efforts to en-
force it.

It must not be forgotten that, by this time, the Zulu war had taken
placo and the power of Cetywayo had been finally destroyed. More-
over, towards the end of 1879 it had been found absolutely necessary to
meet with Secoooeni who had been carrying on with impunity various
little invasions of the Transvaal territory. His strong fortress had to
be attacked and was only conquered at considerable cost, with very
little help from the Boers and the expenditure of many thousands of
pounds of British money. Nevertheless this Transvaal enemy was also
conquered. The Boers in the north therefore could spread themselves
once more into territories which they had abandoned under their own
(io\ v^rnment and feel secure. In fact, one more of the great reasons for
the weakness of the Boer Government and causes of the annexation had
been removed. Independence would be safe.

Yet another explanation of the change from acquiescence in the an-
nexation to open and powerful rebellion must be found in the fact that
certain British statesmen spoke words in the heat of election contests in
Great Britain, which condemned the annexation in strong terms and
seemed to suggest that if a change of administration took place in Lon-
don a change would take place at Pretoria. Mr. Gladstone especially
during his election campaign in Mid-Lothian would appear to have pro-
duced this effect in the Transvaal. It is true that when he came into
power he ^nd his officers repudiated the notion of giving up the Trans-
vaal, am! spoke of the annexation as a final act, absolutely irrevocable;
but they as leaders had to reckon not only with their own utterances
but with the criticisms of some of their supporters. It is even asserted
that one supporter of Mr. Gladstone was treacherous enough to com-
municate to the disaffected Boers his idea t' at if they only persisted

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

183 /

long enough and strongly enough, Mr. Gladstone would ^ve way. And
he did give way. These things happened in 1880. Towards the end of
the year matters reached a crisis through the efifort of Sir Owen Lanyon.
who tried to force the payment of his taxes by a Boer who had refused
to do so. This was no uncommon predicament even in the days of the
previous Government, but the aggravating thing was that whereas the
Boer Government did not use force in such cases Sir Owen Lanyon at-
tempted to do so. He suddenly found that the Boer was ready to resist
and at the same time found that, through various careless movements
of troops, he had no adequate force at his own disposal.

It must also be once more asserted that one of the most disastrous
proceedings of the British Government in South Africa at this time was
the division of the High Commissionership, and many regard this as one
secret of the blundering and therefore one cause of the war. Sir Bar-
tie Frere made a journey during the Zulu war into the Transvaal, where
he met large numbers of citizens. He interviewed both in public and pri-
vate even the malcontents themselves, and showed in that brief period
the great power of his personality and the influence which he could have
gained over the Dutch people. It must be remembered that only those
could at that time deal with the Transvaal Boers successfully who were
known to be men of great determination and religious convictions. It
is easy to laugh down the notion that religion should have any part in
political affairs. It is not so easy for the scientific student of history
to ignore the extraordinary influence which religious characters have
exerted in most of the great crises of national history. The Boers are
intensely religious, even although their type of religion be very poor.
They understand a man who is in earnest about the eternal, they feel
the influence of that spirit upon his actions and his words, even when he
is farthest from making a religious sp€'<'<'fi or using pious phrases. It is
not too much to say that Sir Bartle Frer<' was fitted by reason of his
religious reputation >> gain in six monfliK an aucemU'ncy over the Boer
mind which 20 years of «.stui p<ili' ics oi stern militarism could not pos-
sibly have gainf' Bi. Sii Bartle Frere was, by th^* persistent and
disastnms and inexplicable binndrring in London, prevented from exer-
cising ofHclal authority in tin- FranHvaal. When Rhepstone was ap-
pointed he was made independent of the High Commissioner for South

184

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

Africa; when Sir Garnet Wolseley went out lie was appointed High
Commissioner for Southeastern Africa, including the Transvaal, and
when Sir Owen Lanyon succeeded Sir Garnet Wolseley, Bartle Frere
was still, as it were, told "hands off."

In the beginning of December a mass-meeting of Boers was held at
Paardekraal, from which it adjourned to a safer place. On Detember
16, 1880, a proclamation was issued which announced the re-establish-
ment of the Republic and named Messrs. Kruger, Joubert and Pretorius
as the responsible leaders of the Republic until the country should be
in their hands again. A messenger was at once sent to Shepstone
announcing this action and giving him 48 hours to surrender the coun-
try. On this very same day, however, fighting began at Potchefstroom,
where the Boers attacked a patrol of Englishmen. While the war was
thus formally opened, the first important military event took place at
Bronker's Spruit. Shepstone had ordered Col. Anstruther to bring up
a small force of a little more than 250 men at once to Pretoria. They
had to march 180 miles from Lydenburg, and were within a very short
distance of their destination on Sunday, the 20th of December. They
were marching in a long, thin line without anxiety, when all at once
they saw what turned out to be a force of about 500 mounted Boers in
front of them. A Boer advanced with the white flag and Col. Anstru-
ther went v.?t with a companion to meet him. While they were nego-
tiating under the white flag the Boers moved about, taking up every
vantage point which they could see. The Boer messenger announced
that Col. Anstruther must cease his march to Pretoria until they heard
Shepstone's answer to the proclamation of the Republic. Anstruther
replied that he must obey orders, and he intended to move on. Before
he could return to his men the Boers, who had surrounded the little
force and placed themselves behind every rock and tree that was avail-
able, poured a ueadly fire upon them. The officers of course were care-
fully picked out and every one of them was shot down, killed or
wounded. Col. Anstruther was actually struck in five places. Of
course there was only one result possible; within fifteen minutes 56
were killed, 101 were wounded, including a woman, and the dying Col-
onel gavf' the signal for surrender.

This event produced consternation throughout the country. The

I i

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

185 ■ /

natives were in despair; the Boer insurrectionaries were exultant; tliey
were ''bowed down," they said, "in the dust before Almighty God, Who
had thus stood by them and with a loss of over a hundred of the enemy
only allowed two of ours to be killed." The little British garrisons
placed at five or six different towns were all at once attacked. They
were besieged until the end of the war, but not one of them was cap-
tured. At Potchefstroom alone was their surrender secured by the
redoubtable and unscrupulous General Cronje. Although by that time
an armistice had been arranged and active warfare had ceased, Cronje
deceived the Colonel in command into a surreuutr. This shameful act
was in keeping with Cronje's career both then and afterwards; but it
was repudiated generally even by the Boers themselves.

In the meantime the Boers advanced toward Natal to meet the
attack which they expected from Sir George Colley, who had a small
British force under his command in that region. Sir George Colley
was a popular official and administrator, but no one has yet been able
to account for the extraordinary tactics which he pursued throughout
his disastrous campaign. He exposed himself three times in succession
to the attacks of the Boers, under circumstances which made defeat
inevitable, at Newcastle and at the battle of Ingogo.

The darkest hour for the British cause and the brightest for the
Transvaalers came with the dawn of February 27. During the night
of the 26th General Colley, to the astonishment of all his officers, gave
orders that 600 men were to leave the camp with him. In the dark-
ness they set out and found themselves being led straight up the steep
sides of Majuba Hill. This huge round hill stands as a kind of sentinel
between Natal and the Transvaal. On its western and northwestern
slopes it looks down a steep descent upon the pass, or "nek," where the
road pierces the range of mountains and connects the two countries.
(Below that road again nowadays runs the railway tunnel.) It was a
terrific undertaking, which, however, was courageously carried out.

When light came the Boers were amazed, and at first overwhelmed,
to find that their enemies occupied this commanding position. It is
said that General Joubert at once ordered a retreat, that they had
even begun to inspan their oxen, when some quick wits noticed that
there was no sign of the advance of a strong force from the camp. This

186

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC,

i;lj

J'f.si

at once meant to them that the force on Majuba top was isolated and
unsupported. Immediately a few courageous hearts proposed that an
effort should be made to dislodge the daring company which had occu-
pied the mountain. Among those who urged this attempt, instead of
flight, is said to have been General Joubert's wife, who energetically
urged her husband not to retreat until this attack had been tried. It
looked desperate enough, but volunteers were found, it is said, to the
number of 150, who immediately began to climb the hill. They crept
from rock to rock, pausing at each to fire a shot at the figures standing
out above them against the distant sky line. The British troops, who
fringed the crest, were baffled at once by having to fire down the abrupt
face of the hill, and by the fact that their enemies seldom showed them-
selves. It was soon found that one British soldier after another was
shot, while there seemed to be no chance of effective retaliation. As
the Boers drew nearer the summit, the men at the front drew back.
The top of the hill is somewhat hollow and Sir George Colley, for some
extraordinary reason or other, allowed his men to retreat into this
hollow. As soon as the Boers arrived on the crest, instead of being
instantly shot down by wary, watchful foes, they found themselves
looking upon a huddled mass, terrified and disordered. They poured in
their fierce hail of lead and instantly the mass scattered. One Boer is
said afterwards to have described the way in which running to the side
of the hill he stood there, and, while the flying British ran pell-mell
down the slope, he picked them off like springboks, and watched one
after another as he was hit leap forward and roll headlong downwards.
Sir George Colley himself did not attempt flight, but, standing his
ground in the horrible hollow, received his death from a bullet in the
head.

This signal victory of the Boers, so sudden, so complete, so dramatic
in its circumstances, sent a shudder of amazement throughout the
world. At once it was seen that the Boers had gained an enormous
moral advantage. From their point of view the victory seemed to pre-
sage either a terrible vengeance from an exasperated Empire or the
immediate success of their cause. The British Government had to face
one of the most trying tasks in the history of any government. Having
already decided to restore practically complete self-government to the

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

187

Boers, they had either to withdraw from that resolve in order to avenge
Majiiba Hill or to prosecute it in the face of a country maddened with
the sense of defeat. It surely says much for Mr. Gladstone and his
Government that they had the magnanimity to carry out their purpose,
and surely it ought to be remembered to the credit of the British people
that they did not instantly overwhelm the Government and cast them
from power for doing so.

While these events were occurring at the scene of war, troops were
being hurried out from England under Sir Frederick Roberts (now Lord
Roberts), numerous enough to have made a swift victory absolutely sure.
But in the meantime the Government itnelf began to waver. Before even
the disaster of Ma juba Ilill, Mr. Gladstone's Cabinet had resolved to make
some arrangement with the Boors short of fighting it out and holding
the Republic by force. If they had weakened so far it simply became a
question as to how much they should give up and how little they should
retain. Every telegram drove them further, while every victory on the
battlefield increased the spirits of the Boer leaders, brought streams of
volunteers to their ranks, and made them more determined and proud in
their demands. Finally Mr. Gladstone decided that the Transvaal
must be given up, aiul that the only question remaining was to fix
the conditions under which self-povernment should be once more
granted to the 'oers. T'> determine this a commission was appointed,
which after conducting negotiations in Natal, proceeded to Pretoria.
A report of this commission was made the basis of the document hence-
forth known as the Pretoria Convention of 1881. According to this
arrangement he Transvaal once more received self-government, the
British Government appointing a Resident to live at Pretoria whose
functions it should be u* supervise the relations of the Boer people to
native tribes outside their borders and the ^reat native populations
within the Transvaal. An investigation of the finances of the country
shf^ e»i that altogether Great Britain had spent, over and above what
had been received in taxes, in the payment of salaries, mof^ting the pub-
lic debt, paying the cost of the successful expedition agaii t Secocoeni,
no less a sum than £800,000 (about |4,000,000). This sum the Commis-
sioners actually reduced to £265,000 (about $1,300,000).

The news of the retrocession of the Transvaal struck the ^uth Af-

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

*jy ^is

1.0

I.I

11.25

!!■ Ei£ 12.0

.. ... m

i.8

U 1 1.6

'c^l

,^.

-(S^

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

•^? Wr«T M*(i< STREET

WEBS-tvN.v 14580

(716) 872-4503

188

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

rican world with amazement and dismay. The loyalists throughout
every colony and state were thrown into the most dismal humiliation.
The Boers became elated, their hearts afire with the hope that this pre-
saged the dawn of Boer supremacy in South Africa. These feelings
were strongly enough aroused in Cape Colony, Natal and the Orange
Free State, but of course beyond all else was the contrast of humiliation
and exultation to be observed among the population of the Transvaal.
Thousands had remained loyal to Great Britain. To them it was well-
known that the victory of the Boers made their personal ruin inevitable.
They had been assured that the annexation was final; they had bought
land and built houses, invested capital in their business on this assur-
ance; they had resisted every temptation to disloyalty, consented to
face the loss of business and of money rather than join those whom they
called the rebels. All this they had done through faith in the words
not only of Wolseley and Frere and Lanyon, but even the ringing words
of Mr. Gladstone himself when he said after his accession to office, "the
Queen cannot be advised to relinquish her sovereignty over the Trans-
vaal." Now that ruin stared them in the face we are told by one who
witnessed their sad plight, "that they did not say much, and indeed
there was nothing to be said. They simply began to pack up such
things as they could carry with them, and to leave the country, which
they well knew would henceforth be utterly untenable for Englishmen
or English sympathizers. In a few weeks they began pouring down into
Newcastle (Natal) by hundreds; it was the most melancholy exodus that
can be imagined. There were people of all classes, officials, gentlefolk,
working people and loyal Boers, but they had a connecting link; they
had all been loyal and they were all ruined." (History of the Trans-
vaal, by H. Rider Haggard.)

But after all there was a large number of human folk who still must
be mentioned to whom retrocession brought yet deeper despair. These
were the natives, who had no other land in which they could find refuge.
They had most enthusiastically welcomed the British rule; they had
begun to taste something of fair administration, and knew what it was
to be recognized by a white man's government as human beings for the
first time. They outnumbered the Boers by far more than 20 to 1 ; they
had offered when the war began to aid the British and, if Shepstone had

• •;.

mmmm

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

189

given them leave, the war would never have gone far. The bitter task
was laid upon Shepstone of summoning to Pretoria the native chiefs, to
the number of about a hundred, in order to announce to them that once
more they were under the Boer Government. It was a strange scene upon
which the English, who were present, looked, with now their hearts full
of passion and anon their eyes full of tears. The black people wailed
aloud unrestrainedly. The chiefs rose one after another to speak the
hot words that were in their hearts. Some of them protested against
being "thus treated as a stick or piece of tobacco, which couldbe passed
from hand to hand without question." One after another they arose
and protested "I am English, I belong to the English, we are under the
Queen, we must stay with the- Queen." One of them said, "We would
like to have the man pointed out from among us black people who ob-
jects to the rule of the Queen. We are the real owners of the land. *
* • Did it not belong to our fathers and forefathers before us long
before the Boers came here?" Another said, "Our hearts are black and
heavy with grief to-day at the news told us. We are in agony; we do
not know what will become of us, but we feel dead; it may be that the
Lord will change the nature of the Boer, and that we will not be treated
like dogs and beasts of burden as formerly, but we have no hope of such
a change, and we leave you with heavy hearts and great apprehension
as to the future." We are told that one chief who had been personally
threatened with death by the Boers after the English were driven out,
simply wept like a child. These quotations are guaranteed as repre-
senting the very things that were said and done at this most tragic of
all the tragic gatherings which, even down to this day, Pretoria has
seen. Another incident of a more trifling nature may be mentioned
because it has been recalled since the present war began (1900). While
the Pretoria Convention was being signed in Government House, just
outside about 2,000 loyalists and nati^ 3 chiefs had placed the British
flag in a coffin and on the coffin had written the word "resurgam" (I shall
arise), and solemnly buried it.

Of course justice must be done to those in England who were ignor*
ant of the fact that the Boer party was only a part of the white popula-
tion of the Transvaal even if a majority, and who forgot that all the
whites put together were to the blacks a mere drop in the bucket; who

190

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

forgot that four years of sovereignty had created most solemn and last-
ing responsibilities; that public and official pledges had been given
which laid the most binding moral obligations upon the British Govern-
ment towards many most loyal citizens of various races. They were,
however, to a large extent captivated by the moral glamour thrown
around the act of retrocession by the eloquence of Mr. Gladstone. To
him and to them it seemed that England was doing one of the grandest
and most generous things in history, restoring a country small and easy
to be crushed, restoring it at the very hour when passion called for
vengeance, restoring it in the name of that freedom, that love of democ-
racy and that principle that the majority must riile, which have now for
so long dominated English history. They expected that the world
would feel this generosity, nay more, that the Boers themselves might
be captivated by a magnanimity so extraordinary and might be won
over to a better understanding of England and England's heart! Alas!
the sad history of succeeding years has shown that this act of Mr. Glad-
stone's, however generous Its intention towards a few thousand Boers,
was a crushing blow to 700,000 natives. It did not impress the Boers
with Britain's magnanimity, it convinced them of her weakness; it did
not win the world's approval, for to-day when, in America and Russia,
people speak of this matter it is to condemn England for the cruelty of
the annexation and to praise the Boers for the bravery of their triumph-
ant war of independence.

SECTION VII. THE CONSTITUTIONS OF THE TWO REPUBLICS.

The coxisititutions of the Transvaal State and the Orange Free State
have bieen very lucidly described by Mr. James Bryce (The Forum,
Volume 21, 1896). The following brief account of them is largely in
debted to that article:

To begin with it must be remembered that the Boers who went out
on the Great Trek from Cape Colony did so because they disliked the
government under which they had been living. When they passed
northwards and eastwards they broke up into many separate groups,
and these groups usually put themselves under the leadership of the
most powerful man amongst them. This was on their part a voluntary
act, and an act of the people, as it were, taken mainly with a view to

*«».

ft
3

■ss

■9IH

9
I

3
•t-i

M
u

■a
H

T//£ TRANSVAAL REPVBUC.

193

their effective self-defence against the attacks of native tribes. When
ihey settled down in any region they proceeded to arrange in a crudely
formal way for their mutual help and defence.

Their working ideals resembled rather tte patriarchal than any
other organized social system. Each farmer sought as large a farm as
possible where he and his large family and their native servants could
live practically as a law unto themselves, owning only the supremacy
of the father and master of the community. If they had been sure of
immunity from attacks by British or native enemies their form of gov-
ernment would very probably have remained entirely undeveloped.
When, as in the Transvaal, small hamlets were formed around a store
and a church, a nucleus was made from which the system of government
gradually grew. Thus we find that in the Transvaal from 1852 to 1864
there were really four separate little governments. These were organ-
ized mainly for military purposes. There was practically no taxation,
no legislation, no administration beyond the appointment of military
oflQcers in the different districts. The function of the officers was to
bring the farmers together when necessity for fighting with a neighbor-
ing native tribe had arisen.

The Boers never liked any Governors even when they were appointed
from among themselves. They accordingly were slow to adopt any
formal constitution. When in the Transvaal such a constitution was
drawn up in the year 1858 it remained practically inoperative until in
1864 the separate republics melted into one under the sway of President
Pretorius,

In the Orange Free State the conditions had necessitated the formal
establishment of a government from t'le beginning. To start with, they
had already lived in that country under the British Government, and
when the latter, against the will of the farmers, insisted that they should
become self-governing it was necessary to provide for the continuance
of offices of administration already at work. Moreover the citizens of
that State had from the first a great fear of the powerful Basuto tribe
on their eastern border. The threatening proximity of that people
compelled them to arrange plans at once for the effective self-defense
of the entire community. Accordingly we find that the Orange Free
State began by drawing up its Constitution, whereas the Transvaal

T0!fmsi(rtmi

:94

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

State did not in any of its parts apparently attempt such a thing until
six years after its recognition as a Qovernment, and that Constitution
was not adopted by the whole country until six years more had passed,
as we have seen.

The ideal underlying the Constitution of both Republics is that all
the farmers, being of course white people, are on an equality as citizens,
and have an equal voice in the direction of the affairs of the State;
Possibly, as Mr. Bryce has suggested, if they had lived within shorter
distances from one another they might have continued for some time to
carry on all legislation by direct popular vote. But from the beginning
they scattered themselves over so large an area that this was impossible
and the system of government by representation or delegation was seen
to be necessary. In each State accordingly provision was made for the
election of representatives who formed the Volksraad or people*s coun-
cil. This in each of these States is the supreme authority. The entire
legislation and appointment of officers, except the President and Com-
mandant, the entire internal and external policy of the State is in the
last resort placed in the power of this House of Legislature.

In each State it is formally and firmly provided that only white men
may enjoy citizenship. '

In the Orange Free State the terms of enfranchisement have always
been very simple and easy. A foreigner could become a full citizen after
two years* residence if he owned land property to the value of £150
(about |750), or after three years* residence if he made an affirmation of
allegiance to the Orange Free State. The supreme authority in thiat
State rests in the Volksraad which consists of a single Chamber made
up of 58 members. These are elected by the wards into which every
District of the State is divided, together with the chief town or village of
each of these wards. The members are elected for four years, but half
of these retire every two years. The work assigned to the Volksraad
consists not merely in passing laws or regulating financial and com-
mercial as well as criminal affairs, it is empowered also to promote re-
ligion and education. The religion is to be promoted only through the
Dutch Reformed Church which is thus the established church of the
State. It is especially provided that the Raad shall not have the power
to pass any law against the right of public meeting and petitions^

\ '

i. \

vS'.

"Tlf"

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

105

': H

The most prominent office in the Orange Free State is of coarse that
of President, whose incumbent is directly chosen by the entire people.
The Volksraad is allowed before the election to nominate one or more
suitable men to the electors. The President holds office for five years,
and may be re-elected. As a matter of fact Sir John Brand was elected
altogether five times. The President is expected to be present at all
discussions of the Baad, and may address them on any subject under
discussion; he may even introduce bills. But the President is not
allowed to vote in the House on any subject; nor when the Fouse has
passed a law has he the power of veto. He must report to the Baad
regarding the finances of the country and its interests as a whole. He
is surrounded by a council of five men, all of whom are appointed not
by him but by the Baad, he being allowed to nominate two of these. It
is through the President that foreign and diplomatic relations are main-
tained, and through him war is declared, but for all these he must have
the counsel of the Baad.

Every citizen is bound to take a share when it is demanded of him in
the military operations of the State. For this purpose every ward has
at its head one who is called the Veldt Cornet, and every District, con-
sisting of several wards, has a Commandant. These two classes of mili-
tary officers are elected by the people, but they meet together and elect
the Commandant-General who is the supreme military officer of the
State.

The Constitution of the Transvaal which is a much longer document
and drawn up with much less definiteness and discrimination, presents
many points of resemblance as well as contrast to that of the Orange
Free State. There is indeed considerable dispute amongst students of
constitutional law as to whether the so-called "Grondwet" or funda-
mental Constitution of the Transvaal is to be viewed as a fundamental
instrument or not; and further as to whether it is a rigid Constitution,
one, that is, whose provisions can only be altered under defined and diffi-
cult conditions, as is the case with the Orange Free State, or whether
it is open to continuous alteration by successive acts of the Legislature.
It is further a disputed point as to how far these acts of the Legislature
are liable to be pronounced illegal and inoperative by the supreme judi-
ciary of the land. As a matter of fact President Kruger has in recent

19G

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

years decided the matter by securing tliat even bare resolutions of tlie
I?aad sliall have the effect of law and shall be above criticism from the
highest judge in the land! This manifestly puts enormous power first
into the hands of the Legislature and second into the hands of the
President. The Legislature has, if this be true, no check whatsoever
upon its methods of legislation. Mr. Bryce strives to prove that the
Constitution contains the assumption within it that the voice of the
people shall be consulted upon every important matter of legislation,
except when urgency can be proved, and that in this way it was intend*"'
to limit the power of the Legislature. But in practice, as we have seen,
the vague underlying assumption which Mr. Bryce refers to has not been
powerful enough to check the forces whit^h were driving the Volksraad
toward the assumption of a power in the land which is controlled by
no law and by appeal to no authority other than itself. Of course this
power can only be exercised within certain limits, since after all the
members of the Baad are only eligible for two years and half of them
retire annually. Nevertheless even this check depends for its operation
upon the success with which the popular mind has been instructed and
aroused against any determined policy of the Volksraad.

The number of members in this Volksraad has varied in recent years,
but they are much smaller than in the case of the Orange Free State,
numbering only about 24. Besides the President who is appointed for
five years, the people publicly and directly elect the Commandant-Gen-
eral. While for a long time the latter appointment was understood to
be unlimited in time the practice has latterly been to hold such an elec-
tion every ten years. The President of the Transvaal, like his brother
in the Orange Free State, may speak in the Raad but not vote. He may
criticise by speech every act of the Legislature, and even suggest both
policy and laws to them; he must annually visit all the centers of popu-
lation in the country and there meet with all who desire to express their
wishes on local or state affairs to him. He is assisted by a council con-
sisting of four men, the Government Secretary, the Commandant-Gen-
eral and two others, the latter as well as the first bemg chosen and ap-
pointed by the Eaad itself.

Mr. Bryce asserts that the military organization when studied (in
189C) indicates the highly militant character of the Republic. Mr.

\ '

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

197

Bryce might well have laid more emphasis upon the fact that the only
real and effective organization of the Transvaal has been that which
had war for its purpose and active war for its motive. There was no
real administration of education or religion or public works. Even the
judicial system remained inchoate, inasmuch as there were few appeals
to law, and these were usually settled in a rough and ready manner by
the Veldt Cornet. The Boers entered the Transvaal fighting, they ex-
tended their territory year by year through constant fighting on one
excuse or another with neighboring native tribes. It can be said that
hardly one year from 1852 to 18J7 can be named in which at some point
or another the Boers have not been "punishing** a native tribe and
"fining" them by taking all their valuable land and many hundreds, even
thousands, of their cattle. These facts explain what Mr. Bryce calls the
"highly militant" character of the Republic. The judiciaries are elected
and are said to be free and independent of the Presidont. In recent
years there has been established a Supreme Court, consisting of a Chief
Justice and four judges. By a well-known act of President Kruger's,
in which he was supported by the Raad, it became an accepted principle
of procedure in the Transvaal that the Supreme Court should itself be
subject to the decisions and findings of the Raad. This means that the
Raad cannot pass any law, however directly contradicted by the letter
and spirit of the Constitution, which can be annulled by the judiciary.
The Boers have never liked taxes, and especially have resented from
first to last attempts to make them pay direct taxes. The revenue is
raised chiefly by payments for fees and licenses and from a tax on land
which is not allowed to exceed f 40.

On two matters of importance the language of Mr. Bryce himself
must be used: "Although enacted by and for a pure democracy, it (the
Constitution) is based on inequality — inequality of whites and blacks,
inequality of religious creeds. Not only is the Dutch Reformed Church
declared to be established and endowed by the State, but the RomaUr
Catholic Churches are forbidden to exist, and no Roman Catholic nor
Jew nor Protestant of any other than the Dutch Reform Church is eligi-
ble to the Presidency, or to membership of the legislative or executive
councils. Some of these restrictions have now been removed. But the
door is barred as firmly as ever against persons of color. No one whose

198

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

father or mother belongs to any native race, up to and including the
fourth generation, can obtain civic rights or hold land."

"They (the farmers) had provided a method whereby the nation would
always have an opportunity of expressing its opinion upon legislation,
namely, the provision that the people should have a period of three
months within which t6 intimate to the Volksraad their views on any
proposed law, it being assumed that the Volksraad would obey any such
intimation, although no means is provided for securing that it would do
so. This provision has given rise to a curious question with reference
to those laws which admit of no delay (§ 12). Now the Volksraad
has in fact neglected the general provision and, instead of allowing the
three months' period, has frequently hastily passed enactments upon
which the people had no opportunity of expressing their opinion. Such
enactments, which have in some instances purported to alter parts of
the Grondwet itself, are called Resolutions, as opposed to laws; and
when opposition has been taken to this mode of legislation, these Reso-
lutions seem to have been usually justified on the ground of urgency,
although in fact many of them, though important, were by no means
urgent. They have been treated as equally binding with laws passed
in accordance with the provision of the Grondwet (but Article XII has
never been altered); and it is only recently that their validity has been
seriously questioned in the courts." The importance of this criticism of
Mr. Brr'ce will present itself to those who elsewhere read any account
of the manner in which the affairs of the Outlanders have been dealt
with by means of Resolutions passed in this way, under the excuse of
urgency, by the Volksraad.

For some years now there has existed what is called the Second
Volksraad which is not provided for in the Constitution. This Second
Chamber was created by President Kruger for the purpose of meeting
the desires of the Outlanders. Its special function is supposed to be the
regulation of mining operations. The members are chosen by those
who after two years' residence in the country have become naturalized,
and they may themselves become eligible for membership therein. The
value of this Chamber is practically nil, for none of its legislative acts
can take effect until they have been approved by the First Volksraad,
while on the other hand the latt r House may pass regulations dealing

THE TRANSVAAL REPUBLIC.

199

with those very affairs professedly committed to^ the care of the Second
House, and such acts of the First House talce effect as laws without be-
ing submitted for the approval of the Second House!

Mr. Bryce attaches a deserved significance to Article VI in the Con-
stitution which declares that the territory of the Transvaal is open to
every stranger who submits himself to the laws and declares that all
persons within that territory are equally entitled to the protection of
person and property. When therefore it is asserted, as occasionally is
done by those who are not aware of the facts, that the Boers from the
beginning desired a country of their own, it must be remembered, —
First, that they desired a country with an abundant supply of native
labor while the Constitution affirms that "The people will not tolerate
equality between colored and white inhabitants, either in Church or in
State," — and Second, that the same Constitution from the beginning of
the history of the Republic professed the desire of the Boers for the
immigration of white settlers into their country.

'//

^■z..

u;.y.,.

CHAPTER XI.
THE NATIVE RACES.

M '!:

'I.

SOME of the most interesting and at the same time most pressing
problems in South African politics arise in connection with the
native tribes. In India the natives have filled the country so
completely that even although the climate had suited Europeans there
would have been no room for them to settle as colonists. In Australia
and in North America the aborigines were so few and the unoccu-
pied country so enormous that the influx of Europeans resulted in
the disappearance of the natives from competition either through actual
slaughter or through their confinement to definite and limited localities.
In South Africa on the other hand the native population is numer-
ous. Some of the tribes have manifested a war-like character which
enables them to contest, often successfully, with the advancing tide of
whites for ownership of the soil. After the early period of Euro-
pean history in South Africa It looked, indeed, as if the extermina-
tion policy of Australia might be carried out here also. But when the
Kaffirs and the Zulus were met and when the more enlightened con-
science of the 18th and 19th centuries was brought to bear upon the
native tribes events changed their color.

The result of European occupation of South Africa has then
taken this peculiar form. There are large regions where European
colonies have been founded in a climate which is delightful and
suits the European excellently. The presence of a strong European
government has established such order among the natives as to put
an end to all mutual wars, to free them from the ravages of epidemic
disease and hence to lead to the rapid increase of the native popula-
tion. For long it was taken for granted in Europe that the natives
in South Africa were decreasing in numbers and must at last dis-
appear in the presence of the Europeans, but about the year
I87l| and from thence on, investigations were carried out which estab-

THE NATIVE RACES.

201

lished the fact that the native populations are growing at a very great
rate. At present the population is estimated variously at from 2,500,-
000 to 3,000,000 natives of various nations and tribes.

The native tribes of South Africa are by ethnologists divided into
two great families. The first has generally been called the Gariepine,
which includes the Bushmen, Hottentots and Korannas. The second
is called the Bantu and comprises by far the largest number of South
African natives.

SECTION I. THE GARIEPINE RACES.

It was members of the Gariepine family who were first m ^ by the
Dutch when they settled at the Cape. The tribes who there herded
their cattle and lived a nomadic life were the Hottentots, but amongst
the mountains behind them and on the high plateau lands beyond the
mountains the Bushmen were also to be met. The Hottentots un-
doubtedly represented a mixture of races, whereas the Bushmen appear
to have preserved the original type of the family in their features
and their language. The set of their eyes and general form of their
face have from the first reminded many travelers of the Chinese race,
and in fact by the early Dutch sailors they were spoken of as China-
men. For the most part they are found living high up in the moun-
tain regions or far out on the borders of the desert, where they wan-
der about in small family groups in search of 1;heir scanty sustenance.
Their existence was miserable in the extreme. They possessed no
cattle, they cultivated no gardens, yet they occupied vast waste regions
which afterwards were developed by the Europeans into fine pasture
and produce lands. These Bushmen lived by the chase and when ani-
mals could not be procured they took to hunting for roots in the soil,
and for wild fruits. In their search alike for fruits under ground
and for game they acquired what almost seems like preternatural skill.
They could catch the game only by laying traps for them, which gener-
ally took the form of a hole in the ground made on some frequented game
track and covered carefully over with sticks and soil, or by shooting
them with little poisoned arrows. They could, of course, get near
enough to use their bows only by the most patient and clever stalk-
ing, in which they became marvelous adepts. To creep along the

BSI

202

THE NATIVE RACES.

ground for hundreds of yards where grass was sparse and short and
bushes were few, or even to move cautiously along hidden behind a
large bunch of grass which they held in front of them and which
excited the curiosity of their prey, or to wait behind a rock or a bush
hour after hour in the hot sun for the time when some wild animal
should approach their drinking place — these were methods of hunt-
ing which required almost infinite patience and extraordinary skill.

But to the European the Bushman presented a still more striking
feature when it came to hunting for roots. One has seen them with
keen, little, half-shut eyes scanning the ground till they found a minute
leaf or plant in the sandy soil which they suddenly attacked with a
bit of stick or a European knife or even with their hardy little fingers.
They would dig round that little leaf, until grasping something hid-
den beneath the sand they pulled forth a root which was immediately
devoured with unconcealed gusto. It is interesting to watch the per-
formance, but one can hardly help shuddering at the thought of being
dependent for any great share of one's daily subsistence upon a search
and a discovery of that kind.

These Bushmen have one of the strangest languages on the wide
earth. It is far-famed as the ''click" language. It has been said that
far more than half of the syllables of their language begin with a
click. Clicks are not confined to the Bushmen only, nor to the lan-
guages of the Gariepine family only. They are found, though rarely,
in the languages of some Bantu tribes, as in Kaffir and Zulu. The
click is produced by striking the tongue against the teeth or against
the side of the mouth in a peculiar way. Some people who speak
English use one at any rate when uttering a repeated sound somewhat
like "ts" blended into one as an exclamation of surprise. Another click
occurs with some drivers of horses when striking the side of the tongue
against the cheek; that produces a sharp sound which printed
in Zulu is represented by the letter X. These Bushmen build for
themselves the rudest of all the different kinds of huts found in South
Africa. Very often they simply dig a hole in the ground; if they live
in a mountainous region they probably live in a cave.

In Bechuanaland they probably are slaves of some chief or head man
in a Bechuana tribe, Their slavery amounts simply to this, that they

! \ ■t

fr^

■Mpap

wmmmfmm

THE NATIVE RACES.

203

are obliged to surrender to their master the skins of all the animals they
kill in the chase. They expect his visits at certain periods of the year
and generally strive to have ready for him sufficient spoils from their
hardy life to meet his demands. On the whole they are not cruelly
treated by their masters, though naturally they do not love them and
strive, if possible, especially if their hunt has not been good, to be out of
the way when they approach. There used to be a current belief among
the Bechuanas that if a Bushman suddenly saw a representative of his
master's tribe traveling in the distance and knew that he could not
escape by running, he would stand on his head, spread his feet and
so hold himself like the dried stump of a tree, black and motionless,
until they disappeared. Whether true or not this piece of gossip about
their tactics is an evidence of the cunning and endurance attributed
to them among the Bechuanas. When the Bechuana master arrives
at the little huts of his vassals he takes possession both of the huts
and of all the skins which they have collected. He generally settles
down for a short period of hunting. Every day now the Bushman with
his spear and bow and arrows and with the dogs, if they possess any,
and the master with his gun, sally forth in search of game. "Woe
betide the Bushman should it be found that he has hidden away part
of the produce, or that instead of keeping the skins for his master
he has ventured to make with some of them a mantle for himself or
his wife."

As to religion it has been pointed out by one who watched them
as closely as any European can, that they were probably the most
superstitious race in South Africa, The Bushman is close to a uni-
versal power every day of his life. Every change of weather affects
him more severely than it affects those who live in the towns and
villages. He has come to depend very largely upon the use of charms
and dice, the latter of which he carries on a string around his neck.
These bits of bone he will acknowledge are only bone and he will sell
them to you for a few beads, but he will speedily make another set
and use them again as his means of discovering the intentions of the
powers above. These dice and charms are undoubtedly viewed by him
as in some way channels for knowledge of the supernatural. The Bush-
men do not consider the bits of ivory or bone in their hands as a god,

204

THE NATIVE RACES.

but ja some way they believe that through these an unseen power that
rules over their daily fortunes can be certainly questioned.

The Bushmen have frequently been employed by travelers in South
Africa as guides and within the range of the country which each set of
Bushmen calls his country no one could be found more fitted to act in
this capacity. Strangers have told not only of their marvelous clever-
ness as guides, but of their real kindness when travelers were deter-
mined to take the wrong road or in ignorance were moving toward some
disaster.

SECTION It. THE BANTU RACE.

The second group of South African peoples is known as the Bantu
race and it includes by far the largest number of South African
tribes. Amongst themselves they vary considerably in appear-
ance, language and custom, but not so much as they vary from the
other great South African race. They include all the Zulu tribes, the
so-called Kaffir tribes of Cape Colony, the Basutos, the Bechuanas and
others. During the course of this century they have become divided into
two classes, the first consisting of those tribes which are organized upon
a military basis, known generally as Zulu tribes, and those in which the
military system is subordinate to the civil.

It appears that at the beginning of this century the Zulus were
living much as their neighbors did, with their gardens and cattle,
and were not distinguished above them for prowess in war or for tribal
ambition; their distinctive history begins with the career of Chaka. He,
having learned some of the principles of a thorough military organiza-
tion, set to work to practise them among his own people. By drilling
them in regiments, teaching them some simple tactics, and arming them
with a short spear, he speedily taught them to overcome all other sur-
rounding peoples. With the courage partly born of success, he reorgan-
ized the civil life of the community, abolished some of the most ancient
and cherished customs of his race, altered many others in a most serious
way, with the intention of giving to the chief, as the commander of a
standing army which comprised every citizen within it, supreme
authority.

The principle of the Chief's supremacy was carried so far that a Zulu

. /,

THE NATIVE RACES.

205

chief came to be spoken of as the owner of every person and everything
within his realm. One can see easily how this would arise from the
initial idea that his people existed for the purpose of war and that he
was the supreme commander. Absolute obedience is the first requisite
for military order, and when the principle of absolute obedience is car-
ried into the whole life of the soldier as a citizen, it implies that all his
property as well as his person, must be completely at the disposal of
his commander. The question as to whether he shall own land now
becomes not one of right, as with other Bantu tribes where the chief must
seek to allot ground to every member of his tribe, but of permission. If
he owns cattle they are a reward given to him and yet liable to be with-
drawn at the king's will ; if he receives a wife or wives and is recognized
as a married man, this, again, is a reward of military prowess and indi-
cates the dignity which he has attained in the eyes of his king. Thus
not only every man because he is a soldier, but every woman and every
foot of land, and every domestic animal, came to be spoken of among the
Zulus as the king's property.

Such a system resulted, of course, in extinguishing the deeper affec-
tion; family life was uprooted. Even those affections which twined
round the sense of exclusive personal possession found no support and
no energy in a system of arbitrary and reversible rewards at the hands
of an inscrutable chief. Where the affections were thus ruthlessly tram-
pled out, cruelty took their place. The tribe existed for war; it main-
tained its strength by constant war. Its members could not prove them-
selves worthy members unless they had washed their spears in blood.
When the youths were admitted to manhood and enrolled as soldiers,
their first ambition was to slay some human being. In Matabeleland we
are told that they were impatient until their chief had ordered them to
attack some village and bring the spoils of cattle and children to the
king. If they were successful in their first raid the young Zulus returned
rejoicing to the kraal and received the acclamation of the older warriors.
The sweetest praise in life was when they heard the heroes of many years
say, "Now, indeed, you are a man." If, by some mischance, they were
foiled in their raid, if the inhabitants having been warned had fled or
armed themselves and offered a successful resistance, the bafiled regi-
ments of young warriors returned ashamed to spend months in disgrace.

r/:.

206

THE NATIVE RACES.

El '

As they sat waiting for their portion of meat at their daily meal an elder
warrior might throw the lump of beef to them with mere contempt, allow-
ing it to fall in the dust as if the recipient were a dog. '

Not only did the force of military ambitions make war necessary,
it was uQcessary also on economic grounds; for these warlike tribes
depended very largely upon the cattle and the corn which they could
carry oif in their raids upon the humbler and more diligent tribes around
them. They depended also for the maintenance of their power upon
bringing into their tribal life the young boys whom they could capture.
These were brought up as members of the tribe and trained to become
soldiers in their turn. Thus the entire tribal organization of these Zulu
peoples could only be maintained by means of the unceasing prosecution
of war. The Zulu war of 1878 arose from the effort of the British to
break down this system.

It is held by all intelligent observers of the situation to have been
most remarkable that Cetywayo had succeeded in restraining his people
from war for so many years. It must always remain a mystery how it
was that they did not break loose at an earlier date and fall upon sur-
rounding communities, whether of blacks or whites, in defiance of the
known wishes of the British Government. These wislies, as expressed
through the Governor of Natal, were the reasons which Cetywayo gave to
his people when stilling their ambitions and promising them time after
time an early opportunity for enjoying the luxury of bloodshed. It was
this system which nearly twenty years later confronted the British
South African Company in Matabeleland. There Lobengula found him-
self unable to do what Cetywayo so long had done. His young and ardent
warriors could not be restrained, and compelled him to give assent to
their desire for the continuance of their annual raids upon the inoffen-
sive and undefended Mashonas. Quite evidently, tlien, no progress could
have been made in the uplifting of native races or in the colonizing of
unoccupied territories by whites, in those regions which were devastated
or threatened with devastation by these ruthless military tribes.

The Zulus whom Chaka organized gave rise to several branches. Two
of these have become famous. One is known as the Angoni, who pressed
steadily northwards until they had even crossed the Zambesi and made
their name a terror in the region around the southern end of Lake Tan-

THE NATIVE RACES.

207

ganyika. The next great movement was that created by Moselekatse,
whose tribe swept its terrible way northwards and became known a»
the Matabele tribe, controlling a large territoi-y between the Limpopo
river and the Zambesi.

Among the Bantu tribes, perhaps the most interesting feature of so-
cial organization is that which concerns the ownership of land. The terri-
tory which they call their own belongs to the tribe, and none of that
territory can by tribal law become the absolute property of any individ-
ual. The chief is the ultimate judge in all matters concerning the allot-
ment of the land, and is himself entitled to the use of a larger share than
any one else in the tribe; this is due to his position and his services. Yet
he simply has the use of this land which he is by public consent allowed
to call his own. On his death his successor may desire to occupy some
other portion of the territory with his herds of cattle or for his gardens,
but in that case he will be expected to assign the land used by his prede-
cessor to other members of the tribe. Every one to whom land is allotted
is expected to use it, and as long as he uses it the tribe expects that ho
will be protected in his right there. Public sentiment would not approve
of a chief, say in Bechuanaland, removing a man from his lands arbi-
trarily without good cause shown. The sense of insecurity which this
would create would be resented by the entire tribe.

When these principles are thoroughly grasped one can imagine the
indignation with which native tribes have seen white men, whether Boers
or English, enter their country and on the strength of certain transac-
tions with their chief lay claim to absolute ownership of valuable portions
of their territory. This, according to the laws of the land, was an impos-
sible arrangement, and if only both the Boer and British Governments
had determined to deal justly with these natives and recognize their
own laws, until they were changed in a legal manner, much injustice and
much irritation would have been prevented.

All matters connected with public policy, allotment of lands, etc.,
are dealt with by the chief in the khotla, as the Bechuanas call the court-
yard adjoining the chief's residence. Here at a certain hour every day
he takes his place with his headmen around him and proceeds to adju-
dicate on all kinds of complaint which any of his people desire to put
before him. Witnesses are examined by himself with the assistance of

I '

208

THE NATIVE RACES.

his headmen, discussions take place in which each joins, and then the
chief gives his decision, which is as a rule accepted as final. At times
there occurs a more important form of meeting which the Bechuanas call
a Pitso, when matters of public interest, especially concerning foreign
relations of the tribe, are discussed. This, in fact, is an arrangement
not unlike that of the early Saxons out of which the House of Commons,
the mother of the world's parliaments, grew. In this Pitso there is an
opportunity for the display of oratory; and many who have attended
such gatherings, for they are, as a rule, free to all, have spoken with ad-
miration of the fluency, the eloquence, even the grace with which these
natives deliver their orations. They get of course much excited over
little, as do members of more dignified parliaments. The illustrations
which they employ, while often beautiful and clever, are at other times
weak or even foolish. Nevertheless, the Pitso affords a standard of an
intellectual kind which has done much to keep the life of these tribes
from losing all trace of intellectual interest.

The language which is heard on such occasions is the ordinary lan-
guage of the people, and all students of these South African Bantu races
bear witness to certain admirable elements, namely, the variety and
abundance of their vocabulary, as well as the richness and suggestiveness
of their grammatical forms. For musical quality some of them have been
compared with the sonorous beauty even of Italian. It is not without
regret that one contemplates the inevitable disappearance of these native
languages. As the English language spreads through South Africa it
will become gradually the desire and ideal of the natives to learn English.
In their schools they will demand that they be taught in English, and
while their native tongues will linger long in remote places and in family
life, they will before many years come to be regarded as unnecessary
burdens in the work of daily Bchools. Even those who speak the English
language and are proud to see it spread round the world, have times of
regret, when they remember that its spread is at the cost of many beauti-
ful and interesting tongues.

The Bantu people while on the whole living on low levels of moral
life, yet do recognize the institution of the family. The chief enemy of
the home has been the practice of polygamy; but inasmuch as it has been
the custom for every man to pay for his wife, and, of course, the more

o
u

CD
U

o
B

9
N

e
S

kl O

"3 3

a**

*-•
a !*

a o

35
u a

a n
« ca

MI'S

aa
a

55?
^«

-•?

tot
a>

S«

"is

* .a

5 "3 9

O »>

S§5
«^§

« a
OS v S

aas

<S a> V
O t«

• k. u

a o,a

■^^ii o
u

S ft af

l! !

t«5
c »

u !;?

Of »^

o p,
o
o

5 a

ar §°
lb g|
e "S"

- "ft

^ 11

k n

o
1;;! B

3 3

•" en

777F NATIVE RACES.

211

wives the more expense, a limit has been placed on this practice by the
comparative poverty of the people. Only the chief and a few of the head-
men have really been able to foi ake monogamy, but with them custom
and a sense of dignity practically made it obligatory that they should
have more than one wife. The remarkable story is told elsewhere of the
fight which the young chief Khama was forced to engage in with his
father, who attempted to compel his obedience to this tribal law.

Justice is, of course, dealt with in a summary fashion, the chief modes
of punishment being fines which are especially imposed where cattle are
abundant and have become a kind of medium of exchange, execution by
spearing for graver offenses, expulsion from the tribe, and sometimes
some form of corporal punishment. Much, of course, depends upon the
honor of the chief, who may become a persecutor of those who incur his
personal dislike and so may inflict great suffering upon them. Never-
theless public opinion puts a restriction upon any such tendencies to
manifest and persistent injustice; and cases are known where a tribe,
having at last become embittered against a plotting and cruel chief, have
driven him away.

Where fines for criminal offences are imposed the property passes to
the chief. In civil cases the fine which is imposed goes to the party
aggrieved, who, however, like the plaintiff in civilized lands, is expected
to fee those who have acted as lawyers in his case. These customs, no
doubt, present many temptations to greedy chiefs, with whom the pros-
pect of personal gain does interfere often with their honorable discharge
of judicial functions. Theft is punished with considerable severity in
the first place by means of fines ; but where a man shows himself invet-
erately given to theft he will sometimes find himself punished in a more
dreadful fashion, having his hand thrust into fire or being in some other
way mutilated so that he henceforth carries in his very person the terrific
retribution and reminder of his crime.

In religious matters the Bantu peoples present many points of in-
terest. They of course believe in supernatural powers, concerning whom,
however, their doctrines are indistinct and confused. These supernatu-
ral powers manifest themselves in the use of charms, in the significance
of portents, such as the cawing of a crow on the roof of a hut, or the
casting of a man's shadow upon another who is asleep, as well as in the

212

THE NATIVE RACES.

use of enchanted medicines, the burning of various substances accom*
panted with the utterance of incantations by a "medicine man." The
Bantu people also believe in and practice rain-making, which in most
parts of South Africa is found to be a very necessary process, if not always
successful. They do not belong to the races that have a sacrificial syitem
or elaborate forms of public worship. They have no idols and practically
no habits of piayer; yet they believe in prayer, and some observant
Europeans have found that certain of them before entering upon an im-
portant hunt will step aside alone and speak to Morimo, the great god, im-
ploring a blessing upon their undertaking. This Morimo appears not to be
defined by them either as a spirit or an ancestor or an animal; he is
simply the great being to whom they leave all things, the distant and
chief god of whom they speak but seldom, yet who is acknowledged by
them as above all other subjects of reverence and fear and worship. They
do pray to their ancestors, crying aloud to them by name and pleading
for their aid in some distress or danger.

One peculiarity of the Bantu tribes has never yet been fully described
while it ought to prove of considerable importance to students of South
African native religions. That is the curious relic of totem worship
which is found among them. By a totem is understood a sacred animal
which a family or tribe will treat as in some sense having divine or super-
human power and influence over their lives and fortunes. This animal
they will not kill, still less will they eat it By some totem worshipers
even the seeing of their sacred animal is considered exceedingly danger-
ous. Now, in South Africa, each of the liantu tribes is named after an
animal which is considered sacred and dreadful among the members of
that tribe. The Batlaping means the people of the fish, the Bakwena
the people of the crocodile, the Bamangwato the people of a species of
antelope. These animals will be spoken of by members of these tribes
reluctantly and with fear. A curious and yet a historically significant
fact is that some tribes have as their totem an animal belonging to a
region which that tribe has not inhabited even for generations.

The Bantu before the advent of the Europeans were of course scantily
clothed. They were dependent almost entirely for clothing and for
covering at night upon the skins of animals. The art of tanning and
preserving these skins was carried to a considerable degree of perfection

■\\,

•»».

'-'^:

THE NATIVE RACES.

218

by Bome of these tribes. The skin was first stretched out with pe'^h n*
under stones in the sun till it was thoroughly dried, then the owner ^'^
it would begin the prolonged task of softening it. Some form of grease
was rubbed on it and then the skin was rubbed with the fists. When the
skin was large this was done by a group of men in a rhythmic movement
accompanied by a curious ejaculatory or grunting sing-song, which could
be heard a considerable way off. When the skin had thus been thor-
oughly cured and softened, it was then gone over with needle and thread,
the thread usually consisting of sinew from the leg of an animal. The
sewing was sometimes directed in the case of a large skin entirely to the
patching of the holes made in the killing and skinning of the animal.
Very beautiful rugs were also made by sewing together a number of skins
of smaller animals. The needle used was without an eye, each stitch
being completed when the hole had been made and then the thread
passed through with a separate effort, somewhat as the shoemaker works.
Many of these skins when made up in this way were very handsome and
lasted a very long time.

Most of the Bantu people depend for their living partly on cattle and
partly on their gardens. In these gardens they grow some smaller grains,
but in most of them they also grow the Indian corn which at some un-
known period was introduced into South Africa and spread rapidly from
region to region. It forms now one of the staple foods of native tribes and
is called by all Europeans in South Africa ''mealies.''

The children of the Bantu tribes grow up in their native state without
p-uj education, of course excepting that which prepares them for the
responsibilities of their own citizenship. They are usually allowed to
run about as they please until youth is dawning upon childhood. When
they thus become men and women they are formed into regiments and
led out of the town in separate directions to live in camps,- where they
pass through various ceremonies, some being of a brutal and degrading
nature. They stay tl ere for several weeks and then return to be recog-
nized as men and women. In the case of the boys an essential condition
of their becoming men was that they should be thoroughly thrashed. The
thrashing was, in some tribes at any rate, administered by the father of
each boy ; and in after years a. man would point to the welds on his back
as a proof not only of the thoroughness with which he became a man but

214

THE NATIVE RACES.

of the afPectionate heart of the father who had done his work so well.
Many peculiar native customs are, of course, gradually dropping away,
partly through the work of the missionaries, partly through the assump-
tion of Europ>ean dress and the habits which European dress brings with
it. Partly also are changes coming through the loosening of tribal bonds.
As the natives move more freely from one part of the country to another
they feel themselves inevitably cut off from many of the narrow preju-
dices, ignorant superstitions and traditional customs which seemed to
them inevitable and authoritative until travel had emancipated their
minds.

.f. . *!.

CHAPTER XII.

//.

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

IN THE early days South Africa was a very paradise for hunters
and swarmed with game. The number and variety of the game was

unequaled. That lions were common, even down to the shores of
Table Bay, we know upon the authority of Van Kiebeek, who met one in
his own garden. There were 34 varieties of antelopes besides the quagga
and zebra — these roamed about in great herds over the central plateau.
The wanton destruction of these animals has resulted in many districts
becoming destitute of game and many varieties becoming extinct.

Tt is only in the far north, where the hunter has not yet been able
to destroy, that the South African fauna has a chance to regain and
retain its old glory.

The best sport is to be obtained in the Zambesi Valley and in Nyas-
saland. The Kalahari desert, described sometimes as the natural per-
manent home of wild game, also offers attractions to the hunter.
It has been suggested that the Kalahari should be made into a national
reserve. That such a reserve is necessary is evident and this fact has been
recognized by all the Governments. The Chartered Company in 1895,
promised to enclose » game preserve of 200,000 acres as soon as their
finances would permit.

Taldng the animals of South Africa, in order to examine into them
the Lion naturally heads the list. Amongst others of the animals oi
South Africa, the lion, once plentiful throughout Cape Colony, is no-w,
practically extinct south of the Vaal and Orange Rivers, though in
Rhodesia and North Transvaal there are still many to be found. It is.
however, quite possible to traverse the country and see no sign of a lion

While the natives maintain that there are white, red and grey
necked lions the naturalist only admits the existence of one species
The length of the full-grown South African lion is about 12 feet from
the nose to the tip of the tail; the height at shoulder 40 inches, and tht
weight 400 to 500 lbs., the lioness averages 25 per cent less than the

815

216

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

' ti r

male. Many wonderful tales are told as to their enormous strength,
and there is no doubt that they can leap 18 paces and carry off a large
bullock. The lion does not often attack man unless provoked or
pressed by hunger. Mr. Selous says that on a dark night these animals
are undoubtedly very bold and fearless. When hungry the daring of
the lion knows no bounds and it would be hard to mention any part of
an encampment that is safe from their attacks. The length of life
attributed to the lion is over 30 years. Though of gregarious habits,
the lion is frequently encountered alone.

The Leopard, commonly known as the "tiger" by the colonists (as is
also the cheetah), is still to be found over the whole of South Africa,
except where the population is very dense. The natural haunt of the
leopard is in rocky places, which fact prevents its rapid extermination.
It is often hunted for the sake of its beautiful skin. The full-grown
Ijopard may measure as much as 9 feet in length, and is ^ery dangerous,
especially when wounded. Though its natural food consists of baboons
and small antelopes, the leopard does not hesitate to replace this diet
by sheep and goats. Consequently it is customary to poison or other-
wise destroy these "tigers" remorselessly. The color of the skin and
the markings vary greatly, some "tigers" being found with perfectly
black skins, though belonging to the same species.

The Cheetah is smaller than the leopard, but is frequently con-
founded with it. It is not dangerous, except very rarely when wounded ;
and for this reason it is comparatively easy to kill. It is prized for the
beauty of its skin — black spots over a red and yellow ground. The
eheetah is rapidly being killed out in the Southern districts.

There are also to be found, north of the Orange River, the Seryal or
tiger-cat and the Red Lynx.

The Wild Cat is larger than the common cat and can be most danger-
ous. Its hair is coarse and the tail is short and thick. In color it is
grey with black markings. Formerly it was to be found all over South
Africa, but it is already becoming rather rare in Cape Colony and Natal.
The Reed-cat is much more common.

Of the Hyaena there are three varieties, although two of these, the
striped and the brown, are very rare. The Spotted Hyaena is
frequently met with in the interior, though nearly killed out of the

■^',ir

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

217

Cape Colony. In color it is a yellow with darker markings and a wiry
short coat. In size as large as a full-sized wolf and a powerful beast,
the hyaena is not courageous, and generally prefers to follow in the
wake of a lion or other braver animal, when it regales itself on the leav-
ings. Hyaenas are very troublesome to the stock farmers, though they
will rarely attack stock in camp. They are therefore killed as vermin,
their skins being of no value.

The Aard-wolf resembles the hyaena in appearance, but is much
smaller and is practically toothless. It is hunted with hounds and is
to be found from the Cape Peninsula to Abyssinia.

The African Hunting Dog is a white and liver colored piebald animal
with black markings. These dogs hunt in packs and are very destructive
and in consequence are not often to be found in the neighborhood of
farms, as it is absolutely necessary to exterminate them.

The Long-eared Fox is a grey slender animal with a small black-
tipped tail and long, erect ears. It is very rare in Cape Colony, although
common enough in the interior. Its diet is supposed to consist largely
of insects.

There are three or even more varieties of Jackals. Of these the
Black backed or Silver Jackal is the largest and the most common. It
changes its color with the seasons, being black and tawny during the
winter and a grizzly white during the summer.

The Hare Jackal is the only other variety worth noticing; its skin
being of some value. , '

Of the smaller animals there are among the carnivora, the Civet-
cats, rarely found south of the Limpopo, two varieties of the Otter and
several varieties of the weasel family, such as the Mere-cat.

The Elephant, from the point of view of sport, is now practically non-
existent in South Africa. In the districts where elephants are still
to be found they are strictly preserved in order to save them from
extinction.

In Cape Colony elephants are preserved in the Knysna and other
forests forming a narrow strip of country from Mossel Bay to Port
Elizabeth. In 1898 it was estimated that there were 150 head in Cape
Colony. These elephants are strictly preserved and may only be shot
by special permission of the Governor and on payment of a fee of £20.

aon

•■ >

218

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

The only occasions on which permission is given is when an elephant
has habitually destroyed property.

The high price of ivory was the cause of the rapid killing off of the
elephants. Some idea of this killing off may be gained by the export
figures for 1875 and 1897. These are respectively £60,402 and
£992.

The African elephant differs from the Indian species in many re-
spects; its ears especially are enormous, and when extended in charging
are said to measure as much as 15 feet, from tip to tip, across the fore-
head. The brain of the Indian elephant is its most vulnerable point,
whereas the African elephant is almost impervious to the forehead shot
which is so fatal in India. Sir Samuel Baker and Mr. Selous both bear
witness to this fact. This hardness of the front of the skull is shared by
the African buffalo.

While the female elephant is always tusked, the tusks only weigh
from 15 to 25 lbs. each, whereas the male tusks average 120 lbs. In a
few cases a single male tusk has been known to weigh 200 lbs.

A bull elephant may stand as high as 10 feet 6 inches at the shoulder,
and is a dangerous animal to attack on foot, as its hearing and scent are
most acute.

Of the Rhinoceros there are or rather there were two varieties, the
White and the Black. The former is nearly extinct, in fact for some
time it was considered as unobtainable until some specimens were
obtained in Rhodesia by Mr. Selons. The White Rhinoceros is a very
large animal, larger than the black variety. It is curious to note that
its color is practically the same. The dimensions are as follows: 13
feet 9 inches in length; 12 feet in circumference; 6 feet 6 inches in height,
and bearing an anterior horn, very long and slender, sometimes reach-
ing the length of 4 feet 9 inches.

The Black Rhinoceros used once to be found all over the Cape Colony,
one becoming especially renowned in that it charged the coach of
Governor Van der Stel near Cape Town in 1685. It has two horns, of
which the front one is usually the longer. It is to be found in practically
the same districts as the elephant, viz., in the more unhealthy parts of
South Africa, where the tsetse fly prevents the use of horses or oxen by
the hunters.

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

219

The Hippopotamus has beeu more fortunate than the rhinoceros,
but the time of its disappearance is rapidly approaching. It is
to be seen plunging and splashing in the waters of the Limpopo, the
Pungwe and the rivers of Zululand and Nyassaland. It may also
be found on the lower reaches of the Orange River. Its skin, which
is from 1^ to 2 inches in thickness, is used in the manufacture of
"sjamboks" (hide whips). The length of the hippopotamus is about 14
feet from tail to snout — in bulk and weight it is second only to the
elephant.

The Crocodile still holds its own to a great extent, and may be
found on the rivers all down the East Coast, in Zululand and in the
pools of Rhodesia. Into these pools Lobengula used to sometimes throw
offenders, to be devoured by the sacred crocodiles. In consequence of
these denizens of the rivers it is extremely dangerous for oxen going
down to drink and for wayfarers crossing over the drifts.

The Giraffe has become very scarce and there are only a few to be
found on the Transvaal-Matabeleland frontier and in the Kalahari dis-
trict. Measured perpendicularly from the head to the ground it stands
from 17 to 19 feet. In color it is bright yellow to almost black, the latter
color being peculiar to very old bulls. The flesh is excellent and the
hide is used for whip-lashes, it being possible to cut a strip 20 feet long
down its back.

The Buffalo is preserved in the Cape Colony in the forests between
Mossel Bay and Algoa Bay. In 1898 it was estimated that 700 head of
buffalo were in the preserves. Except for this there are no buffaloes
south of the Limpopo, though they are fairly plentiful in the un-
healthiest parts of the East Coast. The rinderpest in 1896-98 reduced
their numbers considerably; they suffered more than any other wild
animals.

The bufifal(T is one of the most dangerous of animals and never hesi-
tates to charge the hunter. Cases have occurred in which a buffalo
has driven one of its horns through a horse's breast and out through the
saddle. Its color is nearly black and its hair short and smooth. Stand-
ing nearly 5 feet at the shoulder, the buffalo has broad, strong horns,
measuring from 3 feet to 3 feet 6 inches.

One hunter describes how on one occasion the head of a buffalo was

220

THE ANIMALS OP SOUTH AFRICA.

?;«?■■ :-'.i4| ll

BO massire as to present a difficult feat to two men to carry it to the
camp.

The Zebra proper is almost extinct, though there are about 200 head
strictly preserved in the mountainous districts on the east of Cape
Colony. It stands about 12 to 12^ hands, and is beautifully striped
right down to the hoof, but not under the belly.

Burchell's Zebra is now very rare in the Transvaal, but one variety
is to be found in Bechuanaland. It has been proved by one or two
people that it is possible to domesticate these zebras and break them to
harness.

The Quagga has been practically exterminated, though only a gen-
eration back it was found in great numbers on the Free State plains.

The antelopes are known chiefly by their Dutch names and are
unfortunately nearly all very rare and very nearly exterminated.

The Eland is the largest of all the antelopes and weighs as much as
900 lbs., the meat being often both tender and juicy. It stands from 5
feet to 6 feet at the shoulder. The horns are really more than 2 feet
6 inches long. The skin is fawn-colored, shading to white underneath
and is sometimes marked by white stripes.

Owing to their slow rate of speed iu running, the Elands are almost
extinct south of the Limpopo.

Mr. Gordon Cumming writes of this antelope: —

"At length I observed an old bull Eland standing under a tree.
He was the first that I had seen, and was a noble specimen, standing
about 6 feet high at the shoulder. Observing us, he made off at a
gallop, springing over the trunks of decayed trees which lay across his
path; but very soon he reduced his pace to a trot. Spurring my horse,
another moment saw me riding hard behind him. Twice in the thickets
I lost sight of him, and he very nearly escaped me; but at length, the
ground improving, I came up with him, and rode within a few yards
behind him.

Long streaks of foam now streamed from his mouth, and a profuse
pr piration had changed his sleek grey coat to an ashy blue. Tears
ti ded from his large dark eye, and it was plain that the Eland's hours
wei\^ ;iumbered.

This magnificent animal is by far the largest of all the antelope

hiilJ^^

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

221

tribe, exceeding a large ox in size. It also attains an extraordinary
condition, being often burthened with a very large amount of fat. Its
llesh is most excellent, and is justly esteemed above all others. It has
a peculiar sweetness, and is tender and fit for use the moment tho
animal is killed. Like the Gemsbok, the Eland is independent of water,
and frequents the borders of the great Kalahari desert in herds varying
from ten to a hundred. It is also generally diffused through all the
woody districts of the interior where I have hunted. Like other
varieties of deer and antelope, the old males may often be found con-
sorting together apart from the females, and a troop of these, when in
full condition, may be likened to a herd of stall-fed oxen."

The Sable Antelope is still fairly plentiful about Salisbury; it is
smaller than the Eland and is dangerous when at bay, making short
ferocious charges. In color it is very dark tawny with white belly — its
face is peculiar because of the white markings of it. The eye, which
lies close to the horn, is very prominent. The horns are annulated and
curve evenly backward.

The Roan Antelope or Bastard Eland is rapidly becoming extinct
south of the Limpopo. Mr. Gordon Gumming says: —

"We were entering a thicket of thorny bushes when a very large
grey-looking antelope stood up under one of them. I could not see his
head, but I at once knew that it was the long-sought-for roan antelope,
or Bastard Gemsbok. The noble buck now bounded forth, a superb old
male, carrying a pair of grand scimiter-shaped horns; he stood nearly
five feet high at the shoulder."

The Khoodoo is the most plentiful of the large antelopes and is still
to be found in the Eastern Prorinces of the Gape Colony, where it is
preserved. Its fleah is excellent and its hide makes fine leather. Its
horns are twisted in a beautiful spiral and are about 3 feet 9 inches in
length.

Mr. Gordon Gumming writes concerning this Antelope: —

"Owing to the nature of the ground which they frequent, it is a
very difficult matter to ride them down, and they are more usually
obtained by stalking or stealing stealthily upon them. When, however,
the hunter discovers a heavy old buck khoodoo on level ground, there is
no great difficulty to ride into him, his speed and endurance being very

222

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

■? ^'1

\ ^

inferior to that of the oryx. The skin of the khoodoo, though thin, is
extremely tough, and is much prized by the colonists for ^forelocks,'
or lashes for ox-wagon whips."

The Oryx or Gemsbok frequents the most remote and waterless
parts of the Kalahari desert and of Damaraland. Though not one of
the most fierce of the antelopes it has more than once been known to
prove a match for a lion. The two skeletons are found together, that
of the lion transfixed by the terrible horns of the antelope. The Gems-
bok has the honor to figure in the Coat of Arms of the Cape Colony. Mr.
Gordon Cumming gives the following vivid description of the Oryx: —

"The Oryx, or Gemsbox, to which I was now about to direct my
attention more particularly, is about the most beautiful and remark-
able of all the antelope tribe. It is the animal which is supposed to
have given rise to the fable of the unicorn, from its long straight horns,
when seen, en profile, so exactly covering one another as to give it the
appearance of having but one. It possesses the erect mane, long sweep-
ing black tail, and general appearance of the horse, with the head and
hoofs of an antelope. It is robust in its form, squarely and compactly
built, and very noble in its bearing. Its height is about that of an ass,
and in color it slightly resembles that animal. The beautiful black
bands which eccentrically adorn its head, giving it the appearance of
wearing a stall collar, together with the manner in which the rump
and thigh are painted, impart to it a character peculiar to itself. The
adult male measures 3 feet 10 inches in height at the shoulder.

The Gemsbox was destined by nature to adorn the parched karroos
and arid deserts of South Africa, for which description of country it is
admirably adapted. It thrives and attains high condition in barren
regions, where it might be imagined that a locust would not find sub-
sistence, and, burning as is the climate, it is perfectly independent of
water, which, from my own observation, and the repeated reports both of
the Boers and Aborigines, I am convinced it never by any chance tastes.
Of several animals in South Africa which are hunted in this manner,
and may be ridden into by a horse, the Oryx is by far the swiftest and
most enduring. They are widely diffused throughout the center and
western parts of Southern Africa."

The Hartebeest is still found in the north of Cape Colony, and in the

ijiiii

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

223

Free State and Transvaal, while it is fairly common throughout Bechu-
analand and the Kalahari. Its height is 4 feet and its color a dark
chestnut. The head is long and narrow, and the horns, which measure
15 inches, rise from a peculiar bony protuberance in the skull. The
brain lying behind this makes it difficult to shoot it when charging.
The Hartebeest is very swift but rather stupid.

There is also the "Lichtenstein" Hartebeest.

Of the Wildebeests or Gnus there are two varieties, the white-
tailed gnu or black hartebeest and the brindled gnu or blue hartebeest.
The former is one of the supporters of the Cape Coat of Arms, and is
preserved in the Colony. The blue wildebeest is extinct south of the
Limpopo. The blue variety is the larger and has the characteristic
curved horn. These branch like those of an ox and curve inwards — ^the
forehead is shaggy and massive, the hind quarters of this antelope
closely resemble those of an ill-formed horse, the head being very large
in comparison to the body. In color the black wildebeest is dark brown,
while the blue variety is brown grey with dark markings. Both
varieties have a heavy black mane.

The wildebeest is a great wanderer and confines itself to no settled
district. Its preference is, however, for the plains rather than the hills.

The black wildebeests which also thickly cover the entire length
and breadth of the Blesbok country, in herds averaging from twenty
to fifty, have no regular course, like the Blesboks. Unless driven by a
large field of hunters, they do not leave their ground, although dis-
turbed. Wheeling about in endless circles, and performing the most
extraordinary of intricate evolutions, the shaggy herds of these eccentric
and fierce-looking animals are forever capering and gambolling round
the hunter on every side. While he is riding hard to obtain a family
shot of a herd in front of him, other herds are charging down wind on
his right and left, and, having described a number of circular move-
ments, they take up positions upon the very ground across which the
hunter rode only a few minutes before.

Singly, and in small troops of four or five individuals, the old bull
wildebeests may be seen stationed at intervals throughout the plains,
standing motionless during a whole forenoon, coolly watching with a
philosophic eye the movements of the other game, constantly uttering a

■1

.! h

224

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

loud snorting noise, and also a short, sharp cry which is peculiar to
them. When the hunter approaches these old bulls, they commence
whisking their long white tails in a most eccentric manner; then
springing suddenly into the air, they begin prancing and capering, and
pursue each other in circles at their utmost speed. Suddenly they all
pull up together to overhaul the intruder, when two of the bulls will
often commence fighting in the most violent manner, dropping on their
knees at every shock; then quickly wheeling about, they kick up their
heels, whirl their tails with a fantastic flourish, and scour across the
plain enveloped in a cloud of dust.

The Bushbuck is one of the few remaining antelopes which can be
hunted in the Cape Colony and Natal. It is generally hunted with
beaters and is dangerous when brought to bay. In the open it is com-
paratively helpless because it is a slow runner; its bright dark brown
color renders it rather easy to detect amongst the bush which it fre-
quents. This antelope only stands about 2 feet 10 inches and has
spiral horns like those of the Khoodoo.

There are also the Inyala the Nakong, the Dinker and the Spotted
varieties of Bushbuck, but these are very rare. The Dinker is used by
Khama, chief of the Bamangwato, as a crest.

The Blesbok used formerly to be found in enormous multitudes all
over South Africa, but now has become rare, there being in 1898 only
some 280 head in Cape Colony. The horns of the blesbok are about
15 inches in length, cyrate, semi-annulated, pointing upwards and
outwards. Concerning the habits of this antelope much information
is given by Gordon Cumming.

The blesbok, in his manners and habits, very much resembles the
springbok, which, however, it greatly exceeds in size, being as large
as an English fallow-deer. It is one of the true antelopes, and all its
movements and paces partake of the grace and elegance peculiar to
that species. Its color is similar to that of the sassayby, its skin being
beautifully painted with every shade of purple, violet and brown. Its
belly is of the purest white, and a broad white band, or "blaze," adorns
the entire length of its face. Blesboks differ from springboks in the
determined and invariable manner in which they scour the plains, right
in the wind's eye, and also inth« manner in which they carry their

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

225

noses close along the ground. Throughout the greater part of the year
they are very wary and difficult of approach, but more eHi>pcially when
the does have young ones. At that season, when one herd is disturbed,
and takes away up the wind, every other herd in view follows them;
and the alarm extending for miles and miles down the wind, to endless
herds beyond the vision of the hunter, a continued stream of blesboks
may often be seen scouring up-wind for upwards of an hour and cover-
ing the landscape as far as the eye can see.

The Springbok is to be found on the open treeless plains of South
Africa. Formerly it was the most plentiful of the antelopes and used
to migrate in countless multitudes. Thanks to the institution of a close
season it is probable that the swiftest of bucks may regain some frac-
tion of their former numbers. Gordon Gumming describes the old
migrations: —

"The accumulated masses of living creatures which the springboks
exhibit on the greater migrations is utterly astounding, and any trav-
eler witnessing it as I have, and giving a true description of what he
has seen, can hardly expect to be believed, so marvelous is the scene.

"They have been well and truly compared to the wasting swarms of
locusts, so familiar to the traveler in this land of wonders. Like them
they consume every green thing in their course, laying waste vast dis-
tricts in a few hours, and ruining in a single night the fruits of the
farmers' toil. The course adopted by the antelopes is generally such
as to bring them back to their own country by a route different from
that by which they set out. Thus their line of march sometimes forms
something like a vast oval, or an extensive square, of which the diame-
ter may be some hundred miles, and the time occupied in this migra-
tion may vary from six months to a year.

"On the 28th I had the satisfaction of beholding, for the first time,
what I had often heard the Boers allude to, viz., a *trek-bokken,' or
grand migration of springboks. This was, I think, the most extraor-
dinary and striking scene as connected with beasts of the chase that I
had ever beheld.

"For about two hours before the day dawned I had been lying
awake in my wagon, listening to the grunting of the bucks within
two hundred yards of me, imagining that some large herd of springboks

I t

li ;

iii,:

iir:

220

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

was feeding beside my camp; but on my rising wlien it was clear, and
looking about me, I beheld the ground to the northward of nty camp
actually covered with a dense living mass of springboks, marching
slowly and steadily along, extending from an opening in a long range
of hills on the west, through which they continued pouring, like the
flood of some great river, to a ridge about a mile to the northeast, over
which they disappeared. The depth of the ground they covered might
have been somewhere about half a mile. I stood upon the fore chest
of my wagon for nearly two hours, lost in wonder at the novel and won-
derful scene which was passing before me, and had some difficulty in
convincing myself that it was reality which I beheld, and not the
wild and exaggerated picture of a hunter's dream.

''During this time their vast legions continued streaming through
the neck in the hills in one unbroken compact phalanx.

"Vast and surprising as was the herd of springboks which I had
that morning witnessed, it was infinitely surpassed by what I beheld
on the march from my vley to old Swear's camp; for, on our clearing
the low range of hills through which the springboks had been pouring,
I beheld the boundless plains, and even the hillsides which stretched
away o;a every side of me, thickly covered, not with 'herds,' but with
'one vast herd' of springbok; far as the eye could strain, the land-
scape was alive with them, until they softened down into a dim red mass
of living creatures.

^To endeavor to form any idea of the amount of antelopes which I
that day beheld were vain; but I have, nevertheless, no hesitation in
stating that some hundreds of thousands of springboks were that
morning within the compass of my vision."

Concerning the habits of the Springbok the same hunter writes: —

**The springbok is so termed by the Colonists on account of its
peculiar habit of springing or taking extraordinary bounds, rising to
an incredible height in the air when pursued. The extraordinary man-
ner in which springboks are capable of springing is best seen when they
are chased by a dog. On these occasions away start the herd, with a
succession of strange perpendicular bounds, rising with curved loins
high into the air, and at the same time elevating the snowy folds of
long white hair on their haunches and along their back, which imparts

«>'

^^^M

.^Itofe

t'%.d

^^^^^^P

ffiBP^'^

.T-<1 '

BS^r: .

W' -

► >.

"V-lRilB

^ ''

.-*- — •

'^iaQngHH

•

1 ;

!»'

^'*'W?y

«-■,

»"

••■-:. "-:■; ::;;; 4,^n^-;^j

- * . ■■ . •

.*>-

'^JiM

-• .', . . . .^^..*^'~' '

'^M

— Ti

■ •

5|J-J2^^"-feaBF:'wr^

b> ^ "^^

^^^^^S^

j-gps-r?:'^^* ^^

THE TUGELA RIVER IN ZULULAND

This river, before It enters Zululand, flows near Colenso, and has been the scene of the fierce
Btruggk' between General Duller and the Boer army.

MICA DEPOSIT IN A DONGA

An enormous deposit of mica is made here by the continuous flow of water, which has gradually
worn the rocks and formed this donga or narrow chasm.

; -i

0**

♦< HI

o o

•J3

3«

iJS

J Ma

O «5

»^

ft. *=

W 45-

01 o

o o
to
a »

?3 «-*

.ae

3S
ato

•«-2
O

»■ «

a*
is V

^2
^2

§ -I

< rto

g S*"

s II

O ^g

S: °

5 Is
« si

V o

4> O

Si *•

■as

••rt

'/•//£ ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

229

to them a peculiar fairy-like appearance, different from any other
animal. They bound to the height of ten or twelve feet, with the
elasticity of an India-rubber ball, clearing at each spring from twelve
to fifteen feet of ground without apparently the slightest exertion. In
performing the spring, they appear for an instant as if suspended in
the air, when down come all four feet again together, and, striking the
plain, away they soar again as if about to take flight. The herd only
adopt this motion for a few hundred yards, when they subside into a
light elastic trot, arching their graceful necks and lowering their noses
to the ground, as if in sportive mood. Presently pulling up, they face
about, and reconnoiter the object of their alarm. In crossing any path
or wagon-road, on which men have lately trod, the springbok invariably
clears it by a single surprising bound; and when a herd of perhaps
many thousands have to cross a track of the sort, it is extremely beauti-
ful to see how each antelope performs this feat, so suspicious are they of
the ground on which their enemy, man, has trodden. They bound in
a similar manner when passing to leeward of a lion, or any other animal
of which they entertain an instinctive dread."

The Klip Springer is often called the "Chamois of South Africa."
It is common to the whole country, but prefers the rugged, hilly dis-
tricts.

The Tsesebe, or bastard Hartebeest, closely resembles the harte-
beest, and is fairly plentiful beyond the Limpopo.

Besides the antelopes enumerated above there are various other
species of which the name will suffice. They are: The Waterbuck,
the Rcdbuck, the Bluebuck, the Reedbuck, the Red Rehbock, the Grey
Rehbock, the Bontebock, the Lechive, the Pookoo, the Palla, the Stein-
bock, the Oribi, the Gnysbock, and the Damaraland Antelope.

Amongst the lesser animals of South Africa may be mentioned the
Rock Rabbit — smaller than the common rabbit, allied to both the ele-
phant and rhinoceros; the Wart Pig and the Bush Pig, somewhat
diminutive specimen of the boar family, with, however, ferocious-look-
ing tusks; the Cape, Rock, Mountsin and Spring Hares are also found.
The English rabbit exists on Robben Island, but may not be introduced
on to the main land.

All over South Africa may be found the Ant Bear, an animal with a

■

■.I:

i't

•I

230

THE ANIMALS OF SOUTH AFRICA.

long, low body, some 6 feet in length, sparsely covered with black hair;
its snout, ears and tongue are also enormously long, but its legs and
tail are strong and short. The Ant Bear devours ants, and invariably
makes its burrow on the south side of the ant-hill.

The Porcupine is also found all over South Africa.

The Pangolins are peculiar to Africa. They are toothless, covered
with hard scales, and arboreal in habit. When attacked they coil
themselves into a ball. Their food is chiefly ants.

The Game Birds of South Africa are very plentiful, it having been
decided that there are eleven sorts of Francolin, five of Quails, three
of Gruinea Fowl, four of Sand Grouse, eleven of Bustards, two of Dik-
koi3s, three of Geese, thirteen of Duck, Widgeon and Teal, three of
Sripe and one of Ostrich.

There are very few wild Ostriches to be found in South Africa at
the present time, as they are hunted down for their feathers, which are
worth more than those of the domesticated birds. The wild Ostrich is
not fierce and is very good eating.

The ^ eat Kori Bustard or "Paauw" is the bird next in size to the
ostrich. A cock Bustard will sometimes stand as high as 5 feet. These
birds are to be found all over South Africa, but are difficult to shoot.

Besides these game birds there are three species of the Ibis (includ-
ing the sacred red Ibis), also varieties of the Stork, Flamingo, Heron,
and Pelican, etc. ; there are some fifty-two varieties of the Hawk family,
and thirteen sorts of Owls.

Ther*^ are some thirty varieties of snakes, many of which are
venomous. The Python, which attaj;a>" to a length of 20 feet, is non-
poisonous, and does not attack unless molested.

The Black Mamba, which is sometimes as large as a rattlesnake, is
very venomous and very ready to attack.

The Puff and other Adders are dangerous because of their sluggish
habits. Lying in the sand, they are not able to move out of the way of
the passer-by, and strike at once when trodden upon.

CHAPTER XIII.
THE CHIEF INDUSTRIES OF SOUTH AFRICA.

THE industries of South Africa may be divided for the sake of
description into the pastoral, the agricultural, the natural pro-
ducts and the minerals. In the first class are sheep, mohair and
ostrich farming.

The areas devoted to sheep farming are fairly wide. In the Cape
Colony there is, first, a district in the Western Province from Caledon
to Mossel Bay along the coast; and in the eastern provinces and the
Transkei, the whole country between the Stormberg Mountains and the
Indian Ocean. In these areas the sheep are fed on grass. Then there
are the central districts, including the Karoo and the country north of
the great mountain ranges; here the sheep are pastured on the succu-
lent drought-withstanding Karoo plants. In 1896 there were 14,400,000
sheep in Cape Colony. Practically the whole of the Orange Free State
is suitable for sheep farming. In the Transvaal the high country is
most useful and in Natal the highest northeast plateau. The sheep in
Cape Colony are mainly of the merino type, and, though for a long time
little trouble was taken to improve the breeds, now both from Australia
and England champions are imported, and the cl&jiiS of wool is likely
>oon to be very much raised.

The total yield of wool is, however, very small and when compared
-vivh that of Australia shrinks almost to nothingness. In 1893 there was
wool exported from South Africa to the value of £2,400,000, while the
wool export of Australia was £25,000,000! In 1898 the export for South
Africa, through the Cape Colony alone, was £1,782,498 worth.

Mohair is furnished by the angora goat, which is a native of Central
Asia and Asia Minor. These goats are pastured in many districts,
especially in the inland division behind Port Elizabeth, such as Somer-
set East and Graaf Reinet, also in the Klip River districts in Natal.
The angora goat was introduced into South Africa in 1856, after many

231

232

THE CHIEF INDUSTRIES OF SOUTH AFRICA.

\i I

'■ ^^''

unsuccessful attempts. The average annual clip per head amounts in
weight to five or six pounds, and is worth 2/ld. The herds of goats roam
at will over the veldt and require little care. In 1896, in Cape Colony
alone, there were 5,000,000 angora and other goats. The value of the
annual export amounts to an average of £400,000, and forms one-third
of the mohair purchased in England.

Export in 1897, £676,644; 1898, £647.548 (about $3,000,000). (Through
Cape Colony.)

Wherever there is feed for cattle there cattle are to be found, but
the country is not especially adapted to cattle raising, except Bechuana-
land and the Free State. In 1878, there were in Cape Colony 2,000,000
cattle, in Natal 725,000, in the rr>^ State 900,000, while in Bechuana-
land Khama's tribe alone had 8G. " . As an example of how these
numbers were reduced by sickness, it may be mentioned that Khama's
800,000 shrunk to 5,000! As the railways increase and the transport
wagons are no longer required it is probable that the number of cattle
will decrease to a great extent. Hides are exported to a considerable
value. Export, 1897, £217,754; 1898, £199,543 (about $2,000,000).
(Through Cape Colony.)

Eastern Bechuanaland is considered one of the best of ranching
districts in South Africa, as the grass is sweet and water obtainable by
digging.

Ostrich farming was almost a South African specialty, but there is
now a little competition in Australia and America. Ostriches are kept
on most of the farms in Cape Colony but are more especially cultivated
in the Oudtshoorn district and in the districts round Port Elizabeth.
The price of ostrich feathers varies very much, but the average value
of the yearly exports is £500,000 (about $2,450,000). The ostrich is a
native of South Africa and there have been three stages in the industry
of its feathers. First, the birds were hunted and killed to obtain the
feathers. Then ostrich chicks up to seven months of age were caught
and farmed. They, however, grew up wild and unmanageable, so that
in 1865 there were only eighty birds amongst the live stock. In 1869,
however, the third stage was arrived at, when Mr. Arthur Douglas per-
fected his artificial incubator. This enabled the birds to be properly
domesticated. In 1896 the number of ostriches in Cape Colony was esti-

THE CHIEF INDUSTRIES OF SOUTH AFRICA.

mated as 225,000. The value of feathers exported in 1897 was £605,058
(about $3,000,000); in 1898, £748,505 (about $3,000,000).

Under the agricultural industries are corn, wine, fruit and tobacco.

Owing to the lack of a regular rainfall South Africa is not very
suitable for the growing of grain. The principal grain areas in the
Cape Colony are: A western district, consisting of the plains at the
southwest corner of Africa, round Malmesbury; an eastern district, of
which Graaf Keinet and Middleburg are the centers; and the most
important area lying between the Stormberg Mountains and the Orange
Itiver, containing Herschel and Barkly East districts. Grain is not
grown in the Karoo or in the Eastern Coast districts, the former is too
dry and the latter are too damp. On the southeastern border of the
Orange Free State there is a grain district 100 miles long, from Bethle-
hem to Wepener, which has a periodic rainfall. In the Transvaal grain
can be grown in the central country, including the districts between the
Kiver Marico and Lydenburg. In Natal the only grain grown to any
extent is maize; on the high plateaus oats are also grown. There are
many kinds of grains grown in South Africa, from wheat to maize and
Kaffir corn. South Africa, however, by no means professes to be a
corn-growing country.

Viticulture is the oldest established industry of the Cape. There
was a time when wine was the best known product of the Cape, and
w^hen "Constantia" fetched a monopoly price in Europe. That time has
long passed; but wine is still exported from the Cape. If the export
be small it is the fault of the manufacturer, not of the grapes, for the
soil of the Cape Peninsula and the neighboring districts where viti-
culture is carried on are peculiarly adapted to the growth of the grape
vine. These are grown without any support, appearing like small
bushes. As to the suitability of South Africa for viticulture it is inter-
esting to note the report made by the Australian expert in 1885 to the
Cape Government. According to his report, the vineyards of the Cape
are six times as productive as those of Fnrope, and eight times as pro-
ductive as those of Australia. The yield in the coast districts reached
the fabulous sounding proportion of 80^ hectolitres per hectare, in the
inland districts 173 hectolitres! Yet, after all this, the export of win!"
is very insignificant, being in 1892 valued at £18,000 (about $88,000).

■n.

H -1

h « ?Ji

I I

11 ]

234

r//£ Cff/£F INDUSTRIES OF SOUTH "AFRICA.

and in 1898 at £15,043 (about |75,000). The fact is that the Dutch are
not enterprising enough as industrialists to develop this trade.

Tobacco is grown chiefly in the Oudtshoorn district, but has not yet
become a recognized article of export.

Fruit of all kinds grows in profusion throughout South Africa. In
the Cape Colony oranges, lemons, apples are cultivated, besides many
soft fruits, while in Natal bananas and pineapples are the principal
fruits. There is now a growing export trade in fruit with Europe, prin-
cipally during January, February and March.

As to sugar, in Natal there are some 30,000 acres under cultivation
and 36 factories, notably in the districts of Durban, Alexandra and
Unuzuito. It is owing to this industry that Natal has become one of
the colonies where East Indian coolies form an important element in
the population. The sugar output in 1891-92 was 15,000 tons; in 1897-
98, 15,000 tons.

Coffee is also grown to a small extent, while cotton has been at-
tempted. The cultivation of tea is, however, a growing industry in
Natal. In 1898 it produced over £200,000 (about $1,000,000).

The want of forests in South Africa is one of the greatest mis-
fortunes of the country; it helps to reduce the rainfall and aggravates
the tendency of the rain to run off rapidly. This has been realized to a
certain extent, and in many districts trees are being planted for the
j^r.rpose of increasing the moisture and enriching the country. There
are, however, a few forest areas; the best known of these is on the south
coast in George, Knysna and Humansdorp divisions. Here there is a
belt of timber 150 miles long, with a depth inland of from ten to twenty
miles. The other chief forest region is behind King Williamstown in
the east. The timber includes yellow wood, stink wood and box wood.
In Beehuanaland there are considerable woody tracts of country, but
the timber is mostly thorny mimosas. The western portion of the high
plateau is almost bare of trees, having only scrub and a few mimosas.
The eastern portion, which is better watered, has more trees, but all
small. The new trees which are being planted are not indigenous, but
are chiefly the Australian Eucalyptus and occasionally British oaks.
The former, called, generally, gum trees, are chosen because they grow
quickly in dry soil. The city of Johannesburg is the best example of

THE CHIEF INDUSTRIES OF SOUTH 'AFRICA.

2:^5

the change that these trees can make in about twelve years. Where
once was a bare ridge there is now a town crowded with gum trees, big,
healthy trees which would never strike the onlooker as being youthful
Uitlauders.

The minera> wealth of South Africa is very great, but it has for the
most part oi ^ jeen discovered very recently, and now South Africa
may be said lo be living on her capital, not her income, because of the
rate at which the minerals are being worked.

Copper mining is the oldest of the mineral industries of modern
South Africa. There have been gold and silver workings in the far
past, but these need not be taken into consideration here. The copper
deposits are to be found in the northwestern corner of Cape Colony.
Copper mining began in 1852, and by 1864 the export had risen to
£100,000 in value. Since that date the annual output has reached a
value varying from £250,000 to £800,000 per annum. In 1898 it was
£262,820 (about $1,300,000). Ookiep, where the copper mines lie, is
connected with Port Nolloth by a railway 90 miles long.

Silver is found in the Cape Colony, but not in payable quantities. It
is worked in the Transvaal in an area of about 150 square miles, east of
Pretoria. Its development has however been hindered by the rush for
the gold mines.

Coal is found in Natal, the Orange Free State, the Transvaal, Cape
Colony and Rhodesia. The mines in Natal are in the highest and most
northern of the three natural terraces in the colony. The annual output
is increasing, and the quality of the coal is very good. In 1898 it was
decided to give an annual contribution to the Imperial navy of 30,000
tons.

The Transvaal coal fields are close to the gold fields, but deposits
are found over an area estimated at 56,000 square miles.

In the Cape Colony there are mines being worked in the Stormberg
Mountains; these produce about 40,000 tons annually and are princi-
pally employed to supply the railway systems. The principal center is
the little town of Molteno.

Diamonds are found in the Kimberley district and to a very small
extent in the Transvaal. The first diamond was found in 1867 on the
bank of the Orange River. In 1869-70 the stones were found largely

236

THE CHIEF INDUSTRIES OF SOUTH 'AFRICA.

•« i'

where Kimberley now stands. The annual output is £4,000,000, and
since the first finds more than £100,000,000 ($490,000,000) worth have
been exported.

Gold is found in Gape Colony, but not in payable quantities (at
Knysna and at Prince Albert). It is also found in Natal in the Tugela
Valley and at Umzinto, but not in any great quantities. In Swaziland
and Zululand there are fair deposits. At Tati in North Bechuanaland
and in the eastern and northeastern districts of the Transvaal, at Bar-
berton and Lydenburg, gold occurs. In all or nearly all these places,
as also ip Matebeleland and Mashonaland the gold occurs in quartz
reefs, and in many cases the reefs are very promising.

But in the Transvaal, on the Witwatersrand, there is to be found
the center of the gold mining industry of South Africa. In 1886 it
was found that the conglomerate reef, known as "banket," was gold-
bearing, in fact, was impregnated with very fine gold particles. The
main reef extends about thirty miles east and west of Johannesburg.
This reef, from Randfontein to Boksburg, is the center of the mining
activity. There are some 60 or more companies employed around Jo*
hannesburg. At first the ore was very easily reduced, but now the most
complicated processes are required to extract the gold. (For methods
of working, see on "Johannesburg"). The total value of the gold still in
the reef is estimated at £700,000,000 (about $3,500,000,000), and the an-
nual output is now about £15,000,000 (about $75,000,000).

'■ 1

i ri

. ^

BOOK I.-PART II.

FAMOUS MEN AND LEADING TOWNS OF

SOUTH AFRICA.

J /- . ;.'.-.'. .If- I..

■B

■•«».

ii"^ . 1 jkA^

CHAPTER I.

POLITICAL WORKERS.

SECTION I. EARL QREY.

ONE of the most interesting figures in Soutli Africa history to-day
is beyond all doubt that of Earl Grey. He was born in 1851, the
same year as Mr. Rhodes. His father, the Hon. Charles Grey, was
younger brother of the late Earl Grey, a childless old statesman who
had spent his life in the service of the Queen and whose long years of
old age found him inexhaustibly interested in Imperial questions,
especially in the problems of South Africa. His nephew and heir, young
Albert Grey, went to Cambridge University and there took a distin-
guished place, afterwards showing considerable interest in the Univer-
sity Extension movement. In 1880 he entered the House of Commons
and there remained until 1886. In the latter year he lost his seat when
the split in the Liberal party took place, because he had identified him-
self with the Liberal Unionists, the opponents of Mr. Gladstone's policy
of Home Rule for Ireland.

During the later years of his Parliamentary life Mr. Albert Grey
had become deeply interested in South Africa and proved himself a
valuable member of the South African Committee. He was then all
in favor of the policy of direct Imperialism and was one of those who
saw most clearly that the office of High Commissioner for South Africa
ought to be separated from the Governorship of one South African
colony. But in 1889 when the charter was granted to the British South
Africa Company Mr. Albert Grey went over to the other side. He ex-
plained that his convictions on African policy were the same, but that
he believed it to be necessary and good for South Africa itself that a
Chartered Company should take the initial work of opening up the terri-
tories north of the Transvaal. He hoped that with his well-known
sympathy towards the natives and his desire for the maintenance of
British supremacy in South Africa, he might be able to exercise as a

239

i i

240

POLITICAL WORKERS.

director of the company couHiderable influence uiM)n ttie management
of its affairs in its new territories. Mr. Grey probably anticipated as
little as anyone the course of events which afterwards led him to be-
come, as he is to-day, the Administrator for Rhodesia.

Having succeeded to the Earldom on the death of his uncle he found
himself, in 1896, appointed to succeed Dr. Jameson in the office which
the latter lost after the perpetration of the Raid, lie arrived in Rhode-
sia and found himself speedily in the midst of the terrible war of rebel-
lion there. He has frankly recorded the fact that experience has
considerably altered his ideas concerning the right methods of govern-
ing native tribes and the developing of unoccupied territories. As
regards the former he defends on the whole the administration of the
British South Africa Company. He holds that they ought to have
carried the c<mquest of Matabeleland in 1893 to completion, and that
the rebellion of 1896 arose from the fact that the natives were not thor-
oughly beaten in the first struggle. He also defends the treatment of
the natives even against the reports of certain Imperial officers. He
holds that the natives are in danger of becoming more degraded by not
being forced to work, while he is most emphatic in the assertion that
he does not mean to exert physical force in order to obtain that result.
He now holds, he says, that the method of direct Imperial control is
much inferior to that of control by a Chartered Company, and he has
arrived at that decision by comparing the rapidity with which Matabele-
land has been developed through the Chartered Company with the much
slower rate of progression observed in Bechuanaland, which is under
Imperial control. The comparison will not, however, convince even
those who admire Earl Grey's ability, high character and humanitarian
spirit. Even in Bechua'-.iland the method of direct Imperialism has not
received adequate attention and encouragement. Nevertheless, the
friends of South Africa and of the natives have every reason to be
thankful that in these years of uncertainty they can count upon a
righteous as well as a vigorous, a kindly as well as a just administration
being exercised in Rhodesia as long as the subject of this sketch holds
his position of great responsibility and magnificent promise.

t '-

POLITICAL WORKERS.

•■OTION II. DR. JAMESON.

241

Dr. Leander Starr Jameson, a Hcotcliman, born in Edinburgh on
February 9th, 1853, is the youngest son of the late Mr. R. W. Jame-
son, Writer to the Signet, his mother being a daughter of Major-
Oeneral John Pringle. The family subsequently settling in London,
Dr. Jameson, after distinguishing himself at school both as a student
and an athlete, studied medicine at University College Hospital,
There his career was a brilliant one. lie obtained silver medals for
medicine, surgery, anatomy, and pathology, besides a surgical scholar-
ship, and graduated in 1875 at London University, obtaining the gold
medal for medical jurisprudence. Everything promised him a success-
ful and most lucrative practice in the highest walks of his profession in
London; but his health gave way under the strain of overwork, and after
a short health tour in America he accepted, in 1878, a partnership with
Dr. Prince of Kimberley. His reputation grew rapidly, and he was soon
recognized as one of the chief auth rities in South Africa in every
department of medicine. For instance, the Free State Volksraad, by
special resolution, requested his attendance on the late President of
the Orange Free State, Sir Henry Brand, at Bloemfontein. To a thor-
ough knowledge of his business, untiring industry, and a conscientious
sense of the responsibility of his work, Dr. Jameson added an amount
of tact and a keen sympathetic insight into human nature which gave
to his society the charm for which he has become so well known.
Among the host of firm friends made by him during his residence in
Kimberley, Mr. Cecil Rhodes stands out prominently; and at the time
when the amalgamation of the diamond mines was in process and the
extension of British influence northward was still a dream of the
future, their life was one of intimate association. At this period Mr.
Rhodes was only beginning to be known, and was regarded even by his
friends as somewhat over-sanguine. Dr. Jameson was possibly the
one man who gauged his powers and his plans correctly. With an
enthusiasm which equalled that of Mr. Rhodes, Dr. Jameson saw the
greatness of his friend's schemes and the possibility of their realization.

In 1888 it became necessary for Mr. Rhodes to send a trustworthy
agent to Buluwayo, to carry out the various delicate negotiations con-

242

POLITICAL WORKERS.

nected with the development of the concession granted to himself and
Mr. Kudd. After much careful consideration, Dr. Jameson was selected.
He i^ersuaded Mr. Doyle and Major Maxwell, both skilled interpreters,
to accompany him to Lobenguia's kraal, and remained three months
with the king, whom he meanwhile cured of an attack of gout. Before
he left he acquired great influence with Lobengula and his principal
councillors, and his mission ws completely successful. The Charter
was formally recognized, and fall permission was ^'iven for the advance
of a pioneer force into Mashonaland.

Having completed his task. Dr. Jameson returned to his practice
in Kimberley. DiflSculties arose at Buluwayo after his departure, how-
ever, and at Mr. Rhodes's request he returned there, aiid once more
persuaded the king to agree to the proposals made on behalf of the
company Dr. Jameson remained in Buluwayo in communication with
Mr. Rhodes, and the Pioneer Expedition started on its road up country.
Ultimately he joined the columns and accompanied them to Salisbury
as the representative of Mr. Rhodes.

The next tfsk was originated by Dr. Jameson himself, and was an
exceedingly arduous one. Recognizing the necessity of a shorter and
less expensive route to the coast than the long overland journey from
the south which they had accomplished. Dr. Jameson, accompanied by
Major Frank Johnson, left Salisbury, and traversed the country east-
wards to the Pungwe, striking that river at about seventy miles
from its mouth. The two adventurous explorers proceeded down the
river in a portable boat brought with them in sections by native carriers,
and successfully reached the steamer waiting for them in Pungwe
Bay, after ♦.vbich Dr. Jameson proceeded to Cape Town to give an ac-
count of his expedition to Mr. Rhodes. The Ultimate result of this
hazardous journey was the laying of the Beira Railway.

Shortly afterwards, believing that Dr. Jameson could best carry
out his plans with regard to Mashonaland, Mr. Rhodes requested him
to return there as his representative, and in the latter part of 1890
Dr. Jameson again appeared at Salisbury. After a short stay, utilized
in furthering the interests of the Chartered Company and in confirming
much that had already been done, he determined, on the occasion of a
visit to Manica, close on the Portuguese border, to proceed to the Gaza

POLITICAL WORKERS.

243

country, ruled over by the Chief Gungunhama, with the object of eecur-
ing that vast territory for the Chartered Company. *

Tt was in Manica, when Dr. Jameson was with Mr. Oolquhoun, the
Admiii'strator of Mashonaland, that the treaty of the Umtasa had been
signed. This treaty, which in reality put an end to the hopes of Por-
tuguese expansion in Southeast Africa, was most comprehensive. It pro-
vided that no one could possess lands in Manica except with the consent
of the British South African Company in writing; it conceded to the
company complete mineral rights; it gave permission for the construc-
tion and establishment of public works and conveniences of all kinds,
such as roads, railways, tramways, banks, etc.

Taking with him Messrs. Doyle and Moody, and totally unprovided
with comforts, or even the bare necessaries for such an undertaking,
he pushed across the veldt to Gungunhama's chief kraal, and arrived
there in spite of innumerable difficulties; he thus penetrated what
at that time was believed to be one of the most fever-stricken districts
south of the Equator.

On arriviifg at Gungunhama's "Great Place" (both of Dr. Jameson's
companions being prostrated with fever), he founcT the King surrounded
by Portuguese officials, who had with them a strong following of Por-
tuguese native troops. But in the face of all this the expedition resulted
in success, in so far as concerned the negotiations with the King, who
freely invited the occupation of his country by the British South Africa
Company. As, however, this concession was made the subject of corre-
spondence between the British and Portuguese Governments, then dis-
cussing the Anglo-Portuguese Treaty, the expedition did not result in
an accession of fresh territory to the Chartered Company.

This fearful march to the Limpopo left Dr. Jameson, on his return
to Cape Town, In a very debilitated condition, and the victim of repeated
and severe attacks of malarial fever. At the end of 1891 Mr. Colquhoun
announced his desire to resign office as Administrator of Mashonaland.
Mr. Rhodes pressed the appointment upon Dr. Jameson. The position
in Mashonaland was then exceedingly difficult. The Company had been
incurring enormous expense in administering the country, while at the
same time the Boers of the Transvaal were organizing treks to invade
and take possession of a portion of the territory, with a view to establish

244

POLITICAL WORKERS.

1 k

Ifi

i 'f;

I I''

a new Boer Republic, and in addition to all this, the white population
was in. a condition of grave disaffection. But Dr. Jameson, ill though he
was, at once consented to face all these difficulties, and, receiving full
power from the High Commissioner to deal with the Boer trek, set out
for Mashonaland as Administrator. He immediately took steps to meet
the most pressing danger. On the banks of the Limpopo, supported
by a troop of the British Bechuanaland Police, he found himself near
a large body of armed Boers preparing to cross the river. An error
of judgment might have precipitated a war between the English and
Dutch el'^ments, but fortunately the new Administrator was equal to
the occasion. Alone and unarmed he met the Boers and persuaded them
to give up their enterprise and to return to their homes. Still suffering
from fever. Dr. Jameson went on to Salisbury, where he conciliated the
discontented colonists.

The early days of the development of all colonies are hard, and in
Bhodesia the settlers had to suffer many hardships and privations.
Mr. Rhodes's appointment of Dr. Jameson as Administrator was a ver-
itable inspiration, for his administration was marked both by its ability
and its popularity with the settlers.

In 1892, Dr. Jameson got to work and succeeded, by wonderful
administrative ability, in reducing the expenses of the Company from
£250,000 to £30,000 a year. In the short space of twelve months he
was able to make a financial statement in which the revenue and the
expenditure almost balanced.

In July, 1893, the murderous Raids of the Matabele reached right
up to the township of Victoria. Then Dr. Jameson, seeing that his
remonstrances to Lobengula were unavailing, ordered up some police
to restore order. The Matabele were dispersed by the police and it
was determined to strike promptly against the numerous bands of
Matabele which had invaded Mashonaland.

There were only 40 police available, but the settlers organized them-
selves into a formidable force. This force, under the supreme command
of Dr. Jameson, advanced on Buluwayo in three columns, amounting
in all to about 900 Europeans. After an engagement on the Shanganl
River, in which the Matabele were repulsed, the decisive battle was
fought at Imbebesi, where some 7,000 of T^obengula's best warriors were

OLIVE SCHREINER

This Is the maldpii name of the most famous South African author. She Is extremely short In stature,
a woman of very warm heart, Impulsive, with gront power of literary expression and noble moral
instance. She has espoused the cause of the Boers with the utmost passion, mainly because she believes
that the capitalists, with Mr. Rhodes at their head, have been the cause of the troubles which led to the
war. She married a Mr. Cronwrlght. They are now known as Mr. and Mrs. Cronwrlght Schrelner.

:i I

iff: "1

hi 'i 'I

; II

DR. L. S. JAMESON, C. B.

BARNEY BARNATO

MUSTER OF TOWN BURGHERS-PRETORIA, NOV. 11, 1899

POLITICAL WORKERS.

247

routed with great loss. Following their usual custom, the Matabele
charged the laager but could not stand before the hail of shot from the
machine guns. Three days later, Buluwayo, the capital of Lobengula,
was taken, while Lobengula himself, who had fled, was closely pur-
sued by Major Forbes' force. It was in this pursuit that Major Wilson
with some 38 men attempted to capture the fleeing monarch by a bold
dash. This, however, was not possible, owing to the lack of reinforce-
ments, and Wilson was attacked by overwhelming numbers of Mata-
bele. He and all his band, having exhausted their ammunition, died
fighting to the last.

There are few more brilliant campaigns to be found in history than
the overthrow of the power of the dreaded Matabele King by such a
small force of volunteers. Dr. Jameson deserves great credit for his
organization and direction of the volunteer force; the war was cheap
too, only costing about £100,000 (about $500,000). The main reason for
the success of the Matabele campaign is that Dr. Jameson struck before
the Matabele had had time to prepare for his attack. Thus many of the
best regiments of Lobengula never went into battle at all. It was a fine
imitation of the raids of the Matabele themselves.

After the campaign. Dr. Jameson took up his residence at Buluwayo
and the fine country soon drew together a great number of his volun-
teers and others.

Dr. Jameson was very active in stamping out witchcraft amongst
the Matabele, a course of action which, though distasteful to the witch
doctors, ameliorated the condition of the natives considerably.

After the war, when the Matabele chiefs came to learn the "Great
White Chiefs" will from Dr. Jameson, they came downcast, filled with
nameless forebodings. But at the end of the interview they were much'
relieved, and said: "Now we can go away and sleep?' (the Matabele
way of expressing that their fears had been set at rest). Dr. Jameson,
declared to the assembled indunas that it was the company's earnest
wish that the white men should live in friendship with the black.
As Administrator he certainly did his utmost to bring about this con-
summation.

Then came the disastrous Raid which forever bears the name of
Dp. Jameson. Acting under the orders of Mr. Rhodes, the Managing

248

POLITICAL WORKERS.

■ y

i I

Director of the British South Africa Chartered Company, Dr. Jameson
collected during 1895 on the northwest borders of the Transvaal a force
of mounted police. These were concentrated at Tuli and Mafeking, and
were placed there in order to be able to back up the British Representa-
tive on his arrival at Pretoria or Johannesburg, in the event of a rising
of the Uitlanders. Mr. Rhodes, as Chairman of the Goldfields South
Africa Co., was one of the prime movers in the whole conspiracy. The
agitators in Johannesburg, however, did not make good conspirators,
and they had no leader. While thoy were collecting guns and prepar-
ing deliberately for their coup Dr. Jameson was kept fretting on the
frontier, anxious to go in. Dr. Jameson repeatedly urged the necessity of
hurrying on the revolution, as otherwise he was sure that the position of
his forces would become known, and alarm the Boers into preparations
for defensive action. Becoming more and more convinced that the great
lack in Johannesburg was a leader who would be prepared to act boldly.
Dr. Jameson at last took the bit between his teeth, and started for
Johannesburg on December 30th, 1895. The two colupins from Tuli and
Mafeking met, and then the force under Dr. Jameson, numbering 494
men, pushed on with all speed towards the Rand city. The distance
was 150 miles and many of the troopers were unable to obtain remounts
on the journey. Dr. Jameson had despatched men to cut the tele-
graph wires, but they, being drunk, had bungled the business. Conse-
quently the news of his start was able to bring only consternation to
the hearts of the unprepared conspirators. They saw their famous
Jameson Plan being ruined by the Jameson Raid. Messages were
despatched after Dr. Jameson, ordering him to come back in the name
of the High Commissioner and of Mr. Chamberlain. These orders were
disregarded. In spite of the knowledge that the Boers were fully aware
of the Raid, and were concentrating in great numbers before- Johannes-
burg, the wild rush went on. At last they met the Boers. After many
hours' fighting, the little force, worn out, with done horses, reached
Doornkop near Krugersdorp. Here they made a gallant stand until the
arrival of Boer reinforcements and artillery compelled Dr. Jameson to
«urrender, on receiving the assurance of their personal safety from
the Boer commander. The Raiders were taken to Pretoria as prisoner ,
and there was much discussion as to whether they should be shot or

POLITICAL WORKERS.

24ff

not. President Kruger, however, decided that they should be allowed
to go home to England to be dealt with by their own Government.

Dr. Jameson's action took the Johannesburg revolutionists so abso-
lutely by surprise that they were unable to help him; they did not even
destroy the railway line to prevent the arrival of the Staats artillery.
They have often been called cowards for this non-action on their part,
but it is well known now that they did not deserve this reproach. The
feeling in Johannesburg during the period of time between the start
and the finish of the Raid raised the bitter feelings of the Outlanders to
such an extent that one of them said later that, if he had had a gun he
would have felt inclined to shoot Jameson as he was brought prisoner
into the town. Dr. Jameson seemed absolutely crushed by his failure,
and looked as if he would have been rather glad to be shot and sq
escape the sense of defeat and universal contempt.

Dp. Jameson was taken to England with his officers, and was tried
in Court at the Old Bailey in London. The law under which they
were charged was the ^Toreign Enlistment Act." The prisoners were
found guilty, and the Lord Chief Justice sentenced Dr. Jameson to
imprisonment for thirteen months as a first-class misdemeanant, while
the Imperial officers acting under him lost their commissions — and this
though they only obeyed the orders of their superior officer, who assured
them that he acted under Government orders! These commissions
have been returned to all the officers now. Dr. Jameson, after his
imprisonment and the investigation of the Select Committee, went out
to Africa again, and since then has been practically in retirement.
He has suffered, as so many before him have done, from the fact that,
while a successful revolution is a "noble struggle for rights," an unsuc-
cessful one is "rebellion."

Dr. Jameson was one of the few men who foresaw the present war,
and he was anxious to see it begin that "Doornkop" might be avenged.
He has been, during the first four months of the invasion of Natal,
locked up in Ladysmith where, on the relief of the town, he was found
to be struggling under an attack of typhoid fever.

■m w

'Jl

"'i!

■J •»

250

POLITICAL WORKERS.

SECTION III.

GENERAL^OUBBRT.

One of the most striking figures in South African history is beyond
all doubt that of the famous Commandant-General of the Transvaal
ordinarily known as Piet Joubert. He stands out in the history
of this country as the political opponent of President Kruger, who
has repeatedly contested with him for the Presidentship and who has
steadily opposed the policy which so completely repressed the Outland-
ors. If in 1888 he had been elected President it is most unlikely that
the franchise law would have been developed to the extreme which it
reached under President Kruger, and in this case the entire history of
the Transvaal Government would have taken another direction.

Joubert was born in Cango, Cape Colony, in 18.34^ and is, therefore,
nine years younger than his rival, Mr. Kruger. His parents were poor
and he was left an orphan at an early age. It may be due to the rough
experiences of his early life that his character has ever been marked
by a certain manliness and self-reliance, differing in quality even from
the sturdiness and passion for political independence manifested by
President Kruger. As his name indicates General Joubert is of French
descent, and the Huguenot blood flowing in his veins perhaps accounts
for a certain high type of feeling which marks him out from the char-
acteristic Boer. Embarked on the serious business of life as a stock-
farmer in the Wakkerstroom district, in the southeast of the Transvaal,
he soon became known as a keen man of business, with rare natural
ability. He prospered in his trading and rapidly acquired large landed
interests in his district.

Tired of his farming life, and filled with ambitions of another order,
he transferred his attention to law, and in the exercise of this profession
became something of a jurist and had practice in speaking which has
stood him in good stead. When he became a judge his popularity rapidly
spread, and in 1867 he was elected as a member of the Volksraad for
his district. Here he rapidly came to the front and became State Attor-
ney. Daring the visit of President Burgers to England he and President
Kruger exercised supreme authority in the land. Like his associate,
he was deeply disappointe<l in the failure of the President's visit to
Europe, and he was one of the first probably to see the direction in

POLITICAL WORKERS,

251

which events were moving. With deepest grief of heart he found him-
self compelled to acknowledge that impending national bankruptcy
and internal civil disorders all pointed in one direction, which was
thrown into clear view before the eyes of the whole land when Shep-
stone, the British Commissioner, arrived in December, 1876.

When the annexation took place Mr. Joubert had already retired
from oflftce and no pressure could induce him to assume any attitude but
that of intense hostility towards the British Government. He had long
been known for his clever management of events and for the success
with which through perplexing circumstances he moved to the front
in his career. But at this period his course of conduct was so quiet, so
self-controlled and so wise that henceforth he was known with a tender
affection amongst his own people as "slim (sly) Piet." He went with
Mr. Kruger on a mission to England to make their protest against the
act of annexation at headquarters. He was deeply concerned, in the
succeeding years, with all the quiet and persistent methods used by the
agitators to cast obloquy upon the British authorities and arouse ii>
fresh endeavors the courage of the Boers. When the war broke out
Joubert was appointed Commandant-General and it was largely through
his energy, his quickness of movement and his resourcefulness that the
invasion of Natal took place and so many battles were won. When the
war ended no name stood higher in the Transvaal than that of Joubert.

General Joubert has always been a personal friend of Mr. Kruger's,
although a political opponent. It is asserted that on one occasion (1893)
when they were competing for the Presidency Mi*. Joubert actually
secured a larger number of votes but that the counting was not fairly
done. After the first election of 1883, when they were rivals, Mr. Kru-
ger, as soon as his victory was announced, turned round, shook hands
with his defeated rival, Mr. Joubert, and appointed him Commandant-
General on the spot. To him the modern organization of the military
forces of the Transvaal owes its main features. He has divided the
country into seventeen sections with a commander for every division,
these again are subdivided. He has insisted that every Boer shall have
his rifle always in good order, food supplies for a fortnight within reach
in his household, and himself ever ready to respond to his General's call.
When General Joubert gives the signal the Boers in every district, leav-

«:f

;|i,'<i

m.\[

252

POLITICAL WORKERS.

ing their farms to their wives, ride to the local rendezvous where they
receive information as to their further movements. There is probably
no other country in the world where the forces for defensive or offensive
action can be so quickly mobilized. It was tested suddenly by the Jame-
son Raid, and the manner in which that task was carried out, proved
that forty-eight hours is ample time within which to assemble the
burghers in effective numbers and move to a definite engagement.

In 1884-5 when President Kruger both foolishly and treacherously
allowed his burghers to carry on systematic raids on the western borders
General Joubert was kept in active military service. He was sent to those
borders ostensibly to preserve order. The result of his presence was not
at all visible in any lessening of the wrongs which were being inflicted
upon native tribes, and it is very difficult to understand exactly what
Mr. Joubert was doing during those three months in this region. But to
his great disgust President Kruger allowed himself to be drawn into
making a proclamation which even his faithful supporter and military
adviser found utterly inexcusable. This was the well-known proclama-
tion by which President Kruger annexed the territory of Montsioa,
which a few months before had been proclaimed as British territory
under the explicit terms of the London Convention of the same year.
General Joubert as soon as this act of mingled folly, presumption and
unfaithfulness was made public resigned office and went in disgust to
his home.

At a later date it was Mr. Joubert who almost led his country into
difficulties in another direction and it was President Kruger who this
time resisted his advice and saved themselves from disgrace. Mr. Jou-
bert had long cast his eyes with eagerness northwards beyond the
Limpopo into Matabeleland and Mashonaland. So far back as 1882 he
wrote a letter to Lobengula, the Matabele chief, which must be re-
garded as one of the most extraordinary diplomatic documents which
have ever been put on record. He addresses Lobengula as "Great
Ruler" and sends his regards to him, "the son of the late king of Mata-
beleland, our old friend Moselekatse." This old friend, be it remem-
bered, was the terrific chief who had slaughtered the Boers on their first
entrance into the Transvaal, whom they had driven north with great
slaughter, between whom and themselves there had ever after existed

POLITICAL WORKERS.

^ 253

intense mutual hatred and distrust! The letter is written in order to
iuform Lobengula regarding the annexation of the Transvaal and the
glorious way in which the English had been beaten. He desires, in
fact, to win the chiefs heart away from his confidence in the English and
to create in him a corresponding trust in the Boers. The following lan-
guage is interesting, "The English took away our country, the Trans-
vaal, or, as they say, annexed it. We then talked nicely for four years,
and begged for our country. But no; when an Englishman once sees
your property in his hand, then he is like a monkey that has his hands
full of pumpkin seeds — if you don't beat him to death he will never let
go — ^and then all our nice talk for four years did not help us at all.
Then the English began to arrest us because we were dissatisfied, and
that caused shooting and fighting, then the English first found that it
would be better to give us back our country. Now they are gone, and
our country is free, and we will now once more live in friendship with
Lobengula, as we lived in friendship with Moselekatse, and such must
be our friendship that so long as there is one Boer and one Matabele
living these two must remain friends." He is eager to visit Lobengula,
but he is waiting until "the country has become altogether settled, and
the stink which the English brought is first blown away altogether."
The letter concludes by offering a present of a "blanket and a handker-
chief for his great wife who is the mother of all the Matabele nation."
.With exceeding cleverness "Slim Piet" closes this remarkable epistle
by describing how he had recently punished the chief of a native tribe,
destroying their fortifications and making them pay a fine of 5,000
cattle un.d 4,000 sheep and goats for their wickedness; and another
chief well-known and powerful must soon be punished, he adds cas-
ually, he must also pay a fine! With these quiet covert, warnings to
Lobengula, the epistle appropriately comes to an end.

In 1891 Mr. Joubert once more turned his eyes with longing towards
the regions of the north. He in that year organized a trek, and in
this project he received the support of many of his own relatives and
others. The plan was that they should move northwards into what is
known as Banyailand, occupy whatever territory seemed attractive to
them and there form a new republic. We are told that arrangements
had been ripened even to the length of naming the officers of the new

'I ■•>

254

"*t

POLITICAL WORKERS.

republic before the party Lad left the Transvaal. Mr. Joubert and his
friends thus set out on the task of founding a new nation. They moved
in their slow-going wagons northwards till they reached the boundary
of their country, the Limpopo Kiver. News of their project had of
course spread far and wide and at a place called Rhodes's Drift they
were met by the Administrator of Rhodesia, Dr. Jameson. He displayed
no military force, confronted them merely with the facts of the case
and put the matter so strongly and clearly that their journey was for
the time arrested. Meantime representations from still higher quarters
were made to President Kruger, who, under the pressure of these, at
last sent a message to General Joubert which compelled him most un-
willingly to turn his face to his own beloved country again and give up
the dream of founding another Boer republic in the center of Africa.

In 1896 it looked as if General Joubert would have his revenge. Dr.
Jameson and his officers who conducted the Raid under him were in
prison. The one raider now felt that he had the mastery of the other
raider, and it was General Joubert who most strenuously insisted that
Dr. Jameson and his fellow raiders should be hanged. President Kru-
ger, however, with a shrewder insight into the case, argued with him
throughout a whole night. In the morning Joubert was conquered and
it was his turn now to conquer his fellow-citizens whom he had excited
to the hanging point. His speech of persuasion was characteristic of
Boer oratorical efforts. Like the President, Mr. Kruger, he turns
naturally to incidents in animal life, or on the battlefield, or in the chase,
for the illustrations which are to strike his arguments home. "Fellow
burghers," he said, "if you had a beautiful flock of sheep, and a neigh-
bor's dogs got into the pasture and killed them, what would you do?
Would you pick up your rifle and straightway proceed to shoot those
dogs, thus making yourself liable to greater damage than that which
the dogs had done, or would you lay hold on those dogs and take them
to your neighbor, saying: 'Now, here are your dogs. I caught them
in the act. Pay me for the damage done, and they shall return to you'?"
There was eloquent silence while the crowd of farmers slowly and
steadily made the application and then the General drove it in. "We
have the neighbor's dogs in our jail here. What shall we do with them?"
Thus once more President Kruger had his way.

h {

POLITICAL WORKERS.

In personal appearance the Commandant-General is tall, but not
so broad as many of the Boers are, and he usually is represented in
photographs with a slight stoop of the shoulders forward. He has a
broad, straight-furrowed brow which overhangs a pair of powerful and
clear gray eyes. The eyes are not shifting and furtive as those of
President Kruger are generally ,'aid by visitors to be. The mouth is
cold and hard, the corners drooping slightly, and the expression as a
whole is not amiable. His nose is prominent, indicating in its outline
a certain power mingled with a more sensitive nature than that of the
average Boer. General Joubert is very fond of being photographed, and
the last which the world has seen was taken by Mr. Benuet Burleigh,
war correspondent for the London Daily Telegraph, who photographed
him just at the opening of the war as he was making his journey by rail
to his first camp.

General Joubert has visited Europe on several occasions, the first
occasion being in 1877. Again in 1891 be visited England and then
extended his travels to America. He crossed the continent to the Pacific
coast, returning by the Canadian Pacific Railroad. In the course of this
journey he made several public speeches, one being delivered at New
York under the chairmanship of the late Mr. Henry George, and the
other in Toronto. It is said that he was entertained by the Knicker-
bocker Club at New York on his return ; he looked forward to the event
with glee as he promised himself that then before his fellow Dutchmen
he would be able to use once more his native tongue. During the
course of the dinner Joubert turned to the chairman and in Dutcli
asked him if he could make his speech in that language. The chairman
did not understand the question. When it was repeated in English, to
Joubert's consternation the reply came that there was probably only
one man there who could understand Dutch, and he was the Minister
from Holland. On returning to his hotel a friend said, "You see, Piet,
that here Dutch has had to give way to the English language, and soon
you will all be speaking English throughout South Africa." "I do not
mind," replied Joubert, "if English does take the place of my language,
if only we have our liberty and our rights left to us."

Mrs. Joubert is said to be a marvelously active woman who has been
in the habit of accompanying her husband on his campaigns of war,

256

POLITICAL WORKERS.

providing for him in bis tent as at home. She has the credit of pos-
sessing more real moral courage than her husband, who is apt to yield
before the force of another will. While not so well educated as the
General, she exercises very great influence over him in the matters
which he has under consideration and seeks to strengthen him for carry-
ing through any policy or project in which he encounters opposition
outside. It is even said that she it was who urged the General on when,
at Majuba Hill, he was loath to make the attack and was in the act of
inspanning his oxen for a hasty retreat.

General Joubert throughout his life has been characterized by a
broader outlook than President Kruger. He has been at the head of the
progressive party in the Transvaal. In 1893 he almost succeeded in
winning the Presidentship at the polls from Mr. Kruger, but in 1898
as the result of tlie Raid and the subsequent history of the Transvaal
he had no chance and did not become a candidate. He has always con-
fessed that the reforms demanded by the Outlanders were not unrea-
sonable. In a letter written some months before the war he said: "If
you came to me to-day with a petition, praying for reforms, I assure
you that I would quite willingly sign my name, for I also want to better
the conditions of the Government, which I know is not what it should
be." For trample, he has admitted that the conditions of obtaining the
franchise by C»utlanders ought to be more liberal and more simple.
He would even grant it after two, three or four years' residence. He
would repeal the renunciation and revocation clauses of the oath, em-
ploying only a declaration or oath of fidelity, loyalty and obedience to
the Transvaal Republic, '=' ich as the Orange Free State demands. This
would cut a man off from his previous citizenship and bind him to the
South African Republic with all needeJ solemnity. He would, how-
ever, retain the custom that has been introduced of recent years into
the Transvaal by which the oath of allegiance is made at the beginning
of the full period which must elapse before the power of exercising the
franchise is conferred.

It is strange, therefore, to reflect that the old General is fighting to
provide what he regards as not unreasonable reforms. His is perhaps
the most pathetic figure in this war, as he leads his armies in what he
knows to be a hopeless struggle for the independence of his country.

V i

POLITICAL WORKERS.

/
257

The pathos is deepened when we realize that his own policy would
have removed those very features of Transvaal law which occasioned
the disputes that led to the war. Referring to the possibility of war,
he declared that he could not see sufficient reason for a. conflict between
England and the Transvaal. In his opinion the differences could have
been settled peacefully and without resort to arms. He was throughout
unwilling to admit that the controversy would end in war, while as a
loyal citizen he stood ready to carry out the behests of his Government.

SECTION IV. 8IR HERCULES ROBINSON.

Sir Hercules Robinson was one of the many distinguished Britons
who, having been fortunate enough to become widely known under
their family name, have hidden themselves under a title of nobility on
being raised to the House of Lords. Sir Hercules Robinson became
Lord Rosmead at the very end of his life when his public career was
over. Hence we must speak of him in the following paragraphs by that
name which he wore throughout his life.

His fame rests upon the fact that he became High Commissioner for
South Africa and Governor of the Cape Colony at one of the most critical
turning points in the history of the country. He was sent out as im-
mediate successor of Sir Bartle Frere, who had been appointed for the
express purpose of carrying out a policy of vigor and hurry, but had
been recalled under a cloud of official disgrace. Others had pursued
that policy without wisdom and the disastrous effects were laid upon
his shoulders. Like many men who have been concerned in the exten-
sion or upbuilding of the British Empire, Sir Hercules Robinson was an
Irishman. His father was Admiral Hercules Robinson of Rosmead in
the County of Westmeath. The younger Hercules never forgot his an-
cestral home, and at the close of his life he assumed its name as his title
in the House of Lords.

While a young man Hercules Robinson held various posts in the
Irish civil service; then he became a justice of the peace in the County
of Kildare. After a short period of military service in the 87th Regi-
ment, he was appointed President of Montserrat, and for forty years
thereafter he spent his life in the Governorship of distant portions of
the British Empire. He became successively Governor of the Let>ward

iVfl

IHi!

I !' ■■191

i 'i '• ]
I '

258

POLITICAL r/ORKERS.

Islands, Governor of Hong Kong, and Governor of Ceylon. In the year
1872 he received remarkable promotion, and the first real opportunity
of his life, by his appointment to the Governorship of New South Wales.
Ilitherto he had been ruling over the populations of dependencies,
where the stage of self-government i^ad not been reached. He now
undertook the much more delicate task of acting as the titular ruler of
a great self-governing colony. He appears to have made himself both
popular as a man and successful as an official in this important sphere,
and did good service by drawing attention to the problem which since
those years has made gradual approaches to a solution, namely, the con-
federation of all the Australian Colonies. He was one of those who
believed in the possibility, and, if all goes well, the probability of fed-
erating all the great colonies with Great Britain herself in still closer
bonds than those which at present make them one.

Robinson as a student of constitutional history admired the Ameri-
can and Canadian Constitutions and saw clearly that for any state in
Australia to stand out of the union in the hope of benefiting itself would
be an act of political and even of commercial suicide. The consumma-
tion which he so long ago helped with others to prepare, has quite re-
cently been happily reached on that continent.

In the year 1881 the Governor of New South Wales received an ap<
pointment of a still more trying nature and the supreme task of his life
was laid upon Sir Hercules Robinson. It was in the year 1881. Sir
Bartle Frere, almost Universally loved in South Africa by Boer and Eng-
lish alike, who had had nothing to do either with the annexation of the
Transvaal or its misgovernment or with the war of independence or the
retrocession of the country, was made the scapegoat for the blunders
of others, especially of his superiors in London. He was openly threat-
ened with impeachment on his return, and in every way had his name
deliberately blackened by men, some of whom might have been honored
by blacking his shoes. The Government decided to put in his place
some one whose career had been characterized by suavity of manner,
correctness of official performance and quietness of purpose. They
found such an one, and afterwards paid the price, in Sir Hercules Rob-
inson. He was an ideal official, scrupulous even punctilious in the ob-
servance of all the routine and etiquette of hign official life. He had

POLITICAL WORKERS.

259

spent his life in seeking to please men, and gave himself in South Africa
to the task of pleasing every one. He had never been compelled as Sir
Bartle Frere, an immeasurably greater man, to undertake labors de-
manding large grasp of policy and what one may call the initiative
impulse. He was always more led than leader.

When he arrived in South Africa Sir Hercules Robinson found the
Dutch party aroused to a white heat of self-consciousness and ambi-
tiousness by the victory of their revolutionary brethren in the Transvaal.
Everywhere the race feeling between English and Boers was accentu-
ated. The keenest minds in the Dutch Republic and in the Dutch party
in Cape Town saw as by a keen intuition into the wealcness of the British
Government, its attitude of compliance with whatever demands the
Boers mi ^ht make. Mr. Gladstone had avowedly restored to the Trans-
vaal its independence because the Boer inhabitants of the country
demanded it. "Where," these same men seem to have asked themselves,
"Where shall we find the limits to this acquiescent spirit? Where will
Great Britain attempt the hard task of putting down her foot and say-
ing, Thus far and no farther?" The result of cogitations and questions
of this kind in the minds of men at Pretoria, Bloemfontein and Cape
Town was the formation of the Afrikander Bond. Concerning this most
remarkable and most powerful society, the real moulder of South Afri-
can history since that date, we give a full account elsewhere in these
pages. The instinct of Sir Hercules Robinson, it may almost be said his
inevitable duty, in the circumstances was to please the Afrikander Bond.
His Governorship may therefore be summed up in this statement, that he
sought conscientiously and earnestly on the one side to win over the
trust and affections of the Dutch people by yielding to their demands in
all matters which seemed to him compatible with the maintenance of
British authority; but on the other hand this drove him at various im-
portant points to find a way to exercise that authority which should at
once preserve it from destruction and yet suit it to the ostensible aims
of the Afrikander Bond. In 1883 the Governor returned to London in
time to meet the Transvaal Delegates in conference with Lord Derby.
The result of their conference was the drawing up and signing of the
London Convention of 1884, and for this document Sir Hercules was
very largely responsible. In that Convention we find that once more

i 111

' I

260

POLITICAL WORKERS.

1 W

Great Britain has yielded a large number of vital points to the demands
of the Boers, without any counterbalancing gifts on their part whatso-
ever. At only two points did Lord Derby and Sir Hercules Robinson
maintain a firm attitude, the one was regarding the making of treaties,
the other the drawing of the boundary line in South Bechuanaland.
With regard to South Bechuanaland Sir Hercules Robinson publicly
committed himself to the policy of direct Imperial control and himself,
against the wish at first of both Lord Derby and John Mackenzie, in-
sisted upon the appointment of the latter as the first Imperial Deputy-
Commissioner in Bechuanaland. It is evident that at this time Sir
Hercules imagined that the Boers would be quieted and satisfied by the
policy of acceding to their demands on many important and even vital
matters, and that he would still be able to maintain the British suprem-
acy by the new policy of initiating direct Imperial administration of
native territories.

When he reached Cape Town he found the Dutch party full of en-
thusiasm over the remarkable gains which they had made in London,
but thoroughly aroused to the dangers in which their further plans
would be involved by Robinson's scheme of Imperialism. They pro-
duced a very considerable agitation on this matter with the result that
they conquered Mr. Rhodes, who was then coming to the front, and
Captain Bower, who was at that time named Imperial Secretary, and
through whom under this title communications with the administrators
of the new Imperial scheme were to be carried on. With their help a
new policy with a new title was evolved to suit the emergency. The
policy was known as Colonial Imperialism, and it was pursued with
the utmost vigor. Mr. Rhodes did his utmost to conciliate the Dutch
party by speaking openly of "eliminating the Imperial factor," by which
he meant of course the removing of direct relations between Great Brit-
ain and native territories or the new colonies in South Africa. The
policy which he at this time professed was the one which he himself
later finally defeated, of extending the Cape Colony up through Bech-
uanaland and gradually placing all South Central Africa under the
British flag through the expansion of this one colony. The Dutch of
course, while never professing enthusiasm for the scheme, allowed it to
proceed, as being infinitely preferable to the other. Sir Hercules Rob-

POLITICAL WORKERS.

261

inson, no doubt sincerely, believed that once more he could win the
affections of the Dutch party for Great Britain by administering the
pill of Imperialism under the sweet covering of colonial expansion.
The result, as we describe elsewhere in detail, of the adoption of this
policy was, that South Bechuanaland was very nearly lost to the British
Empire within a few months of its proclamation as a British protector-
ate by an Imperial officer. The only thing that saved South Bechuana-
land from absorption by the Transvaal as the result of Mr. Rhodes's
Colonial Imperialism, and the one thing that saved Sir Hercules Robin-
son's Governorship from an everlasting disgrace, was the sending out,
against the wish both of Mr. Rhodes and Robinson, of the Warren expe-
dition. The Blue Books show beyond all ^oubt that Sir Charles War-
ren was from the first hampered by both the High (Commissioner for
South Africa and his Deputy Commissioner in Bechuanaland (Mr.
Rhodes). This, Sir Charles Warren himself later proved in public print
with the utmost clearness. The result of that expedition was the final
rescue of South Bechuanaland from the Transvaal. It became a Crown
Colony and so continued for about ten years.

la the year 1888-89 Sir Hercules Robinson became interested in the
magnificent scheme of development which had gradually formed in the
mind of Mr. Rhodes and was kept cognizant of the various steps by
which concessions were being obtained from Lobengula in Matabele-
land. In April, 1889, the Governor sent a message to London announc-
ing certain of these concessions and clearly hinting that they might
become the basis of a Chartered Company. In that year Sir Hercules
Robinson's term of office reached its close, and he returned to England.
Having been reappointed he returned to the Cape for another term of
seven years. Bat to the amazement of all he made a speech which was
so full of anti-Imperialism, so amazingly disloyal, that the Dutch could
not openly defend, though they rejoiced at it, and the loyal citizens were
indignant. It led to his immediate recall ! He lived in retirement for six
years and then in the year 1894, to the utter astonishment of all men, he
was reappointed. His successor. Sir Henry Loch, afterwards Lord
Loch, had found his position in South Africa growing more and more
uncomfortable for himself. He could not work beyond a certain point
with Mr. Rhodes, nor Mr. Rhodes with him. He was not so pliant to the

li II

•5 V

zu:i

POLITICAL WORKERS.

purposes of the millionaire Prime Minister of the Cape Colony and ruler
of Khodesia.

When Sir Henry Loch retired Mr. Rhodes hastened to England and
himself pressed upon the Government the urgent need of sending out
Sir Hercules Robinson on the ground that he alone had kept the peace
between the Boers and the English, and was the most successful Got-
ernor for that reason whom South Africa had seen. It is related that
even President Kruger, in order to snub Sir Henry Loch, had spoken
with enthusiasm of Sir Hercules Robinson as a man who always kept his
word. So he did — to Mr. Rhodes and the Dutch party. Yet Mr. Kruger
did once, in 1S84, call Robinson a "liar," but that was when Robinson
displeased him.

One of the first questions brought to the front on his return to South
Africa was that of annexing the Crown Colony of Bechuanaland to
the Cape Colony. This annexation was not desired by the Cape Col-
onists as a whole; it was detested by the native chiefs with whom sol-
emn Imperial agreements had been made, and it was deeply disliked by
the majority of whites. But Mr. Rhodes had reasons for desiring this
annexation and Sir Hercules Robinson was only reopening the old policy
of Imperialism through colonial expansion; and it was always easy to
persuade reluctant Cape Dutch, if there were any, that the colony would
derive immense benefits from the annexation. The scheme was carried
by a majority in the Cape Parliament, and was agreed to by the Colonial
Oflfice in London. The English Government in this way once more
broke faith with native tribes and once more put them as we have shown
elsewhere at the mercy of Dutch prejudices and practices.

The annexation took place in October, 189.5, and in December of the
same year the Jameson Raid occurred. A glance nt the map will show
that the Raid could not have taken place if Bechuanaland had not been
brought out of Imperial administration into the power of Mr. Rhodes,
Prime Minister of Cape Colony! When this tragic event threw South
Africa into tumult, Sir Hercules Robinson saw for the first time the very
instruments which he thought he had been using throughout his two
administrations for reconciling the white races, used to cut them apart
more widely than ever. The control of Bechuanaland had been neces-
sary to Mr. Rhodes's scheme of supporting the revolution of Johannes-

eS"
es-

•

eo
u
h

Q
U
E

mm
-<

V)
(A

ae
tti
o
ea

O
>>

ee
o

a
o

H
S

1 ■

t'. * -'ll

■* *x

k |.. ,. ■: ^_:,,m.^^^^

i. ■'^^' ■

[jflSEittiiPS^^^HK 'kPtH^^^fl

By^"''-' '^^ ''rl'ttlMPw^MB^^^''iiiTh^'^'"'"^^

^H|^,'^^"- ; '?ilw^y''^^1BiKBl^iB|WP^ff^Hr^^^^^^HIHI^^B

mB: :>%i..v-- -^ JK»i»^lll^MS^Etf sJP^^I^BBB

—mil- •^•-'TffWr--ilil ^IfilM liWiF^i^^

•■r:^^=^-.-\- - •■"■ ^^^p«^.:- ■.i^>.>'-.A .#

„^ •tvk* ' ^\ ■*-%5r_ v/ '•^•■TV'*;/' \^-'

',3'""'^ 3flg, U ' v^i^MSivV "^aL^X ' ^' -f^' •'''"(■' ■ v^ ,

.^;.'!SS-|^||^^^^ ' J\. \

' '"aBk-L ^'JB^'- ' Ja^Sfef. '-T^V-' T' ' <\^^vilhfti. !. \- .'

■ '■^^' ' W^^"'^'^^^*^ •■A, T^sihi.. ■ \ -^ ' ■';•-■■ ''■•^'X;4;X .•

\ ■'■''*''■** ^■-Jr%^^il <••» ■'' ■■'' / "\''^'' ■'■'■■ ' :' ' '■''■' '\

" « 5?^ K 'V^i^^^ ■* '-"^vj^^'^^^^Sfe' ^^ ' f "^ ^ ' ,' . 7' .''Xi]'' \

''"'■■'^'*^-' 'l^^'^V'^' ■ -^' '■ '"' ' »*-' ■"'■■'■■-■•;■■,>. Ife'.

'''{^i'^m^^!^ \ A^"^ ' %■ ^' /^'■/'':

't' ^-V''- >'.':^>^ .-^^ y"— ' — . — __ ^ — ^ ^^ ^ _ ..' Si ■■,":.,: .jrfH,{,r»'^*

":''"■'.•■ "■ ^-ii - •" ^-\ ~ ■ "' — " *■ i. - ;. ' '■ v^'j-

-:.i:^#^-'- '^ ' \^':?r'-^*'

• "i^^;^^^--,, .-,...^,.^ -;"^'''.H{' ; "

■"1;:j'::--^^-^'^-^^^*^:' ' '■. :.*vm. '"' " ■''"^ir"'' ■

* ■ '' ' ^t iLj^fe. fci t% - ^ " 'P ^ * ^^^^■^^^■fl^M^ift^lllpAr^ ' ~lj * *

V ' r'.. ' '■ 1 ' ' • ' ■' — " ^.gV ' iwnwMf'^^^^' "*{•■■' J- ^t<*^ >•■'•.

'^iir"''?.J'-^'i>i-.; . •"^■iiS:^?C*^''^Mlr^"-^^^^^'^

i " v/P^- -" ^??-

• :i »- ^- -■'^^-.•''•^v ■ ^

^^^''\.^'^^ W'^W^'''

'^- VM^

JB^2*^''''\*„^^^*\ '* >.'

. ;■-■ ■ Jf -

J/..^J>M0 H

^^T^v'.'^'A. ..^t;.,*

^ •-: I r . 'w\ ^ J Wx '

—-'--• *f" - *^ " • —

^W^'-- ,

a^^^^^^^^^^?^^

c^V- ',^^^-^^

^^vL^

W<-' \ WSf^^SSmWr

''^^^^^^^^^^^VRRVHRHBRMMWlPtt^ttib

m . k\ -o . 'y" " ' ' ■'■■M

i'--V-- ..JiAi-^^:'--'4Sma

fl'\ -■■ ..'X

««^*— <

^^^H^^^nsil^H

GOING TO WORK

rbe diamond miners are here running on the trolley through the air. This mode of descent Is now only

employed in what they call the open-working mines.

POLITICAL WORKERS.

2C5

burg. Colonial Imperialism had been employed irst in 1884 to recon-
cile the Dutch in Cape Colony, and then, in 1895, to overthrow them in
the Transvaal. Mr. Rhodes, hailed for years as the reconciler of the
races, stood forth as their divider. South Africa was plunged into
years of the utmost misery, which have reached their deepest darkness
in the year now running its dreary course.

When the Uald took place Sir Hercules Robinson as soon as possible
rushed to Pretoria. lie came upon the scene there at a time of extraordi-
nary excitement and intense anxiety. He was commanded by the Brit-
ish Government to repudiate all connection with the Raid and its insti-
gators. At the same time it was his duty to obtain from President
Kruger as lenient a treatment as possible of the Outlanders who had
plunged into this difficulty, and to claim that the British subjects who
had invaded the Transvaal or rather their leaders and oflficers should be
sent to London for trial and punishment.

There can be no doubt that Sir Hercules Robinson's past friendliness
towards the Boers gave him some grace even amid this heat of passion
in the eyes of President Kruger. On the other hand, there seems abund-
ant proof that he once more gained the apparent good will of the Dutch
by avoiding an insistent tone when appealing on behalf of the Outland-
ers. They have ever since maintained that he allowed President Kru-
ger to break faith with them and that pledges made when they expected
that the High Commissioner would see them fulfilled, were quietlj' ig-
nored. When the trial of the Raiders took place in London and when
the special committee of the House of Commons investigated the whole
transaction, next to the question'regarding the complicity of Mr. Cham-
berlain, there was most interest in the question whether the Queen's rep-
resentative in South Africa had also been mixed up in the affair or not.
Mr. Rhodes could easily prove that all his dealings with the Govern-
ment House at Cape Town had been through the Imperial Secretary, the
same Sir Graham Bower with w^hom he had co-operated for so many
years in adapting Imperial policies to Cape politics. It was not quite
so easy for the Imperial Secretary to prove that he had kept the entire
correspondence and scheme absolutely secret from his chief, Sir Her-
cules Robinson. But on the other hand, he did before the committee
very strenuously maintain the position which he had assumed, bravely

Inly

2(16

POLITICAL WORKERS.

taklnjj tlio ontiro irsponsibilily upon his own shoulders. This story baa
yet to be made publif, aud then it will be known whether ihe poor, a}»ed
IIi}j;h Commissioner was actuilly used as a tool by his subordinates
without his kuowledji^e, or whether he had once more been persuaded by
their stronger wills and determined purposes to acMjuiesce in proceed-
ings which his strict official mind ought to have cast utterly away
as impossibilities. In si)ite of breaking health and the unenviable posi-
tion in which he found himself, Sir Hercules Hobinson held on in his
office, striving hard to assuage somewhat the extreme bitterness which
had once more broken out between the South African white races. In
the year 1897, "foiled by his fellow men, depressed, out-worn," this aged
serxant of the Queen left the "brutal world to take its way" in South
Africa, and retired under the title of Lord Rosmead into private life.
He died before the end of the year.

SECTION V. OLIVE SCHREINER.

One of the best known names and tlie only famous lit€»rary name
of South Africa, is that of Olive Schreiner. This is her maiden
name, and she, in a fashion, retains it, for on her marriage her
husband and she united their surnames into one, and they are known
as Mr. and Mrs. Ci'onwright Schreiner. Her father was a Lutheran
minister in Cape Town. Her mother was an English lady whose former
name was Lj-ndall. Some time after her husband's death she went
over to the Roman Catholic Church and retired to a convent at Gra-
hamstown. It is her name (Lyndall) that Olive Schreiner after-
wards gave to the principal character in her famous novel. She early
left her home for the purpose of teaching, and while thus occupied gave
much time to very earnest and wide reading in modern literature and
philosophy. Possessed of a very intense and enthusiastic nature she
threw herself into the deepest controversies with her whole heart and
soul.

While yet in her teens the fashionable radicalism in matters of faith
stirred her soul; it found passionate expression in the year 1883 in her
famous and fascinating book entitled "The Story of an African Farm,
by Ralph Iron." Nowhere else can one find a description so faithful,
so vivid, so thrilling of life on a frontier farm in South Africa as in

POLITICAL WORKERS.

207

1(1

this book. Seldom has a rcbollious .yoiinj; Houl pouivd out its indif^na-
tion ap;ainst rij>i«lit.y and insincciily in bcliof, or aj?ainHt thoso habits
of social lifo which it deemed senseless and hurtful, with more elo(iuenco
or ujore terrible earnest lU'ss. The book by reason at once of its literary
power, its brilliaiit descri])tive passaj^es and its bold utterances of a
heart's rebellion ajiainst the horrid facts of life attracted }iTeat atten-
tion. After her fame was made, Olive Schreiner went to Enj^land and
there lived for a considerable ]ieri()d. She has written various works,
but none comes up to her first stroke of }j;enius. Iler little book entitled
"Dreams," publisheil in 189t), consists of a sonu'what ambitious series
of spiritual allej^'ories. While beautiful and impressive they are too
slifjjht, with too little real body of thought in them, to give them a per-
manent position in literature.

At a later date she wrote her extraordinary book entitled "Trooper
Peter llalkett," which one may describe as a novel with a purpose.
The story is very slight. There is scarcely any plot, and what there
is has elements in it which mar its unity and its value as a work of
art. The book, however, is really a pamphlet, an utterance of Olive
Schreiner's political views. At one time a warm admirer of Mr. Khodes
she came to regard him as the most dangerous man in South Africa,
and believes so to-day. While recognizing his extraordinary power she
has had her eyes opened to the sinister side of his influence. She views
him chiefl}' as controlled by the master passion for gold, and believes
that he has subordinated the interests of South African politics from
Cape Town to the Zambesi to his schemes as a cai)italist. She has seen
him organize the Jameson Kaid, as she believed, in order to overthrow
the Transvaal Government and obtain control of it for himself and his
fellow capitalists. She has seen him send his i)i()neers into Mashoua-
land and Matabeleland and there engage in one war after another
with the natives, his chartered company's servants who spread them-
selves over the land treating the natives as dogs undei' their feet. She
has seen in this way Mr. Rhodes's brilliant scheme of Imperialism
through the Colonial Parliament and the Chartered Company worked
by him she believes to the disgrace of the Imperial name and the hurt of
South African races both white and black.

Nowhere does the difference between the Colonial and Imperial

2«8

POLITICAL WORKllRS.

W '

ntlitiulo towards the ualivcM ivccivc more jjowci'fiil t'xpression than in
the foUowinjn' words of her hero, IVtor llalkctt: "Now, he (Mr. Rhodes)
is death on uip;f>ers; they say when he was Prime Minister down in the
Colony he tried to pass a law that wonld give masters and mistresses
the right to have their servants flogged Avheuever they did anything
tJiey did not like; but the other Englishmen would not let him pass it.
But here he can do what he likes. That is the reason some of the
fellows don't want him to be sent away. They say, *If we get the British
Government here they will be giving the niggei*s land to live on; and
let them have a vote and get civilized and educated, and all that sort
of thing; but Cecil Khodes, he will keep their noses to the grindstone!'
I prefer land to niggers, he says (an actual saying of Mr. Khodes). They
say he's going to parcel them out and make them work on our lands,
whether they like it or not, just as good as having slaves, you know;
and you haven't the bother of looking after them when they're old.
Now, there I'm with Khodes; I think it's an awfully good move. We
don't come out here to work; it's all very well in England; but we've
come here to make money, and how are we to make it unless you get
niggers to work for you or start a syndicate. lie's death on niggers, is
Khodes! * * « You can do what you like with the niggers, pro-
vided you don't get him into trouble."

Mrs. Cronwright Schreiner has viewed all recent events from this
point of view. She has in recent years transferred her home from
Kimberley to Johannesburg, and in each place she has seen in every
public movement the master hand of the irresistible Cecil Rhodes.
Brought up to love the Dutch, and trained by later experience to love
the Queen's Government, she has viewed with the dismay of a wounded
love the crash of bitterness between these two who should have been,
and for the good of South Africa must be, united in confidence as they
are united in interest. She has, therefore, during the events of the
last twelve months, poured out her indignation in one public utterance
after another, condemning in the most sweeping and scathing manner
the entire proceedings of Mr. Rhodes and Mr. Chamberlain, of the agi-
tators at Johannesburg and of their dupes and tools, as she believes,
in London.

Olive Schreiner is said by all who know her to possess a most

POLITICAL WORKERS.

260

sti'ikiug uiitl delightful perHoiialit.v. Slu* ih tUim deHcribed by one \\\m
came to know hor well durlug a long voyage: "FTer features are clear
cut and strong, her figure below the average height, her eyes as deep
as dark Derwentwater, and capable of storm as well as love. Iler voice
is buoyant and clear; her face as open as a child's, and as swift in its
responsive expression of light and shade, \i'{ marked by reserve of
strength and will force. You find in her none <»f the marks of literary
pedantry. She draws you on to your best and truest, and is ready to
join you whether upon the ground of woman's world, the pleasures of
England, or the deep things of Buddha — but you must not rashly refer
to her own writings, especially her 'African Farm.' "

Perhaps the deepest passion of 0^'ve Schreiner's life in recent years
has been the longing to see the reconciliation of the white races of
South Africa. She has noted with enthusiasm every sign of love for
the Queen manifested by Dutch farmers, every expression of confidence
in the British Government and every movement towards sympathetic
action with English Afrikanders. Hence one can understand the truth
of the assertion that she is nearly broken hearted over the horror and
shame of the present war. To her it appears as the setting back of the
clock, the opening of the wound that was nearly healed, the rousing of
a hatred which had been long undergoing a quiet transformation into
love. To this high calling it may be said that Olive Schreiner is pre-
pared to devote her genius and all the years of her life.

SECTION VI. SIR THEOPHILUS SHEPSTONE.

Sir Theophilus Shepstone was one of the many able administrators
whom clerical families have given to South Africa. Tlis father, the
Rev. William Shepstone, emigrated from England to the Cape in the
year 1820, and became a devoted laborer among the blacks. Young
Shepstone was therefore in a large measure educated at the native mis-
sions, acquiring in this way a marvelous knowledge of the various
dialects of South Africa. Two of the most marked tendencies of Shep-
stone's character are due to the fact that he was English and not South
African by birth, and to the other fact that he was educated by the mis-
sionaries side by side with the native boys.

270

POLITICAL WORKERS.

!i i

To the first fact is due his English patriotism, his constant desire to
serve the Mother Country, his conception of the British Empire as a
great unity long before such a thought had entered the consciousness
of (lie home-staying British themselves. It is a remarkable fact that
the British Empire is federating from without rather than from within.
It is not the central Government in London that seeks to impose a closer
bond; it is the outlying colonies themselves that first become conscious
of a desire to cling closer to the country that gave them birth, both for
their own sake and for hers. This desire animated Shepstone all
through his political life. He never forgot tliat he was an Englishman.
It was this desire that made him fall in so readilv with Lord Carnarvon's
confederation plan, and, as a preliminary to that, led him to annex the
Ti'ausvaal.

To the second prominent fact of his early years, his education at the
native missions, is due that nmrvelous inliuence which he exercised over
the native mind. It was through the possession of this single and re-
nuirkabk' cjuality that he became a power in South Africa, for few have
ever handled the natives as he did. All over the Empire Britain has
had men who by symi)atliy, knovrhnlge, and, above all. matchless nerve,
could entei liito tlie native mind, get a grip on it, and so drive it where
they vouhl, Shepstone was one of these men. lie did not think as a
white aian and then translate his thoughts into Kattir like the average
Buicaucrat, when need be, he c<mi1(1, by a)i uncanny intuition, go right
into the nativ" mind and tliMik what it was thinking. The influence
which this gave him among the blacks was obviously enormous. And
he never abused it — he did all in his power to protect the natives — in-
deed, it was the desire to jirotect the natives from the Boers as well as
his desire to extend British inflnence that led him to annex the Trans-
vaal. The natives rei)aid him with a like dev<»tion. To them he was
alwavs "the white father."

As an example of the mysterious power which Shi'pstone could bring
to bear on the native mind there is no better y^ory than that which re-
counts how he subdued an angry Zulu host that was thirsting for his
l,)lood. lie was alone, one \\iiite man ii. the midst of thonsands of
savages. When he rose to sj»eak (lie white teeth and eyes gleanu^l
ferociously in the black fa<('s, making a strange ring of fierceness round

POLITICAL WORKERS.

271

him. lie began by speaking their own thoughts to them; how easy it
would be for them to kill him. "But," he said, and pointed to the sea,
"for every little drop of my blood that you shed a white army will come
across yonder sea and will slay you utterly." Every eye turned sea-
ward, expecting that very moment to see the swift oncoming of the
avenging hosts. Few ^ors have ever had such a compliment paid
them, have ever produc^^a an effect so immediate and telling. Shep-
stone was allowed to go. And from that moment the natives would
haA'e died for him.

Owing to his skill as a lii,^aist Shepstone was made headquarters'
interpreter of Kaffir languages at Cape Town in 1835. On the day that
he was appointed to this responsible post, the 8th of January, he com-
pleted his eighteenth year. He distinguished himself in the Kaffir
war of 1834-5 by leading a party of volunteers to rescue the whites shut
up in AVesleyville, and, as a reward, was made clerk to the Agent
General. It was in 1838, when he was only twenty, that Shepstoue
began v»hat was destined, to prove his lifelong connection with Natal.
A Bri ish force under Major Chart eris occupied Natal temporarily in
1838, and a skilled native agent Avas required to deal with the Natal
natives. Shepstone's previous services had marked him out, young as
he was, as the best man for the post, and accordingly he was appointed.
He acquitted himself so well that when Natal was constituted a separ-
ate GoA'ernment in 1815 he was made agent for the native tribes. In
185C), when the powers of ti Natal Government were enlarged, Shep-
stone became Secretary for Native Affairs, and a member of the Execu-
tive and Legislative Councils. In the discharge of his duties he met
with a good deal of opposition from sentimentalists, who wished to
change a good Zulu into a bad European by the simple process of rig-
ging him out in an old pair of pantaloons. But Shepstone was a strong
man and would not allow himself to be driven. lie maintained that
civilization must go slow, if it is to go sure, anu)ng the black population.
Old customs must not be swei>t violently away, else the black, deprived
of tribal habit and not yet sustained by a new rule of conduct, will be
left without any guidance whatsoever. Therefore black customs, un-
less they are monstrously offensive to morality and good government,
are not to be lightly jiMMldJed with. In this, as in other '-ases, Shep-

2T2

POLITICAL WORKERS.

stone was actuated by his extraordinary feeling for what was going on
in the inside of the Kaffii^'s mind.

In 1872 Shepstone was sent into Zululand to arrange for the peace-
ful succession of Cetywayo. He accjuired an enormous influence over
Cetywayo's mind, and thus we see the two influences that animated
Shepstone's life coming together to produce a single and definite result.
His power over the natives now comes to the aid of his Imperial pa-
triotism, and helps him to aggrandize Britain by annexing the Trans-
vaal, for there can be no doubt that Shepstone scared the Boers by
asking what would hapi)en "if he withdrew his hand from Cetywayo,"
and so made them more willing to come under English authorit /.

Shepstone had doubtless been encouraged in his Transvaal scheme
by the visit he paid to London, in 1876, to represent Natal at the con-
ference on South African affairs. Lord Carnarvon, then Colonial Sec-
retary, wished to confederate South Africa on the same lines as Can-
ada. As the Transvaal was bankrupt, unable to defend itself, and a
source of weakness to the other white states in South Africa; and as,
further, nearly 8,000 voters out of a total of 8,000 were asking for Brit-
ish intervention, it cannot be said that it was a wrong or a foolish move
on the part of Shepstoue to further Carnarvon's designs by taking over
the Boer (lovernment. The only charge that can be brought against
him is that he acted with undue precipitancy. It is confldently said
that if he had waited six months, the troubles of the Boers would have
been so pressing that not three but seven thousand Boers would have
been praying for his intervention. In that case the Boers could not
have turned round afterwards and said that the annexation was
against their will. True; but it should be remembered that if Shep-
stone's promise to the Boers had been carried out at once they never
would iiave had occasion to turn roiind and protest against the annexa-
tion. Shepstone i)romised them representative government — and he
meant them to have it, too. He drafted a constitution for the Trans-
vaal, but it was pigeon-holed in London and forgotten. Then Shep-
stone was superseded, and, for various reasons, his designs were not
carried out by his successors. And so the Boers rose in revolt; but the
fault was not Shepstone's.

He retired from public servi<e in 1880, and lived in retirement until

i(>

POLITICAL WORKERS.

273

his death in 1893. That retirement was only broken once — when he
was asked to perform the ceremony of reinstating the deposed Cety wayo
as chief of the Zulus. He had been made a Knight of the Cross of St.
Michael and St. George in 1876.

SECTION VII. HON. W. P. SCHREINER.

The present Prime Minister of the Cape Colony is a native of South
Africa. His father was a Lutheran minister wlio had liA'e children,
all of whom in (me wav or anotlier have alreadv made their mark
in South African history. There are thre(^ brothers, of whom tlie
eldest is an eminent educationalist and the other an enthusiastic
preacher. There are two sisters, the elder of whom has devoted her life
to the cause of temperance and has exercised remarkable intiuence upon
the lives of many who have become victims of the drink craving. The
younger sister is the far-famed writer Olive Schreiucr. The five broth-
ers and sisters are known for tlieir strong individuality and the utter
frankness with which they express their diflerences of opinion to one
another. Yet this is done without creating bitter divisions in the
family affections. For example, the two sisters stand on opposite sides
in their judgment of the necessity of the present war, W. P. Schreiner,
the Prime Minister, is sui)i)orted in his political lift* by the Afrikander
Bond, while one of liis elder brothers, Thomas, has I'^'cently put on
public record tlie fact tliat in 1881 he declined to join the Afrikander
Bond because he saw that its constitution imjdied disloyalty to the
Queen; and Mr. Iteitz, afterwards President of the Orange Fr^e State,
and at present Secretary in President Kruger's Government, one of the
founders of the Bond, was unwilling to deny that tliis miglit be th<^ case.

While yet a lad V>\ V. Sclu-einer made his way to Kimberley and
worked for several years in the mines there. But this was a mere epi-
sode in his career. The trend of his mind Avas in an entirely different
direction, for he turned to the study of law and made his profession of
a barrister the basis of his career. He was not long in coming io the
front as a legal adviser and served in this capacity both with Sir Henry
Loch and Sir Francis De Winton during the prcdonged negotiaiions re-
garding Swaziland. From both of tliese gentlemen he received high
praise for his services.

;(

274

POLITICAL WORKERS.

In 1898 he became the leader of the Cape bar in point of practice, and
in that year he reached the high position of official head in Mr. Khodes's
cabinet. He had already for some yoar.j been a member of the Cape
Parliament as a representative of Kimberley and had* acted also as
Attorney-General.

Critics of his style affirm that there is a great difference between
Mr. Schreiner's manner as a speaker when he pleads in the courts of
law and when he addresses the Cape Legislature. In the former he
appears as the quiet, judicial, self-restrained conversationalist, while
in the latter his voice is loud, his style rhetorical, his tone aggressive
and insistent. Like manv able members of small houses of legislature
lie is said to be somewhat domineering in manner and unable to endure
criticism and opposition.

In the beginni;^ig of 189G when the elameson Kaid broke out it was
Mr. Schreiner Avho visited his former chief and found him in that condi-
tion of despair, as if all his hopes were broken, and uttering piteous,
affectionate com])lainings against his friend Di*. Jameson, which Mr.
Hchreiner afterwards described to tlie world. He came to London and
gave evidence before tlie select committee of the House of Commons in
the following year. In the year following that again (1SJ)8) Mr.
Schreiner brought forward a motion expressing want of conlidence in
Sir Gordon Sprigg, the Prime Minister who had succeeded Mr. Khodes.
He denounced the administration of Sir Gordon Sprigg for three-quar-
ters of an hour in the most unsparing fasliion, denied that the issue
before the country as between th<' two ])arties was that of British
supremacy, affirmed that he and his friends and tli<' Avhole Bond i>arty
were as tirnily attached to the Queen and flag as the Progressives, who
claimed that virtue as their monopoly. He had by tliis time completely
broken witli Mr. liliodes and lost no o])])ortr.nily of denouncing the
p<»licy by which Mr. l{ho<les had for so long liyi)notized the Dutch l)arty
ill Cape Town while pre))aringto strike a faiul blow at Dutch supremacy
in the Transvaal. As a result of 'ic strong agitation whicli in and out
of the House ]Mr. Schreiner kept u]) against th<' party formerly led by
^fr. IJlMxles, he was at tlie next election carried by a considerable
majority into uffice and became Prime Minister of the Cape Colony.
Jt is well known of course thai (iiere he has reigned by grace of Mr.

POLITICAL WORKERS.

275

Ilofmeyr and that the latter has a price for all the favors which he
extends.

When in October, 1808, Mr. Schreiner made a declaration of his party
policy he laid emraasis upon the fact that they would endeavor to
maintain, departmentally and as a Government, friendly relations be-
tween Cape Colony and Rhodesia, lie reco<j;nized of course that his
predecessor by opening up those northern territories had once for all
changed the balance of power in South Africa and that the day would
speedily come when the Cape Colony could not si and out as pre-emi-
nently the most powerful European community in South Africa. One
of the most interesting phases of recent history in South Africa is this
los« by the Cape Colony of its ancient position as the dominant force in
South African development, and the loss is not being accepted without
many an effort to prevent it. Hence 't was noi an unnecessary asser-
tion which Mr. Schreiner made, when he assured the i)ublic that the
Cape Government would in no way attempt to iiit(q'f(>re with the prog-
ress of Khodesia. Towards the two Dutch Kepublics Ik- expressed cor-
dial sympathies. His Government would recognize the autonomy and
independence of the two sister States, and he trusted to be able to
foster a condition of mutual good feeling between the older Colony and
the two Kepublics.

As the cloud of this war began to spread over the South African sky
Mr. Schreiner's position as Prime Minister b(>cam(» exceedingly ditticMilt
and full of delicate problems for himself and others. He exerted him-
self to the utmost to prevent the negotiations of IS'M) from developing
into an open rupture and so strongly did he press the n(HMl of i)atience
upon Sir Alfred Milner and the Hritish (lovernuient that it looked at
one time as if he must resign his otti<'«' in onler lo maintain his self-
r;.^pect. But a dee]) sense of duty to his country undoubttNlly restrained
him from what would have been the rash and most dangerous step of
resignation. By retaining his ]»osition as l*rime Ministrr and from that
high station voicing tlie sentiments of tho Afrikander Bond, he has dcme
UKMv by far than at present <ait bt* *p])re<iat«Hl to steady the Dutch
sentiment in the Colony and to priTfut 'isaffi*rtion from spreadin"-
through the land. It may be that wli^j thr %\ar is over among tho repu-
tarions that have been strengthen«il and am^uig the characters that

27C

POLITICAL WORKERS.

bave been more highly developed by the Htrain of the tremendous respon-
sibilities and self-sacrifice imposed by patriotism we must number W. P.
Schreiner, the Prime Minister of the Cape Colony.

SECTION VIM. 8IR JOHN G. 8PR1GG.

Like many well-known South Africans, Hir Gordon Sprigg was
sent out to that land in his youth in search of health. He was
the son of a Nonconformist minister at Ipswich in England; he first
entered into general business and tluui, in 185G, went to London to
serve on Gurney's staff of reporters in the committee rooms of the
Iloiises of Parliament. It was liere that he fell seriously ill and, his
lungs being affected, was driven to seek recovery in a sunnier clime.
lie settled in Kaffraria as a farmer and there married a Miss Fleischer.
In 1873, one year after the Cape Colony received the full Constitution
of a responsible government, Mr. Sprigg was elected as member of the
Legislature from East LiMidon. lie lias reninined continuously in
the Colonial Parliament from that day l<» this.

In 1878 he was suddenly calhMl upon by Sir liartle Frere to the high
post of Prime Minister, Sir JJartle Frere had just compelled his Min
isfers to resign office on grounds wlilcli constitutional lawyers have since
defended as of vast importance to I lie safe conduet of the affairs of the
Empire in the Colony. NevertJieless Frere's strong act which demanded
coolness and courage on liis part, produced a large amount of temp(uary
irritation and of course the new I'riine Minister had to face his task in
unpleasant circumstances. Mr. Sprigg, however, retained his ofTice as
Prime Minister and Colonial Secretary foi* three years.

In 1881 the difficulties which had lasted so long between the Rasutos
and the Cape Government reached a crisis. The Prime Minister had
passed through the Cape Parliament in the preceding year an act of
disarmament under which all native tribes under the jurisdiction of
the Colonial Ministry were to be deprive<l not only of their guns but also
of their native weapons, the assegais and kerries. This arose from the
widespread disturbances whi<'h in those years were arousing the Rantu
races into hostile activity towards the whites in various parts of South
Africa. The result of the iinplensantiiess was that Mr. Spi'igg resigned
his post. In ISSJJ his successors, among Wiiom Mr. Cecil Kho<les held

%■

POLITICAL WORKERS.

277

office, were compelled to give up Basutoland to the Rritisli Government.

Mr. Sprigg in order to carry his act into operation felt it necessary to
visit Basutoland in person. He appeared at Maseru and there, through
an interpreter, addressed a large pitso or general assembly of the tribe,
in vain he argued with them in favor of his scheme of disarmament.
They resented alike the plan and the reasons adduced for it. Indeed
many of the chiefs treated him with considerable freedom in their
speeches, making numerous remarks of a character which the judicious
interpreters took care not to translate. In the year 1884 when his
friend Sir Thomas TJppington became Prime Minister, Mr. Sprigg ap-
peared once more on the Government bench as Treasurer-General. In
1886 he succeeded that brilliant and versatile Irishman in the high
office of Prime Minister and held it until 1890, when he was succeeded
by Mr. Cecil Rhodes.

At the time of the Queen's jubilee year, 1887, Mr. Sprigg took
part in the celebrations in Loudon and received knighthood in honor
of the event. During this period of official responsibility Sir (lordon
Sprigg paid much Jittention to the question of railway development and
proposed a relatively large scheme for the construction of new lines and
the extension of existing railways in South Africa. The colonists,
however, especially the Dutch farmers, shrank from raising so large a
sum as £10,000.000 (about $50,000,000). The scheme was therefore
throAvn out and he was compelled to resign.

Sir Gortlon Sprigg failed in the tactics of an opposition leader, and
besides was unhappy under the shadow of defeat. The hour came,
therefore, when his hostility to Mr, Rhodes cooled and the latter seized
the opportunity to appoint him once more to the office of Treasurer,
where he i*emained until January, 189(5. In that year Mr. Rhodes, as
tke result of tl'e Jameson Raid, was compelled to give up his office, and
Sir Gordon Sprigg became his successor. In 1898, however, when
fresh elections took place, the revival of Dut'lj enthusiasm, which had
been caused by th^ Janit'son Raid, brought ji strong majority into power
for the support of the Afi'kan- ^r liond; a< a consequence Sir Gordon
Sprigg was imme<i' lyXj niiven from offlco and the present frime Min
ister, Mr. W. 1'. Schrf^iner, took his jdace,

A glan('(» over this story of his career throws into prominence the

2T8

POLITICAL WORKERS.

:!..

frequency with which Sir Gordon Sprigg has been in and out of office,
a fact which creates in many minds an unfavorable impression of his
character. There can be no doubt that he loves to be in office and that
he has sometimes appeared to give up his principles of to-day in order
to accept office to-morrow. It must be remembered, however, that party
politics in Oape Colony have not always proceeded upon large and
clearly defined differences of policy, and hence that the man who opposes
a ministry on one measure may agree with them on another line of legis-
lation. Nevertheless, while it must be acknowledged that Sir Gordon
Sprigg has not used his position for self-enrichment and has preserved
his personal honor without stain, he has laid himself open to criticism
for the ease with which he has stepped into office under or along with
those whom he had opposed.

Sir Gordon Sprigg holds strong views regarding the development
of what is known as Imperial Federation. He hopes to see the day, that
is, when all the colonies of the Empire shall be represented in an Im-
perial Parliament in London, and when in this way the Empire shall be
bound into a closer organic unity than exists at present.

In appearance Sir Gordon Sprigg is lithe and wiry and his features
are fine and pleasing. In the House he speaks quietly, and an occasional
smile lights up his kindly eyes. His hair is now an iron gray and is a
reminder that the ex-Prime Minister is growing old. His chief power
is shown in attention to the details of administrative work. He is a
very diligent man who does not shrink from hard tasks and prolonged
labor. While not manifesting the qualities of a statesman of the first
rank he is yet looked upon as a thoroughly conscientious and hard-work-
ing and intelligent servant of his country.

SECTION .IX. PRESIDENT STEYN.

Marthinus Thennis Steyn attained the easiest governing position in
the world when he was elected President of the Orange Free State.
Many people have considered him to be the one man in South Africa
who could control the events of the future. That impression is not a
well-foundpd one, and it is probable that President Steyn, whilst an
able man, is not capable of ever becoming a great man.

He was born im 1857, three years after the signing of the Rloemfon-

POLITICAL WORKHRS.

2.!)

toin Convontion, doso to the capit.al of tlie Fret' State. His father was
a meinbc'i' of the Executive Council and a close friend of Sir John
IJrand, who was President of the Orange Free State as well as an Eu<^-
lish knight.

Young Steyn received his education at the Grey College in Bloeni-
fontein, and after leaving school, at the age of 10, worked on his
father's farm. Here he learned the use of the rillc and became an expert
horseman. It was at that time all his ambition to become a successful
farmer, but in 1(S7<I a visit from Mr, Justice Buchanan, of the Free State
High Courr, changed the whole course of his life. Mr. Buchanan was so
struck with the nint^teen-year-old boy that he persuaded his father to
send his son to study law in Europe. The journey was in those times very
costly and very difficult, as there were no railways to the coast. Steyn
studied in London and in Holland, spending in all six years away from
home. He took special interest in the reasons of British greatness and
in the British Constitution. He conceived a great admiration for the
system of government Avliich makes England as free as the best Ke-
public.

In 1882 the young laAvyer returned to his native country, twenty-
five years of age and anxious for hard work. He practised at the Bar
for six years; was made Attorney (leneral in 1889, and became a judge
after less than a year's interval. He was only 32 when he attained
this responsible i)osition.

A romantic story is told of young Steyn and the lady who is now
his wife. When he left for England, in i is 2()th year, there was a little
girl of twelve years on the slii]). During the long voyage he naturally
saw a good deal of her and got to know her well. When he left the shi]»
he lost sight of her until he icturned to Bloemfontein as a barrister.
He was ju'esented to her at a recei)ti()n held directly after his arrival
home. Taking this as a clear sign, the two fell in love with each other
and became engaged. The finances of the future President Avould not
permit him to support a wife iude])endently of assistance from his
parents. Thus it was only after some consideral.de time that, in 1887.
Miss Fraser became his wife. She is a most efficient and capable liclp
to her husband, and, indeed, assists him greatly in his official work.

President Steyn is very devoted to his home life and enjoys nothing

280

J'OLI riC.lL ll-i)HKIU\'S.

'"' I-. .*r

r^^

bottcr than (o b<> jiblc (<» spend his liiiic with his wife, his son and Ills
Ihrro little girls.

During his career on the Orange Free State Bench, Mr. Steyn had
frecjuently to ride circuit over the Avhole of the country. It was at
this time and during these rides, or, rather, drives, that the future
President made the ac(|uaintance aiul won the respect of his fellow
burghers. In six years the people had plenty of o])portunities of discov-
(>ring if they could trust Mr. Sleyn or not, and when it came to voting
they showed what their decision was.

There are few uncommon incidents in the story of Mr. Steyn's judge-
ship, though it is said that none of his judgments were reversed. In
1893 he had the chance of becoming Chief Justice, but i)referred to
sacrifice his own advancement to the good of the State and persuaded
the then Chief Justice to reconsider his decision to resign.

In 189G, just after the Jameson llaid, a contest for President took
place between Mr. Steyn an«l Mr. J. (}. Fraser, his wife's uncle. It was
an unfortunate time for a Scotchman to appeal to a Dutch people, even
although he was chairman of tlie ^'olksraad and trusted almost as one
of themselves in tinu's i)ast. It is difticult to say how'much the Jameson
Kaid affected the I'esult of the election, but it suffices to say that Mr.
Steyn beat his oi)i)onent by six to one. Considering that the election
took place only five weeks after the Kaid one nuiy imagine that the
Dutch feelings of the burghers were well to the fore when they recorded
their votes.

Since he became President, Mr. Stevn has alwavs been anxious
to remain at peace with Great Britain, to a great extent because he
had no wish to lose his native State and his post at the same time.
Both before and after the Bloemfontein Conference of 1800 he endeav-
oi'ed to close the widening breach between the Transvaal and the British
Government.

It is said in some quarters that President Steyn was against the
])r(^seut war and that he was quite ready to overlor)k the treaty with the
Transvaal in order to escape, but he was forced by his burghers to an act
which he knew well was both impolitic and suicidal. This, however,
may be untrue.

The position of the President of the Orange Free State is not clearly

the

I act

ver,

GOING HOME FROM THE MINES

Thpsi^ two Boolnianas have been workiiiR at Kinibciliy or .Jobaiinesbm'K, have reit'ved tbPlr pay <a
the golden coin of tho British ri'Rlni and are traveling on their roud from 100 to 40c miles to th<»ir
distant home. They earry a few trophios purchased in the (jreat city, and reckon vhemselvi's as they
approach their own town anions the heroes and wise men of their tribe.

il 1

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

2.5
2.2

SB*"-

■muu

lllll 1.8

1-25 1.4 |i.6

■• 6"

►

4^^

Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

V) V«eST MAIN STREET

WEB3iER,N.Y. 14580

(716) 873-4503

[t'i

DIAMOND FIELD CLAIMS ON DE BEERS' FARM IN 1869

Best view now possible of the scene where Cecil J. Rhodes, as a youth of twenty, began work on
bis claim. This spot Is now occupied by the extensive buildings and operations of the De Beers
Mlntne Company.

- 3^.*

SCENE ON AN OSTRICH FARM

OBtrlches are here kept for the sake of obtaining their feathers for European and American markets

■■I

I t

POLITICAL WORKERS.

283

defined, and, while the burghers regard him as a powerful ruler, the
Volksraad does not even allow him the right of "veto" over its acts.
Thus if a President docs not agree he has no other course but to resign.
Mr. Steyn is not at all content with this state of things and has cherished
the intention of having it altered by direct appeal to the people.

It is of interest to see what are President Steyn's views on Rhodes,
as expressed in 1898, at Bloemfontein. He said:

"Looking north, there was a great Imperialist under the guise of
philanthropy, calling the working man into the land to slave for him,
for he had a monopoly in the country. Down South, the great Im-
perialist had tried to ingratiate himself into the good books of the
Afrikander Bond, his only object being the hoarding up of money bags.
Just now he was an ultra-Imperialist, but if he did not get his way he
would become a Republican. Here in this land the race feeling had
been engendered by the great Imperialist, who has traded on the na-
tional feelings of the people, all for the sake of riches. It is against the
capitalists that we have to fight."

As to the personal appearance of Mr. Steyn, the description given
by Mr. Bigelow, in 1897, a warm admirer of the President, may be
quoted:

"The eyes of President Steyn are those of a frank as well as fearless
man. . . . The whole expression of his face is eminently that of
harmony and strength. His nose is a strong one, but not, as in Paul
Kruger's case, an exaggerated feature of the face. Both Presidents have
the large ears characteristic of strong men, and both are b'oad between
the cheek-bones. The full beard of President Steyn gives to him so
great an aspect of dignity that I, at least, was much surprised on learn-
ing later that he was not yet forty years old. His ample forehead adds
to his dignity, and he has, also, from much poring over books, allowed
one or two folds of skin to droop over his upper eyelids. . . . Like
Paul Kruger, Mr. Steyn is a man of great physical strength, stands full
six feet high, and weighs 200 pounds." ("White Man's Africa," by
Poulteney Bigelow.)

.: »

V--

CHAPTER II.

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS. •

ONE of the most interesting figures in South African history for
nearly forty years has been that of Khama, the far-famed chief of
the Bamangwatos. His territory is a very large one, extending
from about the 24th deg. of latitude northwards to the 18th on the banks
of the Zambesi, and from about the 22nd deg. of longitude to the 28th.
A part of this square must be cut out of the northeastern corner and
assigned to the Matabele. The Bamangwato tribe was at the beginning
of our story by no means one of the most powerful of the Bechuana
tribes, nor would its chief stand in rank in the first place; there were
other tribes to the south who were considered more powerful and whose
chiefs were superior. But the raids of the blood-thirsty Matabele had
for many years been destroying the balance of power among these
Bechuana tribes £nd there were also quarrels among themselves which
resulted in alterations of their reputation and strength in relation to
one another. The chief Sekhome, the father of Khama, had the
audacity to resist the Matabele and on one occasion when forty of
Moselekatse's men were sent to gather tribute from Sekhome the latter
put them to death. The result of his courageous and successful stand
against the universally dreaded tyrant was not only to increase his
reputation but his population; for small tribes, some of them remnants
of tribes whom the Matabele had destroyed, came from different direc-
tions to settle at Shoshong under Sekhome. Sekhome of course had a
wide welcome for all. He was himself a dark-hearted, selfish, suspi-
cious, clever and cunning man; he lived in an atmosphere of plottings
and ambitions, of black fears and intense hatreds. He was proud, how-
ever, of his sons.

The eldest son of Sekhome was Khama, who liad a younger brother
close to him in age and sympathy named Kharaane. These two as
youths came under the influence of a Hanoverian missionary, a Mr.
Schulenborg. By him they were brought to the Christian faith and
baptized.

284

0( ';■,.' it'.

v"*;,r

..r^'

V-

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

285

About the year 1862 John Mackenzie of the London Mlnafouary So-
ciety settled at Shoshong and became at the critical time of their life
the friend, teacher and adviser of the young chiefs. Kltuma was a man
who early manifested his remarkable gifts. UIm apprehension of Chris-
tian truths was so clear and firm that he seems to have shed most of the
heathen superstitions in which he was brought up without any trouble,
and to have passed beyond them, never fearing their shadow again.
He from the first refused to have anything to do with the heathen prac-
tices in which the chiefs son was expected to take port. While thus
running counter to the habits and doctrines of his tribe he nevertheless
won the admiration and love of a large majority of hig people, and in the
difficult times which came to him he had often reason to Im? grateful for
the singular attachment which the people had formed for him and which
stood as a bulwark between him and hostile plotters over and over
again.

In 1863 Khama and other young Christians had an opportunity of
showing their real metal. The natives had come to believe that Chris-
tianity knocked the spirit out of a man. Because he ceased to be 'a
murderer, ceased to plot for selfish ends, ceased to desire vengeance or
to relish tribal wars, it was imagined that he had lost courage of soul.
When therefore the news suddenly came that the Matabele were coming
to attack Shoshong many in the town immediately wondered how the
young chiefs and their sympathizers would meet this emergency. To
the amazement and delight of all, and above all to the Intense satisfac-
tion of the suspicious father Sekhome, they showed themselves true
patriots. Their missionary told them that in this crisis they who were
known to be haters of warfare must show themselves heroes, when it
came to defending their homes and loved ones. Sekhome of course
resorted to witchcraft in order to consult the invisible powers as to his
plans and prospects of success. Khama abruptly urged him to put
these things away and to discuss what they were going to do, as he was
eager to meet the enemy. This unexpected outburst rather pleased
than annoyed the surprised old chief. At la^t the two youngest regi-
ments, namely those of Khama and his brother Kbamatte. were ordered
out to meet the enemy.

The town of Shoshong lies along the foot of a sht»rt mountain range

'/ •

280

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

running east and west. At one point there is a deep cleft or kloof in
the mountain where the channel of the river runs. Here there really is
no river except after heavy rains in the wet season, but far up in the
kloof in what must be called the bed of the river there are wells which
can be opened by a little digging and from which the town receives its
water supply. Between the town which lies out partly on the plain
and these wells was the spot where the missionaries lived and did their
work. This open space between the narrowest part of the kloof and the
wider plain on which the town stood was chosen by Sekhome as the
place of defence if the Matabele should actually attack his town. The
women and children and the old men fled up to the mountains and hid
among the rocks and caves, while the young men and the experienced
soldiers assembled below and sent out their fighting parties and their
scouts in various directions. Shoshong was therefore somewhat of a
stronghold which it would not be easy for the Matabele to capture.

Nevertheless the two regiments were sent out to meet the dreaded
enemy in the open country around the western shoulder of the moun-
tain. The Matabele were found to be marching in three companies, two
of which were together, and the defending party chose these for their
first attack. The Matabele had no guns, the Bamangwato had a few,
and this really settled the matter for the Matabele found themselves
being shot at and some of their number being shot down before they
could reach their enemies with their short spears. At last it was time
for a Bamangwato charge, and Khama with seven or eight other men,
on horseback, rushed on the Matabele. The latter turned to flee and
were fleeing, when the third regiment from whom they had been sep-
arated came upon the scene of action. The Bamangwato found them-
selves now surrounded by the enemy and were speedily disorganized.
They took to flight, their horsemen doing all in their power to shelter
them by cutting in between them and their pursuers. The Matabele
might well consider that they had won the victory except that they had
lost more men and that after all they had been confronted and their
advance actually checked by two regiments of despised Bechuanas.

.One of the amusing incidents of this fight took place when a Bam-
angwato warrior found himself too closely pursued by a Matabele, and
took to his heels. The former had a gun which he carried upon his

-;i c^

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

287

shoulderB as he ran. He had not courage enough even to stop and fire.
All at once while both were running the gun by some accident went off,
the owner probably being as much surprised at the unexpected event as
his pursuer, who immediately stopped. The latter evidently thought
that a man who could shoot backwards while running at full speed was
too dangerous for further pursuit.

These things occurred on a Friday. Strangely enough on the Sunday,
in the ordinary exposition of the Sermon on the Mount, the missionary
(John Mackenzie) had come to the passage in the 5th chapter of Mat-
thew in which men are commanded to love their enemies. It gave him
an opportunity to discuss frankly and in the presence of the very facts
the difference between a righteous war in defence of home, and the
spirit that seeks vengeance as such, or which would make war for the
purpose of personal gain. He even urged his hearers to pray for the
Matabele, and believed that some of them did. The subject of this
address was naturally much discussed throughout the town, even Sek-
home who never attended church service hearing of it and expressing
his approval of "the Word." He said, "We expected that all the men
of the Word of God would have ascended the mountain with the women
and children. But to-day those who pray to God are our leaders." An
old man remarked, "In forbidding covetousness the Word of God
stopped all war, for all Bechuana wars are begun through covetous-
nefes."

The result of this war was to raise Khama and his brother higher
than ever in the regard of the people. But it did not deliver them from
persecution in the days to come. Khama had been married for some
time to the daughter of Tshukuru, one of the leading under-chiefs of the
tribe, and Tihamane was engaged to marry another daughter of the same
chief. Now it was both a matter of policy and a sign of dignity in a
Bechuana tribe that the chief should marry several wives, the daughters^
of various under-chiefs. In that way he made powerful friends for him-
self and maintained his royal state. Khama refused to marry the
daughter of another chief whom his father had assigned to him; no
arguments could persuade him to take the step which his religion for-
bade. The wrath of his father was backed up by the jealousy of other
head men who did not relish the idea of seeing one man the proud

288

KHAMA. CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

father-in-law of the two young chiefs. Sekhome tried various schemes,
he even in his wrath and hatred attempted to get his people to attack
his sons, but he found his people loved them too much. Every plot he
made was exposed in advance, sometimes by the very men whom he
had selected to carry it out.

Khama moved through all these events without anger, without
vengeance of spirit, calm, clear of mind and strong of will. At last
danger came close to him and he had to flee. His sympathizers went
with him and his brother, and they ascended the mountain over the
town with a few cattle and goats, and there awaited events. Sekhome
fired upon them, and civil war began. It lasted six weeks, the final step
consisting of a close siege during which Sekhome attempted to starve
his sons and their followers into submission. At the end of that time
peace was made. Khama was careful to lay down as a condition that
he should not be marched into the town and into the khotla, or royal
courtyard, as if he was a conquered captive, but that his father should
take his place and allow Khama and his friends to enter as usual and
take their places in the ordinary way.

Peace did not last long, and Sekhome in the madness of his anger
attempted another foolish plan which made years of misery both for
himself and his people. There was living in another town a half-
brother of his, by name Macheng, who, according to native laws, had a
better claim to be chief of the Bamangwato than Sekhome himself.
The latter resolved to name him as his successor, and sent for him to
come and settle at Shoshong with that end in view. Macheng who had
been brought up among the Matabele and had imbibed many of their
abominable habits and principles, came of course very readily, wondering
at the turn of events which brought him within sight of so lofty a posi-
tion. When he came strange scenes were enacted. The people disliked
him and Sekhome disliked him; and he soon saw that all the flattering
speeches of welcome which they uttered were hollow and insincere.
Sekhome had said to him beforehand that he wished him to come in
order to kill Khama and Khamano and win the heirship for himself.
Macheng speedily found that those whom he had come to kill were the
only people whom he could trust. Khama, when his turn came to make
a speech of welcome, spoke with a courageous frankness worthy of the

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

269

bravest men that have lived. "King," he said, "it would appear that
I alone am to speak unpleasant words to you this day. The Bamang-
wato say they are glad to see you here. I say I am not glad to see you.
If Sekhome could not live with his own children but drove them from
the town and shot at them, how is he to submit to be ruled by you? If
I thought there would be peace in the town, I would say I was glad to
see you; I say I am sorry you have come, because I know that only
disorder and death can take place when two chiefs sit in one khotla."
Continuing he claimed his freedom. Let him have his own horses and
wagon, and he would go where he liked; he would have nothing more
to do with the politics of the town, with night meetings and with plot-
tings, he would only attend conferences held in daylight. "I am sorry,
Macheng, that I cannot give you a better welcome to the Bamangwato."

This bold and honest way of speaking fell like a thunderbolt in that
assembly of hypocrites, and Macheng with a certain manly grace ac-
knowledged it. When he spoke, having referred to the other addresses,
he said, "All these I have heard with the ear; one speech, and one only,
has reached my heart, and that is the speech of Khama. I thank
Khama for his speech." Macheng assured Khama that no injury would
come from him, and Sekhome's plot had once more failed. Khama's
prophecy was very speedily fulfilled, for Sekhome could not endure the
presence of Macheng, and very soon began plotting to get rid of his
guest. He arranged with his supporters that on a certain day, as they
were all assembling in the khotla, they should attack Macheng and his
party when he woula give a signal. While they were assembling ac-
cordingly Sekhome stepped out from his quarters and suddenly with
one blow knocked one of Macheng's followers to the ground. He turned,
expecting his supporters to rush to his assistance and to overwhelm the
other side. To his dismay he saw them stand still, and when he re-
turned to them they gathered around him and advised him to flee. This
he did, slipped out of his own courtyard and took refuge in the moun-
tains. That evening when the sun was setting there was only one
house in all his town to which he could go with confidence. That was
the house of the missionary, against whom for years he had been speak-
ing, and whose very life he had threatened to destroy.

Macheng ruled as chief for several years and throughout those years

lino

KHAMA, CHIEF. OF. THE BAMANGWATOS.

■*£'

Khama behaved with consummate tact, modesty and goodness. Ma-
cheng, however, became more brutal as time passed; a drunken and
sensual man, he gradually made himself intolerable; at last he even
attempted to get rid of Khama by means of poison. Native charms and
medicines would not do it, so he resolved to buy strychnine from a white
trader. He got the help in this of a degraded European whom he sent
to the store to buy it. The sharp-witted trader suspected mischief and
sold to the white man instead of strychnine marking in'i. This was
destined by Macheng to be put into the cups of coffee which he would
invite Khama and Khamane to take; but they declined the invitation,
and Macheng was doubly foiled. At last for the sake of his very life
once more, long after his best friends had advised him to take the step,
Khama drove the chief away, and he himself was the acknowledged chief
of the Bamangwato tribe. This occurred in the year 1872.

Khama once said, "When I was still a lad I used to think how I
would govern my town and what kind of a kingdom it should be." No
royal dreamer ever resolved more wisely than he. On the one hand he
determined to have no nand in heathen practices. On the other hand
he determined to forbid no one from continuing these practices who still
believed in them. Freedom of thought and action were to characterize
his kingdom. Further he resolved that one matter which had long been
familiar to his mind should be firmly dealt with: that was the use of
intoxicating drinks. Not only did his own people make a strong native
beer which did much mischief among them, but alas! and alas! Euro-
pean traders were in the habit of bringing in strong drinks which they
were willing to sell to the natives, and which they too often consumed in
large quantities themselves. Khama's heart had- been sickened times
without number at the sheer devilry wrought in these men's lives by the
bad brandy in which they dealt. He resolved to cleanse his land of this
curse. "I wanted," he said, "to rule over a nice town, and no town could
be nice where there was drunkenness." But while these projects were
ripening in his mind he took a step which no one of his friends has ever
been able to explain. He actually sent for Sekhome, his father, and
brought him back to Shoshong.

The old chief began plotting on the day of his arrival. He quickly
saw that the younger brother, Khamane, was ambitious and jealous of

KHAMA, CHIEF 0I> THE BAMANGWATOS.

29 L

Khama, and their father eet himself to win Khamane'H cuutideuce and
to use him for the overthrow of the elder brother. When Khama real-
ized that plots were again afoot and that his own brother had turned
against him he once more with a singularly Christian heart resolved not
to fight. He went forth with a few of his friends to a fountain not
many miles away and there settled down. To the astonishment of the
usurpers practically the whole town, family by family, put together their
few possessions and went out to Khama. Soon he had nearly all his
people around him again. Then he moved to the northern part of his
kingdom and settled on the river Zouga; but within two years, finding
that the usurpers did not relent but rather sought in every way to com-
plete the work of his overthrow, he returned to Shoshong. Ue then
gave battle and quickly conquering in the sharp fight which took place
in the kloof, established himself once for all chief of the Bamangwato.

One of the great ceremonies of his people was that of rain-making.
No harvest could be successful it was thought unless at the proper sea-
son the native wizards used their concoctions and incantations to secure
abundant rain and a rich harvest. Khama firmly determined to have
nothing to do with it, but proposed rather that they should meet for
solemn prayer to God, who alone could give them rain. This the mass
of the people declined to do, and the ceremony of rain-making was car-
ried through without the chief. There ensued a rainless season, no
harvests and a terrific famine. The miserable creatures perished of
hunger notwithstanding all the efforts used by the missionaries and
traders and by the noble and generous Khama himself, to procure food
and to distribute it freely.

The missionary, Rev. J. D. Hepburn, proposed a week of prayer to God
for rain. The native wizards attributed the drought to the god of the
rain who was punishing them for deserting his worship. Great was their
confusion of face when this very week of prayer closed on the day on
which most abundant rains descended. The Christians were strength-
ened in their conviction, and rightly so, that the Living God answers
prayer, and the heathen were in large numbers so overwhelmed with the
facts before them that they became learners of the Word. This prac-
tically ended rain-making among the Bamangwato. The heathen cere-

2U2

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

mony has given way to an annual Cbriitian lervioe of worship and
prayer.

But Khama's hardest flight, the struggle in which moral courage of
the noblest order was manifested by him, was when he arose for his
contest with the drinlc flend. In spite of many remonstrances he found
that the English traders insisted on bringing drinl< into his country.
They brought it in indeed under the guise of other goods; but this kind
could not be hidden long, for as soon as the bud brandy of Bouth Africa
has been taken, the man who takes it immediately announces the fact
to all beholders and all hearers. At last tlie matter reached a crisis
when it was ascertained that the majority of tlie traders were deter-
mined to defy him. He went personally from one to another of their
wagons and houses and saw the most horrible scenes conceivable. At
one place he found a group with their white shirts stained with blood,
their goods strewn all over the floor, a huge cask of water upset and
many things swimming in it, the men themHelves raving with drunken-
ness. This was on a Saturday. On the Monday all the traders had
been summoned to the king's courtyard.

"A cold, dreary, dark day, the chief in the sternest mood he ever
assumes, but which, it is said, always means a fixed purpose with
Khama. He did not ask any questions, but simply stated what he had
seen; how he had taken the trouble to warn them, and they had des-
pised his laws 'because he was a black man, and for nothing else.'

" 'Well, I am black,' he said, 'but if I am black I am chief of my own
country at present.' He went on: 'When you white men rule in the
country then you will do as you like. At present I rule, and I shall
maintain my laws which you insult and despise. You have insulted and
despised me in my own town because I am a black man. You do so
because you despise black men in your hearts. If you despise us, what
do you want here in the country that Ood has given to us? Go back to
your own country.'

"And he mentioned them one by one by name.

" 'Take everything you have; strip the Iron roofs off the houses; the
wood of the country and the clay of which you made the bricks you can
leave to be thrown dov i. Take all that Is yours and go. More than
that, if there is any other white man here who does not like my laws

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

203

let him go, too. I want no one but friends in mj town. If you are not
my friends, go back to your own friends, and leave me and my own
people to ourselves. You ought to be ashamed of yourselves.

" *I am trying to lead my people to act according to tbit word of God
which we have received from you white people, and you show them an
example of wickedness such as we never knew. You, the- people of the
word of God! You know that some of my own brothers Lave learned to
like the drink, and yoii know that I do not ,/ant them to see it ever, that
they may forget the habit; and yet you not only bring it in and offer it to
them, but you try to tempt me with it. I make an end of it to-day. Go.
Take your cattle, and leave my town, and never come back again.'

"The utmost silence followed Khoma's words. Shame and utter
bewilderment fell upon most of them. They had expected nothing like
this, and they lost the very power to reply."

Several individuals attempted to plead with him. "One man espe-
cially pleaded that he had grown up from being quite a lad in the coun-
try, and Khama and he were old friends. 'Surely, for old friendship's
sake, he would pity him?'

" 'Friendship,' said Khama; *do you call yourself my friend? You
are the ringleader among those who insult and despise my laws. If
you have grown up in the country, then you know better than anyone
how much I hate this drink. Don't talk to me about friendship. I give
you more blame than any of them. You are my worst enemy. I had a
right to expect that you would uphold my laws, and you bring in the
stuff for others to break them. You do not know what pity is, and yet
you ask for pity. You ask for pity and you show me no pity. You des-
pise my laws, and defy me in the presence of all my people. My people
and I are not worthy of pity because God has made our faces black and
yours white. No, I have no pity.' " ("Twenty Years in Khama's Coun-
try," by J. D. Hepburn.)

Needless to say Khama in this instance gained the victory, and drove
the drink sellers out of his town. To this day he has maintained his
determination that no drink shall be brought into his country from
abroad, nor made within his country. It has cost him much to carry
on the struggle against his own i :ople, against brutal white traders,
and even against the British authorities, but his tremendous moral

i I

A-". ■;-u^i *iJ.'.i.-^.4>:f:V

294

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

determination lias carried bim victoriously through his difficulties, und
his country is to-day practically clear of the disgrace of drunkenness.

Khama has baffled all students of his motives in his dealings with
Sekhome, his father, and Khamane, his youngest brother. They both
plotted repeatedly against his life and threatened the destruction of hip
people. The latter became, alas! a worthless drunkard. Khama had
the right according to native laws and customs on many occasions to
put them to death. He had as much right to do so as Cromwell to be-
head Charles I. In many lands plottings like these would have received
short shrift, but Khama has always had only one answer to those who
inquire on this matte**, "He is my father; he is my brother." No other
reason does he offer, but this one has been final throughout his life. At
last Sekhome died and the weaker machinations of Khamane became
less important as time went on.

In the year 1876 Khama wrote to the British High Commissioner
at Cape Town, requesting to be protected from inroads of the Boers.
The Boers had cast their eyes upon many rich and lovely parts of
Khama's kingdom, and many of them had determined to trek north-
wards and settle there and elsewhere in the northern part of Austral
Africa. Needless to say he did not receive the protection he desired.
In 1885 Sir Charles Warren visited Shoshong and Khama proposed to
him a treaty, one of the most remarkable documents in South African
history. He put in a map on which was marked off a considerable por-
tion of territory which he reserved for himself and his people. There
they were to enjoy their farms for raising stock and agriculture and for
hunting as hitherto. Within those limits also he was to continue to be
chief and to rule his people according to his own laws and customs, and
yet he proposed to receive a British Resident as bis friend and adviser.
All the rest of his territory, comprising some of the finest land in South
Africa, amounting to no less than 70,000 square miles, he offered to cede
to the British Government who should have the power at once to divide
it up into farm lands and townships, and send in European settlers.
The British Government would be solely responsible for the control of
these districts occupied by Europeans. This most wise and liberal
proposal received no answer for many months, and at last in 1886 was
declined! So much once more for British aggression! The folly of this

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

295'

step can only be seen and felt bj those who realize the difference which
would have been made in South Africa affairs today had Khama's
statesman-like proposals been heartily accepted and earnestly put into
practice. The besetting British habit of refusing responsibility and
withdrawing from South African territories, which we have remarked
so repeatedly in these pages, we see once more doing its fatal work here.
It must be remembered that already Great Britain had proclaimed a
protectorate over all Bechuanaland, and that fact makes the treatment
of Khama's offer the more amazing in its dullness of vision and weak-
ness otwill.

At last, however, a Resident was appointed in Sout.x Bechuanaland
who was understood to be in correspondence with Ehama. In the year
1888 Khama sent to this assistant'Commissioner, Mr. John Smith Mof-
fat, a letter in which he complained that on the Limpopo river forming
the boundary between his country and the Transvaal, a number of Boers
were gathering in a deliberate and suspicious way, with wagons and
abundance of ammunition, that they were building a pontoon for trans-
porting their wagons and cattle across the river, and that he regarded
their presence and actions there as threatening his territory. Now in
the preceding year the High Commissioner at Cape Town had kindly
informed Khama that he must keep the subordinate tribes in his own
territory in order himself, and that if Boer intruders invaded his terri-
tory he must expel them himself. Accordingly, as no time was to be
lost, Ehama not only sent this letter to Mr. Moffat but also sent a party
of his own men under the command of a near relative of his own, to the
Limpopo river, telling them that they must on no account fight, but that
they were to command any Europeans found in his territory to come to
him, Ehama, to explain their actions and their purposes.

The natives found that one wagon had already crossed the Limpopo,
and contained a large amount of ammunition. The head of this Boer
expedition was a man of the name of Grobbelaar. When Khama's men
came to him he behaved towards them in a brutal way, and in this he
was backed up by some degraded English travellers with him, and
other Boers. The Bechuanas displayed great courage and also great
patience. Grobbelaar pc'nted his revolver at them, pressed it against
the head of their leader, pummelled first one and then another, exclaim-

29G

^ KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

Ir,

ing in a loud voice repeatedly, "I will shoot you, I will shoot you." At
last the struggle took a more serious form, and in spite of the efforts
of the Bechuana leaders to maintain peace and to explain that Khama
did not wish to fight but only wished their company to come to him for
explanations, shots were exchanged. One of the bullets struck Grob-
belaar, who died of the wound. The scene was repeated on two con-
secutive days. Several of Khama's people were killed. The incident
produced much excitement and correspondence between the British
Government and the Transvaal took place. Beyond a doubt this con-
stituted another of the many breaches of the London Convention on
the part of the Transvaal Government, for it should be distinctly under-
stood that in a country like the Transvaal and among a people like the
Boers no such movement as that of Grobbelaar can take place without
prolonged discussions, careful preparation, and various steps' of which
the Government officials necessarily become perfectly cognizant. This
instance also displayed Khama's wisdom and moderation.

It is another instance of the real weakness and lack of insight at
Cape Town that while this outrage occurred in a British Protectorate,
instead of sending Sir Sidney Shippard, the Commissioner in Bechuana-
land, to investigate the incident and report. Sir Hercules Robinson
actually invited President Kruger to join him in an investigation.
Kruger sent General . Joubert, and Joubert and Shippard of course
disagreed. Then the Governor actually proposed a reference of the
matter to the Chief Justice of the Cape Colony, and Kruger proposed the
President of the United States or the President of France! The Impe-
rial Government was carefully kept out as if by common consent.

Perhaps the event just described brought to a head certain plans
over which Khama had long brooded. As we have said the town of
Shoshong is situated on a singularly dry and barren region. It had
served its purpose in the stormy days of the past as a stronghold against
the Matabele, but now the fear of Matabele invasions was practically
at an eud and that reason for remaining at Shoshong existed no longer.
Khama looked out for a new site on which to place his capital. He
selected a spot called Palapye, sixty miles northeast of Shoshong. There
are mountains near but the site itself consists of rolling ground with
abundance of trees and grass and abundance of water. It is in every

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

2J)r

way a most striking contrast to Slioshong. Khama planned that his
town should occupy about twenty square miles which he divided into
five quarters, each being under its own head-man. After the plans were
completed the removal began. It lasted for weeks and months, streams
of people marched almost daily from Shoshong, past the mission houses,
through the kloof, and away to the new city where each company was
shown to its own quarter and set to work to build its own houses. It
was no slight undertaking thus to transfer from 20,000 to 30,000 people,
but Khama carried the whole project through with great skill. Of
course, an appropriate and as it appears a most beautiful site was
selected and set apart for the mission station. In a short time the sum
of £3,000 (about |15,000) was raised for the building of the new church.
The church is of Gothic architecture", well built of brick, and holds about •
a thousand people. Arrangements were made for schools in every quar-
ter and the energetic missionary, Rev. J. D. Hepburn, speedily had his
native teachers at work. Khama has maintained through all these years
his deep religious devotion, and makes it plain at every step in his life
that he acts ever under the guidance and inspiration of his strong and
clear Christian faith.

Khama's selection of a site was wise on political as well as economic
grounds. By this move he put himself into the heart of the region
which he wished to retain permanently for his own tribe. He also
placed himself on the direct road between the Transvaal and the unoccu-
pied territories to the north, so that any Boers who henceforth should
wish to "trek" northwards must come into close quarters with him ere
they could reach their destination.

Khama has in recent years more than once shown his determination
to be a faithful member of the British Empire and loyal to the Queen.
When the pioneer party of the British South Africa Company went
north to occupy its territory in the year 1890, they received most valu-
able assistance from the men whom Khama sent with them as guides,
scouts and workers. It has been acknowledged that they greatly facili-
tated the movements of the pioneer force. When the war between the
British South Africa Company and the Matabele tyranny took place
Khama once more assisted by himself accompanying the Imperial troops
under Major Goold- Adams with a body of his own soldiers; and once

298

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

I!'' »* 5 : '

more his men proved themselves valuable. A slight incident at the
close of this war helps again to illustrate the dignity and high sense of
honor of this native chief. He ascertained through his scouts that the
Matabele had fled and that the war was at an end before the white scouts
were able to obtain the same information. Khama himself immediately
returned to Palapye with his troops. It was at first thought that he
had deserted the British force, and the leaders of the latter were for a
time indignant. This was reported to Mr. Rhodes, and when Mr.
Rhodes reached Palapye he addressed Khama with great indignation.
Khama resented what he felt to be an unjust rebuke. Mr. Rhodes after-
wards discovered the true facts and at once honorably sent a message
through Dr. Jameson to Palapye to express his regret for the misappre-
hension and for the words spoken under that misapprehension. Khama
himself said, "If the words were so spoken it is enough. I have already
forgotten them." Some time afterwards Khama was asked to give an
account of this incident, but he abruptly refused. "Mr. Rhodes," he
said, "has asked me to forgive him for words which he spoke when he
was misinformed, and I cannot go back on what I have already forgot-
ten."

It came to be known that Mr. Rhodes coveted North Bechuanaland,
and that he desired the British Government to give that glorious ter-
ritory into the possession of the Chartered Company. This had not been
altogether unexpected, and the British Government had already re-
ceived many protests against such a scheme. It had been pointed out
that it was one thing to accept Khama's cession of his territory and rule
it directly under Imperial officers, who invariably maintain order and
Justice among native tribes and who would develop the country for the
sake of its inhabitants both white and black; while it would be quite an-
other thing to hand it over to the tender mercies of a purely commercial
organization. Nevertheless the pressure was so great that in the year
1895 Khama, accompanied by two other neighboring chiefs, paid a visit
to Great Britain. Their arrival in the country created widespread
interest. The name of Khama was already familiar and his character
admired by various sections of the British public, ard wheresoever he
went he found himself warmly received by the leading citizens of the
land. Large meetings were organized where he made his statements

« •§

5 1

tn £

or «.

t|] cd

£ ■?

h«i

5gS

1%, a
ll

l?|8

I sis

° e S

KHAMA, CHIEF OF THE BAMANGWATOS.

301

<« «i* w *^

« c s ■*

e h S u

a o aH
I" -M

Qa n a

^ «J 8 g U M
- - ft M 3

a O

2 -

■o SI S^ o

9 a a

go I ^5
§.5Soa

ft gs-

<9 et □ >>'0

I* DOB 5

5S3S

which were interpreted with great force and vivacity by the Rev. W. C.
Willoughby, Khama's missionary at Palapye. Wherever the chiefs ap-
peared they aroused the sympathy and even the admiration of both rich
and poor. Khama especially became a kind of lion even in society. In
London the Duke of Westminster gave a great reception in his honor,
which was attended by many members of the nobility, leading poli-
ticians, philanthropists and others. People very generally w ere inclined
to feel a kind of pity for the black men, imagining that they would feel
miserable and uncomfortable in the presence of the glitter, formality
and dignity of such an occasion. But tears started to many eyes and
many hearts beat with warm admiration when, through the great recep-
tion hall of Grosvenor House, even although a certain silence fell over
the large assemblage, Khama entered and moved forward with as much
ease and composure and dignity in his manner as the noblest there to
greet his host, and to be introduced to those who were present to do him
honor. Many spoke in utter amazement of the high-souled character
which shone out in Ehama's bearing throughout these trying and test-
ing scenes.

Khama gained his political end for the time being while he con-
sented to the cutting off of a strip of territory on the east and southeast
for the purpose of building a railway through into Khodesia. To-day,
he retains his own country while he has the assistance of an Imperial
Resident and the protection of a body of Imperial troops. Long may
this ideal arrangement last! And long may Khama the Good live to
see his people advancing in education and religion and becoming mas-
ters of the arts of civilization.

CHAPTER III.

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

SECTION I. THE INFLUENCE OP MISSIONS,

IT WOULD indicate a very superficial view of South African history
if any review of it omitted to describe the influence which Christian

missions have exercised. The progress of science has led us far past
the day when it was supposed possible to treat the development of a
people without regard to the nature of the religion of that people and
the power which it exerted upon their character and history.

All the native tribes of South Africa had religions of a more or less
definite kind to which some reference is made elsewhere in this work.
When the Dutch East India Company sent its first batch of servants to
establish the settlement at Cape Town it did not select for this
purpose people who were noted for their religion, but simply those who
would otherwise be likely to go anywhere as its servants on ordinary
commercial terms. The attempt to parallel the arrival of the first
Dutch settlers in South Africa with the arrival of the Pilgrims at Ply-
mouth Bock is ludicrous. At first it is said that the Dutch Company
provided their immigrants with a Catechist, but it was not for about
twelve years that they sent an ordained minister of religion to live
among them. Since then they have always possessed representatives
of the Dutch Reformed Church, and that is the church to which the bulk
of the white people in South Africa have hitherto belonged. The min-
isters of this church did not go out as missionaries to the heathen, but
as pastors of the Dutch people, and we find very little trace of any ef-
fort made by them for 150 years to reach the Kaffirs with the Christian
religion. The fact is that the Dutch, having decided early in their his-
tory to grant no civil rights to the black people, were prevented by thai
resolve from granting them religious benefits; for it was one of their
doctrines that a baptized man could not be a slave. Hence if any effort
were made to prepare black slaves for baptism it meant their loss as
slaves, and very few owners could be brought to face that issue.

101

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

/
303

During the nineteenth centurj' the Dutch Keformed Church, having
lost sympathy with the religious atmosphere of Holland, drew its min-
isters largely from Scotland, and the influence of the Scottish ministers
and their descendants has gone far towards creating that powerful mis-
sionary sentiment which animates many sections of the church to-day.

In the early part of this century European missionaries to the native
heathen tribes began to appear. The largest number and the most pow-
erful of these missionaries were sent by the well-known London Mission-
ary Society. The pioneer was, strange to say, a Dutchman from Holland
by the name of Vanderkemp. This man, who h?d passed through a
much varied career, had only late in life become a religious man, and
then gave himself completely to his new devotion. He was a thorough
scholar and a man of science, but placed all his training and his powers
at the service of these native peoples. He was accompanied by several
other British representatives of that society. Their work was impaired
by misfortunes from the beginning, one of them becoming detached by
accepting a pastorate over white people, another enduring great dis-
couragement. The heroic soul was this Vanderkemp. He was from
the first opposed by the frontier Boers, and both he and the natives
whom he instructed suffered much from them.

It must of course be admitted that of all the scores and hundreds of
missionaries who have labored in South Africa some have made serious
mistakes of various kinds. There have been injudicious men amongst
them, who have not exercised discretion while teaching the natives con-
cerning the liberty which the Gospel confers; there have been some
who have undoubtedly made accusations against the Boers which in
individual cases they were unable to prove at courts of law; some have
not succeeded in making many converts nor in visibly doing much to
raise the level of civilization amongst the people whom they taught.

Nevertheless, when all deductions have been made it must be
acknowledged by every fair student of South African history that the
European missionaries from France, Germany, Switzerland, Scotland,
England, Ireland and America have rendered an immeasurable service
and exercised a boundless infliuence upon that history. It is they who
have in many instances penetrated into practically new regions, and by
settling down with distant tribes have opened up the route for traders

:]04

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

to follow. Wherever a missionary settled u safe resting place was
found, trade in European clothing and implements and tools was cre-
ated. Some of the main roads in South Africa were originally known
as the "missionary road." The missionaries have exercised very power-
ful influence upon the chiefs of iiibes with whom they live; they have
prevented them from making many a blunder in their relations with
white people which would have led to disastrous results; they have
l)roposed many a step which has led to the creation of friendly relations
with the English Government. Elsewhere in these pages are described
in fuller detail some instances of this influence. When Kobert Moffat
persuaded his convert, the terrible Afrikander, to go to Cape Town and
see the Governor, who had placed a price upon his head; when the
same intrepid evangelist penetrated to the kraal of the fierce Mosele-
katse and won his heart for the remainder of his days; when Living-
stone, and after him his brother-in-law, Price, lived with and advised
Sechele, the chief of the Bakwena tribe; when William Ashton in the
troublous times of the '70g, in South Bechuanaland, guided more than
one of the local chiefs safely through stormy experiences ; when Schreud-
er gained such influence over Cetywayo that during the Zulu war he
and his mission station, while open to attack, were kept perfectly safe;
when Casalis gained such influence over the Basuto Chief Moshesh as to
become his political adviser and deliver him from imminent danger
at more than one crisis; when Mackenzie moulded Khama; when J.
S. Moffat brought his personal influence and family name to bear upon
Lobengula before the advent of the Chartered Company, priceless ser-
vices were rendered to the cause of humanity in those regions.

It is true that the Boers profess to have another story to tell and
that Mr. Theal, who writes his South African histories from the Boer
j)oint of view, speaks with peculiar disparagement of missionaries as a
whole. But these facts are explained by the simple circumstance that
from the beginning the Boers found the missionary influence everywhere
strengthening and building up native communities, while the mission-
ary found that everywhere the influence of the aggressive and far-
traveling Boers wf s hostile to his humanitarian purposes. From the
beginning of their work in South Africa with singular unanimity all
missionaries who have been placed anywhere near the frontiers have

IV; I st>il

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

305

had only oue story t tell concerning the cruel ill-treatment of native
tribes and individuals by the Boer farmers. They assert that the latter
have been unscrupulous in seizing the lands, and even in destroying
the persons of the former. It has never been considered a serious crime
that parties of Boers should, on the slightest excuse, set out to slaughter
the inhabitants of a native village, and then take possession of their
cattle and their fountains. It is not possible here to enter into details
on this matter. To most minds the fact that the missionaries, whose
testimony on all kinds of actual events and facts coming within the
range of their knowledge is considered by students of all kinds as on the
whole impartial, honest and thoroughly trustworthy, has been for near-
ly 100 years steadily and persistently against the Boers, will be con-
sidered of itself final evidence. Mr. Theal's attempt to disprove the
statement that the Boers wrecked -Dr. Livingstone's mission station
and carried off his furniture, destroying his books and papers as value-
less, is a specimen at once of the desperate nature of his case and the
inadequacy of his evidence. Men still live who personally knew the
individuals who took part in that raid upon Sechele's town, who knew
the Boer houses to which the missionary's furniture was taken. Dr.
Livingstone himself explicitly described the event in details which no
native could have invented, and which he himself would not have sug-
gested without careful inquiry. Dr. Livingstone's evidence taken on
the spot within a short time of the events, and the evidence of a man
like Mr. J. S. Moffat, or the late John Mackenzie, to whom the Marico
district, from which the raiders went, was quite familiar, will always,
throughout all history, be considered as settling this question.

The principal missions in South Africa have been as follows: First
we have those of the Scotch Presbyterian Church, mainly confined to
Cape Colony and Natal. Their most remarkable achievement has been
the creation and development of the Lovedale Institution. Then we
have the work of the American Board (Congregational), which has been
mainly confined to the Zulus in Natal and Zululand. They once made an
effort to settle in the Transvaal, but the Boers settled that effort. Next,
coming west, we have the missions of the Paris Evangelical Society in
Basutolaud, whose remarkable work we have described in speajcing of
that most interesting country and people. The Hanoverian Society at

306

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

one time wuh much favored by the BoerM, who thought that itH agents
would be more in sympathy with themiolveN, an<l sought to have thcni
placed in North Bechuanaland. They withdrew from that region and
have only a few stations left in the land. The Methodists have worked
widely and well, but principally in Cape (!oiony. The Moravi; ns have
worked at various points. The Epif-eopalians, while hit^ ^rto confining
themselves to operations through the Bishop of Cape Colony, have lately
developed great energy by the creation of Bishoprics in Natal and the
Orange Free State and Rhodesia.

The largest number of pioneer missionaries In Houth Africa have
been sent out by the London Missionary Hociety, and the most famous
amongst South African missionaries have ttrisen from among them.
They began work when the Colony was still small. At first they at-
tempted as other societies did to form settlements of natives, where
those who were willing to receive instruction could be gathered and
organized into communities, with the hope that they would form civil-
izing nuclei from which the whole native world might be reorganized.
This hope has not on the whole been realized, and their settlements
have nearly all been given up one by one. The agents, as they were
called, of this society, early entered in Bechuanaland, and were the
first to reach the Zambesi from the south. Their mission stations now
extend from Kuruman right up to Matebeleland and Lake Ngami.
Their first great pioneer was Robert Moffat, their second was David
Livingstone. He early formed the purpose of establishing Christian
operations at many points and of training native teachers to occupy
these places. If his plan had been carried out, Bechuanaland would
have advanced in education and religion far beyond the point she now
has reached. He had started this development and had begun the first
few of a chain of mission stations extending eastwards, when his work
was entirely broken up, his teachers driven away and his own station
wrecked, as we have seen, by the frontier adventurers of the Transvaal
Republic. This fact it was which directed his eyes northwards, and
brought it about that the London MiHsionary Society's stations have ex-
tended in a long thin line between the Kalahari Desert on the west and
the boundaries of the Transvaal Republic on the east, for a distance of no
less than 1,200 miles. When one remembers that these great distances

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

807

bad to be tra versed by meanH of ox wagouH, journeying p', the rate of
from ten to twenty miles a day, one can faintly estimate at once the
enormous labor and the apparently enormous loss of time which have
been Involved In the work of establishing the Christian religion amongst
the widely scattered tribes of these regions.

It will not be possible to give a vivid account of missionary work
In South Africa without describing somewhat In detail the lives of sev-
eral representative missionaries. In doing this no attempt is made to
say who are the greatest, or to maintain that those who are described
In the following pages are greater than some whom It has been found
Impossible to Include. The personalities and work of Dr. Philip of Cape
Town, of Vanderkemp, of Dr. Llndley of the American Board, of Casalis
and Ashton and Hepburn, were well worthy of full description, but
the following four have been selected partly because their missionary
work was in their cases very closely allied with remarkable Influences
of another kind. Mons. Colllard stands out for the beauty of his Influ-
ence In Basutoland, and for his remarkable work in opening up the
French mission In the far distant Barotse Valley. Robert Moffat was
the great evangelist and traveler and translator of the Scriptures.
David Livingstone was the mighty explorer, and John Mackenzie, the
man who worked at missions with the instincts both of the statesman
and of the evangelist. If we understand these men we understand
something of what missions have done in the course of South African
history.

SECTION II. ROBERT MOFFAT.

One of the greatest names in South African history Is that of Robert
Moflfat. He was born in 1795 near Edinburgh, Scotland. He was
brought up in a pious household and listened in his early years to
thrilling accounts of the missionary pioneers who at that time were
leaving the shores of England and Scotland for China, India, Africa and
the South Seas. His parents were plain people with a very humble
income, and gave their children a simple schooling and an earnest spirit-
ual training. Young Robert Moffat was naturally a boy of daring and
adventurous spirit. Having resolved to become a sailor, and fiiiding
his parents opposed to this he, like so many others, ran away and went
to sea. After a number of voyages in the coast trade and some hair-

■Mi

308

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

m ''}

breadth escapes from death he became disgusted with his life and re-
turned home. He was on his return only eleven years of age. He was
sent back to school, but remained there only six months, and then
became apprenticed to the trade of a gardener. While this was the
end of his schooling he had, we are told, a craving which clung to him
through life to learn something of whatever he came in contact with;
and many of the accomplishments of which he thus gained a smattering
proved themselves invaluable to him in after years. Like his future
son-in-law, David LivingstOxiej he studied Latin and mathematics in the
evenings.

At the age of sixteen he removed to England, having received what
was for him an important situation in the garden of a country gentle-
man belonging to the county of Cheshire. Here he came in contact with
the Methodists and through their influence was drawn into a warmer
Christian life. After some time an incident occurred which in the most
unexpected way determined his future life. While entering a small
neighboring towp on a business errand and crossing a bridge, he ob-
served a placard which he stopped to read It was a missionary plac-
ard announcing an approaching missionary meeting, and it was the
first placard of that kind he had ever seen. He stood long "eading it,
staring vacantly at it, while there passed before his mind in vivid
remembrance, as if fresh from her lips, story after s*ory of the Moravian
missionaries which his mother had read to him v irs before. He savs
that an indescribable tumult took hold of him. Having made his pur-
chase he returned to the placard, read it again and went home "another
man, or rather with another heart." Robert Moffat determined to be a
missionary. He immediately consulted the Rev. W. Roby of Manchester
and by him was encouraged to make application to the London Mis-
sionary Society. His parents felt at first as if it were a severe blow,
but at last consented and bade him God-speed with affectionate resig-
nation.

Having been designated to the South African field Moffat proceeded
thither in the year 1817. W^hen he landed, he found that there was con-
siderable unrest throughout the Colony owing to the movements of
Kaffir tribes beyond the borders. At last he received the consent of
the Governor and proceeded with two companions to the northwest,

CHRISTIAN MISSrONAklES.

''*(

309

into the country known as Namaqualand. He remained iiere only
twelve months; but they were important twelve months, for he met -
here with a man called Afrikaner who had formerly been a robber
chief and had been pursued for some time by the Cape Government.
The Government had set a price? upon his head. But recently he had
become a Christian to the amazenieut of all, both black and white, and
of those at the Cape, who inmgined that the blacks were unreachable
by the lofty ideals of the Christian religion. Moffat's influence over this
man became very powerful, and he succeeded even in persuading him
to visit Cape Town itself. There the greatly feared robber and captain
of robbers was looked upon with mingled wonder and awe, but he was
kindly received even by the Governor. The £100 ($500) which had been
once offered for his head as an outlaw was ultimately spent in giving
him a fresh start in life.

Throughout the year of service in Namaqualand Moffat was a lonely
bachelor, and he gives humorous accounts of the miscellaneous practices
in which he was engaged in addition to housekeeping. Besides all his
earnest religious labors, he says, "Daily I do a little in the garden, daily
I am doing something for tlu? people in mending guns. I am carpenter,
smith, cooper, tailor, shoe-maker, miller, baker and housekeeper — the
last is the most burdensome of any. Indeed none is burdensome but
that." His experience as a gardener came even here to be of value, and
he began to reap harvests which none other had dreamed of obtaining
in those regions.

On the death of Afrikaner his tribe was dispersed and Moffat had no
natives to work with. He accordingly removed to labor among the
Bechuanas. Ills intended, Miss Mary Smith of Manchester, came out
from England and thoy wor(> married at Cape Town in the year 1819.
In 1820 they set out upon tlieir long ox-wagon journey to form a mission
station at Lattakoo. The journey was not without adventures and dis-
appointments, but at last they found themselves in their new scene of
labors. Eventually they removed to the magnificent fountain at Kuru-
man. There were but few people here, but it was a splendid center
from which the missionary could make itinerating tours for many miles
around, and the population of the village itself gradually increased.

A touching incident occurred in connection with the formation of the

310

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

church. For long it seemed as if no Bechuana would receive the Gospel.
They became amenable to education and a little industrial training, but
the Christian religicn did not seem to reach them. The brave young
wife was, however, full of faith, and one time, before there were any
converts, or any baptisms or any communicants, while all seemed dense
as night, she wrote to a friend in England saying, "Send us a com-
munion service; we shall want it some day," At last and long after-
ward the light broke, and many who had been heathen men and women
came forward offering themselves for baptism. The cautious mission-
aries only admitted six to begin with to the church of Christ, and with
those six resolved to hold their first communion service and form their
first church. On the very day preceding this memorable occasion a
box from England, which had been for many months on the road, ar-
rived. On being immediately opened it was found to contain to their
utter astonishment the vessels for the. communion which Mary Moffat
had asked her friend to send nearly three years before!

In the year 1829 another event occurred which profoundly affected
the future of South Africa and introduced many remarkable episodes
into Moffat's life. Away to the east and northeast terrible things were
occurring among the native inhabitants of what is now the Transvaal,
which at that time had scarcely been trodden by the foot of any white
man. Moselekatse, the young Zulu chief, was spreading massacre and
devastation through great regions with his highly trained and blood-
thirsty regiments of young warriors. The story was a most remarkable
one which reached the missionaries from time to time. Only one
method was pursued by these ruthless fiends when they attacked any
village. The young women and children were taken captive, every full
grown man and woman was put to death. Thus a large strip of country
was rapidly depopulated and broken-hearted remnants of tribes fled
westwards from one village to another, seeking some place of safety
from their foes.

In the year mentioned above, news reached the chief Moselekatse of
some wonderful white people at Kuruman who were not roving traders,
but who settled down and became teachers of strange things to the
natives. They built strange houses nd possessed strange and magical
weapons for killing game. The young chief had his curiosity aroused

Hpaii

■m

->■'

'CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

311

and sent an embassy to the mission station consisting of two head men
and three attendants. The march of these men across the country-
spread terror everywhere. They brought an -invitation to the white
men to visit Moselekatse. Robert Moffat with a courage which cannot
be too highly praised resolved to go. It took him a month of steady
travelling before he reached the encampment and beheld the great chief.
For eight days he remained there, nor did he shrink to act as a mission-
ary before that fierce and powerful savage warrior. He told him of God
the Creator of all things, and Commander among the nations; he 3peniy
and fearlessly discussed the wickedness and horror of destroying the
inhabitants of a country as Moselekatse had done. He did all this and
remained himself unharmed, nay rather, admired and trusted the more;
for it is such men as he who have ever most surely won the confidence
of even suspicious savages, — men, that is, of high personal character, of
unselfish spirit, thoroughly honest, and therefore both fearless and un-
suspicious. The ignorant are quick to read such facts in a man's face
and bearing. The extraordinary power of General Gordon and David
Livingstone and many others who have overcome the fears and enmity
of savage tribes lay just there, in that manner of warm assurance, that
look of piercing insight and above all of personal rectitude.

At this time Moffat so impressed the savage Moselekatse with a
sense of his unselfishness and honor and kindness that when they parted
Moselekatse, laying his hand on Moffat's shoulder, said, "My heart is
white as milk ; I am still wondering at the love of a stranger who never
saw me. You have fed me, you have protected me, you have carried me
in your arms. I live to-day by you, a stranger." A few years later the
Boers had got the length of Moselekatse's territory, and of course war
began. They were intent on doing just what he had done, possessing
themselves of the best land they saw at any cost to its previous possess-
ors. Yet in 1835, although white men had now become objects of dislike
to this Zulu tribe, Moffat agreed to escort a scientific exploring expedi-
tion into Moselekatse's country. The journey was made in perfect
safety. Moffat promised to see that teachers were sent to Moselekatse,
and corresponded through Dr. Philip of Cape Town with the American
Board whose missionaries arrived in due time and settled down. The
Boer adventurers, however, broke in upon this arrangement. They

312

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

soon proved too much for even Moselekatse's people with their swift
horses and their musketry fire. Moselekatse decided to move north-
wards, the mission station was broken up, the American missionaries
were sent eastwards.

It was not until the year 1853 that Moffat again encountered his
strange friend, this powerful chief. The missionary had been in poor
health and resolved to make the long journey to Matabeleland with the
hope of at once restoring his strength and reopening communications
with Moselekatse. He found him sadly prostrated with disease. Mof-
fat undertook the somewhat delicate and precarious task of medical
adviser, and was, fortunately for him, able greatly to improve the chiefs
condition. Moffat's friend Livingstone was at this time still further
north, and he wished to follow him up with the supplies which he knew
the solitary traveller would require, but Moselekatse was not at all
anxious that his friend should leave his country, lest he become enam-
ored with another beyond him. A party of men, however, were sent
out with the supplies which did in a most remarkable manner reach the
hands of Livingstone.

In 1857 Robert Moffat made his fourth visit to this chief, his second
journey into Matabeleland. This time he had a definite plan in his mind
for opening up a number of stations in the interior on a much more
extensive scale than he had attempted hitherto. He wished not only to
reach Moselekatse but to plant mission stations among the tribes all
around him, with the hope that in this way an influence would be exerted
which in time would end the terrible raid policy of the Matabele regi-
ments. It was a daring and great project and Moffat felt that he must
himself prepare the way. Provisional consent was given and the cour-
ageous missionary returned, passing southwards even to the Cape.
Hardly had he got back from the Cape to Kuruman and begun work
again when the weary journey of one thousand miles had to be under-
taken afresh. This time he met with one of the most trying experiences
of his life, for the king kept him waiting for weeks and months before
giving his consent to the establishment of the mission. At last the sky
cleared suddenly, the old king, fickle, suspicious, and incalculable, sum-
nvoned the missionaries, appointed them ground upon which to build
their station, and outwardly was most cordial. When the veteran mis-

', ^

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

313

sionary had seen his younger brethren fairly otitablUhed, he and the
veteran master of bloodshed bade each other their ltt«t farewell.

It is evident that between these two men, hu utterly unlike each
other, a powerful attachment had sprung up. What was strong and
commanding in each, won the admiration of the other. The Christian
man felt that in the cruel heart of this savage there were remnants of a
better nature which he might influence yet to a better destiny, while
this dark-hearted savage, as he looked at the lift? of the strange white
man and heard his teaching, obtained gllmps<»H of a purer and a better
world than he had ever seen even in his best dreaintt.

It is worth while to think of the five long journeys, so lonely and
anxious and long, which Moffat made to visit Moselekatse between the
years 1829 and 1859. They throw into relief the Intrepid, active, mas-
terful spirit of the man and his self-sacriflees. Each journey was like
banishment for many months from his home, eueh was attended by dan-
gers innumerable and each yielded but a small measure, compared, as
the outside judgment would imagine, with th(» expenditure of time and
labor, of physical and moral energy which they demanded. But Mof-
fat did more than any other man by these journeys to open up the
interior of South Africa to commerce as well as to missions. He made
the long roads safer for all who followed, he aeeustomed the most dis-
tant tribes to dealing with white men. It may be hoped that he even
did more, and that Moselekatse did receive some modification of his
cruel ambitions from the influence and teaching of his white friend.

During his life at Kuruman, Robert Moffat was a tireless evangelist.
He preached constantly to the people of his own station, and went out
frequently upon tours lasting from a few days to a number of weeks
finding entrance for the Gospel in neighboring towns and villages. But
that which to most minds must stand out as the crowning achievement
of his remarkable life remains to be mentioned. Other men in South
Africa have faced lions and savages, other men hav(? been the means of
converting many heathen to Christianity, of eHtttbllMhlng even stronger
native churches, of doing far more for native* education which was his
weak point. But only one man, single-handiMl, translated the Bible
from Genesis to Revelation into the language of the Bechuanas. Amid
his journeyings many, his building of houseM, his planting of gardens,

I. I !■ ' 'In

iPMBMPPI

wmm^

314

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

the tineut in South Africa, amid his preaching and conversing, Moffat
achieved this huge work.

Let no one imagine that it is easy to picture what he endured in the
pursuit even of this one aim. About the year 1825 Moffat began the
history of Bechuana literature by drawing up a spelling book which he
sent to Cape Town to be printed. Before the year 1830 he had trans-
lated several parts pf the New Testament, and went himself to Cape
Town to have them printed. He actually found it necessary to go into
the Government Printing Office, and learn to do it himself. This was a
fortunate misfortune, as it happened, for soon afterwards he was able
to buy a printing press which with much diflficulty was transported to
Kuruman, and which proved an incalculable gain to the work of the
mission. In 1836 Scripture Lessons were finished and formed a volume
of 443 pages. The Shorter Catechism was also in print and in use.

At last in 1838 the entire New Testament was translated and it was
decided that, for the printing and publishing of this, a journey to Eng-
land was necessary. This was their first visit to the home land, and
they spent five years there, five of the busiest years of Moffat's life.
Kailways had not yet come into existence, but he travelled in coaches
and carriages all over the land, speaking to great audiences concerning
his mission work. Throughout his journeyings and amidst his public
labors, he was busy with the printing of his New Testament. In addi-
tion, he translated the Psalms and other selections from the Old Testa-
ment and also wrote his large and well-known book entitled "Missionary
Travels," and none knows what else. To go back to Kuruman from this
kind of life must have been a relief. And then it took him another
twelve years ere he finished the Old Testament.

To many minds this stands out as the most splendid performance of

Moffat's life. It must be remembered that he had the task of reducing

the language to writing, of mastering its grammar and of overcoming

tVe enormous difficulties of finding the idioms of that language to suit

1 9 Idioms of Scripture. It must also be remembered that for this great

\ he had in his youth received no adequate training or linguistic
equipment, yet with the most dogged perseverance he set himself to
compare one version with another in various languages, laboriously and
slowly, when at critical points he found himself in doubt as to the find-

■«p

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

315

ing of Bechuana equivalents. No wonder that, after the task was com-
pleted, he complained that he felt as if he had "shattered his brain."

Throughout his life Moffat was upheld and inspired by the singu-
larly noble character, and marvellous energy of his wife, Mary Smith
Moffat. Her letters are among the most brilliant that have been writ-
ten from any mission field. Her self-denial was beyond measure.
When her husband went on his long journeys with her God-speed, she
was the head of the mission. It was with perhaps a noble pride that
»he said in London when their long life work was done and the period
of rest had come, "Robert can never say that I hindered him in his
work," and this her husband corroborated from a full heart.

In 1870 Moffat, amid a scene of singular pathos, surrounded by a
great crowd of natives who had come even from distant towns and vil-
lages, and who stood mourning and weeping around his wagons, with a
fatherly benediction commending them to the Divine Grace, left Kuru-
man for the last time. It was a little more than 54 years since he
landed in South Africa. The rest period of Mary Moffat, his wife, was
not long, for she died in January of the following year. But Robert
Moffat lived until the year 1883. He was the recipient of many honors,
among the most important of which were the presentation of £5,000
(about 125,000) from his admirers, and the bestowment of the Doctor's
degree by the University of Edinburgh.

Moffat's name will forever be connected with some of the most im-
portant features in South African development. It will remain as an
inspiration for all who admire complete consecration to the service of
man, in the faith of Jesus Christ.

SECTION III. DAVID LIVINGSTONE.

Among the greatest names of the 19th century must be placed that
of the greatest African explorer, David Livingstone. The man who
began life as the son of humble and even poor parents in a little
Scottish village, whose body was laid in Westminster Abbey amid the
admiration and grief of the whole civilized world, is one whose life
story in itself is of great importance to all men. To us in these pages
it is important because more than half of his missionary and exploring
life was given to South Africa, and in various ways the life of David

.n^Ki-. >

? >

31G

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

Livingstone produced marked effects upon the history of that country.
He was born in the year 1813, at the village of Blantyre, near
Glasgow, Scotland. His parents, Neil Livingstone and Agnes Hunter,
were, while poor, yet intelligent and pious. After a scanty elementary
education David Livingstone was sent as an apprentice to a weaving
establishment at ten years of age. His first wages he put into his
mother's lap, and immediately afterwards used some of his wages to
buy a Latin grammar. The little lad of ten years introduced himself to
that language, working after his long day of toil in the mill by lamplight
even until 11 and 12 o'clock at night over his Latin grammar and dic-
. lionary. He became an omnivorous reader, devouring, we are told, every
kind of book that came in his way except novels. In this he differed
from some people nowadays who never read any kind of book except
novels. He early manifested a great interest in natural science, col-
lecting plants and specimens of fossils and in every way extending his
knowledge of nature. In the year 1836 he entered the Glasgow Uni-
versity as a student, returning when the winter session was over to
work at the mill for his living. He paid all his own expenses, only once
having found it necessary to borrow a little money from an elder
brother. At the end of two years, during which he studied principally
in the department of medicine he carried out a long-formed resolve to
become a missionary, by applying to the London Missionary Society.
His idea was, at this time that he might be sent to China and undoubt-
edly his mind was directed towards tlie interests of that great empire.
After two years more of study in London, which were divided between
the classics, theology and medicine, he was, in November, 1840, ordained
as a missionary and sailed for South Africa. It was a long voyage, as
the ship first crossed the Atlantic to Brazil before proceeding to the
Cape, but Livingstone used this time as few passengers have been able
to use similar opportunities in hard study at theology and in acquiring
the art of taking observations with the quadrant. The captain became
interested in him and spent night after night instructing him in what
became to him of vast importance when in after years exploring new
lands and fixing the geographical situation of new places by means of
sun and stars. His first long journey by ox wagon was made from Port
Elizabeth to Kuruman, a mission station in South Bechuanaland about

Mil

m W9 '

K '

' % W^

liM'

1 1 1 i

J' ^ §^i^

m%\^

\i---

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.'

319

200 miles from the present town of Kimberley, where the famous Robert
Moffat had his station. He felt the restrictions placed upon him by
the African mode of travel keenly, enjoyed of course the freedom for
walking, riding, shooting, and observing the phenomena of nature, but
he missed the opportunity for consecutive reading and study. In the
year 1842 he set out on a tour in Bechuanaland, partly for the purpose
of fixing upon new mission stations and partly for the purpose of
throwing himself thoroughly among the natives so as to acquire an
intimate knowledge of their language and manners.

Livingstone's first station was at Mabotsa, situated more than 100
miles northeast of Kuruman. Here he set to work, as almost every
South African missionary has had to do, to build his own dwelling
house, to make his own garden, and to carry on these operations with
the most inefficient help conceivable.

It was while living in the lovely valley of Mabotsa that Livingstone
had that encounter with the lion which is associated with his name
wherever that name is known. The district was infested with lions,
which had become terribly bold through their comparative in. nunity
from attack. The natives, being without guns and being of a timid dis-
position, had been unable to slaughter even one of their fierce assailants.
Livingstone agreed to help them, knowing that if even one only of the
lions was killed the others would probably move away from the district.
He accordingly summoned the people to join him in hunting them, and
a large body of men moved out towards a small wooded hill which they
were known to infest. They formed a large ring around this hill and
began to close in upon it. One or two lions were seen, but the attempt
to shoot them failed until at last they came upon one standing on a rock
looking upon his human assailants in terrible wrath. Livingstone, who
was only about thirty yards distant, promptly fired at it with both
barrels in quick succession. The natives shouted, "He is shot, he is
shot," but ere Livingstone could reload his gun the great beast was
upon him. He himself has told the story in the following words:

"Starting, and looking half round," says Livingstone, "I saw the
lion just in the act of springing upon me. I was upon a little height
He caught my shoulder as he sprang, and we both came down to the
ground below together. Growling terribly close to my ear, he shook me

f ■ I

,- "^

320

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

RH a terrier does a rat. The Hhoek produced a Htupor similar to that
which seems to be felt by a mouse after the first shake of a cat. It
caused a sort of dreaminess, in which there was no sense of pain, nor
feeling of terror, though quite consclouH of all that was happening.
It was like what patients, partially under the influence of chloroform,
describe, who see all the operation but feel not the knife. This singular
condition was not the result of any mental process. The shake annihi-
lated fear, and allowed no sense of horror In looking round at the beast.
This peculiar state is probably produced in all animals killed by the
carnivora; and, if so, is a merciful provision made by our benevolent
Creator for lessening the pain of death. Turning around to relieve
myself of the weight, as he had one paw on the back of my head, I saw
his eyes directed towards Mebalwe, who was trying to shoot him at a
distance of ten or fifteen yards. His gun, a flint one, missed fire in both
barrels; the lion immediately left me, and, attacking Mebalwe, bit his
thigh. Another man, whose hip I had cured before, after he had been
tossed by a buffalo, attempted to spear thv Hon while he was biting
Mebalwe; he left lebalwe and caught this man by the shoulder, but at
that moment the bullets he had received began to take effect, and he
fell down dead. . . . Besides crunching the bone into splinters, he
left eleven teeth wounds in my arm."

The memory of this story should always include the name of the
brave native teacher who came to the rescue of Livingstone, and with-
out whose courageous act the lion might very probably have had time to
inflict a vital wound upon its victim. Livingstone, through the re-
mainder of his life, suffered from tliis wounil. He was unable per-
fectly to set the bones of his own arm and Lad no surgeon to help him,
the result being that ever after he could use the arm only in certain
positions and with pain. It is said also that exactly one year from
the infliction of the wound it broke out again, causing him great suf-
fering and trouble. Livingstone's magnificent journeys of exploration
which took him through the most toilsome experiences possible, were all
carried out under the limitations put upon his bodily strength and
agility by this misfortune in his early missionary career.

In the year 1844 he became engaged to Mary Moffat, the eldest
daughter of the famous Robert Moffa** of Kururann. After their mar-

-1 ;

> I

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

321

riage they found it necessary to remove to another station, from v> liioh
again they moved to Kolobeng, the town of the well known Bochiiana
chief named Sechele. At each of these stations the labor of building
had to be undertaken, and the hard work of beginning missionary work
in a new field had to be faced. Sechele himself became an ardent friend
of the missionaries, learned to read, and spent much time in reading the
Christian Scriptures. It was long before he was able to make an open
profession of Christianity, and to the last there were many unfriendly
critics of his somewhat complex character who doubted his sincerity
and pointed to unmistakable defects in him as proof positive that his
profession was born of prudential motives.

It was while here that Livingstone came for the first time, but with
the worst result to himself, into contact with the Boers. The Boers, as
"we have seen elsewhere in these pages, had at this time crossed the Vaal
River, formed themselves into various companies or commandos, with a
very loose connection with one another, and considered that the entire
region in which they found themselves was their land to occupy and
deal with as they chose. Each native tribe they considered, to start with,
as an enemy that must be crushed. Especially did they found their claim
to the land upon the victory over the Moselekatse and his Zulu warriors
whom they had driven oil. The Boers intensely disliked the efforts of
the missionaries sent from London by the London Missionary Society
to push east and north into the heart of the continent, for wherever
these men went they proved themselves the courageous and unfailing
friends of the natives, and the stern opponents and exposers of all
ruthless and unjust deeds done upon them by white men of any class
or of any race. Frequently the Boers interfered with their plans and
prevented the undertaking of journeys which would have been greatly
for the benefit of the mission work. On one occasion they turned back
another son-in-law of Dr. Moffat, who was moving northwards to open
a new station beyond Dr. Livingstone. They succeeded in persuading
him to return only by using personal violence against him. Next
to the white missionary the Boers intensely disliked every effort to
settle a native missionary in any of these native towns. Moreover it
must be observed in the bare name of truth and reality that the Boer
commandos held no national or international standing whatsoever at

I !

h''

322

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

this time. They had no fixed authorities, they moved about and spread
themselves over the country, invading the lands occupied by organized
and not savage native tribes, whom they destroyed or deprived of the
best of their lands and then treated practically as their vassals. Their
interference accordingly with the efforts of missionaries to begin work
either personally or through native agents in these Bechuana towns
is absolutely without excuse or defense. Their proceedings very serious-
ly interfered with the development of plans which were being initiated
and pushed by Dr. Livingstone regarding the appointment of native
teachers, which would have very surely altered for the better the entire
history of that vast region during the last fifty years. During this
early period of his life Livingstone made many journeys. On these
journeys he made it a practice to carry on observations of the most
valuable kind regarding plants, animals, as well as human tribes and
customs of the land. Much of what is now known concerning the fauna
and flora as v/ell as the geology of South Cci;iitral Africa began to be
known through the reports which this wide-minded and intrepid mis-
sionary made from time to time to men of science in England and Scot-
land.

In the year 1847 the Boers, enraged at Sechele's independent spirit,
attacked Kolobeng while Dr. Livingstone was absent in the south.
Livingstone has himself given a full account of the wreck of his own
station, the destruction of his medicines, his books, his valuable diaries,
and the carrying off of his precious furniture by these white marauders.
All attempts to disprove this act of the Boers must be confronted with
the plain fact that Livingstone himself shortly afterwards on his return
to the station considered the evidence absolutely conclusive that not
the natives, as some would suggest, but the Boers themselves had
wrought this cruel vengeance upon the missionary o^" the Gospel and
the friend of the natives. In the year 1849 Livingstone set out upon his
second journey northwards. On the former occasion he had traveled
as far as a point about ten days journey distant from Lake Ngami; on
this occasion he determined to press onwards until he should reach
the land of the lakes and rivers of which accounts frequent and en-
thusiastic had reached him from the lips of natives. They told him
of a region that was entire!; unlike the vast deserts familiar to him

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

323

and his fellow misHionaries In Beehuanaland, "A country full of rivers,"
they said, "so many no one can tell their number, and full of large
trees." It was in the month of August, 1849, that at last Livingstone
made his first great geographical discovery, and stood on the shores
of Lake Ngami. He has recorded with enthusiasm the feeling of joy
and triumph that swept through bis heart when he beheld ihat noble
sheet of water. He traveled back along the banks of the Zouga River,
which flows out of Lake Ngami, but which, alas, ere long loses itself
in the desert sands; for a considerable distance it is as he /»lls
us a glorious river, its banks lined with gigantic trees and the egion
inhabited by a "fine, frank race of men."

Dr. Livingstone on this occasion had failed to reach what be most
desired, a healthy region where European missionaries might settle
without danger of incurring the deadly fever. Accordingly, in the year
1850, he set out again in the same direction and penetrated farther than
before. In 1851 he made the long and weary journey once more, 'i'his
time he took with him his family, and terrible were the sufferings of
himself and his wife and children as they crossed the wide, waterless
deserts. On one occasion they were for four or five days without water,
and the agonized parents *'»lt as if they must watch their children perish
with thirst when a native appeared with a small supply, and guided
them to the fountain from which it came.

No doubt in one way this brave missionary was aided in his
dealings with the natives by the presence of Mrs. Livingstone
and the children, for the natives were suspicious of any lone white
man traveling with guns and servants, and unable to give to them an
account of himself which they would feel to be intelligible; but when
he brought his household with him the proof was at hand that he desired
above all to settle among them, not as a marauder or a conquering war-
rior, but simply as a teacher seeking to do them a good which they
could not appreciate perhaps, but Avhose reality seemed great to him.
Everywhere missionaries have borne witness to the influence exerted
upon the minds of the heathen by the presence of their wives and chil-
dren. Nevertheless at the conclusion of this journey Dr. Livingstone had
decided that it would not be expedient to take his precious ones with
him on the next great exploration, which already was in his mind.

324

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

Accordingly he decided that they must go to England and remain there
until he should go foi them. He went to Cape Town to arrange for
their voyage home, and bid them farewell, and also to have a slight
operation performed upon his throat which was necessary to his health
and comfort. The pain with which he parted with his children finds
expression over and over again in letters written at this time. In one
passage he avows that the only explanation and defence he can of^er
18 that he feels confident of a call of Providence summoning him to
legions beyond. He had two overwhelming motives for this extraor-
dinary and tremendous burden which he was undertaking. First, he was
determined to find that healthy region which must lie beyond and above
the level of the lakes and rivers he had seen, where missionaries could
be settled and Christian work begun. Secondly, he had come to see
that the slave trade was invading southern Africa. Tribes hitherto
innocent of that degrading practice had recently been drawn into it by
the discovery chat they could exchange children for guns. Guns had
come to be considered the most precious of possessions, inasmuch as
only those who owned and used them could hope to hold their own
against other tribes already so armed. Livingstone was determined to
see if no other route ould be opened up either to the east or to the
west coast of the continent, which should make it possible to develop
trade connections of a healthier order between the European world
and these benighted tribes of Central Africa. They were too far from
the Cape arc! the journey too expensive to allow of regular trade in
that direction. Dr. Livingstone imagined there might be water com-
munications between the coast and these central regions, which as yet
had not been discovered or made use of. These were the hopes and
these the motives which filled the mind of that true hero of our century,
when, having bidden farewell to his nearest, he set out alone on a toil-
some journey which lasted no less than five years.

To begin with he covered the route already so well known
to him, passed Lake Ngami up to the Zambesi, at a point
which he had discovered, till he reached the lovely country
of the Barotsi, which by the bye has long been said to be
an object of eager desire on the part of the Boers of the Transvaal.
Dr. Livingstone there labored, us he always did evervwheie, amongst

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

325

the native tribes as a simple missionary of the Gospel. He preached and
succeeded in deeply interesting large numbers of the people. At last
with twenty-seven followers to whom he gave a pledge before they would
consent to accompany him that he would bring them back, he set out for
St. Paul de Loanda, a Portuguese seaport, in the province of Angola,
on the west coast. The entire journey was made on foot or on ox-back.
He was attacked over and over again with fever, and was reduced to
great weakness; nevertheless he persevered in taking his astronomical
observations and accurately fixing the route from day to day. He did
not reach the coast until May 31, 1854, and there remained some months
in the home of t)ie English consul, months of intense satisfaction to
him and comfort of mind. His companion and host was a man evi-
dently well fitted to awake his interest and confidence, and he ever
afterwards remembered his kindness during these months. From here
Livingstone wrote long letters of a personal nature and learned com-
munications to men of science at the Cape and in London. These, un-
fortunately, were lost by the sinking of the vessel which conveyed them,
and Livingstone had to stop after having set out on his eastward journey
to copy out once more these precious documents through weeks of
patient labor. It is well at this point to note that men of science were
amazed and filled with admiration at the extraordinary accuracy and
value of Livingstone's geographical observations. One of them, Mr. Mac-
lear, the Astronomer Royal at the Cape, repeatedly gave expression to
this admiration and on one occasion, after detailing the laboriousness
of this branch of his work and the enormous amount of it, he exclaimed:
"How completely all this stamps the impress of Livingstone on the
interior of South Africa. I say, what that man has done is unprece-
dented. You could go to any point across the entire continent, along
Livingstone's track, and feel sure of your position."

Dr. Livingstone might have been moved to sail from Loanda for
England but for that immovable fidelity of soul which compelled him
to return with his native companions to their own country as he had
promised to do. He started from Loanda Sept. 20, 1854, retravereed
most of his former route until he came to Linyanti. Thence he set out
for the east coast. Shortly after starting he came upon the now famous
Victoria Falls, the marvelous rivals of the American Niagara, which he

326

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

first of intelligent Europeans saw and named. At this point the great
Zambesi River, hundreds of yards in width, comes upon a fissure in the
earth which is only 80 feet wide and 310 feet deep. The whole river
falls into this rent, sending up columns of steam into the air. At the
bottom it runs along this strange crack in the crust of the earth which
zig-zags for thirty miles, after that the river flows out into a calm and
visible and noble stream again. Between this point and the coast
Livingstone met with terrific difficulties with the tribes, nearly all of
whom received him with a suspicion and hostility surpassing any of his
former experiences. On several occasions it seemed as if he must perish
at their hands. But he had v5nite tact and strong Christian patience.
He never threatened vengea>^ ' e never lifted a gun, but trusting
to the persuasiveness of a frank l anner and a kind eye and a firm will
he won his way through tribe after tribe in safety. It should be here
said of Livingstone, what alas cannot be said of many of the great
African explorers, that wherever he went it was easier for a white man
to follow. Other men who bullied and fought and shot made it infinitely
hard for any others to pass in safety through those regions where they
left a trail of cruelty and bloodshed. It was not until May 20, 1856,
that Livingstone completed his magnificent task by reaching the sea-
port of Quilimane. He himself records that Arabs had made this
journey from west to east before him, but he was the first European who
had made it and the first man to make it with an intelligent purpose,
and so describe it as to enable others to follow in his footsteps. The
magnificence of the heroism aroused enthusiasm throughout the civil-
ized world and his name became immediately famous as that of the
humble missionary who had walked literally to the front of all living
travelers and explorers.

It must not be forgotten that wherever Livingstone went
at this time or hereafter he went as the Christian preacher who used
every opportunity to make known his message, and who had, above
all, undertaken the great work of exploration with the single pur-
pose of opening up the dark continent to the light of religious
truth. It was therefore in strong conformity with his abiding purpose
that he said, "Viewed in relation to my enterprise the end of the
geographioal feat is only the beginning of the enterprise." When Liv-

f \

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIEH.

327

ingstone reached London he found himself the Hon of the day. He whh
honored, yea, loaded with honors and compelled to Mpeak on all kinds
of platforms until he felt as tired of his life in England as of any African
journey he had made. It was stated in public by one who knew, that
at this time he had performed journeys amounting to no less than
11,000 miles. When one remembers that most of that was done on foot
it is interesting to read his own words on that matter. "Pedestrian-
ism," he says, "may be all very well for those whose obesity requires
much exercise; but for one who is becoming aH thin as a lath through
the constant perspiration caused by marching day after day in a hot
sun, the only good I saw in it was that it gave an honest sort of a man
a vivid idea of the tread-mill."

After spending about two years In h!« home land Living-
stone set out, this time as a British Consul and the official
head of an exploring party, for the Zambesi in the spring of
1858. On this journey he once more reached Llnyantl, where he was
distressed to find that missionaries of the London Missionary Society
who had expected to meet him there had arrived during the previous
season and many of the party had perished with fever. Thereafter
Livingstone's journeys and explorations belong to the history not of
South but of Central and Northern Africa. Ills name, however, is
stamped upon the history of South Africa as the man who so repeat-
edly made those journeys northwards from Kolobeng, that he thor-
oughly opened the entire region up to and beyond Lake Ngami. He
first, by his journey from west to east, drew the line along the great
river systems which, since found, has been treated as marking the
northern limits of South or as it has been called Austral Africa. Sufiice
it to say that he did more than any man to arouse an Intelligent interest
in those vast regions, to draw not only the attention of missionary so-
cieties but of great commercial companies to the poHnlbllltles for religion,
civilization and commerce among the peoples and in the glorious regions
of Central Africa. When he died on that last journey of his, and his
faithful native servants embalmed his body and carried It hundreds of
miles at the danger of their own lives eastward to Zanzibar, and thence
brought It to England, the whole civilized world was moved to Its
depths at the contemplation of his glorious life. And when It was re-

■'"«..,

328

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

solved to lay this son of a humble Scotcli workman, himself trained as
u weaver, and ordained as a missionary to South African natives under
the roof of Westminster Abbey consecrated as the receptacle of the dust
only cf the greatest of Britain's sons, men universally felt that this sou
deserved that honor even above many who have received it.

SECTION IV. JOHN MACKENZIE.

A few years ago no name was more constantly in the mouths of
South African rulers and statesmen than that of the Scottish mission-
ary, John Mackenzie. He was born in the north of Scotland in the year
1835, finished his schooling when he was about 13, and then became
apprenticed to a printer with whom he served nearly seven years. He
obtained release from his contract in order to proceed to London to
prepare for his career as a missionary of the Gospel. In the year 1858
he was ordained in the city of Edinburgh, and married, and sailed in
June on the S. S. "Athens" for the Cape of Good Hope. He was one of
a band of young missionaries who were being sent out to open a new
mission station among the Makololo, far north on the banks of the Zam*
besi. These people were driven to an unhealthy region by the Matebele
tribe of Zulus. In their new habitat they had been visited by Dr. Liv-
ingstone, who somehow got the impression that they would be willing
to move to a higher and healthier region on the north bank of the Zam*
besi River and there receive missionaries.

Livingstone had originally intended and attempted to extf.nd his
missionary operations eastwards from Kolobeng across the north part of
the Transvaal, but in this he had been checked by the hostility of the
Boers. The policy of the London Missionary Society who had sent him
out was therefore changed by the Boers at that early date, and they
were forced to seek an extension of their work by penetrating into the
heart of the continent. The young missionaries proceeded first, by ox
wagon of course, to Kuruman, where they gathered around the vener-
able Robert Moffat for the study of native languages and customs, and
in order to prepare for their bold and yet magnificent venture into the
regions beyond. It was deemed advisable that, at first, Mr. Helmore
and Mr. Roger Price, with their wives and families, should proceed in
the year 1859, and that they should be followed in the ensuing year by

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

321)

John Mackenzie with fresh supplies. The road as far as Shoshoug, at
tliat time the capital of Khama's country, was to some extent familiar
and without danger, but after that the diflaculties began. Passing to
the north ast of what is now the town of Buluwayo they had to tra-
verse a ctically desert region in the dry season. Both years the mis-
sionary travellers suffered intensely. John Mackenzie somehow man-
aged to escape the extreme privations which his predecessors encoun-
tered, but the sufferings even of his party were at several points most
critical. They were dependent upon the guidance of Bushmen, whose
language they did not understand and of whose faithfulness they were
not always sure.

After a tedious and exhausting experience John Mackenzie found
himself in the region of Lake Ngami on the Zouga River, where, to his
consternation, he began to hear rumors of a disaster having overtaken
his fellow missionaries ahead of him. At first the rumors were rejected
as due to the desire on the part of a certain tribe to deflect the course
of his journey to the capital of that tribe, who desired also to have the
honor of receiving white missionaries. The stories became more and
more definite until on the banks of the Zambesi one dreadful day he
found himself face to face with his friend Roger Price, the latter sick
in body and evidently sorely stricken at heart. Gradually the dreadful
story was unfolded which John Mackenzie in after years related in
his first book entitled "Ten Years North of the Orange River." Dr. Liv-
ingstone had not met the party and they had waited on in a malarial
region through the rainy season, contrary to all prudence. They
sickened one after another, children died, native servants died, the
Helmores died, Mrs. Price died, and the sick who remained had to rise,
shaking with fever, from their beds of despair to bury the sick who had
died.

The news of this disaster produced a great sensation in England
and the project of settling with the tribe in question was of course
abandoned.

After a considerable period of uncertainty, the minds of the directors
in London being undecided, John Mackenzie settled at the important
center of Shoshong. At that time the chief of the tribe was Sekhomi,
a dark minded, able, crafty, and inveterately heathen man. His two

Ill i!

\l S!

V (i

330

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

sons, Khama and Kliamane, were brought into the Christian life mainly
through the efforts of a Hanoverian missionary who had been stationed
there for several years. But the training of these two young men now
fell into the hands of John Mackenzie. Theirs was no easy lot. Khama
as the eldest son was expected to take part in various heathen practices,
which, however, he firmly but finally refused to do. Then the father
insisted that in order to uphold his dignity he must marry more than
one wife. This led, on Khama's refusal, to war. Khama and his sym-
pathizers, who were numerous, fled to the mountain top, overlooking the
town, and there hid themselves among the rocks and caves. For some
weeks they remained there and efforts were made from time to time by
Sekhomi to dislodge them. Skirmishes took place, in which, however,
there was little loss of life. An attempt was made on one dark night to
poison the well at which Khama's people obtained water, but to the
terror and chagrin of Sekhomi the poor wizard and poisoner was himself
shot dead. This and other instances displaying the courage and inde-
pendence of the young chiefs at last broke down Sekhomi's determina-
tion and they returned.

During these weeks of strife John Mackenzie had a diflScult task.
He was of course known to be the teacher of Khama and instigator,
therefore, of his rebellious attitude, as it was called. As a matter of fact
it was largely his influence which not only kept Khama steady and
stroMg in his Christian determination, but respectful and deferential
in every matter and even in the discussion of this matter towards his
heathen father. When the strife broke out the missionary went down
to the court of the chief and interviewed him. The chief pretended to
be in a great rage at him and threatened him, but was met with un-
flinching and quiet courage. On the first Sunday the missionary went
down and announced it as his purpose to go up to the mountain and
hold services with the chiefs sons. This seemed a startling proposal
and once more evoked expressions of rage from the chief. Undaunted,
the missionary went. On another Sunday he saw the chief summon with
significant looks one of his worst emissaries of evil, into whose ear ho
whispered something and who immediately slunk away from the court.
This man or one sent by him was seen by .Tohn Mackenzie with u gun,
lurking among the rocks beside the path which he must take to reach

■ Tar www—

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

3;)]

the refuge of the outcast sous. He walked quietly past, without shriuk-
ing, and nothing happened. Thereafter he went and came unquestioned
and unhindered, preaching ever the good tidings, and advocating both
with father and sons the love of peace and the ways of righteousness.
It was beyond doubt that the influence of his powerful and yet calm
character and demeanor did much to arrest the progress of this civil
war.

The Bamangwato, which is the name of the tribe over whom Sek-
homi was chief, had long been threatened by an attack from Moselekatse,
the dreaded and ruthless chief of the Matebele tribe. He who had oblit-
erated tribe after tribe in his terrible march from Natal to the region of
the Zambesi felt himself able easily to descend upon the un warlike
Bamangwato and scatter them to the winds. The news came, borne by
swift and excited messengers from the northeast, that several regiments
of the Matebele were on their way to attack Shoshong. At once Sek-
homi proceeded to make arrangements for meeting the dreaded foe. His
plan of campaign depended upon the question whether the Matebele
would attempt to attack the town by descending through the narrow
kloof or gorge between the hills, through which the little river ran, or ap-
proach the town from the other side, attacking it on the open plain. He
consulted much with his sons and with the missionary. The latter
offered to go out and meet the Matebele, and attempt to dissuade them
from their proposal; but the natives were unanimous in asserting that
this would prove a most dangerous, very probably a fatal adventure.
Khama especially was urgent that no such risk should be run.

The chief was delighted while also surprised at the alert and eager
patriotism of his Christian sons. Khama was placed in command of a
regiment and had with him a few men on horseback. They proceeded
forth to try to encounter the enemy on the plains. The story of their
victory is told elsewhere in this book. In the meantime the missionary
and his family had been urged to leave the little house and flee, like all
the non-combatants of Shoshong, to the mountains. Here they lived
for about a week close to the caves of wild and fierce denizens, driven
forth by the inrush of human beings. It was a trying experience for a
mother with three little children to sleep on the open mountain side in
the cold nights in a hastily constructed little hut of sticks and straw^

332

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

and to sit unprotected through the glare of the noonday. When the
Matebele retired, batBed by the unexpected vigor of the Bamangwato
soldiers, the refugees came back from the mountains to their homes in
the valley.

At a later date John Mackenzie made a journey to the Matebele, and
spent several months there engaged in special work. He observed very
closely the political and social life and organization of the tribe. He
himself was an object of curiosity and suspicion inasmuch as it had been
rumored that he had actively assisted the people of Shoshong in their
battle. Some Matebele soldiers pointed to his horses and remarked
significantly that surely these were among the horses that came against
them.

John Mackenzie, like all South African missionaries, was compelled
to undertake very different kinds of work. He not only had his preach-
ing, and his teaching in the elements of reading and writing of those
who showed an inclination to learn; he not only had to administer sim-
ple medicines to those who brought their diseases to him, and occasion-
ally to act as surgeon or even as dentist; he had to be architect and
builder. It was his task also to build a mission house and a church.
In order to. do this he had to employ native workmen, and this could be
only done with the permission of the chief. These workmen had to be
trained in brick making, in sawing timber for which a saw-pit was con-
structed, and then also in preparing the lime and mortar, and laying
the bricks and floors. For the roof of the house corrugated iron was
brought a thousand miles from the Cape to the wonder and astonish-
ment of the natives. Various were the adventures, innumerable the
annoyances and trials, deep sometimes the disappointments connected
with tasks like tliese. But the men who had given themselves for life
to the self-sacrifice of the Christian missionary, could only carry out the
purpose of their consecration by triumphing over the difficulties and
conquering the temptations of the way.

In the year 1869 John Mackenzie returned home and during his fur-
lough wrote his first book above referred to. Shortly after his return to
South Africa he was appointed the first tutor of the Moffat Institution
for the training of native pastors in South Africa, for which public
subscriptions had been raised in England in honor of Robert Moffat. The

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES,

iVS'A

latter had retired to spend his remaining years in quiet at home. At
first this Institution was placed at Shoshong, where John Mackenzie liud
as his colleague the Rev. J. D. Hepburn. But it was felt throughout the
missionary circles of Bechuanaland that the true place for the Moffat
Institution was at the famous station of Kuruman, where Moffat himself
had passed the longest period of his life. Thither accordingly it was
moved in 1870. Once more John Mackenzie was involved in all the dis-
tractions and difficulties of building. Extensive buildings were reared,
affording room not only for the tutor and his family, as well as class-
rooms and offices, but also for dwelling houses of the students them-
selves. These were never very numerous inasmuch as the educational
side of the missionary work in Bechuanaland had been most sadly and
unfortunately neglected during the preceding forty or fifty years. It is
one of the strange blunders which have hindered seriously the devel-
opment of South Africa that no strenuous and well conceived plan of
education was brought into operation in Bechuanaland. There might
have been years ago schools and seminaries whose existence and influ-
ence could have put Bechuana tribes on a far higher level than they
occupy to-day.

Shortly after the settlement of John Mackenzie at Kuruman the
troubles with the natives began which we describe elsewhere. When
a strong body of natives came, fully armed, to the station of Kuruman,
and when wandering parties of natives had cut off connection with
Kimberley, vague and alarming rumors spread throughout South Africa
regarding the fate of the missionaries and traders at that station. The
traders had implored John Mackenzie at the very beginning of the
troubles to demand assistance from the British Government, but to this
the missionary sternly objected. He made, as in duty bound, a formal
report of the events, but he had expressed no desire for military aid on
the ground that as a missionary he had once for all undertaken the
responsibility for himself and his family of living beyond the confines of
civilization and British administration, and he had no right to make
any such appeal as was proposed. But he told the traders they were free
to act as they liked, and he agreed that all the Europeans at the station
should take refuge in the recently completed Institution buildings.
Those were strong enough to have held out against a considerable force

334

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

for a considerable time. One day, uiiiiriiu'd tiiiil alone, Jolin Mackeuzio
walked across to the camp of the diMalVj^ted iiailveH and interviewed
the chief. Oalraly and firmly he reb\iked him, told him of the wrong
h<» was doing to his own country, doMcrlbed U) liim the ill-effects that
would follow any attack upon the EuropeauH, and succeeded in produc-
ing a great change in the attitude of the threatening force.

When succor arrived from Kimberley and still more when Col. War-
ren began the work of thoroughly pacifying the? region by punishing the
murderers and robbers, the missiouary'n hands were full. He knew
all the natives for many miles and miles around, and he enjoyed their
perfect confidence and the deep affection of most of them. To him they
came with their pleas, and to him Col. Warren came with his inquiries
for information. When the military forces departed the missionary
was left as the acting administrator and repres/;ntative of the British
Qovernment, and this work he did without pay, after all his ordinary
labors of teaching and preaching were over, daily and weekly for many
months. He had been urged by Colonel (afterwards Sir Owen) Lanyon
to give up his missionary work and formally undertake the position of
administrator. This proposition was afterwards renewed at Kimberley,
where he met Sir Bartle Frere, the High (jommissioner for South Africa.
The latter had conceived a real admiration for the missionary who had
the qualities of a statesman, and made an offer which on its worldly
side was both flattering and attractive; but the missionary had long ago
as a young man decided to spend his life as a preacher of the Gospel
to the heathen, and to this early ambition he still clung at this crisis.
He laid the proposal aside and retired to the work of his life at Kupu-
man.

In the year 1S82 John Mackenzie returned once more to England,
after having spent a second period of eleven years in continuous work
on the field. As soon as he arrived in London he threw himself into
the task of rousing the sentiments of the whole of England in regard to
her responsibility in South Africa, On his journey from Kuruman to
Kimberley he had met parties of Boer» and English adventurers who
were invading Bechuanaland for the purpose of seizing native farms,
and that made his heart burn within him. When he fovnd that the
British Government had finally retired from the responsibilities of ad-

CHARGING THE BOERS' L4AGER

The Lancers at work; the Doer wagon drivers forcing the oxen to run; the Boers, unable to reach
their horses, tako refuge In the wagons.

THE MIDDLE MUGAN RIVER IN NATAL

\ '

mM :

j i

if- ''^■- '

rl,: ii' i

W'^ '

ii ?

■■,m i'

mM ff

Kf'Bs 't|!.

'*pt' "^i

u|i^

1, iflS '

wmm

o
ee

n
(t)

X
O

•9

H
ttl
M

«5

3 <■
^;

tod

go O

><D

CD «

«^ a a
o— o

as"
2S

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

337

ministration which It had exercised for three years, the fire waxed
fiercer. The love of his heart had gone out to these native tribes. The
b 3st years of his life had been spent in their instruction and civilization.
Ht had taught them the principles of farming and of commerce as well
as of morality and religion; he had urged them to raise crops and stock
and send them to the colonial markets; he had in fact labored for their
advancemeni in every direction. And the reward came. He began to
see natives growing In social intelligence and in material wealth by car-
rying out the precepts and directions given by himself and a few other
broad-minded missionaries.

But now he saw the land abandoned by Britain and seized by bandit
adventurers. He knew that it was absolutely of no use merely to speak
to a few officials in London and, by swaying their minds, attempt to
change the national policy. He had indeed gained the approval and
influence of the Governor of Cape Colony, Sir Hercules Robinson, for
his views; and through him he was able to reach the Colonial Secretary,
the Earl of Derby. But that was not enough. The Government would
take no more forward steps in South Africa, without a public sentiment
to compel and to support them. The earnest missionary-statesman saw
that he must reach and move the English people as a whole. To his
amazement he found that even among the active-minded people who
took a deep interest in Imperial affairs, no interest but only a great deal
rt prejudice and impatience, was felt regarding South Africa. This
discovery only aroused the full powers of the man. He proceeded to
write articles for the reviews, letters to the newspapers and memoranda
to the Colonial office. He also sought out those leaders who were
likely to exercise their influence for the good of South Africa, if once
they intelligently grasped the situation, and discussed the whole sub-
ject with them. Meetings wer^* arranged for him in Scotland as well
as in England. In London the South African Committee was formed
which comprised among its members noblemen, members of Parliament,
well known philanthropists and others. As a result of all these well-
directed operations, togetlier with the full information, the broad views
and the powerful arguments with which in private and in public he
urged his case, this unknown man, single-handed, profoundly altered

^miPNMMiqpi

■f

sns

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

the attitude of the public and the official British miud towards South
Africa during the eighteen months which he gave to this great task.

Elsewhere in these pages the story is told of the visit of the Trans-
vaal delegates to London in 1883-4. They reached London after John
Mackenzie had been at work for more than a year. When it became
known in South Africa that the delegates were going to London, Manko-
roane, one of the leading chiefs in South Bechuanaland, on learning that
he himself could not be received in London to represent his own interest,
requested that John Mackenzie might be admitted as his representative.
Lord Derby declined to allow the South African chief to appear either
personally or by representative, but added that the Government would
be glad to receive all statements made on his behalf by John Mackenzie.
During the whole period of the conference between the Transvaal dele-
gates and the British Government John Mackenzie was kept in con-
Htant, almost daily, intercourse with the Colonial office. This inter-
course took place chiefly through the medium of Sir Hercules Robinson,
and there is abundant proof that the information which he gave, the
arguments which he urged, the policy which he proposed, had very great
influence in determining the conclusions embodied in the London Con-
vention of 1884.

Most especially did he concentrate attention upon the one great pur-
pose of keeping South Bechuanaland out of the Transvaal. He saw that
if he failed in this, not only would the native tribes to whose salvation
he had given his life, be denuded of all their lands and all their rights,
and have their progress fatally arrested, but the great central route
into the interior would be closed to Great Britain. When the results of
the Convention were made known John Mackenzie was acknowledged
by journalists and others who knew the facts in London as the man
who had prevented this great blunder; but the clearest and most em-
phatic testimony to his influence in this matter is to be found in the
language employed regarding him by President Kruger when he re-
turned to his Volksraad and which we quote elsewhere.

The policy which John Mackenzie had very slowly elaborated in his
own mind and had long urged upon the Imperial authorities was the
result of his study, at first hand, of the social and political developments
caused everywhere in South Africa by the constant movement of the

/■

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

' 389

' ■■ -^ ' ■ . ^

white races northwards and of the black races southwards. This study

he began in 1858 during his first northward journey. He had also
studied closely the history of the relations of civilized governments to
native races in other parts of the world, chiefly in the United States of
North America and in the Empire of India. The result of his studies
was the conviction which remained clear and strong in his mind to the
end of his life, that the best development of South Africa would take
place when all the vast native territories of that region were taken
under the direct control of Imperial officers. He urged that the colonies
had mighty tasks of their own in which they were acquitting them-
sehes sometimes magnificently, generally with credit, but that colonial
officers were as a rule unfitted for the most difficult and momentous
labor of ruling directly great native populations. He knew that if '
British Residents were placed among native tribes which retained their
independence, and British administrators were placed over tribes where
the chiefs had lost control and native government had become im-
possible, the expense of such officers could all be paid easily by local
taxation, which would be no burden to the tribes themselves. He knew
that Imperial officers were almost invariably just and generous in their
treatment of the native tribes, wise and patient in seeking their educa-
tion and social elevation, wars would be prevented, oppressions would
have an end, European colo ,ts could obtain vast unoccupied terri-
tories and develop them, true pi(»8perity would spring u)>, und, at last,
self-governing communities would ar ! * under the direction of these
Imperial officers without stealing any tribi.l lands Oi inflicting injustice
upon any native people. The scheme as he detailed it nnd as he urged
it through the press and from the platform gained the adherence of some
of the most experienced Governors of South Afi iea and large numbers
of the best f rieud& f that land.

When the London Convention was drawn up it Wii . announced that
the Earl of Derby had, on a strong recommend; .on of Sir Hercules
Robinson, the Governor of Cape, appointed John Mackenzie as Deputy
Commissioner for Bechuanaland. In this office he was to represent
and be in correspondence with the High Commissioner. He was to
proceed to Bechuanaland, there proclaim the countiy as under the
protection of the Queen, and proceed to educe order out of chaos in

340

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

which the region had become involved. It was estimated that he
would require 200 mounted police to enable him firmly to deal with
individual offenders and clearly to manifest the determination and
strength of the Imperial purpose. In the discussion and settlement
of all these measures John Mackenzie was constantly dependent upon
the man who was to be his chief and with whose help he was to carry
through his task. The missionary was too devoted to his work to step
aside from it and to undertake unwonted responsibilities without very
great reluctance. This reluctance was overcome by the arguments and
promises which he received from the Colonial office, and especially
from the High Commissioner for South Africa. Judging from all that
he saw and heard in London, he concluded that this was a most
favorable opportunity for putting his long pondered scheme into actual
operation. It would enable him to work amongst the people whom
he loved and who loved him; he would go forth without hostility to
any race, to deal honorably and justly with Boer and English, black
and white, firmly but impartially. Great satisfaction was expressed
when his appointment was made known, and John Mackenzie sailed for
Cape Town, not without earnest brooding over the future but with
great confidence that his work was right in the sight of God and likely
to prove of benefit to men.

When he landed at Cape Town the Deputy Commissioner found that
his appointment was severely criticized by two classes of people. The
first consisted of the Transvaal Boers, and the second of their sympa-
thizers and pliant supporters among the politicians at Cape Town.
Nevertheless he had behind him, as he imagined, the force of a sup-
porting Government in London and a sympaihetic High Commissioner
at Cape Town.

When he reached the field of his operations he began first by dealing
with the so-called Republic of Stellaland. At Vryburg there had
gathered a considerable number of white people, a large majority beinjj:
lioers from the Transvaal, who had organized a Government, selected
their officers, adopted and raised their flag. When >fr. Mackenzie ap-
peared among them he had no alternative but to announce his mission.
His mission was to proclaim that the territory was n.)W by the London
Convention outside the Transvaal, and by the act of proclamation which

w^mmmm

mmm

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

')**

341

he now made was brought within the Queen's dominiontt. He explained
that there could not be two governments In one country, and there-
fore to the breathless astonishment of certain big Boer leaders he
announced that the Stellaland Government was no longer in existence.
He attempted to make things easier for the future by appointing certain
of the Stellalanders to office under hlmst'lf. IJe named a Mr. Van
Niekerk, one of the most adventurous and able leaders, as the local
commissioner. He promised that at a future date all claims which
any of them were ready to make regarding land, and all alleged debts
which they as a Government had incurred In a reasonable way would
be investigated. So successful was he that the stellalanders accepted
the situation, most of them speedily gained confidence in his fairness
and integrity, and welcomed the advent of the Imperial authority and
even persuaded him to allow the absurd Btellaland flag to be pulled
down and the British flag to take its place.

During these proceedings the Deputy Commissioner was in daily
correspondence with his chief at Cape Town by telegram. lie speedily
became aware that the mind of Sir Hercules Hobinson was not as it
had been. The result of this was felt immediately in the criticism by
telegram which followed his movements and the persistent refusal to
act upon suggestions which he made, especially In the matter of raising
and organizing the police force which he bad been promised. It was
a strange predicament for an nonorable man who was conscious of
rectitude and power to do his work, who had given up his life career
at great cost to his feelings for the sake of this duty. At one stage in
these events he proposed that he should be allowed to return to Cape
Town in order to confer with the High ComnilHsioner, but this request
which was a reasonable one in the circumstances was refused on the
ground that he was much needed in his sphere of duty.

When he reached the northern part of Ills territory and came iu<(>
the lands owned by the tribe of which Montsloa was chief he found a
more forbidding and dangerous condition of affairs even than in Stella-
land. The Boer filibusters, as they were called, were here of a more
reckless order and were prepared to go further than the Stellalanders
in their open ill-treatment of fne natives and their resistance of Britisli
authority. They had formed or were forming another republic in what

«n

342

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

they called the land of Goshen. They had settled around one of the
finest fountains in that region, which was on the Transvaal side of the
border but supplied with its waters the territory reserved for Mont-
sioa's tribe on the west. This position gave them practical advantages
which they used to the full extent. They were able to take, and they
had taken, the cattle of the Bechuanas, and driven them across the
border, knowing that the Bechuanas would respect the boundary line
which they were told the Queen had laid down. The natives steadily
avoided any act which might be called an invasion of the Transvaal,
even in the pursuit of their own property. On the other hand, when
the Boers found that protests had reached Pretoria and when a Trans-
vaal official appeared, or was about to appear, to investigate the alleged
disturbances and find out the guilty parties, the latter received plenty of
warning, and simply crossed the border into Bechuanaland. When the
official returned to Pretoria he was able to announce, and his announce-
ment was wired to Cape Town and thence was cabled to London, that
the Boer marauders had left the Transvaal before he reached the spot,
and were "out of the country." It is true that many, perhaps most
of the respectable Dutch farmers in the southwest of the Transvaal,
heartily disapproved of these proceedings, and if one were to judge
of the acts of the Transvaal by the opinions and character of these
staid and thoughtful citizens, that Government would have to be ac-
quitted of all complicity in these events. But when one finds that that
Government had for many years past allowed exactly the same j^ro-
ceedings to take place on all its borders; when one finds that among
these freebooters were relatives and friends of well-known politicians
at Pretoria; when one finds that the leaders of the Afrikander Bond,
even at Cape Town, hindered every action intended to end this free-
booting, and supported every policy that would nourish it, one is bound
in the name of common sense and fidelity to indisputable facts to hold
the Government at Pretoria responsible for the continuance of these
proceedings on the part of her own citizens.

At this place (the district of Rooi Gond or "Goshen") Mr. Mackenzie
met with the chief and with him entered into a formal tre.^*», the chief
most earnestly and gladly welcoming the advent of the Queen's pro-
tection and help in the government of his country. After a few days

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

343

It became evident that a section, even of the white settlers in Goshen,
were sick of the brutal and lawless ways of their leaders. Some of
them came to the Deputy Commissioner and spontaneously expressed
their sympath^v with his objects, and their desire for an orderly and
firm government. Here, too, Mr. Mackenzie left behind him a represen-
tative in the person of a Mr. Wright, whom he knew well and whose
fitness for the work had already been proved. Then the Deputy Com-
missioner continued his journey through Bechuanaland, meeting with
one chief after another, and concluding treaties with them all. They
received him and his Imperial message with unfailing and unassumcd
gladness.

During the period of this journey he was under the impression that
steps had been taken by Major Low to organize his police force. His
amazement and disappointment may be imagined when he found that
at Cape Town it had been resolved that he should not have any police,
at one time because he did not need them, at another time because 200
would not be enough and there was no money to equip more. During
this time some very curious work was done by means of cables to
England, which announced from time to time that the Deputy Com-
missioner was in difficulties, was hated and opposed by the white men,
was threatened, and, at last, it was announced that he had been mur-
dered. As there was never any shadow for these rumors in the events
which actually occurred in Bechuanaland, and they were all sent from
one source at Cape Town, inference has been very naturally drawn that
in this as in other cases in connection with political events in South
Africa, someone at Cape Town had the power and the evil spirit to
attempt to produce political results in England by means of a series of
well-concocted statements which were never corroborated, had no con-
ceivable foundation, and were almost never contradicted or corrected.

When permission was given him to raise police the conditions had
become complicated in Bechuanaland, and the permission itself was
made of no effect by the proposals with which it was accompanied. At
last, when the time seemed right to those who were manipulating the
wires at Cape Town, the request was made to John Mackenzie that ho
should visit Cape Town for the purpose of conference with the High
Commissioner. When he arrived there ho found that those who had

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

'CP

influence with his chief, and the chief himself seemed to be convinced
that an entirely new policy must be adopted, the distinctive feature of
which was "the elimination of the Imperial factor" and the annexation
of Bechuanaland to Cape Colony.

The next steps that were taken in the effort to set that land in
order were carried out by those who were in sympathy with the so-
called Colonial policy. The reason given by the Cape politicians for
tbis step was that they did not believe the Imperial Government to
be sincere in professing to undertake the direction of affairs in
Bechuanaland. Those who have studied the number of retreats made
by Great Britain in South Africa during this century cannot be amazed
at the feeling of suspicion and almost smiling contempt felt by South
Africa for any new profession of Britain's determination to make an
advance in that part of the world. They could not imagine and did.
not believe that the British conscience had been touched and British
interest in Bechuanaland aroused to any high and fixed resolve. They
accordingly decided that the only alternative was, since a protectorate
had been proclaimed in Bechuanaland, to bring that region under the
tender mercies of South African politicians themselves.

It is only just to other men and due to the truth to state that
there was one strong personality at Cape Town who for fifteen years
exercised what must be on the whole described as a malign influence
on the relations of the Imperial Government to South Africa, that
was a military gentleman who occupied the position of Imperial Secre-
tary to the High Commissioner. His influence over the High Com-
missioner appears to have been far more than is expected on the part of
a secretary over a great Imperial oflBcer. He did much to swing round
the mind of Sir Hercules Robinson; he it was, who, on the strength of
a few days' hurried visit to Bechuanaland, contradicted at Cape Town,
in the ears of their common Chief, reports as to actual occurrences made
by the Deputy Commissioner in Bechuanaland; to him must be traced
the animus which appears in the telegrams addressed to John Mac-
kenzie by the High Commissioner; to him is undoubtedly due some of
the most absurd proposals and fatal mistakes ever made during the
events of those two years (1884-5) ; to his steady misrepresentations and
his determined hostility to the Imperial factor (and he was known as

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

the Imperial Secretary!) it is partly due that once more at this time the
position of Great Britain in South Africa was made to tremble in the
balance. When he, with the assistance of Mr. Rhodes, had succeeded in
cornering John Mackenzie by persuading the High Commissioner at
last to recall him to Cape Town, the steps which they took in relation
to the freebooters strengthened the grip of the latter upon Bechuana-
land, dismayed the many loyalists, crushed the hearts of the native
chiefs and made it seem inevitable to many of the most thoughtful and
faithful South Africans that the final retreat was being made and the
door into the interior was being fast closed, and closed forever, by the
weakness and blundering of those who were supposed to represent
Imperial power in that region.

It may be said here that down to the time of the Jameson Raid
the influence of the Imperial Secretary seems ever to have been directed
towards schemes which showed the strange combination of vigor and
incapacity, of determination to act in ways which deepened rather than
relieved existing complications.

It may be also remarked that probably at no time in the history
of South Africa was John Mackenzie's doctrine regarding the High
Commissionership more fully justified than at this period. The High
Commissionership, during the years 1884-5, touched the lowest point
which that office has reached in its many peculiar moments of dipping
in South African history. John Mackenzie urged with all the more
passion in after years that Great Britain would never exercise her
full moral influence over Austral- Africa as a whole, would never suc-
ceed in awing the passionate ambitions of the Transvaal Boers, would
never secure a prolonged, steady, constant policy in relation to the
great native territories and the development of colonization in the
vast unoccupied territories of the North until the High Commissioner-
ship of Austral Africa should be severed from the Governorship of Cape
Colony. The man who is responsible for all South Africa ought not to
be the same man who is holding delicate relations with the ministry of
one Colony at Cape Town. That ministry can reach him as High Com-
missioner, and has reached him in many unworthy ways, and to the
serious detriment of many other portions of South Africa.

Alike when John Mackenzie attempted to act in the name of the

346

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

Imperial Government, and when Sir Charles Warren, in the following
year, did so with a military force at his back, the most perplexing
opposition which these representatives of the supreme Government met
in South Africa was offered to them, not by the Transvaal directly but
by President Kruger, acting through the Afrikander Bond, which in turn
acted upon the High Commissioner for South Africa. The High Com-
missioner offered this opposition because compelled thereto by the men
who surrounded and influenced him as the Governor of Cape Colony.

When John Mackenzie returned to Cape Town he found not only
that he had been deliberately checkmated in attempting to carry out
the instructions which he received from the Earl of Derby and Sir
Hercules Kobinson in London, but that, to use his own words, he had
been "tripped up." In London he had friends like the late Mr. W. B.
Forster, who had been watching the telegrams and who suspected that
underhand dealings of the kind hinted at above were being employed
by the enemies of direct Imperialism in South Africa. These friends
demanded to know the facts of the case, but their demand was ignored.
When John Mackenzie returned to Cape Town it was to state the facts,
not as the false telegrams which were being showered from the interior
represented, but as they actually were, and to urge that the most
dangerous policy, the one which would lead to serious difficulties, if
not even to war, was the abandonment of the Imperial plan. He was
willing to return at once to his responsibility on condition that he
should be backed up in carrying out the commission put into his hands
by the Earl of Derby and Sir Hercules Robinson a few months before.
He found that the mind of the man who had induced him to change the
whole course of his life and to accept the post was now against the
scheme on which they had united. He had been both "tripped up" and
deserted by those pledged either by word or office or both to support
him. There remained nothing for him to do but to hand in his resigna-
tion. He was urged not to do so by some in Cape Town, who held that
a firm stand must be made against the trickery and disloyalty which
ruled the hour. Nevertheless he was too honorable to seem as if he
clung for his own sake to a position of such importance. He was will-
ing to allow Captain Bower, the Imperial Secretary, and Mr. Rhodes, who
would succeed him, and Mr. Uppington, Prime Minister of the Colony,

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

to try their hands at the task of reducing Bechuunaland to order. In
his letter of resignation he emphasized the fact that all the native
tribes trusted him, that the heads of the little Government at Stella*
land urged and desired his return, that he had ignored all race dis-
tinctions among Europeans, and his impartiality was well known
amongst those with whom he had dealt in Bechuanaland. But at the
same time he felt that he ought no longer to stand in the way of those
who, whether justly or unjustly, whether sincerely or for political
reasons insincerely, professed to see a way out of the muddle in South
Africa other than that which he had pursued. The High Commissioner
immediately telegraphed to London, recommending that the resignation
be accepted, and even proposed with cruel kindness that the expenses
of his journey to his mission station should be allowed to John Mac-
kenzie! It is a strange fact and one significant of the troubled and
doubtful state of mind in which the authorities of the Colonial oflBce
found themselves in London that this resignation was not formally
accepted by the Earl of Derby until several months later.

John Mackenzie had too high a sense of the task which, as he
believed, God had laid upon him to do for South Africa, to leave Cape
Town and desert his responsibility. He remained at Cape Town, closely
watching the succession of events. He saw the Transvaal Government
attempt, in utter defiance of the London Convention, which was only a
few months old, to annex Montsioa's country. He watched the insane
attempt of the Colonial Ministers to go down to Bechuanaland and
solve the problem on what they were pleased to call Colonial lines.
He saw the announcement of the action which Mr. Van Niekerk dared
to take reversing the proclamation of annexation which an Imperial
officer had made. He saw his own successor, Mr. Rhodes, approving
that action of Mr. Van Niekerk and Captain Bower giving back the
cruelly symbolic flag of Stellaland to the same Transvaal citizen who
called himself "Administrator of the Republic of Stellaland." He saw at
the same time that in Cape Town and in the Colony there were literally
hundreds and thousands of loyal citizens of both English and Dutch
descent who were humiliated and even disgusted at the extraordinary
folly which was being x>erpetratod in the name of Imperialism before
their eyes.

318

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

Those who felt themselves In sympathy with John Mackenzie's point
of view gradually came together and organized at last a public meet-
ing, which was held in the Exchange at Cape Town, on the evening
of September 24, 1884. Heavy rain was falling; the meeting was called
avowedly in the name of real Imperialism, and not the sham and dan-
gerous Imperialism of the Afrikander Bond, working through Messrs.
Uppington and Rhodes; and yet that great hall was crowded to the
door, men occupied the open windows and gathered with eager faces on
the outside, straining to catch the words ihat were spoken within. The
Mayor of Cape Town was in the chair. It Is significant that in the
opening of his speech he referred to the crisis in Bechuanaland as a
test of loyalty to the Queen, loyalty to th(» flag of the British Empire.
One of the most eloquent speeches was delivered by the Hon. J. W.
Leonard, Q. C. He lifted the subject to a high level, raised it above
all personality, described the actual events occurring at Hooigrond and
Stellaland. He said: "This is the way, gentlemen, in which the Lon-
don Convention has been maintained. I can produce incontestable
proof that they (the marauders and invaders) were supported by Mr.
Joubert, General Joubert, of the Transvaal." John Mackenzie himself
made the leading speech. The newspapers announced that when he
arose the audience stood up in a body and gave him a reception which
utterly surprised himself, as well as the leading organizers of the
meeting.

The enthusiasm created by this great meeting was speedily spread
throughout the Colony. It fell to the lot of John Mackenzie to travel
to all the main centers and to deliver lectures on the subject of the hour.
In this way he visited Stellenbosch, Port Elizabeth, Grahamstow^n and
various places in the eastern province. The outburst of loyalty through-
out the Colony was so remarkable, and the resolutions passed so
strong and so unanimous, that they produced great influence at last
•upon the Home Government. In the meantime things had been going
from bad to worse in Bechuanaland. The successors of John Mackenzie
had matters worse even than he had found them. At last, when the Earl
of Derby received from President Kniger the cool request for permis-
sion to annex the most valuable part of Bechuanaland, even his im-

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

340

patience was aroused. The result was the sending out of the Warrou
Expedition to South Africa.

When Sir Charles Warren landed at Cape Town the enthusiasm
of the people knew no bounds. But as soon as he landed he found
himself confronted with the forces which had battled John Mackenzie.
From the beginning he foi-.nd the High Commissioner out of sympathy
with him, and eager to throw every obstacle in the way of his under-
taking. Sir Charles W^arren resolved that he must have on his staff
as the chief source of information regarding Bechuanaland the pres-
ence of John Mackenzie. He was warned against this by the High
Commissioner, on the ground that Mackenzie was "not a persona grata
to the Transvaal Government." Sir Charles, of course, acted on his
own judgment, and found as his expedition proceeded that the presence
of this missionary did not add any complication to dealings with the
Boer Government. On the contrary, when he met President Kniger
himself at Fourteen Streams, John Mackenzie was present, and was
treated with both respect and kindness by the President and his com-
panions. The malignity of those whom he had at last defeated pursued
John Mackenzie from step to step. It even went this length, — when
Sir Charles Warren wired to Cape Town a. warning that in certain parts
of the Colony near its northern border secret meetings were being held,
only a few miles from his lines of communications, by people who were
avowedly disloyal, and that he considered the Colonial authorities under
obligation to receive and act upon this information, they replied by
asking whether "it was true that the Rev. John Mackenzie, the late
Deputy Commissioner to Bechuanaland, was then in the camp of Sir
Charles Warren, and personally advising him." This inquii*y was
repeated several times. It was one of the few blows which John
Mackenzie confessed that he felt bitterly. The suggestion that he was
biasing the mind of Sir Charles Warren against any class of the col-
onists, that he was attempting deliberately to sow the seed of discord
and excite suspicion, was absolutely gratuitous and revealed the depths
to which his accusers had allowed themselves to be dragged by hostility
to his policy and dislike of his spirit.

Throughout the Warren expedition John Mackenzie lived very close
to the General, advising him regarding the native tribes, acting as

mmm

350

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

interpreter and intermediary between the chiefs whom they visited and
this brilliant representative of Great Britain. From the south of the
country right up to Shoshong, where they met with the chief Khama,
the expedition moved as a continual triumph. When the expedition
was over and Sir Charles Warren made his formal report to the Home
Government regarding the conduct of the expedition and those who had
rendered Imperial service, 'le placed the name of this missionary first
on the list. It was with a smile of amusement that the missionary
noticed in the papers the decorations and rewards bestowed upon all
the other oflBcers of the expedition whom the General had praised, while
to him was left only the satisfaction of having been thanked by Sir
Charles Warren, and of having rendered, at great personal cost, the
most arduous service of which he was capable, for the good of the land
to which he had given his life and his love.

On his return to London, John Mackenzie, in 1886, set himself to the
task of writing the history of Great Britain in South Africa during the
preceding ten years, and this was published in the year 1887, in two
large volumes, under the title, "Austral Africa, Losing It or Ruling
It." Thereafter he remained in London for several years, strenuously
working for South Africa. No man could have loved any land or given
himself more devotedly and unselfishly to her best interests than John
Mackenzie during these years of work for South Africa. The South
African Committee was revivified once more; the pen was in his hand,
and his voice was heard from various platforms; once more he at-
tempted to expound the true meaning of an Imperial policy in South
Africa; once more ne urged that the High Commissiouership must be
untrammeled by personal and delicate relations w;lh any one Colony,
but must remain free as the acknowledged overseer of all the colonies
and territories, the visible, indubitable representative of Imperialism
in South Africa. Once more h'^ plead for native tribes, worked to save
this one from the "jrasp of the Transvaal, and that one from the grasp
of a Chartered Company, and that o-'her from the grasp of a yet youthful
colony. He worked every hour ol every day through these years, at
-gieat cost to his health, for South Africa.

In 1889 an entirely new direction was given to the history of
S'outh African development by the formation of the Chartered Cora-

"iPfiBPfiilfiPWIf

mmnfmmmmmmi'*

/■

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

351

pany. Some wealthy noblemen and South African capitalists obtained
from Parliament a charter, granting to them the right to develop the
rich unoccupied territories of Mashonaland and Matabeleland, between
the borders of the Transvaal and the Zambesi River, between Portu-
guese East Africa and Khama's country. John Mackenzie saw at once
two things; first, that this would realize one of the plans which he
had for years urged, viz., that those territories should be saved from
the Boer Government, settled with English and Scottish colonists, and
their rich resources peacefully developed. Secondly, he saw that
a Chartered Company was an unsuitable and antiquated instrument to
use for this end. His view was unchanged and had been indeed con-
firmed from year to year by events in South Africa, that the best
possible mode of government which could be adopted for those new
regions was that of direct Imperial control, as in India. This de-
velopment of Mr. Rhodes' policy placed him in a delicate position. He
must not even appear to oppose the occupation and development of
Mashonaland, and yet his conscience would not let him accept the
method of the Chartered Company. The forces against his view and
those who sympathized with him were too powerful, however, to be over-
borne. The charter was granted, the company entered upon its mag-
nificent, responsible and dangerous task. During this period he was
much interested also in discussions regarding Swaziland, Basutoland,
Tongaland, as well as both North and South Bechuanaland.

At last he felt that this portion of his life work had come to an
end. In 1890 he went to the London Missionary Society and announced
that now he was ready once more to undertake the work they had pro-
posed to him. The appointment which he receiveu took him to an
entirely new region, away from his beloved Bechuanas, away from the
regions he had traversed ho often, away from the problems upon which
he had spent his life, to learn a new language, to live in a region new
to him, and deal with people at a stage of civilization with which he
had not been closely familiar. It was not without great effort, but it
"was with the humble soul, the pure intent, and the invincible self-
control which had ever characterized him that he went to the little
township of Hankey, near the coast, fifty miles west of Port Elizabeth.
Here he labored an a preacher in Dutch as well as in English, and as

\,.

"■'

352

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

mil

'fi'

the administrator of a large estate, tiie director of extensive engineer-
ing and agricultural operations, and as a visiting pastor and spiritual
adviser. The climate did not suit him, and the story of his seven years
there is the story of hard work, endless worry, undertaken without
complaining in the face oi increasing bodily infirmities. He did not
lose his interest in the mightier problems to which he had given his
best years, and with which he was still best fitted to cope, but only
occasionally did his local worries and responsibilities allow him time
for writing on these subjects. He became a member of the Congrega-
tional Union of South Africa, and in the larger service of the brother-
hood of churches to which this connection called him he gave unsparing
and affectionate service. In the end of 1898 a stroke of paralysis laid
him low. He recovered for some months, went to visit his son, Dr. J.
Eddie Mackenzie, at Kimberley, and there passed away on March 23,
1899.

So much space has been given to the life of this missionary and
statesman, partly because his work is so recent, partly because much
of that work has influenced the recent and present history of South
Africa so profoundly, and partly also because it seemed right to pre-
sent this sketch of a man who combined the intense devotion of the
evangelist with the broad and powerful views and impulses of the
statesman. It is not too much to say that John Mackenzie was one
of the fii*st men to dream of South Africa as a whole, one of the
first who could honestly and earnestly say that he loved, not this
colony or that native terrivory, but South Africa. And he was one of
the first, if not the first, to take definite and intelligent steps of a
public nature tov.ards the great goal which now is so clear, and seems
so near to the eyes of all the world, but which only twenty years
ago lay far off in the mists of the horizon, hardly visible and power-
less to inspire. He loved South Africa, not first of all because of
its wealth, as a man of commerce might, nor first of all as a portion
of the British Empire, as patriots of the limited vision might, but for
her own sake, for the sake of the people who would fill her vast plains
and wooded valleys in generations to come, of the races that there would
live in unexpected harmony, enjoying an ever-increasing prosperity.
He saw South Africa of the future, presenting to the world, as he dared

liiiMi

•OS

■o-a

g- 225

.ao

5gS

4;o

OP ^Al

■J •Sv. a>

Ogft

a;»j

E
U

^ *3
•°Eea

e <- 2
S i: ==

5 ►*

cs o~
""Ho

i! o

J5|£

o p

■M C5

$!»

^-s

'^S

m n

•OS

<» tS

.O u

u 9

•e.a

•o"

Ob,

■3 ?^

ri r

■ -z-

^ >3^'^

H 5°^

■■ "a

gj 255

en Mas

2 ^-^

S a«>M

«A o

O —3a

tf .:* " a

RG F

es wbii

fricans

many

a ^<2

CO ^.ano

tn o^a

U n ^ S

le n
hat
iilab

1 n s^o

1 "S

g ssl

1 W>na

VIEW

nnesbui
he tree
Itself a

■ «♦"_ 1

S 1=1

NER

gs of
Most
as pn

01 s ••='

"52

<t).a =

£ a b

a»*^

afc2

5«<

(L^S

Sfc £

« S —

Ct 0~

B""g

^A 6G

^♦^ '-^^

en 1.

M a o

" o

^- '^ w

o-o-S,

5 o

C b

M'°

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

355

to hope, a field upon which the reconciliation of the races might be
wrought out in the spirit and by the power of the Christian religion.

SECTION V. FRANOOItt OOILLARO.

Frangois Coillard went to South Africa under the auspices of the
French Protestant Basuto Mission in the year 1857. It was not until
the end of 1896 that he returned from the mlHHlon field in which he
labored for forty years. It is often asked how It comes that French
missionaries are to be found converting the natives In lands that are
under the British flag. In the preface of his Interesting book "On the
Threshold of Central Africa," Mr. Coillard hlmsolf supplies the reason.
In the first place, in the early part of the prenent century the Protes-
tants of France were prohibited from mlHsioiuiry work in their own
colonies. In the second place, the places In which French missionary
influence is now strong were not under the British flag when the Hugue-
not pastors first went there. About 1830 the Keforined Churches of
France were anxious to find a field for missionary effort. But no field
seemed open to them, until they received an appt'al from Dr. Philip, the
head of the London Missionary Society at Cape Town. In response to
this appeal they founded the French Protestant Bosuto Mission. And
it was in connection with this mission that Frungols Coillard went to
the Cape in 1857.

Mr. Coillard married a Miss Mackintosh, the daughter of the Rev.
Lachlan Mackintosh, a Scottish Congregational minister. For twenty
years they toiled among the Basutos, and for the greater part of that
time they had no settled home, but roamed th(» country everywhere to
preach the Gospel. It was not till 1877 that they had a church and
house at Leribe, the great grain-bearing dlstrit^ of Basutoland, and
even those they were not permitted to enjoy long, as they were shortly
afterwards called upon to conduct a missionary expedition among the
Banyai. One evening in 1877 M. and Mme. Coillard were walking in
their pretty garden, which they had just planted, and Mme. Coillard,
pausing before a quince hedge, said, "I wonder after all these wander-
ings if we'll be allowed to rest for awhile and taste our own quinces.*
But her hope was not fulfilled. In a few months she wa» accompanying
her husband through the wilds of Banyallaud.

"^•v.

356

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

1 1 L

'I:

iii!|

ii'

iiii

III

During- their sojourn among the Basutos the Coillards had many
bitter experiences. In 1865 the Boers of the Orange River Free State
expelled all the missionaries from Basutoland, except those who had
taken refuge on the top of Thaba Bosigo. Poor Madame Coillard was
packed off in such a hurry that she had not even time to take her bread
from the oven. "Make the best of it," said the Boer Commandant, de
Villiers, brutally, "for you'll never see Basutoland again." But in 1868
the country came under the protection of the British, and the Coillards
went back to their much loved toil. Their efforts were attended by
remarkable success. It was really their Basuto converts whose mis-
sionary ardor led them north to Banyailand and Barotseland. It
happened in this way:

In 1875, a young missionary, Dieperlen, set out to conduct a party of
native Basuto teachers through the Transvaal, on the way to a mission
field among the Banyai. The Banyai are a native race in what is now
Rhodesia, near the famous ancient ruins of Zimbabye, of which, by the
way, M. Coillard has given an interesting account. Dieperlen and his
Christian Basutos passed through Pretoria in broad daylight without
being challenged by any of the Boers. Two days later, however, the
party was arrested by two Boer cornets, the women and children were
sent to a farm house, the wagons confiscated, and the native mission-
aries lodged in jail, one of them in the condemned cell. There was no
excuse whatever for this outrage, except the well-known Boer dislike of
any attempt to Christianize the natives. Poor Dieperlen had to return
to Basutoland, after paying a fine of seventy dollars for no adequate
reason whatsoever.

The Coillards felt that it was incumbent upon them t o make another
attempt to guide the native teachers to Banyailand. They were on the
point of setting out for Europe to enjoy their first furlough for twenty
years, but they willingly gave it up, and in 1877 set out through the
Transvaal. Pretoria was now in the possession of the British, who
gladly passed them on to the Limpopo. But no sooner had they entered
Mashonaland than they were robbed of almost all their belongings by
Masonda, a native chieftain. A few weeks later they were seized and
carried before the terrible Lobengula. By him they were kept in a
state of semi-captivity for a period of four months. It was not against

CHRISTIAN MISSIONARIES.

367

the Coillards but against the Basuto missionaries that Lobengula*s
anger was excited; he detested the latter because their chief, Malopo,
had given up his kinsman Langalibal^le to the British. The Coillards
witnessed some terrible scenes in Lobengula's camp during their en-
forced stay; on one occasion Lobengula burned a child's lips off with a
fire-brand because he had detected him in some petty falsehood. He
would not believe that the missionaries had come through the Trans-
naal, because Queen Victoria, he said, was not sovereign of the Trans-
vaal, and, if they had come through her domains, she would certainly
have sent him a present! One of the party incautiously said that per-
haps she did not know of his existence. "What?" said Lobengula,
"never heard of ME?" Mme. Coillard saved the situation by saying,
"Yes, there are people so benighted as never to have heard of you, great
king," whereat the dusky monarch was satisfied. It was owing to Mme.
Coillard's influence that the missionaries were finally allowed to go
among the Banyai, where they founded these missions that are now
being carried on by the Dutch Reformed Church.

After a two years' holiday in Europe from '80 to '82, during which
time he gathered funds for his work, Coillard proceeded to Barotseland
in the northwestern corner of the vast territory that now bears the
name of Mr. Cecil Rhodes. Here he labored for sixteen years, founding
five important missionary settlements which are now carrying on the
good work he initiated. His devoted wife died in Banotseland, but he
was much comforted in his niece Elise, who had married one of his help-
ers M. Jeanmairet. In 189G Coillard's health broke down, and he was
only saved by an operation performed at Kimberley by Dr. Mackenzie,
the son of the Rev. John Mackenzie. It is interesting to notice that M.
Coillard thoroughly approved of the suppression of the Matabele jKJwen,
and, on the other hand, thoroughly disapproved of the bigotry and
cruelty of the Boers. This support of the orthodox British opinion is
the more noteworthy as Coillard is a Frenchman and therefore little
likely to view British neighbors with any great favor. At the end of
'96 Coillard returned to Europe, after spending forty years in a noble
effort to Christianize the black population of South Africa.

CHAPTER IV.
CAPE TOWN.

I'" If

'I li

"Hail, snatched and bartered oft from hand to hand ..."

— Rudyard Kipling.

FIRST owned by the Portuguese and used by them almost exclu-
sively for 90 years as a port of call for their Indian trade, Cape
Town became gradually the regular calling station for all the
fleets of merchantmen trading with the East. In 1652 Van Riebeek,
with three small ships, founded the Dutch settlement, consisting of
a "fort and garden," at Cape Town, from which the Colony has grown.
The sole aim of the Dutch East India Company was to establish a
place of refreshment for their ships, outward and homeward bound.
In 1795 a British force, under Sir George Keith Elphinstone, landed
at Cape Town and the rule of the Dutch East India Company ended,
after having lasted 143 years. By the treaty of Amiens in 1802 the
colony was given back to the Dutch and in 1803 the Dutch flag again
waved over the Castle at Cape Town. The new regime, however, was
destined to last for a very short period, as in 1806 the British again
resumed control over the colony with their chief military post at Cape
Town. Thus ended the bartering and change in the ownership of Cape
Town and the Colony; since then the British have remained in undis-
turbed possession.

But we must turn from the historical to the geographical point of
view, both of which are necessary to enable us to grasp the actual
conditions of life and the traditions controlling them at Cape Town.
The town lies under the shadow of Table Mountain, and its three
attendant peaks of Signal Hill, the Lion's Head and the Devil's Peak.
The narrow strip of land between the sea and the mountain is filled
by the business portion of the town, while the suburbs run round
the base of the mountains. The city, therefore, forms almost a

358

.'iil

CAPE TOWN,

359

semicircle round its guardian mountain. Tlie peninsula upon which
Cape Town is situated is provided with two excellent harbors — Table
Bay in the north and False Bay in the south. Gape Town lies on the
shores of the former, while Simonstown, the naval headquarters, is
situated on the western shore of the latter, and larger, bay. The close
proximity of the towns to the mountains makes it liable to heavy rains.
As the clouds are caught passing eastward from the sea, they discharge
their contents on Cape Town, while the suburbs on the other side of
the mountain may be enjoying dry, fine weather. Similarly the heat
is often most oppressive in Cape Town proper, as the sun's rays are
stopped by the slopes of Table Mountain, while the hot winds, unable
to pursue their course freely, seem to settle down as regular inhabit'
ants of the luckless city. Cape Town, when seen to the accompani-
ment of hot winds and dust storms, is not at all likely to charm the
visitor or to bear out the prospect unrolled before him as his ship
approached the harbor. The suburbs of Cape Town, however, enable the
residents to avoid these plagues, and indeed they gain by them through
the relief felt on escaping from the Gehenna of the sweltering town.
After that any suburb would appear cool and refreshing. And the sub-
urbs of Cape Town are by no means to be despised, even when judged
on their merits. They have abundance of trees and shady walks, while
the views of the mountains are exquisite in their variety.

But to everyone who visits Cape Town there is one scene which
always lingers in the memory and which compares favorably with every
other scene the world over. Not even Sydney harbor, the entrance to
Hong Kong, or Nagasaki harbor can excel in beauty the view of Cape
Town from the anchorage in Table Bay. Seen in the early morning,
when the mists are slowly melting before the rays of the sun and as
the town and mountain are revealed, it is more exquisite than at any
other time in the day. Moonlight, of course, gives an indescribable
beauty to the sleeping town and harbor. But in the morning it is
as if a curtain were slowly being drawn away from before a master-
piece and when finally the whole panorama lies revealed it is indelibly
engraved on the memory.

Alas, that on landing the idyllic must fade into the real and the
dream of the distanqe into the matter-of-fact commonplace of close prox-

360

CAPE TOWN.

Imity. But to say that Cape Town is commonplace would be to give a
wrong impression, becavse it is never that. There is always something
strange and picturesque to be seen or lieard, and though the town is too
sleepy to compare favorably with the eastern ports of Port Elizabeth
and Durban, it gains rather than loses charm for that reason. Every-
where can be seen the Dutch and the English styles jostling each other,
in calm disregard of all rules of uniformity or symmetry. The low Dutch
house with its wide stoeps stands side by side with the new fashioned
English store or hotel. This mixture of two such varying styles can
have but one effect, that of giving a ragged, unkempt look to the streets,
and to the whole town. Adderley street is the best example of the
impossibility of making a modern street which has to include these
antique houses. Every now and then the pavement is broken up by
an old fashioned stoep, which, obstinate like its builder, persists in
running out into the street in its own way. So, spite its fine build-
ings. Cape Town can never hope to aspire to be a really modern look-
ing town : at least until the Dutch citizens are helped to imagine that
the ugly new English houses are to be preferred'to their own comfort-
able and useful style of building.

That Cape Town has some fine buildings no one can deny. The
station, the post-oiffice, and the parliament buildings are excellent
examples of modern architecture and worthy of the capital of the
Cape Colony. The Government House is not at all modern; the old-
est portion dating from 1740 and various additions having been made
irrespective of appearances. The whole, looked at from an architec-
tural, point of view, resembles a patchwork quilt more than anything
else. However, it is proposed to erect a new Government House in the
suburbs, near Rondebosch, probably.

Pleen street is the second street of importance and is the center
of all the cheap emporiums of the town. On Saturday nights the
scenes are frequently of the wildest and gayest description, as the
Malays come out, gaudily dressed in their best, to do their shopping.

The Parade Ground, laid out in 1699, lying at the back of the post-
office, is a vast expanse of open ground utilized for Saturday auctions
and for reviews of the troops of the garrison.

However interesting may be the town itself it can scarcely com-

CAPE TOWN.

3G1

pare with the interest to be derived from the population. A leading
Australian politician well said of Cape Town that "while in his colony
the population was homogeneous, here there waa all the world." And
so it would seem. Here are, of course, British and Dutchmen, while
representatives of all the other European races are to be found. INIalays
and Kaffirs abound, while half-castes and mixed breeds of all degrees
and of all shades crowd together along the roads. Here also mcy be
seen Chinese, patient gardeners, always able to make cabbage grow
where it is impossible for any one else to succeed. Emblem of the
yellow danger: the little blessing of cabbage and the great curse of
a virile nature, endowed with endless patience, combating the domin-
ion of the white man! All types are here and all are subject to the
law, the law of the Empire, and are able to live peaceably together in
a way impossible under any other rule.

After Table Mountain the pride of Cape Town is its system of docks,
which although of national importance, has been paid for by the
Colony alone. As far back as 1743 steps were taken to protect the
bay and since then work has been steadily proceeding until now there
is safety for a number of ships. There is besides a graving dock, and
a large outer harbor is rapidly approaching completion. The work
on the breakwaters is practically all done by convicts, principally men
from Kimberley condemned for the offence of illicit diamond buying or
selling.

Within the last few years a system of electric trams has been in-
stalled and gives every satisfaction. It is well to note that in practi-
cally all the large South African towns American trams are in use.
Electric light is also in use in the streets and the docks. The water
supply is derived from Table Mountain, where there are imnionse res-
ervoirs.

The principal suburbs of Cape Town are Green and Sea Points to
the west, and Woodstock, Maitland, Rondeboseh, Claremont and Wyn-
berg to the east. The western suburbs have the advantage of the sea
view and of the sea breezes while they have excellent connection with
Cape Town by electric tram and by rail. The eastern suburbs are also
connected with Cape Town by a railway, which rui« down to Simons-
town, passing Kalk Bay, a favorite watering place on Fal;3e Bay.

362

CAPE TOWN.

The population of Gape Town, accordlDg to the census of 1801, is
51,083, of whom 25,253 are Europeans, and 8,265 Malays. The re-
mainder are Kaffirs and other natives. The population both black and
white has, however, increased considerably in the last nine years.

At the present moment Cape Town is one of the most important
points in South Africa. Here the whole of the British army corps
will land and here they will entrain for the north. It may be well
just to glance at the distances of Cape Town from the various towns
of South Africa. From Southampton 5,078 miles, from Kimberley 647
miles, from Buluwayo 1,361 miles, from Bloemfontein 750 miles, and
from Johannesburg 1,014 milesv

Cape Town must always be remarkable for its lovely view, for
Table Mountain, and as the finest example that can be had of the re-
sult of the attempt to combine two stubborn northern races and to weld
them into one nation.

i h':: i;il

■ (

CHAPTER V.
JOHANNESBURG.

THE CITY OF GOLD AND DRINK AND DUST.

THE greatest of all the many interests centered in the town of
Johannesburg is the fact that it did not exist before 1886. Only
thirteen years old and yet so incredibly big and so incredibly
bad. The very rapidity of its growth has been the cause of its ruin;
nowhere else could such a city have arisen in so short a time. The
mere fact of there being a gold reef would not, in itself, be sufficient
to have called a substantial town of some 102,000 inhabitants into
being. But when the reef is not quartz, but a conglomerate, in which
the gold runs regularly and evenly, without breaks and faults, then
and only then can it call up such a permanent town. Wherever else
gold has been discovered the tendency has always been to avoid build*
ing the houses too well for fear that it might be money thrown awa^
if the gold gave out. But on the Band there is no talk of such a
posHibility; the mine proprietors in Johannesburg feel as secure in the
future of their gold as does the De Beers Company at Kimberley in
the future of their diamonds.

Thus the little fact that the gold runs regularly through the reef
makes Johannesburg a substantially built town instead of a corrugated
atrocity. It is as well that the town should have the satisfaction of
being well built, because that is about the only thing it has to be
proud of. Of course much must be forgiven to such an infant com-
munity and nobody would expect it to rival or even approach older
towns in its municipal and social arrangements. Certainly it is as
well not to expect anything good, because very little will be found to
reward such expectations.

Johannesburg extends over an area of some six square miles and
contains 126 miles of roads and streets. The parks occupy an area
of 84 acres. The site on which the pioneers of the Band elected to
found their city lies on the southern slope of the Witwatersrand Bange,

363

364

JOHANNESBURG.

one of the bleakest and most elevated spots in the Transvaal, where
land for agricultural or pastoral purposes was of so little value that
farms changed hands sometimes for the value of a team of oxen. Of
course the conditions are much changed now, or rather were so in the
time of the boom in 1896 and 1897, when two stands in CJommissioner
street sold for £22,000 (about |110,000) and one in Pritchard street
brought in £40,000 (about $200,000). At the time of the boom
there was nothing talked of but land and "stands" (as the buil4ing
sites are there designated.) At breakfast people announced their
intention of buying so much land at £5 (|25) a foot; at dinner in the
evening the news came out that they had sold it at £10 (|50) a foot
during the day. Everybody was land-mad and the boom recalled in
many respects the Australian land booms when land covered with
water fetched fabulous prices for building sites! The boom broke, as
all booms do, and the price of land (even before the war) was ridicu-
lous and so low as to lead new-comers to disbelieve the stories of the
prices paid in 1896 and 1897. Whereas a house in 1896 would bring
in £60 ($300) rent it now brings in £10 ($50) to £15 ($75), if it be so
fort^mate as to be let.

Tiie gold, with its steadily increasing output, saved Johannesburg
from the worst effects of the breaking of the boom. Ten years ago
the value of the output was £1,490,568 (about seven and a half million
dollars); this year it ho'! reached the huge total of over £20,000,000
(over $100,000,000).

But the very atmosphere of Johannesburg is unhealthy and charged
with the fever of speculation. The only object of the presence of the
great majority is to make money. There is no thought in their minds
as to the welfare of the town or of the government of the Transvaal.
The mining tax does not touch the rank and file directly, as it does
the companies, and the question of obtaining the franchise does not
weigh so much with the great majority of the Outlanders as does the
price of the latest fashion in drinks.

The first intimation the traveler receives that he is nearing the
Golden City is when the railway passes beside the outlying mines on
the reef. There are no stations near to the greater number of these
mines so the general practice of those wishing to reach them is simply

fiiii;

•V ■'-'

JOHANNESBURG.

365

to jump off the moving train into the red dust of the veld. Of course
the trains do not move extremely rapid, but it is a wonder that more
accidents do not happen, especially during the night. The Park Sta-
tion at Johannesburg is really a very fine modern erection, lit with elec-
tric light and boasting all the conveniences of an up-to-date railway
terminus. This e" "mce is by no means shared by the majority of
Transvaal stationb. i^' or luHtanco, on the journey from Durban, it is
impossible to obtain refreHhments after crossing the Natal frontier!

The prevailing color of Johannesburg and the inhabitants is red;
clothes and collars are .jpmediately covered with the fine red dust
and sand from the mines and the veld. Dust storms are very preva-
lent and many hours may be spent in almost absolute darkness, while
the air is thick with red dust and the traffic in the streets is discon-
tinued. Of course the water supply is so defective that none can be
spared for watering of the roads. Thus the dust has its own way in
Johannesburg; it must be acknowledged that it makes good use of
itf? freedom!

The principal streets are Commissioner street, Pritchard street and
President street. These are lined by many stately piles of buildings,
containing offices and stores, which have had enormous sums expended
upon them.

The town is overlooked by TTospital Hill, which rises to the north.
While it takes its name from the hospital built on it, by far the most
conspicuous building it. 'he jail, with, close at hand, the fort and the
police barracks. The danger from the fort is not great as it could
not withstand a determined assault, and as for harming Johannesburg,
that can be done more easily with explosives in the town and mines
themselves. But undoubtedly its erection there and its aspect as it
threatens the town with its guns, give it an "uncanny" place in the
minds of the citizens.

Viewed from Hospital Hill the most striking feature of the town
is the great numbers of trees which break up the blocks of houses.
To look at a view of Joliannesburg in 1886 and then to see the results
of thirteen years' work makes one doubt one's eyes. The big buildings
can be understood, but how was it possible to induce trees to grow in
such profusion? The open spaces in Johannesburg r.re fairly numer-

366

JOHANNESBURG.

- /

ous and, though having rather -^ oieserted and forlorn aspect, they
must condace greatly to the health of the town. "^

One of the finest parts of the town is the road above the railway
bridge on the way to Dornfontein on the north, along which the
tramway runs between Kruger's and Joubert's Parks, under a broad,
handsome avenue of blue gum and other trees, leading directly to Hos-
pital Gardens and to the hospital. There are also some- very pleasant
suburbs within easy reach of the town by tram. Here the trees are
to be seen in even greater profusion than in Johannesburg itself.

One of the great drawbacks to Johannesburg is tJ9 fact that the
natives, employed in the mines, are not kept in compounds, but are
free to wander about at will. When this is coupled with the fact that
there are in the town an enormous number of low public houses and
canteens (almost in the proportion of one to every hundred of the popu-
lation), there can be no denying the serious nature of the danger.

The police force is defective and unable to cope with the diflQcul-
ties that arise. The men are principally Germans or Hollanders and
no British are allowed to join the ranks. The "zarps" (constable^)
always proceed in twos and frequently do not hear inconvenient calls
to duty.

The most noticeable feature of the crowds in the streets is the great
number of Jews that are to be seen. Polish Jews, Russian Jews,
German Jews, all sorts and conditions of Jews are there, but always
well to the front, with the customary display of diamonds. Round the
Stock Exchange and the headquarters of the innumerable lottery and
sweepstake offices they naturally are well represented. But really the
whole of the male population seems to think it as much their duty to
take a lottery or sweepstake ticket as it is to drink with any acquaint-
ance they may meet. The moral tone of the community is debased
and degraded. Amusements with drinking are (or very many of them)
the only methods of spending the evening on returning from work at
the mines.

Cape carts and the rickshas are the means of conveyance at the
disposal of those who do not wish to use the trams. The great Market
Square used to present a very fine sight in the mornings with the
countless teams of oxen and the half tilted wagons. Since the rinder*

:-i'

JOHANNESBURG.

307

pest, however, the old scenes have never really been repeated. The
Market Place has the distinction of being the largest in South Africa.

Water is laid on to the houses in pipes, the principal source being
at Zuwebekom, 15 miles from the town. Although not so expensive
as formerly, Johannesburg is still one of the most costly places of
residence in the world. Half-a-crown there equals in purchasing power
one shilling in London.

As a curious instance of the backwardness of many of the institu-
tions which we have been taught to consider indispensable, mention
may be made of the condition of the post-office in 1897, on the arrival
of the English mail. The counter at which letters were given out was
about nine feet long at one end of a smallish room. Consequently as
soon as the room was packed the crowd would extend far out into the
square and there they would have to wait for hours before they could
approach the counter, possibly to find that there were no letters for
them. This sight is one that lingers longest in the memory of spec-
tators and longer still in the memory of participators!

All day and all night Johannesburg resounds with the noise of the
stamps in the batteries until, when Sunday arrives, the very quietness
seems oppressive. Now, however, all the stamps are quiet and in all
probability the whole of the solid and magnificent machinery of the
Band will be destroyed by the Boers. In emulation of the Eussians who
burnt Moscow in the hour of Napoleon's victory, the Boers will strike
a last blow at their enemies by destroying the millions of pounds' worth
of machinery and shafts. Johannesburg, the city of gold, is silent and
deserted now, and has only to look forward to the ruin of her wonderful
development in a few moments of scientific destruction. Like the cities
of the plain she may be destroyed, but as long as there is the gold
reef, men will flock to obtain it and a new Johannesburg will arise
from the ruins.

K'i

I 'm

CHAPTER VI.

KIMBERLEY AND THE DIAMOND MINES.

THE DREARIEST AND THE LIVELIEST TOWN IN SOUTH AFRICA.

THIS seeming paradox is easily explained. To realize the
first definition we must imagine a straggling town in brick, iron
and wood, standing in the level veldt. For miles around there
te nothing much higher than a dwarf bush. To be sure it must be
admitted that for a few months after the rains this veldt is unrecog-
nizable with its carpet of lovely flowers and tender grass. This beauty,
however, may be said only to accentuate the dreariness of the flat sur-
roundings during the rest of the year. There are no woods to visit,
there are no country drives to be taken, there is simply nothing except
Kiraberley. There is no country near Kimberley. There is, to be sure,
boating to be had at Modder River, but that necessitates a railway
journey and cannot come under the head of a regular element in the
relief of the dreariness of Kimberley. The very debris heaps from
the mines, low, drab, uncanny looking hills of dirt, add to the utter
desolation of the surroundings of the town. Truly, if any town can
lay claim to the title of dreariness, Kimberley should be that town.
But the very fact of the dreariness causes the second definition to be
true. The inhabitants, having no outside means of enjoyment and
amusement, make up for the lack by a most complete cultivation of
the art of internal amusement.

Neighbors do not stand aloof from neighbors, but rather vie with
them in promoting the general gaioty and happiness of the town.
Outdoor games are largely patronized, bicycling gives ample oppor-
tunities for gymkhanas .id picnics; balls and dances, concerts and
dramatic performances enable the inhabitants of Kimberley to sup-
port the dreariness. Not even the siege of the town by the Boers
could discourage the people of Kimberley from giving a dance, even
though it might be preceded by a skirmish. But really they are to

368

iii

KIMBERLEY AND THE DIAMOND MINES.

3({9

be envied, these citizens of the dreariest town in South Africa! It
would be almost worth while to isolate isome of the large towns of the
northern hemisphere if it would enable U8 to enjoy ourselves as thor-
oughly as do t^e people of Kimberley.

But apart from the social affairs of the people, the cause and reason
of Kimberley is the diamond.

Kimberley is the seat of the industry which first saved AMca.
Kimberley is the real home of the prince of gems. Golconda, of In-
dian fame, is but a phrase beside it. It boasts the biggest and the
richest holes of man's making in the surface of the earth.

One day, rather more than twenty-eight years ago, a trader out-
spanned at a farm between the Vaal and Orange rivers, and noticed
a pretty white stone in the hands of a Griqua serving lad:

A something poitled-bodled boy
That knuckled at the taw.

The stone fetched £500. It was the "first diamond." The Griqua
urchin, you may say, was innocently playing chuck-penny with the
destinies of South Africa.

The river diggings on the Vaal are still Buccessfully worked.

In 1870, however, the whole industry was turned upside down by
the discovery of the "Diggings." Where Kimberley now stands, with
its population of perhaps twenty-eight thousand (nearly half of whom
are workers in the mines), there were three farms In the flat, bushy
plain, the names of which or of their owners were presently immor-
talized by the proclamation of the diamond mines of I)u Toit's Pan,
Bultfontein, and De Beers.

The mines were worked by many small companieH and groups of
miners until finally in 1891 the celebratinl amalgamation of all the
mines and companies took place. Tbt- reason was not far to seek, mv
excessive competition had rapidly reduced the price of diamonds to
its lowest ebb. The formnes of Kimberley bung In the balance. Only
one thing could save them — amalgamation. But that, with so many
and such conflicting inter<»sts, sewned at first imp<»«8ible.

Guided by Mr. Cecil Rhodes and by bis fellow worker, Mr. Beit, the

370

KIMBERLEY AND THE DIAMOND MINES.

De Beers Company began secretly and steadily, through agents, to
acquire the main interest in all the others, until one fine day it was
found that they were masters of the situation. Remoulding themselves
into the "De Beers Consolidated," with a trust deed empowering them
to engage in any and every undertaking conducive to their end, the
directors in this way amalgamated first De Beers and then all the
other mines into one colossal syndicate. The company acquired also
a preponderant interest in the only other diamond diggings which need
be considered, and controls to-day the diamond industry of the world.

Thus we see how, by the simple process of amalgamation, Kim-
borley became what it is to-day, a De Beers town. Whether it would
have been better for the town under the old regime or not is a diffi-
cult question to answer. Though the amalgamation had at first a
bad effect in reducing the population by about one-half, the tide has
now turned and there are ample signs that in the future it will be one
of the most important and largest towns in South Africa.

If it was the boast of Augustus that he found Rome of brick and
left it of marble, the enterprising men of Kimberley may claim to
have effected an equally striking transformation, for they are fast
turning the Kimberley of iron into one of brick. The town labors
under the disadvantage common to most mining towns, in that its
most striking feature is the irregularity with which it is laid out. The
straight streets, crossing at right angles and at equal distances, so
generally found in South Africa, as well as in America, are replaced
by a want of uniformitj', due no doubt to its gradual growth along
the cart tracks used amongst the mines. While this irregularity has
many disadvantages, it is calculated to please the eye of the British
emigrant and to remind him of home. Probably, however, the citizens
of Kimberley would prefer to be able to displease the old fashioned
idea of new-comers. They believe that there are so many delightful
things in Kimberley that the very straightest of straight roads could
not destroy its charm.

Before passing to the all important subject of the Diamond mines
it would be as well to say a few words as to the suitability of Kim-
berley as a health resort. Situated as it is over 4,000 feet above the
level of the sea, and enjoying a singularly dry climate, it would seem

KIMBERLEY AND THE DIAMOND MINES.

373

as if it should be peculiarly adapted to those suffering from diseases
of the chest. Acting on this assumption patients are sent out from
Great Britain and elsewhere in all conditions and in all stages of dis-
ease. As often as not they are unable to afford the price of special
treatment at the Sanatorium and expect that the mere fact of being
at Kimberley will cure them. The great majority succumb to the
bad food and to the irritation caused by the dust. Besides doing no
good to themselves the patients are a great source of danger to the
inhabitants generally, the ever present dust affording an admirable
medium, for spreading the germs of the disease.

Besides the Sanatorium there is an excellent hospital with accom-
modation for 250 patients (European and native).

The population of Kimberley is 28,000, of whom 12,600 are of Euro-
pean extraction. Situated as it is, so close to the frontier of the Orange
Free State, during the present war it is inevitable that numbers of
the burghers should be able to enter the town and ascertain all par-
ticulars as to its means of defense and the position of its intrenchments.

It seems strange, however, that even up to the actual investment,
Boers were allowed to come in as they chose, even although none of
the inhabitants were allowed to penetrate through the Boer lines.

The principal road is the Du Toits Pan road, in which are situated
many of the best buildings. For a short distance it has quite an import-
ant aspect, but soon its houses become straggling and small. Every-
where, however, one is conscious of the fact that it is the Diamond
Town and that De Beers owns it. If it is not a debris heap that re-
minds one, it is a chimney or else a glimpse of some of the winding
plant at the head of the mine. As the mines seem omnipresent, it
may be as well to deal with them at some length. They are unique
and well worth a much longer description than we have room to give.

The old system of open workings has been abandouod in the case
of the two most important mines — the Kimberley and the De Beers —
as although considerably cheaper, it was impossible to continue it in-
definitely owing to the falling in of the walls. Consequently now the
blue diamondiferous ground is worked by means of underground shafts.

First of all it is as well to understand clearly the conditions of
mining at Kimberley, and how the diamonds are found.

■'

374

KIMBERLEY AND THE DIAMOND MINES.

The mines are simply pipes, bored up to the surface while Mother
Earth was yet a-boil, piercing the common shaly and basaltic forma-
tions of the country, and filled with a sort of blue cake, in which the
plums are diamonds. The half-baked cake apparently simmered up
and down in the pipe with enough pressure to crystallize the cai'bon
in it, but not to boil altogether over at the top. Broken bits of the
case through which it pushed — "floating reef" they are called, were
imbedded near the top, which in each mine was funnel shaped. Be-
low the funnel the pipe runs straight into the bowels of the earth,
with but little bulging or hollowing of the sides. The "blue ground"
in which are the plums is a not very hard rock of a dull, French gray
color.

The blue ground is blasted out from the tunnel and shafts and
conveyed to the surface by a great skip, capable of hauling out 9,000
tons in a day. At the surface the precious "blue" is run in trucks by
an endless rope to the drying grounds, which are some miles away
and some square miles in extent. On the "grounds" the "blue" is
softened by the sun and air, broken with picks, and then conveyed
back to begin that process of reduction which magically transmutes
each ton or two of dull and heavy earth into a tiny brilliant, destined,
perhaps, to flash from the forehead of an empress.

First, the ground goes into the washing machine — the primitive
"cradle" on a large and perfected scale — the working of which de-
pends on the fact that the high specific gravity of the diamond
makes it behave differently from other stones under the joint action
of centrifugal force and gravitation. Spun round in perforated cylin-
ders and pans under a whirlpool of water, the bulk of the ground
flows ofP in "tailings" of gray mud. The residue of divers stones of
divers sorts and sizes is then jogged about with more water in the
"pulsator." This machine is a huge framework of graduated sieves
and runlets, which sorts the divers stones into several sizes, and after
much percolation, delivers each uniform lot at a separate receptacle.
After the pulsator there remain a number of "dry-sortings," and re-
sortings on various tables, by hands both black and white, all under
lynx-eyed surveillance, the pretty red garnets and other valueless
pebbles being swept off by dozens with a bit of tin, the diamonds

•*»'■' ,'■■

KIMBERLEY AND THE DIAMOND MINES.

ftTR

dropped into a sort of locked poor box; until finally the coveted hoard,
all scrutinized, classified, and valued, lies on the office table of the com-
pany on its way to their impregnable safes.

The excitement of the sorting table is one in which the more favored
visitors may indulge. To sort the wet gravel with a small piece of
metal, spreading the stones out on the sorting table and picking out
the diamonds is a source of never ending pleasure to the novice. It
seems, however, a great shame to have to put the diamonds away into
a tin as soon as they are found. After the wet-sorting, the gravel is
dry-sorted by native convicts. A great number of convicts are "rented"
from the Cape government and work under strict supervision by armed
keepers — no convicts are employed underground.

At the final sorting the sight in tho offices of De Beers makes dia-
monds seem almost cheap. Here are diamonds of every shape, and
size, and tint, from the perfect octahedron, which will lose but little
of its bulk in the process of cutting, to the irregular lump destined,
unless of the finest water, to be split up into four, eight, or sixteen
pieces. Here are stones from the size of a pin's head to that of a wal-
nut, and from the purest and most limpid white to mantling yellow or
orange. Here, again, is one which has been blown black indelibly by
a charge of dynamite. Others are astonishingly bright for uncut
stones. They have left Nature's hands so polished that it is only by
the addition of g, 'ncing facets that art can better them. Then there
are the "fancy stouts" — blue, green, brown, purple, puce, yellow, rod-
dish and even black — for diamonds are of all those tints. The black
ones, known as "boart," are excessively hard. Spurned by the beauty,
these negro gemp serve the purpose of the mechanic better than bril-
liants of the purest water.

The countless little heaps of diamonds reposing on white paper, in
severe rows equidistant from ono another, remind one more of the
heaps of sugar and other crystals set out by children in a game of
shops, t:> 1 of a possible, realizable king's ransom. The output is sold
to a £yin!'.ate, which again sells to the diamond dealers. Owing to
the f ax r nat they control the diamond market the De Beei> Company
are able to keep up the price of diamonds. Last year's work bi ought in
the huge total of £3,647,874-13-11 (about $18,200,000), which gave a

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

&
^

1.0

I.I

Ir IM IIM

|r lio III 2.0

1.8

1.25 1.4 1.6

►

v^^i

Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

€^

^9)

23 WEST ,.t;':N STREET

WEBSTER, N.Y 14580

(716) 872-4503

mmm

376

KIMBERLEY AND THE DIAMOND MINES.

profit of £1,777,795-12-8 (about |5,650,000). The average yield per load
of the two important mines was .80 caret or 21s. 2d. (about $4) per load.

The De Beers Company affords yet two other sources of interest
both to the inhabitants and to visitors. The former find much delight
in the leafy arcades of the village of Kenilworth, while moonlight
rides past the reservoir to the village are a regular feature of life in
Kimberley. Kenilworth is the model village of De Beers and lies about
two and a half miles to the northwest of Kimberley. It is built en-
tirely upon ground belonging to the company and was designed to pro-
vide residences for their employees. The village is simply planned,
having four main avenues (two only of which are at present built upon)
bounded on the north by an avenue, on the south by the main road to
Kimberley, and intersected by a central avenue. The avenues are
broad and well kept, lined with gums, fir and pepper trees and bor-
dered by wide sidewalks and gardens in front of the semi-detached
villa-like residences. The prices of rental for the villas or for the
apartments for single men are moderate enough to be within the
means of any employee.

Besides the residences there is a spacious club and the village boasts
its own post and telegraph office. There is also a school for the child-
ren, below the fifth standard; above this standard the children attend
the regular Kimberley schools, being conveyed on the trains free of
charge. The nurseries and orchards of the company present at certain
seasons of the year a beautiful sight and reflect great credit upon those
placed in charge of them. But the same may be said of the whole vil-
lage, with its private gardens, recreation grounds, tennis courts and all
the varied arrangements for the enjoyment of outdoor sport.

With all these material advantages, with cleanly surroundings and
health giving breezes, Kenilworth is deservedly popular. The 2i
houses built in 1889 have increased to 119, with a population of about
five hundred, and at the present time there is not a single house unlet.
Such experiments are well worth encouraging and every success should
lead to the formation of similar institutions elsewhere.

To the visitor De Beers supplies the interest to be derived from a
\ralk through the native compounds attached to the mines. Here live
the natives employed in the diamond works, shut off from the world

■■•Pin

iPHHi

KIMBERLEY "AND THE DIAMOND MINES.

377

during the time of their contract. The great proportion of the work-
ers in the mines are natives and one has only to remember the state
of affairs in Johannesburg v; ith its gold mines to appreciate the ad-
vantages of the compound system. It benefits the inhabitants of Kim-
berley, it benefits the company inasmuch as it prevents to a great
extent the il#cit diamond buying and selling which was once so rife,
and most of all it benefits the natives themselves. They are well housed;
and there are stores within the compounds, where they can buy every
necessity and many luxuries with the exception of intoxicating liquor,
which is absolutely prohibited. A hospital is included in each com-
pound. If anyone doubted the happiness of the natives under the re-
straint that is imposed, a visit to the compounds on a Sunday after-
noon would convince him to the contrary. In the largest compound,
that of De Beers or the West End, covering four acres, there are 3,750
natives.

Altogether the diamond mines employ 10,340 natives and 1,800
Europeans. This forms a large proportion of a population numbering
28,000.

The great enemy of the diamond company is the practice of illicit
diamond buying, or I. D. B. Against this the strictest laws have been
passed until now no one is allowed to own a rough unregistered dia-
mond in Kimberley and the finding of such a stone is sufficient to
secure a prosecution and in many cases a conviction.

There is much more that is interesting in Kimberley, but the best
summing up it can have is simply "The Diamond Town, the dreariest
and the liveliest town in South Africa." However homesick the new-
comer may be on his arrival the saying in Kimberley is: "Give him six
months here and he will never want to leave the town." Happily for
the rest of the world all the visitors are not able to stay six monthi in
Kimberley.

• >

"/'

CHAPTER VII.
OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

SECTION I. BLOEMFONTEIN.

ALTHOUGH Bloemfontein has now been the capital of the Orange
Free State for many years it has never risen to be anything more
than a quiet rural town. It has about 10,000 inhabitants, 7,000 of
whom are whites. The town stands upon a plain at an elevation of
4,518 feet, surrounded by low hills. The air is dry and bracing and pre-
sents special attractions to sufferers from pulmonary complaints. On
one of the hills to the south there is a small fort, erected by the British
Government in 1846 — it is usually armed with two maxims and is
scarcely formidable. Close to the fort is a small monument to the
memory of those killed in the Basuto war of 1865-68.

Many English live in Bloemfontein, and the little town is the seat
of both Anglican and Roman Catholic Bishoprics. The Anglican Church
is the second largest in the town, and has a very good interior. The
Dutch Reformed Church is naturally the principal one and is noticeable
through possessing two spires.

The town is laid out regularly round a large market square; this
square is the center of the town, and here begin all the principal streets.
These are wide anfl very well kept — they are lined with trees, and these
have grown so large that from the neighboring hills the houses look
like little boats on an ocean of green.

As capital of the State, Bloemfontein is able to boast the possession
of some very creditable public buildings. The New Raadzaal is a very
handsome building, with a dome-shaped tower some 90 feet high. The
interior is very well arranged, and the principal chamber is equal to
any to be found in the Colonies or the American States. This building
cost £57,000 (about $280,000). The old Raadzaal is now used as a law
court, and is not nearly so handsome as the present Zaal. In front of
the old Zaal is a statue of the famous and noble President, J. H. Brand
(1864-1888).

The next most striking building in the town is the residence of the

171

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

379

President, which cost about £15,000 (about $75,000), and is substan-
tially built of stone. One of the characteristics of nearly all the public
buildings is the happy combination of red brick with a peculiarly fine-
grained white stone, quarried in the neighborhood. On one side of the
town the villas have spread on to the slope of the hills and already
the higher ground beyond has been laid out for building purposes.

The town hall, with its large hall used for concerts, etc., is not
striking, but the post and telegraph office on the Market Square is a
credit to the town. There are also two hospitals, one of which (the
Government hospital) has accommodation for 200 patients, and the
other (the Old Cottage Hospital) contains a ward erected in commemo-
ration of the Diamond Jubilee of Queen Victoria. The well-arranged
National Museum is contained in part in one of the first buildings
erected in the town. This has been a church, a raadzaal and a court
house, and was the one in which the British Convention was signed in
1854, which convention gave its independence to an unwilling State.

There are several excellent educational institutions in Bloemfon-
tein. The Grey College (a handsome building, presented by Sir George
Grey), and St. Andrew's College for boys; the Ladies' Government
Institute and St. Michael's Home for Girls, fully supply the needs of the
community.

The water supply of the town is obtained from a spring and from
Sannah's Post, on the Modder River. From the latter source there have
been 34 miles of pipes laid, costing about £80,000 (about f 384,000). The
water supply is a municipal enterprise, as is the electric lighting now
in process of erection.

In Bloemfontein living is not by any means cheap, although the
majority of the inhabitants live very simply. There is scarcely any
poverty and not very much wealth. Its inhabitants boast that it is the
most idyllic community in South Africa, and it certainly is a fitting
capital for the Orange Free State, whose arms are a lion and a lamb
standing on opposite sides of an orange tree, with the motto: "Freedom,
Immigration, Patience, Courage."

There is an excellent club in the town, besides which are to be found
a good cricket ground, race course and golf links. Bloemfontein is
distant 449 8-4 miles by rail from Port Elizabeth.

380

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

•■OTION II. BULUWAYO.

\K glance at the map of South Africa will show that somewhere in the
region known as Rhodesia, south of the Zambesi, at a point where rail*
ways from the far south and the farther north will meet with railways
from the Indian Ocean on the east and the Atlantic Ocean on the west, a
great commercial center may be expected to grow up. Some people
think that Buluwayo is going to become the Chicago of Austral Africa.

Where four or five years ago stood the Koyal Kraal of th( Matebele,
a flourishing township has arisen with a white population of 4,000. The
actual site of Buluwayo is an open, treeless plain, two or three miles
from the Royal Kraal, which has been destroyed and replaced by Gov-
ernment House. The tre^ under which Moselekatse and Lobengula used
to dispense judgment has been left standing. The name of the town is a
Zulu word meaning "the place of the killing," and that name will pre-
serve forever the memory of the horrid massacres and assassinations in
which the Matebele rejoiced.

Buluwayo is one of the most astonishing towns in South Africa be-
cause it does not owe its rapid growth to diamonds or gold to such an
extent as do the two other great towns. There is gold of course, as there
are also lead, copper and iron to be found in the neighborhood. Then
again the country is most suitable for pastoral pursuits, and Buluwayo
stands in what is likely to be one of the largest cattle and sheep districts
in the colonies^,

The town is laid out on the rectangular system round a large square
' — the streets run north and south and the avenues east and west. Both
the streets and avenues — ^the latter are called by numbers while the
former have names — are broad and promise to be very handsome when
the buildings are completed. But already there are many fine buildings,
and it is a great shock to many, when they visit Buluwayo, to find that it
is not possible to live as in the wild, unsettled country.

Connecting Government House with the town there runs an avenue
2,542 yards long and 130 feet wide, lined with trees along its full length.
Both Government House and the avenue are the property of Mr. Rhodes.

The principal thoroughfare in the town is Rhodes Street, which runs
through the center of Market Square, The sides of the Square are

wmm

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

381

formed by 7th and 8th ayenues on the north and iouth, Grey and Fife
streets on the west and east. All the principal public buildings are to
be found near the Market Square.

There are the public offices and court houMe, the Stock Exchange, the
postoffice and several banks. These are nearly all edifices which would
and will do credit to a much larger town; — the inhabitants know that in
a short time the town will have grown very much larger and therefore
have made the public buildings much larger than would seem necessary
at present.

The market house is a substantial building of two stories, with a
dome and lantern, 86 feet high, very well arranged and lighted by elec-
tricity. But indeed the whole lighting system of Buluwayo is admir-
able, and having made so good a start it is probable that Buluwayo will
never suffer from underlighting.

The hospital is erected on ground specially granted for the purpose,
and cost £6,500 (about |30,000). It is dedicated to the memory of Major
Wilson and those who fell with him at the Shangani River, on December
4, 1893.

There are churches of nearly all the principal religious bodies, some
of the edifices being very well arranged and well built. In 1898 there
were 8 schools, in which the total attendance was 424, of which 338 were
white children.

To the north of the town are the Queen's Club Athletic Grounds and
a little beyond is the Native Reserve. The native location lies some dis-
tance to the northwest. To the east of the town lies a valley through
which the Matsheumhlope River runs, and beyond this is the suburban
township now rapidly being built over, and the stands of which com-
mand a high price. Between the two towns the ground is laid out for a
park and botanical gardens.

Of course, there are a race course and several athletic clubs in the
town. Cricket, golf, polo and lawn tennis are amply provided for, while
bicycling is an almost universal practice.

Some idea of the growth of Buluwayo may be gained from the fact
tha^ in 1897 the municipal valuation was £1,682,278 (about $8,240,000),
while in 1898 it had increased to £2,045,000 (about 110,000,000). In the
former year statistics show that of the 578 houses in the town more

/'';■: r

iii

1 ;

382

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

than half were built of brick. This is a wonderful record for so young a
town and must be explained by the fact that excellent clay and lime are
found close to the town.

Water supply and lighting reservoirs and filter beds to hold some
40,000,000 gallons have been constructed near the railway station.
There is a fall of over one hundred feet, and this is used to provide the
electric power for the lighting of the town. The three lakelets lie
amongst most picturesque surroundings and are capable of supplying
6,000 persons with 10 gallons per head for 18 months. The great diffi-
culty in storing water here is the impossibility of stopping percolation.
Water can generally be obtained by sinking wells to a depth of from 20
to 30 feet.

Buluwayo lies at a height of 4,250 feet and is very healthy. From
May to August the weather is very cold, with southeast winds; between
November and March, 25 to 35 inches of rain falls. The average tem-
perature for the six summer months (October-March) is about 72 deg. F.
and of the winter months about 64 deg. F. Dust storms are frequently
troublesome.

A colossal statue of Mr. Rhodes is to be erected in Buluwayo and the
pedestal is to be ornamented with a bas-relief of Major Wilson and his
comrades, the names being given of the different troopers who fell with
him. The total cost will be £3,000 (about $15,000) and the statue is being
made in England.

Buluwayo is by no means a cheap place to live in. It is diflScult
to live for much less than £20 (about $100) a month, though after the
war it is probable that the prices will be higher for some time.

The town is situated on the Cape to Cairo Railway, and lies 1,361
miles from Cape Town by train; 713 miles from Kimberley; 490 from
Mafeking4 1,199 from Port Elizabeth; 1,260 from East London; 1,109
from Bloemfontein. From Johannesburg, by train, it is 1,373 miles;
but on Congo by coach or to Mafeking, 144 miles; and thence it is 512
miles by train. to Buluwayo. Coaches used also to run from Johannes-
burg, through the Zoutspanberg district to Tuli, and thence to Bulu-
wayo.

«/

i ■ /

OTHER LEADING TOWNS,

383

6BGTION III. DURBAN.

The town of Durban is the largest in Natal and differs from
the capital, Pietermaritzburg, in that it was founded by the British
(in 1835), not by the Boers. Its name it bears in honor of Sir Benjamin
D'Urban, one of the most able Governors of the Cape Colony. Origi-
nally it was known as Port Natal, which name it received from the great
Vasco da Gama, who visited it on Christmas Day in 1497, — he gave it
the name in honor of the nativity of our Savior.

Durban is one of the most important ports of South Africa, and,
though the railway distance to the Gold Mines of Johannesburg is
greater than from Delagoa Bay, merchants prefer to ship their goods
via Durban rather than trust to the tender mercies of the Portuguese.
Any success that Durban may achieve as a port is owed almost entirely
to the Hon. Harry Escombe, once Prime Minister of the Colony. He has
devoted his life to the work of removing the bar and artificially con-
structing an entrance to the harbor. That he has succeeded may be
shown by the fact that during the present war the troopships are able
to steam into the harbor, over a bar which used once to have only 11
or 12 feet of water covering it. Mr. Escombe looks forward confidently
to the time when there shall be 30 feet of water on the bar at high
tide.

The channel is kept well defined and clear from silting sand by two
breakwaters, the northern on»;, 2,900 feet long, and the southern 2,550
feet. This latter breakwater runs out from under the Bluff, a head-
land some 220 feet above the sea level, on which is situated the light-
house. Here are also to be found two batteries of garrison artillery,
considered capable of defending the harbor mouth. After passing
through the quarter-mile wide channel the ships enter into the land-
locked bay, which has an area of 7^ square miles of open water. This
bay is, however, very shallow, except near the mouth, where are the
wharves, fringing the northern spit of land — opposite the Bluff — known
as "The Point." There is a fine new quay of dressed stone, 500 feet in
length, as well as the old timber structnire, 1,800 feet in length. Besides
these there i« St. PauPs Wharf, used by the sailing ships. All these
wharves are connected with the railway line, and thus the work of

-•<

884

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

discharging cargo is carried on very quickly. The electric light enables
work to be continued during the night when necessary. The work of
loading and unloading is done by about 1,000 natives and 200 whites —
no Indians do any of this work.

The business town of Durban lies on the plain between the bay,

the Berea and the sea; the residential portion is mainly situated on

the hill behind the town, known as the Berea. This hill received its

name from a missionary settlement, which was there in the early days

and which was called after the Berea mentioned in Acts XVII., 10:11.

Durban is a notable contrast to many of the other South African

towns in that it bears plain evidence of the fact that its citizens take a

pride and an interest in their home. It is tidy to a wonderful degree,

and, though the town itself cannot be called beautiful, yet the JBerea

is wonderfully gay with flowering trees and brilliant garden patches.

The roads are hard and smooth, a state of things which is a great

relief to anyone who has had experience of other roads. Of course the

fact that so much of the traffic is done in rickshas explains to a great

extent the excellence of the roads. The rickshas in Durban are much

larger and more comfortable than the average Japanese ones, while it

would be difficult to imagine a more striking contrast than that between

the stalwart big Zulu ricksha boy of Durban and the little coolie of

Japan. The Durban ricksha men have to wear a certain amount of

clothing by the police regulations, but they indulge in a great amount

of extra ornamentation, calculated to attract the attention of the

public. It is very quaint to see the Zulus prancing about and generally

making a great display of friskiness in order to get a fare.

The streets of the town are laid down at right angles, and the three
principal thoroughfares are lined with substantial stores, hotels and
public buildings. The buildings in Durban are built well and in good
taste, and there is none of that crude unfinishedness so very noticeable
In Johannesburg.

A' very fine tram system serves the town and its suburbs. Starting
from The Point the line traverses West Street from end to end, then
passes along Florida Boad, and, crossing over the railway, it mounts
the Berea Hill. Up this slope the trams run, under trees and past beau-
tiful flowering and sweet-scented shrubs. The line does not run on the

'iJiillMI::

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

385

road, but has a special track at the side. After reaching the summit
of the Berea, the trams run along the brow of the Ilill. The trams are
drawn by horses, indeed it would be a pity to spoil the town by intro-
ducing any other method of traction — unless it were electricity. Every,
body uses the trams in Durban, though the ricksha charge for a short
distance is only 3d — "a tickey." There are no cabs; if there be much
luggage a series of rickshas are engaged and follow in procession.

The Berea is one of the prettiest places in South Africa. Its pictur*
esque villas, nestling amongst a wealth of trees and flowering shrubs,
command charming views down to the Bay, the sea and the Bluff.
It is also remarkable as having been used in one of the first experiments
at municipal socialism.

The municipality bought the land, and by selling or leasing it in
lots as the values increased, has secured a revenue which keeps local
taxation very low and enables many improvements and enterprises to
be entered upon.

Durban has the reputation of being the best managed and the most
self-respecting town in South Africa.

One of the things which causes most pride to the citizens of Durban
is their town hall. This stands in West Street, facing some public gar-
dens, and is, therefore, not too closely enclosed to allow of a full display
of its fine effect. The town hall was completed in 1885, at a cost of
£50,252, and in 1894 a fine organ was erected in the main hall by the
corporation. There used to be great rivalry between the organists of
the Durban and Pietermaritzburg town halls as to the relative worth
of their instruments. Since the town hall at the latter place was de-
stroyed by fire, organ and all, the Durban organ has now no rival in
South Africa. Certainly one of the features of the town is the excel-
lent use to which the organ is turned to account. There are regular
free organ recitals, and numerous musical works are given during each
year by a capable choral society, trained and conducted by the organist.

The botanical gardens of Durban are very well laid out and very
well kept. Indeed they would do credit to a much larger town than
even the largest town in Natal.

The observatory is situated on the upper slope of the Berea, im-
mediately above the botanical gardens, at a height of 260 feet above

aso

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

the sea. Originally founded through the exertions of Mr. Escombe and
some other citizens, in 1883 the institution was taken over by the Natal
Government. Some excellent observation work has been done at this
observatory.

One of the most striking things in Durban is the number of Indian
coolies and merchants. It gives quite an eastern air to the town at
the first glance, but Durban is too English to allow even 40,000 Indians
to make it more eastern. Indeed, so frightened are the Natalians of the
power of the Indians, that it is extremely difficult for an Indian to
obtain the franchise. These brown Uitlanders, however wealthy and
respectable they may be, have very little chance of obtaining the fran-
chise after any number of years — in fact, when they do obtain it, it is
as a favor, not as a right.

In 1897 the citizens of Durban became seriously alarmed at the
intelligence that many shiploads of Indians were coming to Natal,
driven away from home by the famine. Protests were made, and, finally,
on the arrival of one ship, the Durban people lined the quays and
refused to allow the Indians to land. Eventually the Indians were
allowed to enter Durban, but now an act has been passed by which all
immigrants may be excluded who tnnnot write in European characters
a letter applying to be exempted from the provisions of the law. What-
ever may be their wrongs and their dangers, there is no doubt that
they add a groat deal to the picturesqueness of the town.

The climate of Durban in winter, the dry season. Is delightful, but
in the hot, wet season it becomes rather oppressive. The average annual
temperature is C9° to 70°, and the rainfall 40 inches per annum. On
occasion, however, it can be very hot indeed in Durban when the tem-
perature will stand at 109° in the coolest shade, while in the sun 155"
will be registered. Despite the nearness to the sea, it is possible to
ride and walk, even in the immense heat of 109° in the shade, without
feeling the effects seriously. The raoistness in the air induces perspira-
tion; in Durban the nights are not cool as they are in the higher lying
portions of South Africa.

The native policemen of Durban are a curious sight, but have a
great opinion of thoniselv s and are a very fine set of men. There is,
however, something very curious and quaint in seeing a man fully

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

387

equipped in the police garments down to tlic knee, tlicn bare legs and
feet. The policemen carry knobkerries and keep remarkably good
order.

To the west of Durban, behind the Berca, arc the park-like slopes
and hills of Durban County. To the north, the more open country of
Victoria County, covered with the brilliant green sugarcane fields, and
the bold bluffs of the Inanda Range are visible.

Durban has a great future before it, and a very pleasant present.

SeOTION IV. QRAHAMSTOWN.

Grahamstown has the reputation of being the most English town
in South Africa. It is the metropolis of the Eastern Provinces and lies
on the slopes of the Zuurberg Mountains, near the source of the Eowie
Bivers. It is situated at a height of 1,741 feet above the level of the
sea, and may be reached by rail from Port Elizabeth in 9 34 hours.
The populatioi: of 10,436 contains 6,271 whites.

The town is one of the oldest in the Colony, as It was founded in
1812. It became a military station in 1819, nnd next year was selected
by the colonists as their rallying place in the event of native troubles.
In 1819 an attempt was made by a Kaffir chief, with 10,000 warriors,
to surprise the town, but the garrinon of 320 men drove them back, with
great loss. In 1834, 1846 and 1864 the wars between the colonists and
the Kaffirs raged round Grahamstown, so that it would be difficult
to find any kopje or valley which has not witnessed some struggle be-
tween white and black.

Grahamstown is the seat of two Bishoprics, the Anglican and the
Boman Catholic, both of which have a cathedral in the town. The
superintendency of the Wesleyan Methodist body is also located at
Grahamstown. The public buildings are substantial, but have no claim
to architectural merit The town hall is in the Gothic style and is
situated in High Street, the principal thoroughfare. It was completed
in 1882, at a cost of £18,000 (about $90,000). A square clock tower,
projecting on arches over the pavement, commemorates the early strug-
gles of the settlers with the natives. The Eastern District Court House
is also in High Street; it is in Grecian stylf and presents a rather top-
heavy appearance. There are three resident judges. The possession

I M

388

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

i ; k

of the two Bishoprics and the fact that it is the seat of the law court*
of the Eastern Provinces gives a very much higher tone to the society
of the town than is often found in South African towns.

Grahamstown is one of the principal educational centers of South
Africa. In addition to St. Andrew's College, founded in 1885, there
are the public school, St. Aidan's College (Roman Catholic), and the
Cathedral Grammar School, all for boys; with the Diocesan College,
the Wesleyan High School (erected at a cost of £10,000, or about $50,-
000), and the Convent School, for girls.

The streets of Grahamstown run regularly and are wide and lined
with trees. While not possessing any very special attractions, there
are many features in favor of the town as a place of residence. Living
is cheap and good. The agricultural population are the most progres-
sive in Cape Colony; as regards dairy produce, Grahamstown is one
of the few places in the Colony where cheese is made. The water supply
is excellent and is laid on to the houses in pipes. The surrounding hills
are well wooded and afford opportunities for pleasant drives and rides.
The climate is very highly recommended, though the rainfall is too
evenly distributed throughout the year to render it suitable for phthisi-
cal patients.

The botanical gardens are approached from the High Street, through
the old Drostdy or Court House, which is now used for military pur-
poses — Grahamstown being a garrison town. Parliament sat in this
building in 1864. The gardens, which are considered the finest in South
Africa, cover 100 acres and are well irrigated, and the natural beauty of
the valley in which they are placed has not been destroyed.

The most interesting feature of the town is, however, the Bacterio-
logical Institute, which is under the direction of Mr. Alexander Edding-
ton, formerly first principal medical officer in Cape Colony. The insti-
tute is one of the largest and probably the most complete in the world,
and is subsidized by all the South African States, including the Trans-
vaal and the Orange Free State.

The primary reason for which it was established was that of making
investigations into the diseases peculiar to South Africa, and elaborate
researches have been made into "horse-sickness," with a view to discover
a vaccine. Dr. Eoch used the laboratory of the institute for his re-

A BOER SCOUT

The Boer Is trained to a mode of warfare In which scouting on swift horses Is a prominent feature.
Re carries his belt of cartridges, and a water bottle over his shoulder, and wears his wide-brimmed
hat. The rope rou d the horse's neck is used for knee-haltering, which allows the horse to move
slowly about, browsiug on the grass during a time of rest.

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

391

^^B

searches into the nature of rinderpest in 1896-7. Despite the general
indifference on the part of the public the institute has made extraor-
dinary progress and has been a marked commercial success. From its
laboratories vaccine and other serums are made and supplied in their
purest forms.

SECTION V. PORT ELIZABETH.

Port Elizabeth is the geographical capital of CJape CJolony, while
Cape Town is the historical. It is the second city of the Ck)lony in
importance, with a white population of 13,000, besides the natives, who
number 12,000.

In 1820 a large body of emigrants was landed in Algoa Bay, on
the shores of which Port Elizabeth now stands. At that time there
were only a few houses clustered around the little Block House. The
town was laid out by order of Sir Rufane Donkin, Acting Governor,
and he erected a stone monument on the hill above in memory of his
deceased wife. Lady Elizabeth — "one of the most perfect of human be-
ings, who has given her name to the town below." Since 1820 the town
has grown very steadily and has earned the title of the Liverpool of
South Africa. The custom dues received during the 18 years ending
1896 reach the sum of £9,567,082 (about $47,275,000), as compared with
£7,482,798 (about $37,665,000) received at Cape Town.

The town does not yet possess a real harbor and ships have to
anchor in the bay; the anchorage affords good holding ground and is
sheltered from all winds but those blowing from the southeast. These
are, however, the most dangerous of all, and it is often extremely dif-
ficult for the tugs and lighters to pass between the ships and the jetties.
At present all the harbor accommodation consists of two wrought-iron
jetties, 840 and 1,152 feet long, costing, with their equipment, some
£250,000 (about $1,225,000). They are lit by electric light, and are well
furnished with cranes. In 1856 a breakwater was commenced and car-
ried out for 1,700 feet; it had, however, to be removed in 1869, as the
harbor had been rendered useless by the silting up of the sand. In 1897
a scheme was prepared by which it was proposed to construct a shel-
tered harbor, at a cost of from two and a half to three million pounds
sterling (from $10,000,000 to $15,000,000.) This, however, has not yet
been commenced, and all the work is carried on at the jetties which are

! ■■■i

' I

iture.
mmed
move

392

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

connected with the railway. Vessels drawing 20 feet can lie alongside
the jetty during favorable weather; statistics show that this occurs on
four days and five nights out of six.

Viewed from the bay, or even from the north jetty, Port Elizabeth
presents a rather dusty and colorless appearance, owing to the absence
of trees and the sandy hills on either side. The town lies at the foot,
on the slope and on the top of a hill. The slope is so steep that steps
often take the place of roads, and the houses rise one behind the other,
the ones in front not in any way impeding the view of those higher up.

Electric trams run from the Markot Square down Main Street to
North End Park, a distance of two and one-half miles, and another line
runs up the hill. The total length of the electric tramway is twelve
miles, and the fare unit is 3d (6c).

On entering the town from the north jetty the railway station, a
substantial white stone structure, is the first building on the right; on
the left are the new harbor buildings and the custom house. Jetty
Street leads into Market Square, which is the center of the town, and
round which the principal buildings are clustered. By far the most
striking building in Port Elizabeth is the town hall, on the south side
of the square. It is built in the renaissance style, at a cost of £26,000
(about 1128,000), and has a fine clock tower. Besides the public offices
it contains a public library of 25,000 volumes, which, although not the
largest, is the most perfectly arranged in South Africa. This library
is to be transferred to a special building. In front of the town hall are
the post and telegraph offices — a new postoffice is being erected at a
cost of £75,000 (about |367,000).

The market buildings occupy a conspicuous position on the square.
The site for these buildings had to be literally excavated from the side
of the hill, and this is the principal cause for the heavy cost of construc-
tion (£70,000, about $343,000). Some idea of its size may be gained when
one learns that the Feather Market Hall will seat 5,000 people. Besides
this hall there are the Fruit Market and Wool Market Halls.

Main Street is the principal thoroughfare of Port Elizabeth, and
is one of the finest in the Colony. The end near the Market Square is
particularly fine and contains some very handsome buildings. The fur-
ther away from the square the road runs the worse the houses become,

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

393

until nobody could, with truth, praise it. Strand Street, below Main
Street, has been improved recently and now contains some handsome
offices.

The upper part of the town, known as "The Hill," a flat tableland
overlooking the sea, is composed of villas, and 's best approached by
White's Road, leading from Market Square to St. George's Park. There
are numberless churches in Port Elizabeth, both for whites and for
natives. There is also one hospital, the Provincial, known as one of the
best conducted in South Africa.

St. George's Park is well laid out, with shady avenues, lawns and
conservatories, and is all the more interesting because of the fact that
most of the soil h'ad to be carted to the spot. Adjoining the park there
are cricket and tennis grounds. It is well to remember that Port
Elizabeth has been the pioneer of tennis tournaments in South Africa,
and that the championship meetings are still held there each year.

On the north of the town is Prince Alfred Park, close to which are
the golf links. The south end of the town is divided from "The Hill"
by "The Valley," formed by Baaken's River.

Apart from the town, on the east side, are to be found the native
locations. It is impossible to find anything which cannot be utilized
in the making of the dwellings in the location. Of course corrugated
iron forms a large part of the building material, but everything else
seems to find its place. For absolute ragged untidiness the native
locations of Port Elizabeth beat even the wildest and newest alluvial
mining camp. The iron, rusty in parts, and pierced and battered, has
to be rendered water and wind proof by paper, by rags, or, in fact,
by anything handy. The one redeeming feature of the native location
.^ that it commands a magnificent view over the bay and its shipping
(548 vessels entered the port in 1898, with a tonnage of 1,802,541). It
is unfortunate that the natives do not feel so happy in the possession
of the view as they would do if someone offered them a piece of corru-
gated iron without a hole in it. However, it must be said that it is
only the poorer natives whose dwellings are so raggedly put together.

The water supply of the town, brought 27 miles from Van Staadens
River, is excellent, and has been the means of greatly improving the
town. The dam holds about 30,000,000 gallons, and the daily capacity

i< I

;;

304

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

is about 600,000 gallons. The surrounding country is flat, sandy and
not particularly attractive.

When the railway, running along the coast from Cape Town to Port
Elizabeth, is completed it will be of great advantage to both towns,
opening up the intervening rich, fertile country, well fitted for fruit
growing and agriculture.

The principal distances by rail from Port Elizabeth are: Kimberley,
485 miles; Bulawayo, 1,199; Bloemfontein, 449; Johannesburg, 714;
Cape Town, 839 (by sea, 436 miles).

That Port Elizabeth has a very great future before it cannot be
predicted, as it is probable that it will always be more of a forwarding
station than a metropolis. That it will, however, become an important
shipping place there is no doubt whatever.

SECTION VI. PRETORIA.

The fact that Pretoria is the recognized capital of the Transvaal
lends it an interest which it would not otherwise possess. In reality,
however, Pretoria is not the capital, for, by the first article of the
Grondwet, Lydenburg is named the capital. This Grondwet was re-
vised in 1898, but the first article still stands. However, it makes very
little difference since Pretoria has been the seat of Government since
1863.

The town, Avhile lying 4,700 feet above the level of the sea, is sur-
rounded by hills, especially in the direction of Johannesburg, which is
40 miles distant. Seen from one of the surrounding hills, Pretoria looks
extremely well, owing to the number of trees fringing the streets and
growing in the gardens. There are one or two exceedingly picturesque
blue gum and willow avenues, while there are many rose gardens dotted
here and there through the town.

The present population of Pretoria is about 12,000, of which 8,000
are whites. The town is very quiet and appears more so than it really
is, from its close proximity to Johannesburg.

The main feature in Pretoria is the huge open space known as
Church Square. The fact that the greater part of the surrounding
houses are not very tall makes the square appear really bigger than it
is. On this square are situated the Raadzaal and the new government

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

395

offices. The center is occupied by a dreadfully ugly Dutch church,
which deserves nothing better thun to be pulled down and destroyed
utterly. The Kaadzaal, which contalnn many of the Government of-
fices as well as I'.e two chambers of the h'gislature, is said to have cost
£200,000. One curious story is relute<l about the building of this Zaal.
Having been originally planned to r(?a(;h a c(.Ttain height, it was altered
when someone suddenly discovered that the Parliament Ilouse of the
Republic would be one story lower than the big hotel next door. That
of course could not be endured; one more story was added to the plan.
Strange to say, the change was so well nmnaged that experts declare it
to be one of the few oases where* tlu; ('Xtensiou of an original design has
produced an artistic result. The Kuail/iaal certainly is a most imposing
structure, and does credit to the prestige and ambition of the burghers.

Pretoria has not grown much hUh-v it was made the capital, but
still remains quiet and sleepy. The IiHIh which surround it are, alas!
now crowned with forts. These are plnced (m sites chosen by British
officers while the Transvaal was in the liunds of the British.

The streets are wide and not cared for; the traffic is so small that
they seldom need repairing, and Htlll more seldom get it. After a rain
the mud is quite appalling, and to add 1(» the general misery the little
streams which run down the sides of many of the streets overflow and
make the crossing of a road a hazardous and unpleasant proceeding.

Even after the Raid the feeling against the British was much less
marked in Pretoria than in JohanueMburg. After the Gold town, the
Capital comes as a relief, and has u very English aspect. There are
many English residents and their influence is considerable. To prop-
erly appreciate the extent to whicli JCnglisli is spoken and read, it may
be of interest to note that then? are two English papers published in
the town, one bi-weekly, witli u clr<;ulation of 2,000 copies an issue,
and the other weekly.

The main interests in Pr(»torIa center round the Legislative Cham-
bers and the Law Courts. In tlie lallcr tliere is never any lack of work,
because the gold fields of the I{an«l ennnre endless litigation. There are
very many lawyers in Pretoria, and one whole street, known as Das-
vogelsnest (Vulture's Nest), is lllled wllli tlieir offices. Many of these
lawyers are British colonists, and nearly all have been in England to

396

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

Mk Si

receive their training. Tliis legal element forms the most cultivated
and leading section of society — not but that the leading Dutch families
also supply well-educated representatives from their younger genera-
tion.

The room in which the First Volksraad meets is a spacious chamber,
having the national colors hanging across the ceiling. It is interesting
to note that on the right hand of the Chairman there is a chair for the
President of the Republic, while the Executive Council and the heads of
Administration sit to the right and left below — there being five of each.
None of these eleven is a member of the Baad, but they all have the right
to assist in its work. The President has the right of speaking as often
as he likes; of this privilege he avails himself very often, rising and
replying to each member at the end of his remarks. He becomes very
indignant at opposition, and when aroused pours forth his ideas so fast
as almost to render himself unintelligible. He never prepares his
speeches, but simply takes up the subject of the moment on which he
urges his view with all his might.

When the President drives up to the entrance he is escorted by
mounted troopers and on some occasions at any rate he is accompanied
by two troopers as he passes through the corridors to his room in the
Volksraad building.

The behavior of the members is not dignified, — but then it would be
hard to find a house of Parliament where it is. Smoking is allowed and
is much indulged in, while some practical joking is carried on to the
general interest of the rest of the members. But taken as a whole and
considering the various absolutely different types of men amongst the
representatives, the chamber is conducted very creditably. Each mem-
ber has a desk and a seat to himself and there is ample HGom, — indeed
the actually occupied space does not cover much more than half the
floor.

A large portrait of President Kruger hangs in the Raadzaal.

The Second Volksraad is really of no account and can only submit
suggestions on certain industrial and coiiiuiercial matters to the First
Volksraad, which suggestions are generally disregarded.

The President lives in a long, low cottage, with the usual wide stoep.
The reception rooms are large but not luxuriously furnished. The Presi-

OTHER LEADING TOWNS.

397

dent scarcely ever stirs from his house, taking very little exercise. There
is now always a guard of two soldiers at the garden gate, though for-
merly there used to be no precautions taken. Directly opposite the
President's house is the church of the Dopper sect where Kruger occa-
sionally preaches. The name Dopper means "dipper" or Baptist.

The railway station at Pretoria is very primitive and lies a good dis-
tance from the center of the town. There are many very comfortable
and even fine private residences; while the Wesleyan Methodists have a
substantial church and school.

One of the most striking features of Pretoria is the fondness of the
inhabitants for lions in their decorations. There are lions to be found
on one of their bridges, there are lions in front of their President's house
(Barnie Barnato's gift), and there is even a natural lion's head at the top
of a neighboring waterfall, known as the President's Waterfall. It is
probable that these lions are not looked upon as representing the British
Lion, but rather that of the Netherlands.

From Pretoria coaches start to the Bechuanaland border, and to
many towns in the Transvaal, not yet reached by the railway; it is a
very picturesque sight to see them starting from Church Square with
their team of eight to ten mules. They are awful torture chambers in or
on which to travel, as the roads help the constructors to destroy all pos-
sible hope of ease and comfort.

Pretoria, though lying so high, is not very healthy and is very hot.
Possibly the sickness may be explained by the fact that the system of
drainage is very, very primitive and the situation is so damp that ma-
larial fever is prevalent during the hot season.

BOOK II.

CECIL J. RHODES, CAPITALIST AND

POLITICIAN.

CHAPTER I.

INTRODUCTORY.

THERE is probably no man living about whom more public curios-
ity is entertained than the subject of this Mkcti'h. It has been
jocularly said that the most important p<'rHonag(?H in the British
Empire, and those about whom most peoph* in tin* Empire are anxious
to know, are the Queen, and her Prime Minister, and Mr. Uhodes.

Concerning no man could there be so diverst? and even contradictory
opinions formed. He has large numbers of friends who appear to be
deeply, even passionately, attached to him. They speak of his winning
personality as well as his enormous force of character; they dwell upon
the vast plans which he has cherished and the singular ctmcentratiou
of purpose with which he has sought to carry tliem tlirough; they point
to the achievements of his life in finance and statesumnship; they tell
us of the steady success with which he built up his enormous fortune,
and the equally steady unselfishness with wliicli lie spends his income
year by year in the development of his ideas; tliey point to the position
which he has gained through the establiHlimeiit of the British South
Africa Company, the energy with which he occupied tlie great territory
placed under the administration of that company; they cite also the
power he gained for himself for some years wh(»n lie was Trime Minister
of the Cape Colony; they point to the calm self-control with which he
met the terrific shock of the Jameson Haul, and 1 he determined words of
prophecy with which he asserted that even after that disaster his career
was only beginning; they point to the masterful and quiet deliberation
with which he entered into negotiations wit li th<» King of Belgium and
the German Emperor in order to secure from on<> or the other of these
the power of completing his proposed t(»l ('graph line connecting
Cape Town with Cairo. All these and other facts combine, his admirers
say, to stamp Mr. Rhodes as one of those men of genius who rise but
rarely upon the horizon of human history; men who by the combined
originality of their conceptions and invincible persistence of their wills

401

402

CECIL J. RHODES.

;( ■ ■'it

make history; men to whom other men are but the figures on a chess
board, and even the forces of an empire are but the instruments of their
hands.

On the other side we have those who, in Africa and in England alike,
deny all virtue and praise to this man; who speak of him with rage in
their voices, a rage which is caused by the very fact that they admit the
power of the man whose character they dislike and whose influence they
despise. These speak of Mr. Rhodes as the colossal capitalist who uses
his fortune for the purpose of a colossal selfishness; they delight to
dwell on the darker side of the transactions through which the great
consolidation of the diamond companies took place making the for-
tune of Mr. Cecil Khodes ; they assert that he has a contempt for human-
ity, holding the doctrine that every man has his price, and that the
power of money can secure any en(^ which a man cherishes; to them
this capitalist is a man who has used his money with ruthless disregard
to honor for the pui'pose of achieving his political ends; they assert that
he is superior to the mere money accumulator, the mere j)ossessor of
wealth for wealth's sake, in that his supreme passion is the possession
and exercise of power over men, and especially of power in that most
intoxicating of all forms, the power of the Governor, of the Statesman
who finds Empires and peoples pliant to his will; this is the cj-v^cial and
most thrilling wine of life to Mr. Khodes they say — to drirk this he will
pay any price. The love of power they hold to be t»ie key to his char-
acter, the light which explains every path on wlsitu he has chosen to
tread. They accuse Mr. Khodes of using money to obtain the Charter,
of using the Charter to obtain money; they accuse him of fomenting the
insurrectionary excitement at Johannesburg and proposing that Dr.
Jameson should support the insurrectiouaries; they accuse him of work-
ing with Mr. Chamberlain to "get even," as it is said, with President
Kruger, exav since the disastrous days of Dr. Jameson's blunder when
President Kruger got the upper hand of Mr. Khodes. One of the most
ordinary and frequent cries in connection with this war arises from the
belief that it has been caused by the capitalists; and when people speak
of capitalists in South Africa they usually in their imagination sum up
all others under the one dominant and most influential name of Mr.
Kliodes.

-^^^— L

CECIL J. RHODES.

403

Evidently, then, we have a career here which must strike the imag-
ination as one of the most dazzling in recent historj^, and a character
which combines elements so diverse that honest men and women who
have known this person ality will take the most opposite views of his
moral standing and value. The day has not come yet for an authorita-
tive attempt to unravel the complexities which a nature so constructed
must present to the mind. Only when the life story is complete, when
many portions of it yet unknown have been described, and when motives
can be discussed with a freedom which would be unseemly while Mr.
Rhodes is alive and amongst us, only then can we hope that some one
may arise who shall tell us all the facts, give us the real reconciliation of
the contradictions which appear upon the surface and describe to us
the real man as he actually has been, and the value of his personality in
the light of the higher moral standards. But then that day may lie far
ahead of us all, for Mr. Rhodes is still only about forty-seven years of
age, and made his fame as the amalgamator and financier at Kimberley
when he was about thirty.

1 1

CHAPTER II.

THE EARLIER LIFE OF MR. RHODES.

I *

CECIL JOHN RHODES was born in 1853, and was the fourth
son of the late Rev. Francis W. Rhodes, rector of Bishop
Stortford near London. He is therefore now only forty-
seven years of age, of apparently sound health, and possessed of
a bodily constitution which assures him of many years more
of active life. When he had finished with his schooling in 1871
and was ready for college, he became threatened with a pulmonary
trouble and was sent out to South Africa for his health. An elder
brother had already preceded him to that country for the same cause.
This elder brother, Herbert, was engaged in cotton growing in the
Colony of Natal. In the following year young Cecil Rhodes returned to
England and entered as a student in the far-famed Oriel College, Oxford.
Here he caught a chill while rowing, and his lungs became again seri-
ously affected. This drove him immediately back to South Africa.

The two brothers having heard of the discovery of diamonds in Gri-
q:ialand West gave up their ideas of settling in Natal and went to hunt
for diamond claims in the new and wonderful scene of fortune-iaaking.
Here they speedily settled to work. After a time the elder brother, Her-
bert, left, and in 1877 died while engaged on a hunting expedition in Cen-
tral Africa. Mr. Cecil Khodes was froi i the first successful in the diamond
fields, so successful indeed that after a while he resolved to return to
Oxford to complete his college course and take his degree. This un-
doubtedly is an illustration of that persistence and force of will which
characterize the man. For two or three years he spent the larger part
of the year in Oxford, returning for the long vacation to his work on
the diamond fields. It was during one of these journeys toward Kim-
berley that young Rhodes found himself sitting beside an older man who
was evidently a British officer. With that strange reserve which Eng-
lishmen exercise even toward one another, and which all other peoples
so severely criticise, the two men sat for a long time in utter silence,

404

CECIL J. RHODES.

405

the elder watching with surprise his companion as he studied the Prayer
Book of the Church of England. At last the officer tisked him what he
was reading, and was told that he was a student at Oxford and was
studying the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England for his next
examination. The older man was Colonel (afterward the famous Gen-
eral Sir) Charles Warren. The acquaintance made in that Cape post
cart on the way to Kimberley was the beginning, if not of a friendship,
at any rate of an intercourse which brought them some very exciting
experiences in after years.

It was while at Oxford that, according to Mr. W. T. Stead, he came
upon an idea which had much influence in moulding his future life.
"When Mr. Rhodes was an under-graduate at Oxford," we are told, "he
was profoundly influenced by a saying of Aristotle as to the importance
of having an aim in life sufficiently lofty to justify your spending your
life in endeavoring to reach it. He went back to Africa wondering what
his aim in life should be, knowing only one thing: that whatever it was,
he had not found it. For him that supreme ideal was still to seek. So he
fell a-thinking. The object to which most of those who surrounded him
eagerly dedicated their lives was the pursuit of wealth. For that they
were ready to sacrifice all. Was it worth it?" We are told that having
compared the burdens and anxieties of wealth with the pleasures of its
possession, he made up his mind that wealth as such was not worthy of
becoming his aim in life. Politics as he saw them did not attract him.
In the church with its Christian creed he was unable to find rest. Hav-
ing come upon the deeper problems of existence and of life, and having
decided that there might be a God, that his life must be shaped in view
of that possibility, he made up his mind that histoiy ought to disclose to
him the supreme purpose of that God. and that he would be fulfilling the
ideal of his life if he sought to keep in line the expenditure of his ener-
gies with the direction of that purpose. Therefore, Mr. Stead tells us,
the first thing that he sought to find out was what God is doing in this
world. Here the modern doctrine of Evolution assisted him to his con-
elusion. He perceived that if the Darwinian doctrine of natural selec-
tion is to be applied to human history then he must find out which of
the races on the surface of the earth seems to promise most in the future
development of mankind. Now the tests of the race best fitted to impel

:■

406

CECIL J. RHODES.

the world on its upward course must be found in three great character-
istics. It must be the race which of all others most completely promotes
justice, liberty and peace. He of course speedily decided that the race
which of all others gives justice, liberty and peace to those who come
under its influence is what we call the English-speaking race, whether
British or American, Australian or South African. " 'Therefore,' said
Mr. Rhodes to himself, in his curious way, *if there be a God, and He
cares anything about what I do, I think it is clear that He would like me
to do what He is doing Himself. And as He is manifestly fashioning
the English-speaking race as a chosen instrument by which He will
bring in a state of society based upon justice, liberty and peace. He must
obviously wish me to do what I can to give as much scope and power to
that race as possible.' " The practical conclusion of all this theology
and metaphysics, this sociology and ethnology was found in this that,
"He would like me to paint as much of the map of Africa British red as
possible!"

This sounds more like Mr. Stead than Mr. Rhodes, most people will
imagine; but as Mr. Stead has undoubtedly received many confidences
from Mr. Rhodes, personal and political, it may be taken that on the
whole Mr. Stead has in this vivid way set forth some thoughts which in
the early years of his Kimberley activity and his brooding anticipations
Mr. Rhodes actually did cherish.

The life at Kimberley in those days was by no means conducive to
the safe development of a young man's life. Before the compound
system was introduced, drunkenness and crime were terribly rife
amongst the many thousands of black people, as well as amongst
the reckless white people who streamed thither from all direc-
tions in search of fortune. Any young man who survived the tempta-
tions and dissipations of those days, as well as the business excitements
and fluctuations of fortune, must have possessed a strong will and a cool,
clear head.

On the business side matters were complicated for the diamond
seekers by the fact that as they dug deeper and deeper in search of
precious stones the claims began to fall in upon one another. The hole
which one man had dug melte<l into the hole which his neighbor had
dug, and these two into others, and these larger holes grew ever larger.

< I

»l

CECIL J. RHODES.

409

This meant of course that all kimls of bur^aliilng, of l>uying and selling
were going on among those who owned and worked these mines. The
inevitable tendency was to reduce Hie iintnber of individual claims. As
the number was reduced partnershlpM became more common, these grew
into larger companies, and so the procession moved toward the final
consolidation. But the severest strain upon the diamond industry came
when at last it was apparent to all eyes, as it had long
been apparent to some, that ojjen diggings could noc be pur-
sued further. The "blue ground" in wlih'h the diamonds are found
sank down into the soil in a funnel shape, with the narrower end toward
the center of the earth. As the digging jiroceeded downwards the upper
soil in ever larger masses fell in upon and once more covered up the
precious blue ground in which the g<'mH were contained. It became
necessary therefore at last to arrange for underground mining, and this
brought about the largest change Iji th(? <'onditions of ownership which
had yet been seen. Many men were ruined when the fall of the soil
stopped the work and the output of diamonds ceased. Others who fore-
saw the future bought the cheapened shares and held them. One man,
known to the present writer, who had sunk practically all his money in
these shares when they were at their lowest, retired to the old country
to a little town and settled down as a local photographer! He was
quietly waiting his time. When at last the companies had introduced
the new machinery and penetrated to the "blue ground" by subterranean
mines, diamonds were once more brought to the surface in abundance,
dividends rose, the values of shares leajit to great heights, and the man
who had been a photographer began to receive an income of many
thousands of dollars every nuarter. Home men were made millionaires
at this time as the reward of their patience and courage.

In the year 1880 the great I)e Heers Mining Company was founded
with a capital of £200,000 (about ^1,(H)0,000). In three years it was
expanded into the De Beers Consolidafed Mines, Limited. By the year
1885 only four important mines remained, and these were still owned by
42 companies and 56 private owners. It was about this time that Mr.
Rhodes began to forge his way inio the very front rank. He had been
quietly buying up one interest after another until at last he was one
of the principal shareholders in the De Beers Mine. Simultaneously

;■/

410

CECIL J. RHODES.

with the growth of the De Beers consolidation that of the great Kimber-
ley Mine had been going on. These and the smaller companies were
still rivals, putting out as many diamonds as they could annually, and
selling them off as rapidly as possible. It was evident that this was
driving the price of diamonds down while there was no assurance that
the supply would be found inexhaustible. In the interests therefore of
the companies it was evident that some arrangement must be reached
by which they should restrict the annual output and maintain a steady
price. In this way a large annual revenue would be assured, and the
continuance of it spread over many more years. It is said that Mr."
Rhodes called one day on one of the Rothschilds in London, and having
stated his case and applied for their financial backing, received it the
same day, and went to Africa sure of his future success.

There were determined men in all the companies and able financiers,
but the three most famous names in Kimberley were those of Mr. Rhodes,
Mr. Beit and Mr. J. B. Robinson. tJradually these three came to an
understanding, and in 1888 the two great companies finally amalga-
mated. This was Mr. Rhodes's first great financial achievement, and all
competent students maintain that of itself it reveals financial genius of
a high order. Of course transactions so numerous, involving so many
interests tending toward common industrial ends, and resulting in the
enrichment of a few men over all the rest, do involve the infliction of
wrongs more or less serious and more or less deliberate upon many indi-
viduals. There are in various parts of the world men who once, in Kim-
berley, felt that fortune was at their feet until they met the machina-
tions of the consolidators; and these men spend their disappointed years
in cursing very earnestly the names of those financiers who led in this
transaction. It is hard t< know where blame and how much blame in
such cases must fall. That men become cruel in the excited pursuit of
business success is too obvious; that men who in the other relations of
life are tender and considerate will ruthlessly ruin the position of a rival
or vf\\\ send the poor victim of a misfortune into bankruptcy is beyond
question. It is not for the historian to unravel all the mysteries of con-
science and apportion to the subject of his narrative exactly measured
blame and praise, as if the inner world of motive and intent were open
to his gaze.

CECIL J. RHODES.

411

Four great minos wore brotiglit into tlic Do Hcofh Consolidated Com-
pany. Two of these were shut down and have not sinee been mined.
Tliey wait until the other two, known as the Kiinberley and l)e Beers,
shall be exhausted. No one can tell when that limit will be reached.
This company practically controls the diamond markets of the world.
The price is maintained at 23s (about 15.75) per carat. The capital of
the company is £4,000,000 (about 120,000,000). The annual output of
diamonds is said to be about £3,000,000 (about |15,000,000) in value, and
the Company pays 25 per cent in dividends.

In arranging the terms of the final amalgamation Mr. Ehodes took a
very peculiar but characteristic step. His doctrine is said to be that the
possession of wealth means nothing unless the wealth be used for prac-
tical and wortliy ends. For some years Mr. Rhodes had cherished a
definite political ideal regarding South Africa, and with his eyes upon
possible developments in the future he sought to have inserted in the
articles of the amalgamated company a provision, authorizing the direc-
tors to appropriate from time to time such funds as they found it advis-
able to set apart out of their profits for political or imperial purposes.
It is said that Mr. Rhodes discussed this extraordinary proposal with
Messrs. Robinson and Beit through one whole night until four o'clock
in the morning, and that in the end his rivals and partners yielded to
the strength of his desire and agreed to the insertion of this article.
This provision was found of great practical value by Mr. Rhodes when a
little later he needed money quickly and suddenly to open up the great
country of Mashonaland. That work, it seems, would have been delayed
for some time had he not been able to turn to the reserved surplus of the
De Beers Company and appropriate £150,000 (about |750,000) towards
the expenses of the pioneer expedition into Mashonaland.

Diamonds having proved so successful, Mr. Rhodes turned his atten-
tion to the gold fields of the Transvaal. Along with a well known
friend, Mr. C. T. Rudd, he founded the Cold Fields of South Africa
Company, which developed ultimately into the Consolidated Gold Fields
of South Africa, Limited, and gained a position of predominance in Jo-
hannesburg. It was when possessed of the enormous financial power
which these two companies gave him that Mr. Rhodes at last found him-

412

CECIL J. RUOni'S.

■ t

■j '

i'.

self i'('4i<ly to iiiul»M'<iiko llio still more ciiornions risks and rosiionslbUUics
involved In tho fornintloii of the Hritlsh Soulh Africa Company.

It iH said tliat about the year ISSl, when ho was about 2S viais of
aj^o, and when his tinanclal position had beronie secure, Mr. Rhodes was
found by a friend one day studying- the niaj) of Sctuth Africa with tlio
utmost intentness. lie was asked what he was doin}jf, and answered
that he had made up his mind to see that the liritlsli Empire shouhl be
extended to the Zambesi river. lie had found, in the spirit of Aristotle,
the aim which hencefortli became the contrtdliuf; thou}^ht of his life.
That he saw clearly from the tirst all his plans or understood his {jjeneral
purpose need not be believed. We may find reason for the conviction
that both the plan and the means of securinjjf it Arere not for many years
crystallized into definite form, but shiiumered and wavered before his
vision under the intluence of his political surroundin}j;s and the ever-
changing atmosphere of South African thought and feeling. But honor
must be given to the young man Avho, when wealth was coming to him,
felt that its chief attraction for him lay in the poAver Avhich it would
confer upon its possessor to carry out a design so gigantic as the forma-
tion of Austral Africa from the Cape to the Zambesi into one great and
homogeneous Dominion.

And yet the relations of men to the wealth which thej' possess and
which they pursue is one of the most subtle and intricate subjects of
study. Few have been the men who could say that their desire for
Avealth was simply and solely a desire to secure some definite object with
that. wealth. Many young men have set out on the road to AAealth with
philanthropic ambitions, and these ambitions have been driven from
their thought and their affection the higher they mounted. In Mr.
Khodes's case it is not always possible to see clearly the indications of
his desire to possess wealth only for the purpose of using it. Ilis
critics confront those who make this statement with the fact that all his
chief political achievements, even the development of Khodesia, Avhich
he used his wealth to secure, have tended to make hiui wealthier still.
It is one thing for a man to become Avealthy and spend Avhat he has on
objects that absorb his gifts, he "hoping for nothing again;" it is quite
another thing to use his wealth upon even great and beneficent schemes
which, while helping others, enrich him again still further. The sim-

CECIL J. RHODES.

413

I»lu'lty of motive iii the latter case iH one which no outsider has a rij»ht
to criticise, unless the evidence become so varied and so abundant as
to compel the fear into a suspicion, an<l the suspicion into a conviction,
because the wealth which has been pursued for the sake of political
power has, throuj»h its political power, steadily added weaUh to itself.

It must of course be freely acknowledj^ed that Mr. Khodes has in
many and various ways shown his willingness to spend money on experi-
ments of a costly kind which have brou«'ht no pecuniary return to him-
self or the companies to which ho belongs. That indubitable fact must
be reckoned as one piece of evidence in favor of that theory regarding
his attitude toward wealth which Mr. Stead so enthusiastically and
confidently expounds and defends. There is one fact concerning Mr.
Rhodes which ought at this point to be mentioned. It is often brought
against him and other millionaires of South Africa that they have no in-
tention of making South Africa their homes, that they are only exploit-
ing the mineral wealth of that region in order to retire to luxury and dis-
tinction of life in their old homelands later. This is as yet distinctly un-
true of Mr. Rhodes. He has spent his money freely in South Africa, . i
South African project^s; he has not bought estates in England nor buiii
houses and set up elaborate establishments there; as yet he counts him-
self a South African, committed evidently to what ma}' yet prove a long
career of prominence and power in that region. If his intention in this
direction is persistent and unwavering, then on all South African sub-
jects he has as much right to speak, and with all South African problems
he has as much right to deal, as any man in that land.

It was in the early "eighties," and when he had begun his political
career, before indeed he was quite 30 years of age, that Mr. Rhodes first
came in contact w'ith the great and noble General Gordon. The two
were thrown together and Gordon conceived apparently a strong adurlr-
ation for the genius and energy of the young colonist. They must liave
had many discussions in which they opened their hearts to each other,
for we are told that on one occasion Mr. Rhodes asked General Gordon
why, after the conclusion of his services to the Emperor of Chinn, when
the Emperor olt'ered him a cluimber full of gold, he had declined. Gor-
don replied like a true Scotchman by asking another question, — "Would
you have taken it?" "Certainly," Mr. Rhodes replied, "and three more

414

CECIL J. RHODES.

II, ,',

i ' f :

rooiiiK full If I coiilil have ^{\\ (hem." lie j;avc a rcanou for this williug-
110H8 toa<'('(>pt wealth in any amount. IIi* maintained that a man cannot
carry out IiIh idean liowever \*{nn\ they may be unless he has wealth at
his back. "That," he said, "is the reason why I have always tried to
(■ond)in(> the commercial with the ima^inativ(>, and that is the reason
why I have not fjilled in my undertaUin<;s." This remark of Mr. Khodes
himself would naturally lead the reader into deep and sometimes sad-
dened wondering; on the comparison between the progress which j;reat
ideas nmke in the political world, whoso only force is in their truth and
benelicence, and other ideas, whose success tlows from the money that is
used to i>ush them towards realization. And truly, Mr. Khodes has on
more than one occasion confronted with his ideas, backed by his money
power, ideas held by others which were not so backed. Mr. Khodes has
carried the day ami his ideas have appeared for a time as those which
must win. Kut the (pu'stion is at leawt debatable, after all, as to whether
his ideas and plans have not proved less helpful, even when backed with
money, than those ol ' .rs which have not received this supi)ort. In every
land where this feature of social development is presented to ns our deep-
c'st consolation comes from observing; that wealth can only for a time give
potency to false ideas. Hooner or later false ideas, mistaken policies, be-
gin to manifest their error in the social and political diseases which they
produce, and men, without suspecting or confessing that the big idea
nnderlying their movement is the cause of evil, begin to minimize its
intluence by tinkering here and there at the system which it has created.
It is only gradually and jtainfully, but thank Uod it is surely, that the
correcting of the wrong proceeds and the bringiiig in of the true ideals
rejected htng ago is concurrently carried on. Seme think it is possible
to prove that certain of the political ideals of Mr. Khodes in South
Africa and certain of his methods have been wrong, have gained a tem-
porary victory because he employed and confessedly employed the
[>ower of wealth to force them into operation, but that the process of
their alteration and linal removal has begun. Perhaps it may be possi-
ble in the course of this story to give some proof of this assertion.

We are told that on one occasion, during the period of the troubles
with the Kasutos, (Jordon and Mr. Khodes were serving together and
saw much of each other, (lonhm disa}.]tr()ved of the dogmatic spirit in

CECIL J. KllUDliS.

41.1

which hiH youn^ friend toolv hold oT \\\h idciiN iiiid itiHlHti'd upon thnn.
"You tliinli," ho said, "your viowH arc alwayM ri^lil and everyone elsi?
wrong." Now tlie llasutos, lilie all na(lv«'M, had formed an intense ad-
miration for (lordon; wheresoever lie went anion^ primitive and sava^^ie
peoples he invariably secured their coidldencj' and their love. Mr.
Khodes, it is said, put (Jordon's humlllly of H|)irit and pcjwcr of self-
abnegation to a severe test one day. "I hav<' an opinion," he said, "that
you are doing wrong. You should let the ihiHUtoH know that it is Wauer
who is the great man, not you." This Mr. Hauer was a South African
lawyer who at the time was secretary for native affairs in the Cai»e
Government, and was, therefore, ottlcially the HUperior of (Jeneral Oor-
don whom that Government had employed. The keen and sensitive
conscience of the Christian soldier felt the sting of this accusation. At
the very next Indaba or council of the chiefs he stood up before them
and, pointing to Mr. Sauer, explained to their asl(»nishmeut that he was
the great man amongst them. "J," he said, "am only his servant, only
his dog, nothing more." Gordon afterwards confessed that it was
"hard, very hard" to do this, but that he had done it because it was the
right thing. No story could possibly put the two men who seemed to
esteem one another in a more strange contrast, for while Mr. Khodes
had the quick wittedness *ind the cynical humor to play thus upon the
sensitive strings of (Gordon's conscience, no one suspects that he had
deemed it a reasonable thing or a step that lay in his own path of duty
to humble himself before his fellow-men in so cutting a fashion. But
that, after all, marks the difference between the one man who will take
all the wealth he can get in order to jmsh his ideas, and the other man
who will trust that the ideas of right shall at last, in himself and in the
world, overcome even the hostilities of wealth an<l by their sheer force
compel human hearts and human society to take their shape and mani-
fest their spirit. We are told that not long afterwards when (jeneral
Gordon was about to start on his last sad misHlon to the Soudan in 1884,
and was hxdiing round for men of energy and of ideas who should
accompany him, one of those Avhoni he selecled was young Cecil Ilhodes
of Cape Colony, but at this time Mr. Uhodes was so deeply involved in
(\ape Colony politics that he had to decline CJeneral Gordon's '>ff'er.

ii i..

CHAPTER III.

HIS EARLY POLITICAL LIFE.

AB'TER the annexation of Griqualand West to the Cape CJolony the
leading men of Kimberley, which was thus taken from under
direct Imperial control, decided to have their interests repre-
sented in the Cape Parliament. This was the moment at which Mr.
Rhodes entered the larger aren . of political life. He stood for the rep-
resentation of the Barkly West constituency and was elected. He has
held this seat in the Cape Parliament continuously from that day to this.
A man of his energy and of his ideas could not longer remain an obscure
or inactive member of any Parliament, and although still under thirty
years of age, he speedily made his way to the front. While not pos-
sessed of oratorical gifts he is yet described as a clear and incisive, if
somewhat abrupt, speaker, wlio p.ims at no ornament, no flights of elo-
quence, but speaks warmly and directly on every matter with which he
deals.

In the year 1882 a marked change was brought about in the political
life of Cape Colony throu^n the passing of an act which allowed the
Dutch language to be spoken on the floor of the House. Already a
political association had been for several years at work among the farm-
ers of Cape Colony, striving to arouse their interest, especially in legisla-
tion which affected agricultural affairs. This effort had proved by no
means successful, until they knew that once more their own language
was being recognized and that their own representati\ es would speak
that language in the House of Legislature itself. This seems to have
put new life into them. They sent a new class of represeitatives, took
a new interest in parliamentary discussions and in the measures which
were proposed on their behalf by the leaders of their party. South
Africans tell us that the change was not all for good, because the repre-
sentativefi who were now sent to C.ipe Town and who v*'ere willing to
take advantage of the new law, were as a rule men who had not educa-
tion enough to speak English. Many of the constituencies were there-

416

CECIL /. RHODES.

417

fore represented by a poorer class of legislators whose chief task it was
to follow the guidance of those whom they recognized as their party
leaders.

Another effect of this change was to give these directors of the Dutch
party an enormous increase of influence. The chief of these was Mr. J.
II. Hofmeyr. This si;igularly astute man, the head of the Afrikander
Bond, and therefore the mouth-piece of all South African Dutchmen in
the Parliament at Cape Town, adopted the clever plan of refusing to
take the reins of power into his own hands. He would neither be the
"vorlooper" who leads the team of oxen, nor the driver who wields the
whip; he would be the master who sits on the box and decides on the
route they are to take and the places at which they are to stop. He
became the king-maker, as it were, in Cape Colony from the year 1881 to
the year 1899. Having the Dutch majority at his back, he practically
decided who was to be Prime Minister, and what his policy should be.
This has been felt of course by the Dutch party to be a great boon. We
must leave the nature of that boon to be judged by those who will read
the kind of laws which that party was instrumental in passing. But it
was a bad eveiit for the atmosphere of Cape politics; it immediately
lowered the tone by making the ministers feel themselves the creatures
of another force than that of public and intelligent opinion ; it undoubt-
edly made one or two well known Cape politicians too pliant as tools of
their master; it drove others of stronger and more independent convic-
tions permanently out of office. This power it was which Mr. Rhodes
found himself compelled to face when he had been only a short time an
important member of the Legislature, and it was the sudden uprising of
this influence aj^ much as anything else which produced that sudden
change in the policy of the Governor (Sir Hercules Robinson) which we
describe elsewhere.

The first and most natural occurrence was the recognition of Mr.
Rhodes's great financial ability by his appointment as Treasurer for the
Colony. Later he held the office of Commissioner of Works. The first
prominent action which he took in regard to the relation of Great
Britain to the interior is to be found in an amendment to a motion which
he put before the House in August, 1883. It was in the very period
when, as we have ek^awhere seen, the free-booters were busy in South

418

CECIL J. RHODES.

li'^f

III .

Bocliuanalaud robbing the liocLuauas and threatening to occupy the
whole territory. This wouUl close up the road to the interior. John
Mackenzie the missionary, had just reached home and was about to
begin his work on this subject in England. Mr. IJhodes in Cape Town
moved "that Uer Majesty's Government be moved in the meantime, in
the interests of this colony, to appoint a Kesident with the chief Man-
koroane." This most wise suggestion fell through with the motion to
which it was proposed to be added. Mr. Ilofmeja* was not anxious to
encourage any step that would interfere with the plans of his fellow
Bondsmen in the Transvaal. If Mr. Ehodes's wise suggestion, which
was identical with proposals submitted three or four years before, earn-
estly and fully, by John Mackenzie to Sir Bartle Frere, had been carried
out, much ill would undoubtedly have been avoided.

The next important experience in this line was reached by Mr.
Khodes in the following year. He was in Cape Town when the agitation
against John Mackenzie's appointment to Bechuanaland began. lie
was in Kimberley when Captain Bower and Sir Hercules Kobinsou
resolved to invite the Deputy Commissioner to visit Cape Town for a
conference on the progress of his work, and it seemed to them a natural
step to propose that Mr. Khodes should act for him during his absence.
In fact Mr. Bhodes was consulted by telegram as to the recall of the
man whom he was intended to supplant! Mr, Rhodes accordingly pro-
ceeded to Bechuanaland. What he found there was this; that the
so-called Kepublic of Stellaland had been established for some time
with one J. Van Niekerk as its Administrator and he was a citizen of
the Transvaal! This little Republic which had a flag of its own, lay
partly in the Transvaal, as defined by the new Convention, and partly
outside the new boundary in Bechuanaland. Mr. Van Niekerk lived on
the Hart River on the Ti'ansvaal side of this boundary, and there his
coadjutors lived with him. They never were inhabitants of that por-
tion of Stellaland which fell outside the Transvaal. Mr. Rhodes found
further that when John Mackenzie arrived at Vryburg, the capital of
Stellaland, he had lived there about three weeks, studying the situation
and seeking to win the trust of the inhabitants, lie had met with Van
Niekerk and other leaders both in private and public meetings; he had
formally otTered to Van Niekerk, who seemed a capable mai , the posi-

fe^'

CECIL J. RHODES.

419

tion of local C<3iumi«siouor ou coiulitioii that he should take the oath of
allegiance to the Queeu ou eutei'injj; upon his ol'lice. This offer A^an Nie-
kerk had considered and had deliberately but finally declined. John
Mackenzie had been further persuaded, even against his own will, to
allow the Stellaland flag to be taken do^•n and the British flag to be
raised in its place. This seems the natural consequence of the step
which he had been fully empowered to take, when he proclaimed Bech-
uanaland as under the protectorate of the Queen and proceeded to re-
organize its administration. When John Mackenzie proceeded north
to complete his tour of Bechuanaland he made arrangements for a ten-
tative conduct of affairs in Stellaland during his absence. This, Van
Niekerk and his companions could not brook. They were not fully
persuaded of the sincerity and earnestness of the British Government
in its new step, and resolved to run considerable risks in the way of
defiance. They therefore proceeded to act as if they still held authority
in Stellaland, and claimed to be the masters of Vryburg itself, which
was now in British territory. All these acts of these free-booters living
in the Transvaal had created great unrest, had struck fear into the
hearts of those who rallied round John Mackenzie, and threw the entire
district into disorder. It was a disorder which a few police could have
met and dealt with adequately if the promise of Sir Hercules Robinson
to his Deputy Commissioner in this matter had been kept.

When Mr. Khodes was asked to act for the Deputy Commissioner
during his absence at Cape Town he at once went into Stellaland. lie
met Mr. Mackenzie at Vryburg, who explained to him all that had taken
T)lace, and especially dl^scribed the political attitude of Van Niekerk,
,v'5io persisted in acting not only as a foreigner but as a hostile foreigner.
l\ii*. Rhodes took the, as yet, unexplained step, of ignoring all that had
been done and entered once more into friendly negotiations with Van
Niekerk. Not only so, the small police force at Vryburg which was just
being organized was disbanded; the proclamation made in virtue of his
commission by Mr. Mackenzie was said to be annulled; Captain Bower
was summoned from Cape Town and he brought back with him the
Stellaland flags whi<-h Mr. Mackenzie had handed to him, and he, a
British officer, actually restored them to Van Niekerk. Both Mi'.
Rhodes and Captain Bower either knew Van Niekerk well and had

420

CECIL J. RHODES.

Liin.:

I, I

reasons for trying to please biiu, or imagined him to be a weak man
whom they conld use for their own ends and through whom they could
gain ascendancy over the Stellaland people. Mr. Rhodes received the
draft of an agreement from this hostile foreigner regarding the Govern-
ment of the British protectorate and this agreement is one of the most
extraordinary documents in the whole history of these affairs. The
document consisted of five articles, the first of which declared "that all
matters transacted in Stellaland by Mr. Mackenzie be cancelled." It
must be remembered that this included acts performed by him officially
as an Imperial representative, and which were thoroughly covered by
his commission. The second article arranged that the Stellaland Gov-
ernment as it existed before t - " r'val of Mr. Mackenzie should con-
tinue to act, "pending annexatio. > the Cape Colony." The Commis-
sioner, however, was to be nominated by the Cape Government. The
third article made the extraordinary and generous provision that the
land titles in Stellaland "as issued and signed by the Administrator
(Van Niekerk) and registered in the Deed's office (Van Niekerk's office)
be recognized." That is to say, Mr. Rhodes was to promise that all the
titles which Mr. Van Niekerk had given to white men in that land should
be accepted as final by the British Government without further investi-
gation. This preposterous and absolutely indefensible provision was
followed by one which provided for a court to investigate cattle thefts,
but before the investigation should take place this article actually i)ro-
posed "that Mankoroane (the Bechuana chief) shall have to repay cattle
at once;" that is to say, his alleged thefts or responsibilities for theft
were not to be investigated! lie must be fined immediately before the
court of investigation into all other alleged thefts could be constituted.
The fifth article was another direct insult to all those who had favored
the Imperial Government and had put their trust in it on the represen-
tations of Mr. Mackenzie. It provided that none of these "will be
allowed to obtain a Government situation in Stellaland."

Captain Bower seemed to see no harm in this document, and trans-
mitted it to the High Commissioner. The agreement which afterwards
(m the 8th of September Mr. Rhodes, did sign did not fall far short of the
claims made here by Van Niekerk. The first article was accepted with
altered phraseology; the second article was also in substance accepted

CECIL J. RHODES.

421

with the Ufldition of the words "recognizing however Her Majesty's
protectorate and subject to the conditions that all executive acts must
be taken in concert and with the consent of the Commissioner of Rech-
nanaland." But the fifth article in the new document actually sus-
pended the operation of the second article for the period of three
months! The result of this was that a territory which had been form-
ally announced as under the Queen by a Deputy Commissioner sent
from London for that purpose, and in which Imperial officers Avere
already at work, was for three months to be placed once more under
the power and full executive authority of a group of men who lived in
the Transvaal, and who were openly and avowedly and intensely hostile
to that Imperial Government. No one, not even Mr. Rhodes, has been
able to explain what he hoped to gain by thisinost extraordinary agree-
ment. When Mr. Rhodes went north to the land of Goshen he found
that the Boer free-booters had become bolder than ever and had engaged
in acts of bloodshed and fresh aggressions upon the territory recently
brought under the protection of the Queen. Here his failure to secure
any intercourse with the free-booters was signal and complete.

It is quite evident then that Mr. Rhodes's first experiment in political
administration resulted not in clearing the atmosphere, not in heighten-
ing the regard of the Boers for the Imperial Government, but on the
contrary in making that Government once more the object of laughter
among the border Transvaalers as well as in Pretoria. The apparently
bold step which the Imperial -Government had taken in the action of
Mr. Mackenzie, was now withdrawn through the influences working at
Cape Town and through the very agreements which Mr. Rhodes was
making. How Mr. Rhodes expected in this way to keep the trade route
into the interior open, to secure South Bechuanaland for the Cape Col-
ony, to clear it of the Transvaalers whose grasp on its administration he
himself now deepened and strengthened, it is impossible to understand.
He became aware himself that matters were becoming confused and
serious and wired to Cape Town to that effect. Cape Town was other-
wise becoming alive to the real meaning of the events transpiring in
Bechuanaland, and the result as we have seen elsewhere came in the
loud demand for an expedition from England and the presence of Sir
Charles Warren in Bechuanaland.

422

CECIL J. RHODES.

Mr. Kliodos, as wo have socn, liad of old foi'iiicd a personal acquaint-
ance with Sir Cliark's and know tlioroforo tlio strength of the man who
•was coniinj?. A peculiar and never explained transaction took place
when Sir Charles Warren was still at Cape Town. Mr. Khodes was for
some reason, he maintains that it was for the sake of his own honor and
the honor of Her Majesty the Queen whose representative he had been,
anxious that his agreement with Van Niokork should be honored by his
successor to the full. That very agreement, it must be remembered,
was the one which cancelled and dishonored the acts of his own predeces-
sor who also had been a representative of the (Jueon. Somehow or an-
other Sir Charles Warren was persuaded to wire from Cape Town a
promise to Van Niekerk that he would fulfill that agreement. Wlien he
reached the scene of all these transactions, when he came to know and
understand the real events, when the real disgrace, weakness and danger
of Mr. Khodes's agreement stared him in the face. Sir Charles of course
found it impossible to fulfill th(» promise which he had perhaps rashly,
at any rate, ignorantly, made. ]\Ir. Khodes was indignant at what he
interpreted as a personal affront, and sent a message to the High Com-
missioner tendering his resignation. He was, however, persuaded to
remain in ofTice.

Mr. Khodes had during these experiences reached the conclusion
that the best method for the development of Rochuanaland was the em-
ployment of what he called Colonial Imperialism, instead of the direct
Imperialism advocated by Mr. Mackenzie. lie maintained in the House
at Cape Town that "in Bechuanaland lay the future of South Africa,"
and that the Transvaal must be prevented from spreading itself across
the continent so as to close the Cape Colony out of the interior. He now
held that in order to carry this policy out the "Imperial factor must be
eliminated." This startling phrase aw(dio the anxieties of large num-
bers in South Africa who did not at once see its real moaning. It
startled them, but it pleased a great many who thought they did under-
stand it. These others were the friends of the Afrikander Bond, the
people who secretly or avowedly, clearly or confusedly, hoped the day
would come when the Dutch race would control all South Africa and
Imperial connection would l)o cut olT. For them the "elimination of the
Imperial factor" from South African affairs, the refusal to allow the

CPXIL J. RHODES.

423

lusion

he em-
direct
House
frica,"
across
Te now

nust be

re num-
r. It
imder-
)ntl, the
the day
ica and

Dn of the
low the

Imperial Government to Hend oJliccrM of ilK own to control events in
any part of South Africa, was a neceHHjiry Ktep towards that {grander
consummation. Now Mr. llhodcH did not mean this. What he did
mean was that the British Government Hlionld in a general way superin-
tend the course of events in South Africa, standing between Cape Colony
and any oth European power that slionld attempt to interfere in
South Africa, watching also tlie critical moments in the relations be-
tween Cape Colony and the Transvaal when the Government of the
latter should show itself too aggresHive or too insistent; but in the
meantime the Imperial Government Hhoiild allow tlie Cape Colony to do
the developing Avork in the interior. l''or this purpose Bechuanaland
must be annexed as speedily as jioHMible, Mr. Uhodes thought, to the
Colony. During his brief period of administration in South Bechuana-
land his plan seems, therefore, to have? been to hold things in statu quo
until an act of annexation should be passed through the Cape Parlia-
ment and receive the Queen's sanction. All this, he expected, would be
secured and carried out under the British Hag by a British Colony.
"Colonial administration in the name of the Empire" may be said to have
been the motto of his policy at this period. Mr. Uhodes did not himself
realize the weakness of a young Colonial Government, nor did he suf-
ficiently foresee the vacillations of purpose through which the Ministry
at the Cape would pass on this very matter, vacillations surpassing even
those of London. The previous Prime Minister, Sir Thomas Scanlen,
had in London assured the Earl of I)<'rby that Cape Colony would annex
Bechuanaland. His successors in the Mifiistry at the Cape made up
their minds that nothing would induce them to annex Bechuanaland.
When John Mackenzie was succeeding in Stellaland and the work
seemed fairlj^ easy and inexpensive, when it was realized that there
were not merely 50 but 500 European setth-rs in that country, the prize
once more seemed too good to htsc, and the annexation policy was once
more approved. It was during this period that Mr. Uhodes made his
remarkable agreement with Van Niekerk "pending annexation to the
Cape Colony." When, a litth' lat«'r, two (»f the Cape Ministers them-
selves visited Bechuanaland and ]>ressed a policy which brought dis-
grace both upon their of!ice and the ImjH-rial Government, while they
made themselves for a while objects of derision and pity throughout

424

CECIL J. RHODES.

South Africa, annexation was once more set far off as impossible and
undesirable.

In the mean time the only people who knew their minds were the
Transvaalers who saw Bechuanaland as they thought falling completely
into their power, and the Afrikander Bond leaders at Cape Town, who
viewed this result with complacency. Mr. Rhodes's earlier efforts at the
substitution of a "Colonial" for a direct Imperialism were thus rendered
/utile.

,. ,._,

FRONT DOOR OP MR. RHODES HOUSE

Over this handsome doorway Is a bronze bas-relief by Tweed representing the landing of Van Rlebeek

in Table Bay in 1652.

'» 1

ff !: J

H^^^^^^^H^^^^^BI^^^^I

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^Hi^H^^E'^M^^^^^^^^Hlt^l

1 < ^^^^^^^^^^^^F'T^jS^^^^^^IR^^^B

^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^■^^^^^^^B8e

1 ^^^^^IB^^IP^^I

^^^. ^iiiiiiini " ^ /^^H*^^

I^^^^^^^^H^B II

I 1 r^^'>'.' -'^^HHH

l^^^^^^^^^^" ^^™ ' 1 1 1 ■

I l''^^^^^^^^^^^^H

^^^^^mm / / 1^

1 m^^^^^^^^^M

1 ^^^IH^H^I

'T'^^H^^^^^H

^I^^^^M^^^^^^^^^^H

CHAPTER IV.

MR. RHODES AND THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA
CHARTERED COMPANY.

IT WAS known for many years that gold and other minerals were to be
found in the regions north of the Transvaal, known as Matabeleland

and Mashonaland. Indeed, Lobengula, the chief of the Matabcle, was
pestered for a long time by Europeans who sought to obtain treaties and
concessions from him granting them the ownership of various parts of
his country and mining rights therein. It was in the year 1888, however,
that the eyes of the most capable and wealthy men were turned in that-
direction. In October of that j'ear three men api>eared before Loben-
gula, and obtained from him the concession upon which ulti-
mately the great Chartered Company was established. These three
men were Messrs. C. D. Rudd, R. Maguire and F. R. Thompson. The
concession was drawn up Avith the help of the Rev. C. D. Helm, a well-
known and highly respected missionary of the London Missionary So-
ciety. He had ever held himself ready to aid as interpreter, without
fee or rewr.rd, in any ncgptiations between white men and Lobengula.
His strong influence over the natives gave them confidence in him, and
his interest in them prompted him often to undertake this task that he
might protect them from unjust dealings by unscrupulous concession
hunters. He certified that the concession to which we refer was by
himself fully interpreted and explained to the chief and his full council
of headmen, and "that all the constitutional usages of the Matabele na-
tion had been complied with prior to his executing the same." It must
then be acknowledged that this concession was granted by the chief
with full knowledge of its contents and clear understanding of its con-
ditions. It does not fall into that class of documents with which the
history of South Africa abounds, whose main characteristic was their
rascality towards ignorant natives.

In this most important concession Lobengula granted "the complete
and exclusive charge over all metals and minerals situated and con-

427

.a,]

42S

CECIL J. RHODES.

taiued iu my kingdoms, priiudpalitioH, and dominions, together with full
power to do all things that they may deem necessary to win and procure
the same, etc." In addition to this authority to engage in mining oper-
atioii> u most important responsibility was laid upon the receivers of
this concession. Lobengula complains that he had been much molested
by divers persons seeking and desiring to obtain similar grants and
concessions; but he now authorized the holders of this concession to
take all necessary and lawful steps to exclude such persons from his
land and promised to render them such needful assistance as they might
require for that purpose. The holders of this concession practically,
then, received nil mining rights in Matabeleland and even police power
to cast possible rivals out of the country. In exchange for this Loben-
gula received 1,000 Martini-Henry breech-loading rifles and 1,000 rounds
of suitable ball cartridges, and in addition an annual sum of £1,200
(about I8»(),000) to be paid in equal monthly installments.

These three gentlemen were not the only ones who had their eyes
upon this region. Mr. Cecil Khodes was concerned in the matter from
the beginning, and other men representing other exploring and gold
mining companies were moving in the same direction. It is an inter-
esting fact that Sir Hercules Kobinson, the Governor of Cape Colony,
was not only necessarily kept aware of these developments, but seems
to have known also to what they might lead; for on March 18, 1889,
referi'ing to the monopoly granted to Mr. Rud 1 and his friends, he says
that "it may possibly develop into a royal charter." He places before
the Colonial Office in a positive and clear way the alternative which lay
before Her Majesty's Government. Either they might allow any num-
ber of foreigners to ()btain concessions in Matabeleland and so cause a
conflict of interests and innumerable quarrels, such as perplexed the
administrators of Swaziland; or they might allow one powerful com-
pany to control the commercial development of those regions. But
further the question arises as^to the relation of the British Government
to those regions, and here Sir Hercules IJobinson speaks almost as a
critic of his own past, for he points out that either the British Govern-
ment must make itself thoroughly responsible for the administration
of those territories and face the question of expense before the tax-
payers, or make some other provision for that administration. It is a

CECIL J. RHODES.

42<.»

strange thiug which every thoughtful Htudent of Houth African hintory
finds hard to underHtand, tliat tlic HHtlMli tax-payer haH played so im-
portant a part in despatches between Lonilon and Cape Town and has
unwittingly exercised so restrictive an Influence upon the development
of Imperial interests in those regions. Every opportunity for a formal
Imperial advance has been hindered or stopped by complaints of the
Treasury at London or fears lest the Treasury should complain. This
has not happened with the direct Imperial development of other regions
such as New Guinea, or South Sea Islands, or even other territories in
West Africa, not to speak o*f the Empire of India. The very despatch
of Sir Hercules Robinson's now referred to, threatened that to take in
hand the Government of Matabeleland and Mashonaland would cost
the British tax-payers for some time at all events an annual expenditure
of not less than a quarter of a million pounds sterling! This extra-
ordinary and exaggerated calculation undoubtedly had its influence in
London. The fact is that all these • .gions might long before that year
1889 have been paying by means of reasonable native hut-taxes the
expenses of a simple but adequate British administration.

On April 30, 1889, Sir Hercules UoblnHon's prophecy was fulfilled
when the Colonial OflQce in London received an application for a charter.
The application was made by Lord GUI'onl V. C. in name of the Explor-
ing Company, Limited, and was backed up by Mr. Rhodes and others
representing the Gold Fields of South Africa Company. At first the
proposal was put in a moderate and tentative manner. The objects of
the company were said to be four, namely, the extension of the railway
and telegraph systems towards the Zambesi, the encouragement of
immigration and colonization, the promotion of trade and commerce,
the development and working of minerals and other concessions. The
company promised to begin with the railway and telegraph system ex-
tensions immediately. Nothing was said in these first letters regarding
the exercise of administrative authority by the proposed chartered com-
panr.

The proposal of course involved the union of a number of rival com-
panies and the reconciliation of their apparently conflicting claims. In
the negotiations between the Colonial office and the applicants for the
charter, as well as between the Colonial office and Lord Salisbury, the

430

CECIL J. RHODES.

>^■\^'i ;. i i

I' Sk

5^-

ttt. \

Piiine Minister, the idea of administrative functions granted to the pro-
posed company was gradually introduced. It was on June 28, 18S9,
that Lord Salisbury was asked for his final opinion, and was told that
the charter as drafted woild incorporate the company for trading and
working the concessions which had been obtained, but Avould also em-
power the company "if and when it acquired from the native chiefs
grants or power of govornmei't, to assume such functions of government
as Her Majesty may think desirable for it to undertake." Mr. Rhodes
was in a hui'ry to return to Africa and Lord Salisbury was asked there-
fore to decide the mat ter in a few days. This was accordingly done, and
the negotiations steadily proceeded until at last the charter was finally
ilrawn up and was granted on October 15, 1889. It required the assent
of the House of Commons, but that was easily secured in spite of the
known disapproval of many members and large sections of the British
public. This assent was obtained by bringing the matter before the
House at the end of a session and in an unexpected hour. The country
was surprised to find that with so little discussion, so sweeping a charter
had been granted. On the whole the step was received with considera-
ble enthusiasm by the press of the country. Attention was naturally
concentrated by most people upon the commercial and colonizing as-
pects of the scheme; the political advantages were of course emphasized
in the fact that thus (Jreat Britain finally secured for herself the position
of territorial paramountcy in South Africa as a whole. But not much
attention was paid to the most important, nay the vital part of the
scheme, which gave to this company not only an enormous territory for
its own pos;;vssion and use with vast commercial privileges and facili-
ties, but enormous responsibilities and powers of a political and admin-
istrative nature.

The petitioners to M'liom the charter was granted and who were
named as first directors of the Company were the Duke of Abercorn, the
Duke of Fife, Lord Gifford, V. C, Mr. Cecil John Khodes, Mr. Alfred Beit,
Mr. Albert Grey and Mr. George Canston. These persons had been
selected with singular astuteness and were drawn from divers and
influential sections of society. The Duke of Fife was within the Royal
circle, the Duke of Abercorn was one of the leading noblemen of Great
Britain, Lord Giftord was one of her bravest soldiers, Mr. Beit was not

CECIL J. RHODES.

431

a British subject but a European capitalist of great influence, Mr. Albert
Grey had been long prominent in connection with the South African
Cominittee as one of the most earnest men in England concerning the
Imperial development of South Africa and the recognition o^ native
rights and preservation of native interests. He was the nephew and
heir of Lord Groj', whose profound interest in South African affairs had
lasted for many years. There seemed to be in this list a full guarantee
to the British public that all the proceedings of the Compiinj'^ would
aim at the noblest kind of administration in the territories assigned to
them. The charter itself was granted avowedly on account of commer-
cial advantages to British subjects in the United Kingdom and the
colonies, which would accrue from the operations of this Company; but
emphasis was also laid in the preamble upon the benefit that would be
bestowed upon the natives through the civilizing influences that could be
brought to bear upon them by this form of administration. The slave
trade would be suppressed, the liquor traffic would be regulated, immi-
gration of Europeans would be both encouraged and directed, aud thus
the native peoples would be presciwed from disaster and have tlieir cIa-^-
ilization advanced. The territory assigned to the Company was said to be
north of British Bechuanaland, thus iucludiug Khama's country, whicli,
however, has never yet been actually placed under the Company, north
and west of the Transvaal and west of Portuguese territory. No north-
ern boundary was assigned, leaving, let us suppose, all the territory as
far as Cairo unclaimed aud unassigned! All the regulations and admiu-
istrative functions of theCompany were to be subject to the approval aud
open to the constant investigation of the Secretary of State in London,
and his decision on all matters was to be considered final by the Com-
pany. The Company must annually report on its income and expendi-
tures in connection with its administrative work, and describe also its
public proceedings and the condition of the territories under its Govern-
ment. It was provided that the Imperial Government reserved the
right to alter or annul the chapter if any of the proceedings relating to
administration and public matters were not satisfactory. In any case
the charter would come up for consideration at the end of twenty-five
years when it might be repealed or altered, and thereafter for similar
consideration at the end of every ten years.

"iV

' i '>>

11 l\

432

CECIL J. RHODES.

It must be granted that these provisions, as well as the description
of the purposes of the Charter in the preamble, were well calculated to
satisfy the public that the granting of this Charter did not mean a return
to the antiquated system of the old East India Chartered Company.
Full powers were reserved by the British Government, which seemed to
make it certain that no serious departures would be made from tradi-
tional methods of Imperial administration; and the tone of the docu-
ment was such as to suggest powerfully that the directors of the Com-
pany would keep the well-being of the native races continually in view
and that towards them the most benevolent relations would be main-
tained.

The securing of this charter was a masterstroke from the point of
view of those who saw the unfitness of Cape Colony to do such work,
the unreadiness of the Imperial Government to undertake it, and the
serious results that would follow if it were left to the Boers of the
Transvaal to found new "Republics" therein. It must be regarded as
one of the crowning achievements of Mr. Khodes's life when thus re-
garded. True Imperialists held and hold another view of those who
gTanted the Charter instead of sending an Imperial administration into
that region.

The opposition to the granting of the Charter to the British South
Africa Company was both considerable in extent and very strong in
feeling. The conviction of many of the best minds in Great Britain was
that a chartered company must ever be a very dangerous instrument of
government. The danger arises from the fact that, as the modern mind
more clearly perceives every day, the exercise of government must be
based on high ideals and carried out by untainted officials.

Government is for the sake of the governed; the authority and fame
and the enjoyment of power, belonging to those who rule as legislators
and administrators must be their supreme reward. The suspicion that
legislators and administrators become wealthy through or in connection
with their exercise of these functions is now seen to cast a direct dis-
honor upon tliem. This responsibility of Governorship is one of the
loftiest to which any man can aspire, and the higher it is seen to be in its
moral connections, which constitute its true glory, the further must
those who would carry it as their life burden remove themselves from

CECIL J. RHODES.

433

the accusation of corruption. On tlie other hand the commercial enter-
prise exists mainly for the purpose of adding to the wealth of those who
form it. The day may be coming when commercialism shall also be
subjected to the same lofty ideals which are now before our eyes con-
quering the sphere of government. It was once as hard to suppose that
kings and soldiers, legislators and judges should consider the poor and
needy and arrange for the long, patient process of upraising the
oppressed and degraded, which we see in India, as it is to-day to imagine
that mighty commercial corporations and syndicates should show by
their methods that they exist for the benefit of the small dealer and in-

eflftcient working men. At present the ideal of government in the actual
practice of most modern states has far outrun the working ideal of com-
mercialism. Hence the danger of attempting to unite the two as was
done when the British Grovernment in a weak hour, which many mem-
bers of that Government have repented since, granted its charter to the
British South Africa Company. According to the Charter, as we have
seen, that Company was to be treated both as a commercial company,
exploiting the nortliern part of Austral Africa for the enrichment of its
shareholders, and a governing body, clothed with the power to make and
administer laws both for the whites and blacks living in that region.
Whether Mr. Rhodes and his co-workers succeeded in uniting these two
apparently inconsistent functio- lionorably, in their commercial de-
velopment of the territories assign' 1 to them for government, or in the
government of the territories assigned to tliem for commer- ial develop-
ment, we must try .to see.

In the meantime it is of great importance for an understanding of
the last ten years of British history in South Africa to realize, however
painful it be to do so, both clearly and deeply that the existence of this
Chartered Company has brought a tainted atmosphere about even the
House of Commons, ihat noblest legislature knoAvn tn history. For
many years it has been the well-grounded boast of t" British people
that their rulers were incorruptible, that no statesni.ui in the House of
Commons or the House of Lords could be "reached" by any one Inter-
ested in a bit of legislation with any offer of personal or private reward.
The pressure of public sentiment had become so powerful, and the criti-
cal light so searching, that the moral tone in this regard had been raised

434

CECIL J. RHODES.

m ■:

i:ll '■

I i. : i

IPIMi

high above any standard which probably the world had ever seen.
But since the day when members of the Koyal family and Dukes and
wealthy politicians became members of this Chartered Company, and
since its directors began to operate in London as well as at Cape Town
for the development of plans affecting South Africa, plans which worked
all together towards the ultimate aggrandizement of that Company, the
English people have been troubled with an uncomfortable and often ill-
defined suspicion. They have not hitherto been easily affected by the
vague cry and the indefinite accusations against capitalists as such; yet
they have come to feel that through the influence of this Company
capitalists have at last succeeded in actually touching and directing
Parliamentary affairs, for their own sakes.

This influence is by some people traced so far back as to the time
when Sir Hercules Kobinson as High Commissioner for South Africa
discouraged the British Government repeatedly and strongly against
undertaking Imperial responsibilities in Bechuanaland and Matabele-
land and Mashonaland. Powerful influences were at work before the
year 1889 in England, as we have shoAvn elscAvhere, which were steadily
making progress, and which would in a sliort time haxe secured that
the desires of many native chiefs in those regions and the offers of trea-
ties formally and repeatedly made by them should be accepted ajid
acted upon, and the Imperial administration established there. Un-
doubtedly the influence of Sir Hercules Kobinson was steadily and
powerfully exerted against this movement. At the very same time, dur-
ing the years when he maintained that Great Britain had no direct
interest north of Mafeking, he seems to have been aware that wealthy
Englishmen and Colonists were busily striving wi( h one another to buy
concessions in those very regions. As we have seen he even seems to
have known when Mr. Ixhodes's agents (Mr. Itudd and otliers) were se-
curing their great concession from Lobengula that tliis might blossom
into a chartered company.

Some people observe that, largely through the influence of Mr.
Rhodes, who was at once manager of the Chartered Company and Prime
Minister of Cape Colony, the valuable territorA^ of Swazilam? as offered
on certain conditions to the Transvaal Government, and ^liat among

CECIL J. RHODES.

435

these was a covert warning against a threatened influx of Boers upon
the Chartered Company's territories to the north.

Some people remember the fact that the magnificent Crown Colony
of South Bechuanaland was, contrary to the expressed and urgent de-
sires of the native chiefs and the bulk of the white inhabitants, annexed
to the Cape Colony only a few months before the Jameson Raid.

Some people have been also aware that the large majority of the
leaders of both the threatened insurrection at Johannesburg and the
invading force of Dr. Jameson were shareholders in the Chartered Com-
pany.

People have observed with increasing distress that one great journal
after another both in Great Britain and in South Africa suddenly swung
round from opposition to the warmest approval of the Chartered Com-
pany and its methods. They have observed that the news published by
these journals as well as the editorial comments have been colored very
deeph' by their new-born partiality. Specific instances connecting Mr.
Khodes or his leading friends with influential personages upon at least
several of these journals, have stimulated suspicion and distrust.

People remember that more than once Mr. Khodes has spoken, even
in London, words which indicated his firm belief that money can do any-
thing, and that he has not met the man who cannot be bought. The
latter statement is popularly ascribed to him; but it must be corrected
by another in which it is said that he has condescended to name two or
three men whom he has met in South Africa whom he could not buy.

People remember now that the Chartered Company has, as we shall
see, been seriously accused on very full and substantial evidence of
olfences against the principles of honorable British administration in
its management of its new dominions, but the public has not been al-
lowed to hear these facts with any fulness.

People remember that Mr. Rhodes managed to hoodwink the Gov-
ernment, — he even, Mr. Chamberlain asserts, managed to hoodwink
himself, the wide-awake and most alert Colonial Secretary, — when he
was preparing for the attempted masterstroke of his life, the insurrec-
tion at Johannesburg and the invasion from Rhodesia.

People remember that when Mr. Rhodes returned to England for the
Parliamentary inquiry he himself was not sent to prison when his South

436

CECIL J. RHODES.

African co-adjutors were; that it was proved that he k£pt Sir Hercules
Robinson's financial secretary, Sir Graham Bower, informed of his
projects, while the latter did not inform the poor old gentleman who
had been brought once more to South Africa to serve the purposes of
his smiling friends there.

People remember that the inquiry was suddenly closed and that Mr.
Rhodes's character, while utterly condemned by the findings of the Com-
mittee, was utterly cleared by Mr. Chamberlain on the floor of the
House.

People who have remembered these things have felt throughout the
past year a deep and invincible suspicion that even the controversy
with the Transvaal Government was tainted, and the path of Sir Alfred
Milner and Mr. Chamberlain towards the securing of justice to the Out-
landers was made tortuous and impossible both by the past reputation
and the present influences of South African capitalists.

All this mass of suspicion has grown in the English mind, slowly
but steadily and powerfully, and has spread though many circles a
warm indignation at the existence in English history to-day of a com-
pany whose functions are felt to be inconsistent with one another
and whose influence upon the relations of Great Britain to South Africa
have proved to be poisonous in their spirit and almost fatal in their
issue.

To-day, while the war goes on, the mind of England is confused.
Patriotism and the instinct of self-preservation bid the Empire stand as
one man till the final victory be gained and supremacy in South Africa
once for all asserted. That seems for the moment to many people incon-
sistent witli a close scrutinj' and a severe condemnation of those Imperial
measures and mistakes which have led to the present conflagration.
Keen minds are, however, at work upon tJie subject, j.nd the wide-
spread suspicion to which we have referred, regarding the influences
which have moulded South African history for the last fifteen years,
Avill lead, every true Imperialist hopes, to the public unmasking of the
malign forces which have been at work. The mightiest of these have
been, as it seems to an increasing number of British minds, the in-
trigues in London and Cape Town of the Chartered Compan^

It is this haunting suspicion, whidi has so many successive political

• :■■>

CECIL J. RHODES.

437

transactions to suggest it and Htluiulntc? it and clothe it with horror,
that has made the only serious difticulty for the consciences of true Brit-
ons in the prosecution of the war. They have felt that the British
GoTernment, being responsible for the creation of the Chartered Com-
pany, is ultimately responsible fop all those events which it produced
and which co-operated to produce this war.

Yet such Britons find it also necessary to remember the other side
of the South African history, which we have sketched elsewhere, which
shows that Great Britain, acting an an Imperial force in South Africa,
has been on the whole most compliant and good-humored in her rela-
tions to the Transvaal Government, and that she is face to face now
not merely with complications largely caused by the Chartered Com-
pany, but with complications caused also by the rising ambition of the
rulers of the Transvaal. They have seen, as it were, Great Britain
binding her own hands and feet with the thongs of that Company,
while actually freeing from all bonds those ambitious personalities in
South Africa who have worked steadily against British supremacy for
a number of busy years. The question before Great Britain at the
present hour as the result of her own changeful policy, the Chartered
Company's steady self-aggrandizement, and President Kruger's in-
tensified Afrikander ambitions Is this — Whether, because of mistakes
which she must confess herself to have made, it is her duty now to
abandon all the responsibilities which have accumulated upon her
shoulders in South Africa during the whole century, and practically
leave that region to be controlled and developed by, she knows not
whom; or. Whether, still confesFllng and more deeply confessing the
egregious mistakes of the past, she shall resolve, even through blood
and fire, to carry out in a more g(»nerouH and more statesman-like spirit
the Imperial responsibilities which Houth African history has placed
upon her shoulders.

This is all perfectly germane tf> a study of Mr. Rhodes's life; for he
made the Chartered Company and moulded its policy. What it has
done is his doing, both of good and bad. If it has hampered Britain's
dealings with the Transvaal and quickened Transvaal hatred of Brit-
ain, Mr. Rhodes must carry that burden of guilt.

Before the charter was granted Mr. Rhodes had given yet another

438

CECIL J. RHODES.

M ir

proof of the limitless ambitiou filling his mind. He made an agreement
with the African Lakes Company, Limited. The directors of this com-
pany hoped that as commercial men they could contribute, by opening
up Central Africa for purposes of trade, to help in securing David Liv-
ingstone's passionate desire — tJie destruction of the slave trade. The
company was well known for its high tone and philanthropic spirit.
It now controlled a vast territory in the vei-y heart of the continent
and immediately north of the Zambesi river. Mr. Rhodes cast his eyes
in imagination across that river to whose south bank he saw his own
territory approaching, and resolved to prepare for the future by offer-
ing to subsidize the African Lakes Company. They accepted a sub-
scription of £20,000 to their capital and an annual subsidy of £9,000,
granting Mr. Rhodes the right of taking over the subsidized company
at a later date, if desired. This right has since been exercised and the
British South Africa Chartered Company has given the name of
Rhodesia not only to the territory embracing Matabeleland and
Mashonaland, south of the Zambesi, which is now known as Southern
Rhodesia, but to a still vaster territory on the other side of the Zambesi,
which is now marked on the maps as Northern Rhodesia.

As soon as the charter was obtained Mr. Rhodes sailed for South
Africa and preparations were made with extraordinary speed and
energy for taking possession of the lands now assigned to its care.
In all his plans Mr. lihodes was assisted In^ the devotion to his scheme of
Sir Hercules Robinson, the High Commissioner for South Africa.

fll

I' 1

CHAPTER V.

MR. RHODES AS PRIME MINISTER.

IN THE year 1890 Mr. Rhodes, as the result and reward of his co-
operation with the Dutch party in the Cape Parliament, became
Prime Minister, The Governor and High Commissioner at that
time was Sir Henry Loch. Mr. Khodes's influence and power in Cape
politics may be measured by the fact that earlier in the same year he
had been allowed to attend and take part in the conference between
Sir Henry Loch and President Kruger which was held at Fourteen
Streams, a little spot central and beautiful where the famous confer-
ence took place between the President and Sir Charles Warren in 1885.
The subject of discussion between the Governor and the President was
the future of Swaziland, a territory lying between the eastern boundary
of the Transvaal and the sea, concerning Avhich President Kruger and
his Government cherished great hopes. Mr. Ilhodes's presence empha-
sized the policy of which he was the protagonist, that Imperialism in
South Africa must be conditioned by working through Colonial chan-
nels; and it meant that he, as Prime Minister, and at this time an ardent
Cape Colonist, must have some part in deciding how Great Britain
should deal with the Transvaal concerning Swaziland. This of course
implies that Sir Henry Loch when acting as High Commissioner for all
South Africa and dealing with distant parts was compelled to consult
the opinions and wishes of the ministry at Cape Town, because he was
Governor of the colony. How deeply Mr. Ehodes was interested in the
questions dis-cussed at Fourteen Streams and what he hoped to make
of them, is indicated by the events which took place after he became
Prime Minister.

At this period, then, Mr. Cecil Rhodes, who was still under forty
years of age, occupied the following positions of enormous power and
influence: First, he w^as Prime Minister of the Cape. As such he was
dependent upon the support of the Dutch voters, and hence his policy
must be shaped as regai-ds internal affairs so as to please them, even at

439

440

CECIL J. RHODES.

iiljj''

i" ■\

yw-

the expense of the prejudices of the remaining white population; and
as regards South African politics in the larger sense he must so shape
his plans as to convince both the Dutch party and all others that
Cape Colony was being kept in her position as the premier colony of
South Africa. To secure the latter aim it would be necessary so to
shape events as, on the one hand, to increase the influence of the Cape
Colony by expansion of her territory, and, on the other hand, to ob-
tain by conventions of some kind commercial privileges that would
maintain her position and add to her wealth.

In the next place Mr. Rhodes, as the most influential member of
the British South Africa Chartered Company, carried upon his shoul-
ders virtually the entire responsibility for opening up and settling the
vast territories placed at his disposal by the British Government. He
had practically complete power of attorney put into his hands, so that
he could act even on the most important matters without waiting for
advice or consent of the Board of Directors in London. Now in this
high office it was his duty first of all of course to occupy the new terri-
tories without war, to devise the administration under which they
were to be placed, to select the men upon whom the responsibility of
founding a nation must be laid. He must also, in order to do this
successfully, induce many settlers to enter and hence must find ready
means of access to the country both cheap and rapid and as short as
possible. How could he carry this through without awakening the
jealousy of the Cape Colony and yet without hindering the develop-
ment of his new dominion? He was also called upon to determine
how he must meet the possibility of a great movement of Boers from
the Transvaal into some portion of Charterland.

In addition to these two great positions Mr. Rhodes, it must be
remembered, was recognized as one of the most powerful personalities
in the world of South African capitalists. Only those who are students
of social economic conditions in detail are aware of the ramified and
extensive power possessed by a man who holds under control any
large portion of the capital of a country. Mr. Rhodes was of course
the head of the great diamond "Trust" at Kimberley. He was also
a director in the great company called "The Consolidated Gold Fields
of South Africa, Limited," the center of whose operations is at Jo-

CECIL J. RHODES.

441

hannesburg. Now capitalism liad its problems to present to him just
as Cape Colony and the Chartered Company had their problems. He
could no more shirk decisions regarding the development of erents
in the realm of capitalism than he could avoid the ever insistent voices
demanding from him consideration and action as Prime Minister of
Cape C<'lony and as virtual ruler of Rhodesia.

Seldom has it been given to any man to occupy positions so various,
so powerful and at certain points so hostile to one another. He was
a man of unspeakable boldness who sought, and a man of undeniable
power who obtained these positions. The supreme test of his worth
as a man and a statesman must be found in the history of his dis-
charge of these remarkable offices. That Mr. Rhodes acted with energy
rs to say that it was Mr. Rhodes who acted. But did he act with wis-
dom? Did he display the insight of a true master of men? Did he
manifest the unselfishness of the true ruler of men? Did he present
to the world either the inexhaustible resourcefulness and subtle skill
of Disraeli, or the majestic moral fervor and broad human symjjathies
of Gladstone, or did he attempt to found a new empire in South Africa,
a new United States, by manifesting the glorious unselfishness of George
Washington? In the end it must be acknoAvledged that Mr. Rhodes
will receive his place in the esteem of his fellow men not for the mere
boldness of an idea, nor the mere energy of a will, but for the character
and wisdom with which that will has sought to move through all inter-
vening obstacles and entanglements to the attainment of its distant
goal. Mr. Rhodes professed, probably sincerely enough, that he desired
to work towards a federation of South Africa under the British flag —
emphasized federation when in South Africa and the flag when in
London. In the year 1890 he found himself attempting to drive three
coaches at once, and the story of the following nine years tells us
whether he showed himself a driver skilful and powerful enough to
attain a federated South Africa under the British flag, without bring-
ing any dishonor upon his own name or a catastrophe upon his
country.

The first effort of Mr. Rhodes was directed towards the Transvaal
and it seemed to him that the desire of the Transvaal for the possession
of Swaziland afforded to him the desired opportunity. Accordingly, as

■u-

442

CECIL J. RHODES.

fi ;• ,

the result of the conference which we have referred to above, Sir Henry
Loch, acting of course with, if not for, Mr. Kliodes, proposed to the
Transvaal that if they would have their way with Swaziland first of all,
they niiist promise not to enter Mashonaland or Matabeleland, thus
closintr Hicir power of territorial enrichment northwards, and, secondly,
they must ai^ree to enter into a customs union which had already been
formed between Natal and the Cape Colony and was intended to in-
clude all the South African states and colonies. It is little to say
that the Transvaal declined these proposals, the latter of which they
resented with great bitterness as being eciuivalent to a proposal that
they should give up their commercial self-government. Kather ought
it to be said that the Transvaal Government Avere astonished and
angered. They knew at once that while the messenger who brought
these terms to I'retoria belonged to Sir Henry Loch's staff the mes-
sage which he conveyed had been conceived in the brain of Mr. Rhodes.
From that hour it may be said fairly that Mr. Kruger and his Govern-
ment have sufl'ered from "Khodes on the brain" — and that not without
reason. They felt at once that this strong will was determined on
the one hand to limit their poAver and on the other hand to drag them
step by step into a federation, which meant into the British Empire,

At this very event, we may venture the judgment, that Mr. Khodes's
mind showed its severe limitations. He attempted to deal with a
government as he had been accustomed to deal with financiers. The
essence of financijil negotiations consists in bargainings which ignore
or are supposed to ignore all appeals to the deepest sentiments of men.
All that is at stake in a financial transaction is usually the question
whether A shall contnd this business or B. If B can make proposals
whose final issue A does not appreciate and can persuade A on short-
sighted considemtion to accept them, that brings a financial or business
triumph, and B shows himself the master of the occasion. In this work
of course Mr. Bliodes had proved himself already to be a genius of the
first order. But statesmanship is infinitely more than that. The man
who touches statecraft is putting his fingers upon the deepest interests
and passions of human nature. A word which the clumsy diplomatist
imagined to be innocent looking and suggestive only in one direction
will send the blood coursing through a thousand indignant hearts.

•■■ill

fc,

fK:

IK:

% '

K^-:

p"-''/

H|;C.

1- '

, .

»i ■

1' ^^

-'i'^^rx »

1 ^

^^ '^

•

ilk

\ • ^. . ^ -

^Bi.:

9 o
§3

! ■

^^^^^^^^^I^B^^^^^^ '

/ - \

s§

■^■K\

r vi:-V

^■B^I^HH

'•a

f ■'■ ' ' . ■ ■"■

^^^J^^^^He

i '. ' '

'v'-^^ ^^?^0i^^l

\ .-",<■..

O
B

' * ••

lw^i.^l^

•' 1 ■■ * ' .

^r^ j^^u ""*"

1^-

flH

^BLv

^b^^^bl^

( >

^ipl^^^^^^^l

. -•irr^f ■' /

'',

ceA

>ngjg^^^B

ti-M

•

' .

£^

", *

^^^^^^

as
5-

■•* ' Vj

o
o

■ t.

^^^^^^H

4. '•■•/■'

^■5

^^^^^^^H

mS L

w* » l'

T . •■■ W

rfS

t\ .

4-1

.•**<

.'■:■:- V

/■

CECIL J. RHODES.

445

Moreover in statecraft those who are sensitive lest they be attacked,
as the Boers have habitually been, form the habit of seeing in every
proposal all manner of possible issues that may be fatal to their national
honor or existence. Now in this opening negotiation the Prime Minister
of the Cape Colony showed himself quite unable to forecast the influence
of his seemingly clever proposals upon the future inner thoughts and
feelings of the Transvaal Government. He failed to appreciate the
determination of the Transvaal not to enter a South African Customs
Union, and he failed to foresee that the people at Pretoria would know at
once that the effort to confine their ambitions northward came not from
Cape Town but from Rhodesia. And such failure is not statesmanship.
Mr. Rhodes returned from his first visit to Mashonaland in the year
1890 through the Transvaal. When he approached Pretoria Mr. Rhodes
was met by an official who rode up to ask if these were the wagons of
"President Rhodes." An invitation was immediately delivered from the
Transvaal Government proposing that he and his friends should be the
guests of the Government during their stay at Pretoria. A little further
on the party were met by state carriages and driven to the hotel amidst
loud cheering from the inhabitants. The morning after his arrival Mr.
Rhodes drank coffee with President Kruger and h^d a frank conversa-
tion with him. The two great South African rivals parted with mutual
expressions of pleasure at the personal acquaintance thus formed, and
rhe parting guest was escorted with due honor for some distance by
a regiment of Transvaal soldiers.

CHAPTER VI.

MR. RHODES AND THE JAMESON RAID.

DIJEING the years 1892-1894 Mr. Rhodes was chiefly concerned
with Cliarterhmd. Uis duties as Prime Minister were indeed
important enough, but as bearing upon his personal life they
sink into insignificance when compared with the importance attaching
to his relations through the Chartered Company with events in Rhode-
sia. He was of course deeply concerned with the outbreak of the first
war and exceedingly active in the negotiations which succeeded the
establishment of peace with Matabeleland. Then for the first time he
had to undertake the actual work of organizing his administration.

It may be well to state here one striking feature of Mr. Rhodes's
character, namely, his lavish use of money in the promotion of his great
schemes. Mr. Stead in his latest appreciation of his favorite Imperialist
has insisted with much emphasis upon calling Mr. Rliodes "an imperial
socialist." By this he does not mean that Mr. Rhodes believes in any
specific theories of organizing capitalism upon a national basi*^ but
that he thoroughly believes in the responsibility of all capitalists to the
entire community for the use of the wealth which they had received from
or through the community. Hence he spends his money very freely, we
are told, in the advancement of the causes which he has at heart. For
example, he has spent many thousands of pounds in experiments with
a view to discovering the agricultural methods best adapted to South
Africa in its various parts. In Kimberley he has devoted large sums
out of the funds of the De Beers Com] any to the beautifying of the town
and the building of a residential neighborhood for the employees of the
company, called Kenilwortli. He has enormous wealth at his disposal
and is always spending it, but very little comparatively upon personal
pleasure or the satisfaction of his private tastes.

In the meantime Mr. Rhodes was not bMnd to events occurring in
the Transvaal, nor was President Kruger unwatchful of the movements

446

I if If \

,*JJJlHBiiii I

CECIL J. RHODES.

447

of Mr. Rhodes. Mr. Statham, the biographer of Paul Kruger, describes
the President's attitude of mind throughout this period towards Mr.
Rhodes in an exceedingly vivid manner. lie says, "This is the picture
that has to be placed before the mind as expressing the situation in the
Transvaal from the middle of 1890 to the present day — Mr. Rhodes ever
on the alert to assail and overthrow the independence of the Republic,
with Mr. Kruger ever on the alert to defend it." (Paul Kruger, by Regi-
nald Statham, p. 212.) Possibly Mr. Statham, with his accustomed ease
of interpreting events has read the later mood of Mr. Kruger in the
period succeeding the Raid into his attitude of mind preceding that
event.

During the year 1894 Mr. Rhodes as Prime Minister of the Cape
Colony gave much attention at once to the chief trade problems of South
Africa and the prospect of Federation. He had come to believe that it
was through the former that the latter might be reached. We have
seen that as early as 1890 he made definite proposals to Mr. Kruger re-
garding the adhesion of the Transvaal to the Customs Union of South
Africa. In spite of tlie rebuff which he then received he held to his
purpose, as if it were clear to his mind that the Transvaal could
be persuaded to enter into such a union without the fear of losing its
independence. Mr. Rhodes according!}', in 1894, persevered with nego-
tiations for the establishment of a commercial union and also, what Was
no less important, a railroad union throughout South Africa. He pro-
fessed that this object could be secured while each State kept its own
flag and cherished its own national sentiments. His eye was fixed upon
the distant goal of a United States of South Africa, and he believed
that the straight road thither would be traversed by consolidating the
material interests of all the communities involved. We have already seen
that in holding this theory, Mr. Rhodes evidently discounted the in-
tensity of the anti-British feeling in the Transvaal and the degree of
suspiciousness with which every proposal was there considered which
even looked as if it might ultimately load to an assimilation of the
Transvaal and tlie Orange Free State with the British Empire. In fact,
Mr. Rhodes seemed to believe that the cherished purpose of Mr. Kruger
and his sympathizers, of founding a Dutch Republic throughout South
Africa, and driving Britain entirely off that portion of the continent,

«^'

»|

nR.

*if1

■ ■■■ 'I *■. H;

Hiliii'i

1' m KT^ h ^-

plfp;j|

[ijrli

I if I

llli,

3 «

'=!■

44d

CECIL J. kHODB^.

was a purpose which could be defeated, a hope which could be stnrv^ed,
by gradually drawing the Transvaal into a substantive Federation with
the other States of South Africa upon a commercial basis. He was met
at every point by the unbending determination of the dreamers con-
cerning an Afrikander independence, to avoid every step that would
even look like a temporary acquiescence in the presence of British
authority. No argument of Mr. Rhodes could persuade Mr. Kruger to
adopt any of his plans and Mr. Rhodes was driven to seek some other
way of reaching the consummation of his plans.

It is not easy as yet to state the time at which, or the steps by which,
Mr. Rhodes first became involved in the plot at Johannesburg. Mr.
Fitzpatrick asserts very boldly that during the agitations preceding
the year 1895 the leading capitalists at Johannesburg had no desire
even to consider the possibility of a revolution. Their aim was to obtain
redress of their wrongs w^holly by constitutional means. They labored
accordingly with great persistence and patience by the use of public
meetings and petitions and personal deputations, to influence President
Kruger in the direction of reform. When they found that ordinary
constitutional means failed in their hands they resorted openly and con-
fessedly to the use of bribery. Mr. Reitz in his pamphlet entitled "A
Century of Wrong," quotes letters from at least one of the wealthier
men at Johannesburg in which he openly affirms that this was the only
means left them to employ. In spite of the expenditure of many thou-
sands of pounds the desired reforms were not realized. Accordingly in
1895 when they realized that the party which supported President Kru-
ger and the Volksraad was a fixed majority, fixed in its hostility to the
Johannesburgers, the necessity of employing violent measures began
to be discussed even by those who hitherto had most disliked the idea.
What part Mr. Rhodes took in the earlier considerations of a revolu-
tionary plan it is impossible to say. His brother, Colonel Francis
Rhodes, was in Johannesburg, Mr. Lionel Phillips represented Mr.
Alfred Beit, the great German capitalist of the firm of Wernher, Beit
& Co., and it was through these men that the two non-resident capital-
ists exerted their influence. The men on the spot were of course the real
plotters without whom the outsiders would have been powerless. It is
authoritatively asserted that while the idea of a revolution gradually

f.'l

^ i

CECIL J. RHODES.

449

grew up in Johannesburg into a fixed purpose in the minds of many
individuals and no one can claim to be its originator, the idea of bring-
ing help from without had its birth in the brain of Mr. Rhodes. To him
it seemed a natural and an easy thing to send 1,500 men from Rhodesia
into Johannesburg when the crisis had arrived, when the outbreak had
taken place, when the Boers were hurrying to surround the struggling
city. Mr. Rhodes's plan evidently was this, that first of all, the Johan-
nesburgers should provide themselves with an abundance of arms and
ammunition so that the town could endure a siege for a reasonable
time, that as soon as the fort at Pretoria was captured and its military
strength destroyed, word should be sent to Cape Town that Johannes-
burg had risen and was in desperate need of intervention from without.
The Boers, it was understood, would of course attack the city. As soon,
therefore, as the news of the event reached Mr. Rhodes he would inform
the High Commissioner, who would at once hurry into the Transvaal
to make peace. Mr. Rhodes, of course, would go, too. In the meantime
the latter would send word to Dr. Jameson, who would immediately
ride across country from the western border of the Transvaal to succor
the men, women and children who were surrounded by Boer com-
mandos. It was calculated, Mr. Fitzpatrick tells us, that to cut his way
through and to make his aid effective. Dr. Jameson would need at least
1,500 men.

The early part of 1895 Mr. Rhodes spent in England and there opened
negotiations for the annexation of South Bechuanaland to the Cape
Colony and of North Bechuanaland to Rhodesia. These acts were neces-
sary in order to give Mr. Rhodes power to move the troops under his
authority in Rhodesia southwards to a point from which they could
swiftly and suddenly strike at Johannesburg. During the ensuing
months Mr. Rhodes was in constant telegraphic communication with
London regarding the various steps which were necessary to lead up to
the great consummation. At first he had in London as his confidential
correspondent, Dr. Ruth erf oord Harris. Many of the earlj-^ telegr-ams
are destroyed, but most of those belonging to the months of November
and December have been preserved and were presented before the
Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1897.

One of the earliest telegrams refers to the fact that Mr, Chamberlain

450

CECIL J. RHODES.

^iH

i>.>r'?

had resolved upon an active Imperial policy in order to secure a South
African federation. Mr. Chamberlain had, of course, been in correspond-
ence with President Kruger over the closing of the drifts, that is, the
fords across the river between the Orange Free State and the Trans-
vaal. This, Mr. Chamberlain insisted, was being directed against the
free entrance of commerce from Cape Colony and hence was a breach of
the London Convention of 1884. Mr. Rhodes had been at one with him
in the endeavor to crush Mr. Kruger on this point and was ^pt unwill-
ing to see Mr. Chamberlain send President Kruger an ultimatum, as
indeed he did. But Mr. Chamberlain, before he did undertake the re-
sponsibility of sending an ultimatum had the cleverness to insist that
he must have the open consent and co-operation of the Dutch party in
the Cape Colony. Mr. Rhodes as the Parliamentary leader of that party
consulted his followers, who were so incensed at the time by President
Kruger's manifested hostility to Cape interests that they agreed, in the
event of war taking place, that Cape Colony would bear half the ex-
pense. Now, Mr. Rhodes was willing enough to have fought President
Kruger on those conditions, when the Colony would not only bear part
of the responsibility but would also share the distribution of benefits;
but Mr. Rhodes had no liking for the idea that Great Britain should
undertake any direct strong dealings with the Transvaal, which should
increase the prestige in South Africa of the Colonial office or the "Im-
perial factor" Avithout adding to the strength of Cape Colony — or, say,
Mr. Rhodes. Dr. Harris's cablegram was therefore intended to rouse
Mr. Rhodes to push his Jameson plan.

In this month of November an interesting figure appears in the midst
of these masculine negotiations and plottings in the person of Miss
Flora Shaw, a well-known correspondent of the London Times, who,
from the entire tone of the telegrams which refer to her or which she
herself sent, appears quite evidently to have acted as the London agent
of the British South Africa Chartered Company. Iler appearance on
thfe scene alike through the cablegrams and when she appeared as a
witness before the Parliamentary committee has undoubtedly added a
touch of color and piquancy to the entire series of events.

On November Otli Mr. Rhodes sent the following most important
telegram to Dr. Uarris: "As to English fiag they must very much

■■■■I

CECIL J. RHODES. > ^ ,, 451

• .-■■ •■ ^ - ^^ / ..

misunderstand me at home. I of courHc would not risk everything as I
am doing except for Britinh flag." This telegram taken in conjunction
with subsequent eventH to whidi we shall refer indicates that Mr.
Rhodes at this stage in the London-Cape Town-and-Johanneshurg con-
spiracy found himself in a very critical position. As an avowed Im-
perialist he of course denlred that the British flag should fly over all
South Africa, Now, as lh(» h'ader of the Cape Colony Dutch party he
did not dare to say thlH, while, as co-operating with the Colonial Olflce
he did not dare to assume even the appearance of hesitation thereupon;
but, still further, he knew that the leaders at Johannesburg had made
up their minds very flrmly to remain loyal to the Transvaal flag. Mr.
Hays Hammond, indeed, at on(t stage of the proceedings made the com-
mittee stand up and swear alh'glunce to the Transvaal. The leaders at
Johannesburg were by no tneanH unanimous in favor of Great Britain.
Many of the most powerful men in the movement averred that they
would not lift a finger to bring llie Transvaal under British control.

Mr. Rhodes was therefore* In a v^ry perplexing position. In the tele-
gram quoted above he pracf icnily assures those with whom Dr. Harris
was negotiating tliat he is working for the British flag, but when a
deputation hurried in the month of December from Johannesburg to
Cape Town in order to assure llieniselves on that very point, Mr. Rhodes
undoubtedly gave tliem to believe that there was no reason to fear that
the result of a successful revolution would bring the Transvaal within
the British Empire. But this is anticipating.

While the earlier extant telegrams were being sent backwards and
forwards in the month of November a deputation consisting of Messrs.
Leonard and Phillips went to (*ai»e Town from Johannesburg in order
to have a clear and explicit understanding with Mr. Rhodes. They
read to him the draft of tlu'lr "Declaration of Rights." When they came
to that part of the document in which the policy of free trade in South
African products among all Houlh African states and colonies was in-
sisted on, Mr. Rhodes (»nergetically declared that that was for him the
kernel of the niovoment. All the rest would come in time he said. "We
asked him how he hoped to recoup himself for his share of expense in
keeping Jameson's force on the border, which should be borne by us
jointly. He said that seeing the extent of his interest in the country.

452

CECIL J. RHODES.

he would be amply repaid by the improvement in the conditions which
it was intended to effect."

Subsequent telegrams between Mr. Rhodes and London show how
hard he was negotiating with the Colonial Office for the immediate
possession, before a certain fixed date, of the strip of land in Bechuana-
land which was to be placed under his authority for railway purposes
and along which he would have the right to move his police southwards.

At last, the burdened Imperialist and conspirator at Cape Town saw
the end approaching. In the third week of November Mr. Rhodes sum-
mons Dr. Harris from London to South Africa, saying that Dr. Jameson
had visited Johannesburg and had made everything right He intimates
also that arrangements are under way by which when the event takes
place Mr. Alfred Beit and the High Commissioner and the Prime Min-
ister himself shall immediately proceed to Johannesburg. On Novem-
ber 26th- Dr. Harris sends a "very confidential" cablegram in which he
very clearly indicates that at the Colonial Office there was considerable
apprehension lest the Johannesburg committee should carry out thoir
undertaking "without assistance from the British South Africa Com-
pany and also independent of the British flag." Dr. Harris drives this
home by saying, "It would have serious effect on your position here."
He adds the peculiarly interesting statement, "Flora suggests 16th
December celebrate Pretoria," which being interpreted means that Miss
Shaw had suggested that the great Boer anniversary known as Din-
gaan's Day should be fixed as the appropriate date for the overthrow of
the. Boer Government at Pretoria! Bat the important part of the tele-
gram is that which indicates a fear awakened in London somehow lest
the reformers at Johannesburg, if they succeeded, should do so in entire
independence of outside help. This would, of course, establish the
Transvaal forever on a firm republican basis with its own flag, and the
British Government knew, as President Kruger ought to have known,
that the real independence of the Transvaal would be more secure in
that event than before. Obedient to instructions from Mr. Rhodes Dr.
Harris left in the end of November in order to share with Mr. Rhodes
the triumphal entry of the Imperialist party into the Transvaal. From
that date the telegrams from London to Cape Town are sent by Miss
Bhaw, who reveals in them a laudable journalistic ambition, a sense of

■ i. I i

CECIL J. RHODES.

453

the importance of tlie European newspaper world in the shaping of
public sentiment regarding the approaching events in the Transvaal.
The most daring and deadly of her messages was that dated December
17, 1895, which contained the following words: "Chamberlain sound
in case of interference European powers but have special reason to
believe wishes you must do it immediately." Ilistorical or literary
critics will of course forever be unable to read anything out of that
sentence other than the plain fact that, whether through one or more
intermediaries, Mr. Rhodes was in actual correspondence with Mr.
Chamberlain regarding the entire transactions. On December 27, Dr.
Harris sends a message to Miss Shaw in which he says that there are
divisions in Johannesburg. It was at this very date that the Johannes-
burg reformers found themselves once more roused to deep suspicions
regarding the ultimate purpose of Mr. Rhodes. They had sent off
Messrs. Leonard and Hamilton on Christmas Day to Cape Town to hold
one more interview with Mr. Rhodes. On Sunday the 29th the deputa-
tion sent back a telegram to Johannesburg saying, "We have received
perfectly satisfactory assurance from Cecil Rhodes, but a misunder-
standing undoubtedly exists elsewhere. In our opinion, continue prep-
arations, but carefully, and without any sort of hurry, as entirely fresh
departures will be necessary in view of changed condition. Jameson
Las been advised accordingly." This telegram proves that Mr. Rhodes
had not fully settled the suspicions of the deputation from Johannes-
burg, that somehow or other behind his protests of loyalty to them they
saw signs of positive interference from some other quarter and had de-
cided that there must be an entire revision of the plans of the revolution.
Hence their anxiety to prevent Dr. Jameson from undertaking any rash
enterprise. Mr. Fitzpatrick tells us that at once at Johannesburg they
began to alter their plans, one main feature of their new proposals
being that they should avoid the invasion of the Transvaal by an armed
force. Instead of this they thought of bringing in a large number of
soldiers under the disguise of mechanics and merchants. This they
thought could be speedily done. In this way, or ever the suspicions of
the Government at Pretoria were aroused, they would have in Johan-
nesburg as many military men as they needed for its effective defence.
While Mr. Rhodes was in this extraordinary predicament. Dr. Jame-

454

CECIL J. RHODES.

pifsi

son suddenly broke away from all his en«»agements, overthrew all the
plans of his coadjutors both in Cape Town and Johannesburg, plunged
with less than 500 men *nto the Transvaal and into disaster. It was
probably the most crushing blow which Mr. Khodes had ever experi-
enced. When Mr. W. P. Schreiucr, a member of his cabinet, went to
see him, the Prime Minister was indeed in darkness. It is said that he
manifested the utmost distress; he could only moan as if with living
pain, "Poor old Jameson, twenty years we have been friends, and now
he goes in and ruins me. I cannot hinder it. I cannot go and destroy
him." ^Nevertheless his courage soon returned. He telegraphed to Miss
Shaw on December 30tli as follows: "Inform Chamberlain that I shall
get through all right if he supports me, but he must not send cables like
he sent to the High Commissioner in South Africa. To-day the crux is.
I will win, and South Africa will belong to England." The following
djay Mr. Khodes sent another telegram to London urging that the Iligh
Commissioner should at once be sent to Joliann'^^nrg. lie still hoped
that on his arrival there he would have a spleudMl reception, that the
'City might be strong enough to hold out against the Boers and the posi-
tion still be turned to the advantage of England. These desperate tele-
grams show that Mr. Khodes did not realize hoAV completely Dr. Jame-
son's movement had taken the Johannesburgers by surprise, how utterly
unprepared they were to engage in active warfare, and how unwilling
they would be to cari-j- on a fierce struggle if persuaded that the end
must be the handing over of the Transvaal to Great Britain. This was
not statesmansliip.

It is very difficult indeed to understand Mr. Rhodes's failure to grasp
the situation throughout these transactions, difficult also to defend his
conduct in relation to them. In the first place, of course, he had mani-
festly and egregiously blundered; his attempt to drive three or four
coaches at once had ended in a terrible collapse. He could not at the
same time be faithful to England and the Bond party and his friends
at Johannesburg and his responsibilities in Rhodesia. It must be frank-
ly stated that all who highly value the elevation of the standard of
honor amongst public men, all who earnestly desire to see great capital-
ists and great statesmen dealing with their responsibilities in a spirit
of sincerity and truth, as well as in breadth of mind and largeness of

I I '

CFXIL /. RHODES.

465

vision, must be profoiindly thankful tliat Mr. KLodcs's sclienio of com-
plicated political immoralities failed before the eyes of the whole world.
It is impossible, of course, not to pity the man who spent his dark hours
in that beautiful house near Cape Town overwhelmed by the sense of
personal defeat and disgrace; but sympatliy with the human sufferer
is perfectly compatible Avith joy over the facts which caused the suffer-
ing. It is impossible not to admire the splendid courage with which he
immediately laid hold upon life and went forth to pursue his vast de-
signs; but this admiration is compatible with a deep satisfaction that
wrongdoing on a most comprehensive scale had been exposed to the
condemnation of the conscience of all men.

The first steps which Mr. Rhodes took when he found that the move-
ment in the Transvaal was a complete failure, were to resign his offlce
as Prime Minister of Cape Colony and to put the resignation of his post
as managing director of the Chartered Company into the hands of the
Directors. Needless to say, when he took the former step he realized
that he had once for all lost the confidence of the Dutch party in the
Cape Colony with whom he had been working for more than ten years.
Before he became Prime Minister he had voted steadily for the plans
presented in the Cape Parliament to forward the purpose and strengthen
the spirit of the Dutch population. And after he became Prime Minister
he pursued the same course, with the difference that now he was pub-
licly responsible even for the introduction of such bills to the considera-
tion of the country. The laws which affected the sale of liquor were so
altered as to add to the wealth of the Dutch districts and to the misery
of native peoples, and Mr. Rhodes supported these. An effort was made
to pass a law prohibiting the sale of liquor in certain native districis
and Mr. Rhodes was the only man of English descent who voted against
it. A law Avas passed which very seriously altered the basis of the
franchise. It did indeed recognize equality of treatment of both black
and white, but resulted in taking the franchise from thousands of black
men who had enjoyed it as well as from a few white men, the "poor
whites" so well-known in South Africa. This was one of the most power-
ful strokes ever delivered by the Dutch party in South Africa against
the influence of the British spirit in the Cape Colonial Legislature; for
it was a notorious fact that the constituencies which contained large

■'■<■

' >

456

CECIL J. RHODES.

numberH of native voters stendUy seut anti-Dutch representatives to the
Parliament and many of them were represented for long years by the
best members of the House. Mr. Khodes s)ipp<irted that piece of pro-
Dutch and anIi-Knglish lej^islation. When the well-known Glen Grey
Act was introduced which again dealt with native problems, Mr. lUiodes
once more Icil in a proceeding which r^^presented a Dutch rather than
an English sentiment. Mr. Rhodes has indeeil in some directions shown
great wisdom in his treatment of the exceedingly difficult and, indeed,
tremendous questions regarding the control and uplifting of the native
races in Houth Africa; but he has also in other directions been respon-
sible for legislation and even for administration which, while it no
doubt pleased the supporters of the Afrikander Bond, displeased no
less surely those who regarded these problems from the typical English
point of view.

Through this long course of sympathetic action with them Mr.
lUiodes had apparently won the complete trust of the Dutch i)arty. They
had at times in return for all these favors followed him in his attempts
to wring privileges from the unwilling hands of President Kruger,
especially when these would benefit Cape Colony. But now when the
Raid had exposed all to view, and thoy found that Mr. Rhodes had used
his position at Cape Town to plot for the overthrow of the Dutch oligar-
chy in the Transvaal, his allies rose in unmitigated and undying wrath
against him. In fact, the man who had for many years been proclaimed
without much reason as the unifier of the two races did at this time
strike the heaviest blow against that union and drove the races further
apart than they had ever been since 1835.

In the year 1897 Mr. Rhodes returned to England to give evidence
before the Select Committee regarding the Jameson Raid. He began
his journey from Rhodesia, travelled to Beira, thence by boat to Durban
and Pt. Elizabeth. At Pt. Elizabeth he was in one of the strongest
centers of British loyalists in South Africa, and here he was received
with the greatest enthusiasm. He ended his speech with the significant
assertion: "I do not propose to close my public career and I am still
determined to strive for the closer union of South Africa." From Pt.
Elizabeth to Cape Town Mr. Rhodes's progress was something after the
style of a triumphal procession. In one of his speeches during this

CECIL J. RHODES.

457

?nce
Uan

return journey he used an expreHMlon wlih'h linH ever been regarded an
one of the most cynical that could Im* iiltcreil by a man in liin position.
When spealiing of his going to London and the sentiment of Great Brit-
ain which he would have to encounter, lie Hpoke of it as an "unctuous
righteousness" with which he must take a<'count. The phrase is one
of the most offensive which can b(» applied to any man or community.
It was not only ludicrous when used by Mr. Rhodes in his circumstances,
It was a revelation to the whole world of an apparent incapacity to look
upon the situation from the numil standpoint. To him It appeared as
If the indignation of Englishmen at his conduct proceeded from a super-
ficial and hypocritical profession of rtght<»ou8ne88, which to his eye,
perhaps, held concealed a desire that he had succeeded. It looks as if
Mr. Rhodes has never been able to reall/.e that even although his plan
had succeeded, multitudes of his fellow citizens. If they had discovered
the story, which indeed success ndght Iiave hidden forever from view,
would have felt deeply disgraced. He apparently has no feeling for the
judgment of the civilized world that men holding the high positions
which he and his coadjutors occupied committed a great crime against
the honor of their ow^n country in having deliberately undertaken the
Jameson plan.

When Mr. Rhodes appeared before the Select Committee he took
up a position which, while puzzling to many at the time, It is impossi-
ble not to admire. He said to a friend before the Inquiry began that it
was not his intention to betray the part which the Colonial Secretary
had taken in the plot. "He has stuck to me," Mr. Rhodes said to this
friend, "how can I go and give him away?" Mr. Rhodes accordingly
adopted the very effective plan of declining to answer all those ques-
tions which he could not answer truthfully without letting the real facts
regarding the Colonial Oflflce leap into public light. lie rather endured
the scorn which the Committee heaped upon him, and he very bravely
faced the personal obloquy which was increased by Iiis concealment of
the facts. He even allowed the Inquiry to bo completed and the final
Report, which so completely condemned his conduct and blackened his
name, to be drawn up and to be presented to the House of Commons.
From that day to this he has remained absolutely silent on the whole
matter. In spite of the frequent and prolonged discussions in the House

458

CECIL J. RHODES.

U m

and in the newspapers and by tUe general public, he has held very firmly
and steadfastly to the policy which he announced before the inquiry
began. He will not utter one word to relieve himself of any portion of
the burden of blame by laying it upon those whp were higher in oflBce
than himself. Mr. Chamberlain did his best, when the Report was
presented before the House, to shield his former coadjutor, and his
deliverer, from the worst form of public condemnation. In spite of his
agreement with the lleport which so thoroughly condemned Mr. Rhodes,
he stood up to deny that the personal honor of Mr. Rhodes had been in
any wise traduced. If by the words "personal honor" he meant that
Mr. Rhodes, had not aimed at the mere making of money or had not
stoojjed to the utterance of lies, he may have been right, though many
doubt. Perhaps Mr. Rhodes would not have undertalien his tremendous
task merely to add to his bank account. But if the phrase "personal
nonor" is extended beyond these ideas to the observance of the duties
and responsibilities of high office and the avoidance of concealed and
treacherous uses of public oflSce even for public ends, it is hard to say
that Mr. C'haniberlain's words can be defended. At the same time Mr.
Ciumberlain was undoubtedly saved awhile by the loyal silence of Mr.
Rhodes.

/ i

CHAPTER VII.

L.'.:: RHODES SINCE THE RAID.

WHEN the Johannesburg plot had become a fiasco, when Mr.
Khodes had cer-'^d to be Prime Minister and when he had re-
signed his position as Managing Dire tor of the Chartered
Company he yet remained the most powerful Diiector of that Company,
and one of the most powerful men in South Africa. He immediately left
the Cape Colony and proceeded to Buluwayo where he undertook the
carrying out of various practical schemes for the development of
Rhodesia. In a short while, however, he was summoned by his fellow
Directors to England. lie made a hurried journey and had interviews
not only with the Directors of the Company but with Mr. Chamberlain.
IV' ich had to be done in reorganizing the directorate and the work of the
Company, for it was soon seen that one or two of the Directors, includ-
ing the Duke of Fife, by reason of their high station could no longer
compromise themselves and others by remaining on that board. He
also hod interviews with Mr. Chamberlain.

Finding that no pra- 'ical steps were to be taken in England soon,
he started again for Khodesia, reaching Africa at Beira and traveling
into his own country from that point. Not long after his arrival the
terrible rebellion of the Matabele took place, when many of the whites,
men, women and children, were massacred. Mr. Rhodes entered in the
month of May with a relief force from Mashonaland and reached Bulu-
wayo, the capital, in June. He was present at several of the engage-
ments which took place. After a number of these had been fought it
became evident to Mr. Rhodes that with the comparatively small forces
at his disposal General Carrington Avould be unable to bring the war
to a speedy close. lie accordingly proposed that he himself should try
to arrange matters with the native chiefs who had retired to the Matop-
po Hills and occupied practically impregnable positions there. It was
a brave deed, and it greatly impressed not only the English but the
natives who beheld it. Mr. Rhodes w^alked into the presence of the

459

'=;:•:»

€'

^^1

460

CECIL J. RHODES.

leadin.s: induna or chief of the Matabele. After a preliminary discussion
Mr. Khodes suddenly and peremptorily asked, "Is it peace or war?"
The induna lifting his stick and holding it high above his head ex-
claimed, "This is my gun, I throw it at your feet." Other indunas fol-
lowed his example and it was peace. When Mr. Rhodes had further ex-
plained the situation, when he had heard their grievances and prom-
ised to redress them one of the indunas summed the matter up thus: "It
is good, my father, you have trusted us, and we have K^ooken. We are
all here to-day a id our voice is the voice of the nation. We are the
mouths and ears of the people. We give you one word. It is peace. The
war is over. We will not break our word; we have spoken." From
that day the Matabele chiefs have kept their word, as, on the other hand,
from that day they have been more kindly treated and more intelligently
ruled. There seems every prospect under the new method of govern-
ment which lias been instituted, and which places adequate checks by
means of direct Imperial officers upon the legislation and administration
of the Chartered Company, that the Matabele may never again have
complaints serious enough to cause a rebellion and may be gradually
led into the ways of civilization.

Mr. Rhodes selected for himself a farm at the foot of the Matoppo
Hills, where he built a strange residence. It looks like a series of native
huts exceptionally well built and connected with one another so as to
form the rooms of one house. Here Mr. Rhodes is apt to retire when
formal and fashionable functions are going on at Buluwayo, which he
does not desire to attend.

It was in 1S97, as we have seen, that Mr. Rhodes returned to England
to give evidence before the Select Committee.

Since then Mr, Rhodes has been principally occupied with the devel-
opment of Rhodesia and with his scheme for connecting Cape Town with
Cairo by means of both a telegraph line and a railroad. In the further-
ance of this tremendous scheme he has paid one or two visits to Europe.
On one of these he made a famous journey to Brussels and thence to
Berlin in order to negotiate with the King of Belgium and with the
German Emperor regarding a certain portion of the line which in
order to pass from one British boundary to another must cross either th(»
Congo Free State, which is under Belgian control, or German East

if-

■<•

ission
war?"
id ex-
is fol-
ler ex-
prom-
Lts: "It
Ve are
re the
e. The
From
p hand,
[gently
Tovern-
3cks by
itration
n have
adually

[atoppo
f native
30 as to
e when
hich he

England

le devel-
wn with
further-
Europe,
lence to
with the
vhich in
itherthe
an East

>
O

ee
u

hW'

■ii

■ '^1

^'ii

:■}

',-*V?v!

CECIL J. RHODES.

463

Africa. He succeeded in obtaining a concession from the German Gov-
ernment which enables him to proceed with the Trans-Continental
Telegraph which will so soon connect North Africa with South Africa.

It is sai'\ that Mr. Rhodes has deeply felt the neglect of Sir Alfred
Milner to consult him during the negotiations of last year. Like every-
one else he believes that the war ought to have been avoided, but like
the very great majority of English people who know South Africa well,
he believes that the Boer Government have for years been working
towards a great war that should cast British authority entirely from
South African shores. He therefore is inclined to believe that unless
negotiations had succeeded which would have gradually given the pro-
gressive party in the Transvaal the upper hand and so broken Mr.
Kruger's dream, the war wa.^ inevitable.

As soon as the war broke out Mr. Rhodes, with characteristic audac-
ity, went to Kimberley. How much preparation he had made for a
siege of that town no one at present knows. His arrival there directed,
of course, the attention of the Boers with greater joy and determination
towards the task of capturing it. Mr. Rhodes, it is said, despatched a
message announcing that he was as safe in Kimberley as in Picadilly.
Subsequent events may have sometim<?s shaken his belief in that asser-
tion.

There can be no doubt that his presence in Kimberley has proved
of enormous value to the citizens, while, on the other hand, it may have
doubled the efforts of the Boers to conquer the place. He has met
with great energy the task of controlling the large native population
who were shut up in the town by the Boer array and whom the latter
would not allow to leave. It has been said that Mr. Rhodes set them
to work to lay out a new suburb, to open new streets and plant trees.
One of the avenues, the world has heard, will be named Siege Avenue.

Shortly after the siege ended tbe annual meeting <^f the De BeerH
Company took place, and at this meeting Mr. Rhodes made a remarkable
speech. He announced that once more the Companj had made the enor-
mous sum of £2,000,000 profits (about 110,000,000). He further made
public Ae remarkable fact tfcat arrangements had been made between
the De Beers Company and the Chartered Company by which the De
Beers Company will own all tke diara4'nd mines that may be discovered

II r*

464

CECIL J. RHODES.

in any territory where the Chartered Company extends its operations.
He then once more referred to his favorite idea concerning the two great
classes of people, namely, those who amass and spend their wealth with-
out imagination and those who make it the servant of their imagination.
The unimaginative, by which he means those who form no large and
unselfish ideals, simply use their money upon themselves and their
families and leave it to their children. The imaginative class of share-
holders in the De Beers Company will dwell upon the thought that a
hundred years hence the mines which it still controls shall still be send-
ing forth their treasures into the world, enriching South Africa and
other regions and contributing through an indefinite period to the
building up of civilization. Referring to the war, he declared that the
two Dutch States were not Republics but oligarchies, and roundly assert-
ed that they had been long conspiring to subjugate British South Africa.
Each Government consists simply of a political gang who deceive the
jjoor and Ignorant Dutchmen by appealing to their patriotism and urg-
ing them to war, while dividing the spoils of the administration among
themselves and their friends. He made the remarkable statement
which, coming from Mr. Rhodes, seems to be as significant concerning
his own past as concerning those whom he accused. He asserted that
the Afrikanders, meaning the Dutch, had been working for independ-
ence for twenty years and made the statement, which will no doubt
astonish some, while it is no surprise to those who know South Africa,
that Mr. Reitz, the former President of the Orange Free State, the pres-
ent Secretary of the Transvaal, the very one who conducted the nego-
tiations with Mr. Chamberlain all last year, said: "Years ago I vowed
that my only ambition in life was to drive England out of Africa." Then
rising to his climax, Mr. Rhodes said: "We have done our duty in pre-
serving and protecting the greatest commercial asset in the world —
Her Majesty's flag."

The survey of Mr. Rhodes's character and career which we have made
will suffice, no doubt, to convince every reader that in him we have one
of the most remarkable and powerful personalities of our day. The
breadth and boldness of his plans must be universally acknowledged
even by those who dislike them. The strength of purpose, the untiring
enthusiasm with which he seeks to realize them are indisputable.

■M

,,-^;

CECIL J. RHODES.

465

He knows how to ipend money lavishly on enterprises which bring '
him no personal return but which serve to further the social and politi-
cal objects which he has in view. He has spent thousands of pounds
in attempting to find a cure for the phylloxera which destroys the vines
of South Africa. He has spent money in experiments upon stock raising
with a view to the development of the best forms of stock farming in
Cape Colony, Rhodesia and other parts of South Africa. He is no
miser, nor is he niggardly in his business methods. Mr. Rhodes has
also shown to the world that he knows how to stand by his friends even
at great cost to himself. He has refused to desert those who had failed
or disappointed or even betrayed.him. He knows also in some directions
how not to forgive, which shows that he is not completely generous.

The side of Mr. Rhodes's career which seems most open to criticism
and has been most severely condemned by close students of his work
and influence, is that which concerns the methods which he is willing
to employ and the treatment of his fellowmen which he thinks necessary
and justifiable in order to attain his ends. On the whole, it must be
not without regret acknowledged that he is, in his estimate of the
honor of men, a cold cynic. He not only believes but acts upon the belief
that men can be bought and that it is right to buy them, that men can
be manipulated in the political uh well as in the commercial world, and
he has manipulated them or attempted to do so freely and constantly.
His fatal policy of estubllHlting prematurely a colonial imperialism was
really born of his inveterttt<! idea that men can be manipulated. For,
in J^iuth Africa, this jK>ll<'y necessitated at once the pretence to the
Dutch party that they w(»r«' in (control of the affairs of South Africa and
to the British (Government the pretence that by leaving all South
African affairn to the CaiM* (hhmy, Imperial interests would be best
served. £hv entire story of the liuUi is, of course, the story of manip-
ulation.

One of the qi]«*rstlon« upfwrmost in the minds of many when they
think of the close of the i ?>^«T) war » with regard to the future of Mr.
Rhodes. Eve^- "oe f «*U t jat much will depend up<;rj the position which
he 18 about v. (ccupy M a political factor in South Africa. Many won-
der what shall' he will havr, directly or indirectly, in d^-termining the
policy of the British Government henceforth in South Africa.

i. '

■■H

y*"^^' -

BOOK III.

STEPHANUS JOHANNES PAULUS KRUGER.

CHAPTER I.

THE EARLIER LIFE OF MR. KRUGER.

THE ordinary notion that tlie Dutch of South Africa are a homo-
geneous race derived from Holland is a mistaken one. As a matter
of fact, Holland was in the seventeenth century an asylum for
European refugees of different nationalities. Thither Spanish Jews had
been fleeing from earlier times, and thither the French Huguenots
crowded for shelter from their persecutors. .There also the persecuted
Puritans of England found a resting place and freedom to worship their
God as they saw right. The Dutch East India Company profited as a
commercial organization by this influx of strangers and foreigners.
Their officers entered into negotiations from time to time through their
government with these homeless people, and proposed that they should
volunteer for service of the Company in South Africa. No doubt the
splendid climate, the natural beauty, and the remoteness from hostile
attack of the new southern world at the Cape of Good Hope were all
persuasively describf'd to them. The result was that South Africa re-
ceived many Germans and French as well as at a later time large num-
bers of Engj -h and Scotch people as immigrants and settlers.

In the begii. ning of i he eighteentli century in the year 1713 there were
sent out by the Dutch East India Company, amongst others, one Jacob
Kruger, who came from Berlin, and who, having settled in South Africa,
there marri*^ and had eighteen children. From him, therefore, have
descended most of the long list of Krugers who inhabit Cape Colony, the
Orange Free State, the Transvaal, and other parts of South Africa.
Large families seem to be one feature of th( Kruger connection, for in-
termediate between Jacob and the President there was another who had
twolve children, while President Kniger himself has sixteen. The father
of tUo President was one Caspar Jan Hendrik Kruger, who was born in
1706. He married into the family of Steyn, so that tht *wo Presidents
of the Dutch Republics at this time are able to claim sonu kind of blood
relationship with one another. The hero of our sketch, Step^anus Johan-

489

^>,^

•%»

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

1.0

I.I

12.8

25
2.2

IZO

IJ.

1.25

1.4

6" -

►

.^.^v

Photographic

Sciences
Corporation

r:. vvrT m^m strbet

WEBSil^^N.v i4jao
(716) 873-4503

470

THE EARLIER LlFE OP MR. KRUGER.

nes PauluB Eruger, was born at the little town of Golesberg, on October
10, 1825. This town, which has for long been in the Colony, a little south
of the border of the Orange Friee l^tate, h(fe attained fame in the course
of the present war. Mr. Reginald Statham, who has written the fullest
biography of President Kruger, says that Paul Kruger was not the eldest
of the family, and adds, ourioutdy, ''He had at least a sister, some six
years older than himself." When young Pauluf wa» about ten yearb of
age his family ''trekked." First they paused north into the Orapge f^ree
State; there in a short time they, with their large company, came into con-
tact with Moselehfltse, and Paulus, as a young boy, bad his first taste of
actual war. When the small band of fifty white men were surrounded in
their laager by many thousands of fierce and ruthless savages, they were
assisted energetically by their wives and daughters, who cleaned and
loaded their guns and in other ways helped those who were actively fight
ing. It is not at all unlikely that at this time young Paul himself handled
a gun and did his best to shoot down some of the dusky warriors who
rushed upon them. He early became noted for great physical strength
and untiring activity, and must have displayed considerable ability,
judging by the early promotion which be received. No doubt his educa-
tion was scantily snatched up at rare intervals an bis elders tried to
teach him the simple rudiments of reading and writing. He learned
enough to read his Bible, and, as is well known, that book has formed
the sustenance of his intellectual as well as spiritual life throughout his
career. When he was about seventeen years of age he received the ap-
pointment of assistant Veldt-Cornet and three years later he was made
VeldtrCornet. About this time he was placed in charge of a commando,
who proceeded to the northwest to attack various Bechuana tribes.

Paul Kruger, like most of his countrymen, married while still a very
young man. His wife l)elonged to the family of Bteyn, of which the
President of the Orange Free State is a member. This young wife died
before long. Some time thereafter he married her niece, who still lives
and who has had sixteen children. She is said to be a woman of remark-
able gifts> but is forced by the customs of her people to live in obscurity.
She seldom appears in public, is not allowed by her husband to discuss
politics, is prevented by tradition even from sitting down at dinner with
him. It is said that on one occasion be restrained her from engaging in

TkR EARttER LIFE OF MR. KRUGEk.

a'ltolitical discuBsion with tUe remark iMt if »1l& li^teiled to all thiit
people were saying about politics, shie Wonld Just l)fe led feWaty like the
Oiitlanders. Keveifihel^ss, Mrs. Kriiger is 'ktaoWh tb posseiss a tender
heart, and if oiily the (Conditions' df doih^stiblife anmngst the Boisrs had
be^h iiioi^fe civilized, if thfey hM alltrwed fls much frleedoih eveh ftsEng-
lalid and America ^snjoyfed in thfe setieiiteenth'ciBntui'y, she'wdlild have
won th^ affections iElud thie pdtsohAl adniiratioti Of the pedple. At 'the
tiiiie When a large plaint of J^ohdnhie^btirg was destroyed by the greiit
dynamite explosion alnd maily liV^ were lost, ]4frs. Ki^uger coUld not
restrain h^i* feelihgs 6f coihpai^ibn, even thdttgh ^he kn^Wenou|^ to
know that hei* htlsbfthd had no lovb fot Jbhfeilnesbtlrgers. "Oh, it hurt»
my heart to think of it," lihe Srild ; "it htirts ttiy h^rirt to think df it" So
seriously did this calaitiity df the foreigh^rs affect h6r, that she became
in wiih grief attd fretting. She, like mttliy 'Boer'ladies, has had hitturtilly
cdnsiderahle expeyiehce in ti^tihg cases of illness &nd has gdihed a
certain skill in the lise of simple medidnes. Th^se lUre chiefly made
from plants, and as k herb^iSt she has sdhie reputation amOhgSt her
people. It is said ' th d-t the orily time wh^n ahe has her own way with the
President is when he is ill. Then it hlas b<6iBn her lifelong cuStbm to
shut him up in his tobm in sblitude ahd dbse him with her simples ilnd
mixtiites till his iniglity cbnStitution reaS^lfts itself. BUmOr hUs it that
sbme of the Holland officials at Pretoria were, when they first came,
induced to put their ailments dhdei* the c^aire df the t*resideiit?s wife,
i^he experience was peculiajr. When, therefore, biie of them now-a-days
tries to eScape work by pleading ill-health the President comes down on
him by siaying, "Ja, ja, you must have a little of my wife's senna." T^his
is said usually to produce an immedilate recbvery of health, and Obm
Paul chuckles as he sees his victim go off to his work.

Biit Mrs. Eruger possesses in a curious iiitensity the cbhsei^vative
instincts of the Doppers. She c^Hkr for nothing new. To her, as 'to her
husband, the advent of the multitude of foreigners dnd foreign W«ys is
a perplexity alid a pain. She will have nothing to do with the idea of
progress and the instruments of civilizatioh. When the railroad' reached
Johannesburg she was urged to go down tb see the first train ai*rive. "!No,
my child," she said, "I have grown to be an old wbmttn Withbtlt seeing
these things; why should I look at them nbw?" BTet dbm^tic ea]^es

.'"Ss'

472

• THE EARLIER LIFE OF MR. KRUGER.

occupy her entirely, of which the chief one naturally is the task of pre-
paring the daily meals. These are always simple but always abundant.
The President, while a good eater, is remarkably abstemious in the mat-
ter of alcohol. Coffee he drinks in large quantities and he smokes to-
bacco incessantly; but alcohol he uses with great care, and drunkenness
he absolutely loathes. One day a government clerk was slightly the worse
of liquor, entered the executive chamber and came too close to the Presi-
dent looking for a paper. The latter turned upon him in an immediate
passion. "Go out of the room, sir," roared the old lion, "you stink !" A
peculiar little incident of Dopper bigotry and domestic tyranny is told
of the President in connection with the rigid custom held by their sect
that while worshipping God women must have their heads covered.
This applies even to the act of worship in the saying of grace before and
after meals. Two of the President's granddaughters, bright girls who
had been educated in Europe and felt themselves emancipated from some
of these notions, did not wear their hats for the opening grace at a dinner
which was attended by their grandfather, the President. When it came
to the closing gra<ie he turned and said, " Ja, ja, you put on your hats, the
lot of you." The command was, of course, obeyed; but, alas! so eman-
cip/ited were they that their hats were not even in the room, and the
poor women wore table napkins for the occasion as an improvised head-
dress.

In or about the year 1850 there came a crisis in the inner life of young
Paul Kruger. The story goes that under the sway of deep religious in-
terest he left his home without explanation and remained out among the
hills night and day for some days. When he came back the battle was
fought, he had entered upon the life of faith from which he has never since
swerved. While belief in the existence of God and his actual Providence
is held firmly by practically all of the Boern of the Transvaal, it is by
no means all to whom this belief becomes a living fact of the soul and a
means of personal religious experience. It must therefore be held that
the reality and force of this event in his life helped very largely to give
that strength of purpose, that lofty patriotism, that profound con-
fidence in the favor of God which have characterized President Kruger
throughout his career. The form of piety which is dear to Paul Kruger
is that which many describe by the word "mystic." By this it is meant

r >

THE EARLIER LIFE OF MR. KRUGER.

473

that he believes not only in the light of the Scriptures without him, but
in an immediate and direct shining of the spirit of God inwardly upon his
own heart He is in direct communion with the eternal Jehovah who
communicates his will to him and directs his life. This, of course, is
eminently a Christian doctrine, but it is held by Christians ordinarily
with other views of Scripture which prevent certain elements in it from
becoming dangerous. Many of the most famous fanatics of the East have
believed themselves to be thus illumined with the immediate light of
God, have believed themselves to be the direct instruments of God, have
believed themselves tc be guaranteed by him against error and against
defeat. Something of this fanatical type of mysticism has ever charac-
terized Paul Kruger. He can look back over a most remarkable life,
tracing it from the time when at ten years of age with a small company
of brave men he resisted the onslaught of the Matabele hordes to the
hour when the Almighty put Dr. Jameson into his hand. Through that
long life of exciting events how many battles with fierce native tribes
has he fought, how many hair-breadth escapes has he made ! It is said
that he has never been wounded except once by accident when his own
gun shot his thumb away. And yet his clothing has been pierced over
and over again with bullets. Indeed, so remarkable have been his escapes
that some of the natives think him to be possessed of a charmed life.
Moreover, Mr. Kruger, from the time when at thirty years of age he be-
gan his career as an agitator and leader of the Doppers, has seen all his
great schemes successfully carried through and his highest personal am-
bitions achieved. Little wonder is it if, with the intensity of his faith,
the boldness of his plans and the remarkable success of nearly all his
undertakings, he has come to regard himself as under a peculiar and
direct Providence which guarantees to him the rightness of all his pur-
poses and the certainty of success in their pursuit This, of course, is
a noble kind of life, presenting on one side a remarkable beauty and
thrilling attractiveness to every one in whom rdigious instincts are quick.
But his future biographers will ask themselves whether or not the grim
old President, so sure that he is always right and that the Almighty God
will prove it before the eyes of a sceptical world ; so sure that his people
are the Israelites and the KaflSrs the Canaanites and the land is intended
for the Israelites by the living God ; so sure that all Outlanders are as

474

THE EARLIER LIFE OF MR. KRUGER.

Egyptiails kkid As^yHahs'aUd alltlidr idti^igues and thei^ (idnvleiitioiiB
likie fittacikB of the Wolf oU the fbld— hda b^b misIM'by the velry Intensity
ahd Viyidhess of the^ c6ntidti6ils. Undoubtedly the hold which the
President has upon his people th^oU^h his Doj^p&r coni^titiiency explains
in pjEif t the obstinacy of his ot^positibn to allp^oposalls of generous deal-
ings with the Outlanders. Undoubtedly also that unwillliigneiss to take
advice, to yield to the criticism of prdi)osal's etJBn by fallow countrymen
like (Tbubert, is in part due to th^ strength of his fsiith th^t What he s^s
to l)e right is the command of God, and thctt GOd is {Pledged to support
him in 'the doing of it.

(

' {' /

CHAPTER II. \ *

WR. KRUGER AND TRANSVAAl, POLITICS.

DURING thQse years %v. Kruger formed one alliance which though
primarily of a religious or ecclesiastical nature has proved to be
of the utniost political importance. The Transvaal Boers, while
all belonging to the Dutch Beform^ Church, fell into discussion over
matters qf doctrine and practice, which ended Iq the division of their
church into at least three portipns. One of these, which comp^rises the
iqost rigid and conservatiye elements, is called the Dopper Church. The
Doppers have for their distinctive outward feature the simplicity of their
service. Like the Scotch Presl]|yterians two generations ago or the Irish
Presbyterians of this very d^y, they believe only in using the Psalms of
pav^d or paraphrases of Scripture ip their pvtblic worship, and allow, of
course, no instrupiental music, president Eruger early became and has
ever since remained a Dopper. Naturally this i^arty would include many
of the most earnest and the mostdetermined mepof the country, for those
who adopt and maintain conservative positions in religion are usually
those have have profpund convictions and will mf^ke sacrifices for them.
The "forward" parties include many of the s^me spirit, but generally
sweep along with them all those whom Bupyan has called Mr. Pliable
and Mr. Worldly Wiseman. Mr. Kruger owes a large part of his political
success in the Transy^al to his upbending fidelity as a Dopper. That
party have kept him to the front, have worked for him constantly, have
used every fluctuation of put^lic foitune, religious enthusiasm or political
controversy aft an "opportunity of keeping their favox'ite candidate to the
front.

During the years which succeeded the real formation of the Trans-
vaal Republic in 1864, Mr. Kruger's public life was mainly spent in
military o^^ei'&tions against native tribes. He was by no means uni-
formly successful, for the natives gradually learned how to baffle the
wellrknown tactics of the Boers, and Mr. Kruger was more than once
discomfited. As Commandant-Qeneral, he was perfectly familiar with

47S

47G

MR. KRUGER AND TRANSVAAL POLITICS.

the wicked ways in wliich the border Boers inveigled native chiefs into
treaties and agreements, and then found reasons for "punishing" them.
He was instrumental in helping to organize the commandos which, as
the better Boers themselves at last bitterly complained, went every year
against some tribe or another — like Zulu regiments on annual raids!
In any case, he must be held responsible for what went on while he
was Commandant-General. This responsibility will include even the
cruel practice of carrying off wagon-loads of native children, whom the
Boers called "orphans," and dividing them as "apprentices" among the
farmers. Of course, those who condemn Mr. Kruger for his undoubted
share in all these painful transactions must remember, on the other
hand, that they are in keeping with the traditions of his people, and that
they are covered by the religious views which Mr. Kruger and his people
have held concerning Boers, natives and land respectively.

During the early years of the South African Republic, from 1852 to
1864, there was continual strife between the leaders of different bands.
Partly they were separated by political ideals, partly also by political
jealousy and personal rivalry. Several men were ambitious of being the
leaders of the people and several townships were ambitious of becoming
the center or capital of the new Republic. The story of these years of
mutual discord leading at various times to active war is a very miserable
and sordid one indeed. Throughout them Paul Kruger was one of the
most active spirits. While not yet himself a candidate for the presi-
dency, he intervened more than once with great vigor under the authority
of his oflSce as Commandant, and succeeded in compelling those who were
opposed to his faction to desist from their plans. One of the most curious
incidents in this period of his life is that connected with an attempted
invasion of the Orange Free State. There has always been and is now a
very strong and sometimes openly active opposition between the Boer
inhabitants of the Orange Free State and the Boer inhabitants of the
Transvaal. In those early days the hostile sentiments weie quite as
powerful as at any later date. The Free Staters seem to have felt them-
selves insulted by certain actions of Pretorius, the would-be President
of the Transvaal, when he was on a visit to Blomfontein. They prac-
tically expelled him from their borders, and this was resented not only
by Pretorius but by many other Transvaalers, and amongst them was

MR. KRUGER AND TRANSVAAL POLITICS.

477

Paul Kruger. An invasion of the Orange Free State was planned and
was being carried out, a battle was impending, when the unwilling hosts
resolved to attempt another way of settling their difficulties.. The Trans-
vaalers sent out young Paul Kruger under a flag of truce to beg the Free
Staters for peace. A commission was appointed consisting of twelve
representatives from each side to deal with the matters of dispute and
arrange for their settlement. Among these representatives we again
find the name of Paul Kruger.

These things occurred in 1857. In the following year Mr. Kruger was
despatched to the far north for the purpose of attacking a native tribe in
that region. He was successful in this expedition, but on his return
found himself again involved in military operations which were in-
tended to restrain those of his own race who were hostile to his party. He
at this time learned the secret not only of active warfare, but of political
agitation aiid rebellion against the "powers that be," a lesson which
proved valuable to him at various periods of his later career.

When in the year 1870 President Pretorius, with whom Mr. Kruger
had been for many years politically and officially identified, incurred
the wrath of the Transvaalers by accepting arbitration over the Bechu-
analand borders, one of his most strenuous and indignant opponents
was his Commandant-General, Paul Kruger. Pretorius was compelled
to resign and a successor was looked for. It had become evident to the
people of the land that they were unable to cope with foreign diplomacy
and were unable to meet the increasing complications of internal admin-
istration which the growth of the white population placed upon their
shoulders. They decided therefore to look for a man whose education
and ability pointed him out as likely to lead them into a course of rapid
national development Hardly in history can one find a more pathetic
juncture than this, at which a people whose hearts are filled with a pas-
sionate love of independence confessed their incapacity for self-govern-
ment. The passion was mighty and struggled like a giant, blind and
bound with thongs, under the tasks imposed upon it. But' in vain. The
tasks were not those which sheer passion and brute force could perform,
and this nation of farmers practically confessed that they needed another
kind of equipment than that which hitherto they had thought to be neces-
sary and sufficient. They therefore looked outside of their number and

478

MR. KRUGER AND TRANSVAAL POLITICS.

¥■' : 1

found, as they imagined, a fit man, a map of Ei^ropean training, of great
oratorical gifts, of powerful intellect, in Thomas F. Burgers. Many of
them, and, of course, Paul I$[ruger among theip, were by no means
pleased at this appointment, but they were unable to offer any strenuous
opposition. The fact of their incapacity, stared them in the face.

Paul Kruger wa^ not a map to lie down under what he felt to be in
a certain measure a personal criticism and a personal disgrace ; fpr, next
to their late President, he and Mr. Joubert were the most prominent
citizens of, the country, ^pd the bringing in of an outsider as their Presi-
dent wasi thecon^enap^tion of the actual leaders of the land. Quietly but
steadily Paul, Eruger's opposition to Burgers was brought to bear upon
his policy and his opera tlops. Upquestiopably Kruger dislilced the ap-
parent irreligion of Burgers; he sipcerely believed that the blessing of
Almighty God must be withdrawn from their country for the very reason
that an "unbeliever" ha4 been chosen to rule them. He felt that they had
departed from the Lord even as Israel did when ungodly kings ruled at
Jerusalem orS'an^aria. It could be with no courageous heart or high spirit
that Kruger would go forth to war even for his country while the country
was under the ban of the King of Kings. Now,if Mr. Kruger had kept this
despair to himself Burgers might have succeeded in winning the alle-
giance of many whose allegiance he lost. But Mr. Kruger from the first
has b^n a born agitator, always "agin the Government," like the prover-
bial Irishman, until he had the Government in his own hapds. Accord-
ingly his dislike of President Burgers broke early into active opposition
to the schemes whjch the President proposed. An active propaganda was
created among the Doppers and through them among otjiers against
the unbelieving head of the nation. When in 1874 I^resident Burgers
made his joprney to Europe on behalf of his country, full of enthusiasm,
of large plans, of bright expectations, he left the Government in the
hapds of Paul Kruger, tjie Vice-President, and Piet Joubert, the Com-
mandant-General. He could not have done worse for his own position
and, the success of his schemes. The two men who acted on his behalf
proceeded to undo what little he had already accompllshfsd, They para-
lyzed the offices which he had created, used their position to spread dis-
like of his ambitious and far-reachipg schemes. So successful were they
IP this, most people will call, it treacherous, work, that when he returned

S S

MR. KRUGER AND TRANSVAAL POLITICS.

481

o •§
pr £

W ^

« i

he found himself in a moBt unenviable position. The people whom he
had aroused were now in despair, and the very operations for which he
had borrowed money no one would undertake. His railroid plans fell
through and the material which he had bought in Europe was .dlowed
to lie at the coast unused to go to destruction. When the \vdr broke out
against the native tribe under Secocoeni, President Burger^i resolved to
put himself at the head of the Boer forces. This, no doubt, he did with
the hope of winning their confidence, of inspiring them v.'ich courage, of
completely identifying himself with their interests. It was in vain. The
agitators against him argued that no war could be blessed in which this
unbeliever was their commander. All heart and vigor was taken out of
his forces. When on meeting a vigorous resistance from the natives the
Boers turned to flee. Burgers was overwhelmed with grief and shame, he
even shouted to them to shoot him, rather than desert him. It was in
vain. The Transvaal citizens, who detested more than most things defeat
at the hands of native tribes, had been taught in recent days to detest
even more than that the leadership of this President.

About this time people began to think in the Transvaal of the expira-
tion of President Burger's term of office, and of the election of a new
President which must then take place. By this time Paul Kruger had
come to occupy a position of such influence in the country by means of
his prolonged and persistent agitations, that he was evidently marked
out as the candidate whom the conservative citizens must support in
opposition to President Burgers. Mr. Kruger allowed his name to
be put forward as a candidate for the Presidentship, and for months the
country was absorbed in preparations for this contest. Paul Kruger had
this advantage, that he could go about more freely among the citizens
than the President ; that he could stimulate criticism and organize oppo-
sition which in political matters is always easier than to maintain a suc-
cessful defence.

When Shepstone, the British Commissioner, arrived in the country
towards the end of 1876 he found the population distracted over this keen
and prolonged contest. Months must yet elapse before the election, but
already the struggle had reached a wl/ite heat of passion. It became
evident that the two parties in the country were both deeply in earnest.
They were so full of resentment against each other, so full of intense

482

MR. KRUGER AND TRANSVAAL POLITICS.

and sincere dislike for each other's policy, that the day of the election
might easily bring the dawn of a civil war. In fact, the Boers themselves
were preparing their minds for such a result. Here the Progressives
were determined not to come under the domination of the retrogressive
Doppers, and there the Doppers were heart and soul devoted to the task
of destroying the power of the ungodly Progressives.

Mr. Rider Haggard has preserved for the delectation of the world
at large a specimen of the arguments employed by one of the most
powerful newspapers supporting President Kruger's candidacy. This
paper although published in Cape Colony exercised at this time enor-
mous influence in the Transvaal by uniting that form of religious faith
which the Doppers loved with the most intense form of what is called
"Afrikander" patriotism. In one of its articles this newspaper accounts
for the weakened and degraded condition of the Transvaal country by
an appeal to the experience of Israel. "Look at Israel, while the people
have a godly king, everything is prosperous, but under a godless prince
the land retrogrades, and the whole of the people must suffer. Bead Lev.
chapter 26, with attention, etc. In the day of the Voortrekkers (the
Boer farmers), a handful of men chased a thousand Kaffirs and made
them run ; so also in the Free State ( Deut 32 : 30 ; Josh. 23 : 10 ; Lev.
26: 8). But mark, now, when Burgers became President; he knows no
Sabbath, he rides through the land in and out of town, he knows not the
church and God's service (Lev. 26: 2, 3), to the scandal of pious people.
And he formerly was a priest, too. And what is the consequence? No
harvest (Lev. 26: 16), an army of 6,000 men runs because one man falls
(Lev. 26: 17)," etc. Then the writer passes to advocate the claims of
Paul Kruger as the successor of Burgers, and amongst other reasons the
following are given : "Because there is no other candidate. Because our
Lord clearly points him out to be the man, for why is there no other
candidate? Who arranged it this way? Because he himself announces
in his reply that he is incompetent; but that his ability is from the
Lord. Because he is a warrior. Because he is a Boer." Then Mr. Kruger
is compared to Joan of Arc.

This article proceeds to advise the candidate whom God has chosen
that since the Lord gave him the heart of a warrior he must deliver the
land from the Kaffirs. This evidently was one of theargumentA which told

MR. KRUGER AND TRANSVAAL POLITICS.

483

most in the Transvaal in favor of Mr. Kruger, for the fear of the Kaffirs
was heavy upon the Boer heart at that time, and he who had been prom-
inent in all their wars, both civil and foreign, for a quarter of a century,
was felt to be a man, if any was in the land, who could arise and drive
them out. But the editor of this paper was evidently aware that what,
after all, the Transvaal needed was a man of wider training than even
Paul Kruger had received, and his article adverts to the day, therefore,
when, his warrior's task being done and the country made safe from the
Kaffirs, he would acknowledge that he is no statesman and would turn
round in the spirit of supreme patriotism and self-den''! asking his
people to choose a President better fitted for statecraft than himself!

The very heat and strength with which Kruger's agitation was car-
ried on increased the confusion of voices in the land, prevented the
Transvaal people from arising with indignation at the intrusion of Shep-
stone, prevented them from standing loyal in this humiliating crisis to
their actual President and their actual Government. Undoubtedly the
fierceness of this candidacy and the grounds upon which it was based,
helped largely to spread that feeling of weakness and dismay through the
land which so astonished Shepstone and convinced him that this people
had proved themselves incapable of self-government. He may have been
wrong. It may be that in the very party led by Mr. Kruger, which was
creating this temporary low tide, lay the forces which, when the time
came, would carry the people forward into a vigorous future. But to the
searching eyes alike of the Boers and their government, as well as of the
keen-witted and calm-souled Shepstone, no such promise seemed to be
contained in the circumstances which were before them.

It must be remembered that at this very time Mr. Kruger held office
under the President whom he was denouncing, a relation which once
more throws into relief the incapacity of the Boers at that time for intelli-
gent self-government and the peculiar conception of duty and personal
honoi which Paul Kruger has throughout his life cherished and acted
upon. When, therefore, in April, 1877, the British Government assumed
the reins of power, while Joubert immediately declined to serve under
a government which he hated, Paul Kruger retained his office. But
now there was substituted for his former opponent. President Burgers,
a new opponent in the person of the Queen's representative.

iai

CHAPTER III.

MR. KRUGER AND THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

IN THE month of May, 1877, within a few weeks therefore after the act
of annexation by Shepstone, Mr. Kruger, accompanied by Dr.Jorissen,

a Hollander of considerable ability and education who identified him-
self completely with Transyaal interests, proceeded to England to carry
the protest against annexation to the highest authorities. Shepstone
wrote, saying, ''I do not think that either of them wishes the act of annex*
tion to be cancelled; Dr. Jorissen certainly does not.'^ They paid a visit
to Kimberley and there met a Mr. J. D, Barry, who wrote to Sir Bartle
Frere that the two delegates did not ''have much faith in their mission.''
He adds a strong corroboration of Bhepstone's remark by saying, "Dr.
Jorissen thinks that the reversal of Bir Tbeophilus's act would not only
be impossible, but a great injury to the country." The delegates were
well received in London, were taken as his guests by Lord Carnarvon to
his country house; but he firmly told them that there could be no re-
versal of the act of annexation. They returned immediately to the Trans-
vaal, and to their work under the British Government. Mr. Kruger, how-
ever, dung to his hope of a restored self-government and watched with
his characteristic shrewdness and employed with his determined will,
every event which seemed capable of use in that direction. In the follow-
ing year (1878) Mr. Kruger once more made the long journey to Cape
Town and the long voyage to London. He was accompanied by his life-
long rival, Mr. Pieter Joubert, with Mr. Bok as secretary. This time they
could claim that they were sent by a formal meeting which had been
convened on April 4th and by whose authority they once more carried
the Boer protest to the British Government. The answer which they
received was the same with which they bad been met before. They were
told that the Queen's sovereignty could not now be v/ithdrawn.

Mr. Kruger made the return journey through Natal and found him-
self there at the very time when Sir Bartle Frere wa« preparing for the
war against Zululand. Naturally the Boer leaders were not at all unwill-

m \
m

' i

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

485

ing to see the British win in the approaching fight, since the rictory^
would mean the destruction of the power which for some years now had
threatened the Transvaal. They therefore frankly and heartily gave all
the advice Sir Bartle Frere asked of them.

Frere was kept a considerable time in that region, and it was not
until May, 1879, that he was able to make his long contemplated visit
to the Transvaal. Then the agitation in the country had been carried
on with such persistence, had been met by the British authorities with
such weakness, that it had assumed portentous proportions. Sir Bartle
Frere was invited to meet with the Boers, and he found them encamped
at a place called Kleinfontein. Here they had actually gathered some
thousands of men. The scene is described very vividly and in striking
detail by the biographer of Sir Bartle Frere. The high-souled representa-
tive of the Queen carried himself with splendid courage, and with his un-
failing wisdom and irresistible tact when he met men face to face. His
mingled firmness and courtesy produced due impression, and there can
be no doubt that ere his conference with them was over he had gained
the warm respect and even the trust of most of those Boer leaders. They
wished him, and Mr. Kruger especially urged it, to present their views to
the British Government and strove hard to persuade him to support them
with his own personal approval. The latter he of course explained
frankly that he could not give, but he agreed to forward to his Govern-
ment a statement of the views which they themselves should approve as
adequately representing what they had urged upon him, and promised
that he would at any rate urge upon the Government the importance
of considering these views. This was done and the document which he
drew up was signed by five of the Boers, including M. W. Pretorius, who
acted as chairman of the conference, and Mr. Kruger. At the same
time Sir Bartle Frere presented his own views, in which he strongly
urged that the Transvaal be retained, expressing the conviction that
large numbers of the Boers were forced into this movement by the leaders
and that most of the ills of which they complained were due to faults in
the policy of the British Government since they occupied the land.

Frere remained at Pretoria for about a fortnight, and during that
time found that the agitation was becoming dangerous. The more rest-
less and reckless of the Boers had repeatedly to be restrained by Mr.

486

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

s ■ />

"Kvvigev and the more prudent section, from making an immediate attack
upon the representatives of the Queen at Pretoria. During his stay
Frere had repeated meetings with the leaders, and there is the best
evidence that he made a most favorable and powerful impression upon
them. Mr. Kruger, in fact, is reported to have said, "The people and
committee have all conceived great respect for your Excellency, because
your Excellency is the first high official of Her Majesty who has laid bare
the whole truth ; and that esteem will not easily be lost whatever more
you may say, for the people have seen for themselves in writing what
your Excellency has said." Among the ordinary folk Frere made him-
self at home and won the hearts of many of them. His religious character
became known and increased their faith in his wisdom and his sincerity.
"As for this Governor of yours," one Boer said, "from all I hear he might
be a *regt Dopper,' " which may be translated, "A right godly Boer."
No higher compliment can be conceived as coming from a follower of
Mr. Kruger.

In the following year, 1880, it became known to Mr. Kruger and his
friends that a strong effort was being made to carry through the scheme
of confederation of the South African states and colonies, and that a
conference was proposed which would be held at Cape Town to deal
with the matter. The Prime Minister at Cape Town, Mr. Gordon Sprigg,
was in sympathy with the movement, and his ministry was understood
to be acting in that direction. These facts led Mr. Kruger to make one
more long journey on behalf of his country. He went to Cape Town
along with Mr. Joubert and Dr. Jorissen and there spent some time
with the double object of arousing a stronger sympathy among the Dutch
people and of defeating the proposal to hold a conference on confedera-
tion. In these purposes he was signally successful. Frere was still in
the country, but nearly everybody was aware that, since the Liberal party
had returned to office in London, his days of Governorship were num-
bered. Mr. Kruger had in fact in recent days been greatly encouraged
by the accession of Mr. Gladstone to power. A little group of determined
Radicals in England, who made it their life's aim to undo all that
had been done by their pet aversion. Lord Beaconsfield, were working
steadily towards the retrocession of the Transvaal. Mr. Gladstone, it is
tru«', affirmed after his accession to office that a reversal of the aunoxa-

iiii

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

48T

tion could not take place; but the Radicals referred to steadily per-
sisted in their pressure upon the Prime Minister and steadily encouraged
Mr. Kruger to carry on his agitation. It was to one of these, Mr. Leonard
Courtney, M. P., who may claim the distinction of having had much to
do with securing the war of independence and the act of retrocession,
that Mr. Kruger reported the success of his mission to Cape Town. "It
is a satisfaction to us," he said, "candidly and without reservation, to
inform you that the conference proposal has failed through our efforts."
Mr. Kruger appears to have become aware at this time that Frere had
lost influence in London and would be removed before long, and this
encouraged him as much as any other circumstance connected with his
mission.

In December of that year, 1880, the prolonged, careful, persistent and
shrewd machinations of Mr. Kruger reached a head. There gathered at
Paardekraal some thousands of Boers who proceeded in the most open
fashion once more to organize their Government. They assumed as a
logical and practical starting-point that their Volksraad had never been
dissolved, and that therefore it could assemble once more and pick up
the threads which it had dropped on April 11, 1877. Mr. Kruger accord-
ingly appeared in his former capacity as Vice-President, Mr. Joubert
as Commandant-General, while Dr. Jorissen resumed his place as State
Attorney from which he had been so ignominiously removed on the
ground of legal incompetency by the hated British. Of course there wa.s
no President, but the work was carried on practically by those who have
just been named, and as all were working with unanimity for one end
this difficulty was not keenly felt. It was considered politic to move to
Heidelberg where their assembled force would occupy a position of great
strategic importance between Pretoria and Natal.

The story of the war which immediately broke out need not be
repeated here. Throughout its course, Mr. Kruger was active. He was
present at headquarters most of the time and was of course deeply con-
cerned when the armistice was arranged, as also in the negotiations
on which, the Convention of Pretoria was founded. Throughout these
negotiations he made his own contribution of shrewdness and determina-
tion, and helped to win the diplomatic victory which must be recorded as
having been gained by the Boers m addition to their military triumphs, As

488

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

iSrfJ'

soon aB the Convention was agreed to by the negotiators, the Volksraad
was summoned and Mr. Eruger presented the Convention, not without
some apprehension that his people would disapprove of its provisions.
In fact he had considerable difficulty in obtaining their consent to it.
They felt that this was not the independence which they had enjoyed
down to the year 1877. They were undismayed by the facts that once
more, with the suddenness almost of a cyclone, land values had gone
down, capiital had begun to leave the country and commercial collapse
was before them. Their eyes were upon their ideal. Their memories
were faint already regarding the condition of affairs in 1876; they were
conscious now and proud of having beaten the British, of having prac-
tically no powerful native tribes left to threaten them; they were pos-
sessed of all the enthusiasm which belongs to the beginnings of a great
national movement. It appeared to them therefore humiliating that a
British Resident should, in terms of this Convention, live at Pretoria to
control their dealings with foreign nations and with all native peoples ;
humiliating to be told that the right of Great Britain was reserved to
march her troops through the Transvaal if occasion demanded such a
step; humiliating to be told that thus they were forced to acknowledge
the suzerainty of the Queen. But Mr. Kruger had had enough of uncer-
tainty and of war. He knew that the British Government had gone as
far as at the time it could, and that a rejection of its terms might lead
to the renewal of hostilities. He himself also had enough knowledge of
the world to appreciate the magnanimity of Mr. Gladstone, a magnan-
imity which his people did not then understand and have never since been
able to regard as anything but the submission of a conquered man. His
people believed that they had actually smitten the British power hip
and thigh, as Israelites smote their enemies of old. To them the great-
ness of Great Britain was but a vague and distant rumor. All these
circumstances led Mr. Kruger eagerly to desire and passionately to urge
that the Convention should be immediately approved. And at last it
was approved, but with the very bold assertion that this was done "for
the time and provisionally," in order to submit the articles of the Conven-
tion to a practical test.

Mr. Kruger found himself carrying a crushing load. The Boers in-
deed were once more a self-governing people, but they found themselves

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

489

Tthese
urge

in the nnenTiable position of having still the debt upon their shoulders,
a people still unwilling to pay taxes, and a country whose commerce was
once more reduced to the bare necessities of life. The busy streets of
Pretoria became deserted and overgrown with vegetation, and the public
works began speedily to decay. Nevertheless the leader of this people
carried himself with great courage and fixity of purpose.

In the year 1883 the first election of a President took place. The
candidates were Mr. Eruger, representing the Doppers, or conservative
element, and Mr. Joubert, representing the progressives. The former
was elected by 3,431 votes to 1,171.

•N

'!|:

i
I I

hi*

• t 1
I' 1 1

r'l

CHAPTER IV.
MR. KRUGER'S FIRST PRESIDENCY.

AS SOON as he was in the President's chair, Mr. Kruger began
to work for the amendment of the Pretoria Oonyention. He
arranged for another Deputation to Great Britain. Once more
was he most courteously received in London; once more was he
successful in winning from the British Government the greater part
of the desires which he placed before them on behalf of his people. The
British Besident was removed, the debt was reduced, and other benefits
were granted, in return for which Great Britain asked and received
absolutely nothing. She retained indeed authority over the foreign
treaties of the Transvaal ; she insisted, in the negotiations leading to
the Convention, that she occupied such a relation to the Transvaal
that the Convention could not be regarded as a treaty between two
contracting powers, but as a statement of the conditions under which a
grant of privileges was conveyed by the Queen to those who had been
her subjects. It must ever be remembered in the discussions of the
relation of Great Britain to the Transvaal that this position has been
constantly maintained since 1852. Great Britain stands in a relation
to the Boers so peculiar that all agreements made with them are in the
nature of gifts made to them along with the statement of conditions on
which these gifts are made. Even the ever compliant Earl of Derby put
that position very clearly before Mr. Kruger and his companions at the
very beginning of their negotiations in London in November, 1883.

President Kruger had other objects in view in making this trip to
Europe besides the winning of a new Convention from Europe. He
desired especially to come to terms with the Portuguese Government
regarding certain railroad concessions which, when really adjusted,
would put the Transvaal in a more favorable position for establishing
railway connections between Pretoria and Delagoa Bay. He accordingly
asked authority under the new Convention from Lord Derby, or rather
Lord Derby offered to him the assurance that he need have po difficulty

49(^

MR. KRUGER'S FIRST PRESIDENCY.

491

in making such arrangements as he found necessary in the interest of his
country, even although the new Convention had not yet been ratified. It
was pointed out that no such agreement with a foreign power would be
binding before ratification, but that he could rely upon Lord Derby's
willing and active assistance in making any such agreement on the ba^is
of the Pretoria Convention.

It was therefore with a good deal of gratitude, mixed with consider-
able regret, that President Kruger bade farewell to London and entered
upon a continental tour. He proceeded to several of the European
capitals and was everywhere received with due honor and kindliness. At
Amsterdam of course his arrival was celebrated with especial interest
and enthusiasm.. Here perhaps the most important event waet his dis-
covery of a young man who had just taken his doctor's degree at the
University, who was willing to engage himself as, to begin with, private
secretary to President Kruger, and who has since proved himself a most
faithful, enthusiastic and powerful supporter and diplomatist of the
Transvaal Government. This was Dr. Leyds. From Amsterdam Presi-
dent Kruger went to Berlin, thence to Paris, from Paris to Lisbon, where
he secured the arrangements which he desired with the Lisbon Govern-
ment, and returned to South Africa in triumph. Beyond all doubt the
negotiation of the London Convention and the successful carrying out
of his visits to the European capitals gave to President Kruger a position
in South Africa that had been reached by no other South African states-
man, not excepting Sir John Brand. He had proved himself the most
powerful and sagacious, the most self-respecting and determined diplo-
matist. He returned to his own land with fresh prestige and the
opportunity for making a brilliant career. The Dutch world of South
Africa looked up to him with new confidence and a feeling even of rev-
erence, even as Israel unto Moses. He had proved that he could now do
more than lead filibustering expeditions against native tribes, that he
could do more than sweep his Dopper constituencies into line to support
his political schemes, that he could do more than present a bold front to
British representatives in South Africa. Avowedly ignorant of the
world, narrow in spirit, inexperienced in statecraft, he yet showed him-
self able to cope in distant lands with the very authorities and wielders
of European power.

492

MR. KRUGER'S FIRST PRESIDENCY.

^>'^di

We have mentioned one reason for regret which he carried back with
him to Pretoria. There was only one side of the Convention which
proved a bdtter disappointment to his Volksraad, as it had been to
himself. This was the fact that Great Britain actually manifested firm-
ness enough to put down on thf map a western boundary for the Trans-
vaal. Hitherto such a thing had been practically unknown or in serious
dispute. It was like closing a large window of a house and asking people
to live with the same freedom as they had before. The Transvaal Boers
with their land-hunger had always been accustomed to look out upon
Bechuanaland as through an open window. The idea of having a boun-
dary line seemed like shutting them into an unnatural darkness. The
idea that Montsioa, with whom they had picked one quarrel after another,
should now be beyond their reach under the Queen's protection, and that
the lands of Mankoroane, whose territory they had already begun to seize
in the usual way, should be proclaimed as a part of a new British pro-
tectorate! These were indeed occasions of deep grief and despair at
Pretoria. So deep, that the Volksraad seemed almost to forget all the
other ills from which they had suffered and which Lord Derby had
simply swept away because they asked him to do so. The Boer mind
could not grasp the fact that they had been treated with a generosity
which no other European country could possibly have been per-
suaded to show to them. They took all that they had got, and then
nursed bitterness in their souls over the one fact iiat they were
now compelled to have a western boundary and to respect the rights of
the native tribes beyond. It needed indeed a very strong speech from
President Kruger himself to persuade the Volksraad that they must
accept that part of the Convention. They were inclined to berate the
Government in the usual terms of Boer vituperation against Britisli
rulers; but President Kruger, fresh from his triumph in Europe and
fresh from his kindly intercourse with the members of the British Gov-
ernment, could not endure this. He accordingly rose to explain that
the British Government was not to blame, that they would have given
him all that he asked, yea, that he might have had all Bechuanaland
and the road into the interior, — not even th*» British people were to be
maligned in this matter, — their disappointmeiit was wholly due to the

MR. KRUGER'S FIRST PRESIDENCY.

493

"intrigues" of two "lia»'H," namely, Mackenzie tlie miasionary, and Sir
Hercules Robinson, the High Commissioner!

President Kruger now had his hands full. It was his task to re-
organize affairs so far as was necessary upon a new basis within the
Transvaal itself. But this work of development was interrupted suddenly
by the disturbances which broke out on tUe western border. Parties of
Boers had in the previous two years extended their settlements into the
very region now proclaimed as a British protectorate. They had formed
two republics. While they formed these two republics and while they
continued to maintain them even after the Convention had been ratified
by the Volksraad, most of them were actually domiciled within the Trans-
vaal. Repeated remonstrances were addressed to Pretoria, but all in
vain. In one way or another excuses were found by President Kruger
for taking no action. Van Niekerk and his company, who called them-
selves the "Stellaland administration," lived, as was well known, near
the Hart River within the Transvaal, and they crossed the line freely
even after Stellaland had been proclaimed by a Deputy-Commissioner
of the Queen as British territory. His followers actually attacked Vry-
burg itself, terrorising and assaulting the leading loyalists there. Yet
there was no redress. The insincerity of President Kruger's dealings
in this matter within a few months of his visit to London, is shown by
nothing more clearly than the treaty which he attempted to make and a
proclamation of annexation which he issued with reference to the lands
of Montsioa on which one of the new republics (Goshen) had been
formed. The excuse for this inexcusable transaction was that Montsioa
wished the protection of his Government, which had never been true and
never could be. But upon this excuse he based a conditional annexa-
tion, announcing that the territory was now brought under the protection
of his Government "subject to the 4th article of the London Convention."

It is impossible to regard this event, which General Joubert saw at
once to be a blunder in diplomacy and which he repudiated by resigning
his office under President Kruger, as anything else but a contemptuous
assumption that Great Britain would never be in earnest about anything
in South Africa, The President found this to be a profound error. There
were some things which even Great Britain could not endure, limits to
the power of acquiescence possessed even by a Colonial Secretary. The

494

'MR. KRUCER'S FIRST PRESIDENCY.

^'b\i

•I.fM

answer to thi» bold chulleuge of President Kruger was the Warren ex-
pedition. President Kruger liad already succeeded in bringing influence
to bear at Cape Town which resulted in the resignation of the first Dep-
uty-Commissioner for South Bechuanaland (John Mackenzie). lie now
attempted in the most serious way to prevent the Warren expedition
from coming, and, when it came, to pi'event it from being ^f any service.
He had skilfull allies in this work at Cape Town in the persons of the
Afrikander Bond leaders and even of the Governor himself, the same
Sir Hercules Robinson, who had become plastic under their hands. Mr.
Reginald Statham, the biographer of Paul Kruger, whose work is inac"
curate at various important points, actually has the courage to write
concerning the Warren expedition that it was completely muzzled and
was withdrawn at the earliest possible moment The fact is that no mili-
tary expedition was ever so successful in at once attaining all the ends
for which it was sent, and doing so without one battle. The Boers were
thoroughly cowed all along the western border by this display of British
determination and by the brilliant generalship and the brilliant diplo-
macy of Sir Charles Warren. Mr. Statham says that "in the end Bechu-
analand became a British colony." This was the very purpose of the
expedition and was fully secured by it, for when Sir Charles in a leisurely
fashion concluded his work, he left behind him au Administrator who
had already begun his active service in Bechuanaland.

During this expedition, an interview was arranged between President
Kruger and Sir Charles Warren which took place a short way within
the Transvaal territory at Fourteen Streams. Probably at no time in his
life before had President Kruger found himself so unable to obtain new
concessions or compromises as on this occasion. He and his Government
were openly and undeniably in the wrong and all his efforts to aasert him-
self, to humble the expedition and render it abortive, were in vain.

In this very year, 1885, the most rapid development of the gold mining
system in the Transvaal began. It was these developments which with-
drew the attention of the Boers from the people beyond their borders
and concentrated it upon internal problems. For a number of years gold
miners had already proved themselves the bane of the Transvaal Govern-
ment. East of Johannesburg there had grown up the community called
Barberton where the first important gold mines were found. That had

I %,t ■

MR. KRUGER'S FIRST PRESIDENCY.

495

been one of the centers of disaffection and the source of ai«ti )yance
for several years before tlie annexation. When tlie extraordinary gold
deposits were discovered under the arid ridges of the Witwatersrond the
Transvaal entered upon the most extraordinary period of history ever
encountered by any people. Hitherto the chief gold districts of the world
have been discovered beyond the verges of European civilization. The
gold miners who have rushed in have found themselves in regions where
they at once formed the community and created the government. But
in the Transvaal there already existed a nation of farmers whose old
system of legislation and administration was adapted to a rustic popula-
tion. Upon them in their primitive mode of life there came at once the
possession of unexpected and unmeasured wealth and the task of meeting
a peaceful invasion more difficult to thrust back than British soldiers,
and more terrible to contemplate e^en than a British Resident.

m.r

CHAPTER V.

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUlLANDERS.

THERE can be no doubt that the place which President Kruger is U
occupy in the estimation of posterity will be determined by the
way in which he has met the conditions created in the Transvaal
by the gold mines. The stoi'y can not be fully, still less can it be impar-
tially told, until some more years have elapsed and the passions of the
hour have been stilled; but the day is coming when historians will turn
over the archives of the Boer Government and trace the course of legisla-
tion which President Kruger has steadily initiated from the year 1885 to
the year 1899. There, and in the records of various public companies,
as well as in the despatches which have passed between Great Britain
and the Transvaal the whole story is forever recorded of the capacity
or incapacity of Mr. Kruger to meet the invasion of the Transvaal by
the Outlanders in response to his own Mvitation.

First of all of course, in sheer justice to President Kruger, the his-
torian will concentrate attention on the tumultuous life c ?ated by the
arrival in a constant stream of tens of thousands of Europeans and
Americans. They will tell how these spread th-mselves over one farm
after another, scratching the ground for golf, making bargains with
bewildered and astounded farmers for the purchase of their lands,
and floating companies without number, many of which enriched the
founders and ruined countless investors. He will tell how some of
these farmers became enormously rich who until that year had been,
as regards the possession of cash or a bank account, notoriously or
even distressingly poor. He will tell how it was that President Kruger
sold some of his own land for £100,000 (about |500,000). He will record
the fact that in a few years the Outlanders owned more than half the
land of the Transvaal.

But he will turn to another side of the story. He will describe the
Inevitable panic which came in 1888 when company after company
collapsed and the whole work of development had to be begun over

498

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUT LANDERS.

497

;er ia t<i
by the
ansvaal
} impar-
Lg of the
n\\ turn
E legislii-
r 1885 to
oapanies,
t Britain
capacity
isvaal by

, the his-
jd by the
eans and
one farm
lins with
Av lands,
iched the
some of
lad been,
iously or
it Kruger
ill record
half the

scribe the
company
jgun over

again on a sound financial and an honorable commercial basis. He will
then tell the story of the arrival of experienced organizers and engineers
who formed strong syndicates and adopted the most modern methods
of mining, adaptirg these to the unique conditions found on the Rand.
He will tell how this beginning of a healthier life in the Johannes-
burg community led to the rapid building up of a splendid city. He
will tell how the very nature of the gold deposits, demanding the high-
est financial and engineering as well as organizing skill, brought to
the country from England and America and Australia men of the
highest education and experience; how they brought as subordinate
oflBcers of their companies hundreds of younger men, to whom this city
was to become a permanent home and who proceeded to build com-
fortable residences and lay out lovely gardens on the dreary arid ridges
of the Rand. He will tell the story of the arrival of scores of thousands
of black people from every direction who, pouring into the service of the
miners, found themselves in the midst of a life utterly strange, full
of excitement, offering temptations only to evil and opportunities un-
dreamed of for intoxication and crime.

In view of these extraordinary conditions, the historian will inevit-
ably be driven to ask himself, how did the strenuous and shrewd Pres-
ident of the Republic meet the perplexing problems thrust upon him
and his farmer associates in the Government of the country? The
final judgment of President Kruger's worth as a man, as a patriot, and
as a statesman will depend upon the answer to that question.

Before we attempt to forecast the lines along which, as it seems
to us, the answer will certainly come into view, let us pause to consider
with deepest sympathy the position of this man. We must recall his
birth in a frontier village, his early years passed in a continual series
of wagon journeys and native fights, his young manhood given over to
the care of cattle and warfare, now with rival sections of his own race,
and anon with the aboriginal inhabitants of the land. We must recall the
fact that during these very years when a far cleverer man than he
was President, himself Vice-President and Joubert Commandant-Gen-
eral, the Government of the Transvaal notoriously and indisputably
collapsed. It proved itself unfit to govern 50,000 white people, almost
aU of whom were farmers, and the native chiefs among and around

F( ' '^' !

'"■»,li

1 1 -'Ti

498

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

them. We must remember that the Are of patriotism in these people
was kept alive by two passionate desires, the desires namely to control
the native tribes and to be uncontrolled by the British Government.
"We must recall the fact that throughout the period of four years after
the annexation President Krugor burned with this fire of patriotism,
and that in 1881 the Government of the Transvaal, which had once
more been given to the farmers themselvett, rested mainly, almost en-
tirely, upon the insistent will of this one man and the concentration of
his life upon one idea. We must recall also the fact that during the
four or five years succeeding the restoration of the independence the
Boer Government did practically nothing in the way of reorganiza-
tion of public works. In fact the earlier years of President Kruger's
administration boded no good to his career; In 1884 poverty once more
began to stare them in the face and signs of disaflfection were not
awanting. But from the year '85 onwards President Kruger and his
Government were confronted by a situation unparalleled in the history
of any white community. They found themselves in charge of European
cities whose natural problems were severely intensified by the influx
of lawless and irresponsible natives. What were the farmers to do
with these people? What was President Kruger to do with them?
Was his mind large enough in grasp, his heart deep enough in sym-
pathy, his imagination broad enough to see that the safety of his
Republic lay along a certain line of conduct, and that another road
which opened before him must lead to destruction?

As we have said above this question can only be answered by looking
at the actual course of legishi Ion and the actual effect of the Boer
administration upon the happinesH of their own cities and the pros-
perity of their own country. The defenders of President Kruger's
administration make it as their strong jMiInt that, while he himself
desired throughout to act generously towards the Outlanders, to grant
them all the reasonable demands which J hey made, he was restrained
by the conservatism of his farmers. They who are his strong supporters
would have rebelled, it is said, if they had seen him proceed suddenly
to the passing of measures which accorded rights to the Outlanders
that would place them in a suj. 'rlor political position to the rustic
population who hitherto had ruled the land. The difficulty in the way

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

409

of carrying through this theory, that President Kruger has really
been a broad-minded statesman working under the appearance of nar-
rowness in deference to his constituents, arises from three facts. First,
that a considerable party led by Joubert have always been opposed to
the narrower measures of Mr. Kruger. If he had lost the support of
some he would have gained, it would seem, the powerful support of his
former rival by progressive legislation. In the second place, most of
the legislation for which he is responsible actually and positively im-
posed restrictions upon the Outlanders which did not exist when they
began to arrive. It was surely within his power to have refused to
initiate this class of legislation instead of being as he was the untiring
originator of it all. And in the third place, it is, we believe, amply proved
that a considerable amount of the legislation which he did persuade the
Raad to enact was rendered useless by the method of administration
which he employed. So much was this the case th^t a large part of the
bitterness of the Outlanders was caused by the repeated disappoint-
ments which they experienced when they found that legislation which
the President had promised them, when hard pressed by their demands
and their arguments, proved utterly unreal when it was put into prac-
tice. Either the Government was incompetent to make and administer
effective legislation or President Kruger was forced, or imagined him-
self forced, to deceive the Outlanders time after time in order to get rid
of their importunity and preserve his unyielding position at the same
time.

A very impressive illustration of the difficulties and temptations
which fell like a thunderbolt upon Mr. Kruger and his associates can be
found by a mere glance at the history of the financial position of the
Transvaal. In the year 1874 the revenue of the country was just about
£50,000 (about $250,000), and the expenditure about £45,500 (about $225,-
000). In the year 1882 the revenue had risen to about £180,000 (about
$900,000), while the expenditure only reached about £115,000 (about
$570,000). In the year 1886 the relation of the revenue and expendi-
ture maintained the same healthy appearance, for in that year while
the income was nearly £200,000 (nearly $1,000,000) the expenditure was
little more than £150,000 (about $750,000). This was the year when the
gold mines at the Witwatersrand were opened and Johannesburg was

■I It ~'

Mf^
'W^'

500

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

established. In the followiHg year the income had reached the sum of
nearly £640,000 (considerably more than $3,000,000); the expenditure
still fell far behind the income, amounting to somewhat more than
£590,000 (less than $2,900,000). Another great leap was taken in the
year 1894, another again in 1897. In the year 1899 the Budget esti-
mates placed the revenue at the enormous figure of £4,087,852 (about
$20,000,000), while the expenditure was estimated at £3,951,234 (about
$19,350,000).

A still more astonishing and suggestive range of thought is opened
up by a glance at the growth of the fixed salaries paid by the Transvaal
Government to its oflficials. In 1886 the salaries amounted to a little
more than £50,000 (about $250,000). In the year 1893 they had risen to
£360,000 (about $1,700,000). In 1899 the Budget estimate of the sal-
aries amounted to the astonishing figure of £1,216,000 (about $6,000,000).
That is to say the salary list had been multiplied in thirteen years to a
sum iwenty-four times what it was at the beginning of that period. Now
the white population upon whose interests these officials expend their
lives had during that period been little more than doubled. To put it
in another v/ay, the Transvaal is inhabited by somewhere near 200,000
white people, men, women and children. The salaries paid to the Gov-
ernment officials, apart from all other expenses incurred in directing
the affairs of that population, amounted to about $6,000,000 last year;
if applied to the United States population of 70,000,000 the same scale of
official salaries would reach the sum of $2,000,000,000.

The significance of these figures is enormous when we remember
that after the recovery of their independence the Boers finally
decided to secure in the work of administration the aid of men of
European training and preferably of Hollander birth and education.
These men went out to the Transvaal into the service of President
Kruger's government, or went out on his invitation to form commercial
syndicates of various kinds, without any deep love for the country
which was not their native country or for the farmers who constituted
its ruling population, but who were one and all beneath themselves
in culture and experience. They went there to make their fortunes,
and large numbers of them have done so. They accepted office and
entered upon their work of administration in the same spirit exactly

,..*'_,-

'PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTL'ANDERS.

501

and for the same purpose that another set of Hollanders went to the
gold mines. The real inward history of all the commercial troubles and
the legislative struggles in the Transvaal for the last twelve or fifteen
years can not be told unless the historian grasps and knows in detail the
facts concerning the prolonged rivalry between the men who were
seeking to make their fortunes by means of the gold mines and ordinary
commercial enterprises, and the other set of men who were seeking to
make their fortunes by means of Government concessions or monopolies
and the use of governmental appointments. It is a sordid and despicable
story, but the conscience of the world when it knows the facts will con-
demn most thoroughly, not the men who frankly sought wealth by the
ordinary means of open individual competition, but the men who sought
it through the hypocrisy of public service and the method of govern-
mental monopolies. Who would expect that President Kruger could
hold his own or even begin to see daylight amidst the darkness of these
enormous financial transactions and commercial rivalries? To him the
very language employed in the very laws which he was supposed to
initiate, to administer and to defend was a new language, and the
economic conditions v/hich he was expected to control and direct were
such as he had only heard of or only seen superficially when he visited
the capitals of Europe and which he had always despised as a religious
man, feared as a politician, and hated as a farmer. Well might he in
the utter confusion of his mind often cry out, "Who is sufiftcient for these
things?"

As a matter of fact President Kruger in his capacity as President
has been a man possessed and driven by one sole political idea, namely,
that of the independence of his country. By this he meant simply at first
the freedom of the Transvaal from British control. For this he has sacri-
ficed all else. In order not to be under British rule he put his officiai
appointments into the hands of Outlanders from Holland. In order to
prevent all possibility of British influence he shut the door of the fran-
chise in the faces of all British and American citizens, keeping it wide
open for Hollanders who came to be officials of his Government, or could
prove that they had been of service to the State. Even South Africans
from Cape Colony and Natal, and at times even from the Orange Free
State, were treated by him with a jealousy not evidently cherished

502

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

Vim s^.'.^r^^*'-

;«f;

^'' L

>' I

towards those whom he had adopted and rested upon as advisers of the
State. Thus his passion for the independence of the Transvaal was
swiftly changed into the determination to maintain the supremacv of
one race within the Transvaal.

The main legislative and administrative problems which have
haunted President Kruger's recent years arose from three directions.
First, the organization and government of Johannesburg, second, the
treatment of the Outlanders, especially those who spoke English, in
matters of the franchise and education, third, the development of com-
mercial undertakings by means of government concessions or monopo-
lies. The evidence appears .to be abundant that in all three directions
President Kruger became the miserable victim of the official class wbom
he had created, who misled him with their advice, played upon his fear
of British interference, involved him in responsibilities which made him
the supporter of their dishonorable proceedings. In fact the man who
had shown himself brave on the battlefield, noble in his passion for
patriotism in that war of independence, shrewd when dealing with
British diplomatists about simple matters like a boundary line or the
payment of a debt, was utterly swamped by the onrush of complex
financial and administrative problems which he had neither the train-
ing nor perhaps the brains to comprehend. But he brought into this life
if not a new capacity, at any rate the old tenacity; an idea once seized
by him is seized forever, it apprehends him and holds him as its servant
henceforth. Let us see how this can be illustrated in somewhat of
detail.

First then did President Kruger encounter the municipal problems
of Johannesburg in an adequate manner? It must be remembered that
Johannesburg has grown in ten years to be a city of more than 100,000
people. More than half of these are Europeans, most of them men of
great energy, large numbers of them highly educated and powerful per-
sonalities. Hundreds of them knew far more of municipal affairs than
President Kruger, with whom the last word regarding the history and
condition of their city always remained. After considerable trouble
Mr. Kruger was induced to grant a municipality to the citizens. Natu-
rally one would expect this to mean that the citizens as a whole should
elect their own council and this council should direct under general

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

503

legislative limitations or precautions the internal affairs of the city, that
they should manage their own sanitation, their own street cleaning,
etc. As a matter of fact, according to the system established at Johan-
nesburg, it was secured that the majority of the council should be repre-
sentatives of the small Boer element in the city and practically crea-
tures of the national executive. Still more the mayor of the city was
not elected by the citizens but appointed by the Government, that is,
by President Kruger; and the mayor had the right of absolute veto
upon all their resolutions and ordinances.

The result of this legislation was to get the actual control into the
hands of tbose who on every matter obeyed the will of the President
and Executive Government of the State. Various most miserable com-
plications arose with regard to sanitary affairs, the enforcing of local
laws, the police control of vile black criminals and innumerable other
matters which caused discomfort and dispeace in the city, and which
those who were in authority were in reality unfit to cope with and to
put right. It would be absolutely unfair to blame President Kruger
for all the failures in the municipal government of Johannesburg.
New cities which grow rapidly must ever have domestic problems of
organization laid upon them which they will find it perhaps impossible
to undertake. That which however strikes one in reading the history
of the Johannesburg municipality is the absence of trust, or, rather, the
continual influence of distrust which President Kruger openly mani-
fested towards the citizens long before the year 1895. He would not
allow the Government to give them the opportunity for bringing their
city under modern methods or municipal organization. The system of
municipal gove/nraent which he allowed was chiefly inadequate because
of its dependence upon himself through the relation of its chief officials
to himself.

But to turn in another direction let us inquire how President
Kruger dealt with the question of the franchise. It must be remem-
bered that in 1881, when matters were being discussed at the Pretoria
Convention, the question was raised as to how the foreigners were being
treated and would be treated. President Kruger made a statement
which was accepted as a pledge and as a sincere description of his
policy, or the spirit of his policy, for the rest of his life. He said that

ilil

ia-H!4ii

504

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

all foreigners were treated with generosity when they came into the
Transvaal, and that they became full burghers or citizens at the end of
one year. In the year 1882 it is true that the law had already been
modified and Great Britain had made no objections. At that time
foreigners could become naturalized and enfranchised citizens at the
end of a five years' residence, this residence to be proved by registration
in the books of the Veldt-Cornet, a local official in each district. Great
difficulty was of course found in complying with this law where Veldt-
Cornets, as was so often the case, were uneducated men who did not
know how to keep books. In the following year, 1883, President Kruger
made his famous visit to London, and in April of 1884, while still in
London, he issued through the press his famous announcement that the
Transvaal Government welcomed foreigners, promised them generous
and fair treatment, even desired them to come in for the development
of the gold industry. He had, just six weeks before, signed the Conven-
tion, in which he bound himself to accord to British citizens in all their
undertakings justice and fair dealing. Of course no stipulations were
made about the franchise because no one dreamed at the time, and
President Kruger less than anybody else probably, that anything so
unjust in fact, and so untrue to the spirit of the Convention, could
possibly be undertaken as the franchise legislation which began in the
year 1890. From the year mentioned onwards the laws regarding
naturalization and enfranchisement in the Transvaal have undergone
repeated alteration. Until last July, 1899, these alterations all tended
to complicate the matter for Outlanders, to make the possession of the
franchise so difficult and the steps to it so disagreeable that the majority
of foreigners were unable or unwilling to fulfill the conditions. The
result was a law, v hich, of course. President Kruger introduced, de-
fended and urged before the Volksraad, and for which his main argu-
ment was that it would preserve the independence of his people. This
law we have described elsewhere. In brief it may be stated that it
demanded the oath of allegiance, which secured naturalization, two
years after registration on the books of the Veldt-Cornet. This naturali-
zation placed a man under all the obligations of citizenship, including
that which in the Transvaal has ever been the most prominent and to
foreigners the most disagreeable, namely, the liability to military ser-

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDEliS.

505

the
indof

been

time
it the
ration
Great
Veldt-
id not
slruger
3till in
aat the
merous
)pment
;jonven-
,11 their
as were
ne, and
hing so
I, could

1 In the
;arding
ergone
tended

of the
ajority
IS. The
Iced, de-
|in argu-
e. This
that it
on, two
aturali-
eluding
and to
;ary ser-

vice. Every citizen was bound to fight against any one whom the
Commandant-General described as enemies of the Republic. A week
therefore after taking the oath of allegiance any citizen of Johannes-
burg was liable to be sent off with rifle and cartridge-belt to the bor-
ders, to attack some native tribe with whom a quarrel had been picked
and whose lands were to be divided amongst the younger sons of Dutch
farmers. At the end of ten years after the oath was taken the Outlander,
who was not yet a full citizen it must be remembered, might apply for
the franchise; his application must be supported by two-thirds of the
burghers of his neighborhood, must come before the President and his
Executive Council and be by them approved ere the full rights of citi-
zenship could be confirmed!! Of course it was absolutely uncertain
whether the President would give the franchise to any individual even
after ten years of waiting for the right. If the individual were an
influential man of a progressive type his chances were small indeed.
It was in 1893 that this law received its greatest development and most
strenuous conditions. It was introduced as usual suddenly into the
Volksraad and was passed rapidly over all opposition. Some of the
most intelligent men spoke with intense earnestness against the pro-
posal, but they spoke in vain. It is r.eported that one of the Boerg,
when the debate was closed and the law was carried, exclaimed: "Now
our country is gone! Nothing can settle this but a fight and there is
only one end to the fight. Kruger and his Hollanders have taken our
independence more surely than ever Shepstone did." (Fitzpatrick, The
Transvaal from Within, P. 77.) Mr. Fitzpatrick, the most detailed
historian of this critical period on President Kruger's life, says that the
passing of this measure revealed for the first time to the entire com-
munity Mr. Kruger's unbending hostility towards the Outlanders. Many
of them and many of his own citizens had not hitherto lost hope that
the day of reconciliation would come, that under pressure he would
yield and accord them their real rights; but the passing of this law
compelled, through a wider area than before, the conviction that Mr.
Kruger would never yield, that he was determined rather to use every
means for preventing the Outlanders from becoming citizens of the
Transvaal. "It might be said that within an hour the scales dropped

50(i

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

from the eyes of the too credulous community, and the gravity of the
position was instantly realized." (Fitzpatrick, Ibid.)

It is of the utmost importance, in order to do justice to the facts,
that we should keep in clear view the very pitiable position in which
President Kruger found himi.'^lf at this time. He did not understand
the spirit of the British and American immigrants, but he hated them.
He took for granted that when they became citizens they would unite
their political energies to bring the Transvaal under the British flag.
He feared that if they became citizens, and outnumbered the Boer
voters, they would prevent the development of the great Afrikander
ideal which looked towards the establishment of a Dutch Republic
throughout South Africa. Of course these things could never happen.
There is abundant evidence that all who would have forsaken their
British citizenship in order to become Transvaal burghers would have
remained true to their oath of allegiance; in fact, it is practically cer-
tain that they would have been as determined to maintain their inde-
pendence and self-government as President Kruger himself. But then
President Kruger had avowedly denounced and could not understand
them. Moreover, he had surrounded himself with the class of men
already referred to, the Hollander official class, who were now making
fortunes out of enormous salaries and innumerable government con-
cessions. It was they who nourished his poor fear, who embittered
his reiterated cry, "The independence of my people." To them the
whole matter was a mere selfish contest, it was capitalist against capi-
talist, fortune-seeker against fortune-seeker. They were in the happy
position of being officials and therefore appointed by the President
and his Executive to enjoy the full privileges of citizenship. They did
not wait twelve years, they were exempt as an official class from military
burdens, and they kept poisoning the heart of the now aging, bewil-
dered but stubborn President against men of far higher attainments
and quite as lofty characters, who were eager to be as faithful citizens
as they. Here, therefore, again perhaps through no fault of character,
President Kruger as a statesman was a failure.

President Kruger took one step in the year 1890 which seemed to
promise the beginning of new days for the Outlanders and was, there-
fore, cordially welcomed by them. This was the institution of a second

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

r>o;

legislative chamber or Lower House. This House was avowedly created
for the sake of the raining cities. The members were chosen by all
who had been naturalized, and all who had been naturalized for a
certain brief period and were thirty years of age, were eligible for
membership in it. It was created for the purpose of superintending
the affairs of the mining population and especially the industrial inter-
ests thereof. This, Mr. Kruger's friends urged, was a very great step;
it was taken with a view on one hand to conciliate the Outlanders and
to do them justice, and on the other hand to prepare his own suspicious
and conservative Boer population for the inevitable day when the for-
eigners must possess full powers of citizenship in the country. Such a
measure was of course most wise and statesmanlike; and if it had been
faithfully carried out it would have redounded to the lasting credit of
President Kruger. But that which his critics assert and which his
friends are unable thoroughly to demolish is, that the Second Volks-
raad was never allowed to become an efficient source of legislation even
on the matters placed within its power. A few enactments took ^lace
no doubt, but it is alleged that the most important were invar' bly
rejected. The whole legislation of this Second Raad was subject to
rejection by the First Raad, in which the Outlanders were not repre-
sented. On the other hand, it is alleged that enactments were freely
passed by the First Volksraad without the criticism or approval of
the Second House which dealt with the very sphere ostensibly placed
under the care of the latter. If these allegations be true, and they are
well supported, then President Kruger was not statesmanlike but
cunning in the creation of this Second House. It gave him the appear-
ance of magnanimity, while in reality he retained all the former power
in his own hands.

A similar accusation is made in relation to the important matter
of education among the Outlanders. Laws were passed which imposed
heavy taxes, mainly upon the. Outlanders, for the support of a public
system of education. But the application of the taxes was so directed
that the Outlanders could only have the service of inferior and inef-
ficient teachers. The result was that they had to raise very large sums
by private subscription in order to secure a reasonable education for
their children.

508

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

It was suggested ai)ove that the three directions in which the success
or failure of President Kruger as a ruler must be tested were the con-
trol of the municipalities, the political treatment of the Outlanders,
and the development of the commercial interests of the country in
general. Under the third class must be placed the difficult and dubious
matters connected with the granting of concessions by the Transvaal
Government. By a concession is of course meant here a monopoly in
the old and hateful sense of the term, a contract according to which the
Government guaranteed to an individual or a company the sole right
to deal in certain articles of commerce and protection from attempted
competition. For this privilege the monopolist paid nothing. There
can be no doubt that these concessions were given into the hands of
individuals or syndicates, all of whom were political supporters of
President Kruger and his policy!

The most important of these concessions is undoubtedly that bear-
ing upon the development of the railway system. Of course a railway
system is peculiar and the entire subject of the treatment of railways
an exceedingly Jifflcult one. Yet it can be openly said that seldom in
the history of railway legislation has there been a monopoly more
arbitrary in its beginnings, more dangerous in its development than
that created by President Kruger. To begin with. President Kruger
was opposed to all railways until he found the pressure too heavy upon
him. He was induced and was able to induce his burghers to agree to
the making of a railway along the Rand, connecting the various mines
together, only after some genius thought of describing it not as a rail-
way but as a "steam-tram." The rulers of the Transvaal who feared a
railway considered a steam-tram a safe development. But the entire rail-
way system of the country was put in 1887 into the hands of a company
called the Netherlands Railway Company, most of whose shareholders
were and are Europeans. The distribution of votes among shareholders
was so arranged that out of 112 votes TfiT were held by Hollanders, who,
therefore, held complete control of the policy of the company. The story
of the building of the railway upon which this company entered is a
very peculiar one, into the details of which w^e cannot enter here.
Enormous sums of money were spent with apparently little result in
the extension of the railway to Iretoria. Protests were repeatedly

PRESIDENT KRUGER AMD THE OUTLANDERS.

500

made to President Kruger, explunatioiiH attemptiug to show that the
country was being cheated were urged upon his attention, but all in
vain. The story spread over the country that the llollauders should
control the railway and not men of English or American birth. He
refused to believe that the country suffered in any way, and in spite
of the most elaborate expositions of fraud practised upon him, stub-
bornly remained loyal to the managers of the company. In connection
with the building of a railway called the Selati Kailway an instance of
corruption is told by Mr. Fitzpatrick ("The Transvaal From Within,"
p. 09 f.) which can hardly be beaten by similar events in any other
country. The company was backed by the Government. It "arranged
with the contractors to build the line at the maximum cost allowed
in the concession, £9,600 per mile (about $48,000). Two days later this
contractor sublet the contract for £7,002 per mile (about $35,000). As
the distance is 200 miles the Republic was robbed by a stroke of the pen
of £519,000 (more than two and one-half million dollars)." This kind of
thing has gone on elsewhere, but nowhere else is successful swin-
dling like this considered anything but a proof of the incapacity or
the wickedness of those who hold supreme power. Nowhere else is it
defended as patriotism! There appears to be no doubt that this
Netherlands Company, whoso shareholders and managers were as much
Outlanders as any of the gold miners or the business men of Johannes-
burg, obtained a grasp upon the commercial life of the community
which resulted in great injustice and widened the breach between the
Government and the Outlanders. So extensive was the influence of
the Netherlands Company that Mr. Fitzpatrick, the thoroughly compe-
tent and evidently trustworthy historian of this period, puts the matter
in the following very strong way: "As the holder of an absolute
monopoly, as the enterprise which has involved the State in its national
debt, and as the sole channel through which such money has been ex-
pended, the company has gradually worked itself into the position of
being the financial department of the State; and the functions which
were elsewhere exercised by the heads of the Government belong here,
in practice, entirely to this foreign corporation."

Another concession which President Kruger was drawn into grant-
ing is the notorious dynamite monopoly. Everyone will understand that

510

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE OUTLANDERS.

an enormous amount of dynamite is needed constantly in mining opera-
tions. A company was formed, to which a monopoly was given for
what pretended to be the domestic manufacture of dynamite in the
Transvaal. The possession of this monopoly was of course made the
occasion for charging a much higher price than could have been charged
if there had been competition. It is true that another company had, up
to the year 1890, made very heavy charges, but it must be remembered
on the one hand that no railways were in existence at that time and
that there was no competition. The Outlanders only claimed, as it
would seem, that the creation of a Government monopoly prevented the
very competition which \/as n*»cessary to reduce the price of dynamite
to a reasonable figure. It has been asserted that the resultant loss to
the Witwatersrand mines alone, which is due to the excessive price
charged for dynamite, amounts to £600,000 per annum (nearly $3,000,-
000). A large amount of agitation naturally expended itself upon the
effort to have this monopoly abolished, but here as elsewhere President
Kruger stood faithfully by his allies and political supporters. One
curious reason which Lc gave in self-defence was that "the independ-
ence of the country" was at stake even in the granting or withdrawing
of this monopoly. The reason for this is that a dynamite manufactory
is also a powder manufactory, and his suggestion was that he must
have that retained within the country in order to have a base for
supplying the Republic with powder. The curious fact is that the
materials for making the powder and dynamite are not found by any
company in the Transvaal, and this monopoly company itself has to
import all the materials from abroad! Either President Kruger was
himself kept by his advisers in deep ignorance of a fact so important as
thiSj which makes his argument look like nonsense, or he grasped at it
as a mere excuse for maintaining a position upon which he had deter-
mined on entirely different grounds.

This monopoly system was extended to a large number of materials
alike foi* industrial purposes and even for the feeding of the people.

CHAPTER VI.

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

THE daily pressure of all the wrongs or legal injustices which were
steadily inflicted upon the Outlanders under President Kruger's
administration could not but create an ever deepening and widei
iug sense of wrong. If no one of them was enough to justify a revolutio' .,.
their accumulation may well have become intolerable. Time after time
representations were made to thePresident by individual citizens of vari-
ous nationalities, by a committee of capitalists, and at last by a large
association which worked under the name of the Reform Committee.
President Kruger continued to meet them with uncompromising hos-
tility. He carried out to the bitter end the policy which he announced
at an early period when a deputation from Johannesburg came before
him to protest against a certain measure. The President rose sud-
denly in a passion and blurted out the blunt truth and exposed his
desperate policy by saying: "Protest! Protest! What is the good of
protesting? You have not goi the guns. I have." To the bitter end
President Kruger has acted upon the theory that he has the guns, and
when he found that he did not have enough, as we shall see, he pro-
ceeded to get more. Matters reached a climax, as we have fully related
elsewhere, in the year 1895, when the Jameson Raid took place.
Throughout that year the Outlanders had with unceasing persistence
attempted to win some amelioration of their circumstances from him.
One by one the leading men of the city were forced to confess that they
had no hope of reform at his hands. They accordingly resolved upon
a revolution from within. The taunt has been hurled at them, even
by Sir H. M. Stanley, that they were unwilling to fight for their rights
and liberties; and, undoubtedly, Dr. Jameson and his friends after their
fiasco persuaded the world that the Johannesburgers had failed at the
pinch and acted in a cowardly fashion. This accusation is profoundly
unjust The citizens of Johannesburg were arming themselves, were
organizing for act;;al warfare; they did stand ready to shed their blood

Sll

!il!

imm

512

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

in order to overturn a government wbicb they now found from pro-
longed experience to be hopelessly corrupt and determinedly unjust.
Dr. Jameson with hi» impatient self-will, anxious to be the Clive of this
decade and of South Africa^ anxious to be on the spot when heroic
glory should make him great forever, threw all their projects into ruins.
For them the hardest part of their experience came not merely when
he and the other British officers overthrew all their plans and made
them fools before the world, but when they turned round upon ther- the
citizens of Johannesburg, and heaped ui>on them the unspeakable re-
proach of cowardice. No doubt Dr. Jametton and his officers did in this
way, by professing contempt for the Johannesburgers, win a little grace
for themselves in the eyes of President Kruger, but they added no honor
to their own names in the eyes of the world. The Reformers, happily
for Dr. Jameson, suffered and suffered severely rather than expose him

President Kruger's conduct when the Kaid occurred, was character
ized by a great vigor and patriotic indignation. It was one of the
great hours of his life. He stood forth before the world as the victim
of th*» most vile conspiracy imaginable. An Emperor blessed him and
decent citizens of all civilized lands sympathized in their souls with
him. He knew well how to use this opportunity to the utmost advan-
tage, and nothing covld exceed the shrewdnesH, the determination and
the success with which he carried through the negotiations ensuing
upon the Raid. Throughout, his aim was to stand before the world as
a deeply-wronged man who was displaying at every step an unlimited
magnanimity. When Dr. Jameson and his officers surrendered to
General Cronje they received from hlin in writing the assurance of their
personal safety. When they got to Johannesburg this condition was
ignored and they were treated as men who were entirely at the mercy
of President Kruger. This of course was not the case. But it enabled
President Kruger to be magnanimous, to claim first that they were at
his mercy, and then show them mercy.

In relation to the Reform Committee in Johannesburg his attitude
was somewhat the same, although manifested through a longer period,
in which he kept his victims In fearful and harrowing suspense.

Poor Sir Hercules Robinson hurried from Cape Town to Johannes-
burg to act as the adviser of botli parties. He had the ur pleasant task

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

513

of facing the Transvaal Government in tlie capacity of a Governor
whose own subordinates had deceived him and had attempted to carry
through a huge conspiracy without his knowledge. He therefore stood
before Mr. Kruger and his sympathizers without dignity and without
clearness of conscience. He found that Mr. Kruger had determined only
to treat with the reformers after they had surrendered. The President
threatened to use force, if it were necessary, to compel them to make an
unconditional surrender. There can be no doubt however that when Sir
Hercules Robinson persuaded the reformers to give themselves up, he led
them to understand that not a hair of their heads should be touched.
One of the powerful arguments which he was able to bring to bear was
that Jameson and his companions were in serious danger so long as
the reformers maintained an attitude of resistance. For Sir Hercules
did not know that Cronje had guaranteed their personal safety. It was
therefore for the sake of Dr. Jameson and with the assurance of their
own personal safety that the reformers finally resolved to surrender
themselves to the Government.

Then proceeded a long series of events in every one of which Presi-
dent Kruger was personally concerned, connected with the trial, the
condemnation, the appeal, the imprisonment and at last the liberation
of the prisoners. As Mr. Fitzpatrick tells the story. President Kruger
does not come out of these events with his reputation for sincerity and
probity of heart enhanced; rather does it seem as if he had been deter-
mined on the one hand to put the blame very heavily upon the Outland-
ers, whom his soul detested, and on the other hand to get as much out
of them as the circumstances would allo^ of cash and of glory. He
took every step to have them condemned. He even allowed them, con-
trary to the agreement with Sir Hercules Robinson, contrary to all
modern notions of justice, to be tried before a foreign judge imported for
the occasion. This judge allowed them to plead guilty without knowing
the system of law under which they were pleading, and when they pled
guilty, he accepted their plea and then placed their case under the law
which involved the sentence of death. Having thus secured their legal
condemnation to capital punishment President Kruger then, after
prolonged consideration, magnanimously changed their sentence to a
fine and mulcted each of the foiir leaders to the extent of £25,000 (about

514

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

< I ■ w '

II !■

m4,

$125,000). President Kruger then wished them to sign a document ex-
pressing their profound sense of his magnanimity; but they declined
on the ground that they were paying for their liberty in cash. The other
reformers were condemned to imprisonment and then, after a period
of miserable and undignified haggling were released on certain terms.
Two men, Messrs. Sampson and Davies, feeling that they had been
cheated, utterly refused to sign any petition for the amelioration of their
sentence, on the ground that bare justice would acquit them under the
terms of their surrender. When all the rest were released these two
unfortunate men were kept in a vile imprisonment, all whose details
were daily adjusted by their keeper so as to crush their spirits, for thir-
teen months. Every we '^ne of the leading newspai>ers of the Cape
announced, "To-day Messrfo. ipson and Davies complete the — week
of their imprisonment in Pretoria jail for the crime of not signing a
petition." •

Of course there is another side to all this. Undoubtedly the reform-
ers had suffered and undoubtedly their pleas for reform had been stead-
ily and unjustly wrecked. But undoubtedly also President Kruger,
believing himself to be the legal ruler of the land, had every right to re-
sent an insurrection and above all to resent the crime of an alliance with
Dr. Jameson and the crime of the Raid itself. There was abundant and
good reason for a burning indignation on the part of President Kruger,
and so far as he believed in the collusion of the British Government and.
the scheme of Mr. Rhodes, he had the best grounds for indignation and
resentment against them. If therefore he had dealt severely with those
who attacked his Government and threatened the independence of the
country he would have received the approval of the world in general.
But on the other hand, no one who has read the details of his treatment
of the whole case can admire his spirit or approve his methods.

After the Raid it might be well expected that the life of the Trans-
vaal should begin over again. No ruler of a republic anywhere
ought to have allowed such an event to occur without strenuous investi-
gation into the causes which had produced that catastrophe and the
resolve to remove them. But let it be remembered that, if the Raiders
dishonored themselves, they no less revealed to the world the inward
dishonor and failure of the Transvaal Oovernment. Any government

\'/-

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

515

ent ex-
eclined
e other
period
[ terms-
id been
of their
ider the
ese two
; details
for thir-
he Cape
— week
igning a

B reform-
en stead-
Kruger,
rht to re-
ince with
dant and
Kruger,
ent and
tion and
ith those
ce of the
general,
reatment

.8.

e Trans-

nywhere

s investi-

and the

Raiders

,e inward

ivernment

which cannot make laws and carry on an administration to the satis-
faction of intelligent and honorable citizens such as those of Johannes-
burg, is condemned before all the world for incapacity and injustice.
Undoubtedly then an inquiry was to be expected which should thor-
oughly investigate the entire course of events which had produced this
shame, and reveal the open sore of the Transvaal to the entire civilized
world. After much pressure President Kruger was induced to appoint
through his Executive an "Industrial Commission of Inquiry." Evi-
dently the President imagined at this time that his Government had
been perfectly honorable and perfectly efficient, and that if such an
inquiry were held it would prove to the world that the entire responsi-
bility rested upon the greed, wickedness and disloyalty of the Outland-
ers. The Industrial Commission included a member of the Executive,
Mr. Schalk Burger, the Government railway commissioner, Mr. J. S.
Schmidt, the Government Minister of Mines, Mr. Christian Joubert, the
state mining engineer, Mr. Schmitz-Dumont, and the first special judi-
cial commissioner at Johannesburg, Mr. J. F. De Beer. A financial
adviser was appointed in the person of the manager of the National
Bank, and advisory members were in addition elected by the Govern-
ment. This Commission was therefore appointed from the very circles
that had detested and hated the citizens of Johannesburg. Some of
them had avowedly avoided every opportunity of becoming acquainted
with those citizens, and confessed that they had no trust in them. No
commission, therefore, could have proceeded to its work with more
prejudice and partiality than this one. The commissioners sat in
Johannesburg for several months, inquiring into the details of every
complaint which the citizens made. They did this with the utmost
thoroughness and conscientiousness, and when the work was completed
presented their Report, which was afterwards printed by the Chamber
of Mines in a volume of more than 700 pages.

The result of their inquiry was to create an almost complete change
of opinion in the minds of these repT-esentatives of the Government.
Their report, or rather the change of mind which it implied, is one of
the most startling evidences of a most extraordinary situation. Pre-
toria, it must be remembered, is only about thirty miles distant from
Johannesburg, and the Government at Pretoria had now for ten years

nifi

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

been ruling Johannesburg and carrying on a continual controversy with
its citizens. This Report shows that the official Government at Pre-
toria simply had not known the population with which they were dealing
nor understood the problems which they were discussing. If, therefore,
President Kruger is, as, alas! he must be, along with his Government,
condemned for inefficiency and injustice, a large part of it must be put
down to ignorance of the factsi of the case.

In its conclusions the Commission advised the Government, in order
to prevent the closing down of the mines which seemed inevitable, to
co-operate with the mining industry. It urged that the Government
should so "alter its fiscal laAvs and systems of administration as to meet
the requirements of its principal industry." Above all the report
asserted as follows, "Your Commission entirely disapprove of conces-
sions, through which the industrial property of the country is hampered."
They report that the wages paid to white men were not excessive
and that therefore the necessaries of life should be imported free of duty
and conveyed to the mines as cheaply as possible in order that the white
laborers might establish their homes in the Kepublic. It had been
proved, the Commission said, that the "liquor law was not carried out
properly, and that the mining industry had real grievances arising from
that fact." The Commission urged that food stuffs should be imported
free of duty inasmuch as "it is impossible to supply the population of
the Kepublic from the produce of local agriculture." As to the dyna-
mite monopoly the decision of the Commission was another great tri-
umph for the Outlanders. They proved that on every case imported
from 40 to 45 shillings (flO to |11) went as clear profit to the sharehold-
ers of the company. Even the tariffs of the Netherlands Railway
Company were roundly and finally condemned as excessive. Finally
they recommended what the Outlanders had long desired, a fairly rep-
resentative and competent local board for the care of the city and
mining industry'.

In a word, it may be said that, in this year succeeding the Jameson
Raid, a Commission appointed by President Kruger did actually and
surely justify almost all the complaints which for years the Outlanders
had been urging in vain, and for urging which they had been denounced
by the President as disloyal to the liepublic.

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

517

What then did President Kruger do after he had received the report
of his own Commission? It is of interest to know that while the Com-
mission was sitting in Johannesburg Dr. Leyds, the most important
member because most able and acute of President Kruger's Hollander
officials was in Europe, pushing the interests of the Republic at various
capitf r When he heard of the report of the Commission he hastened
to Pretoria and the result of the pressure which he and others brought
to bear upon the President was that almost nothing resulted in the way
of practical reformation. For a time it seemed as if no honorable gov-
ernment could possibly be prevented from doing something substantial,
but this Government was prevented. While the Outlanders for a time
hoped, their hopes were crushed as soon as the President and the Volks-
raad met for practical consideration of the matters in hand. As a result,
the world would hardly believe it, but as a result practically nothing
was done. The President called Mr. Schalk Burger a traitor for signing
such a treaty, and set himself with great determination to prevent any
attempt at serious or thoroughgoing amelioration of the scandals, which
his own Commission had exposed to public view.

PRESIDENT KRUGER'S LAST STAND.

These events constituted the second last of the various opportuni-
ties which have been afforded President Kruger to become a reforming
ruler in his beloved land. From that year, 1897, to 1899, matters went
from worse to worse.

The Outlanders found themselves still hampered in their com-
merce and industries, low-grade mines were incapable of being worked
owing to the heavy burdens imposed by indirect taxation in innumer-
able directions. High-grade mines paid, and some of them, of course,
paid handsomely. The amount of gold taken out of the mines increased
year by year until enormous figures were reached. It was calculated
that this year (1900) the output of gold from these mines would have
placed the Transvaal in the third place among the gold producing coun-
tries of the world. Nevertheless the wrongs of the citizens, were not
removed.

It was In the spring of 1899 that the Outlanders once more took pub-
lic and powerful action in relation to their wrongs by encouraging the

518

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

British citizens to draw up a petition to tlie Queen, imploring lier inter-
vention on their behalf. It was sought to prevent the signing of this
petition in any careless or fraudulent way that should afterwards dis-
credit it, with the result that, while it has been impeached, every im-
peachment has been met on oath by credible witnesses who have sup-
ported the genuineness of practically all the signatures. President
Kruger immediately saw the very great importance of this petition and
caused another to be drawn up and presented to him by another section
of Outlanders, protesting against the petition to the Queen. But the
latter the British Government could not ignore. The result of the
negotiations which passed was the conference at Bloemfontein between.'
President Kruger and Sir Alfred Milner, in June, 1899.

President Kruger was evidently surprised by the attitude which Sir
Alfred Milner assumed. Its very moderation perplexed him. It is true
that the President firmly and consistently held that the proposals of
Sir Alfred Milner regarding the franchise could not be adopted by his
Government; but he was evidently puzzled by the fact that Sir Alfred
Milner utterly declined to discuss the particular grievances complained
of by the Outlanders, with a view to their rectification. The Governor
asserted that only one matter could be discussed as a practical problem
between the two governments. This was the question of the franchise.
The President acted on his life-long passion for bargain-making by
attempting to name certain matters outside those at present in dispute,
on which it seemed to him that the British Government could make
concessions to him in return for concessions in the direction proposed
by Sir Alfred Milner. If he could return to Pretoria and point to some
definite gains which he had made for the country, either in territory or
otherwise, that would give him gi'eat power over his burghers in pro-
posing modifications of the franchise law. To all such proposals the
Governor brought his frank and final answer that the question of
justice to British citizens was not a matter which the British Govern-
ment could deal with in a bargaining spirit, nor was it his opinion that
President Kruger ought to make the rendering of justice to the inhabi-
tants of his own country a subject for commercial dealing with another
Government. President Kruger objected to the proposal of Sir Alfred
Milner that he should grant naturalization and the franchise at the

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

;i9

same time, as is done in ail other countries, and that this should take
place at the end of five years' residence on the ground "that it would
be virtually to give up the independence of my burghers." "In the Re-
public," he explained, "the majority of enfranchised burghers consider
they are the masters. Our enfranchised burghers are probably about
30,000, and the newcomers may be from 60,000 to 70,000, and if we give
them the franchise to-morrow, we may as well give up the Republic.
I hope you will see clearly that I shall not get it through with my
people." To this the answer of Sir Alfred Milner was an exceedingly
moderate and fair one, namely, that he did not ask for a law which
should at once result in swamping the Dutch burghers with foreign
voters. This proposal would be repugnant to the mind even of the
British Government. Ultimately he proposed to the President that for
the new citizens a limited number of constituencies should be granted,
so that they might have, say, four seats out of twenty-eight in the First
Raad. His purpose was not that the foreigners should at once usurp
the Government, which would manifestly be a hard thing to demand,
but, as he said, that they should be able to discuss the interests of their
constituents inside the Volksraad. "It is obvious," Sir Alfred Milner
said, "that you could not let in the whole crowd, without character or
anything — I do not ask it — but you want such a substantial measure
that in elections of members of the Volksraad the decision of the new
industrial population should have reasonable consideration. They have
not got it now, and when the questions that interest them come before
the Volksraad it is too evident that they are discussed from an outside
point of view. The industrial population are regarded as strangers. I
have not the least doubt that the laws that are made appear best to
the people that make them, but it is the universal opinion of free and
progressive nations that laws are best made by people who have to obey
them, and not by people outside. It would make all the difference in
the world if, when laws are discussed affecting the new population, some
representatives of the new population should be present to explain the
views and wishes of that population from the inside, not from the
outside."

After several prolonged conferences, during which President Kruger
plaintively, and, it is said, even with tears, urged that he could not

■s

!i4i

620

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

modify tlio franchise law, he actually produced a proposed law drawn
out in such fullness of detail and with such care that it is impossible
not to believe that he and his associates had it in their pockets all the
time. In this law the franchise was to be granted at the end of seven
years, but naturalization with the oath, as before, at the end of two
years. No definite provisions were made for new constituencies and the
operation of the law was surrounded with so many perplexing and
minute conditions as to make it practically certain that very few Out-
landers would ever be able to fulfill them; while even after fulfilling
the conditions, they would be still in the precarious position of depend-
ing upon the decision of the supreme government as to whether they
should receive the franchise or not. The main objects urged against this
scheme by Sir Alfred Milner were that it would not become immediately
operative and that its conditions made the effect of its operation entirely
uncertain. Besides, it would not create the opportunity for the presence
of representatives of the Outlanders in the First Raad, which is the only
house having real effective control even over the mining interests of
the country. He accordingly could not encourage the idea that the
British Government would consider this law as sufficient. His own
proposal he had put forward in no bargaining spirit, simply as affording
a reasonable opportunity for securing an exceedingly small but real
representation in the First Raad. His propK)sals must therefore be
considered as an irreducible minimum. Less than that which he pro-
posed would do absolutely nothing to relieve the acute situation in the
Transvaal itself.

In reading the discussions at Bloemfontein it is difficult to decide
whether one must admire most the shrewd persistence with which Pres-
ident Kruger strove to make a bargain over any degree of acquiescence
which might be wrung from him, or the clear-headed firmness with
which Sir Alfred Milner seized and held fast the simple proposition
which he refused to modify by subtraction or addition, and which very
few thoughtful people anywhere will describe as anything but fair and
reasonable.

When the conference broke up with mutual expressions of personal
regard, and regret at the failure of their discussions, President Kruger
returned immediately to Pretoria for the purpose of there introducing

PRESIDENT KRUGER AND THE RAID.

521

to the Volksraad and pressing rapidly into statute law the very scheme
which Sir Alfred Milner had so elaborately discussed and pronounced
to be unsatisfactory. With that incident the personal history of Presi-
dent Kruger so far as public records have made it known comes to a
termination. All further negotiations were carried through by means
of the diplomatic officials under him. The last that we see of him is as
he stands in the Volksraad in July, 1899, urging upon his obedient
burghers the necessity of passing this new franchise law in spite of
protests not only of the Governor in Cape Town, but even of his own
Dutch sympathizers in the Colony and the Free State. Sturdily he
stands to the last, speaking in his rapid and often incoherent way,
bursting at times into terrific passionate exclamations, compelling the
burghers who have feared and trusted him for so many years once more
to take a step whose meaning they could not understand, to pass a law
whose details not the clearest head in the Transvaal could thoroughly
interpret and whose working no man living could forecast. Sturdily he
stands creating confusion even in the laws of his country that he may
create confusion in the minds of his enemies,enforcing his will even upon
the burghers under the conviction that in this way only can he at the
same time appease the insistent rage of Great Britain and retain the
mastery of the country in the hands of his own people.

Perhaps it may not be inappropriate to conclude this sketch of
President Kruger by quoting the w:ords which he uttered to Sir Alfred
Milner on the morning of June 1, 1899, when he said, **You can follow
our history from the time we left the Cape Colony ; we have never been
the attacking party, but always the defending, and even against the
weakest barbarians we never were the first to attack unless they had
committed offences, such as murder and other things. We follow what
God says: 'Accursed be he that removeth his neighbor's landmark*
(beacon); and as long as your Excellency lives you will see that we shall
never be the attacking party on another man's land,"

BOOK IV.

THE BRITISH BOER WAR. 1899-1900.

PART I.

THE CAUSES OF THE WAR.

-mvv^

■r'.fl

CHAPTER I.
THE TRANSVAAL AND SOUTH BECHUANALAND.

AS WE have seen elsewhere, the Sand River Convention of 1852,
which granted independent self-government to the Transvaal
Boers, did not name any boundaries of the territory which was to
be considered theirs. Moreover, the British at that time imagined that
they could, and consequently decided to, confine their possessions and
responsibilities in South Africa south of the Orange River. Accordingly
they pledged themselves to form no treaties or alliances with native
tribes north of the Vaal River. We have seen already how impossible it
was to avoid complications with the Basutos and with the Griquas. Nev-
ertheless Great Britain did on the whole keep that part of her convention
with the Boers very faithfully indeed, and practically no dealings had
she with native tribes beyond her northern borders until after the
annexation of the Transvaal in 1877. That event brought her into
immediate contact with those tribes on the east and northeast which
had menaced the Boers so seriously, as we have seen. It was also with-
out her wish and entirely contrary to her cherished policy that Great
Britain became involved also by this event in relations with the tribes
of South Bechuanaland — relations which reflected credit upon her
policy of faithfulness to her convention with the Boers, and deep dis-
credit for unfaithfulness to the natives as we shall see.

In the year 1877 she was involved in the far east with diflSculties
among both the Zulus and the Kaffirs. News of these difficulties spread
with great rapidity and in exaggerated form westward. Some local
irritations among the natives of Griqualand and the borders of Cape
Colony served as a hot-bed into which the suggestions brought from
the east fell like seed of a noxious plant. The tale-bearers told the
chiefs whom they could reach in Bechuanaland that the white people
were about to be driven out of the country; that if they arose and fought
vigorously they could stem the hitherto irresistible tide of invasion.
These suggestions and evil temptations found too ready acquiescence

525

is'

52G

THE TRANSVAAL AND SOUTH BECHUANALAND.

among some of the lesser chiefs aad i^orae of the more ambitious spirits;
but there were others who, not in vain, had lived close to Christian mis-
sionaries for forty years, and they hesitated, or straightforwardly con-
sulted the missionaries of their diHtrict. The advice which they re-
ceived was, of course, the wisest advice — to have nothing to do with
fighting or bloodshed, still less with any attempt to resist the coming
of whites into the country.

In spite of pacific infiuencefi, however, the bitterness increased.
There were many whites of a lawless type in that country now, and
many complications had arisen in the mutual relations of native chiefs;
indeed, the quarrelings among the chiefs as to supremacy in this district
and in that, had been fomented by Interested white people, whether
Boer farmers or English traders. In fact the country was rapidly de-
scending into anarchy. Ancient tribal traditions, customs and laws,
which hitherto had preserved civil order, were rapidly losing their
power, and no central authority had arisen on whom the various sec-
tions of this troubled race could rest. Matters were brought to a head
when in the spring of 1878 an English farmer and his family, by the
name of Burness, not far from the border of Cape Colony, were cruelly
murdered. This created great excitement far and wide, and instant
demands were made upon the chief of the district for the capture and
punishment of the murderers. These demands served still further to
rouse many of the secretly disaffected natives, and bodies of their war-
riors began to move in this direction. News reached Kimberley and
Cape Town that the famous missionary station at Kuruman, where sev-
eral missionary families and a number of traders lived, was in danger
of immediate attack, and it was at once determined that these people
must be delivered from their danger. The High Commissioner tele-
graphed from Cape Town to Kimberley that help must be immediately
sent

In the meantime at Kuruman all the white people had tal^en refuge
in the strongly built and capacious premises of the Moffat Institution,
whose head was the Rev. John Mackenzie. A small party of volunteers
left Kimberley for the relief of the station, but they were unexpectedly
attacked and defeated by a regiment of natives. The news of this native
victory, hugely exaggerated, still further aroused the confidence of the

THE TRANSVAAL AND SOUTH BECHUANALAND.

52T

people. It served, however, to arouse also the English military authori-
ties, and Col. Lanyon, afterwards Sir Owen Lanyon, Administrator of
the Transvaal, and Col. Warren, R. E., now Lieut. General Sir Charles
Warren, G. C. M. G., proceeded from Griqualand to the succor of the
European families. No real attack was made upon Kuruman by the
natives, and no battle took place there. Col. Warren, an adept in South
African methods both of warfare and native administration, soon dis-
persed the bands of Bechuana warriors and set to work on the pacifica-
tion of the country.

Strange to relate, the advent of British administration was wel-
comed with real gratitude and enthusiasm by these poor natives of
Bechuanaland. To them the name of the Queen had for many years
been a name of hope and confidence. They had repeatedly expressed
their longings to come under the government of the great and good
Queen, "the white Queen," whose officials were famed for their justice
and kindly dealings with native dependants. More than one chief had
petitioned repeatedly to be taken under the British Crown. It is in-
deed recorded that one man at this very period actually offered to
replace the cattle stolen by his brother from some Griquas, saying, "If
we are to be regarded as people and as subjects of the Queen, I for my
part wish to enter with a white heart." Sir Charles Warren personally
won their admiration and love, I as long as he, with strantfol v mingled
severity and kindness, justice and gentleness, strove to )riug a new
order out of their terrible anarchy, tl; y were full of the happiest
expectations. High authorities gave every reason to believe that Eng-
land would never again leave this region to the terribl* dangers in
which it had recently been involved. The High ('oniniissioner fully
approved of the occupation of the country by th* military forces till
definite arrangement?- could be made for its civil government. This
territory was a wide and rich one, extending from tl Orange River
north to the Molopo, from the Langberg Hills, we-i of Kuruman, to
Lichtenburg on the east, a place which is now far within the limits of
the Transvaal, but which at that time was beyond its government.

The first sign of weakness and danger came when, in April, 1879, the
Secretary of State for England sent out from London a weak and hesi-
tating message regarding the future of the region. His Government

•i .1, , .

ih It

■m^

^,j J

528

r//£ TRANSVAAL AND SOUTH BECHU AN ALAND.

shrunk, evidently, from what they called the "assumption of such in-
creased responsibilities," and yet hesitated to give the scheme entirely
up in case something should yet come out of that premature dream of
a South African Confederation which had already worked such mischief
is South African history.

Warren left in ill-health in October, 1879, and immediately difficul-
ties began. The Cape authorities, into whose hands the responsibilities
fell, lacked either the power or the heart to carry out the broad-minded
and generous scheme of government which already was being put into
operation. As a matter of fact, they neither desired nor were fitted to
do it. The police, who had been so helpful in the province of Bechu-
analand were gradually withdrawn, and as they were withdrawn the
usual bands of lawless Boers and English began to stream in upon the
most promising farm lands of the unfortunate and defenseless natives.
The latter could not now fight because they were under the British
Government! And the British Government did not guard their inter-
ests because it was not sure whether it wanted increased responsibili-
ties! Mr. Mackenzie tells us that on one journey in that year he met
40 or 50 white men armed and mounted invading the country with their
wagons, carrying plows, spades and other instruments. On his report-
ing what he had seen, police we^e sent who brought these men back.
It was found that they were an organized band of men under a specu-
lative land-agent who had arranged to go out and seize farms wherever
they found them, begin to till the soil, and employ this agent whenso-
ever a land court should be appointed to hear and adjudicate upon
claims in that part of the country. One of these men escaped the
clutches of the police, "and was found by them, after complaint had
been lodged by a native farmer, plowing at one' end of this native man's
fleld, while the native was plowing at the other."

It was not until April of 1881 that all of the police were finally re-
moved from Bechuanaland. This country had thus been for three years
under British occupation, peace had been brought to it by British offi-
cials, law and order were being established, the native chiefs were
grateful to be the Queen's subjects, and there was evt^-y prospect of an
orderly and honorable development of the territory if only the Home
Government had not been guilty once more of the criuie of retrocession.

ly re-
years
ih offi-
were
of an
Home
ssion.

THE TRANSVAAL AND SOUTH BECHUANALAND.

529

This act, which in some instances may have been prompted by lionor-
able enough motives, as in the case of the Transvaal in 1881, has been
repeated over and over again by Great Britain in South Africa where
the motives were not honorable. Retrocession in South Africa has
usually represented, not a sense of honor towards peoples for whom
independence was a better condition than subjection to British rule,
but pusillanimity in the face of responsibilities. These needed only to
be faced bravely in order to be carried easily, but when shirked in
this manner they have brought a terrific retribution with unfailing
regularity.

In the year 1881, when the Transvaal received again its independ-
ence, a considerable portion of this Bechuanaland territory, which for
administrative reasons had been placed under the British administrator
at Pretoria, was not separated again from the Transvaal. It consti-
tuted one of those free gifts which the British bestowed upon the Boer
Government h.t that time. As soon as the Boer Government had begun
its work after that date, and it was apparent that the British authorities
had been withdrawn again from Bechuanaland, difficulties among the
natives once more increased. This time the main charge brought
against them was that of cattle lifting and quarrelsomeness. Two
chiefs (Moshette and Massouw), who were included within the Trans-
vaal territory, found that part of their -little dominion was on one side
of the border, and part on the other. These chiefs were indignant when
they found themselves subject to the Transvaal Boers, and in one in-
stance proceeded actually to remove the beacons put up as boundary
marks. The Boers interpreted this to mean that they did not wish a
part, but the whole of their territory to be placed within the Transvaal!
In the rivalries between native chiefs those who were within the Trans-
vaal territory were induced to accept the aid of Boer volunteers in at-
tacks upon their rivals beyond the border. This was interpreted to
mean that the Boers protected them and stood in the position of super-
iors.

Of course these raids of the Boers, even when acting as volunteers
under native chiefs, were not unknown to the higher authorities at Pre-
toria. Indeed several of them were members of the Volksraad. These
were compelled, after the matter was officially brought under the notice

' 1

-
r

o30

THE TRANSVAAL AND SOUTH BECHU AN ALAND.

of the Transvaal government to resign their places, but no further
punishment was imposed. Not in name but in reality all the raidings
which took place on the southwest border during that and the following
three or four years were carried on under the full cognizance, although
without the formal approval of the Transvaal government. The dif-
ficulty of the situation for the independent chiefs was increased by the
fact of their readiness to obey the English High Commissioner who
warned them against making war and whose authority prevented white
men from enlisting as volunteers in their support. Two chiefs, namely,
Montsioa of Mafeking, and Mankoroane of Taungs, had, during the war
of independence of the Transvaal, proved themselves very loyal, even
against strong temptation, to the British government; and when this
fact was brought to the notice of the High Commissioner and the Secre-
tary of State in London their consciences began to move in the matter.

But that which finally awoke righteous indignation was the treach-
erous conduct of certain of these Boer intriguers and marauders to-
wards the first of these two chiefs. They persuaded Montsioa and his
rival within the Transvaal border to sign a treaty of peace which had
been drawn up by the Transvaal volunteers. After this had been
signed another was proposed to Montsioa in which he was made to say
that he absolutely declined the British government and desired to come
under the government of the South African Republic. Although fully
threatened with immediate war if he refused, he did refuse utterly to
sign this most unrighteous document. Seeing him so stubborn one of
the Transvaal volunteers afl&xed tbe cross to Montsioa's name, and
thereafter this document was given out as a treaty by which this native
chief gave himself up to the South African Republic.

Thoroughly consistent with these proceedings and their traditional
methods was the attempted formation of two Boer "republics" outside
the Transvaal border, and within Bechuanaland, one of which was
named Stella-land and the other Goshen. The story of these little "re-
publics" and of the trouble which they gave must be told later.

"Q^-l-^i.- k

I I

CHAPTER II.

THE LONDON CONVENTION. 1884.

WE MUST now transfer ourselves to the atmosphere of England.
The years during which the disturbances above described were
taking place in South Africa were the years when what has
been called "Little Englandism" held powerful sway over the colonial
policy of the government. Some of those whose names have been asso-
ciated with this movement, such as Mr. John Morley, were never guilty
of the extreme positions which were assumed and defended by others.
The more moderate men held the opinion that Great Britain had already
undertaken in various parts of the world responsibilities large enough for
her energy and her resources. They advocated therefore a policy which
may be characterized as the avoidance of further expansion. But they
were brought into public action alongside of men who went further; men
who, in the madness of the moment, as it now seems, and reasoning from
the mere abstract conception that every country ought to rule itself
(which is true if it is fit to do so), concluded that Great Britain ought
to resign her dependencies and confine her energies entirely to home
politics and the development of domestic prosperity. These extremists
brought their wiser friends into the same reproach which their own
policy deserved and which was at once described and stigmatized as
"Little Englandism." John Bright, the great Tribune of the people,
the man of peace and a democrat of democrats, found it necessary, in
one of his last greatest speeches from the public platform, to disclaim all
sympathy with the notion that England had no right or responsibility
in India. Speaking in tones made solemn with religious fervor and
deep conviction he urged that England would involve herself in a most
dreadful responsibility if she left India to find her own way henceforth
unaided, unguided and uncontrolled.

The "Little England ers" succeeded in doing damage in only one
direction, namely, ir. South Africa; but there the damage they did was
very great and its bitter results are being experienced now. It was

531

532

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

very largely their influence which helped to make men silent who
would otherwise have spoken out on South African problems; it was
their influence which, without instructing, quieted the public con-
science, dulled the public interest in South African afifairs. It was not
that they succeeded in persuading England as a whole to give up South
Africa, but that they restrained her hand when she was, in the name of
duty, about to stretch it out for the protection of dependent races. This
restraint was enforced in the name of liberty for those people, in the name
of economy in the use of public moneys, and in the name of everything
else that is good and which was only the more certain to be destroyed
by the very policy suggested.

In South Africa it was the sight of England once more avowing
responsibility to-day and retreating from it to-morrow, which produced
the greatest bitterness. The colonists were once more aghast at being
forsaken when they had, as they supposed, received promises and
pledges of a clear and a noble policy. As at the time when the Orange
Free State was given up, at the time when the independence of the
Transvaal was a second time declared, so now, when Bechuanaland,
after three years of British rule, was abandoned to the misrule of dis-
organized native tribes and to the depredations of organized Boer and
English "filibusters," many colonists even of English blood and, of
course, still more of Dutch blood, who had believed in and loved and
hoped for the British control of those regions, at sight of her base deser-
tion of unquestionable responsibilities, turned round in bitterness of
soul and avowed themselves henceforth the enemies of "the Imperial
factor" in South Africa.

Lest the story of the following paragraphs should be misunderstood
there must be introduced by a quotation from the writings of one man
who at that period had done as much as any other for South Africa,
and who may yet do more than even he has done for that region. This
is Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Warren, who, in an article in the Con-
temporary Review for November, 1899, and when speaking of the very
period under discussion, used the following words:

"Fortunately there was one in South Africa who had sufficient
ability, personal weight, and knowledge of the subject to bring before
the public, both in South Africa and Great Britain, the true position

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

533

into which the British government had drifted, and the deplorable posi-
tion into which the British colonies had been forced, and who was
untiring in his efforts on behalf of the Empire.

"It is not too much to say that the Empire is indebted to John
Mackenzie, the Kuruman missionary, the successor of Moffat and Liv-
ingstone, for stemming single-handedly the tide of the 'giving up policy'
and bringing round public opinion to a sense of the duty of the Empire
as the paramount power.

"The history of these times and the account of the action taken by
John Mackenzie have yet to be written; in Britain's days of difficulty
men have always risen fitted for the occasion, and on no more mo-
mentous occasion was a true son of Britain required than in the dark
days of South Africa, the years 1881 to 1884. He was not merely a
missionary speaking for the South African natives — as such he would
have had less effect on public opinion; but he took a high aim as a
true Imperialist, and asked for fair play for all, British, Dutch and
natives.

"It was no local cry of 'Africa for the Afrikanders,' nor was it a
narrow-minded proposition to tread down the Dutch under the British,
but he took the broad view that all who were fitted for the position were
fellow subjects of Great Britain, and he lectured on the matter in the
Cape Colony to the Dutch and English, Boers and British Afrikanders,
and won the hearing and suffrages of many."

When Mr. Mackenzie reached England, in the summer of 1882, he
immediately set himself to the task of swinging round the opinion of
the country on this, to him and to South Africa, all-important question.
He had by no means an easy task. Almost everyone of importance to
whom he went spoke in utter discouragement. Said one to him,
"Mackenzie, if you s^ay a good word for South Africa you will get in-
sulted. They won't hear a word on its behalf in England — they are so
disgusted with the mess that has been made." Another, a very influen-
tial journalist, said: "I assure you we are not going to try it again
after the one fashion or the other; neither after wliat you would pro-
pose, nor what any other would propose. We are out of it and we mean
to remain so." He was told by yet one more, a leading politician and
one who was supposed to know South African affairs intimately, "that

Ini

11 ' '

^^kB

|:f

*■:

, !;:: f.

, -l ]'■

^K'l

l^t jj

^K^l)!

lir; :

m":l:-

iPLfc': ■■':

534

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

the public could not be got to sanction any scheme of government in
South Africa which would demand an increase of responsibility and an
extension of territory." He affirmed that no one could gain the hearing
of the public with such proposals to make. The missionary statesman
was, however, a stern and persistent son of Scotland, and nothing
daunted he gradually gathered together and helped to organize a num-
ber of leading men in London, who for nearly ten years worked with the
utmost sympathy and intimacy with him. To them and to their work
are largely due some of the most important developments which have
taken place in South African history of recent years. Amongst these
must be named the late Mr. W. E. Forster and his son, Mr. Arnold-Fors-
ter, Sir T. F. Buxton, Sir R. N. Fowler, the late Earl Grey, Mr. F. W.
Chesson and Mr. Arthur H. Loring. Mr W. T. Stead lent prompt aid to
the cause in his evening paper, the Pall Mall Gazette Public meetings
were held in various parts of the country from London to Edinburgh, nd
speeches were made by men who were intimate with the facts and enthu-
siastic in favor of a forward movement. The result was that within a few
months a very great amount of information was put before the public
and the subject was much discussed in newspapers; as a consequence,
numerous converts to the new ideas were made even among officials of
high and of long standing. A great change was wrought in the British
conception of the relation of Great Britain as the paramount power to
the natives of South Africa.

By a strange and wonderful Providence which had allowed this mis-
sionary to have his furlough in this year 1882 it was in the very next
year that the Transvaal Government decided to open negotiations with
London for the alteration of the Pretoria Convention of 1881. By an-
other coincidence of events Sir Hercules Robinson, Governor of Cape
Colony and High Commissioner for South Africa, was also in London.
It was in June of this year (1883) that the Transvaal Government first
proposed to send a deputation to reconsider the Convention. The Earl
of Derby, who was at this time Secretary for the Colonies, agreed to re-
ceive the deputation and fixed the month of November as the earliest
date at which the meetings would take place. It was one of the significant
facts connected with the whole case that the Government of the day had
appointed to the responsible position of Colonial Secretary such a man

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

535

as the Earl of Derby in recent years had become. Whatever the causes
of his misfortune were, he was known to have fallen into an attitude of
mind the very opposite (f intense, progressive and energetic He was a
most curious individual, easy apparently in disposition and carrying the
heaviest load of responsibility as lightly as a feather. From such a one
no vigorous grasp of the protean problems of a region not considered
particularly interesting was to be expected. But he bad now to feel the
force of a resurgent wave of public feeling and opinion. lie was un-
doubtedly greatly strengthened in his subsequent negotiations with the
Transvaal delegates by the fact that Sir Hercules Robinson himself had
become an enthusiastic convert to the plans advocated by Mr. Mackenzie.

The negotiations began with a personal interview on Nov. 7, 1883.
The deputation consisted of President Kruger, Mr. S. J. Dutoit, superin-
tendent of education, and Mr. N. J. Smit, a member of the Volksraad.
They were requested to submit in writing the proposals which they hatT
to make regarding the revision of the Convention. In doing so the depu-
tation did not shrink from criticising the Convention of 1881 as a whole,
in regard to its general purpose, as well as in most important particu-
lars. It has sometimes been urged that the earlier Convention had not
been ratified by the Volksraad; but in this document the deputation
themselves asserted that it was ratified although they said, "under com-
pulsion, to prevent further bloodshed."

The negotiations began with a request from Lord Derby that the
Transvaal delegates should put into writing an outline of those matters
regarding which they desired a change in the relations of the two coun-
tries. With this the delegates immediately complied and submitted a
document in which they boldly demanded that the Pretoria Convention
of 1881 should be completely abrogated and that the Sand River Convene
tion of 1852 should be made the basis of a new Convention. The motives
for this need not be dwelt upon as they became transparent in the
course of the negotiations which we must describe.

The substance and sum total of the demands of the deputation may
be stated in the words, — Complete independence of Great Britain and
complete control of South Africa north of Cape Colony. Inasmuch as
the majority of the inhabitants of Cape Colony are Dutch this proposal,
if it had been accepted, would apparently have led very speedily to the

. ■ "^4^

¥ I

H I m

& ; li , si'-.

536

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

establishment of that dream which had beguxi to take definite shape and
form in the minds of the Boers, of an Afrikander or Dutch Republic that
should embrace the entire territories of South Africa within its boun-
daries.

Lord Derby very firmly but clearly decided that there was no possi-
bility of going back to the Sand River Convention. "It is not possible,"
he said, "to entertain the suggestion that that Convention has now any
vitality, or that, if it could be revived, it would meet the requirements
of the present case. That Convention, like the Convention at Pretoria,
was not a treaty between two contracting powers, but was a declaration
made by the Queer, and accepted by certain persons at that time her
subjects, of the conditions under which, and the extent to which. Her
Majesty could permit them to manage their own affairs without inter-
ference." Lord Derby asserted in consequence that if any agreement
was now to be reached it must be through a fresh series of negotiations
whose results should be embodied in a "new instrument."

The first of the four sets of proposals made by the delegates had re-
gard to the western boundary of the Transvaal. They urged that the
boundary line as fixed by the Pretoria Convention had been a source of
endloss trouble: it had occasioned "robbery, murder and countless dis-
t'lrbances." It was urged that some of the tribes had repudiated the
line, and had even refused to allow the beacons erected upon it to re-
main. This was due, of course, as we have explained above, to the fact
that their territories were split in two, part being placed within the
Transvaal and part without. "The lawful territorial chiefs," it was said,
"have refused to accept this boundary; have even formally and repeat-
edly protested against it, because they did not wish to be shut out from
the protection afforded to them by the Republic." A man must be a
South African, or at any rate know somewhat intimately the atmos-
phere of native thought and feeling around the Transvaal borders re-
garding the Boers, after fifty years of trekking and fighting, fully to
appreciate the humor of this argument. It could only have been seri-
ously formulated and defended in London, 6,000 miles away from the
poor native chiefs whose opinions were being discussed, and whose terri-
torial rights were being determined without a single one of them being
allowed to be witness in his own behalf or to urg( his own rights.

M 1 1' .

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

537

When asked to make a definite proposal regarding this boundary the
delegates put no limit to their boldness. They demanded that the whole
of South Bechuanaland should be placed within their territories, nam-
ing as the outside limit of their country, a straight line drawn from
the most westerly point of Lake Ngami to the northernmost point of the
Langeberg. A glance at the map will show that this line would fall
west of Kuruman; in fact they demanded that the entire interior of
South Africa should be placed within their boundary lines. In this
case Great Britain would have been shut out from all possibility of ex-
pansion northward, her trade route would have been closed, and she
would have ceased to be the paramount power in South Africa.

In favor of their claims the Boers submitted a long historical state-
ment regarding their relations to the native tribes in Bechuanaland, a
statement which can only fill with amazement those who know the facts
of the case. Tribes were named as in subjection to them in whose ter-
ritory not a single Boer had ever settled, and against whom they had
gained no victories. One chief (Montsioa) already referred to was most
specially discussed, the history of whose relations to the Doers is one
of the most pathetic of all. His father had rescued the pioneer Boers
from destruction at the hands of the Zulu-Matabele savages; had been
treated as their ally and friend. During Montsioa's own day the Boers
had proposed to fix the boundary line between his territory and theirs,
and this had been done. At a later time, alas, it was against him and
his authority that they had turned. They discovered an obscure man,
named Moshette, whom they had exalted as paramount chief, and whose
battles they had fought as volunteers against Montsioa, the true chief.
It was Montsioa also who had repeatedly petitioned the British Govern-
ment for protection from the Boers. He was one of the chiefs whose
valuable and central territory the Boer delegates now claimed .as theirs,
on the ground of conquest and occupation.

No less baseless, but much more ridiculous, were the claims to the
territory of Sechele, the friend of Dr. Livingstone, and the territory
around Ku' uman, where Scottish missionaries had settled for three-
quarters of a century.

To all these claims Lord Derby made a very firm answer, which as
much astonished as it disappointed the Transvaal deputation. Lord

538

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

*«i

Derby was now able to say "that there is a strong feeling in this
country in favor of the requests of these chiefs that their independence
may be secured if they cannot come under British rule." In his own
proposals, with the usual spirit of compromise which has marked British
dealings with the Boers from first to last, he agreed to add to the recog-
nized territories of the Trai.^vaal the lands of Moshette and of Massouw.
These two men had allowed Boer volunteers to fight their unrighteous
battles, to settle in their country, and it was perhaps a fair retribution
that they should lose their independence in this fashion. Lord Derby
further, and to prevent any more argument on the matter, stated that a
British resident or commissioner was about to be appointed who would
have these very regions under his direction. This was the first notice
which the deputation had recelve<l of the significant change in the
attitude of the British Government, which had been produced by the
agitations of Mr. Mackenzie and tlie Houth African committee. It was
with considerable reluctance that President Kruger and his associates
found themselves contemplating this unexpected development in their
South African relations, and they strove hard to adduce reasons and to
prophesy events with a view to arrest the proposed advance of British
authority inland upon Bechuannland. But Lord Derby was in this
matter fully advised from day to day, and his position was confirmed
by the advisers whom he consulted and by the strong adhesion of the
High Commissioner for South Africa, Sir Hercules Robinson, to the new
policy.

The second matter with which the delegation was concerned was
that of the suzerainty. This word had occurred only in the preamble
of the Pretoria Convention of 1881. It was a word hitherto unknown
to international law or to any of the relations of the British Empire.
Its significance was defined in the articles of the convention. It was
especially defined by the presence of a British Resident at Pretoria
through whom all the correspoii<lence of the Boer Government with any
other Government had to pass, and to whom all new laws regulating
the government of natives within the Trnnsvaal had to be submitted.
The deputation urged that tlie presence of this Resident at Pretoria
rather hindered than facilitated the work of government. They found
that this way of corresponding with foreign powers was roundabout and

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

539

any

complicated, and further they urged that since only through the British
Resident were they able to communicate with native chiefs outside of
the Republic, it "had led to a great increase of cattle thefts by the
Kaffirs." That is to say, the Transvaal Government professed to be
hindered in its administration of justice on its own borders, and in the
enforcement of the law against cattle stealing, by the presence of a
British Resident who was appointed to co-operate with them in all such
measures!

The third matter of complaint was that inasmuch as all new regula-
tions regarding the native inhabitants of the Transvaal had to be
approved by the British representative, the interests of these natives
also were rather injured than conserved by this method, for, they urged,
"mild or and at the same time more satisfactory measures could be
taken, if we were at liberty to at once make provision suitable to every
emergency than if a previously sanctioned law has to provide generally
for every possible occurrence."

The result of the prolonged negotiations was that the British Govern-
ment agreed to withdraw its Resident and to grant full power to self-gov-
ernment to the South African Republic, which now was for the first time
formally recognized under that title. A British officer would be ap-
pointed to reside at Pretoria, or elsewhere within the South African
Republic, to "discharge functions analogous to those of a consular
office." The independence of the Transvaal, which was thus granted
without being in any article asserted or defined, was at one important
point seriously and finally curtailed. The fourth article decides as
follows: "The South African Republic Avill conclude no treaty or en-
gagement with any state or nation other than the Orange Free State,
nor with any native tribe to the eastward or westward of the Republic,
until the same has been approved by Her Majesty, the Queen." This
article it is which in the eyes of international law deprives the Transvaal
Government of the possession of full international sovereignty. It does
stand in all the important relations which it may occupy to all other
governments, European or South African, except one only, or even to
native tribes, in a relation of real dependence vnon the British crown.

Other articles there were which dealt with the relations of the Boer
Government henceforth to their own citizens. The presence of these

540

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

articles in this convention beyond all question makes the Transvaal
Government responsible to Great Britain for their fulfilment, and the
British Government responsible if they should be steadily ignored and
broken. According to the eighth article, "The South African Republic
renews the declaration made in the Sand River Convention, and in the
Convention of Pretoria, that no slavery or apprenticeship partaking
of slavery will be tolerated by the Government of the said Republic."
The ninth article provides for complete religious liberty. The fourteenth
article is one whose importance is very great in view of the controversies
which have arisen regarding the position of Outlanders in the Trans-
vaal, controversies which culminated in the ultimatum of October 9,
1899.

The last of the four matters with which the delegates asserted that
they were much concerned was that of the debt which the Transvaal
Government owed to Great Britain. This debt had been incurred dur-
ing the time of British occupation, partly through the payment of the
original national debt of the country, amounting to £128,352, or about
three-quarters of a million dollars, partly through the expenses of gov-
ernment during the years of occupancy over and above the income
derived from taxation in that disturbed period, partly through the
war against Secocoeni. The total amount of the debt at the date
of this delegation was £380,856 (about $1,900,000). The delegates com-
plained of various things, but at last secured the remission of the deficit
incurred during the British administration of the country, amounting
to £127,000, £6,000 more were struck off for no clear reason, and the
debt was determined to be from that date forward £250,000 (about
11,250,000), on which interest was to be paid at 3^ per cent.

When one reads the Pretoria Convention of 1881 and then the articles
drawn up at the London Convention and agreed to in 1884, one is amazed
at the extraordinary success of the Transvaal delegates. Either their
diplomacy was remarkable in its cleverness, or the British Government
were acquiescent in the extreme. Whatever the cause is, the fact is
that on every important point the Transvaal delegation got their way
except on one. It is true that there is in this Convention no definite
statement that Great Britain shall have no right of further interference
with the internal government of the Transvaal; that seems to have

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

541

been taken for granted, but is not stated, except in so far as those mat-
ters of internal government are concerned which were specifically named
in these articles.

The one object which the delegation had very largely failed to secure
was evidently regarded by them as of supreme importance. The tone in
which they afterwards discussed the (Convention revealed their deep
dissatisfaction, as if the main proposal of the delegates had failed.
There can be no doubt that they had set their hearts upon obtaining
possession of Bechuanaland. That one plan was a key to the future of
their history. If realized it would have made the Transvaal at once
and without dispute the paramount power in South Africa, more im-
portant than Natal or the Orange Free State or even Cape Colony,
more important than the Imperial authority itself. Having failed to
secure this hope the delegates found their country still less than Cape
Colony in importance, and less than the Orange Free State in power.
The Convention not only fixed the boundaries so as to leave the road into
the interior open to Great Britain, but in the second article it bound
the Government of the South African Republic to "strictly adhere to the
boundaries defined," and to "do its utmost to prevent any of its inhab-
itants from making any encroachments upon lauds beyond the said
boundaries." A faithful adherence to these articles would compel
them immediately to withdraw their citizens who had gathered on the
western borders, and to compel those who had settled beyond the
boundaries, and forsooth had set up two new Boer republics in
Bechuanaland, to retire to their own country, leaving the Bechuana
tribes unmolested. It is true that these petty republics had not been
mentioned by the delegates, who did not dare to recognize their exist-
ence in London, nor by the British Government, who oflQcially knew
only of native tribes and their rights. But the moral obligation was
beyond doubt laid on the Transvaal to exert its influence immediately
to put an end to these encroachments and these attempts at new repub-
lics. How was it that this scheme of the delegates was thus successfully
disappointed?

We have already referred to the presence of the Rev. John Mackenzie
and of Sir Hercules Rpbinson, the High Commissioner for South Africa,
in London at this time. The High Commissioner was of course a party

ill'

1 : -t ■!
■1-: ?-:\

'^^m^

542

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

to the Convention, and he indeed it was who signed it on behalf of Great
Britain. When the negotiations began a letter was submitted from
Monkoroane, one of the leading chiefs in Bechuanaland, whose territory
was at stake. In this letter he said that having been prevented by the
Acting Governor at Cape Town from coming personally to London, he
desired to appoint Mr. Mackenzie as his official representative, and he
claimed the right to be represented in this discussion.

The British Government, without adducing any good reason, but
very probably from a desire not to offend President Kruger at the out-
set, declined to receive any representative from this or any other chief,
but at the same time avowed their willingness to receive and consider
any representations which might be made on his behalf. In spite of
this restriction upon his official authority, Mr. Mackenzie was kept by
Lord Derby and Sir Hercules Robinson in constant consultation with
them. He was a man of indubitable, and indeed of widely known. In-
tegrity and purity of character. He was also more thoroughly and
intimately acquainted with the history, politics and customs of the na-
tive tribes in Bechuanaland than any other living man. His advice
therefore was given with all regard for justice and fairness towards
both the Boers and the Bechuanas. He did not conceal his convictions
that the claims of the Transvaal delegates were absolutely without
foundation in history or in justice. He no less openly avowed his con-
viction that the native tribes had most sacred rights within their own
territories which the British Government were bound in honor to recog-
nize and to conserve. His whole energy was therefore given to the
preservation of these native tribes in their own rights, and at the same
time to keeping open to British influence and if possiblr bringing under
British control the great road leading through this region into the heart
of the continent.

It was then Sir Hercules Robinson and this missionary, whose work
together in London succeeded in enlightening the British Government
as to their responsibilities and duties in relation to Bechuanaland.
That this fact was perfectly well known to the Boers themselves is evi-
dent from the violent and passionate speech which President Kruger
allowed himself to make when the Convention was being discussed by
the Volksraad at Pretoria, The Raad accused the British Government

THE LONDON CONVENTION, 1884.

543

of injustice, and President Kruger defended the (government by blam-
ing those whom he called "traitors and intriguers, of whom Mr. Macken-
zie was one." He explained "that Her Majesty, the Queen, was bound
to receive and accept as final the advice of her officials, and these
officials were dependent upon information received from others." "At
present the Government went on the lies of liars. If it had not been
for Mr. Mackenzie and the High Commissioner I should have been all
right. These liars had stirred up the people to stand in the way of the
Government, and therefore the deputation had approached the people
with their memorandum. The whole ministry had listened to them
with attention; that was a fact, and so His Honor did not blame
Her Majesty nor Her Majesty's Government." He claimed that the liars
and intriguers whom he had mentioned were the reason that every-
thing was not settled as they wished. "The High Commissioner and
Mackenzie were the origin of the opposition experienced." This quota-
tion is made not only to show the lengths to which the powerful and
shrewd President can go in traducing the character of honorable men
who have differed from him, but as showing the vast importance which
in 1884 the Transvaal Government attached to the possession of Bech-
nanaland.

i-.!i;|k,.Jji-

JM' 1 ■ ■ fr

'.1

'^'*'l|;;i ii =

-.5

i -I

CHAPTER III.

THE SETTLEMENT OF SOUTH BECHUANALAND.

AT THE close of the conference with the Transvaal delegates which
resulted in the London Convention of 1884, the Earl of Derby an-
nounced to President Kruger and his associates that the British
Government had now undertaken to establish the authority of the Queen
in Bechuanaland, and that they had appointed Mr. John Mackenzie as
deputy commissioner. On theGovernment side this step was taken on the
very strong advice of Sir Hercules Robinson, Governor of Cape Colony,
who had for some time been in close correspondence with Mr.. Mackenzie
and who knew of the administrative work he had done in former years
under Colonel Warren and at the invitation of Sir Bartle Frere. Mr.
Mackenzie has described the unwillingness with which he gave up his
missionary work. He had already more than once declined similar
invitations, but on this occasion it seemed to him to be the path of duty
that he should attempt to guide the affairs of a territory which he knew
so well, all of whose chiefs trusted him and were ready to accept his
advice and follow his directions. He had the promise of a force of not
less than 200 police, a number which was deemed amply suflScient to
enable him to assert the Queen's authority and manifest her determina-
tion to take over South Bechuanaland once for all.

As soon as the news of this appointment was telegraphed to Cape
Town replies came that the appointment had been received with great
disfavor. The disfavor was, however, confessedly confined to the Trans-
vaal Government and its sympathizers in the Afrikander Bond at Cape
Town. Mr. Mackenzie probably hardly realized at that time the extra-
ordinary power which the Bond was about to exert, and the efforts
which the Boer leaders were about to make at Cape Town to render the
recent decision of the British Government regarding Bechuanaland of
none effect. He went out relying thoroughly upon the consistent sup-
port of his friend. Sir Hercules Robinson, and his own past experience
of unfailing friendliness both with natives and with Boers whensoever

544

GEN. SIR A. HUNTER

GEN. SIR CORNELIUS F. CLERY

MAJ.-GEN. SIR WILLIAM GATACRE

LT.-GEN. SIR F. W. E. FORESTIER
WALKER

if »

i,!^

THE TRANSVAAL AND SOUTH BECHUANALAND.

545

tee

•

he came Into personal dealings with them. It was with high hopes and
the best wishes of the best friends of South Africa that this missionary
statesman sailed from the shores of England in the spring of 1884. lie
proceeded as speedily as possible northwards, going by ox wagon from
Kimberley into Stellaland and Goshen. When once in Bechuanaland
he very soon discovered that hostile influences were at worlc behind him
in Cape Town, and to his amazement found that even the chief whom
he trusted was not acting upon the promises made in London. He was
hampered by the lack of police and the refusal of the Governor to supply
him with police, and was actually left to go into the hostile camps of the
tiny Boer Republics practically alone to represent the Queen's author-
ity, proclaim the Imperial protectorate over Bechuanaland, and begin
the work of administration. Single-handed and unarmed he met the
leaders of both Republics. A striking scene took place in Stellaland
when the people persuaded him to let them haul down their own flag
— on which, by the by, there was represented a fish with a spear through
it, the fish being the sacred emblem of the native tribes of that district
and the spear announcing what the Stellalanders intended to do to them
— and in its place to raise aloft the Union Jack.

There were innumerable complications and troubles with regard to
the so-called Administration of Stellaland, the occupants of oflflce, pay-
ment of salaries, the settlement of land claims created by the existence
of this Republic for two or three years. After dealing with these in
the temporary and tentative fashion which was alone possible, the
Deputy Commissioner went north to Rooi Grond. Here the Boers were
fiercer and more defiant than at the southern point, and no one can fail
to wonder at the daring of the little band of English representatives who
rode right up to a point within 300 yards of the Boer laager, where the
Boers were seen riding about on their swift horses, fully armed aud
able in ten minutes to make an end of those who came in the name of the
Queen.

The British party lept from the saddle, sent their horses out of their
own reach to the water, and waited till representatives of the Boers
approached them. When challenged to say what their presence meant,
Mr. Mackenzie announced that he had come in the name of the Queen
to proclaim the British protectorate. "In replying," he says, "I stood

54«J

THE SETlLEMENr OF SOUTH BECHUANALAND,

,!!•

up and showing them my commission, informed them that my business
would not need a long time to accomplish. This was my commission
from Her Majesty's High Commissioner. Its purport was that Her
Majesty's authority was established in Bechuanaland, and in the Baro-
long country as a part of that; that fact I now announced to them in
reply to their message and as my answer. 'But we were not told to
listen to anything of that sort,' they said, moving off. 'That may be,'
I answered, 'you are the judges of your own conduct; but it is my duty
to reply to your message, and my reply is what you have heard, that
the Queen's authority is established, and the management of affairs is
in my hands.' By this time they had turned their horses' heads and
were moving off, evidently not wishing to hear too much."

Throughout his journey through Bechuanaland the Deputy Commis-
sioner was received with the utmost enthusiasm and joy by the native
chiefs. They felt absolute confidence in the Government which had
now stepped in and had sent him as their representative. Throughout
his journej', alas! he was also pursued by the feeling, which was in^
creased with almost every telegram he received from Cape Town, that
the attitude of the High Commissioner towards himself had changed
and that he was not receiving the support which was due to him. Ac-
cordingly he returned to Cape Town in order to come to an understand-
ing with those without whom he could not act. Mr. Mackenzie soon
discovered that the High Commissioner, whose deputy he was, would
not longer act with him, and laid the blame upon the Transvaal Govern-
ment and their sympathizers at Cape Town. The obvious answer from
Mr. Mackenzie's side was, of course, that since he had been appointed
to undo the bad work done by the subjects of the Transvaal Government
and with the connivance of that Government, the last thing that could
be expected was that he, or any other man, appointed to do that work
and attempting to carry it out, would be approved by them. Neverthe-
less, although he had the right to hold his ground and to appeal even
to the Earl of Derby for the fulfilment of explicit promises made to
him, he decided to resign his oflfice, and allow those who thought they
could bring order out of chaos to do so.

Nowhere was this resignation received with more keen disappoint-
ment and dismay than in Stellaland itself. The Stellalanders, in fact,

THE SETTLEMENT OF SOUTH DEC HU AN ALAND.

547

sent in a petition expreHsing to the High Commissioner their desire tluit
Mr. Muclienzie should be reinstated in his former office, and promising to
afford every material assistance in their power in the support of his
administration. The petition was of course opposed by the more de-
tennined of the Boer party, who then said that they would rather await
the arrival of Sir Charles Warren. Nevertheless, the petition was
signed by a majority of the actual land owners in Stellaland, and of
those who signed no less than ninety-two were Boer farmers! Need-
less to say, this petition received absolutely no attention from those
who were determined that nothing less than a military expedition
should convince them of England's determination to hold and govern
South Bechuanaland. It was retained in his own hands by Mr. Rhodes
for three months, and was sent to London only four months after its
first receipt in Cape Town. When the Stellalanders found how their
petition had been treated, and that Captain Bower and others accused
them of disloyalty, they sent to Sir Charles Warren and demanded a
judicial inquiry into the value of the petition. Out of the 171 names,
it was found that seventy-four were land owners, ninety-two were per-
manent residents, and only four were temporary residents or travelers.
One signature was disallowed. Sir Charles Warren in view of this
petition made a special report to the Imperial Government, asserting
that it was a matter of very great significance that in spite of the coer-
cion of the Boer faction ninety-four farmers had signed this petition.
"I am convinced," he said "that if Mr. Mackenzie had had fair play he
would have settled this territory at the time he came up without a
stronger force than 200 police."

Mr. Cecil J. Rhodes was appointed from Cape Town to act in Mr.
Mackenzie's place in Bechuanaland. Mr. Rhodes immediately at-
tempted to conciliate the Stellalanders and in this was assisted by Cap-
tain Bower, who was believed by many to be the real tool among Im-
perial officials of the Afrikander Bond at this time, and a man whose
strong will had swung round the weaker will of Sir Hercules Robinson,
forcing him to give up the plans which he had seen so clearly and
adopted so heartily in London a few months before. A visit to Bechu-
analand was also made a little later by the Ministers of the Cape Col-
ony. Mr. Rhodes even went the length of signing an agreement with

lull H

548

THE SETTLEMENT OF SOUTH BECHU AN ALAND.

the Stellalaiiders which revoked the proclamation made by his prede-
cessor and recognized the Stellaland Republic as an actual govern-
ment within the Imperial protectorate of Bechuanaland. Mr. lihodes
in fact formed an agri'eement with the Stellalanders in September of that
year (1884) which practically handed over the government of that region
to the Boer freebooters, whose chief and able leader was a Mr. Van
Niekerk, and who lived in territory then known to be within the Trans
vaal. Mr. Van Niekerk immediately used the power put into his hands
to quell loyalty to the British and to stimulate the desire for annexation
to the Transvaal. He actually caused a petition to be made to himself
and his fellow Governors, imploring them to apply to Pretoria for protec-
tion and government. At about the same time, as the result of a visit of
General Joabert to the other Boer Republic called Goshen, though with-
out his approval as to time and manner, a formal proclamation was made
by President Kruger and the Executive at Pretoria by which, in the
interests of humanity and for the sake of native chiefs, Goshen was
taken into the Transvaal and under their control. The proclamation
was so ill-timed that even General Joubert condemned it as breach of a
treaty. This proclamation, as well as even the consideration of the pro-
!»)*al regarding Stellal.ind, constituted a distinct and grave breach of
the London Convention, v.hich had only been signed by President
Kruger himself a few months before. Needless to say, the proclama-
tion was at once withdrawn vhen that step was demanded in the
month of October by the Imperial Government. During that time a
movement had taken place in Cape Colony which thoroughly aroused
the Imperial authorities.

In the meantime neither Mr. Rhodes, nor Captain Bower, nor the
Cape Ministers, succeeded in doing anything; they only increased the
complications in Bechuanaland. It looked as if once more the British
Government must retire from that territory^, and as if, after all, the
Transvaal Government would gain, by brow-beating at Cape Town and
in Bechuanaland, what they had failed to secure by fair diplomacy in
London. It looked to many people as if Bechuanaland would soon be-
come a part of the Transvaal.

Once more, therefore, Mr. Mackenzie set out upon the process of
educating the puWic mind. This time it was Cape Colony he had to

THE SETTLEMENT OF SOUTH BECHUANALAND.

549

educate. He began at Cape Town and lectured. His pronouncements
were received with the utmost enthusiasm. He did not inveigh against
the Dutch as such; he always won their ear when he had the chance of
speaking to them candidly on the real principles on which the Gov-
ernment of South Africa could be peacefully conducted. He met the
same experience ^'' '^'^ he traveled from one town to another throughout
Cape Colony. E;.. . .siasm was awakened throughout the land for the
establishment of British authority in Bechuanaland, and the result came
in the overthrow of the Ministry at Cape Town, which had acted as the
tool of the Transvaal ani had stood in the way of British sovereignty,
and in the loud demand of the Colony for a military expedition. The
demand for an expedition was coupled with the suggestion that Colonel
Warren should be its commander. The Colonial demand was so loud, so
determined and so enthusiastic that the British Government at last
awoke to activity and sent out the famous Warren expedition, which
consisted of about 5,000 men. This expedition cost nearly £1,000,000
(about $5,000,000) of money and was sent to do what every intelligent
m .n in South Africa, and Sir Charles Warren himself believed thjit Mr.
ILdckenzie could have done a year before with 200 police. It was
a heavy price to pay for weak mindeduoss at Cape Town and dilatoriness
in London. The Warren expedition on which Mr. Mackenzie served
as a Civil Commissioner, proceeded from Kimberley up the western
border of the Transvaal as far as Shoshong. It made treaties with all
the native chiefs, who a ^"?e enthusiastic once more over the establish-
ment of the sovereignty of the good Queen. The Boer freebooters dis-
appeared over the borders, or submitted with as much grace as possible
to the establishment of the British authority. The result of the expedi-
tion was the formal creation of the Crown Colony of South Bechuana-
land.

A brief reference should not be omitted to the remarkable and inter-
esting meeting which took place on the border of the Transvaal at a
spot called Fourteeh Streams, between President Kruger and Sir
Charles Warren. The General had consented to hold this conference
within the Transvaal, inasmuch as a law of the Transvaal forbids its
President from leaving the country without the special permission of
the Volksraad, and the Volksraad was not at this time in session.

^11

1 1

ii'

M' J- n

55()

THE SETTLEMENT OP SOUTH BECHUANALAND.

Arcompanyiug Sir CharloH VVarT<*n were Mr. Khodes, Mr. Mackenzie,
and some of his staff, togoi: h with 200 soldiers. President Kruger
appeared with Mr. Leyds, Mr. de Villiers and others, together with fifty
members of the State Artilh'ry, The conference was interesting for the
firmness with whicli Sir CliarleH denounced the freebooters, especially
those in the case of Goshen, who had lived on the Transvaal side of the
border and attacked British HiibjectH on the other. President Kruger
made a remarkable effort to prevent Sir Charles from tailing his entire
force north with him, proposing that they two, the President and the
General, should ride to Goshen together, marking off the boundary line
and accompanied by twenty-five Moldlers apiece. This clever suggestion
would have destroyed the entire moral effect intended to be produced
upon the country by the appearance of the military expedition, and Sir
Charles Warren firmly decUn<'<l the proposal. The President had abso-
lutely no excuse to offer for the action of the freebooters, and his attempt
to argue that the Transvaal (Government was not responsible for them
was exceedingly weak and quite insincere. It is to be noted that the
President met both Mr. Jthodes and Mr, Mackenzie with frankness and
cordiality, and that he urged against the latter and his work no argu-
ment of a personal nature, but siniply the technical one that he had
appeared in Bechuanaland and cHlablished the protectorate before the
Volksraad had ratified the London Convention. As Mr. Mackenzie him-
self observ(Kl, this criticism reduced the Boer objections to his appoint-
ment to the one fact that he represented in a sincere and thorough-going
manner the proposal that (Jreal Britain should directly and actually
contiol the Government of Bechuanaland.

CHAPTER IV.
THE OUTLANDERS OF THE TRANSVAAL.

THE TRANSVAAL.

DURING the seventies it became known that gold was to be found
here and there in the Transvaal and mining work began at
two or three centers. But it was not until the year 1885 that
the extraordinary richness of the gold mines near Pretoria was discov-
ered. About thirty miles south of Pretoria, amid very bleak and bar-
ren scenery, beside a little stream called the Witwater (the white water)
there is a long, low ridge or "Rand" which has been found to con-
tain, packed within its soil, one of the richest gold deposits ever dis-
covered. When the rich reefs were found and work began there was
a rush to the place which in a very few years transformed the waste
land into a huge city of 100,000 people.

The Boer government had already been troubled in mind at the in-
crease of immigration caused inevitably by the mining developments.
Political questions had immediately arisen which divided the citizens
into two parties. The one led by Kruger represented the unbending
Tories, the unreasoning conservatives of the country. To them the
advent of foreigners in such numbers was nothing but a disturbing fact
with which they could not bring themselves into any kind of har-
mony. They saw that if they granted equal rights of citizenship on
former terms to all who arrived the government would speedily pass
out of their own hands. The other party was led by Joubert, tb^^ fa-
mous commander-in-chief of the Transvaal army. He is a man of much
wider travel, better read and more open minded. He has always main-
tained that the foreigners must be welcomed and must receive a rea-
sonable political status in the country where they make their homes.
In the contest between these two parties Kruger has hitherto won
at the polls, and his unbroken victories, even when gained by a mere

551

\t it

[

ili

552

THE OUT LANDERS OF THE TRANSVAAL.

■H ■

majority, have suflBced to bring the Transvaal government into the ter-
rible position in which this year it finds itself.

A large number of the original citizens of the Transvaal have made
the most of the opportunities which the economic changes in their
country made possible. Many of them sold their farms at prices which,
if to-day they seem small, at the time of the sale brought them more in
cash than they ever dreamed of possessing. The growth of the great
city and of the smaller centers has opened markets for their farm pro-
duce larger than they ever saw in the past. Some of the leading citi-
zens have profited enormously by some of the business arrangements
which the Government has seen fit to make. Even if the dynamite
monopoly, concerning which owners of the mines have made such loud
complaints, is a monopoly not held by the Government itself, yet
individual members of the Government have large interests in it.

The political difficulties have been increased in one way by the fact
that Johannesburg is not like the other mining camps which have
sprung into existence in other regions. The gold is found underground
in a hard soil almost like rock, which needs to be crushed with ma-
chinery ere the minute particles of gold which are distributed through
it with amazing regularity can be extracted. This one fact has neces-
sitated the use of capital from the very beginning in the development of
1 hese mines. The town accordingly has grown up largely through the
arrival of great numbers of people who came to take up the positions
of wage-earners and salaried officials, intelligent, enterprising, hard-
working, educated men in the service of the lajge corporations. While
therefore the city does contain elements of life and character which
are to be expected in every such miscellaneous community, there is
also a strength and steadiness belonging to it hitherto unknown amid
ordinary mining populations in the earlier stages of their history.
While numbers of these immigrants ave shiftless adventurers and many
of them of positively bad character, and while much of the city life
is reckless and wild, spending itself in gambling and self-indulgence,
the fact must be univerLally recognized that very large numbers also
are people of high character, of far higher education and training than
the Roers, people who represent the best foresight, energy and radi-
calism of the world.

THE OUTL ANDERS OF THE TRANSVAAL.

553

than
radi-

Here then are the conditions plain and obvious of a very diflficult
political complication. If these foreigners had even formed a strong
minority of the whole population their presence would have presented
many thorny problems to the inexperienced rulers; but when with rapid
strides the ^.oreign population approached and equaled, and then far
outstripped the numbers of the Boers the situation became aggra-
vated. If again, the Boer government had exercised their proverbial
shrewdness by satisfying the foreigners in every reasonable demand
concerning their commercial projects and their domestic happiness,
these foreigners might have lived many years without finding any just
ground of complaint against their masters. Unfortunately the Trans-
vaal government have fallen into some very serious blunders of admin-
istration and these blunders have produced a feeling of chronic irri-
tation and driven men to think of the changes that would follow if
only they could exercise the franchise. The ordinary grounds of com-
plaint are said to be that the great city is ruled and its municipal
affairs conducted by incompetent officials, that while the majority of
the white inhabitants of the country speak English their children are
not allowed to be taught in the English language in the schools which
their parents are taxed to support, that the methods in which indi-
rect taxation is arranj^ed and in which the enjoyment of Govern-
ment concessions is upheld, lay an inordinately heavy burden upon
the income of the citizens. The same policy seems to bo pursued by
the Dutch ruling minority of the Transvaal which is pursued by the
Dutch ruling majority in the House of Assembly of Cape Colony;
namely, that of arranging that the taxation shall fall more heavily
upon the inhabitants of the towns and cities than upon the farming
population. But no one in Cape Colony dreams of api)ealing to Great
Britain, simply because the minority are represented in their parlia-
ment. Further it is asserted that foreigners do not receive justice at
the hands of the Transvaal courts, and that the Yolksraad (national
legislature) has the power by passijig a mere resolution at any time
and under any circumstances to alter the law of the land, the judges
having no power to question tiie authority of such a resolution even
in the light of the constitutiom of tlfce republic. Many complaints are
made regarding, for example, the treatra**nt of the natives, the arrange-

i 1

Ell i

\ri

554

THE OUT LANDERS OF THE TRANSVAAL.

ments for transportation, and other matters which bear more or Ighh
directly upon the commercial prospects of the community. The posi-
tion may be briefly summed up as Mr. W. T. Stead has put it, "The South
African Republic was in the position of the inverted pyramid; tho
majority of the population, possessing more than half the land and
nine-tenths of the wealth, and paying nineteen-twentieths of the taxes,
had practically no share in its administration and no voice in its legis-
lature."

When the pressure upon the Government became severe President
Kruger was always able to use one argument which he appears to have
found convincing and effective. He warned his followers that if tho
foreigners had the franchise they would wrest the Government from tho
Boers and hand over the country to Great Britain. It is here that, as
it would seem, President Kruger's far-famed shrewdness absolutely
deserted him. Nothing can be more certain concerning such a matter
than that, if the foreigners had received the franchise, even with safe-
guards intended to preserve the pre-eminence of the Dutch element in
the country, the republic as then constituted would have been as
strongly anti-British and as little likely to submit to the authority of tho
Queen's government as President Kruger himself. Here Joubert has
had the open eye and Kruger has been blind.

There were others, however, who were not blind and who were
prepared to give another turn to the course of events in the Transvaal
than that contemplated either by Kruger or by the invading liost
against whom he fought. In the year 1895 the citizens of Johainu'shiirg
decided that their wrongs had reached the point which made a revolu-
tion necessary. Accordingly, a number of the leading spirits of the city
resolved to prepare for such an event. They felt, however, their incom-
petence to carry the matter through against the armed Boer citizens
who would be immediately brought against them. Accordingly tlicy
looked round to discover some helper from the outside. They appeal«'<l
to the Right Honorable Cecil .T. Rhodes. Mr. Rhodes at that time was
the most composite political personage on the wide earth. He was n
memb«r of the Privy Council of Queen Victoria; he was Prime Minister
of Cape Colony with his seat of authority in the south at (J!t».,ye Town;
he was also managing director of the British South Africa Chartered

■'*- .

THE OUTLANDERS OF THE TRANSVAAL.

»;>.>

Company, which means that he was practically the administrator of the
vast territory ruled by that company to the north of the Transvaal; he
was also chairman of the De Beers Diamond Mining Ojmpany at Kim-
berley, which means that he was at the head of the largest money pro-
ducing industry in Cape Colony; he was at the same time one of the
leading capitalists of the gold mining industry in the Transvaal. As
a capitalist he was personally interested in the development of Johan-
nesburg, as administrator of Rhodesia he "had military forces under his
control, as Prime Minister of Cape Colony he had the ear of the High
Commissioner of South Africa and of the British government in London.
He knew personally and intimately many of the men engaged in the
conspiracy at Johannesburg. He saw that if their insuiTection placed
them in power they would form a stronger independent State than
Britain had to deal with in the present Boor government. Accordingly,
it seemed to him not only in the interests of the revolution but in the
interests also of the parties ruling in South Africa that he, as represen-
tative of the British, should place the new Government of the Transvaal
under deep and permanent obligations to himself.

Mr. Rhodos made the momentous resolution to help the revolution.
His action may be judged from different points of view. If the proposed
insurrection was wrong, his action was wrong. If it was right, the
Tightness of his action depends i)ortly upon the relative strength of the
motives which led to his decision, and partly on the question of his
fidelity to other authorities under whom he was placed. As to his
motives, no man can judge; as to his integrity as an occupant of a
number of i)ublic offices, much may be said. Mr. Rhodes endeavored to
pot himself in the right in this direction by communicating at once with
the Colonial Office in London.

Now iTi London the Colonial Secr<'hiry was ]Mr. Joseph Chamberlain,
one of the most striking figures in the history of British politics during
the last twenty years. Mr. Chamberlain, n former Radical of the most
advanced typ^, is a memb«T of n Conv'-rvative government. He holds
his po8iti(»n as leader f th; portion of rhe Liberal party which revolted
from Mr. (x\sn\ ume on the question of Irish Home \i\\]o It is largely
through tii. influeB4*e of hims«'lf, and of his companions In this revolt,
that the Conservative party has held sway so long in Great Britaia.

556

THE OUTLANDERS OF THE TRANSVAAL.

1,"P '-.

He has used his position of extraordinary influence with consummate
skill and with inscrutable modifications of his Radical conscience.
Presumably one of the chief ambitions of Mr. Chamberlain's life as
Colonial minister has been to distinguish his period of ofllce by some
great and striking deeds of Imperial splendor. It was his duty of
course to keep himself thoroughly aware of everything that occurred
which might affect in any way the prosperity of any British colony.
Hence it was his simple duty to welcome any information that might be
given to him concerning prospective revolutions in the Transvaal. Nor
was he bound by any consideration to make this information known
outside his office. If he were informed that this revolution was inevit-
able and that it might be turned to a profitable account for the other
colonies of South Africa, and for South Africa as a whole, he was not
bound to publish his knowledge. But it is strongly suspected, indeed
Mr. Stead's pamphlets have made it practically certain, that Mr. Cham-
berlain took another step of a more serious nature. When Mr. Rhodes
proposed to him, through a trusted messenger, that assistance from a
British territory should be given to the revolutionists at Johannesburg,
Mr. Chamberlain seems to have acquiesced in the proposal, or, at least,
to have agreed not to prevent it. Of course the forces directly under
the control of the British government, of the War Office in London,
could not be so employed. But Mr. Rhodes, as administrator of Rhod-
esia, was also master of a large force of efficient volunteers in that
region, whose skill and valor had already been amply proved.

CHAPTER V.

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

THE priiicipal difficulty which confronted those who desired to use
the Volunteers of Rhodesia for the deliverance of Johannesburg
consisted in the distance which separated the former from the lat-
ter place. Mr. Rhodes and his friends conceived that this little difficulty
could be easily surmounted by the very simple and, to them, obvious and
most desirable plan of placing north Bechuanaland, the country of King
Khama, under the administration of the British South Africa Company
and annexing South Bechuanaland to Oape Colony. This would not
only add an enormous and valuable territory to the posses-
sions of the Company, but it would give the Company the right to
move their police to the southern limits of their extended domain.
When they were thus removed to the south they would be within about
150 miles of Johannesburg, v/hich was supposed to be an easy striking
distance. But at this very time King Khama and two other chiefs were
making a notable visit to England to prevent this very transaction from
being carried out. The chiefs were received with very considerable
popular enthusiasm, were very pleasantly entertained by some of the
highest personalities in the country, and their earnest protest against
the proposal to give them indirect instead of direct imperial protection
warmed the hearts of England. Accordingly, Mr. Chamberlain was
unable to gratify the desire of his friends.

But this proposal was not made to Mr. Chamberlain in the coarse
and open way of saying that Mr. Rhodes desired the control of the
territory near Johannesburg, where he could place his police. The
reason given to Mr. Chamberlain for the annexation of Bechuanaland
to Rhodesia was a much better one than that. It was that the British
South Africa Company desired to make a railway from Cape Town
right up through the heart of the country into Rhodesia. They
could not be expected to build this railway through Bechuanaland
as long as Bechuanaland was neither a real colony nor the property of

557

' i.

11 !

'"ix.. ,

558

THE STORY Of THE JAMESON RAID.

a colony. Confessedly, this was the form in which the proposals regard-
ing Bechuaualand were presented to the Colonial Secretary. By a stroke
of genius on the part of some one it was proposetl at a critical point in
the negotiations that if Bechuanaland as a whole could not be given to
Mr. Khodes, at least a narrow strip along the western border of the
Transvaal might be so given, through which the railway might be built.
When this proposition was made to Khama he received it with uncon-
cealed delight. King Khama is probably almost as shrewd as President
Kruger, and it may be taken for granted that his smile of delight was
due not merely to the fact that he was escaping thus the unpleasant
domination of Mr. Khodes and his company, but that now he would
have, as it were, a "buffer state" between him and the much-dreaded
Boers. He had often in the past been made to fear lest the Boers should
insist on taking part of his territory within the Transvaal, if now a
narrow strip of territory intervened all along his eastern boundary be-
tween himself and the Transvaal this fear would be forever stilled.

King Khama's complacency enabled Mr. Chamberlain to grant to Mr.
Rhodes this important territory for his railway. The other part of the
plan was quietly secured through the Cape Legislature when Mr. Rhodes
was a Prime Minister; the »toTy of this annexation of an unwilling
people to the Cape Colony is told elsewhere. Mr. Rhodes and Dr. Jame-
son immediately began to use Bechuanaland as the "jumping-off ground"
from which they could most rapidly and unexpectedly, as they thought,
reach Johannesburg.

In the city of Johannesburg the reformers were carrying on their
constitutional agitation for amendment of the laws of the land and
improvement of administration. At the same time they were ripening
their plans for a revolution. The plan which they formed was one
which at first promised to be easily carried through and certain of suc-
cess. One million rounds of ammunition and 5,000 rifles and three
Maxim guns were to be smuggled into Johannesburg. In addition it
was thought that there would be about 1,000 rifles in the hands of pri-
vate owners already in the city. This seemed to promise that a very
strong force of men, amounting to nearly 10,000, might be rapidly armed
and prepared for action. That which, however, gave most encourage-
ment to the conspirators, was the fact that at this time the fort at

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

551)

their
and
ening
one
suc-
three
ion it
>f pri-
very
rmed

Pretoria was very poorly guarded by about lUO men, and was Known to
contain a large amount of ammunition, besides rilles and supplies. One
of the conspirators says, — "The surrounding wall of the fort, a mere
barrack, had been removed on one side in order to effect some additions;
there were only about 100 men stationed there, and all except half a
dozen could be counted on as being asleep after 1) p. m. There never
was a simpler sensational task in the world than that of seizing the
Pretoria fort — fifty men could have done it. * * * It was desig:ied
to seize the fort and the railway on the night of the outbreak and, by
means of one or two trains, to carry off as much of the material as possi-
ble and destroy the rest." Again he says, — "Without doubt the Pre-
toria arsenal was the key of the position, and it is admitted by Boer
and alien alike that it lay there unguarded, ready to be picked up, and
that nothing in the world could have saved it — except what did."
(FitzPatrick.)

That which did save it was Dr. Jameson. From the beginning of
the movement we are told that some of the Keformers in Johannesburg
4«»eply dreaded the attempt to co-operate witli the forces of the British
South Africa Company. That was the one feature of their plan which
they feared to be unwarranted by prospects of success and likely to in-
troduce an elemeii* of wrongdoing that would be their undoing. And as
it turned out thej ere rigb' .' But the majority seemed confident that
if Dr. Jameson could arrange to have 1,500 men on the border who were
ready to rush to the assistance of Johannesburg as soon as the insur-
rection began, the arrival of his f<jrce would produce a great effect both
upon the conspirji rors and the Boer Government, and would virtually
force the latter to give in at once to the inevitable and render justice
to the Outlanders. The date arranged with Dr. Jameson was Saturday,
January the 4th, and it was planned to issue public announcements
summoning a mass meeting for Monday, the 0th, in order to deceive
the autiK-n ies. In the meantime a manifesto was issued on behalf of
the Beforniers which was written and signed by their chai, 'tan, Mr.
Charles L(\Miard. As Mr. Leonard, a former member of the Caj Legis-
lature, is a man of high education and honorable character as a\ "11 as
great eloquence, and his manifesto contains a frank and full stati; oent
of the grievances under which the Outlanders felt themt:elves to be

1 !

lit)

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

%■
^

f/.

1.0 ^>

I.I

1.25

1.8

U 11.6

Photograpliic

Sdences

Corporation

73 A'EST MAIN STREET

WE2jTER,N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

<lf.

*>
>

560

THE STORY OP THE JAMESON RAID.

suffering, and of the reasons which led them to form their conspiracy,
and inasmuch as this document was composed, first of all, not to defend
the Reformers before the world, but to state their grievances and ex-
plain their motives to the Transvaal Government itself, It is necessary
to give here some account of its contents,

Mr. Leonard says that the constitution of the National Union, as the
reform association was called, was very simple. "They set three objects
before them: first the maintenance of the independence of the Republic,
second the securing of equal rights, and third the redress of grievances."
The Union had recently made various attempts at Improvement of the
conditions which were felt to be so oppressive. They had been deeply
disappointed that in the recent election of new members for the First
Volksraad the progressive party had received no great increase of
strength. They had recently presented a petition signed by 38,000 per-
sons which sought to obtain the franchise. As the result of the petition
they were called unfaithful for not naturalizing themselves. But
naturalization (which included the taking of tlie oath "fter two years
of residence) meant only that' they should give up their original citizen-
ship and get nothing in return except liability to military service and
other iisabilities. One member of the Volksraad had openly challenged
the petitioners to fight for their rights, and no one In the house had
reproved the challenge. This was the sole result of the honest endeavors
of the Outlanders to secure fair legislation, and an Improvement in the
administration of the affairs of the country. Not only were they ex-
cluded from the franchise, but even their children, born In the Trans-
vaal, were by law deprived of the rights of citizenship unless their
father took the oath of allegiance. The taxation policy of the govern-
ment was open to severe criticism in that (a) a much greater amount
was levied from the people than was required for the needs of govern-
ment; (b) it was either class taxation pure and simple, or by the selec-
tion of subjects, though nominally universal, it was made to fall upon
the shoulders of the Outlanders; (c) the necessaries of life were unduly
burdened."

In the midst of this severe criticism of the Transvaal Government
a tribute is paid to the "small band of enlightened men in the Volks-
raad who have earnestly condemned the policy of tlie Government and

and

K
'U.

o
(-

K
U

o
tt]

>•
o
tt

<
CO

E
O

en
ar
u
u

tt
U

p";- :::'■ : ■

'"'r

1 ■■'■

fe-.. ■

jM^^ '"'''

P''^"''-. •

v..Ji^^^^^HHfflMK»V'.,: . '

si'''

iC/f

'A<-,i^"»i:;;ii

W^" ■ "miSF^^^

in----- .. ■-.

Mb.

DER
INGE

'>wp' .^H

V ^m ■ W.^v^

^mm

^ H

yiii-^^^^^^mt

^^^B ''''-' /JP^HMRNsTfddiil^^^l

^ K

i^^^^tf^^t» M. 'Mii" '■^'f'v ((•*'

• . .

^ li^

§5

\" ■ ,

i^^KKva'S^t^M BH^^ H^^^^l

' ^ ..'i'^iii^^^HlHI

ee a

'■■*<• '

^^^^^H^M^H ''^^^' ' '-rvJ^^^^I

^^^^^^^^^Hr

V <

',:.■■■■ *'

^^^^H^^M^B . .v^H^i^^^^^^^^l

H B

H «<

..^^i^^^

o 3

liiilii&;..

J H

^^^■■M»«V. V'lc;ia „ri%;^ 'y- ■'

,..y^^^^^

O «

^■ . .

. -:'?^«?'^ *'f^'^?5e?^OT!

t'."jS'is«'>.V^

-''^^^^^H

u or

'■

. ,-.;, •, ■ ■ .■»■■■ ■■ ,•■■;;;«:■ V >;.;^:i5yT

•v**^lBP

■ ' ''^■^B^^BBfl^^^^^^^^^^l

1 M*

' ■ ' -^ ■' • ' .' . <

^^^^^^K^mm^

^^^^^^^^^^^^HIHRPv^ >' ' '

»■ '•

Wft^vl J-< l"1(H'! " J, „! .;. ■..;.. , , ■',

-^K------/^ _■ .-}|

I- —

■■

i;-.

-»?•

' WHIi

«■*•■;,

s ^

w^^

B :<

S 2

^^^H

, 1

S TO HER
UTH AFRI

^<J

o Of

r -^v^^fc^ '. ini^ ,\:%

/'I

"•.*.»
b

ESENTS C
AVING FO

*iNfe

.1^?*

^fe'^ ■

HHV « ^ '^

1^'

r s

' T

et u

r ■ ^ ,

0. >J

<^—^^—^

O yj

^^B

r 1 ,

1: 55

1 ',.'

*• *•.

i«

5 «

-'• M

>«

■

».

" w^m^'

•i

•<

«<

•J

,«^

»)

ttl

»}

Cti

•J

o
s

>•

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

561

warned them of Its danger/' but President Kruger is spoken of in terms
of utmost severity. It is asserted that "there was no true responsibility
to the people, none of the great appointments of State were controlled
by Ministerial officers in the proper sense, the President's will was vir-
tually supreme. He had been the author of every act directed
against the liberty of the people. II was well that President Kruger
should be known for what he is. Contradiction was challenged of the
statement that no important act had found a place on the Statute books
during the last ten years without the stamp of President Kruger's
approval uyon it; nay, he was the father of every such act. He had
expressly supported every act by which the right of acquiring the
franchise had been progressively restricted, by which taxation had
become at last almost confined to the Outlanders, and by which the
rights of the Press and of public meetings had been attacked."

"The judges of the High Ck)urt had been the sole guardian of their
liberty, and on the whole did their work ably, but they were under-
paid, their salaries insecure, and the most undignified treatment had
been meted out to them on more than one occasion. Trial by jury was,
so far as the Outlanders were concerned, an unreality, since in every
case, however grievous, they could be tried only before a jury of Trans-
vaal burghers." The manifesto also described the extraordinary amount
of extravagance and corruption which characterized the administration
whose income had risen within recent years so far beyond its natural
legitimate expenditure. In this connection it was asserted that the
public credit had been pledged to the support of the Netherlands railway
company, that enormous sums were expended in ways which practically
secured them for foreigners, who had come from Holland to become
officials of the Government. It is asserted that the presence of these
Hollanders had angered a large proportion of the Boers themselves;
but that President Kruger and his party stuck obstinately to their policy
of employing Hollanders for those departments of service which needed
educated experts, and made them their special pets. Examples are given
of the way in which in connection with railways, customs, and govern-
ment concessions heavy sums of money were extorted from the public
for the benefit of this class of men. The manifesto does not complain
that the direct taxation of the mines is too heavy, but that the indirect

pap

^■IH

Sfi2

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

taxation, imposed through the excessive charges of the railway com-
panies and the excessive custom duties, conf^red no eonceivable benefit
upon the community, and served to pass large sums of money into the
pockets of officials and their relatives. No well audited account of these
sums could be obtained by the public. The most monstrous hardships
it is alleged result to consumers through the trading policy of the Gov-
ernment which is cleverly described as "protection without production,"
since it was not intended for the purpose of nurturing manufacturing
within the Transvaal. The Government was openly accused of having
twice entered into competition with traders who had paid their licence
and rents before that competition was instituted. On one occasion,
when grain was scarce, the Government were petitioned to suspend the
duties, which were very high, in order that the laborers on the mines
might be fed. The Government refused on the ground that it could not
suspend duties without the permission of the Volksraad; but within a
few days it was found that the Government had granted a concession
to one favored individual to import grain free of duty and to sell it in
competition with the merchants who had paid duty. The story of the
famous and notorious dynamite concession is also openly told. In brief,
it is asserted that the holders of the monopoly are entitled to charge
about $18 a case for dynamite, while if there were no concessions it
could be bought for $6. One member of the Government had been for
years challenged to deny that he had enjoyed a royalty of fifty cents
on every case of dynamite sold, and the challenge has never been tfiken
up. The last four paragraphs of this historic manifesto are so important
in their revelation of the experience of those who were behind the re-
form movement that they must be given word for word. . ' .

; ; " . ' "HATRED OP THE SAXON.

"There is no disguising the fact that the original policy of the Gov-
ernment is based upon intense hostility to the English-speaking popu-
lation, and that even against the franchised burgher of this State there
is the determination to retain all power in the hands of those who are
enjoying the sweets of office now, and naturally the grateful crowd of
relations and friends and henchmen ardently support the existing
regime; but there are unmistakable signs, and the President fears that
the policy which he has hitherto adopted will not be sufficient to keep

■i~1f-^:

..*•

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAW.

5«3

in cheek the growing population. It seems the set purpose of the Gov-
ernment to repress the growth of the industry, to tax it at every turn,
to prevent the working classes from, settling here and making their
homes and surrounding themselves with their families; and there is no
mistaking the significance of the action of the President when he
opposed the throwing open of the town lands of Pretoria on the ground
that 'he might have a second Johannesburg there,' nor that of his speech
upon the motion for the employment of diamond drills to prospect Gov-
ernment lands, which he opposed hotly on the ground that 'there is too
much gold here already/

"THE POUCY OP FORCE. -

"We now have openly the policy of force revealed to us. Two hun-
dred and fifty thousand pounds is to be spent upon the completion of a
fort at Pretoria, one hundred thousand pounds is to be spent upon a fort
to terrorize the inhabitants of Johannesburg, large orders are sent to
Krupp's for big guns, Maxims have been ordered, and we are even told
that German officers are coming out to drill the burghers^ Are these
things necessary or are they calculated to irritate the feeling to breaking
point? What necessity is there for forts in peaceful inland towns?
Why should the Government endeavor to keep us in subjection to unjust
laws by the power of the sword instead of making themselves live in the
heart of the people by a broad policy of justice? Wh«t can be said of a
policy which deliberately divides the two great sections of the people
from each other, instead of uniting them under equal laws, or the policy
which keeps us in eternal turmoil with the neighboring States? What
shall be said of the statecraft, every act of which sows torments, discon-
tent, or race hatred, and reveals a conception of republicanism under
which the only privilege of the majority of the people is to provide the
revenue, and to bear insult, while only those are considered Republicans
who speak a certain language, and in greater or less degree share the
prejudices of the ruling classes?

"A STIRRINQ PEP ORATION.

"I think this policy can never succeed, unless men are absolutely
bereft of every quality which made their forefathers free men; unless
we have fallen so low that we are prepared to forget honor, self-respect,
and our duty to our children. Once more, I wish to state again in un-
mistakable language what has been so frequently stated in perfect sin-
cerity before, that we desire an independent republic, which shall be a
true republic, in which every man who is prepared to take the oath of
allegiance to the State shall have equal rights, in which our children
shall be brought up side by side as united members of a strong com-

564

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

monwealth; that we are animated by no race hatred, that we desire
to deprive no man, be his nationality what it may, of any right

"THE CHARACTER OF THE UNION.

"We have now only two questions to consider: (a) What do we want?
(b) How shall we get it? I have stated plainly what our grievances are,
and I shall answer with equal directness the question, 'What do we
want?^ We want: (1) The establishment of this Republic as a true
Republic; (2) a Grondwet or Ck)nstitution which shall be framed by
competent persons selected by representatives of the whole people and
framed on lines laid down by them — a Constitution which shall be
safeguarded against hasty alteration; (3) an equitable franchise law,
and fair representation; (4) equality of the Dutch and English lan-
guages; (5) responsibility of the Legislature to the heads of the great
departments; (6) removal of religious disabilities; (7) independence
of the courts of justice, with adequate and secured remuneration of the
judges; (8) liberal and comprehensive education; (9) efficient civil ser-
vice, with adequate provision for pay and pension; (10) free trade for
South African products. That is what we want. There now remains
the question which is to be put before you at the meeting of the 6th
January, viz.. How shall we get it? To this question I shall expect
from you an answer in plain terms according to your deliberate judg-
ment.

"(Signed) Charles Leonard,

"Chairman of the Transvaal National Union."

The conspirators at Johannesburg were alarmed toward the end of
December from two directions. From the opening words of the Man-
ifesto it is evident that the design of the reformers was by no means
to bring the Transvaal State under the British Government, as the
secretary of the Union himself has insisted. The reform party in Johan-
nesburg included not only enthusiastic Britishers but men of other
nationalities and of other sympathies, and they could only work together
on the condition that they did not seek to bring the Transvaal under the
Queen. The objects they had in view were purely remedial legislature
and just administration within the Transvaal itself. "It had been re-
peatedly and emphatically stated that the object was not to deprive the
Boers of their independence, or the State of it« autonomy, but to alter
the system of government in such a way as, first to obtain betterment
of the economic conditions which affected everyone, and afterwards to

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

565

introduce a policy more in accordance witli tlie general South African
eentiments." (FitzPatrlck.)

During the concluding weeks of preparation various sections of the
Outlander community still made efforts to persuade President Kruger
to adopt a better line of policy towards them. On one occasion he was
interviewed by men who are described as not "by any means at one with
the reformers, but the leading members of which still urged the neces-
sity for reformation." The President, addressing them, laid down this
principle, "Either you are with me in the last extremity or you are with
the enemy; choose which course you will adopt." He then challenged
them to call a meeting for the purpose of repudiating the Manifesto,
"Or," he said, "there is final rupture between us." His interviewers
declared that on the Manifesto the entire city of Johannesburg was
absolutely agreed, and the President significantly replied, "Then I shall
know how to deal with Johannesburg."

In America much interest must be excited by the fact that on one
of the last days of the year 1895, President Kruger received a deputation
of Americans from Johannesburg. They are described by the secretary
of the National Union as men of the highest position and influence in
the community. They believed that peaceful measures had not yet been
exhausted, and that the Government must surely yield if confronted
with the serious consequences that would inevitably result from their
policy of repression and oppression. He listened to all that they ad-
vanced and then told them that "it was no time to talk when danger
was at hand, — that was the time for action." The deputation urged that
the whole danger lay in the President's own policy, and assured him
that if he adopted a liberal attitude towards them the people of Johan-
nesburg would prove themselves a most law-abiding and loyal com-
munity. The President answered merely by the question: "If a crisis
should occur, on which side will I find the Americans?" The answer
was, "On the side of liberty and good government, always." The Presi-
dent replied, "You are all alike, tarred with the same brush; you are
British in your hearts."

It does not seem to have occurred to the reformers to make this a
permanent condition of their relations to Mr. Rhodes, and it was about
Christmas time when some event (Mr. Stead says it was a message

1 1

566

THE STORY OP THE JAMESON RAID.

directly or indirectly from Mr. Chamberlain), occurred, which alarmed
the reformers and compelled them to send representatives to Cape Town
to protest against the idea that the revolution was to be brought about
under the British flag. While these messengers were away, alarming
news came from the direction of Dr. Jameson, who had gathered with
nearly 500 police under the command of Sir John Willoughby on the
western border of the Transvaal at Pitsani and Mafeking. Dr. Jameson
seemed to be in haste, and to be threatening an invasion before he had
received the signal from Johannesburg. Immediately two messengers
were sent to Dr. Jameson himself, and demands made upon Mr. Rhodes
that he should communicate with Dr. Jameson in order to prevent any
such wild and fatal movement. Their efforts were all in vain, for Dr.
Jameson, impelled by some impulse which to this hour is inexplicable
even to his friends, on Sunday, December 29, started for Johannesburg.
Before starting he read to his police a letter which had been put into
his hands weeks before by the leaders of the movement in Johannesburg,
but which he represented as having just reached him. This famous
letter, signed by five men, describes in the first part the wrongs which
the Outlanders felt that they were suffering, and sums up the policy of
the Transvaal by asserting that "every public act betrays the most posi-
tive hostility, not only to everything Ennflish, but to the neighboring
states." It goes on to describe the failure of all efforts at constitutional
agitation, and asserts that the policy of the Government had made an
armed complication inevitable. Then it goes on to speak as follows:
"What we have to consider is, what will be the condition of things here
in the event of a complication? Thousands of unarmed men, women and
children will be at the mercy of the well-armed Boers, while property
of enormous value will be in the greatest peril. We cannot contemplate
the future without the greatest apprehension. We feel that we are
justified in taking any steps to prevent the shedding of blood, and to
insure the protection of our lives."

"It is under these circumstances that we feel constrained to call
upon you to come to our aid, should a disturbance arise here." They
expressed the confidence that Dr. Jameson would help, and guarantee<l
any expense that he might incur in doing so.

Looked at in the light of after events, this letter seems very ridicu-

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

567

lous, and Dr. Jameson's action upon It unfaithful, both to the men whom
he deceived by reading it and to the men who had given it to him on a
certain understanding which he was about to ignore.

The two forces started and met speedily within the Transvaal bor-
ders. There is evidence which is gradually accumulating that the Boer
Government were not without knowledge of what was about to happen,
and the rapidity with which their forces were gathered and the skill
with which all their plans were carried out indicate careful forethought
as well as clever execution. Starting on the evening of December the
29th from the Pit.sani camp, the commander met the other column next
morning at the village of Malmani. The combined forces numbered
about 494 men. The smallness of the number constituted another breach
of his contract on the part of Dr. Jameson, inasmuch as the agreement
was that he have 1,500 men, and many had expressed dissatisfaction
when he said some weeks before that he might not be able to get more
than 1,000. He now started with less than one-third of the number
originally arranged for. From Malmani the movements of this extraor-
dinary band of soldiers constituted one exciting adventure after another.
They hurried on the Monday through a narrow pass at the Lead Mines,
and learned afterwards that only three hours later several hundreds of
Boers assembled in that pass who would, without doubt, have been able
to prevent them from advancing further. Some hours later Dr. Jame-
son received a letter from the commandant-general of the Transvaal,
demanding the reasons for this extraordinary movement. Dr. Jame-
son answered in terms of the letter which he had read to the force.
On the next day, Tuesday, the 31st, a mounted messenger overtook
them and presented a letter from the High Commissioner at Cape
Town, ordering Dr. Jameson and Sir John Willoughby to return at
once to their respective posts. They declared that now to comply with
these instructions was an impossibility. Their horses were jaded;
they could not go back over the road, where there was absolutely no
food for men or horses; a large force of Boers was known to be behind
them, who would attack them, and, further, they presumed that by this
time Johannesburg had risen and must be defended. On the 31st they
captured a lieutenant of the Boer volunteers, who was released at Dr.
Jameson's request. On the morning of New Year's Day a second letter

668

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

arrived from the High CommiBBioner, which also failed of ite purpose.
All this time the troop was pressing forward on its long march and
striving to make for Erugersdorp, which is only a few miles out from
Johannesburg. As they approached this place they discovered that
the number of the Boer forces opposed to them was rapidly increas-
ing. The invaders were now becoming exhausted from lack of foou
and sleep, and they were disappointed in one place after another to find
no provisions. The raiders had until now avoided any offensive attack
upon the Boers, but found themselves forced on the afternoon of New
Year's Day to open fire upon those who defended the approach to
Krugersdorp. An attempt to outflank the enemy on the left was
checked, and gradually they were compelled to move towards the right.
This was exactly what the Boers desired, those who were in front of
them and on the left thus compelled them to move towards a certain
point, where further resistance on the part of the invaders would speed-
ily be rendered impossible. The night was spent by them in great weari-
ness and in great danger. At dawn on the morning of January 2 the
final battle began. They were driven even further into the trap which
had been cleverly planned for them. At last they found themselves
in a hollow through which the road led round a hill. The hill was held
by the Boer forces, ;^ho now practically surrounded the entire company
of raiders. Seeing at last that further resistance was hopeless, and
would result only in a useless spilling of blood, Willoughby, with Jame-
son's permission, sent word to the commander, Cronje, that he would
surrender on the guarantee of a safe conduct out of the country being
given to every member of the force. The commander replied in writing
by guaranteeing the lives of all, provided that they laid down their arms
and paid all expenses.

So ended one of the most foolish and one of the most disastrous un-
dertakings known to modern history. Dr. Jameson and tlie British
officers who acted with him were marched with their men to Pretoria,
a band of disgraced men, who had invaded a foreign territory in time
of peace on their own accord, and indeed against authoritative instruc-
tions from all to whom they were responsible, or with whom they had
to do.

One need not pause to describe the excitement which was felt

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

5Ut)

me
uc-
lad

relt

throughout the world at this extraordinary fiasco. All Europe uud
America were filled with indignation. Mr. Chamberlain, it is true, tele-
graphed immediately to Pretoria repudiating t'\e raiders and disown-
ing any responsibility on the part of Great Britain for their action; and
the High Commissioner at the Cape immediately set himself with great
energy to make what reparation was possible to the injured State.
Mr. Rhodes, it is said, was crushed for a time by the blow, able only to
moan that his friend Jameson had ruined him. To add to the compli-
cations the German Emperor sent his famous telegram of sympathy
to President Kruger, and this action more than anything else caused
the recoil in England. There, to start with, amazement and anger were
predominant at Dr. Jameson's action, but these feelings were speedily
revised when that telegram wab published, and Dr. Jameson gradually
became the hero of a certain "jingo" section of the public in England.

After the raid had taken place it could be said that no one con-
cernc-d in the whole of the events was in the right; but for the world
at large Dr. Jameson had put Great Britain very much in the wrong,
and made President Kruger and his government stand as the insulted
and injured party. Up to that time no one could have been found who
would have seriously defended the policy of the Boer Government.
Beyond all doubt President Kruger and his clique of advisers from
Holland had been carrying out a policy which no citizen of a free and
democratic country could possibly approve. This policy had avowedly
injured all of the Outlanders except those groups of Outlanders who
came from Holland and who were appointed to official positions or re-
ceived Government concessions. It must be clearly understood that
while accusations are made, of a more or less indefinite kind, of corrup-
tion against President Kruger and members of his Government, it is
the Hollanders, brought to the Transvaal during the years of its pros-
perity, who obtained much influence as advisers of Kruger, and who
themselves received enormous pecuniary profits from the policy which
they induced him to adopt.

If the attempts to overthrow the oligarchy at Pretoria, consisting as
it did of narrow-minded pp^riots and foreign mercenaries, had pro-
ceeded from the citizens of Johannesburg and had been carried through
by them under the flag of the country, the world would, beyond doubt.

y
^

570

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAW.

have seen once more that they were fighting the old battle for free-
dom, which in ancient times was fought in Holland and England, and
during the last century in America. The advanced peoples of the world
would have said that it served Kruger right for attempting to rule his
country in the nineteenth century on antiquated principles, which no
modern citizen can defend.

But now, Dr. Jameson had attacked the country from without, himself
being a foreigner and a British citizen, had attempted to overthrow
the Government of the Transvaal, there being at the time no actual in-
surrection or disturbance in that country. The right now and at that
point was on the side of Mr. Kruger. Inasmuch as the world immedi-
ately judged that the British Government must have had a hand in the
matter this sympathy was of course deepened, and resentment against
the brutal Briton was aroused.

It only remained for President Kruger and his Holland advisers, of
whom at that time Dr. Leyds was chief, to recognize the real limits of
this foreign sympathy and to shape his policy so as to retain it perma-
nently by deserving it. The world would judge him by the policy he
adopted alike toward the raiders from without and the would-be reform-
ers within his country. No less closely would his treatment of the Out-
landers be considered in the light of these events. President Kruger
proceeded to act with a shrewdness and determination which elicited the
admiration as well as the disapproval even of those who became the
victims of his policy. Says one of them: "In reviewing the whole of the
circumstances of the raid, not the most biased and most interested of
persons can withhold a tribute of admiration to the President's pres-
ence of mind, skill and courage in dealing with circumstances already
without precedent; and in quiet moments, when recalling all that has
happened, if human at all, His Honor must indulge in a chuckle now
and then, to think how completely he jockeyed everybody."

First let us see how he dealt with the citizens of Johannesburg. The
difficult matter here was to obtain possession of distinct evidence con-
cerning the individuals who were leaders in the attempted rebellion.
Many of these men were generally known to be leaders of reform, but
Incriminating material had not yet fallen Into the hands of the Boers.
They had indeed, as it turned out, found a dispatch box belonging to

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

571

The
con-

llion.
but

5oerB.

njf to

one of the officers of Dr. Jameson's force, which he ha4 most foolishly
and inexplicably carried with him on the raid. This box contained a
copy of the famous letter to Dr. Jameson, and other documents, besides
telegrams and letters which revealed the whole story to President
Kruger. But still only a few names of Johannesburg citizens were in
this way incriminated. A Government commission was appointed con-
sisting of two judges and a member of the executive, who met with the
leaders of the committee in order to discuss the way out of the compli-
cations in which they found themselves. Mr. Lionel Phillips wa«
spokesman for the reformers, and he, after Uiiuerstanding that the ne-
gotiations were carried on in good faith and with a view to peace, de-
scribed their plans in full. The member of the executive at a certain
point urged that they had no proof that the movement was one gener-
ally approved by the citizens of Johannesburg, as they only knew the
names of a few of the leaders. In order to prove to him that the move-
ment was a popular one, in which a large proportion of the citizens were
personally responsible, Mr. Phillips agreed to give a full list of those
who had been active in the matter. The list which was obtained in
this way was the only basis upon which the Government were able to
proceed in the indictment of individuals. The list was ultimately made
up of sixty-four names. In order to show how widespread was the in-
terest it is important to note that among these ?ixty-four who were
convicted twenty-three were Englishmen, sixteen were Souih Africans,
nine were Scotchmen, six Americans, two Welshmen, one Irishman,
one Australian, one Hollander, one Bavarian, (>ne German, one Cana-
dian, one Swiss and one Turk. It afterwards appeared that those who
were most stubborn in their opposition to the Government were the
men of South African birth, who considered that in being treated as
they had been in South Africa itself they had been in a sense robbed
of their birthright. The indictment consisted of four counts, of which
the first was the most important. It asserted that "all and each or one
or more of them (the accused) wrongfully, unlawfully and with a hostile
intention to disturb, injure or bring into danger the independence or
the safety of the Bepublic, treated, conspired, agreed with and urged
Leandor Starr Jameson, an alien, residing without the boundaries of
this Republic, to come into the territory of this Republic at the head

572

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

of and with armed and hostile troops, there to make a hostile invasion
and to march through to Johannesburg aforesaid." In the second
count they were accused of actively assisting Dr. Jameson during the
invasion and attempting to arouse the people to utand by him. The
third count accused them of importing and distributing weapons and
ammunition and in organizing a military corps. The fourth accused
them of having taken in hand the government of Johannesburg as they
had actually done during the days of the disturbance.

After much consideration it was finally agreed (hat the four leaders
only should be asked to plead guilty of the first count, while the re-
mainder of the prisoners should plead guilty to the less important ac-
cusations. These four leaders were Colonel Francis Khodes, Messrs,
Lionel Phillips, George Farrar and John Hays Hammond. At the time
that it was decided that these four should plead guilty to the first of
the counts in the indictment, it had not been decided whether they were
to be tried under statute law, which allowed alternative penalties for
their cfrime, or Roman-Dutch law, which only allows of capital punish-
ment. After they had pled guilty the judge, a Mr. Oregorowski, who
had been imported for the occasion from the Orange Free State, decided
to bring their case under Roman-Dutch law, and passed sentence of
death upon those four men, Mr. Hammond, the American, receiving
his sentence last of all. The other prisoners were condemned to suffer
two years of imprisonment, or to pay a fine of £2,000 (about f 10,000)
each, and thereafter to be banished from the state for three years.
Much criticism has been made upon the judge for allowing the men to
plead before they knew the law under which they were to be tried, as
also for accepting a plea of guilty to a charge involving capital punish-
ment contrary to the universal practice of all law courts in South
Africa. The ensuing scene has been described by one of the partici-
pants as follows:

"The bearing of the four men won for them universal sympathy
and approval, especially under the conditions Immediately following
the death sentence, when a most painful scene took place in court. Evi-
dences of feeling came from all parts of the room and from all classes
of people; from those who conducted the defence and from the Boers
who were to have constituted the jury. The Interpreter translating

THE STORY OF THE JAMESON RAID.

athy
wing
Evi.
■isses
oers
ting

tlie sentence broke down. Many of the minor officials lost control of
themselves, and feelings were further strained by the incident of one
man falling insensible."

At the end of twenty-four hours it was announced to the prisoners
that the death sentence would be commuted by the clemency of the
President.

Various accounts have been given of the painful days that followed
when the prisoners were kept shut up under disgraceful sanitary con-
ditions, uncertain as to the fate that actually lay beforethem. Nego-
tiations were opened first by the Government, and the conduct of these
negotiations if they occurred as there is no reason to doubt, as Mr. Fitz-
patrick has described them, tend to show that the poor President was
striving on the one hand to humiliate the prisoners, and on the other to
stand in an attitude of magnanimity before the world at large. The
efforts to make the prisoners sign petitions were repeated, and in the
meantime their treatment was intended to make prison life as hateful
as possible that they might adopt any means of escape from it. Two
of the men stood out, absolutely refusing to sign even the most mod-
erate petition, and they were compelled to serve their full term of im-
prisonment. The others obtained release upon payment of their
fines, but it is alleged that their release came only after President
Kruger found that his treatment of them was rousing all South Africa
against him, and that even his fellow Dutchmen in Cape Colony and
the Orange Free State were in large numbers angered at his policy.
In fact resolutions were passed in more than two hundred towns in
South Africa, including many towns in the Orange Free State, in criti-
cism of Kruger's attitude, and the mayors of these towns began flocking
to Pretoria to enter their protest in person. It was not for some time
after these protests began to arrive that President Kruger dealt with
the case of the four men who had been sentenced to death (negotiations
were opened to see what they would propose), the prisoners were made
to understand that the offer of a considerable sum of money would prob-
ably obtain their release, and after much hesitation and dislike of the
proceeding, they agreed to offer £10,000 (about |50,000) apiece. The
President and his advisers thought that some mistake must have been
made and that instead of $200,000 for the four they must have meant

\'\

'\ij-

THE SrORY OF THE JAMESON RAW.

$200,000 from each. The matter was finally referred to the judge who
had passed the death sentence, and he determined that instead of death
these men should pay £25,000 (|125,000) per head. The prisoners, in
agreeing to this, stated in plain terms that they looked upon it as a sim-
ple bargain; that they were not accepting any favor, but paying their
way out of prison. On June 11th, after about six weeks of imprison-
ment, the fines were paid and the prisoners were released. All the pris-
oners were bound by a promise that they would not meddle in politics
for at least three years.

Out of the Johannesburgers, it appears then, that the Government
of the Transvaal received the sum of £212,000 (about $1,060,000) in fines
for their attempted revolution.

CHAPTER VI.
THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE RAID.

WE HAVE already seen that The Raid in the earlier stages
of the plot which Dr. Jameson brought to an unexpected
and ignominious conclusion, Mr. Chamberlain, the Colonial!
Secretary in London, had been more or less definitely consulted. So
far as he seem» to have known and approved of it, it consisted simply
in this, that since the Johannesburgers were determined to create
a revolution and fight for their rights, even as a member of
the Volksraad had actually challenged them to do, it would be
not unfitting that a force belonging, not to the British Gov-
ernment directly, but under the control of the rulers of Rhodesia, should
be ready to go to the assistance of those citizens when requested to do
so. In fairness to Mr. Chamberlain it should be understood clearly that
at the very time when these negotiations were on foot he was already
engaged in a very serious controversy with the Transvaal Government
on another matter. We have seen that a railway company owned by
Hollanders had obtained almost entire control over the financial system
of the Transvaal. Their power in fixing freight charges over the three
main lines was unrestricted by any law. It was part of their policy
to develop the trade which brought goods over the longest lines, namely
those from Natal and Delagoa Bay. They proceeded accordingly to raine
the freight charges on the railway which brought goods from Cape
Colony and the Orange Free State. So far did they carry this discrim-
ination as to charge SJd (17 cents) per ton per mile on the Cape Colony
Free State line from the Vaal River to Johannesburg, a distance of
only fifty miles, as against a rate of about 3d. (6 cents) charged on the
otner two lines. In addition to this they thriew all kinds of obstructions
in the way of traffic conducted over the first-named or Southern line.
The Cape Colony and Orange Free State traders adopted a plan of un-
loading the train where It crossed the Vaal River, placing the goods on
wagons and carrying. them over the remainder of the journey by road.

676

576

THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE RAID.

For this purpose they employed "drifts" or fords, which had been long
in use and which only the growth of the railway system threatened to
bring into disuse. President Kruger, urged by the Holland Outlanders
with whom he was working, resolved to close these drifts, but was sud-
denly confronted by the fact that he could only do so by breaking one
of the articles of the London Convention.

The Dutch traders in the southern states were themselves aroused
against Kruger, but especially against the Hollanders who were his
advisers, and who as a class were no more beloved by the ordinary
Boers in the Transvaal or anywhere else than the Outlanders in general.
When the drifts were closed, Dutch anger in the Colony and Free State
was very bitter. So bitter was it, that Mr. Chamberlain actually sent
the Transvaal Government an ultimatum. President Kruger, of course,
gave in, when he found that he had gone against the sympathy of his
Dutch coadjutors in the south.

Now, it was at this very time that Mr. Rhodes's proposals were
made to Mr. Chamberlain. His position then was this, that the
Transvaal had striven in this instance to break an explicit article
of the Convention of 1884, as in relation to the Outlanders they
were defying the spirit of both Conventions as well as promises made
outside the Conventions. While dealing with these matters, it was to
his own official interest rather to favor than to hinder a movement at
Johannesburg which would help to bring a solution to all these prob-
lems. If it was likeiy to encourage the movement at Johannesburg he
seems to have felt that it would not be very wrong to wink at the pro-
posals regarding Dr. Jameson.

But as soon as the Raid took place in the wild and wicked form which
Dr. Jameson gave to it, it became evident that that was neither what
Mr. Rhodes had proposed, nor he, Mr. Chamberlain, had approved.
Therefore on receipt of the news he immediately telegraphed to the High
Commissioner, to President Kruger, to Dr. Jameson, that the Raid was
repudiated by the British Government. It is certain that h« had kept the
knowledge of his plans within a very small circle in London, and above
all that he had not divulged them to his Queen. When, therefore, it
became known that Dr. Jameson and his companions were being sent
home for trial in London, when it became clear that the House of Com-

h^Mi

WLi:.:;^,..i^^:;

^;:::,j, ^;;,;.:;, ,..|ja^:sa^i^

* ■■■'':

HRVOl

mi}-

^SkM

''k^V^ '■^•^^|;;-

» -'f ' ./

/^>«-' -"^ ^^ ^p

iii:

..•JU

im' t. ,

'Vj:.:-*^ \ '^fS

■ : i^fSS^

, - V ^*^'Vi.>'?<'

^■^-\''' '-

[}■

^imE

i''.InM

''' • - n 'Cl\ Wk

K;;,:

■ ■'■■ ( -. "■■■ ' ■.' ^- '■

i" •

r . Cjkw • :' \ \ im^

i^"-'''-'

. ■ ■■■.*'. . * ■'■ '

' -^

^/.^.

Hi^^^^HI^^^^^^^^^IElr'^^H^HMlHBF'sV' \

BTJ ' ^vj.

/ ' 1

»r

'■•pi.' ■>

■V -

*' . - .

\ -:\„ \.>' # j^^i

s
o

H
E

• V

%• Wk " f*^

.■■-■y^f^w xm;'

li''

- .,

^^BtoPk» I^, ^ ■•' ^^^^ ; ' .*<3a

r ■■ '

k •-

"* , * -*

x=js^:'-. ■•'■■;-■ .^

^'.'•'^^

'•^- ^ . '■,-'* ^3=: ^ h^rn^^

-i i.w . . . _

MKSH^KI^ili

>
or

■ •

■"' . j>" "^ ■■^^;Goii..j.

») tt^ •

' '^r -i 4*^f^'^B'

' -■ ■ »

~ Jgl % j|^%iji !

'^1*' '

^";.

■'■■

a..

r:^^^^^>^^MKPa

*•'

f ' ' "

': , *^" -'> ^

"^ . -^w,-m\

■ 1

► ■' V . •-' *' # -^-^-" Jf'

, ' :*■

^ ' c

^^ '^ ■» ▼ s ■ ■. ;^,.„Jfcv..

'■*'''i. '.

i ■ 4 ■» '^ ^^.. .Ji_ai«ii:,_

r - ■> < ^^^K^

-■*»-' \ ■■'' ■ .r^ w*-

fT r* ^i#': ■

{

i X %w' ■

t •

•^

i ^

* ^ >

1 '\iiiwn»L

! " /■ ■

.'Mi

r\«» —

i v^v^:

""*"' ii, [^

/ ' ' '

X'j ^ <

■ V^ T

- ■ . r ■; ' '

^ »

'lAS^'^

lfjnH

, .-

~:^

V ^\^ ■._.... X ; ... ■

1 ^

fmV^

: . -^

1^ ^^^<N^HNmi'

,i^

A ^MM.

*» ■• (

'■■ \ ' ■

1^, \ -

^^^^^^ ^^^iMBMBW

|^A\ ■-•'^

FI^^^^^^' ^^^, . f' y

^^^\

-•' — »

ft .

■ r

V ■ - '

p.-

ikm2

m\%- ^ *

z' '

'.' '

\Sm

^'■■*'- ^■,- ''.- ■•*; \

.Jj

j^^!;\. ;, ■ ,:.

'.^ "

'■-.1 .

■ii^^Jisnf^'v. .

' ■»

^^ ' '

*•

.^"'J

1 \ ■

.(.-.'

■- 1
■ ».

• ;4 :.'

1^*

S"S

^^LJj'i ,1 fli

- ■. "i '

• <

' - * r^,^ '

'- - : ^

1- ____„"

^ JPrj.'J '';■;» w5 •►

.'•,•• .

f 1 .
1

■» f

•^. ~" i<aii i* ^w ^ . »i ' ,

\ ■

o ■•» FS

^. • J^ r^^^^^ ^

^ ■

\ ■ ■ '

■; V'-^

H
E

ae
o

u
u

t«

THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE RAID.

577

o
ec

<
e

K
U
O
K

mons must appoint a committee to investigate the whole affair, what
attitude was Mr. Chamberlain to assume? It was one of the most trying
positions in which any public man has ever been placed, one In which
it needed the clearest conscience and the purest heart as well as the
firmest will to guide a man unerringly. He had many things to con-
sider. There was the credit of his Sovereign, who, it is understood, had
given her word that her Government had not planned the Jameson Raid;
there was the honor of a British statesman to maintain, of whom it is
generally understood that whether his policy be clever or not, it shall
not be mean and shall not break international law; there was the stand-
ing of his party to consider and the effect which might be produced
upon its fortunes, if the whole story were made public ; there were the
interests of many prominent officials at stake whose tenure of office
would undoubtedly be rendered impossible by the publication of the full
truth; and, lastly, let us hope in his own mind least of all, there was
his own career to consider, the career of one of the most ambitious and
forceful statesmen of recent British history. What was Mr. Chamber-
lain to do?

The House of Commons appointed its Committee in the summer of
1896. It did not begin its work until the beginning of February, 1897,
inasmuch as many of the individuals who were to be examined and most
of the material to be dealt with were in South Africa and preliminary
arrangements were necessary. The Committee consisted of fifteen mem-
bers, including nine on the Government, that is, the Conservative side,
and six from the side of the Liberals. It held twenty-nine sittings, at
which it examined witnesses and then proceeded to make its report,
which was finally approved on July 13th, 1897. Mr. Chamberlain had
made the fatal resolve which rendered the investigations of the com-
mittee practically of no effect. He in no way assisted the committee
to obtain the really important material; he did not enter the witness
box except on two occasions for a few moments to weaken some dam-
aging evidence given by certain witnesses; he contented himself with
the public affirmation he had made that he neither knew of nor approved
the Jameson Bald. Mr. Rhodes was in the witness box for five days and
a half, and we are told that he answered 2,126 questions. All these
answers were rendered practically valueless by the fact that when any

' i'

578

THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE RAID.

queition was put the true answers to which would incriminate Mr.
Chamberlain, Mr. Rhodes simply declined to answer. He refused to
commit perjury by lying, he refused also to betray the Colonial Secre-
tary by telling the truth. Mr. Chamberlain could, of course, satisfy his
conscience by saying that he did not know what Dr. Jameson intended to
do and never would have approved of what he did do. The actual Raid
in the time and circumstances of its actual accomplishment was a
matter which he could with a clear conscience repudiate. But beyond
all doubt his silence meant much more; it meant the concealment of the
fact that the plan of Mr. Rhodes and Dr. Jameson and the Johannes-
burg citizens had been known to him and had not received his condem-
nation and disapproval. Nothing can ever be said which can clear Mr.
Chamberlain from the severe blame of those who hold that he ought
not to have approved of the plan in the first instance, and that he ought
to have confessed his complicity in the crucial hour which came to him.
There were various facts in the case which rendered the work of the
Committee of investigation not only exceedingly delicate but very diflft-
cult. In the first place, Mr. Chamberlain himself was on the Committee.
It was undoubtedly a matter of form that when any serious occurrence
took place in the Department of the Colonies the Colonial Secretary
should be the leading investigator of the trouble. But while official
traditions and order demanded his presence on this committee, Mr.
Chamberlain undoubtedly ought to have refused to act. From the be-
ginning of the controversy regarding the Raid he stood in the position
of an accused party, and, indeed, that which was the most serious ele-
ment in the whole case for the British Government, was the extent of
the alleged complicity of the Colonial Office in the plot which Dr. Jame-
son crushed. The other members of the committee representing the
Conservative party were unlikely to push beyond the lead which would
be given them by Mr. Chamberlain himself. Representing the Liberals
there were some very strong men on the committee, including Sir
William Harcourt and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman. The former
is a trained and most astute lawyer, thoroughly versed in the arts of
gathering evidence and examining witnesses; and the latter is noted
for the shrewdness of his mind und the independence of his judgment.
Besides these, the Liberals were represented by the redoubtable Mr,

. »

THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE RAID.

nio

tary
cial

Mr.

be-
lition

ele-
nt of
ame-

the
ould
erals

Sir
rmer

s of
loted

ent.

Mr.

Henrj Labouehere. He has had much experience iu ferreting out the
truth concerning many questionable enterprises in England and t'lnc-
where. He has from the first most bitterly opposed the Chartered Com-
pany and denounced the whole policy and spirit of Mr. Uhodes. Neither
is he a lover of Mr. Chamberlain. But Mr. Labouchere lacks breadth
of mind and statesmanship, and so largely did Mr. Rhodes bulk in his
view that he did not see clearly, at the time, what the real and deepest
problem before the world was.

The consequence of all these and other circumstances was that the
Committee spent almost its entire time in investigating most minutely
and thoroughly the actual events connected with the Raid itself, and
the connections therewith of Mr. Rhodes and his friends. The committee
did not get the length of probing the deepest question, that regarding
the complicity of the Colonial Office. If this had been merely an over-
sight the Committee would not have received the disapproval which
now hangs over its name. Unfortunately there seems to be evidence that
at last the leaders on both sides were driven to face the worst, and they
collapsed. There was one man whose evidence would almost certainly
have brought the truth to light inasmuch as he had acted as an inter-
mediary in the negotiations. This was Mr. Rhodes's London lawyer, Mr.
Hawkesley. When he came to the witness box it was evident that he
neither desired, like Mr. Chamberlain, to hide the whole storj', nor had
Mr. Rhodes's reasons of a personal nature for refusing to answer the
incriminating questions. Only a few questions were put to him, when
suddenly a motion for adjournment was made and immediately carried.

What happened before the committee reassembled in the following
week no one knows. There are strong grounds for believing that the
leaders of the Liberal party were told of some fact which closed their
mouths, and made them acquiesce in an immediate and hurried stoppage
of the investigations. Various surmises have been made as to what this
fact was. The most commonly accepted and most probable suggestion
is that they were informed that the telling of the whole story would
bring a stain upon the honor of the Crown. Not that any member of
the Royal family was involved in the plot or knew of it, but that the
highest Royal guarantee had been given that the British Government
was not involved in this guilt. Whether this is so or not it would seem

nso

THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE RAID.

■1!

that Home feeling of loyalty to some interest which they considered
MUppeme sealed the lips even of the leaders of the Opposition.

When the committee drew up its report it had done a great deal
of real and valuable work, and on that i* based its judgment.
The Kaid was uneq iivocally repudiated. Iv'ost of all did it con-
demn the conduct of Mr. Rhodes; in terms of the utmost sever-
ity was his share in the plot described and denounced; all others
were likewise condemned who had been associated with the plot as
British subjects and officers. But a remarkable event occurred when
this report was presented to the House of Commons. There Mr. Cham-
berlain made a speech, in the course of which he uttered the astounding
statement that Mr. Rhodes's personal honor had not been aspersed by
the findings of the Committee. There were private members of the
House who, though puzzled, were prepared to follow the lead of those
whom they trusted as the heads of their respective parties, but whose
minds utterly refused to accept both the findings of the committee con-
cerning Mr. Rhodes and Mr. Chamberlain's astounding and virtual with-
drawal of those findings in his speech. One of them (Mr. Albert Spicer)
rose and put the dilemma, which was present to many minds, clearly
and tersely before the House. The effect of this and many other pro-
tests was to produce a strange silence among the leaders of both sides
and the report of the committee was adopted by the House, the large
majority of whom felt that they were voting in the dark upon a ques-
tion on which they longed to have full light.

Mr. Chamberlain has since those events occupied what is in the
minds of the country at large an uncertain, and must be to his own
mind an uncomfortable, position. He has on many occasions denounced
the Jameson Raid and laid the blame of succeeding complications with
the Transvaal upon that event. In answer to all challenges he has
simply denied that he knew of or approved of the Raid, which is true
in the sense described on an earlier page. But when challenged to pro-
duce certain documents which would tell the truth, he has within the
last few months declined to do so on the ground that his challengers
were not men who had a right to make such a demand, and he has had
the courage, if not rather the bravado, to hand the challenge over to
Sir William Harcourt and Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, saying that

THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND /F//; PAID.

58L

if they as leaders of the Opposition malie this de: land he will produce
the documents referred to. Mr. Chamberlain did this knowing full well
that these two leaders were already pledged by their previous acts not
to betray him by. any such act.

Great Britain has yet to reckon with Mr. Chamberlain's whole con-
duct of the relations of his country to the Transvaal, since the time
when he first heard of the proposed revolution at Johannesburg. If he
had openly avowed his knowledge of the conspiracy and publicly statetl
the reasons for the steps which he had taken he might have lost his
present office, but he would have retained the honor and trust of large
sections of the public. If he had done so, his successor in the Colonial
Office could have dealt with the further proceedings and policy of Presi-
dent Kruger and his Hollander advisers and officials in an entirely differ-
ent manner from that which has been possible. The British repudia-
tion of the plottings of the conspirators could have been made with a
clear conscience, and at the same time all attempts of the Transvaal to
arm itself and raise a great army could have been forbidden and pre-
vented. But, as it was, Mr. Chamberlain, by remaining in office, gave
the entire power to President Kruger. Mr. Chamberlain could not for-
bid him, knowing what he knew and what President Kruger knew, aiid
President Kruger could and would have defied Mr. Chamberlain if he
had tried to remonstrate about the military ambitions and developments
of the Transvaal Republic. The British authority was, from the time of
the Raid, paralyzed not only by the absurd and wild action of Dr. Jame-
son nor by the deeply-laid scheme of Mr. Rhodes, but above all and
through all by the suspected complicity of the Colonial Office itself in
these nefarious and dishonorable proceedings.

s f--

CHAPTER VII.

THE TRANSVAAL AFTER THE RAID.

THE occurrence as we have described it caused a large number of
fresh complications. The Transvaal government was naturally
thrr 7/n into a mood of permanent suspicion. President Kniger
knew enough of the internal history of the Johannesburg plot and its
connection with the Colonial Office in London to convince him that
Mr. Chamberlain had made a serious effort to rob the Transvaal of its
independence. If the allegations against Mr. Chamberlain are true, as
they seem to be, the President had abundant reason for resentment and
suspicion. »

The event, even as he saw it, was calculated to open up before him
two entirely different paths, one of which only could it have been safe
and wise for him to pursue, and the other of which must lead him into
fresh difficulties. He chose the latter. If his far-famed shrewdness
had not deserted Kruger he must have seen that his treatment of the
Outlanders had been far too selfish and short-sighted, that his policy
with them had goaded them into uncontrollable anger, that they had
won the sympathy of nearly all th". citizens of the democratic countries
who became aware of their soci^«^ «nd political conditions in the Trans-
vaal. If, pursuing this line of argument. President Kruger had listened
to the leaders of his own fellow citizens, like General Joubert, who
belonged to the progressive party, he must have concluded that the
future peace of his country and the safety of its independence could only
be secured by granting citizenship to the huge population of foreigners
under reasonable terms, and making concessions to them on the other
matters in regard to which they felt themselves unjustly treated. This
was tho plan which the President most unfortunately rejected. He
may have been moved to some extent by the usual prejudice which
every leader of a party in any country feels against openly giving way
and adopting the policy advocated by the leaders of the opposini^ ?arty.

888

THE TRANSVAAL AFTER THE RAID.

583

To have yielded on these points would have been to confess that in all
their previous discussions General Joubert and his followers had been
right. Most probably Kruger was impressed by the conviction that
these xoreigners would not become loyal citizens of the South African
Republic, and might, as he has so often urged that they would, speedily
outvote the Boers at the polls, oust them from leadership, eventually
make them a mere struggling minority in their own country, and per-
haps even resign their independence by accepting a formal connection
with the I'ritish Empire. But then the very quarrel between the leaders
at Johannesburg and Mr. Rhodes which had precipitated the Jameson
Kaid, ought to have made it clearer still to President Kruger that the
betrayal of their independence was not in the least likely to become
part of the policy of the Outlanders if they should govern the Trans-
vaal.

The other fear of course was a very hard one to face. Undoubtedly
in time the Outlanders will outnumber and outvote the Dutchmen in
the Transvaal. This is in the nature of things absolutely inevitable. That
which President Kruger, as probably every one now feels, might have
very well arranged for was that the conditions of the franchise should
be such as to give the Outlanders a real representation and a real
legislative influence in the Volksraad, while securing that for a number
of years at any rate they should be unable to obtain a majority of the
votes in that house. The fairness of this plan was obvious even to Sir
Alfred Milner, who openly said that he had no desire to demand from
President Kruger terms of franchise for the Outlanders which should
at once give them the majority in their legislative assembly.

Driven then by these fears, President Kruger, with his executive,
resolved not merely to withhold any privileges which the Outlanders
had sought, but to devise repressive measures which should make a
repetition of their conspiracy impossible. The adoption of this plan
led to a series of transactions which have undoubtedly very seriously
aggravated the internal social conditions of the Transvaal. A system of
espionage was set up in Johannesburg by which every Outlander was
treated as a possible conspirator. Public meetings for the agitation,
even in an open and orderly manner, of their wrongs and their pleaii
were forbidden or dispersed. The mines and the homes of the citizens

584

THE TRANSVAAL AFTER THE RAID,

of Johannesburg were searched from time to time for arm* and ammu*
nition or incriminating matter of any kind. The Dutch burghers were
drilled and trained for war on a more extensive scale than ever, and for
this purpose European officials were hired and brought to the country.
Large and larger supplies of guns and ammunition were imported, most
of them beicg carried through British territorlei. Fort8 were built at
Pretoria and Johannesburg. At the latter place the fort was so built
as to command the town itself and cannons were placed there with their
threatening muzzles pointed at the city. Along with these unconcealed
and formal measures of a threatening order, there must of course be
reckoned the less palpable but none the less dispiriting and irritating
influences exerted by the ntw social and political relations set up be-
tween the Boers as individuals and the Outlanders as individuals. As
their national income increased beyond all their previous dreams, and
increased through the taxation of the very citizens whom they suspected
and repressed, and as their own commercial or military power waxed
stronger the Boer citizens were tempted to adopt offensive manners
and to make contemptuous speeches to the men whom they considered
to be enemies within their power. We must not of course blame the
Boers too much for a sentiment which every race, alas, has shared
towards its subject peoples in similar circumstances; yet, on the other
hand, it is only fair to acknowledge that all these circumstances could
not but create still deeper feelings of unjust treatment in the hearts of
the Outlanders.

The bitterness of the Outlanders was aggravated by a series of events
which ought to have removed it. In 1897 President Kruger was at last
persuaded to appoint a commission to investigate the complaints of the
citizens of .Johannesburg. The Report of the Industrial Commission
shows that the appointees of Mr. Kruger sat for several months exam-
ining witnesses at Johannesburg, and that to their own utter surprise
and confusion they were compelled to announce that the complaints of
the Outlanders which the Government had so scorned and trampled upon
were justified! Everyone who asserts that the Johannesburgers had no
real wrongs and were driven on, like silly sheep, by a few capitalists to
revolution in 1895 and +o the petition to the Queen in 1899 ought to
know that their wrongs were In 1897 pronounced by President Kruger's

THE TRANSVAAL AFTER THE RAID.

585

own commission to be both real and serious. The question whether
they were serious enough to warrant the actions taken is one which
may be safely left to their own common sense. The Report of the
Industrial Commission was received by President Kruger with his accus-
tomed indignation of heart and vigor of language. He called a mem-
ber of his Executive Council who served on the commission, disloyal, for
agreeing to its report. The practical results of this commission
appear to have been practically nothing. Mr. Reitz appears to prove
that on one set of matters, viz., the Liquor Law, the Pass Law and Gold
Thefts, some progress was made. But on all other matters even he gives
no evidence that the Government made a serious attempt to fulfill the
demands made in the report of its own commission. ("A Century of
Wrong," pp. 61-65. Cf. Fitzpatrick, "The Transvaal from Within," pp.
302-312.)

It is often brought as a matter of reproach against the citizens of
Johannesburg that they were reformers in the interests of capitalism.
Capitalists, it is urged, were those who stimulated their agitation and
the hope they had in view was simply the increase of their profits
as gold seekers. This of course is an assertion which can not be denied.
A large part of the difficulty created in the Transvaal was caused
by the desire of men for wealth, and the passion of wealthy men for
still more wealth. But unless we are going to condemn utterly the pur-
suit of wealth in any degree or form the mere assertion that the reform-
ers were pursuing wealth does not necessarily carry with it the con-
demnation of their agitation. It does lay it open, unfortunately for
human nature, to grave suspicion. The Boers have steadily asserted
and believe that the impelling force behind the whole agitation was
Mr. Rhodes, whose ambition has been, they say, to obtain control of
the Transvaal as well as of Rhodesia. His control of the Transvaal
would be reached through the huge company entitled the Consolidated
Gold Fields of South Africa, which owns an enormous share of nearly
all the large mining companies in the Transvaal. They felt persuaded
that if the Ontlanders received the franchise they would necessarily be
under the dictation of Mr. Rhodes, as the Boers themselves were under
the dictation of Mr. Kruger. Now whether Mr. Rhodes as an individual
has cherished any such designs or not, and no one who appreciates

586

THE TRANSVAAL AFTER THE RAID.

his courage has any right to say that liis ambition has had any limits
even in this direction — the question of the justice of the Outlanders'
position in relation to President Kruger's Government remains to be
determined. It is asserted that recently the taxes in the Transvaal
amounted to .f 110 per capita annually, while in England they amount to
.f 15. Further, the miners have proved that they were compelled to spend
75 per cent of their net profits in the payment of taxes. In 1897 the
dividends which were paid amounted to £2,727,000 (about 113,000,000)
while the collected revenue of the Government for the same year was
£3,956,000 (about |19,500,000). In the year 1898 for the first time the
dividends paid to the shareholders equalled the taxes paid by the
mining industries to Mr. Kruger's Government. Mr. J. Hays Hammond,
the eminent consulting engineer of Johannesburg, in his report of
October 23d, 1899, estimated that if they had good government in the
Transvaal the value to the gold miners of the resulting direct and
indirect benefits would represent the value of about 6 shillings (|1.50)
per ton of crushed ore and speaks of that as a conservative estimate.
On the preceding year's tonnage this would mean an increase of about
£2,600,000 (about $12,800,000) in annual dividends.

Of course it does look as if, and it is the case that, in a controversy
regarding facts like these the Outlanders are fighting partly for an in-
crease of wealth. Their claim that the Transvaal Government has robbed
them of a large share of their profits does not awaken the sympathy of
the average man when he believes that the profits were enormous even
as things went. But surely there is another point of view. A govern-
ment does not exist arbitrarily to restrict the productivity of its people,
nor arbitrarily to limit the profits which they are to enjoy from their
productive labors. The real agony of the situation in the Transvaal
is just here, that the Outlanders found so large a portion of the produce
of their labors going into the hands of an official class, whose labors
as officials were vastly over-paid, and into Government monopolies,
which were unfair and exercised a restrictive influence upon the coun-
try's development. In fact it would appear that it is the old struggle
between the productive and the parasitic classes. In this case the
parasites were those who received the enormous wealth represented
in the indirect taxes imposed by the governmental system of the Trans-

THE TRANSVAAL AFTER THE RAW.

687

vaal. The productlves were represented by those whose genius and
power were obtaining gold from the mines and attempting to fill the
Transvaal with manufactured goods from all the countries of the world.
If the Transvaal Government had paid reasonable salaries even though
large, if they had made the monopolies government monopolies, and
shown in thoroughly audited accounts that the large profits went to
the Government, if the ever-increasing revenues of the country amount-
ing to many millionH had been spent visibly and reasonably upon
building railways to help the poverty stricken farming districts, or to
build much needed bridges and roads and much needed school houses
and even parish churches, if it had been used to appoint educators and
honorable magistrateH for 700,000 black people j if, that is to say, the
75 per cent of net profits mentioned above as paid in taxes of all kinds
by the gold miners, had been spent honorably by the Government for
the good of the country the whole world would have approved of the
motive actuating President Kruger, would have seen that in the end
the money so spent would return to the miners themselves in the form of
innumerable blessings, the world would have said that for once we had
in President Kruger a man so religious and so patriotic as to see that
every farthing of even heavy taxes was spent upon the true elevation
of the entire people under his rule.

Instead of all that, what we do actually find is that nearly all the
money which was thus gathered from the productive class has been
spent partly in bk)ated salaries, partly in unearned premiums to the
shareholders of monopolies, partly in the formation of the Transvaal
into a military camp, partly in a large secret service fund whose extent
and operations may never be determined. Surely the productive class
had a legitimate rlglit to protest against a taxation which, while it did
not impoverish them, enriched a parasitic class and left the country
after all struggling in a bad position socially and economically.

It is evident that under these conditions, while the output of a few
mires did rapidly increase, the development of commerce as a whole
was seriously hindered. Capitalists were unwilling to invest their
money in a region which resembled a suppressed volcano. Some
people may of course argue tlint the people were making enough money
as it was, and of some of them it^ is no doubt true. But no intelligent

688

THE TRANSVAAL AFTER THE RAID.

man can imagine that in a commercial community the people will be
content if, when they see plans of commercial development upon which
they could easily enter and which would add to the population of the
country, its general wealth and power, they find also that arbitrary
restrictions are placed upon their efforts to carry out these plans.

It ought in all fairness to be observed that these transactions,
especially the development of the Republic's military resources and
efficiency, were not interfered with by the British government even
although it was only against her or her colonies that this military
force could be exerted. It is perfectly safe to say that there is no other
country in the world which would have allowed this development to
go on unchecked. Neither Russia, nor Germany, nor France would
have patiently endured these circumstances for a single year.

During these years Mr. Chamberlain made several speeches in which
he showed that he appreciated the continued gravity of the situation
and yet desired by all means to avoid any approach to a war. For
example, on February 14, 1896, Mr. Chamberlain declared that Great
Britain had always sought to secure the sympathy and support of the
Dutch in South Africa, and had shown her willingness to make sacri-
fices of territory and even of prestige for that end. He said: "We are
constantly reminded of the fact that our Dutch fellow citizeps are in a
majority in South Africa, and I think I may say for myself as for my
predecessor, that we are prepared to go as far as Dutch sentiment will
support us. It is a very serious thing, a matter involving most serious
considerations, if we are asked to go to war in opposition to Dutch
sentiment." On the 8th of May, 1896, Mr. Chamberlain in the House of
Commons used the following clear and emphatic language: "In some
quarters the idea is put forward that the Government ought to have
issued an ultimatum to President Kruger — an ultimatum which would
have certainly been rejected, and which must have led to war. Sir, I
do not propose to discuss such a contingency as that. A war in South
Africa would be one of the most serious wars that could possibly be
waged. It would be in the nature of a civil war. It would be a long
war, a bitter war, and a costly war. As I have pointed out, it would
leave behind it the embers of a strife which I believe generations would
hardly be long enough to extinguish. To go to war with President

THE TRANSVAAL AFTER THE RAID.

589

Kruger in order to force upon him reforms in the internal affairs of hi.s
State, with which successive Secretaries of State standing in this place
have repudiated all right of interference, that would have been a course
of action as immoral as it would have been unwise." Yet again, on
March 28, 1897, when Sir Alfred Milner was about to leave for his
position as High Commissioner for South Africa and Governor of Cape
Colony, Mr. Chamberlain used the followinn- language: "The problem
before us and before him is not an insoluble problem. For what is it?
It is to reconcile and persuade to live together in peace and good will
two races whose common interests are immeasurably greater than any
differences which may unfortunately exist. ..."

The Outlanders could not long avoid the utterance of protests
against the treatment that they received. During the winter of 1898-99
affairs became rapidly complicated and embittered. A small event will
in such circumstances create great excitement. Siich an event was the
murder of a man Edgar in December, 1898. In itself, this event was not
likely in ordinary times to create any public feeling of a political
nature, but it was like a spark of fire in a mass of the most combustible
material. It led to the holding of a demonstration, and the arrest of
Messrs. Webb and Dodd, two of the leading protestors. This Mr. Dodd
is one of two brothers from the north of England, men of the lower
middle class, not capitalists, not firebrands, but intelligent and earnest
men who have been accustomed to the political freedom of their home
land, and who, by public work and preaching of the Gospel, seek,
whether at home or abroad, to help their fellow-citizens. In January,
1899, a large open meeting of Outlanders was held in the amphitheater,
at which speeches '.rere being delivered when the police interfered and
dispersed the gathering. The excitement grew and took shape at last
in the sending of a petition to the Queen, signed by 21,684 British
subjects, which was forwarded through Sir Alfred Milner. President
Kruger at this time made several public addresses, none of whieh
indicated any serious desire to solve the problems at issue, but he
welcomed a counter petition to the address to the Queen which was
presented to himself and signed by 9,000 Outlanders,

' -^

CHAPTER VIII.

THE AFRIKANDER BOND, AND THE PRESIDENTS' HOPE.

THE full significance of the South African organization known as
the Afrikander Bond has yet to be measured. When all its
spirit and policy, its various efforts and influences since its founda-
tion in 1881 are reckoned up, one of the most important chapters in
the recent history of South Africa will then be written.

This Bond or Association is composed almost entirely of Dutch
people living in South Africa. According to the terms of its consti-
tution all Afrikanders, that is, all persons born in South Africa of
European descent, are eligible for membership; but as a matter of fact
exceedingly few have become members who are not of Dutch or Dutch-
French descent. The Bond was formed, in the year 1881 at the very
time when the success, or apparent success, of the Transvaal war of
independence had awakened Dutch enthusiasm throughout the country.
That was also the very time when the Imperial Government was delib-
erately loosening its grasp elsewhere in South Africa. "Politicians,"
it has been said, "went from town to town in England advocating the
desertion of South Africa, retaining only the Cape as a coaling station,
thus constituting another Gibraltar in the southern seas. Who can
wonder at the direct result in South Africa — the formation of the
Afrikander Bond? The Anti-English people thought of a Republic,
and prepared for it; the English and loyal colonial population ground
their teeth, and remained silent and downcast, as colonists who were de-
serted by the Mother country. A few Cape politicians of English race
were perhaps the most rabid against the old country. They, rightly or
wrongly, nursed a sense of personal desertion, and shrieked rather than
said that they would never trust England again. Young English col-
onists left the country in cases where that could be done. Older men
set to work to learn the Dutch language, and be prepared for future
possibilities. And yet the great body of Cape Colonistf, of whatever

500

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

extraction, w€Pe far from being disloyal to England." (J. Mackenzie,
Austral-Africa, Vol. 1, pp. 396.) The same writer again says, "Th*?
most cruel drag upon the progress of the Cape, upon its Legislature, and
especially upon the efforts of the most enlightened and most reliable
Cape politicians, is the uncertain and vacillating policy of England
towards South Africa. This was the real cause of the formation of the
Afrikander Bond and its subsequent increase in membership. The
people were taught to believe that England was about to abandon South
Africa; and the leaders of the movement pleased themselves and their
hearers with the idea that they would then form themselves into a
Republic under their own flag." These words were written from per-
sonal and intimate knowledge of the facts so long ago as 1887.

The Afrikander Bond is not confined to Cape Colony or to any one
part of South Africa. Dutch sympathisers with it may become mem-
bers of it wherever they live in South Africa. It has affiliated branches
in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State as well as in Cape Colony.
As the principles of this Bond are not generally known and are of
immense importance in the interpretation of recent South African his-
tory its platform must be given in its own words:

"(1) The Afrikander National Party acknowledges the guidance of
Providence in the affairs both of lands and peoples.

"(2) They include under the guidance of Providence the formation
of a pure nationality and the preparation of our people for the estab-
lishment of a United South Africa.

"(3) To this they consider belong, (a) the establishment of a firm
union between all the different European nationalities in South Africa,
and (b) the promotion of South Africa's independence (zelfstandigbeid).

"(4) They consider that the union mentioned in Art. 3 (a) depends
upon the clear and plain understanding of each other's general interest
in politics, agriculture, stock-breeding, trade and industry, and the
acknowledgment of everyone's special rights in the matter of religion,
education and language, so that all national jealousy between the
different elements of the people may be removed, and room be made
for an unmistakable South African national sentiment.

"(5) To the advancement of the independence mentioned in Art. .S
(b) belong: (a) that the sentiment of national self-respect and of patriot-

''I

592

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

ism towards South Africa sliould above all be developed and exhibited
in schools, and in families, and in the public press; (b) that a system
of voting should be applied which not only acknowledges the right of
numbers, but also that of ownership and the development of intelli-
gence; and that is opposed as far as possible to brlbei-y and compulsion
at the polls; (c) that our agriculture, stock-breeding, commerce and
industries should be supported in every lawful manner, such as by a
conclusive (doeltreffende) law as regards masters and ser\ants, and also
by the appointment of a prudent and advantageous system of protec-
tion; (d) that the South African colonists and states either each for
itself or In conjunction with one another shall regulate their own
native affairs, employing thereto the forces of the land by means of a
satisfactory burgher law, and (e) that outside Interference with the
domestic concerns of South Africa shall be opposed.

"(6) While they acknowledge the existing Governments holding
rule In South Africa, and Intend faithfully to fulfill their obligations
In regard to the same, they consider that the duty rests upon those
Governments to advance the Interests of South Africa In the spirit
of the foregoing articles; and, whilst on the other hand they watch
against any unnecessary or frivolous Interference with the domestic
or other private matters of the burgher, against any direct meddling
with the spiritual development of the nation, and against laws which
might hinder the free Influence of the Gospel upon the national life,
on the other hand, they should accomplish all the positive duties of a
good Government, among which must be reckoned: (a) In all their
actions to take account of the Christian character of the people. (b)
The maintenance of freedom of religion for everyone, so long as the
public order and honor are not injured thereby, (c) The acknowledg-
ment and expression of religious, social and bodily needs of the people
In the observance of the present weekly day of rest, (d) The applica-
tion of an equal and judicious system of taxation. (e) The bringing
Into practice of an impartial and, as far as possible, economical admin-
istration of justice. (f) The watching over the public honor, and
against the adulteration of the necessaries of life, and the defiling of
ground, water or air, as well as against the spreading of Infectious
dlsaases.

[hiblted
system
right of
intelli-
ipulsion
rce and
as by a
and also
f protee-
?ach for
eir own
ans of a
vith the

holding
ligations
on those
lie spirit
y watch
domestic
neddling
iTs which
)nal life,
ties of a
all their
>le. (b)
g as the
Qowledg-
le people

applica-
bringing

1 admin-
nor, and

?filing of

afectious

GROUP OF OFFICERS, SECOND CONTIISOENT CANADIAN MOUNTED

RIFLES, AT TORONTO

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

503

"(7) In order to secure the influence of these principle*!^ they stand
forward as an independent party, and accept the co-operation of other
parties only if the same can be obtained with the uninjured main-
tenance of these principles."

It is evident, of course, that much of this document is most praise-
worthy in its spirit. But South Africans are bound to read behind
some even of the religious affirmations a meaning which would not be
placed upon the same words in America or England; such as the
elastic clause in (6) (b), which safeguards religious freedom by adding
"so long as the public order and honor are not injured thoreby." Many
will think at once of the blacks, and the persistence with which, for so
long, the Boers opposed all mission-work among them, for "tlie public
order and honor." The weight of all such documents is to be found not
in the matter-of-course details or the aims and statements of aims which
are the commonplace of all modern political associations and creeds,
but in the distinctive affirmations which mark out the purpose and
policy of this specified organization and give the reasons for its being.

To begin with, it is important to remark that the Afrikander Bond
took the place of an older Association which existed to further many of
the social aims described in these Articles of the Bond. The new ele-
ment, the i.itense "Afrikanderism," expressed in words about "pure
nationality," "independence" and "interference from without," came
from the new spirit wakened by the retrocession of the Transvaal.
People in Britain and America should realize once for all that, through-
out South Africa when men of any party speak of "Af rikanderism" or the
spirit of the Bond, they refer to the meaning underlying the phrases
just quoted. Further be it noticed that those who are members
of it are described as the Afrikander National Party. They, under
the guidance of Providence, aim at the creation of what is called "a
pure nationality" and the use of such means as will secure a United
South Africa. (The phrase "pure nationality" is a very peculiar one,
often used by Afrikander Bond speakers. What does it mean?) In
order to secure a United South Africa they affirm that two things are
necessary, the first is a mutual understanding and union between the
different European nationalities; the. second is tlie "promotion of South
African independence." Under Section 5 (e) it is again affirmed that

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

the advancement of its independence includes opposition to outside
interference with the domestic concerns of South Africa. These clauses
are vague, and can only be interpreted for us by the actual life and
work of the Association. They may mean merely that the Bond Party
desire South African Home Rule under the British flag. But, as we
shall see, subsequent events show that for many members of the Bond
they have meant much more.

Our judgment of the righteousness of the Association which has
this distinctive and definite aim must depend upon several considera-
tions. In the first place the Association includes the Dutch citizens
of two states, namely, the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, which
ha/e been, as regards internal affairs, completely independent of the
Imperial Government. Further it is of importance to notice that while
Sir John Brand was President of the Orange Free State, he opposed
the formation of the Bond, but that since his death the heads, the Presi-
dents, of both of these independent states have been members of the
Afrikander Bond. Further, it is to be remarked, that it has its head-
quarters at Cape Town in a colony whose self-government is as com-
plete as that of an Australian colony, or the Dominion of Canada, or
England herself, a colony which is treated as a part of the British
Empire, enjoying a full and real internal Legislative and Executive
administrator. If then the object of the Bond has been to secure a
greater independence than these two Dutch states and the South Afri-
can Colonies already enjoy, that can mean one thin^; only, which is the
cutting of the last tie between England and South Africa. There are
not many who after recent developments will be able to resist the con-
clusion that this has been and is the policy and ultimate aim of the
Afrikander Bond. What then are we to think of the action of Presi-
dent Kruger and President Steyn, who for years have been members of
the Bond, have cherished this policy and jought, through the Bond,
to advance this aim?

One of the founders of the Bond was Mr. F. W. Reitz, afterwards, for
a short time, President of the Orange Free State, and now State Secre-
tary of the Transvaal. He seems to have been active in securing mem-
bers for the Bond, and among others, approached Mr. Theodore
Schreiner, brother of the present Prime Minister. When Mr. Schreiner

THE AFRIKANDER BOND,

;i5)

objected that the Bond aimed ultim.itely "at the overthrow of the
British power and the expulsion of the British flag from South Africa,"
Mr. Reitz said, "Well, what if it is so?" When Mr, Schreiner expostu-
lated saying, "You don't suppose that that flag is going to disappear
from South Africa without a tremendous struggle «nud fight?" Mr.
Reitz answered, "Well, I suppose not; but even so, what of that?" It is
this very Mr. Reitz who last year (1899) discussed the question of Suze-
rainty with Mr. Chamberlain and who, as he tells us, did n. base his
claim to self-government on the Conventions of 1881 and 18^.4, "but
simply on the ground of its (the South African Republic) being a sov-
ereign international state." <^"A Century of Wrong," by F. W. Reitz,
pp. 58.) It is the same astute lawyer and eloquent writer who closes
this pamphlet with the following paragraphs:

"May the hope which glowed in our hearts during 1880, and which
buoyed us up during that struggle, burn on steadily! May i prove a
beacon of light in our path, invincibly moving onwards through blood
and through tears, until it leads us to a real Union of South Africa.

"As in 1880, we now submit our cause with perfect confidence to
the whole world. Whether the result be Victory or Death, Liberty
will assuredly rise iu South Africa like the sun from out the mists of
the morning, just as freedom dawned over the United States of America
a little more than a century ago. Then from the Zambesi to Simon's
Bay it will be 'Africa for the Africanders.' "

Here then we have the most authoritative interpretation of that
famous phrase, which has been universally accepted in South Africa
as the unofficial motto of the Afrikander Bond. Mr. Reitz tells us that
the hope of throwing Great Britain out of South Africa has been strong
in, their hearts since 1880.

Shortly after its creation the Afrikander Bond showed at once its
determination to influence events and the direction which that influence
would take. In October, 1883, it sent to the British Government a
petition expressing the deep sympathy of "many thousands of Her
Majesty's faithful subjects, mostly of Dutch extraction, residing in the
Colony of the Cape of Good Hope," "with their compatriots of the Trans-
vaal Stnte.'* The object of the petition was to beg humbly that the
Imperial Government would grant the requests about to be made by

596

THE 'AFRIKANDER BOND.

'^tiii':';'!^

Prpsicleut Kniger and other members of the deputation which was
being sent to London at that time, and whose proposals and success we
have described elsewhere. Practically they asked the Imperial Gov-
ernment to give the deputation everything they wanted, "most particu-
larly'" in connection with the boundaries on the west and southwest
of the Transvaal State. It was a clever effort to influence the Govern-
ment with the idea that they would please, as they of course did please,
the Dutch in Cape Colony by agreeing to make the Transvaal practically
the most powerful State in South Africa.

It was the Afrikander Bond more than any other force which in
the years 1884-1885 opposed every effort that was being made to estab-
lish the British Protectorate of South Bechuanaland, and through its
subservient ministry at Cape Town strove to obtain some cr^^iiit and
some life for the petty Boer Republics which were being fo' ;',:-; ithin
that territory. It was the Bond with its machinations in the interests
of the Transvaal Republic which twisted the High Commissioner around
its little finger, and so weakened the Imperial policy that it required
the Warren Expedition of 1885 and the expenditure by Great Britain
of several millions of dollars to put matters right in South Bechuana-
land. It was the influence of the Bond which, through a weak Gov-
ernor, tried to defeat this very expedition by attempts to thwart the
plans and limit the authority of Sir Charles Warren, even after he had
landed with his troops on South African soil.

Mr. Bryce, in his interesting work, "Impressions of South Africa/*
has expressed the opinion that during the years between its format' i
and the Jameson Raid the Afrikander Bond tended to lose its tn
English spirit and he attributes this partly to the influence of Mr.
Rhodes, who at the same time reeeivefl the support of the Bond and
maintained his reputation as a strong Imp<»riali8t, "eager to extend
the range of the British power over the continent." It may be said
here that as a matter of fact Mr. Rhodes was for a long time more
famous as an Imperialist in Ehigland than in South Africa, and better
known in South Africa than in England as a co-worker witl the
Afrikander Bond and promoter of its policy. But it is not he
case that the Afrikander Bond allowed its main aim and pur-
pose to fade during those years. There is abundant evidence that

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

597

the course of political events in Cape Colony was quietly but con-
stantly shaped during those years by the Bond, and that the legislation
which it promoted tended steadily towards the aggrandisement of the
power of the Dutch in Cape Colony and the prevention of Imperial
growth in South Africa. Mr. Bryce ought surely to have allowed some
weight to the fact that during those years the Bond party at the Cape
held the reins of power and that its powerful and astute leader, Mr. Uof-
meyr, held the nomination of the Prime Minister in his own hands.
The Bond was not idle one year and its persistent influence moved
events ever towards one goal.

As a matter of fact a great deal of legislation even under Mr.
Rhodes Was helpful to the Bond in its main purjxjses. Most of all this
appeared perhaps in the legislation by which large sections of the
native community in Cape Colony were actually disfranchised. It was
not and could not be proved that the natives misused their privilege; on
the contrary it is a matter of history that many of the best educated
and most powerful members of the Cape Legislature, were sent up from
constituencies where the native vote predominated. These constituen-
cies almost invariably supported men of high character and broad edu-
cation and sterling English sympathy, while they refused to be repre-
sented by Dutchmen of a pronounced type. Whatever excuse, therefore,
might be made for thr act of disfranchisement, the real effect of it was
to weaken the Imperial party in the Cape Legislature and to strengthen
the political grasp of the Bond upon the colonies. Does any one in
South Africa doubt that the Bond leaders foresaw this effect?

The existence of the Bond does also explain the policy of Mr. Rhodes
with regard to what was called the "Imperial Factor" in South African
affairs. Mr. Rhodes of course felt and sincerely believed that the best
way to secure Imperialism was to denounce the Itoperial Factor, as
he did; that the best way to attach the Cape Dutch to England was to
give way to the policy of the Afrikander Bond, as he did. Perhaps he
seemed to see a way through his policy to the strengthening of Imperial-
ism over South Africa as a whole, and the gradual consolidation of all
South African states into a great dominion under the British flag. But
whatever his aim was, his policy has undoubtedly failed.

If Mr. Rhodes had felt that his policy was succeeding he would not

598

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

have run the risk of that final defeat which it certainly met by his
alliance with the citizens of Johannesburg and his organization of the
plan that degenerated suddenly into the Jameson Raid; if his relations
as Prime Minister of Cape Colony with the Afrikander Bond at Cape
Town, and thereby with President Kruger, had remained friendly, if he
had seen that on this way his peculiar Imperialism was certain to suc-
ceed, he would have found some other means of persuading President
Kruger without the exertion of force. Most persons will believe that
in 1895 Mr. Rhodes had found that the Afrikander Bond would not
help him to secure from President Kruger the alleviation of the condi-
tions of the Oi *'"'5'^rs.

The influence le Bond was very marked in relation to the pro-
posal to send peasant farmers from Great Britain to Bechuanaland to
develop valuable unoccupied territories in that Colony. The Bond's
voice at once shouted that this was "English interference" in South
Africa! But at the same time President Kruger was inviting settlers
to come from Belgium and Holland to the Transvaal, and winking
at the efforts of his own subjects to "interfere" with Bechuanaland
affairs, and the Bond uttered no protest.

In relation to the development of the Cape Colonial railway system
the influence of the Bond appeared over and over again. For years
the railway into the northern portion of the Colony failed to reach
Kimberley, the largest town in South Africa at that time. The reason
for this laxity of the Government was undoubtedly that Kimberley was
a city of "outlanders," and that the large amount of trade which would
flow along the line of the railway, if it were completed, would enrich
the farmers of various nationalities in Cape Colony, but as long as the
railway was uncompleted, it would go mainly to the enrichment of the
Orange Free State and the southern part of the Transvaal. So also
when proposals were made for the Trunk line from Kimberley north-
ward through Bechuanaland, the same anti-British influence served
for long to hinder the realization of this project.

The steady effect of each movement of the Bond during these years —
at Cape Town, be it remembered — was to strengthen the Boer Republics
and to restrain the development of the British colonies.

No one who studies the history of Cape politics since 1881 can doubt

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

599

that the real ruler of many crises in legislation and In Imperial policy at
Cape Town was President Kniger. If this be so our appreciation of
his shrewdness, his far-sightedness, his cunning, his indomitable will
must be immeasurably deepened.

The policy described in the constitution of the Afrikander Bond,
and explained by Mr. Reitz, one of the founders, accounts for the enor-
mous and successful efforts to enlarge the military resources both of
the Transvaal and of the Orange Free State. Before tlie Jameson
Raid proposals were already being made to build larger forts in the
Transvaal, and already some steps had been taken to make it stronger
as a military power. In more recent years the Orange Free State has
been importing ammunition, employing foreign oflBcers and preparing
itself for war. All this was being done in times of perfect peace and
by two co-operating countries which never actually could fight with
any other than the British Empire or its colonies or dependencies in
South Africa, The world has only now discovered with amazement
how far this conspiracy for war had gone during the last ten years.
The Afrikander Bond made it possible, combined with the wealth of
the mines and the grandmotherly placidity of England.

The purpose behind the organization of the Bond is the same that
has urged President Kruger in his unbending opposition to the enfran-
chisement of the Outlanders. If they had been enfranchised on the
terms which were in operation when they were invited into the country
and when the last Convention (1884) was made with Great Britain, the
Afrikander Bond would have been paralyzed, and the Afrikander
dream forever dissolved. Those who hold that this war is the outcome
of a plan deliberately formed years ago and silently but sturdily pur-
sued during the interval, will now read another meaning behind the
passionate words of President Kruger in his Conference with Sir Alfred
Milner at Bio mfontein and in his dealings with the reformers' com-
mittees from Johannesburg. His one cry was "the independence of my
people," or "of my burghers." By this he meant, of course, in the
first place, the power of his 30,000 Boer voters to control the 750,000
natives of the Transvaal, a» well as the 60,000 Europeans who were
fitted to qualify to vote within his own country. That form of "Inde-
pendence" he had undoubtedly hungered to preserve. But was there

600

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

no deeper meaning in his cry? Was not that independence of which
the Constitution of the Afrikander Bond speaks also in his mind, the
settlement for which he had been working so skillfully, so patiently, so
successfully for nearly twenty years? If he gave the franchise to the
Outlanders he would not only give them justice, he would make the
presence of Great Britain in South Africa finally secure.

What has been said regarding the actual influence of the Afrikander
Bond in the history of South Africa and the policy cherished by its
founders and leaders must not be taken as inevitably leading to the
condemnation of Mr. Kruger., Those who hold that the Boers had a
sacred right, if they saw the chance, to fight for the overthrow of the
British power and the establishment of a Boer Republic throughout
South Africa, will of course hold that the Afrikander Bond was an
obvious and legitimate means for furthering that end. In that case
President Kruger had a right to plot against England; had a right to re-
fuse the franchise to the Outlanders, since the granting of it would de-
stroy his great ambition ; had a right to influence legislation and policy
in general at Cape Town through Mr. Hofmeyr and his fellow- workers;
had a right to spend millions of dollars received in taxation for the Gov-
ernment of the country, in building up the splendid and efficient army
system which to-day is causing such trembling in England and amaze-
ment throughout the world; had a right, as he proposed to President
Brand in 1887, to subsidize the Orange Free State Government so
lavishly in order to induce it to form the closest popisible alliance with
the Transvaal.

But if those who sympathize with President Kruger*s purpose ap-
prove also his employment of the Afrikander Bond for that purpose,
they cannot blame those who on the other hand call that treachery and
believe that England had a right to employ all means for defeating that
purpose. Those who believe that it would be best for South Africa,
even for the Boers, much more for the vast native populations, to be
controlled by Great Britain than to be under a so-called Boer "Re-
public," will be inclined to condone all that England has done to defeat
the Afrikander Bond. But they will have little indeed to condone; they
will grieve rather that the Imperial Government has been so blind, so
deaf to the advices of her friends, so unwilling to form a masterful

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

601

counter-policy and to carry it out with vigorous consistency. They will
assert that Britain has only blundered when she has tried to act, and
only vigorously acted too late when she was driven to it by the most
portentous events.

11.

The subject discussed above is of such importance as to warrant
restatement in another form and in answer to the direct question: — Has
there been among prominent individuals in the Transvaal, Orange Free
State and Cape Colony a conspiracy to drive Great Britain out of South
Africa? It is of course generally recognized that if such a conspiracy
has existed, Great Britain would stand instantly justified before the
whole world, even if she had forced on the present war. But ludicrous
demands are made regarding the proof of such a conspiracy. Incrimi-
nating documents are asked for, quotations from speeches are demanded
in which any such conspiracy is explicitly confessed or described by the
conspirators! Now it must be remembered that not all conspirators give
themselves away so easily as those concerned in the Jameson Raid.

It is a familiar fact in South Africa that the Afrikander Bond, like
most large organizations, has comprised members of diverse natures and
purposes. There has been a section of the Bond who infinitely prefer be-
ing protected from London to being ruled from Pretoria, and who have
shown during this war that they are loyal to Great Britain. Even if they
would be glad to see the Union Jack thrown into the sea they at least
do not wish Mr. Kruger to run up the new flag, and they do not think a
change would be safe yet. These members have been interested in the
Bond as Dutchmen who saw in it an engine for gaining political and
commercial advantages for their own race in Cape Colony, quite irre-
spective of more general or Imperial problems. Mr. Hofmeyr's careful
speeches would indicate that he belongs to that section, although many
doubt his sincerity. But those supporters and even leaders of the
Bond who avowed themselves loyal have yet to explain how they en-
dured association with those others, like Mr. Reitz and Mr. Steyn and
above all Mr. Kruger, who saw in the Bond an engine for realizing that
hope which Mr. Reitz has now at last so openly interpreted to the world,
"Africa for the Africanders."

The question whether this war is really the outcome of a conspiracy

I' i

602

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

when put in the light of historical fact resolve* itself into three ques-
tions. First, Has or has not the Afrikander Bond, or a section of it,
confessedly been preparing the way for the last twenty years for driv-
ing out Great Britain and establishing a Dutch Government in South
Africa? The evidence seems to be abundant and in its kind most con-
vincing, that the answer to the question must be in the affirmative.
South African newspapers whether hostile or friendly to this purpose
teem with proof that throughout these years, that has been generally
accepted as the ultimate aim of a certain section of the Dutch people
who used the Bond as their means of communication and constant in-
spiration.

Second, If it is thus proved that the Presidents of the Orange Free
State and the Transvaal were in organized affiliation with one another
and with citizens of Cape Colony to further this plan, is that affiliation
to be called a conspiracy or not? To this there surely can be only one
answer. This is conspiracy. The very man who stood out before the
world as the indignant victim of a conspiracy at Johannesburg, was
actually then and had been for years discussing with the head of a
neighboring State and with British citizens in a British Colony the
ways and means of securing "Africa for the Africanders!"

Third, Has this conspiracy taken practical shape in actual and con-
certed preparations for the war which should drive the British flag out of
South Africa? This also must be answered very confidently in the
affirmative. Preparations had begun before the Jameson Raid, but
that event undoubtedly hastened and encouraged the work. The simple
facts are that the Orange Free State and the Transvaal have been for
years buying war material, and drilling their citizens, forming artillery
regiments under European officers. Now there is no other country
against which they could possibly fight except Great Britain; for, even
if the Transvaal had attacked Portugal, Britain would have intervened.
The most earnest and extensive operations date from 1896. The Raid
created the very atmosphere in which the work could be pushed with-
out interference from Great Britain (for obvious reasons), and with the
approval of many Dutch citizens in the Colonies who, hitherto hindered
by caution, were aroused to a white heat of indignation by that mon-
strous wrong.

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

f.o:$

Mr. Keitz has hiiriHelf cited the strongest proof that after the Kaid
the conspirators saw and seized their unexj^ected opportunity. The
paper which Mr. Keitz has called "The Organ of the Africander Party"
said in 1896, "This is truly a critical moment in the existence of Afri-
kanders all over South Africa. Now or never! Now or never the foun-
dation of a wide-embracing nationalism must be laid. The iron is red
hot, and the time for forging is at hand." The writer of those word;^
then passes to an utterance which has a vital importance. He says
that the Colonial Dutch in Natal and Cape Colony have been brought
into close sympathy with the Kepublics, and that the longed for union
is at hand. "The partition wall has disappeared." It is the great hour
when all Dutchmen can be united. "Never has the necessity for a
policy of a Colonial and Republican Union been greater; now the psy-
chological moment has arrived; now our people have awakened all
over Africa; a new glow illuminates our hearts; let us now lay the
foundation stone of a real United South Africa on the soil of a pure and
all-comprehensive national sentiment." (Mr. Reitz's "A Century of
Wrong," p. 50.)

From that date the Governments of the two Republics have con-
sentaneously pushed their preparations. And the result of their steady
labors was that last summer, as Mr. Chamberlain asserted, the Trans-
vaal had been turned into a military camp.

This then is what is meant by a conspiracy in South Africa. The
two Presidents have resolved to drive Britain out of South Africa, out
of her own colonies which are as much part of the Empire as Canada, or
Australia. Behind all the strenuous resistance of the Outlandors' claims
since 1890, behind the claims of Mr. Reitz, in 1899, that the South
African Republic Is a "sovereign international state," behind the alliance
of the Orange Free State and the South African Republic, behind the
diplomatic correspondence of the last ten years, and of last year, there
has been this steady purjwse. The world sees to-day that for years the
conspiring Presidents have been preparing an army, trained and armed,
to conquer Natal and Cape Colony, to annex them to the Dutch Re-
publics (as has actually been done!), and thus to establish a Boer gov-
ernment "from the Zambesi to Simon's Bay."

The two main arguments urged against the belief that President

604

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

Kruger and President Steyn have been deliberately preparing for a war
whose result should be that which we have described above are as ial-
lows: First, it is said that the enormous expenditure of money by
President Kruger upon military preparations dates from the Jameson
Kaid and is based upon his fear lest Great Britain should invade the
Transvaal. This argument loses nearly all its force from the fact that
the Raid enabled President Kruger to push on a purpose already long
cherished more boldly and more rapidly than had been possible before.
As a matter of fact he had received before all the world the strongest
assurance possible that whatever individual officers had guiltily at-
tempted, Great Britain as a country and a Government repudiated the
accusation that she desired to subdue the Transvaal. No assurances
more solemn or more public could have been given than those which
Great Britain gave. These assurances were confirmed by the fact that
she made no protest while she watched President Kruger arming him-
self to the teeth. Nor did she direct any protest against the sudden
military activity which broke in upon the Arcadian peace of the Orang<^
Free State. Great Britain has never shown any inclination to invade
the territories of civilized and competent governments without just
cause, and it is impossible for candid people to suppose that she would
have begun with the Transvaal. Moreover President Kruger, if his
desire was supremely and simply to ward off a British invasion while
doing justice within his borders to all the people of his land, must have
seen that the independence of the Transvaal as a self-governing na-
tionality would be more secure than ever if he admitted all these Out-
landers into full citizenship. For on the eve of the revolution at Johan-
nesburg the i^merican, Mr. Hays Hammond, made the committee stand
up and swear allegiance to the Transvaal. Moreover the revolution
was largely wrecked by the repeated negotiations which resulted from
the fear lest Mr. Rhodes should attempt to hoist the Union Jack if Mr.
Kruger's government was overthrown. No stronger bulwark could he
have raised against a British invasion than a generous franchise! But
the President knew on the other hand that the same Outlanders would
finally stamp out the conspiracy in which he and Mr. Steyn and Mr.
Reitz were engaged. What President Kruger then decided to do was
both to resist any possible British invasion and to retain the power of

THE AFRIKANDER BOND,

«or>

the OoTernmont in the hands of those whom he calls "my burghers."
(The conference with Sir Alfred Milner at Bloemfontein last June made
this perfectly clear.) Was this purpose connected or was it not con-
nected with that other "hope" which he confessedly has cherished for
many years and which his own State Secretary has so eloquently ex-
pounded? Let him who thinks it possible, believe that President Kruger
has kept separate compartments of his mind unconnected with one
another, in which he has pondered and planned, in the first, his resist-
ance of the claims of the Outlanders; in the second, the maintenance
of a Boer oligarchy in the Transvaal; in the third, the establ'shment of
a Boer Government over all South Africa, and in the fourth, the build-
ing up of a strong military system in the Transvaal and the Free State.
If he succeeded in thinking of these various aims of his without refer-
ence to one another and without making the one in any wise subservient
to the other, he is a man more remarkable than anyone has yet supposed
him to be. These four things he has done or tried to do, and they belong
to one another.

Second, it is urged that the Boers cannot possibly have looked for-
ward to a successful war with Great Britain and that therefore they
have never cherished or prepared for the mad design of confronting
Great Britain in a final struggle for the mastery of South Africa. In the
first place this view is contradicted flatly by the very boasts of the Boers
themselves. There can be no doubt whatsoever that, alike in the Trans-
vaal and in the Orange Free State, it was freely used as an argument
for war, that they could and would conquer the British forces. It is
well known that the Boer representatives in Europe and elsewhere have
made it their constant boast that Great Britain was engaged in what
must prove a disastrous struggle. That is to say, the evidence simply
abounds that the Boers when they began this war believed that they
would win. Further, this point is strengthened by the fact that the
Boers had hitherto found Great Britain always unwilling to make great
militarv exertions in relation to South Africa. More than once she has
spent a large sum of money on an expedition and then quietly given up
its fruits. They had seen her compel the Orange Free State unwillingly
to accept independence; they had seen her eagerly throw Bechuanaland
and other large territories into the hands of the Dutch Government at

■

()0(;

THE AFRIKANDER BOND.

CiiIH' Town; they h»tl sfpn hor in the face of humiliating defeat restore
Helf-jT()vernmeut to the Transvaal itself; they had seen her three years
later give up what now the world sees to have been powers of inesti-
mable value over the Transvaal, without asking a single bonetit in
return, giving nearly all that was asked because President Kruger pled
that it would enable him to govern his country better. The Boers had
therefore every reason for supposing that Great Britain would only put
a moderate army in the field. At the beginning of this war President
Kruger and Mr. Steyn calculated, and knew well, that with 60,000 men
moving rapidly and entrenching thoroughly they could resist 80,000 or
even 100,000 British soldiers. It had not been heard of in the history
of the world, we must remember, that any country would or could send
200,000 soldiers on a voyage of 6,000 miles upon any war, however im-
I)ortaut. This had never been heard of, and it is safe to say the Boers
<lid not dream it to be possible. Conscious then of their own recent
training and thorough equipment in arms and ammunition the Boers
f<'lt that they were quite a match for any army which it seemed the
least reasonable to suppose that Great Britain would send.

Lastly, it must be carefully remembered that last summer the Trans-
vaal Government found themselves face to face with the supreme choice
in all their history. It was perfectly evident to them that if the Boer
i'lement should become a minority in the Transvaal the dream of "Africa
for the Afrikanders" in the Boer meaning (if that cry would be at an
<'nd. The Government would pass into the hands of Europeans, the
majority of whom, while they would not betray the independence of the
<'ountry, would always refuse to engage in a terrible war against Great
Jtritain in order to realize a Boer ideal with which they had no sym-
pathy, it came therefore to be seen that the Dutch people of South
Africa must either this year or within a short period choose between
giving the franchise to the Outlanders or entering upon the supreme
contest. It would have been better for the Transvaal if she could have
waited until Great Britain were elsewhere entangled in military affairs,
when it is to be presumed she would have been less able to concentrate
all her attention and all her forces upon South Africa. But the insist-
ence of Mr. Chamberlain and of Sir Alfred Milner pressed the choice
home upon the Presidents of the Transvaal and the Free State and made

THE APRIKASDER BOND.

fiO(

it imiMiRsible for them t«) avoid action any longer. Tliey must oitlior
begin to lose tlieir grasp of power or win it once for all on the battle-
field. President Kruger and President Steyn chose the latter.

It is not, of course, necessary to prove the reality of the Boer con-
spiracy, as we have described it, by adducing evidence that the Dutch
of the Cape Colony have been organized for active war. Happily many
thousands of them would infinitely prefer their present form of full self-
government to the unknown something that Mr. Kruger and Mr. Steyn
and Mr. Leyds and Mr. Reitz would fain substitute for it. But, that
many individual Dutchmen in the Cape Colony have been ready to stand
by the conspirators when their day came has been well known in the
Colony. All that the real conspirators at Bloemfontein and Pretoria
needed was the moral assurance that as the federal armies occupied
colonial territory the farmers in the latter would join their ranks. And
as events have shown, they have not been disappointed. If Britain had
not sent an army larger tlian the conspirators ever thought possible,
large portions of the colonies would have been occupied and more of
the Cape Dutch would have joined them. Then a terrible civil war, from
which the Cape natives could not have been kept out, would have
deluged the colonies in blood.

Many bare facts have been set forth in this chapter. If they carry
fairly and clearly the interpretation here put upon them, then the con-
clusion is obvious that Great Britain is fighting not really for a matter
of internal legislation at Pretoria, but for her own colonies, her own
life, against a gigantic and an almost successful conspiracy headed by
President Kruger, Mr. Reitz, Dr. Leyds, President Steyn — and some
others.

. K

■1 I

V
' 1

ide

m:ii.

'W'^'

i; !

CHAPTER IX.

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

THINGS were evidently reaching a crisis and some kind of inter>
vention on the part of Great Britain rnpidly became inevitable.
Accordingly, on May 5th, Sir Alfred Milner telegraphed a
dispatch to London which thoroughly startled the British authorities.
The following are the most important sentences from that dispatch:
"The right of Great Britain to intervene to secure fair treatment of the
Outlanders was fully equal," he said, "to her supreme interest in secur-
ing it. They were our subjects; only in very rare cases had they been
able to obtain any redress by the ordinary diplomatic means. The true
remedy was to strike at the root of all these evils. The case for inter-
vention was overwhelming. The spectacle of thousands of British sub-
jects kept permanently in the position of political Helots, constantly
chafing under undoubted grievances, and calling vainly to Her Majesty's
government for redress, steadily undermines the influence and reputa-
tion of Great Britain and the respect for the British government within
the Queen's dominions. A mischievous propaganda in favor of making
the Dutch Republic the paramount power in South Africa was pro-
ducing a great effect upon a large number of our fellow colonists. Thou-
sands of the Cape Dutch were being drawn into disaffection. Nothing
could put a stop to this propaganda, except some striking proof of the
intention of Her Majesty's government not to be ousted from its position
In South Africa. This could be done by obtaining for the Outlander a
fair share in the government of the country."

Some phrases in this paragraph have been very severely criticised,
but the paragraph puts the case very powerfully from the point of view
of those who believe that the treatment of the Outlanders was entirely
unworthy of a civilized government. One of the most important points
in Sir Alfred Milner's message is undoubtedly that which refei*s to the

effect being produced upon the Dutch in Cape Colony by the ccndition of

eo8

':■ -%. ^.

fill

o
e

"• * •*»

0-:

P° _ . .

*'«-«»

«, * w

T-* *

' c»

A •» «i

i>-

*A ^

>,.-. 1

, '^

•*»>

#> "*■ '.

J« *-«

k (

«J
•J
ttl

■■^li -

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

609

affairs in the Transvaal. Many, both in the colonies and in Englandj
have formed the very strong opinion that the unchecked military ag-
grandisement of the Transvaal and its sturdy residents, in the very
midst of British colonies and dependencies, had quickened in the minds
of many Dutchmen in other parts of South Africa the feeling that it
would not be impossible to make the Transvaal the leading power in
South Africa. This was, as our history may have shown, not the first
time that the dream of an absolute, sovereign and internationally recog-
nized independence seemed on the point of becoming a practical possi-
bility for the Boer republics of South Africa. This seems to be clearly
indicated in Sir Alfred Milner's dispatch, and many feel that one so
careful as he is would never risk a momentous statement of that nature
unless his evidence was fairly complete and convincing. He says
"thousands of the Cape Dutch are being drawn into disaffection," and
he proposes to counteract this by obtaining for the outlanders a fair
share in the government of the country.

When it became apparent that the Governor had assumed such a
position an.i had evidently begun to form a clear policy regarding the
further procedure of Great Britain in South Africa, the influential men
of the Afrikander Bond at the Cape began to intervene. Mr. Hofmeyr,
the most powerful pr^sonality in the Dutch party at Cape Town, pro-
posed to Sir Alfred ii . r that he should hold a conference with Presi-
dent Kruger at Bloemtontein, the capital of tie Orange Free State.
President Steyn of the Free State becam<^ an intermediary and wel-
comed the proposed convention, which finally took place, beginning on
May 31st and concluding on June 5th, 1890.

Before we attempt to describe the nejrotiations concerning the fran-
chise which began at this time and which became very complicated, it
ijmay be well first to describe the conditions of naturalization and fran-
chise as they have existed until this year in the South African Republic.
The country is governed by two legislatiw chambers, each consisting of
twenty-seven members. The lower chamber has practically no power
at all, as any law which is passed has no authority until it is passed by
the first chamber, while the first chamber can pass laws absolutely on
its own initiative and without reference to the lower house. Citizens are
only eligible who have fixed property and who profess the Protestant

eiio

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM,

religion. The electors whose representatives constitute these two
chambers are themselves divided into two groups. The first chamber is
elected by the first-class burghers. These comprise all male white resi-
dents who were living in the republic before May 29th, 1881, or who
took an active part in the war of independence in 1881, the native war
in 1894, the attack upon Jameson's troops in 1895-6, and all other
military expeditions and battles of the republic, and children of such
persons from the age of sixteen. The second-class burghers who elect
the second chamber comprise the naturalized male alien population and
children from the age of sixteen. The process of becoming a full citizen
or first-class burgher is divided into two stages, first that of naturaliza^
tion, which may be obtained after two years' residence, after registra-
tion on the district books, taking the oath of allegiance and paying the
sum of two pounds ($10.00). Those who have passed through naturali-
zation may, after twelve years, receive the franchise, but only by special
resolution of the President and Executive. The sons of aliens, born in
the republic, if they register at sixteen years of age, may become natur-
alized at eighteen, and receive the rights of first-class burghers after
ten years more by special resolution. The President and the
Commandant-General are of course elected by the first-class burghers
only. Consideration of tnese conditions makes it clear that no man can
become an enfranchised citizen of this republic within fourteen years
of his settlement in the country, and even then his enfranchisement de-
pends upon a special resolution of the Government itself. That is to say,
in a country comprising something like 100,000 foreigners about 30,000
retain the privilege of choosing out of the remainder those who shall
become voters.

At this point it may be well to glance at certain statements which
are made on each side of this bitter controversy between the Boer gov-
ernment and the British, regarding the relation of the Outlanders to
the franchise. It is urged on behalf of the Boer government that every
country has the right to make its own laws of naturalization and deter-
mine the conditions of the franchise, that these foreigners were not
invited and their presence was not even desired by the Boers to whom
the country belonged, that, therefore, if tht'v found the conditions of
life there to be distasteful it was always open to them to leave; it is

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

611

further urged that many of the British Outlanders openly avowed their
dislike for that part of the conditions of naturalization which demanded
not only the oath pf allegiance to the Transvaal government, but the
forswearing of their previous allegiance to Queen Victoria, that if they
did not wish to give up th^ir British citizenship they could not complain
at having no vote among Transvaal citizens and that no country would
admit as citizens those who avowed that they retained their allegiance
to another power; it was still further urged that in spite of the actual
trouble which had arisen between these Outlanders and the Boer gov-
ernment the British authorities had no right to interfere, inasmuch
as by the London convention they had bound themselves not to take "
any part or assume any authority in the internal affairs of the Trans-
vaal government, and further that in the article by which the Boers
promised fair and equitable treatment to British subjects this question
of the franchise was not included in the list of matters named.

These, no doubt, are felt to be by their advocates powerful arguments
against the attitude assumed by Great Britain; but, on the other hand,
no less powerful counter arguments are adduced which may be sum-
marized briefly as follows:

In the first place, it is urged that the Outlanders are in the Trans-
vaal by exactly the same right as the Boers themselves. The Boers
arrived about the yea- 1850; the gold seeking Outlanders began to
arrive in small numbers from about the year 1875, and in still larger
numbers from the year 1885. At this present date, therefore, some of
the Outlanders have been half as long in the Transvaal as the oldest
Dutch inhabitants, and many of them have been quite as long in the
country as a third of the Dutch who possess the vote. The Boers entered
the country because it suited them and their purposes in life, the Out-
landers entered for the same reasons, and the motives of the former can
hardly be said to have excelled those of the latter in any high degree.
Still further it is urged under this point, that when President Kruger
and his fellow delegates were in England, in the end of 1883, some capi-
talists approached the President and asked him whether if they pro-
ceeded to invest their money in the Transvaal in the development of
mines their work would be welcomed and supported. It is said that the
President turned with something like indignation upon them and asked

\y'-

612

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

them what kind of people they thought that he and his people wei'e.
Of course they would be welcomed, he assured them. It was after this
interview and in the light of this strong assurance that men who had
held back proceeded to invest their capital in the projects which so
speedily transformed the face of history in that republic. President
Kniger published his open invitation to foreigners to settle in the
Transvaal in the London Times in April, 1884!

In the second place it is urged by the supporters of the British
that when the earliest Outlanders arrived in the Transvaal, encouraged
by Kruger himself, and sheltered, as they imagined, by the London con-
vention, the terms of naturalization and franchise were simple and
reasonable. When, however. President Kruger and his party found
that the Outlanders were invading the country by tens of thousands
instead of by scores as hitherto, they took alarm at the prospect of so
speedily losing their grasp on the reins of government and accordingly
altered the terms of the franchise and naturalization. Under the terms
of the new law no foreigner could become naturalized before he had
been two years in the country. At the time of naturalization he must
take the oath, thus becoming a loyal citizen of the Transvaal, and
ceasing to be a citizen either of Great Britain or of any other country.
But even when he had become thus naturalized he could not receive the
franchise for other twelve yt^rs and, at the end of the twelve years,
only as the upper chamber of the Volksraad passed favorably upon the
case. This means that a would-be citizen of the Transvaal must for-
swear his previous citizenship for the bare chance that at the end of
twelve years he might be elected into the list of electors. It is urged
that this method was invented in order to make the process of becoming
citizens of the South African Republic as hard and repellant as possible,
and that it is a poor trick of argument by which the Outlanders who
shrank from this prolonged suspense are reproached for being unwilling
to take the oath on these conditions.

It is urged in the third place that the methods employed to keep
British subjects and other foreigners in a condition of dependence and
subordination towards the Dutch minority were in defiance of that
article of the London convention by which these subjects were prom-
ised fair treatment. It is true that the franchise was not mentioned

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

61.3

among those matters in which this fair treatment was to be manifested;
but it is felt by the supporters of the British that inasmuch as, at the
time of the convention, the conditions of the franchise were perfectly
reasonable, and there was no prospect of their alteration, and, inas-
much as the possession of the franchise underlies the whole life of
freedom and prosperity enjoyed by the leading European countries, the
practical denial of this franchise constitutes a real instance of unfair
discrimination against these foreigners in the government of that coun-
try, and therefore is a real breach of that spirit of justice and equity
which was intendcsd to find expression and security in that article of the
London convention.

Those who feel that the weight of the argument lies with the
points above stated on behalf of the Boe:^ will of course conclude
that in the present quarrel Great Britain is fundamentally wrong;
while those who feel that most weight attaches to the set of argu-
m(;nts last described will feel that President Kruger is defending not
his land against a foreign invader, but rather his party against a
victory of the majority of the civilized inhabitants of bis own country.

Sir Alfred Milner, as we have seen above, made up his mind that the
first thing to do was to obtain some one concession from President
Kruger which should lead to the gradual removal of the oth«?r wrongs
from which the Outlanders undoubtedly suffered. In a country fairly
governed under a parliamentary system the fundamental condition of
freedom, justice and progress is the possession by the people and the
unhindered exercise by them of the franchise.

Sir Alfred accordingly decided not to urge any immediate decision
on any other matters however important, but to strive for the granting
of the franchise to the Outlanders. It must be evident from perusal
of the conditions described above that it was practically impossible for
any but a very small minority of the Outlanders to obtain the franchise.
If only President Kruger would agree to an alteration of the conditions
which should give the Outlanders hope of progress, and some feeling of
legislative influence without the danger of their outvoting the Boers,
the worst of their political grievances would be removed and the way
paved for the further gradual removal of the rest in years to como.
Accordingly the Governor proposed to Mr. Kruger that he should allow

614

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

the Outlanders the full franchise after a residence of five years in the
country and that Johannesburg, although containing more adult whites
than all the rest of the country, should have four seats in the Volksraad
out of twenty-seven. The venerable President could not, of course,
and perhaps was hardly expected to agree to this liberal policy all at
once. After considerable hesitation he was persuaded to propose
another scheme. Accordingly he introduced the following scheme:
The Outlanders should receive the full franchise seven years after their
arrival in the country, and five years after their naturalization. That
seemed a very great effort to meet Sir Alfred Milner half way. But,
alas! attached to this was a long list of conditions which so complicated
the matter that it was certain many years must pass before more than
a very few Outlanders could possibly possess the franchise. Even the
first stages of naturalization required a complicated system of registra-
tion and the fulfillment of vaguely stated conditions difficult of inter-
pretation and application. Five years after naturalization the granting
of the franchise would in every case be dependent upon the fulfilment of
the many other conditions, such as continuous registration, continuous
residence, and after all the Volksraad must vote in every case. It is
perfectly evident that the shrewd and wily President was striving to
give as little as possible while seeming to give much.

When he was discussing some of the other matters outstanding
between the Transvaal and the British government he fell back once
more upon a principle on which the Boers have from the beginning
acted in relation to the British government, namely, that matters in
dispute could be settled if Great Britain would grant a quid pro quo,
generally in the form of an extra slice of territory taken from adjacent
native chiefs. On this occasion the President hinted that he could not
face the burghers unless he could point to something which had been
given to them. He chiefly desired the gift of Swaziland, a magnificent
county on his eastern border, which would give him access to the sea ;
he also pressed for a treaty of arbitration, without, however, naming
any details. It was in vain. Sir Alfred stuck close to his principle
that his proposal was not that the Boers should gJve anything to Great
Britain, but peace and justice to their own people, and that they could
only do this by giving the franchise on conditions which would satisfy

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

615

the Outlanders without overwhelming the Boers and ousting them from
power. Sir Alfred, at the same time, scrupulously avoided the appear-
ance of interfering with the internal affairs of the Transvaal beyond
making his suggestions regarding the franchise.

The Conference ended without any definite result. President Kruger
returned to Pretoria to introduce the Bill which Sir Alfred Milner had
pronounced to be inadequate to meet the case. Even strong sympa-
thizers with the Transvaal Government felt that he must modify the
numerous, absurd and perplexing conditions attaching to the Bill. Ulti-
mately Mr. Kruger did make considerable alterations. But this policy
of his had produced a bad impression. It suggested that he was not
acting sincerely, that even now he was trying to give without giving,
to appease the Imperial Government without making any real and
effective change in the position of the Outlanders. If President Kruger
was insincere, Mr. Chamberlain appeared to be no less irritating by the
positive tone of certain public utterances in which he managed to con-
vey the impression that he was determined at all costs to make the
Transvaal Government give way to his demands. Neither of these two
diplomatists aided the cause of peace by his course of conduct. For in
diplomacy both insincerity and bluntness may seem to hinder the solu-
tion of a difficulty and to hasten an international catastrophe.

After the conference at Bloemfontein the Transvaal Government
made another effort to persuade Great Britain to agree to a scheme of
arbitration. The proposals sketched by Mr. Reitz were, however, very
vague just at the important points. For example, he proposed in one
article "that no matters or differences of trifling importance shall be
submitted to arbitration," and a little later "that each shall have the
right to reserve and exclude points which appear to it to be too import-
ant to be submitted to arbitration!" This idea of an arbitration scheme
was not absolutely ruled out of consideration by Sir Alfred Milner. But
he clung with pertinacity to his one principle of action, that the griev-
ances of -the Outlanders must be remedied first. A calmer atmosphere
would then be created which would be more favorable to the devising
of a scheme of arbitration.

On July 20 the Bill proposed by President Kruger was passed
^.Wrough the Volksraad after sundrj^ important alterations had been

616

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

made. It offered the Franchise seven years after notice had beet given
of the intention to become a citizen, and five years after the oath of
naturalization had been tal^en. A man was still liable to spend five
years after he had given up his former citizenship without enjoying the
privileges of his new citizenship. And even then, he was still left
dependent upon the decision of the State Attorney or the Executive
Council as to whether any "legal obstacle appears" to his reception into
full burghership of the first class. At a later date in the same month,
it was resolved to grant five seats in all, out of thirty-one, or four out
of thirty-two, to the mining communities of Barberton and Johannes-
burg. The exact number was uncertain.

On July 27, Mr. Chamberlain sent a long and important despatch,
in which he attributed the responsibility for "party feeling and race
hatred," which the Government of the South African Republic had
deplored, to the policy of that very Government itself, in that it "alone,
of all the States of South Africa, has deliberately placed one of the two
white races in a position of political inferiority to the other." The
British Government is responsible and under obligation to take action
in this matter for three reasons, he says, and these are of great import-
ance for understanding the attitude of Great Britain. First, he names,
"the ordinary obligations of a civilized power to protect its subjects in
a foreign country against injustice; " second, "the special duty arising
in this case from the position of Her Majesty as the paramount power
in South Africa ; third, the exceptional responsibility arising out of the
Conventions which regulate the relations between the Government of
the South African Republic and that of Her Majesty." Mr. Chamberlain
points out that when the Conference was held preliminary to the Pre*
toria Convention of 1881, Mr. Kruger pledged his country to give "equal
protection for everybody" and "equal privileges." He explicitly said on
that occasion, "We make no difference so far as burgher rights are con-
cerned." The British Government had every reason, even in granting the
London Convention of 1884, to believe that "the conditions of equity be-
tween the white inhabitants of the Transvaal" would continue. On the
contrary, they had been completely reversed. In dealing with the new
Franchise Law, Mr. Chamberlain points out that there is still much
uncertainty regarding certain of its provisions as well as regarding

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

617

the real effect of its operation upon the righteous claims of the Out-
landers. He therefore proposes that a joint-commission should be formed,
consisting of delegates from each Government, to discuss the worliing
of the law and report the result of their consultation and submit their
recommendations. The object of this proposal was, on August 2, ex-
plained to the Transvaal Government by Sir A. Mllner as being to
discover whether the Outlander population would "be given immediate
and substantial representation" under the new law. It was manifestly
useless to attempt a solution of the problem by means of a law which
would leave the actual and pressing bitterness to last several years
longer in hope that it would gradually die down. If, as the British
Government maintained, these citizens had been treated unjustly, then,
it was felt the remedy of their ills should be at once anc* ieflnitely
effective.

The announcement of this proposal of a joint Commission of Inquiry
produced' alarm at Pretoria, and steps were at once taken to make new
proposals. The British agent at Pretoria held very earnest conferences
with the State Attorney of the Transvaal Government. lie urged that
the situation was most critical, and that the British Government could
not now take any steps backward. Their actions hitherto constituted
pledges to the Outlanders that they would secure attention to their
demands. The result of these conversations at Pretoria came in a
remarkable scheme from the Transvaal Government, which was made
on August 15. According to this new plan, Mr. Reitz, the State Secre-
tary, proposed "a five years' retrospective franchise," ten representatives
from the goldflelds constituencies in a house of thirty-six members,
equality of the new with the old burghers in election of the State Presi-
dent and the Commandant-General. The Transvaal Government further
express<nd willingness "to take into consideration friendly suggestions
regarding the details of the Franchise Law." It is safe to say that if
this proposal had been made in June — for it is practically the equiv-
alent of Sir A. Milner's minimum demands, and even goes further —
the negotiations would have then ended peaceably and the Outlanders
would by this time have had a substantial share in the government of
the country.* But alas! the proposals came when both sides had been
roused; when people were openly talking about war; when the pride

018

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

of both countriett had been aroused. In such circumstanceB diplomacy
ift more than an affair of cold words and clear-cut paragraphs. The
words take the color of the atmosphere, and the paragraphs pulsate with
confused and confusing suggestions and suspicions. The Transvaal
Oovernment made the proposals described above, with three most im-
portant conditions attached. On these conditions they kept their eyes
fixed, and determined to shape their course solely by Mr. Cliamberlain's
reply to them. The first of these conditions was as follows: "(a) That
Her Majesty's Government will agi*ee that the present intervention
shall not form a precedent for future similar action, and that in future
no interference in the internal affairs of the Republic will take place."
Mr. Chamberlain's answer to this was, of course, that the British Gov-
ernment hoped that by "the fulfilment of the promises made and the
just treatment" of the Outlanders, no intervention would be rendered
necessary; but inasmuch as the Colonial Secretary had avowedly
taken all his action in intervening "under the Conventions," it would
have been virtually confessing that he had no right to intervene now
if he gave the absolute promise never to do so again. He held that the
Conventions covered this case, and would compel similar action if a
similar case recurred. Besides, the British Government had held that
in this instance they were protecting their subjects from injustice in a
foreign country, and no civilized power could divest itself of the ordin-
ary obligation to do so. The second condition was: "(b) That Her
Majesty's Government will not further insist on the assertion of the
suzerainty, the controversy on the subject being allowed tacitly to
drop." This referred to a long discussion in long despatches earlier
in the year in which Mr. Reitz had very ably argued that Great Britain
had now no form of suzerainty over the Transvaal, referring to the
London Convention (1884) and Lord Derby's assertion that "suzerainty"
had been withdrawn ; Mr. Chamberlain claiming that he agreed with the
same, Lord Derby's speech in the House of Lords, that, while the word
was dropped, the substance was retained. Mr. Reitz had at last founded
his claim regarding the absolute non-existence of suzerainty upon this
one fundamental assertion, that the South African Republic, independ-
ently of the language of any or all Conventions, is a "sovereign, interna-
tional State." All this Mr. Chamberlain had then most strenuouslv de*

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

CI 9

nlcd, and he could not now in August agree even to the appearance of
modifying his position on that fundamental question. The third con-
dition (c) was that a plan of arbitration should be at once set on foot, to
come into operation as soon as the proposed Franchise Bill should become
law. To this Mr. Chamberlain heartily agreed. He added, unfortunately,
an irritating paragraph about "other matters of difference^' which would
have to be settled concurrently with those now under discussion, and
which were not proper subjects for reference to arbitration.

Mr. Reitz of course concluded naturally that the rejection of even
one of the conditions which he had described as essential, amounted to
rejection of the entire proposal, and involved recurrence to the discus-
sions which preceded it. The Transvaal Government considered that
the proposal had lapsed, but was surprised, it "could never have antici-
pated that the answer of Her Majesty's Government to their proposal
would be unfavorable." It now proposed to go back to Mr. Chamber-
lain's plan of appointing a joint-commission to consult regarding the
operation of the seven years' Franchise Law, whicu was now passing
into actual operation. But this, in a despatch dated September 9, the
Colonial Secretary declined to do. This is undoubtedly one of the steps
at which his procetlure is most open to criticism. It looks as if the pro-
posal which he made on August 19 he might have accepted when it was
made to him again on September 9. He gave two reasons for declining
to retrace any steps in the controversy: first, that he was now convinced
that the law as passed would not "secure the immediate and substantial
representation" of the Outlanders, and needed no commission now to
consult over the matter; and, second, that the Transvaal Government,
having "themselves recognized that their previous offer might be with
advantage enlarged, and that the independency of the South African
Republic would be thereby in no way impaired," progress ought to be
made in that direction. Mr. Chamberlain therefore now suggested that
the Transvaal Government might repeat this last offer of a five
years' franchise (the Bloemfontein minimum) without the conditions
attached! This despatch producer! a very strong protest from Mr.
Reitz, who, arguing the matter in detail, wished to show that his Gov-
ernment had in their last proposal gone beyond the line of safety to their
Republic; but they had undertaken the risk in order to maintain peace,

620

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

He further argued that the British Government had no right to propoHO
that they should agree to the five years' franchise without the con-
ditions which to their minds alone made the concession safe; and he re-
turns to the proposal made by the Imperial Government for a conference
by Joint Commission while deprecating the "making new proposals more
difficult for this Government, and imposing new conditions." He con-
cludes with a strong and pathetic plea for a return to the idea of "a Joint
Commission as first proposed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies
in the Imperial Parliament, and subsequently proposed to this Govern-
ment and accepted by it."

To this Mr. Chamberlain replied on September 22 in a very import-
ant despatcb, practically the last which the rush of events allowed him
to send. He most solemnly assured the Transvaal Government that
the British Government had "no desire to interfere in any way with the
independence of the South African Republic, provided that the con-
ditions on which it was granted are honorably observed in the spirit
and in the letter, and they have offered as part of a general settlement
to give a complete guarantee against any attack upon that independ-
ence." He repeats that the British Government had claimed n») rights of
interference in the internal affairs of the Transvaal, except those con-
ferred by the Conventions and those possessed by every neighboring
Government for the protection of its subjects and its adjoining pos-
sessions. The despatch concluded with the announcement that as the
protracted negotiations of nearly four months had failed, the British
Government felt "compelled to consider th<? situation afresh and to
formulate their own proposals for a final settlement of the issues which
have been created in South Africa bjv the policy constantly followed
for ma^iy years by the Gorernment of the South African Republic."

During the weeks which preceded this communication there had been
passing between the respective Governments other very important
despa^jhes regarding the movements of troops which were taking place.
So early as the month of June, the inhabitants of Johannesburg wore
aware of active movements among the Boers which indicated a prepara-
tion for war. So loud and boastful was the talk and so definite the
steps taken by the Boers that, while soiie Outlanders called it "bluff"
and did not believe President Kruger would actually fight, others

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

021

believed the war to be then inevitable and made arrangements for the
removal of their families. As the British Government only maintained
comparatively small garrisons in South Africa, it became expedient to
strengthen those quietly. This work was going on, on a small scale, in
July. There was as yet no attempt to throw an army in South Africa
which would be capable of invading the Transvaal. That would have
been a serious and unfriendly measure, inconsistent with the attitude
of the Government even up to Mr. Chamberlain's last despatch as quoted
above. But it was the plain duty of the Government to strengthen its
defensive position at those points which were most exposed to attack.
These were Natal and the portion of Cape Colony near, and including,
Kimberley. On August 15th President Steyn of the Orange Free State
telegraphed to Sir Alfred Milner to inquire if it was true that Imperial
troops were being placed on the southern borders of the Free State.
The answer of course was that the "report was entirely unfounded." Sir
Alfred added, "I, on my part, receive many reports, which seem to be of a
much more substantial character, with reference to the importation of
large quantities of munitions of war into the Orange Free State
and the general arming of the burghers." This, he said, would warrant
"a defensive movement" on the part of the British Government, but none
such was in contemplation. To this President Steyn made a curious
reply, in which he first denied that unusual military movements or pur-
chases were going on in the Free State, and then explained that the
"war ammunition" which had been placed in possession of the burghers
was intended to reassure the people "against sudden attacks either from
natives or from freebooters, numerous reports of which were, and are, in
circulation!" The President adds: "I trust, nevertheless, that Your
Excellency and Her Majesty's Ministers do not attach any credence to
the rash and malicious reports which are "brought into circulation prin-
cipally by a certain section of the press that designs exist for making
an attack on the adjacent British Colonies. I wish to give Your Excel-
lency the assurance that such reports are devoid of all foundation."
On September 19th Sir Alfred Milner wired to President Steyn to ex-
plain that the movement of a regiment to Kimberley and to guard the
Orange River Bridge was "in no way directed against the Orange Free
State, nor is it due to any anxiety as to the intention of the latter." He

■%

022

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

adds that, while the Imperial Government Btill hoped for a peaceful
settlement with the Transvaal, they did, in case of disappointment, ex-
pect the Free State to preserve a strict neutrality. In return they
would "give formal assurances that in that case the integrity of the
territory of the C-?Jige Free State will under all circumstances be
strictly respected." President Steyn replied In a letter of distrust and
resentment. Because Kimberley and the railway line which needed
to be protected were near the Free State western border he felt that the
movement of troops there might be considered by his burghers as a
menace to this state. "If unwished-f or developments should arise there-
from, the responsibility will not rest with this Government." Still later
it was explained that the movements of British troops had been made
necessary by the policy of the other Government which had trans-
formed the Transvaal "into a permanent armed camp."

During the months of August and September extensive and active
preparations for war were being made in the Transvaal. The "com-
mandeering" of money and property from Outlanders was insisted on.
It was only after a formal protest from the British Agent at Pretoria
that the Transvaal Government desisted from forcing British citizens
to take up arms against their own Government. As the weeks passed
the excitement grew. At last the order went out that all foreigners
must leave the country except those who received f rmal permission to
remain. The railways became congested as crowds of civilians were
packed into all kinds of cars and trucks for their long and miserable
journey. The Boers showed themselves merciless.

All uncertainty was ended when, in the month of October, 1899, Mr.
Reitz sent the ultimatum of the Transvaal Government to Sir Alfred
Milner. The despatch begins by reciting the history of the controversy,
denying- the right of Great Britain to intervene with regard to the
political standing of her citizens in the Transvaal since that was not
named in Article 14 of the London Convention. Then it complains of
"an increase of troops on a large scale" which were stationed on the
borders of the Republic. This had createil "an intolerable condition of
things," which the Transvaal Government, for tlie sake not only of that
Republic, but also of all South Africa, desired to end as soon as possible.

It makes four demands: (a) that every dispute be settled by arbi-

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

623

tration; (b) that troops on the borders of the Republic "be instantly
withdrawn;" (c) that all reinforcements which had arrived since June 1,
1899, "be removed from South Africa within a reasonable time;" (d) that
troops then on the high seas be not landed in South Africa. An answer
was demanded within forty-eight hours.

The writer of this knew that the answer could only be war. Mr.
Chamberlain answered next day, October 10, informing the Transvaal
Government that the conditions demanded by it were such as Her
Majesty's Government deemed it impossible to discuss.

SUMMARY OF CAUSES OF THE WAR.

The preceding chapters of this Book have aimed at presenting to the
reader a survey of the forces which have combined to produce this war.
First we have on the one side the hatred and dread of the British Gov-
ernment by the Boers of the Transvaal, and on the other the irritating
and self-complacent vacillations of British policy. No responsible
statesman gave to Great Britain a clearly outlined South African policy
which could command the general assent of the country.

Second, we have as a consequence of these vacillations the feeling of
the Boer Government that they could with impunity ignore the provis-
ions of the London Convention, esx>ecially as to the extension of their
borders and commercial relations with the neighboring Colonies.

Third, we have the misgovemment of the Outlanders by the Trans-
vaal, a misgovemment which has no reasonable defenders anywhere in
enlightened countries.

Fourth, we have the confused and blundering policy and the embit-
tering influence of Mr. Rhodes, who began by trampling on the true
imperialists of South Africa and ended by walking all over the most
sacred affections of his own allies, the Dutch. His part and lot in the
Raid spread a permanent cloud over all South Africa.

Fifth, we have the confessed "hope" of Mr. Reitz and the official
organ of the Afrikander Bond that the day would certainly come for
the disappearance of the Britii'ih flag from South Africa, a "hope" which
simply cannot have been unconsidered when the two Presidents in
collusion built up the military system on which the world gazes with
astonishment and admiration to-day. This "hope'' fired the zeal of

624

DIPLOMACY AND THE ULTIMATUM.

militai-y development, united the two Republics more closely, prevented
justice to the Outlanders, who would have defeated it, and strengthened
the claim of international sovereignty.

Sixth, we have the claim of Great Britain that under the Conventions
she had a right to intervene, not in the ordinary self-government of the
Transvaal, but when that Government was so mismanaged as to con-
stitute a sore injustice to British citizens within the Transvaal and a
disturbance to the peace and prosperity of the neighboring Colonies
and dependencies of Great Britain. On the other hand we have the
claim of the Transvaal Government to be a sovereign international state,
a claim which she pushed to the last and which Britain absolutely
disallowed.

Seventh, we have the distrust of Mr. Chamberlain which President
Kruger has cherished ever since he found reason to suspect that the
former had been privy to the Johannesburg revolution and the
Jameson invasion. Beyond all doubt this distrust did very deeply taint
and embitter on both sides all the negotiations of all last summer. It
had also since 1895 prevented Great Britain from peremptorily forbid-
ding the two Republics to make military preparations which could only
be directed against herself.

Eighth, we have the alliance of the two Republics, which now appears
to have been understood as binding the Free State to fight with the
Transvaal whenever the latter alleged that its independence was threat-
ened. This alliance dragged the Free State, with which Great Britain
had absolutely no ground of dispute and no actual dispute, into the des-
perate act of invading the Colonies of Natal and Cape Colony.

m I

nw'uW

K •P^-' Sf»'^miVmSi' m

;<^ .

/■■•>

^ "^^ -i^ .'^'9^

--s-'/'S.

^•■^^

„'-f;~i flfc^A'

./^r V

■•3^;^'

THE BOERH IN THE TRENCHES AT THE TUGELA FACING GENERAL BULLER

This picture iriublcH ono to undorHtand the complete Invisibility of the Boers while flghtlng.
HoldlcrH hav«! returned home wounded In three or four places who declare
that they have never seen their opponents.

British

ipn IIII'W ]'J"*|i*lllWW-»: t'^l«IW*"'?!^'.W.

•/=

LIEUT.-GEN. SIR CHARLES WARREN
G. C. M. G.

LIEUT.-GEN J. D. P. FRENCH

A WAGON BREAKDOWN IN A DRIFT

I > ^^^^^^m

BOOK IV.

THE BRITISH BOER WAR, 1899-1900.

PART II.

THE PROGRESS OF THE WAR.

mammmmifmmmm

mmmimm

- /'

CHAPTER I.

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

THE union of tho Grange Free State with the Transvaal Republic
for the purpoHe of carrying on this war increased the difficulties
of the British, not only by adding thousands of soldiers to the
Boer army, but by vastly extending the frontier, which must be at-
tacked or defended. If we consider these two States as one, a glance
at the map will show hov.' many hundreds of miles comprise the bound-
ary line between them and the British possessions. Along the western
border we have first Bechuanaland in the north and the Cape Colony
from ]\rafeking down to the Orange Free State. For the southern border
we have from near the point where the Kimberley railroad crosses the
Orange River right across to Basutoland. From the northeastern bor-
der of Basutoland the boundary line extends northwards to the tip
of the Natal triangle at Majuba Hill, then eastwards and northwards
until the Portuguese territory is reached, a little south of Lorenzo
Marquez, near Delagoa Bay. Along the western and northern borders
the country may be described in general as consisting of what in
America we call prairie lands, which may either be perfectly flat for
many long miles or change into a rolling country. This is true of a
good part of the southern border of the Orange Free State, but as one
goes eastward towards Colesberg and Aliwal North the country be-
comes much more hilly. Here and there on these prairie lands are scat-
tered strange and characteristic eminencc^s, which often rise quite soli-
tary and steep from the level plain and which are known in South Africa
as "kopjes." These afford, of course, most valuable shelter for troops,
are easily fortified and not easily captured. North of Basutoland there
stretches between Natal and the Boer States a long and magnificent
range of mountains. These are rugged and steep, some of the peaks
rising to many thousands of feet in height. These are crossed at c&rtain
points by passes, through which the main roads of communication have
been made.

627

028

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

Obviously ii border liko ihv one last described can be easily fortified
and rendered almost imprejinable aj^jainst many thousands of the best
trained troops. Ono of the first quest ions, therefore, which the world
asked when the war was announced by the sending of the Boer ultima-
tum to London was, at what point or points in this very extensive border
will the invasion, or invasions, be likely to occur?

Closely connected with this and with the general problem was the
inquiry as to the number of soldiers whom the Boers could muster for
their desperate struggle. Estimates varied according to the basis of
calculation which was adopted. Some maintained that they could not
reach more than 30,000, while a few other extremists put in a number
as high as 100,000 men. The latter estimate was avowedly based upon
the presumption that the Dutch farmers of Cape Colony could be
counted upon to rise in a. mass and join their brethren of the north.
The safest and most accurate calculation bo' 1 itself upon the fact that
Kruger told Sir Alfred Milner at Bloemfonl. .u that he had only 30,000
burghers exercising the vote. As the total Dutch population of the
Transvaal is about 80,000, and the total white population of the Orange
Free State is about the same, viz., 80,000, it is safe to calculate that the
Free Staters would not put into the field more than the same number
of men, namely, about 30,000. This total of 60,000 must undoubtedly
be increased by the addition of several thousand foreign volunteers in
the Transvaal, and of Boer volunteers from the colonies, which would
bring up the total nominal force of the Boers to something near 70,000.
But from that must be subtracted all those whom (official duty, old age,
sickness and other events must have prevented from entering upon
active warfare. Further there must be subtracted at least a few thou-
sand of the Free Staters who must be retained on their eastern border
to watch all movements in Basutoland, prepared to meet a possible
invasion by the fierce native Highlanders whom the Dutch have so
much cause to dread. If from these and other causes we subtract
15,000 men, we are left with 55,000 as the utmost possible number of
soldiers whom the Boers can obtain to send into the field for actual
fighting. These 55,000 men are of course, almost all of them, citizen
soldiers, men whose ages vary from sixteen to sixty or more, and who
have left their farms and their firesides to fight for what they feel to be

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

629

the cause of liberty ami juHtiee, Already sij^iis not a few have appeared
that many of them have entered upon the war with very little idea
either as to the merilH of the eause they are defending, or the character
of the enemy against whom they are going. Their appearance on the
battlelield is a pal^'U«, fact, one that has stirred the blood and drawn
foi-th the synii)athy of innunierabk' citizens of other lands, not even
excluding that England againwt whom they tight. Whether their cause
in the main be right or wrong these Hoers as individuals have attracted
the deepest interest of open-minded and intelligent men and women
throughout the world.

The plan adoi)ted by the Boers very soon showed itself to consist
in a simultaneous advance on the Uritish territory at three or four dif-
ferent points. The first and most ini])o! taut attack, that which absorbed
by far the largest part of their foiccs, was made upon Natal. Another
snuill force, estinuited at various numbers from 8,000 to 5,000, was
directed against Mafeking, the northernmost town in Cai)e Colony.
Another larger force of at least 5,000 was sent to invade the very im-
portant town of Kimberley. Several other commandos crossed the
border at several points between Kimberley and Basutoland, their
object being to occupy some of the northern colonial towns, to reach
and interfere with railway communication from the south, and to
destroy the bridges across the rivers.

Even before the war began it was known that the Boers were ar-
ranging their forces for the prompt and vigorous invasion of Natal,
accordingly the British authorities had been most earnestly urged to
hasten sufficient troops to that colony to resist suth an invasion. The
Boers had three reasons very probably for con<'entrating their most
powerful attack upon this region. In the first place Natal is rich, its
farm lands are prosperous, and an enemy who should suddenly descend
upon it would find it comparatively easy to support his soldiers by loot-
ing among the inhabitants.

In the second place Natal has a very small proportion of Boers
among its inhabitants; accordingly the invading army would not feel
that they were fighting against kinsmen or robbing fellow Afrikanders
for the support of the troops.

In the third place, Natal is on the sea coast, and if the final victory.

oao

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

\kH iiiuuy of the Boers expected, should be theirs they would be able to
make a very strong claim for an exteusiou of their territory to the
Hca-coast. This long cherished and deep-felt ambition would give
them at once a status among the nations which they never can possibly
reach while they exist even as an independent and self-governing com-
munity surrounded on every side by British territory.

The British authorities Avho had not been idle although they had
not entered with any conspicuous vigor upon the task of gathering
trooj»s in South Africa, had sent a few regiments in response to the
appeal of the Natal government to Durban, and these, under the com-
man<l of a brilliant Indian soldier, Sir George Stewart White, had been
massed for the most part at the town of Ladysmith, which is about
l.'{5 miles from the soa-poii: of Durban. The importance of Lady-
Hmlth arises from the fact that at this point two main roads from the
Oi-ange Free State and the Transvaal meet and become one road to
rielcrnmritzburg and Durban. If the General decided to prevent the
junction of the Free Staters and the Transvaalers it must be at this
point. In order to do this he sent forward about four thousand men
to occupy the town of Dundee, about thirteen miles farther north. This
section of his force was placed under General Sir William Penn Symons,
who made a camp for it between Dundee and the railway junction at
Gh'Ucoe. These were the men who first felt the full brunt of the force
which the Transvaal sent into Natal.

The Boer's plan of campaign was very wisely conceived, and if only
it had been as thoroughly carried out the small British force might very
speedily have been destroyed. The general plan arranged for an in-
vasion of Natal by three columns. The western column was to go from
the Orange Free State, passing through Van IJeenens Pass and the
Tintwa Pass. This column consisted of Free State and Transvaal sol-
diers intermixed. The main central column was commanded by General
Joubert himself, assisted by General Erasmus. It came through the
pass known as Laing's Nek, almost under the shadow of sad Majuba
Mill, and through Mt. IMospect, where Sir George Colley had his camp
before the fatal battle in which he fell, eighteen years ago. Another
force under General Lucas Mej er invaded the Transvaal by a road cross-
ing the border farther east. The two last columns concentrated on the

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

631

town of Newcastle, which they occupied, then they moved southwardH
upon (Hcncoe. Their movements were rapid but not well timed, the
result being that at the critical moment when their leading force came
in contact with the garrison at Glencoe it had not met and was unsup-
ported by the larger force on which its movements depended for success.

The First Battle of the War.

On October 20, 1899, General Yule announced from Dundee that the
first battle of the war had been fought and won by the British. To the
east of the town of Dundee there rises a steep hill at a distance of more
than 5,000 yards. The hill itself, which is variously named Dundee
Hill, Smith's Hill and Talana Hill, is nearly 1,000 feet in height from
the level of the camp. It stands close to a road which enters Dundee
from the east. It was evidently the purpose of General Joubeii: to have
one portion of his force approach on this road and occupy the hill,
while he coming on the straight road from the north should attack the
left flank of the British force. On Thursday afternoon and evening,
October 19th, the British became aware that actual fighting had begun.
Their pickets thrown out at some distance from the town discovered
the movements of stealthy Boer skirmishers in the valley, and from time
to time through the night shots were interchanged.

It was not until the daylight of Friday morning, October 20th, had
dawned that General Sir W. Penn Symons and his troops discovered
the true state of matters. The Boers had during the previous evening
and night carried out a most daring and effective movement. They had
dragged some heavy guns to the top of that hill and were there gathered
in force, apparently sure that they were safe from capture. They an-
nounced their triumphal movement in a very startling way by firing a
shell right over the town of Dundee, which lay between them and the
camp. That was the first intimation which General Symons had of
their clever maneuver and their powerful position. A number of shells
were fired, which fell harmlessly outside the camp. One only exploded
on an open space within the camp without doing much damage.

Against the glow of the morning sky dim figures of many men could
be descried on the hill-top, moving hurriedly about. No one kne^v or

(i32

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

yt '

could guess what their numbers were, nor how many guns they had
dragged to the hill top. Accordingly the British forces had to begin
with their artillery, whose firing was intended not merely to silence the
guns, but if possible to reveal the strength of the enemy. For some time
the battle consisted of an artillery duel, which resulted, however, in the
silencing of the Boer guns. An eye witness says that the British Hhells,
fired with remarkable precision, broke into little balls of white smoke,
as it seemed from a distance, right among the enemy. Under cover of
this accurate artillery tire the infantry moved forward towards the foot
of the hill. Those chosen for this daring and momentous work were
the King's Royal Kifles, the Dublin Fusileers and the First Koyul Irish
Fusileers. These moved out in open array in order to present as sin all
a mass at any one point for the Boers to aim at as possible. Having
reached the foot of the hill they began to climb, pausing as they moved
up to fire at the Boers, who were raining down rifle balls upon them.
Scrambling and pushing up the hard and stony steep they readn-d a
wall running round the hill, said to be about half way from the summit
of the hill.

In spite of th*^ heavy artillery fire and the steady rifie shooting of the
British the Boers returned again and again to the outer edge of the liill
and fired with terrific effect upon the men who were storming their
citadel. In the meantime General Symons moved with his staff to the
right of his advancing fovce and there waited for his din nee to c]uirg(»
round the hill. Another battery had been moved leftwardt^ to the north
of the hill in order to intercept the re-enforcements which Joubert, wlio
was only a few miles off with thousands of soldiers more, was sending
liurriedly forward. This battery opened fire with such effect as to aiTcst
for a time the advance of the new troops.

It was long after mid-day, after seven or eight hours of in<'esHant
fighting, that the British infantry were about to make their last dash
from the cover of the wall which protected them awhile to the top of
the bravely defended hill. They Avent with a will. Many of thciii
dropped, shot dead or wounded by the Boers, just as they reached tlie
crown of the hill, but the thoroughly disciplined and seasoned regulars
of the British army could not be thrown into confusion by the fall of
their comrades. With their own irresistible cheer and rush they threw

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

633

themselves upon the now disordered forces of the Boers, who were hur-
rying downwards to reach their horses and take to flight. As the fugi-
tives approached the level they were attacked by the squadrons that
had been sent round both the right and the left of the hill, some
mounted infantry on the left chasing them until they were met by re-
enfo its that were hastening to their succor. One of these squad-

rons, as afterwards became known, having pushed too far in its eager-
ness, found itself surrounded by the enemy and all were taken prisoners.
The Boers had evidently no idea that they would be driven so quickly
from the hill, for not only their guns, but also a large number of their
wagons and supplies, fell into the hands of the British.

At first it was imagined that this reverse would throw the Boers into
despondency, so complete and by the Boers so evidently unexpected,
was the victoi-y which had been gained. The event did not, however,
produce this result, although it would appear from news that subse-
quently leaked out that the Boers were surprised at the terrific force
of the British charge. The battle of Majuba Hill was actually reversed.
But the result was insignificant in this case as compared to the other,
for here the defeated Boer force was able to fall back immediately n\H)U
the main forces from the north and from the northeast, which lia<l now
united and were moving southwards in seemingly countless numbers.
On the other hand the victory gave great hope undoubtedly to the vic-
tors. T^iey found themselves opposed by people acknowledged to be
among the ui-avest men and the best rifle shots in the world, and alike
the officers and privates had proved tliemselves possessed of a swift
energy and a steel-like courage.

From the point of vieAV of military tactics this victory, while it could
not prevent, Avould undoubtedly for a brief time check the advance of
General Joubert. This check interfered with the original plans for
concentration with the Orange Free State forces upon Ladysmith. The
victory at Dundee made possible the next victory at Elandslaagte. The
latter again in turn made possible the hurried retreat of the forces
from Dundee, and the union with the main body of the British troops at
Ladysmith. The victory of the British was bought at a heavy price in
that General Symons fell, mortally wounded. He lay for a few daya
in a hospital in Dundee, and received every attoatiou that wa^^ possible,

634

THE INVASION OF NATAL

but the wound v,as in a Vj> i- jart and no recovery waH possible. He
died on Monday afternoon after his army had loft the camp, and was
laid to rest close to the little Episcopal church on Tuesday morning
without the usual military honors; no guns were llred, no military dis-
play took place. A few medical officers and a few civilianH, with the
English clergyman, surrounded his grave. The command of the troops
at Glencoe passed into the hands of General Yule.

The Second Battle.

In the meantime another battle had been fought farther south. Sir
George White, with 4,000 or 5,000 men, occupied a enm]) chtse to the
town of Ladysmith, whose importance we have aln-ady pointed out.
His eyes were directed chiefly towards the west, whence he ex])('cted to
hear of the arrival of the large forces from the Orange I-'rec Htate, but
he discovered that a few miles north of his camp railway communication
with Glencoe had been cut off. A scouting party tlJHcovercd ( liat a Boer
force had captured the railway station at Elandshuigte, seized a train
loaded with provisions for Glencoe, and was intrenching ilself in a very
strong position on a hill several hundreds of feet high and about a mile
and a half southeast of the railway station. Tliis force had evidently
taken the direct and shorter route from NewcsiHlie in the far north
instead of going round by Glencoe and Dundee, lis object was to cut
off communication between the two British camps and find a strong
position where the Boer troops could gather for tlie purpose of inter-
cepting any attempted British retreat from the north or advance from
the south. Sir George White immediately saw llie enoruious import-
ance of driving this force from the position whiili lliey had occupied.
Accordingly the morning of the 21st was occupied in moving his troops
out to the scene of the expected battle.

It was not until about half-past three o'clock in the afterroon
that the train conveying his heavy guns and infiiulry soldiers reached
a spot opposite the hill on which the enemy were enl reached. The
latter occupied with their guns two small hillH whicli fornu'd spurs
on each side of the central "kopje." On the laller the main force of
the Boers was placed. As soon as the Boers <'auglit sight of the

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

635

British guns they opened fire upon the train. Their attack was
briskly returned. The British prepared to take their heavy guns
across the open ground between tlie railway and the Boer's strong-
hold. This was done by making short, rapid dashes forward and stop-
ping to shell the Boer guns into silence. Every time they were silenced
another swift move forward was made. The Boers on their side fought
with a courage which woke the surprised admiration of the gallant
General opposed to them. The extraordinary precision of the British
guns scattered them from their guns time after time, but as soon as the
forward movement of their foes began the Boei*s returned and trained
their guus once more upon the advancing artillerymen. The Boers sent
out from each side of the hill mounted infantry, intending with them to
attack each flank of the British troops, but they were met with
ecjual courage and did not succeed in turning the flank of the enemy. At
last, wlun dusk was settling over the fearful scene, the moment had
come for which the British were all along jireparing. The signal was
given for those men to move forward who had been chosen to undertake
the desperate work of charging up the steep face of that crag and driv-
ing the Boer riflemen from their place. Among the well known regi-
ments represented in this storming party were the Gordon Highlanders
who so recently had sent their name around the world once more, ring-
ing with the glory of the charge up the heights of Dargai in India.
It is said that after this charge against the Boers they confessed that
the capture of Dargai was child's play compared with that of tlie hill of
Elandslaagte. The Boers do not appear to have expected that their
enemy would reach the top of the hill. The withering Are from above
made the British two or thre'» times waver for a moment, but each time
recovering themselves they resumed the rush forwar:ls and upwards.
When they were among the enemy the struggle was over, Uw the Boers
are practically defenseless when it comes to a hand to hand encounter
with soldiers drilled to perfection in the use of the bayonet, sword and
lance.

When the Boers took to flight it was already dark and tlie lancers
charued through and through their routed ranks, sending the
poor, bewildered men flying in every direction. The Boers lost in this
battle the furniture of their camp, some horses and two guns. The train

-■^-.^

036

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

of supplies which they had captured was recovered as well as nine
English prisoners. But for them the most serious loss was in the death
of General Kock, one of their most famous leaders, besides a nephew of
General Joubert. The British also took prisoner a German of the name
of Schiel, to whom is given much of the credit for having drilled the
Boer soldiers in the use of large guns. Such a battle could not be fought
without severe loss on the side of the attacking party, who, throughout
these movomonts, were exposed both to the cannon and rifle shooting
of the enemy.

In each of these early battles the world was amazed at the very
large proportion of British officers who were shot or wounded. This
was said to be due to two causes; the first being that every officer weans
a sword and is otherwise dearlj^ distinguished in his uniform from the
soldiers under him; the second being that v,hon in charges made across
exposed places the soldiers are ordered to lie down in shelter behind
a hillock or a bush, the officer remains on his feet, exposed practically
alone to the attention and fire of the enemy. The British learned a les-
son from these battles which they quickly put into practice in this very
war, for Lord Methuen, commanding the force that advanced to the
relief of Kimberley, ordered his soldiers to strip themselves of distinctive
features in their uniforms and in the charges which his regiments made
it was at once noticed that the proportion of officers struck was very
much smaller. A prisoner taken at one of his battles reported that cer-
tain men were set apart by the Boers, whose work it was to deliberately
pick out the British officers, and aim at none but them.

The result of the brilliant attack at Elandslaagte was to drive the
defeated force northAvards again, to restore railway communication
with Glencoe and make possible that retreat of General Yule which the
enormous forces of General Joubert and their repeated and threatening
attacks upon the camp at Giencoe made absolutely necessary.

The Retreat of General Yule.

If, as has been calculated, (General Joubert had brought with him
from tlie north not less than 15,000 men with heavy guns it is quite
evident lliat the 3,000 or 4,000 British soldipis at Glencoe were in euii-

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

637

nent danger of boing oriiHliod. On Saturday, after the battle of Dun-
dee Hill, the IJocrK again Ix^gan to gather within the range of the camp.
On Sunday they Mhclled the liritinh camp throughout the day, making
it necessary for <ieneral Yule to exercise a ceaseless vigilance in moving
his troops and keeping them out of danger. On Monday it was decided
to make a spec'dy retreat upon Ladysmith. It must have been very hard
for the General to decide that he must leave the wounded, including
General Symons, behind him. He must consent to lose his stores of pro-
visions and resign the custody of his prisoners, but these were facts
which he f^iced with as good courage and grace as possible. Later in the
afternoon the long and hazardous march began. The most exciting part
probably was reached long after dark as they came to a narrow pass
through the Biggarsberg Mountains, which is six miles long and could
be very easily defended by a small force. To add to the misery of the
situation a very heavy rain fell throughout the night, and the unfortu-
nate soldiers had to tramp or ride mile after mile in the dark, cautiously,
anxiously, drenched with rain and no doubt depressed in spirit by the
mere fact that t hey were retreating. General Yule was wise and careful
enough not to choose the direct road but to make a detour eastwards,
which considerably increased the length of his march, but put him
beyond the reach of any forces which might attack him from the east.
Sir George White heard of the retreat and the direction taken, and at
once determined to cover the retreat by moving some part of his force
northwards so as to jirevent the Boers from trying to intercept General
Yule. On Tuesday, October 21th, he discovered the enemy scnen miles
out in a strong position west of the road. The tiring c^msisted entirely
in the use of ailillery, in which the British proved themselves superior,
and the enemy p^tired wewtwards. <^n the Wednesday General White
found that his army from the north had reached the Sunday's Kiver, and
was resting ther*' for awhile. It was not until noon on Thursday, Octo-
ber 26th, that (}eneTul Yule's army marched into Ladysmith, after
another night of b<'avy rain. The men were worn out but in good
spirit X, and no tUmht thoroughly thankful that their enterprise had not
rereived any check.

Up to this pornt in thew operations it was evident that the Boers,
•while defeated in single battles* had yet on the whole succeeded in so

638

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

far as having now driven the north column in upon Ladysmith, they
were able to gather their own various columns together unmolested, and
to make plans for surrounding and bombarding the British force in
the camp at Ladysmith, as also for carrying on their invasion of Natal
southwards along the railway line towards Pietermaritzburg and
Durban.

These operations were carried on with considerable skill and with
great rapidity of movement. The Boer forces streaming in from
the Orange Free State and moving in still larger numbers from
the north began completely to surround Ladysmith and to occupy the
southern road connecting it with Colenso and Pietermaritzburg. It is
not yet perfectly clear why Sir George White settled down in this place.
No situation could have been found more open to attack, for the town
lies in a hollow and is surrounded in every direction with the charac-
teristic kopjes of South Africa. One reason given is that there had
been collect i'<l at Ladysmith an enormous amount of stores both of provi-
sions and ammunition, which were far too valuable to be allowed to fall
into the hands of the enemy. Another and more probable theory is
thatSir (Jeorge White had bo(-n as ill-informed as the rest of the British
generals at that time regarding the real strength of the enemy, both in
numbers and in armament. Otherwise he surely would have kept moving
southwards, occupying one vantage point after another and presenting
to the Boer forces a stern and successful resistance, such as they have
since presented to the British. If he had crossed the Tugola and en-
trenched himself on the south banks he might have for a long time pre-
vented their crossing and kept his communications open southwards
and seawards. The unwelcome fact had soon to be accepted by the
British that Sir George White was surrounded in Ladysmith and that a
prolonged siege had begun.

THE SIEGE OF LADYSMITH.

During the earlier movements of the Boers Sir George White showed
great enterprise and activity, and made a number of successful sorties
which were daily hailed throughout the British world as striking vic-
tories, presaging a speedy termination of the war. Pride was tempered,
however, and hope was somewhat clouded by one or two unfortunate

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

G39

incidents. The chief of these was undoubtedlj the disaster at Nichol-
son's Nek on Monday, October 30th. As a part of a general attack upon
all the enemy's important positions Sir George White sent a force of
1,200 men to occupy a point of vantage known as Nicholson's Nek. The
troops carried the usual amount of ammunition and had with thera wag-
ons hauled by mules bearing larger guns and reserve supplies of ammu-
nition. It is said that the Boers succeeded in stampeding the mules by
rolling down rocks upon them and that they were startled in any case by
the sudden shock of rifie fire. They left the troops dismayed and de-
nuded of part of their reserves. When morning dawned the column were
fiercely attacked but held their own, oxijecting reinforcements to arrive
speedily. These for some reas{)n or another were not sent and the men
at last surrendered. The whole story is still clouded in mystery. Why
they could not retreat earlier is not known. Whether or not their ammu-
nition was really exhausted is not yet absolutely certain. It is even
affirmed that the surrender was due to an error on the part of a subor-
dinate officer who, finding himself out of sight of the rest, with only a few
companions, imagined himself to be isolated and raised the white flag
which committed tlie entire force to the laying down of their arms. The
real incidents have yet to be discovered which made it possible for the
B()(TS without much expenditure of life to take about 1,200 officers and
men as prisoners to Pretoria. In other directions also Sir George Wliite's
forces were on this disastrous day driven back. When the news of
Nicholson's Nek reached the European world all generous hearts were
stirred to admiration by the form in which Sir George White made the
report. Instead of blaming his men or his subordinate officers, he gal-
lantly took the entire responsibility for the misfortune upon himself,
asserting that the disaster was due to a miscalculation, for which he
was alone responsible.

It was a fortunate event fhat the very day before the road to the
south wa*; linally clos<*d the naval guns from II. M. S. Powerful arrived
at Ladysmith, wh'« h were sub«equently of such enormous importance to
the beleagui ted rm.v. Thes»» guns being magnificently manned and
able ' ' i'iiVY} an explosive shell with great ac<iira(y of aim a distance of
S,000 ^.irds, proved indispensable Sir George Whi^o was then able to
keep the big guns of the Boers at a very great distauce, and that gave

640

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

him considerable range of territory within which to operate his troops,
to preserve their health and to feed their horses. Without these guns
they would have been more closely hemmed in and the siege would un-
doubtedly have ended in disaster.

During the early part of November the British made several small
fights, attacking suddenly and with great force one position after an-
other even at a distance of several miles from the town. They were of
course unable to hold these permanently, and the positions which they
captured were, as a rule, speedily reoccupied by the enemy. On Novem-
ber 9th the Boers made their first combined effort to overwhelm the
British forces. In every direction they were successfully repulsed.
Humane arrangements had been made between the opposing Generals
for the placing of the Ladysmith hospital three miles down on the south-
ward road W'here the wounded, and the women and children also, were
l)laced in safety. During this period General White selected several
camps, which he thoroughly entrenched and which proved to be im-
pregnable against every assault.

The Boers, as we have said, moved southwards. Their movements
were rapid and, being unopposed, they speedily covered a considerable
amount of territory to the intense alarm of all Natal. Colenso they
found practically undefended, and at last they reached the neighborhood
of Estcourt. While they were moving towards the latter towTi there
occurred the famous incident of the armored train. From Estcourt there
sallied forth on the railroad an armored train filled with one company
of Hie Dublin Fusiliers and one company of the Durban Volunteers.
There went with them the correspondent of a London newspaper and
son of the late Tx)rd Randolph Churchill, Mr. Winston Churchill. When
they had proceeded almost as far as Chieveley the train was suddenly
attacked by a force of Boers who succeeded in throwing one car off the
rail. A number of British immediately leaped to the ground and under
the energetic direction of their officers and the enthusiastic help of Mr.
Churchill, proceeded to cut off the engine and the other car; these hur-
ried back to Estcourt. It was impossible, however, to take all the men
back, and there were left behind two killed, ten wounded and fifty-six
who i^ame prisoners. Amongst the prisoners was Mr. Churchill.
They were taken immediately to Pretoria, where they still remain — all

^fn-'MH

THK BATTLE OF SPION KOP

This plpturc HhowK the HrltlKli ciirrylnK thoir ticad an.l wounded romrades down the hill during

Unit terrific struggle.

HAULING THE GUNS UP COLES KOP

The men of "H" Company, Essex Regiment, thirty men to eaeh rope, ninety In all, dragging up the
guns to the top of Coles Kop, 1,4U0 leet above the plam.

THE INVASION OP NATAL.

041

t'xcppt the entorprising newspaper correspondent. The story of his
romantic escape is not yet fully known. It is said, however, that after
reading John 8tuart Mill on "Liberty" he resolved to seek his own. lie
obtained a disguise, scrambled over the enclosing fence or wall, walked
through Pretoria to the railroad; thence jjartly by long night marches
and partly by using a freight car he succeeded in reaching Portuguese
territory, and from Delagoa Bay returned to Durban. It is said that
if he had waited one day longer he would have received an order for
his discharge from General Joubert, who did not wish to retain a news-
paper correspondent as a prisoner.

On November 23d the B(»ers were at Estcourt striving to dO' for
General Hildyard what they had already done for Sir George White. Tie
however proved himself t()<> strong to be isolated. With the help of a
supporting force from Weston he drove the Boers back and cleared the
road once more as far as Frere. The swiftness of the Boer movements,
the comparative immunity which they had enjoyed thus far in their
invasion of Natal, roused the most intense excitement not only thrcmgh-
out that colony, but throughout the British Empire. It became evident
to all that the Boer army was much more powerful than anyone outside
the secr«'ts of tin two Republics had ever guessed. Anything in the way
of victorv seemed for a time t> be possible to them. The inhabitants of
Pieterm. 'Hzburg were panic-srricken and began to prepare themselves
for a vigor. »us defence of the capital city of Natal.

General Sir RMvnPs Buller, who had been appointed Commander of
the entire forces in South Africa and who, during the month of Novem-
ber, had remained mainly at Cape Town directing his forces northwards
to repel the invasion of Cape ( olony as well as eastwards to meet the in-
vasion of Natal, soon saw that the latter was at the time the most serious
problem. In the beginning of December he sailed for Durban and
speedily moved to the front. ITe recognized at once that the situation
vas extremely grave and dangerous. He resolved not to leave the
d'velopment of the British defence and the counter- attack in Natal to
any of his subordinate generals, but to undertake it t nself. This deci-
sion was undoubtedly a brave one, for it involved General Buller in so
close a study of local events in Natal that he was unabh -^o direct affairs
powerfully and intelligently in the other distari scones (* ' invasion and

the

IMAGE EVALUATION
TEST TARGET (MT-3)

v^ «K.

1.0

I.I

2.5

1^ IIIIlM

1.8

11.25 11.4 IIIIII.6

'el

▼ ^^ «# ^'?;

°\ \>'

y/f

Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

? VVSi MAIN STREET

WEaSTES.N.Y. 14580

(716) 872-4503

^!^

iniwiymw. IP

\ )

:!/.-.

642

r//£ INVASION OF NATAL.

battle. His original plan, it is said, had been that which Lord Roberts
with slight modifications has now carried out, namely, to invade the
Orange Free State from the south with a large army and make straight
for Bloemfontein, If he had had enough troops at his disposal, both
to withstand any further invasion of Natal and to initiate the invasion
of the Free State, he would undoubtedly have carried out that plan.
He had to choose, how^ever, between the enormous risk of the successful
occupation of the whole of Natal by the Boers and the delay of his
original plan by bringing enough troops into Natal to drive the Boers
back. He chose the latter course and his decision will probably be felt
by all men to have been in the circumstances wise if not indeed obvious
and inevitable.

At the end of the first week of December General Buller had reached
the Frere camp and began operations by moving northwards towards
Ladysmith. In the meantime Sir George White still maintained con-
siderable activity. On the night of December 7th he sent out his force
eastwards to attack a strong position occupied by the Boers on Lom-
bard's Kop. This was a fierce struggle and it ended in victory for
the British general. A similar and very successful sortie was made
in another direction on December 10th. Of course he lost men, both in
killed and wounded, on all these occasions. The British newspapers
faithfully printed the names of all who were cut off by death or wounds
or capture, and painfully added up each week the sad and disastrous
totals.

One of the humorous features of the war has been the extraordinary-
habit of the Boers of minimizing their losses to a ridiculous extent. The
telegrams from Pretoria have usually announced, even after a severe
fight, that while the British lost many the Fetleral forces lost perhaps
one killed and two wounded, or four killed and eight wounded. The
numbers announced have seldom passed ten or a dozen. Tlie outside
world has not been deceived by the monotonous repetition of these trivial
numbers. Most probably their real purpose was not to attempt a de-
ception of Europe and America, but to keep the crushing truth from
the people of the Transvaal. The Boers, of course, are citizen soldiei"*}
who have gone from their farms to this bitter war; and the story of
heavy losses would produce a strong reactionary feeling throughout the

mrn^i^m

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

64^

horncn that heard of loss after loss. President Kruger would have a
uuw war uf a new kind to meet w ithin his own territories, if the women
and children vere told that their fathers and husbands and brothers
were falling by hundreds on distant and bloody battlefields. One of
the most diHmal and, indeed, harrowing features of the war comes into
view when one reflects that_ the organization of the Boer armies prob*
ably makes it hard for them to announce in their home newspapers
the names of those who are slain or left wounded in distant hospitals.
There is a day of terrible despair coming to the Transvaal when its
women wake up to the fact that the fearful tnith has been hidden
from them, and that thousands are bereaved instead of the mere scores
that have been reported.

The week ending Saturday, December 15th, was one of the darkest
in the entire history of the war for Great Britain and all British sym-
pathizers. In that one week three great reverses took place which,
while they did not materially improve the position of the Boers, dis-
turbed tlie self-confidence of Great Britain and opened for the first
time the eyes of the Government to the enormous task which she had
assumed. After the defeat of Lord Methuen, elsewhere described, and
after the disaster to General Gatacre, the British turned with strong
confidence to the movements of General Sir Redvers Buller. It was
known that he had taken under his personal charge the large army
which now confronted General Joubert on the Tugela at Colenso, only
thirteen miles from Ladysmith. It seemed to those war experts and
others who regard events from a distance of 6>000 miles a practical
certainty that General Buller would be able to carry the positions of
the enemy and bring relief to Ladysmith. The consternation of the
world was supreme, therefore, when news came that the British forces
had sustained a serious r'^verse. As the details of the reverse became
known its moral significance seem to grow larger and more portentous.

It was early on Saturday, December 15th, that General Buller began
the attack. The enemy had been for several weeks patiently employed
In dragging their guns to advantageous positions and in digging exten-
sive Intrenchments for their troops. The British seem to have been
unaware, even when the battle began, of the position of some of these
Intrenchments. On the north side of the Tugela the main Boer positions

644

THE INVASION OP NATAL.

were establiHhed on the face of the liiliH which were crowned by their
guns. EtiHt and west their linen extond(?d, in a semi-circle eight miles
long, not folh)wing the windings of the river very closely, but on the east
coming pretty close to the British right, ( leneral Barton, with a brigade
consisting of four battalions of English, Welsh, Hcotch and Irish, re-
spectively, was placed here. On the extrenu* left General Hart's bri-
gade, composed mainly of Irish reginients, moved westwards for the
purpose of reaching a certain ford, known as Bridle Drift. If he could
carry that he would turn tlie enemy's right think as General Barton
on the other wing was intended to turn their left. The entire British
front measured about six miles. Each wing was supported by heavy
guns and in the center on a little hill where stood General Buller and
his staff there were placed the naval guns. The battle began about 6
o'clock in the morning. For some time tin? enemy made no reply to the
heavy guns and few of them sliowed tliemselves anywhere along the
hillsides. At last, however, when th'.* British approached tlie river,
especially near Colenso, botli muskerry and heavy guns opened fire.
The Boers, however, who lined the river banks remained concealed.
Tempted, it is not known yet by what i<len, (Vdonel Long on the right
rushed his guns forward beyond his infantry supports. He was allowed
to approach until within 600 yards of the river banks, when sud-
denly the Boers sprang to their feet and opened a terrific fire with their
Mauser rifles. Tlie drivers and horses were mowed down and the guns
had to be abandoned. Several tlirllllng in<'idents took place in the at-
tempts of the riders and officers to recover some of these field pieces.
The only son of Lord Roberts, Lieutenant Roberts, volunteered to make
the effort, took with him several companions and tried to haul one of the
big guns away. He wa« hit and died of his wound not long after.

While this was happening on the right General Hart's Irish regi-
ments were encountering an opposition as sudden and as terrific on the
far left. In spite of the slaugliter which took place in their ranks
the Irishmen rushed through the river, a U•^\ of them drowning in the
attempt, and occupied the north banks. If they coul 3 have been effectu-
ally supported at this time they might have held their own, but as it
was they were compelled to withdraw, Tliese two disasters of course
made the advance of the center imiM^Hsible and it became evident to-

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

645

wards noon that the elaborate attack of General Biiller had ended in
disaster. The losses were very serious in men and in guns. '

While the Boer armies had in this engagement made no headway
and revealed no power of successfully attacking the British forces or
carrying the invasion of Natal any further, the reverse was most
serious because of the effect which it would produce through-
out South Africa, encouraging the Dutch to a more hopeful opposition,
and depressing the entire British force, and chiefly, of course, the already
disappointed troops in Ladysmith. It was not accurately known how
much amn anition Sir George White possessed, nor how long his pro-
visions would hold out. lie himself continued to send forth cheerful
messages announcing successful sorties in one direction or another, and
promised to hold out indefinitely, even for months, if necessary.

On January 6th, General Joubert made his supreme effort to reduce
General White's army by force. The attack seems to have been elab-
orately planned and threatened at one time to be successful. The strug-
gle was undoubtedly one of the three or four fiercest which occurred
during the first five months of the war. The Boer Commander concen-
trated a large part of the troops which held the hills on the Tugela
against General Buller^ in a movement northwards upon the southerji
camps of General White. The chief objective points were two camps
lying side by side, known as Caesar's Camp and Wagon Hill. The former
was reached by the enemy who moved silently and quickly about 3:00
o'clock in the mornings At 9:00 General White was able to send a
message to General Buller that fighting still continued while every-
where he had succeeded in holding the enemy off. At mid-day another
message was sent which showed that the Boers were conscious of being
engaged in a supreme effort. Although driven back they moved for-
ward again in great numbers both from the south and north.
General White bore witness in his last message that the
enemy had pushed their attack with the greatest courage and
energy, and the last words which the heliograph could convey
that night were the ominous words — "Hard Pressed." The Boer
armies were determined to capture the intrenchnients of Wagon Hill
which would bring them close to the main camp and so make their
final victory practically certain. Tlirce times during the awful hours

646

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

^^■- ,

of that long, long day di^ the enemy charge the intrenchmenta and
drive the British soldiers from them. And three times did the latter,
under Colonel Ian namilton, return to the attack and drive the enemy
back again. One position, which General White did not name, was
occupied throughout the day by the enemy, but, as darkness was fall-
ing, the soldiers of the Devonshire regiment, led by Colonel Park, ad-
vanced against this point. A very heavy rain storm, was falling, which
thickened the air and made progress very difficult. Nevertheless they
charged home with great dash and gallantry and recovered the lost
ground. The newspapers had some thrilling stories of the incidents
of that day, for during these attacks and counter attacks there must
have been heroic deeds as well as ghastly scenes. General White's
troops must have fought with a courage of despair throughout those
crushing eighteen hours. The impression of the British Commander
was that the Boers had lost much more heavily than he did, but the
usual Transvaal telegram announced that after 15 hours of fighting
and facing the withering fire of six batteries and being driven back at all
points, they had four killed and 15 wounded! It was reported that the
soldiers of the Free State were those who suffered most in this battle.

It is easy to criticise after the event, and the Boer Commanders
no doubt have their own sad experiences from the war experts who
decide at a distance what ought and what ought not to have been
done. • Some have, it seems, published their theories that General Jou-
bert committed a great mistake in making this effort; that it disheart-
ened liis own men by showing them their inability to attack an enemy
even after having held him for two months in a close investment. But
General Joubert has quite enough to say on the other side. The very
fact that General White felt the strain so severely and that he tele-
graphed at one point that he had little hope of holding out, that he
was "hard pressed," proves that General Joubert while he did fail and
did reap the unfortunate fruits of failure, yet had undertaken no foolish
and hopeless adventure.

During the month of February General Buller made one effort after
another to cut into the enemy's lines and deliver the beleaguered army
in Ladysmith. Having received the addition of the fifth division, under
Lieutenant-General Sir Charles Warren with 10,000 men, he attempted

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

G47

to attain his purpose by making a wide movement to the west. First
be captured a drift, called Potgieter's Drift, higher up the river than
(.'olenHO, and crossed some of his troops at that point. In the mean-
time Sir Charles Warren moved still further west until he reached
a ford under a high hill called Spion Kop. His movements here were
of course not unopposed by the enemy, who rapidly spread their forces
among the hills on the north side of the river westward as far as the
Britii^h went. Some of General Warren's troops had to cross the river
under fire, but they succeeded in doing so and drove the enemy back
from the immediate neighborhood of the river. On January 24th Gen-
eral Warren sent a portion of his troops to attack Spion Kop. Bravely
they mounted under the galling fire and when they reached the top they
Hent the Boers flying down the three sides of the hill. All night they
remained there. Efforts were made to secure suitable spots for the
implacement of the heavy guns but these could not be dragged up the
steep slope. The soldiers strove to dig intrenchments and only par-
tially succeeded. This was of course hard work, as they were exposed
to a shell-flre from the tops of the neighboring hills to which they could
not reply. Under cover of this fire the Boers moved again up the
UHcent on the south side and firing with accuracy and rapidity they
compelled the British to withdraw after a fierce and desperate struggle.
General Buller at once saw that this made further advance at that point
impossible and he retired with his troops across the river.

Once more the British people throughout the world had their ardor
damped and their hopes darkened by reverse. Undaunted, General
Buller tried again and again to secure a footing on the north side of the
Tugela. Every time that he won some point which promised to cut into
the enemy's lineS; he was compelled to withdraw from it. Gradually he
moved his experiments eastwards until, towards the end of February,
having driven the enemy back from the ground which they had occupied
on the south side of the river during a temporary retirement to re-or-
ganisse his troops, he once more resumed his way towards Ladysmith.
The experts hazarded the guess, and not without reason, that General
Buller made these persistent efforts, even when there seemed not much
hope of success, under injunctions from Lord Roberts to keep the enemy
thoroughly and actively employed. For Lord Roberts had now massed

i,.|

:/ ■

648

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

a large army at De Aar Junction and Modder River, and was preparing
for tlie remarkable turning movement by which he suddenly changed
the whole direction and complexion of the war. General BuUer was
aided in his further attempts to reach Ladysmith by this success in the
central scene of war. For the Boer Generals were compelled to deplete
their armies in Natal in order to defend the Orange Free State. Day
after day General White's men saw the loi;g trains of wagons and
troops moving westwards on the road to \i\n Keenen's Pass. By this
time the long confinement, the miserable food and the unsanitary con-
ditions had so reduced the energy of the unhappy men that they had no
chance of making any attack. They could only wait, ready only for
self-defence, but eager for the arrival of their long desired deliverers. In
the last week of February General Buller announced that he had dis-
covered a ford below the waterfall, had moved some troops across at that
point and captured the impending height called Pieter's Hill. The Boers
were intrenched in sufficient numbers here to make the battle a long
one, lasting for several days, and a fierce one, costing many lives. The
British had to press painfully up the hills, making for themselves shel-
ters with the innumerable stones and behind the rocks which covered
the bare steep sides of the hills. Day and night some of them served in
such exposed positions, but at last the height was cleared of the enemy
and the road into Ladysmith was under command.

In the meantime, as it afterwards turned out, the people in Lady-
smith, hearing the British guns drawing closer and closer, watched with
chagrin the long line of retreating Boers as they moved westwards
towards Van Reenen's Pass. In vain they longed to harass their retreat,
for their animals had either been killed for.food or were too weak to haul
the guns, and the Boers moved beyond their range, steadily and safely.

General Buller immediately sent forward Lord Dundonald with his
cavalry to explore the road into Ladysmith, fearful lest still the enemy
might hold some unknown point of vantage on the way. Carefully they
felt along the way while the day ended and darkness deepened. They
moved over hill and valley, rocky road and grassy slope as quickly as
possible until suddenly pulled up by the challenge of a British picket,
"Who goes there?" The thrilling answer was "Ladysmith relief army."
A storm of thunder and lightning broke upon the scene, giving strange

THE INVASION OF NATAL.

649

fitful and lurid light to the events which took place as the relieving
cavalry moved on towards the town. As the news spread rapidly
from camp to camp cheer after cheer arose from the half frantic
and worn out heroes of the siege. When Sir George White and his staff
rode out to meet their deliverers it is said that all were deeply affected.
It seemed too good to grasp at last, this which they had hoped for for
long, long weeks, which seemed often to approach only again to recede;
which had tantalized them with promise and with disappointment. Even
the little children were excited, gathering in groups entL'isiastic and
joyful. It is said that General White passing some of these shouted to
them cheerily, "Plenty of sugar and jam now. No more siege rations."
The relieving army were saddened and depressed by the appearance of
the soldiers whom they saw in the camps around Ladysmith, — white-
faced, hollow-eyed, weakened men. The story of their experience
during the last few weeks must have contained most harrowing details.
They are said to have been living on half a pound of meal a day with
horse or mule flesh added. More people died of sickness than were
killed by the rifles or shells of the Boers. Latterly there was no means
of restoring the vitality of any upon whom disease had fastened its
fangs; to lie down sick meant to die. Among those who died of typhoid
fever was the brilliant correspondent, George W. Steevens.

The news of the relief of Ladysmith, following as it did the story of
the relief of Kimberley and the surrender of General Cronje at Paarde-
berg, awoke enthusiasm throughout the British army and, indeed,
throughout the British Empire. Even hostile Europe, jealous of Brit-
ain's power, Europe anxious to see Britain humbled, yet dreads to see
what she would like to see. For Britain humbled or the British Empire
crushed would mean an alteration so profound in international relations
throughout the world, that not the wisest political seers can foretell
what would follow; no nation would be as it was before and no nation
knows in advance what such a disaster to Great Britain would mean to
itself. Hostile Europe breathed a sigh of relief and began to say less
about intervention. In South Africa the relief of Ladysmith meant the
deliverance of Natal. Those portions of Natal which were annexed to
the Transvaal and ruled by the Boers for four months, were speedily
reoccupied and the colony begun to resume its natural ways again.

■(■■•■■■^B

CHAPTER II.
INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

THE united armies of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State
were not content with the invasion of Natal, they had reasons also
for at once crossing the frontiers into Cape Colony. This they did
at various points. In the far west they attacked the town of Mafeking
where Colonel Baden-Powell had been busily fortifying his position,
which he defended with less than a thousand men. Another column
attacked Kimberley, beginning the siege only three or four days after
the declaration of war and quickly making the investment complete.
Other forces invaded the Cape Colony from the southeastern corner of
the Orange Free State, making for Aliwal North and pushing on even
as far as Queens town. Various commandos were sent across the bor-
ders at different points and these proceeded to occupy such places as
Vryburg, Taungs, Barkly West, near Kimberley, and Kuruman, the
famous mission station. In some of these places only a feeble resistance
wa» presented to the invaders, indeed at several of them the Dutch sym-
pathizers were so strong as to compel the loyalists to submit as cheer-
fully as possible and allow the enemy to take possession. Kuruman,
where a British Resident lives, was besieged for a considerable time
and held out with great patience and courage. The beleaguered force
was, however, too small and untrained to make a successful defence
possible. Wherever the Boers obtained possession of a town or a dis-
trict they at once manifested their ultimate purpose by proclaiming its
annexation. Evidence is accumulating that in some places where the
loyalists fled from their farms, the farms were at once occupied by others
who no doubt expected, if their armies triumphed, to hold them as their
permanent property. Great confusion was created in these districts by
the fact that through these months the territories were treated as practi-
<'a11y under the Government of the Federal forces, and that not merely
for military but even for civil purposes.

650

I,-.

THE INVASION OF CAFE COLONY.

THE SIEGE OF KIMBERLBY.'

651

Kiraberley, just before the attack of the enemy, received for its de-
fence a British regiment, commanded by Colonel Kekewich. As soon as
war appeared to be imminent the civic authorities began to prepare for
the attack which they knew would inevitably be made upon the great
diamond town. To add at once to the interest and the complications of
the situation Mr. Cecil Rhodes hastened from Cape Town to Kimberley
and at once made up his mind to remain there to the end. His presence
undoubtedly did something to encourage a certain section of the citizens,
and he appears to have put great energy into the work of restraining the
native population. It has been reported that he set large bands of
natives to the task of laying out a new suburb for the town. This
consisted in making streets and planting trees. One of the avenues
the world knows already is to be called "Siege Avenue." Undoubtedly
it needed a strong hand and the possession of money to control the
thousands of black people who were locked up in the city when the
s?ege began. Most of these did not belong to the town and were there
simply as mining laborers on contract for a definite period. If they
had got out of hand through the pressure of famine or danger of any
other kind it would have been a serious matter for the entire population.
At one time it is said that the Boers were asked whether they would
allow some thousands of these to pass through their lines, but they,
naturally, thinking of their own interests and of the increasing difficul-
ties which the presence of the natives made for the inhabitants, abso-
lutely refused the request.

The town of Kimberley stands on a flat plain and the military author-
ities set to work at once to make the best of their position. They had
the immense advantage of being able to use the huge heaps of debris
from the mines for purposes of fortification, and for making bomb-proof
refuges for the women and children. Upon these artificial heights
searchlights were placed which not only served to reveal attempted
movements of the enemy, but also to flash messages to the British forces
under Lord Methuen, some twenty miles away. The citizens provided
a large number of volunteers, both for medical service and for active
warfare. These, at the very beginning of the trouble, showed them-

^l.

662

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

selves posHeBsed uf all the qualities uecessury to make a volunteer force
efifective. On their first trial summons, by means iff signal bells and
whistles, they rushed from their homes and businesses to their resi^ective
places of rendezvous, astonishing and delighting the Colonel in com-
mand with their quickness and courage. In addition to internal means
of defence, extensive defences were erected all round the town by means
of barb-wire fences, which in this war have been over and over again
proved to be so baffling to an enemy. The fighting at Kimberley

' was less exciting than anywhere else. The forces were not able to
make effective sorties on more than one or two occasions, while the
Boers were, of course, unable to cross the open plain and come
within a distance which would make hard fighting possible. The
outside world, therefore, was only able to hear, from time to time,
that all was well, and yet that the distress of the inhabitants was in-
creasing week by week as food decreased and as the supplies of water
became precarious. The women and little children were, it seems, sent
down into the mines or into passages excavated in the debris heaps
while active bombardment was proceeding. Altogether 120 people, most
of whom were natives, have been reported as killed in the course of the
operations.

As soon as General Buller was able to gather his troops at Cape
Town he sent forward a strong force under General Lord Methuen to
undertake the relief of Kimberley. With remarkable rapidity he col-
lected his troops on the Orange River, which he was allowed to cross
near Hopetown, and then to begin his movements northwards/ His
first battle was on the ridges of Belmont. On the morning of November

. 23rd he sent his troops against the enemy, who were intrenched on the
first ridge. He had the good fortune to command a naval brigade, which
rendered here as at Ladysmith most important service with their guns.
But the brunt of the battle was borne by his infantry, whom Lord
Methuen sent in frontal attack to capture one after another of three
ridges in succession. Each time his own men suffered severely but
swept up the steep ascent and, bayoneting the enemy, drove them back
with irresistible^ force and most brilliant courage. The Boers, as Lord
Methuen confessed, fought both with courage and skill, so bravely in-
deed that it was evident if they had had time to intrench themselves

I ;•

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

/' 65a

more thoiouj;hly the Britmh losses would have been far greater. In
three days he liad moved forward to another station on the railway
line ealled Oraspan, and here on the 25th, at 6 oVlock in the morning,
he began his second battle. It was calculated that about 2,500 Boers
with six guns and two machine guns were ready to meet him. Once
more the fighting was desperate, but once more the Boer forces were
compelled to retire. A minor fight ut Honey Nest Kloof completed the
opening of the railroad to the Modder Kiver. Once across the Modder
River it seemed as though Lord Metiiuen would speedily be able to
reach Kimberley, which was only about twenty miles farther north.
He was allowed to ^ross and found himself confronted by the enemy
who occupied a long high kopje, at Magersfontein.

Lord Methuen made up his mind on December 11th to carry this new
position, and was naturally tempted to do it in somewhat the same
way as that which had proved so successful on former occasions. His
attack was evidently very carefully planned. The enemy before him
were intrenched on their heights, and it was his object to turn their left
wing so as at once to cut off their retreat to the Orange Free State and
to open the direct road to Kimberley. The form of his attack which
ended in disaster has been ever since that fatal day a subject of con-
stant discussion and criticism. Criticism concentrates itself upon the
use which he made of his magnificent Highland brigade, which was
under the command of General A. G. Wauchope, one of the ablest and
most popular oflflcers in the British army. The fighting began with an
attempt to surprise the enemy on the British right by a forward march
before daybreak. The Highlanders were sent forward with a view of
reaching the trenches and using their bayonets before the Boers could
leap to their feet and use their Mauser rifles. Various war correspond-
ents have described in a most thrilling manner the experiences of that
strange and awful morning. Some of the soldiers lost their w^ay in
the dark; the main body moved straight forward, but through some acci-
dent gave warning to the enemy, who immediately turned the search-
light upon them. There stood disclosed to the Boer soldiers the High-
landers moving in close formr^;ion a very short distance away. It was
the work of a moment for the defenders of the trenches to leap to their
feet and pour in upon the almost solid mass of blinded, startled, dis*

684

"THE INVASION OP CAPE COLONY.

ordered men a terril5c and annihilating rifle fire. Scores of Highlanders
fell aud amongst them their magnificent and inspiring leader himself.
Even as he lay, with bullets in him, he cheered on his brave fellows.
It is said, and the incident has added largely to the intense feeling
of the public throughout the civilized world, that General Wauchope
deprecated the movement upon which he was sent, and as they set out
in the dark to attack an enemy they could not see and whose strength
they did not know, he protested to his men that they must not blame
him for the mad adventure. However that be, mad adventure it un-
doubtedly was. When daylight broke gradually upon the wide ex-
tended battlefield it was to show that some miles to the left Lord
Methuen had sent his cavalry, his mounted infantry and a battery, and
that they were doing th^ir best to get at the enemy on their side. All
day long the battle raged, time after time the Highlanders were sent
forward to attack the enemy in their trenches and among the trees
where they lay hidden. It was a fearful thing to watch the baffled men
go back at the word of command in open formation, moving forward
without being able to see the enemy, to watch them as they came near
the dreaded line and began to fall one by one. Those who survived
moved on with short rushes or cast themselves on the ground, until at
last the bravest heart rebelled against the useless and maddening sacri-
fice and turned to move slowly to the starting point, looking over his
shoulder sternly yet fearfully every moment as if to see what was hap-
pening, or if anything was moving among the horrid trees that concealed
the secret of death. Lord Methuen summed the day's work up when he
announced that the attack had failed and that his loss was great. Next
day he was compelled to retire and moved back to his camp on the
Modder River. He had succeeded in taking some prisoners, who told him
that his enemies had also lost heavily under the searching fire of shrap-
nel and the shock of lyddite shell.

The news of this reverse struck horror and shame to the hearts
of the British everywhere. It was the first of a series of most humiliat-
ing reverses. It was still hoped that Lord Methuen might be able to
develop some form of attack which would turn the enemy's flank and
enable him to reach his destination, and as news came at intervals, time
after time, of movements made by certain of his cavalry forces west-

THE INVASION OP CAPE COLONY.

■t!

655

wards even as far as Douglas the hope of a general advance was always
reawakened. Nevertheless the weeks and months passed and Lord
Methuen was unable to make another effort, beyond continuing long
range firing upon the trenches of the Boers. In the meantime the latter
made their mountain like a fortress. They made tunnels and deep,
wide trenches through which their men and even their guns were
moved with great rapidity unseen by their enemy. It would appear
that General Cronje, who here commanded the Boers, was so sure of
victory that he allowed his people to bring wmnen and children in their
wagons and these lived with the army througii all the weeks until the
14th of February.

The result of these reverses in Great Britain was the arousing of
the entire nation and all its colonies to fresh and extraordinary exer-
tions. It was resolved at once to send out 50,000 more men with full
equipment and to dispatch Field-Marshal Lord Roberts as Commander-
in-Chief, with Lord Kitchener as his Chief of Staff. The appointment
of these two brilliant Generals was received with great enthusiasm
throughout the British Empire, and was considered by the Boer leaders
as a great compliment to their armies, their skill and their prowess.

Lord Roberts is peculiarly beloved throughout the British army and
is usually spoken of by his soldiers as "Bobs" or even as "Little Bobs."
He was born in India, where his father was in service before him, and
he himself spent 41 years in India, whose history he has described in
two large, important and fascinating volumes. He was one of the
younger heroes of the mutiny, when he displayed undaunted courage;
and he earned the Victoria Ci'oss while yet a young Lieutenant. His pro-
motion was steady and he passed from grade to grade until he reached
his present position of supremacy in the military world of the British
Empire. He was noted trom the beginning not only for his brilliant
ability as an officer but for his geniality and wisdom as a man. He ii
at once a stern fighter, a genius in strategy and a diplomatist of the
first order. His appointment to South Africa was almost coincident
with the news of the death of his son at the battle of Colenso, and he
himself is far on towards 70 years of age. But at the call of his country
he accepted the huge responsibility laid upon him and proceeded speed-
ily to the Cape.

656

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

y ,■

Lord Kitchener was in the Soudan of course and there received hk
appointment by telegram. With the promptitude and energy of his
unique personality he started immediately and was able to join the ship
on which Lord Roberts sailed, when it called at the island of Madeira.
Lord KitcL{>ncl^s portrait has been once for all clearly and almost
startlingly set forth in George W. Steevens' rapid but powerful sketches
entitled "With Kitchener to Khartoum." Lord Kitchener is yet under
50 years of age and has spent nearly all his military life in Palestine
and Egypt. He is beyond all others the organizing genius of the British
army. Mr. Steevens shows that the subjugation of the Soudan was
due to Lord Kitchener's extraordinary power of organization. Patiently,
silently he prepared all the steps necessary not only for smashing the
terrific Dervish army, but also for henceforth holding the Soudan. He
it is upon whom Lord Roberts relies for attending to every detail in
the vital department of transport. No stronger combination could have
been found by any country than that which is presented in the brains
of these two men, and the events in South Africa which immediately
followed their arrival on the scene of operations fully vindicated their
appointment in combination.

Lord Roberts as soon as he arrived began to show his power as a
diplomatist. He selected, his body guard from colonial troops, he issued
a proclamation announcing at once the firm determination of Great
Britain to win in the struggle against an enemy who had invaded her
territories, but also announcing the clemency of the British authorities,
their desire to injure no one unnecessarily, to conduct the war humanely
and even to treat rebels with consideration if they should surrender.
He has made several other proclamations which have all tended to as-
suage bitterness and to create confidence in the integrity of Great
Britain. Ho delivered a remarkable speech to the Highland Brigade
which suffered so terribly at the battle of Magersfontein. In this speech
lie said that the Highlanders had made him; that he had never yet fought
without having Highlanders as a portion of his force, and that he relied
upon them most thoroughly to aid him in this struggle. No appeal
could possibly have been more thrilling and eloquent than that which
he thus addressed to his trusted Highland troops, smarting from their
sore experience at Magersfontein. There can be little doubt that every

■s\

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

067

man of them would willingly rush into any struggle at the command of
Lord Roberts.

It may be said that the Highland Brigade was by this time
placed under the command of General Hector Macdonald, "uother
of the most popular heroes of the British army. He began hiti career
as a private soldier, the son of a poor farmer in the north of Scotland.
He early distinguished himself for his intrepidity and was marked out
by Lord Roberts for advancement. His extraordinary courage as well
as his power as a leader of men won for him his promotion and appoint-
ment &» a commissioned officer. He has fought in many wars and seen
many desperate fights. It is said that on one occasion he was one of two
men who out of a little company of nineteen alone survived a terrific
fight on an exposed position. He wa^s on Majuba Hill also on that fatal
day and resisted to the last. It is said that one Boer who approached
him was knocked down with his fist, and another was about to shoot him
when a third, a wounded Boer, threw up his gun, saying, "Do not shoot
him, for this is a brave man.'' He was in the Soudan campaign under
Lord Kitchener, and there again he fully maintained the reputation
which has earned the sobriquet of "Fighting Mac."

Several weeks passed during which th^ two Generals were busy with
preparations necessary to reorganize the scattered forces as well as
to educe out of the confusion some unity of plan and purpose. During
this period Lord Roberts remained at Cape Town. At last early in
February it was announced that he had gone to the front, and men's
hearts all over the world beat quicker as they road the news. He pro-
ceeded to the Modder River, where he had without any display gathered
a large army. He summoned to his side General French, who had dis-
tinguishe<1 himself by his cavalry operations in the Colesberg district,
and gave into his charge a large cavalry brigade, which immediately
proved to be of immense power. He sent occasional parties westward
and allowed General Cronje to believe that the fight would be continued
on the lines marked out by Lord Methuen, that his main purpose was
to move directly on the railway line towards Kimberley, probably to
pass on towards Mafeking. But on I'ebruary 13th he began a series of
swift movements in an easterly direction, which fairly startled both
the enemy and the entire world that was keenly watching developments.

058

THE INVASION OP CAPE COLONY.

(Jkneral French was sent forward with a large force of cavalry to cross
the Modder River at a drift considerably to the east. This force was
followed up by others, which were accompanied by Lord Roberts him-
self and his staff. Eo moved his headquarters camp to Jacobsdahl,
from which the enemy bad been driven. He was now in the Orange
Free State and the inhabitants were surprised to find that the British
soldiers did not loot their homes and help themselves to everything in
their stores. On the contrary perfect order prevailed.. At every shop-
door a British sentry was posted and no one was allowed to take any-
thing except for payment. In the meantime the advance troops had
made their way forward. General French swept one small party after
another from before his path and then with a sudden dash struck north-
westward, and before the enemy realized or could defeat his purpose he
was at Kimberley, and the besieged town was relieved!

General Cronje had no doubt made up his mind for a very fierce
battle and was determined to occupy the positions which he had made
so strong at Magersfontein, but when the news came that Lord Roberts'
army was on the left cutting him off from the Orange Free State and
that General French had started for Kimberley it became evident that
his position was desperate indeed. Hurriedly, on that dark night, the
active and energetic Boer commander gathered all his forces together
and struck out eastward. His convoy was hauled by slow-going oxen
which hampered his movements exceedingly. Through the dark they
pushed on and on, the tired oxen lashed and lashed again to make them
drag their weary steps. It is said that they were compelled to cover
during that night and the \iext day no less a distance than thirty miles,
an ox-wagon journey that can hardly have been excelled in all South
African history. General Cronje slipped through between the rear of
General French's force and the advance guard of Lord Roberts's main
army. It is said that the latter were detained by a drift which was
deeper than they expected to find it, and that if this had not been the
case the gap which allowed General Cronje to pass through would never
have existed.

At Kimberley, of course, rejoicings filled the air with great shouts
and songs of triumph. The beleaguered inhabitants had for some time
sufT«red great distress from lack of food. They had been reduced to

' r'r

• I

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

659

horseflesh, at which it is said the women and children fairly sickened.
Nevertheless the town itself remained as a whole in good health, there
being but little fever and the water supply having been maintained.
Lord Roberts made a hurried visit to the town, where he at once authori-
tatively set some things right that evidently had been confused by an
attempted struggle for authority between the Colonel in command and
certain civilians. Mr. Rhodes held a meeting of the De Beers Com-
pany, at which he spoke with enthusiasm and high hope of the issue
and results of the war, and asserted that "the greatest commercial asset
in the world" is "Her Majesty's flag."

In the meantime Lord Roberts's army was in pursuit of the Boer
army, who were overtaken on the Modder River, where they had seized
the banks and intrenched themselves near Paardeberg. Lord Roberts
speedily surrounded them and attempted reinforcements were beaten
off in detail by General French's swift and resistless cavalry. For
the flrst time the Boer commanders found themselves confronted on
open ground with cavalry forces as mobile as their own. In every direc-
tion in which they moved they were outwitted and their advance was
checked. General Cronje held out for ten days while "all the world
wondered." His people burrowed holes in the banks of the river, where
they took refuge beyond the reach of danger. General Roberta placed
his guns so as to command the entire Boer camp, which at first measured
about a mile square. By night and day a terrific bombardment took
place, which must have resulted in the deaths of many, but which prob-
ably produced more terror than actual destruction of human life. It
was said that General Cronje himself desired to surrender but was
restrained by his younger men. On the other hand some of the pris-
oners afterwards declared that he ought to have surrendered sooner
than he did, and that holding out had meant a needless sacrifice of life
and needless misery to his people. There were women and children in
considerable numbers in that terrible camp throughout all the fierce and
crushing terrors of those days. No doubt General Cronje was encour-
aged to hold out by the hope that reinforcements would be able to
reach him and as he heard the sounds of fighting from time to time he
was led on day after day by this hope. At last on the night of the 26th,
some of Lord Roberts's troops, which included the Canadian volunteers,

000

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

reduced the distance between them and the camiJ from 600 to 200 yards.
This was done by brilliant work on the part of the Canadians during the
night, and they held their position, where they had intrenched them-
selves, the next day with magnificent determination. This seemed to
take the heart out of General Cronje and his advisers. On the morning
of February 27th the Boer General sent a letter to Lord Roberts in
which he stated that he surrendered unconditionally. Lord Roberts then
demanded that he himself must appear at the British camp and that
his forces must lay down their arms and come out of their laager. This
accordingly was done. The General walked out and was met by hia
victorious enemy with great courtesy and kindness, his first words being,
"I am glad to see you, sir. You are a brave man." The dejected Boer
leader asked for kind treatment, and also asked that wherever he was to
be sent his wife and grandson, his private secretary and others might
be sent with him. All his requests were promptly complied with, and
he was conveyed to Cape Town under the charge of a Major-General, who
handed him over to the General-in-Command at that place. The pris-
oners, who numbered nearly 4,000, were sent in detachments in the same
direction.

Needless to say, this event produced immense joy throughout Great
Britain, while the Boers and their friends everywhere appreciated
the significance of the disaster to their interests. The fact that the
surrender occurred on the anniversary of the battle of Majuba Hill
could not fail, of course, to awaken various feelings according to the
character to men. Perhaps those who make war their profession and
to whom military pride is very dear, may in some measure be forgiven
for their joy over the fact that in this way Majuba had been, as they
would say, avenged. Nevertheless, there are multitudes of Britons to
whom thoughts of vengeance even in connection with the war are for-
bidden, and who deprecate the suggestion that Great Britain is seeking
to recover any honor that she lost on that distant and fateful day.

The surrender of General Cronje hastened the departure of the troops
from around Ladysmith. It struck dismay to the hearts^ especially
of the inhabitants and soldiers of the Orange Free State. They now
saw a considerable part of their own Republic occupied by the British

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

061

1 1

armies, with no prospect of any army being rallied strong enough to
drire them back.

*i, became evident that henceforth the question was not whether the
Boer armies could conquer the British colonies, but how soon the British
armies could complete the invasion of the Orange Free State and over-
whelm the Transvaal. ,

THE SIEGE OF MAFEKING.

One of the most striking and picturesque portions of the entire story
of the war is undoubtedly the siege of Mafeking. This town is on the
extreme north of the Cape Colony, close to the borders of the Transvaal,
and on the railway between Kimberley and Buluwayo, about 200 miles
noi'th of the former town. In the end of September it was occupied
by Colonel R. S. Baden-Powell. He could only muster less than a
thousand men fit for war. Knowing that this was one of the points
which the Boers would be sure to attack immediately. Colonel Baden-
Powell set to work to prepare for that event. He knew that the siege
might be a long one if his communications with the south were cut off.
He accordingly gathered in all the provisions that he could, as well
HH cattle, and proceeded to fortify the place as thoroughly as possible,
lie selected the sites for his forts and connected them with the center
of the town by means of telephone wires. He erected a bomb-proof
mhelter on a central spot for himself and his staff. He also caused bomb-
proof shelters to be dug in the ground in various parts of the town. He
Helected a place as the women's laager where the wives and children of
the inhabitants could be gathered, which would be marked off somewhat
from the rest of the town, so that the Boers could recognize it and avoid
deliberately shelling it. For a time he tried to keep command of the
railroad by means of his armored train. When at last the road, both
Honthwards and northwards, was cut off it is said that he laid rails
round the town so that his armored train could carry help to any part
where It was suddenly needed.

When the Transvaal troops arrived they met with a warm reception,
but Inasmuch as they were several thousand strong and were well armed
both with rifles and big guns, they were able gradually to drive the
Colonel's soldiers back upon their lines of defence and to hold them

662

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

there for the ensuing five monthB. Throughout that long period Mafe-
king was witnout reinforcement of any kind. It was left to CJolonel
Baden-Powell himself to discover methods for keeping his numerous
and ingenious and aggressive enemy at bay. While thus planning with
great resourcefulness for his successive efforts to dishearten the foe, he
was compelled also to discover ways of keeping up the hearts of the
besieged. The civil population as well as the military required to be
kept in good humor and of good courage. It will stand to the honor of
his name for many years to come that he succeeded so brilliantly in both
directions. His cheery messages amused and surprised and thrilled all
readers. He succeeded from time to time in getting dispatches through
the lines of the enemy; no doubt this was done most frequently by
means of native carriers who in the dark could slip silently through the
pickets of the Boer force, carrying in the corner of a skin, or in the bowl
of a pipe, or in the handle of a spear a little roll of paper with the
precious words upon it which the world hungered to hear.

Colonel Baden-Powell frequently made sorties against the enemy, in
some of which he signally succeeded and others of which were disheart-
ening failures. It is said that at first he used to send his men out at
night to attack the Boers in their trenches. The latter in the earlier
days were surprised and lost heavily in this way, but they learned to
take precaution against these tricks and latterly they were seldom if
ever attempted. One night, as the story goes, 24 hours after one of these
sorties had been made, a red light was sent out of the town and placed
on a spot about the middle of the plain, where, as soon as it was sud-
denly uncovered, it at once attracted the attention of the enemy. The
latter thereupon spent the remainder of the night in expending a vast
amount of ammunition where there was no enemy.

Towards the end of February Lord Roberts sent a message to Mafe-
king to say that reinforcements would be hurried as soon as the relief
of Kimberley had been effected. But in the beginning of March the
news was published of the extreme distress into which the gallant little
garrison and the patient population of this town had come. They were
now limited almost entirely to horseflesh. Other food was extremely
scarce and could only be doled out in the smallest quantities day by day.
The little graveyard received constantly its additions from little chil-

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

66;i

dren and frail women as well as from brave soldiers who fell. Bome of
the children died simply of exhaustion, others were killed by shells
which the enemy frequently sent into the women's laager; many of the
natives who moved freely about the town were also shot. Altogether
the prospect was dreary and oppressive; even the soldiers were now
on such short rations that physical energy had to be husbanded with the
utmost care. The day of aggressive and lively sorties was past, the
utmost that could be hoped for being that they would have force enough
to resist a direct attack of the enemy.

While the large force under Sir George White was beleaguered at
Ladysmith and while the large European population was held in help*
less captivity at Kimberley, the world regarded the brave resistance of
Mafeking with a deep but somewhat pensive and patient interest. It
was well understood that the former places were not only much nearer
geographically, but much more important from the political and mili-
tary points of view. The capture of the little native town and the small
British force at Mafeking would have added neither military glory nor
much practical advantage to the Boers. But as soon as Kimberley and
La.ysmith were relieved and Lord Roberts was safely in possession of
Bloemfontein, an intense impatience arose regarding tlie heroes of Mafe-
king, alike among Boers and British. The former realized that it would
be a deep discredit to their military skill and courage if they failed utter-
ly to capture so small a garrison, while all British sympathizers found the
sentimental desire for the deliverance of Colonel Baden-Powell becom-
ing an even stronger passion in their hearts. People recalled the bright
and striking things which he had said in the earlier days of the siege,
the message to General Oonj^ that "You can't take Mafeking by sitting
down and looking at it," the answer to inquirieti, that they could "sit
tight" and hold on for a long time. They remembered that for months
the besieged men, women and children had been on short rations. They
heard that there was no failure of spirit in their leader or in those whom
he inspired with his bright confidence. It is said that the depressed in-
hab!ta ts got new courage when they saw and heard Baden-Powell go
down the main street whistling. No wonder, then, that the world waited
with almost painful eagerness for the result of this long and apparently
unequal conflict. When Lord Roberts sent General Lord Metbuen north-

G64

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

wards it was instantly assumed that now the latter would be able to
push rapidly on to Mafeking. But the Boers had gathered from various
points with great rapidity to resist this moyement, and at Fourteen
Streams Lord Methuen was compelled to stop. For a time it seemed
as if nothing were b^lng done, and some quick-tempered people were
inclined to blame the field marshal for neglecting the little garrison
on which the world's eyes were fastened.

During all this time it must be remembered that Colonel Flumer
with a small force was persistently trying to reach Mafeking. He had
with great difficulty pushed his way south from Rhodesia, but when
he got to the neighborhood of the town the superior numbers of the
Boers drove him back.

But Lord Roberts was not idle. He sent a message to Colonel Baden-
Powell in which he named the eighteenth day of May as the time at,
or hoped, which relief might be expected to arrive. In the meantime
all observers were kept guessing as to how the thing was to be done. He
allowed the rumor to spread that General Sir Fred. Carrington might
be expected to descend suddenly from the north. He gave another im-
pression by the movements of General Hunter's Division that the latter
would march right up by the railway. In the meantime the date he had
named was drawing near and General Hunter was still a long way off,
and there seemed no possibility of help from the north.

Whether it was that the world's taunts regarding their cowardice
or inefficiency, or both, had reached the ears of the Boers around Mafe-
king, or whether the approaching May 18th made them pluck up courage
it may not be possible to discover. But whatever the cause, the fact is
that at last the Boers made up their minds to do what for five months
they had shrunk from attempting in any effective manner. On May 12th
Commandant Eloff, a son-in-law of President Kruger, led a bold and
even daring attack upon a fort in the inner line of defenses. The move-
ment appears to have been suddenly and skilfully made, and at first
promised to be very successful. A band of British soldiers, including
several officers, with Major Hose among them, were compelled to sur-
render. But Colonel Baden-Powell, who seems to be most skilful as
a strategist, rapidly laid plans for turning a threatening defeat into a
brilliant victory. Through the whole fierce day he directed hi» troops,

« i<iiiilr«i

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

6B5

his aim being to cut off Boer reinforcements and isolate Captain Eloff.
In tiiis he was aided by many armed natives, who entered into the death
struggle against their ancient foes with great zeal. The result of the
British efforts was that the Boers found themselves gradually driven
back and EJloff surrounded. His own men seem to have proved false
when the fiercest of the fight came upon them, and it is said that he and
his bravest followers actually turned round and fired at their own men
whom they saw precipitately fleeing. A dramatic moment came when
Eloff, seeing himself not only beaten but surrounded, gave himself up
as a prisoner to his own prisoner. Major Hose. A considerable number
of Boers were allowed to escape because the people of Mafeking could
not afford to feed so many additional mouths.

Commandant Eloff was taken to Colonel Baden-Powell and intro-
duced to him. The latter said in his cheery way, "How do you do.
Commandant. Won't you come and have some dinner?" which, no
doubt, after a long day's fight the brave Boer was glad enough to do.

But, after all, relief was nearer than Colonel Baden-Powell knew.
Quietly Lord Roberts had caused a flying column of 2,000 picked men to
be formed under Colonel B. T. Mahon, one of the men who have won such
rapid promotion under Lord Kitchener in the Soudan. They were able
to travel at the rate of 20 to 25 miles a day. Starting from Barkly West
on May 4th, they moved swiftly north along the well-known route. After
they had passed Vryburg their movements became known to the Boers,
who tried to entrap them. A sharp battle was fought when the Boers
attacked them suddenly from some thick brush, and the relief column
was victorious. Knowing that as they approached Mafeking the num-
bers of the Boers opposed to them would increase rapidly. Colonel
Mahon is said to have completely baffled his enemies by disappearing
westwards into the desert He made a detour westward and then north-
ward, sent on word to Colonel Plumer and effected a junction with him
on the 17th of May. It must be ever a satisfaction to British people,
and especially to Canadians, that a detachment of Canadian artillery
also joined Colonel Plumer on the morning of that very day! They had
made the most rapid journey ever known in those regions through Rho-
desia from the coast. To facilitate their movements it is said that the
manager of the service of coaches between Salisbury and Buluw.ayo

666

THE INVASION OF CAPE COLONY.

stopped that serrlce and transferred his coaches and mnles to the sec-
vice of these Canadians. They were in time to talce part in a glorious
act. For on that 17th of May the Boers all at once found themselves
attacked in irresistible force and fled precipitately aiv. ignominiously;
from the scene of their long failure to capture Maieking. The relief wa«
effected on the morning of the day previous to that which Lord Roberta
had named a month before.

There were rejoicings at Mafeking. Speeches were made, interviews
with the chief hero of the day were eagerly sought by newspaper cor-
respondents. Through all Colonel Baden-Powell carried himself with
that brightness and modesty which betoken the thoroughly balanced
mind. He claimed no glory for himself but handed the compliments on
to the faithful hearts that had been loyal to him as their trusted leader
for those long and fearful months. ' In a speech at a rapidly improvised
feast he addressed warm words of gratitude to all sections of his little
force and the civil assistants of all kinds who had so bravely faced the
dismal trials of the siege with unexhausted courage and enthusiasm.

Throughout the Empire, but specially in London, the joy was exuber-
ant. The siege had lasted 217 days, and thus stood among the longest
sieges of modern times. The entire history of it was from the outside,
romantic and fascinating by reason of the circumstances under which
from a military point of view it was carried on. Yet more fascinating
even than circumstances is personality; and after all is said, the per-
sonality of Baden-Powell had w^on the affectionate admiration of the
world. It is not too much to say that most people looked at this relief
as being the relief of Baden-Powell, the setting of victory upon his brow.
And the relief of the rest of the people in Mafeking was chiefly interest-
ing to the public because Baden-Powell had led them and made their
deliverance possible.

Among the force which relieved Mafeking was a brother of its bril-
liant defender, Major B. F. Baden-Powell. Many would have liked to
see the meeting of those two brothers. They belong to one of the most
gifted families in England. Their father was a famous theologian of
the Anglican Church, deeply interested in science and earnest about
proving the consistency of the scientific spirit with a Christian faith.
His children are all accomplished people. The hero of Mafeking is him-
self skilled as an artist and an author, as a huntsman and a soldier.

CHAPTER III.
THE INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

UP to the date when Lord Roberts moved his forcea so rapidly from
before Magersfontein, the entire course of the war had been
passed in British territory. Not a foot of soil of the two Boer State*
had been occupied by the Imperial forces. As he have seen, Lord Roberts
sent General French with his powerful forceof mounted infantry straight
to Kimberley. He himself made directly eastwards for the Free State
capital, Bloemfontein, This long march of one hundred miles across
the veldt was an arduous undertaking. There was the blazing sun over-
head and the hot, heavy, blistering sand underfoot ; there was the lack
of water, which can only be found at certain infrequent springs; there
was the ever alert enemy ready to pounce down upon isolated companies
or unguarded convoys, — all these difficulties and more had to be con-
sidered ere the field marshal could organize his vast force for that long
march. Above all, there was the question of food for an army of 40,000
men. When he found that General Cronj^ had fled eastwards, he had
to decide rapidly upon the reorganization of his forces and to carry out
many far-reaching changes in his whole arrangements to meet the new
situation. It is said that at one point his decision to pursue imme-
diately the Boer general and then push on with irresistible force to the
capitol of the Free State depended upon the state of the commissariat
department. Lord Roberts knows that a soldier expects to be fed, and
to be fed in a manner that should maintain his vigor and his spirit. An
un-L.erfed army has no "go," no spring in its step, no eagerness in its
heart. Having summoned the chief of the supply department, he asked
him if he could promise full rations for the new movement. "I cannot,
sir." "Three-quarter rations?" "No, sir." "Half?" "I cannot promise."
A pause ensued, and then the field marshal asked gravely, "Quarter
rations?" "Yes." A second pause, and the commander-in-chief said,
"Well, I think they will do it for me." Evidently "Bobs" trusts "Tommy"
as much as the latter loves him.

867

G68

THE INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE' STATE.

THE MARCH ON BLOEMFONTEIN.

The pause at Paardeberg, for the capture of Ci'onj^'s army, enabled
the British generals to perfect their organization before entering on the
longest and most serious part of their march. The result was that the
supply department was able to do better than it promised, and pro-
visions kept up with the army all the way in a most remarkable manner.

There was no serious battle before Bloemfontein was reached. The
wide territory over ./hich the extended wings of the British array swept
every day prevented the Boers from occupying any place successfully.
The two Presidents are said to have met and unitedly devised means for
disposing and encouraging their troops. But all was in vain. Time
after time, when they imagined themselves to be well-placed and
strongly entrenched, they found themselves outflanked by a mobile Brit-
ish cavalry, and were compelled to abandon their positions precipitatel3%
Skirmishes of varying importance took place every day, but no pitched
battle was attempted by the outnumbered and baffled Boers. The most
serious attempt at a stand was madr at Poplar's Grove, and it resulted
in a sudden rout which amazed alike the British and the Boer com-
manders. It is here that an army like that of the Boer ^hows its weak-
ness. When once thoroughly disheartened it is unable to face the vic-
torious enemy, with its steady and disciplined ranks. It will break up
into swift moving and effective bands, whv * harass the enemy by at-
tacking convoys and overwhelming with superior numbers isolated
bands of its foes here and there. But no longer can it hope to meet the
latter for a serious conflict.

The fact is that Lord Roberts utterly surprised the Boers, and per-
haps the rest of the world, by the swiftness of his movement across the
veldt to Bloemfontein. When they neared the capital of the Free State,
General French was sent forward to seize the railway station and the
entrance to the town. Major Hunter Weston and ten men performed a
daring deed by stealing round to the north side of the town, where they
broke up the railway. In this way a numbei* of railway engines and
much rolling stock were captured.

Lord Roberts' entry into the capital was an imposing military spec-
tacle. It must be remembered that in the Orange Free State there has al-

THE INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

GC9

ways been a strong admixture of English and Scottish families. These,
along with a considerable number of the more intelligent Dutch, have
always felt well towards Britain, and they very strongly opposed Presi-
dent Steyn's policy of alliance with the Transvaal. It can readily be
imagined that to this section of the community the choice which recent
events had presented to them between annexation to the Transvaal and
annexation to Great Britain would be easily made in favor of the latter.
No doubt they would have much preferred to remain independent; but
as a matter of fact it had evidently been determined that their inde-
pendence should cease however this was ended, and the Free State
should be absorbed by the victor. These people then were prepared to
welcome Lord Roberts as a deliverer from a worse fate. They lined the
streets of the town as he marched through it, first to the Government
Buildings and then round to the Presidency, where Mr. Steyn had lived
till a recent day. They cheered lustily, they even sang "God Save the
Queen." But undoubtedly there were many sad hearts among them
even as they sang, and there were some whose sorrow was so deep that
they neither cheered nor sang. These stern patriots and loyal souls —
while they saw their beloved flag lowered and the Union Jack, the one
which Lady Roberts made for this very occasion, was run up in its place
— stood in a silent agony with tears streaming down their faces. The
citizens of Bloemfontein are said, like those of Jacobsdahl and other
Boer villages, to have been surprised at the perfect order with which
the town was occupied, at the absence of looting, at the respect for the
rights of private individuals. They, whose lives had been felt for some
time to be insecure, gripped them again as firmly as ever and called
them their own.

On the evening of Tuesday, March 13th, Lord Roberts sent off the
following message to London: "By help of (lod and by the bravery of Her
Majesty's soldiers, the troops under my command have taken possession
of Bloemfontein. The British flag now flies over the Presidency, vacated
last evening by Mr. Steyn, late President of the Orange Free State."

REORGANIZATION AND SKIRMISHING.

When the British reached Bloemfontein it became evident that
they must remain there for a considerable time. The 40,000 men who

.;.>•

,-.^-

'••■

670

THE INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

marched there needed a great deal of reorganizing before the march
northward could be undertaken. For one thing of course the commissa-
riat's departme'it. must move its headquarters to this city that the base
of supplies might not be too far behind the ever hungry army. For
another thing, the horses had died by thousands, and no movement of
any importance couid now be undertaken without remounts. A still
stronger reason for delay must be found in the fact that ere Lord
Roberts could move north, he must have Cape Colony finally cleared of
the enemy, and also the southeast section of the Free State. Otherwise
he would be leaving behind a number of scattered Boer commandos
who, by combining, would become powerful enough to cut off his com-
munications.

The commander-in-chief decided that he could not move from Bloem-
fontein in less than three weeks. He was gratified by the news that on
the day after his entry into that town. General Gatacre had finally
driven the Boers from northern Cape Colony and had crossed the Orange
Kiver into the Free State. He at once sent troops southwards to join
hands with him. General Brabant had already entered the Free State
farther east and his march north along the border of Basutoland gave
rise to a very exciting minor siege, in which again the Boers failed to
distinguish themselves, although confronted with a comparatively small
force. This took place at Wejjener, when the gallant colonial officer
found himself penned in against the Basuto border, which he must not
cross, unable to retreat or advance and beyond the reach of speedy rein-
forcements. One of the exciting facts of the situation was this, that the
Basutos were able to watch *he whole proceedings at close quarters,
were yearning to aid the beleaguered soldiers of their own Queen, and
were forbidden to do so. They received a brilliant lesson in courage.
We are told that they stood amazed to see Brabant's men facing the
Boer shells and rifle volleys day after day, with inadequate shelter and
inadequate numbers, and yet holding out, unflinchingly and undismayed.
They said, "These men have big hearts."

Undoubtedly Lord Roberts's delay at Bloemfontein put fresh courage
into the Boers. If he had been able at once to drive on to Winburg and
Kroonstadt, giving them no re ^ and no time for recovery, the Free
Staters might have been far sooner subdued. But this was impossible,

THE INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE, i

671

and the result was that the Boers had time to reconsider the entire flela
and adapt their tactics to the new situation. As they surprised one
British force after another and either defeated or captured them, the
desperate hopes of all were reflred. Large numbers of the farmers who
had surrendered or professed to surrender their arms to the British and
returned to their farms, willingly or unwillingly were drawn back into
the commandos from which they had retired. These commandos kept up
great activity, and displayed on several occasions a most romarkable
strategic ability.

They sadly discomfited several British generals with their cleverness
and their thorough knowledge of the country. One of these skirmishes
or immature battles in which the Boers outwitted and humiliated the
British has surely seldom been surpassed in the whole history of modern
warfare. It is known as "the affair of Koorn Spruit," and it occurred
on Saturday, March 31st.

Koorn Spruit is a deep and dry water channel running nearly north
and south across the road which leads eastwards from Bloemfontein to
the Waterworks. It is crossed not by a bridge but by a "drift," the
ordinary road descending abruptly the steep banks of the spruit, which
is here vei-y broad,and ascending again on the other side. Colonel Broad-
wood of the Cavalry Brigade had been left at Thaba Nehn, east of the
waterworks, under the impression that the country was quiet and
that the farmers, accepting the inevitable, would fight no more. The
Colonel soon found that this was a mistake. The farmers were in a
few days up In arms and threatened to surround his small force. He
had under him the 2nd Cavalry Brigade, some representatives from
various colonial volunteer regiments, and two six-gun batteries of the
R. IT. A. Colonel Broad wood resolved to hasten westwards rather than
encounter tlie large numbers that now threatened him. The Boers,
under Commnndant Olivier, pursued him. On the night of Friday,
March 30, they resolved upon a bold and brilliant plan. Knowing that
next morning the British must go down that narrow road into the deep,
broad spruit, where their movements would be much hampered, they
resolved to hurry on during the night and obtain command of that drift.
They divided themselves into four companies and placed two on the west
of the spruit — one on each side, and two on the east side — one on each

ii72

THE INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

% . side of the road. They were carefully hidden and waited for the arrival
of the British column. To the intense delight of the concealed but
watchful Boers, they saw that the column was not led by an advanced
guard or by scouts, but by wagons of luggage and provisions! Then a
strange scene indeed took place. "Am each wagon dropped below the
sky-line into the drift the teamHters were directed to take their teams
to right or left as the case might be, and the guards were disarmed
under threat of violence. No shot was fired. Each wagon in turn was
captured and placed along the »lult, so that those in rear had no knowl-
edge of what was taking place to their front until it became their turn
to surrender. To all intents and purposes the convoy was proceeding
forward. The scrub and high ground beyond the drift was sufficient to
mask the clever contrivance of the enemy. Thus all the wagons except
nine passed into the hands of the enemy. Then came the artillery, in
battery column, 'U' Battery leading, with Roberts's Horse moving par-
allel to their left. Just as the leading battery was arriving the first shot
was fired and the presence of the enemy disclosed. Report has it that
Sergeant Green, of the Army SeiTice Corps, was the first man to fire.
Called upon to surrender, he threw his revolver loose as if to tender it
to the Boer at his horse's head, and then shot him dead. He was himself
shot a moment later. This Incident, if true, must have taken place just
as *U' Battery came level with the drift, for the gunners' first knowl-
edge of the real state of affairs was when armed Boers stood up all round
them shouting, 'You are prlgont»rH— you must surrender!' The drivers
were ordered to dismount and leave their teams. The men had no alter-
native but to obey. Major Taylor, commanding *U' Battery, with great
presence of mind, was able to slip away, seize a loose horse, and inform
the officer commanding *Q' Battery of what had occurred. At that
moment Roberts's Horse nnle up to the drift. An old Dutchman stood
up and waved them to move off down into the drift and there to sur-
render their arras. Major Dawson grasped the situation in a moment.
Standing up in his stirrups he shouted, 'Pours about! Gallop!' The
files swung round. The drivers of 'Q' Battery whipped round their
teams. There was a temporary pause and then the storm burst The
enemy saw that nothing further was to be gained by silence. Every
buHh on the donga bcnl, every foot of the railway embankment, every

JL.i^,,::=j ! !saj-xx. i -u j

THE INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

673

yard of the kopjes above the drift spouted Mauser-fire. The drift became
a pandemonium. The captured gun teams stampeded hopelessly, min-
gling with loose mule spans and dismounted Boers, while four guns of
*Q' and one of *U' thundered back 1,000 yards to the tin buildings, des-
tined some day to be Koorn Drift Station. Roberts's Horse went with
them, a wild, broken mass taking magazine fire in the back. The tin
walls were no cover from the fire which now swept the flat, but
they marked a term to the stampede. 'Action rear!' came the
clear, calm order. The mad pace checked, the guns seemed to
divide automatically from the limbers. The teams and wagons dis-
appeared behind the station buildings, and 'with shrapnel at 1,100
yards' the epoch of our defence began. The supreme moment had come,
the force had rallied, and Broadwood was equal to the occasion. One
misjudged order, one mistaken gesture, and all would probably have
been lost. But no mistake was made. The Household Cavalry and the
10th were sent to clear the nullah from the flank. Rimington's Scouts
and the mounted infantry were each directed to positions. The force
was to break out from its left rear in retirement, to rising ground, which,
if reached, would be defensible.

"The discipline of British gunners under fire has often claimed the
admiration of the world. The fighting of *Q' Battery is another in-
stance of how devotedly guns can be served to save the situation for all
arms. Surrounded by a semi-circle of marksmen, the gunners stood to
their guns. Man after man, horse after horse, dropped, until each unit
was surrounded by a little mound of slain. Three men were loading,
laying, and firing a gun — then two, and then a single man — in one case
an officer alone. But the end was gained. When the order came for
the guns to retire ten men and one officer alone remained upon their feet,
and they were not all unwounded. The teams were as shattered as the
gun groups. Solitary drivers brought up teams of four — in one case a
solitary pair of wheelers was all that could be found to take a piece
away. The last gun was dragged away by hand until a team could be
patched up from the horses that remained. As the mutilated remnant
of two batteries of Horse Artillery tottered through the line of prone
mounted infantry covering its withdrawal the men could not restrain
their admiration. Though it was to court death to ^^ow t^ lian^j meu

pwR«Pfpi

^^PF

^^^

■P"*

■IJi

«■

■■PHMI

674

rH£ INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

leaped to their feet and cheered the gunners as they passed. Seven guns
and a baggage train were lost, but the prestige and honor of the country
was saved. Five guns had been extricated.

"Having extricated the main portion of his force Broadwood set him-
self to attempt the recapture of his lost guns and baggage. He brought
his skeleton of two batteries again into action and faced his little force
about. Though he was not aware of the fact at the time when his guns
were finally in action, the regiment of mounted infantry, the division of
infantry which had come out to reinforce him, was behind Bushman's
Kop not four miles away. If the brigade division of artillery belonging
to General Colvile's Division and the mounted infantry had been pushed
forward between 10 and 11 o'clock that Saturday they could have pre-
vented the enemy from removing the captured guns and wagons. But
no forward move was attempted until 2 in the afternoon. By that time
the enemy had utilized the time to remove all the wheeled prizes from
the scene of the attack. That night they destroyed the Waterworks."'
A few successful ventures like this roused the enthusiasm of the
Burghers once more, while they annoyed the leaders of the British army.
In spite of such events, huv/ever, the main object of Lord Roberts, which
was to obtain control of the south and southeastern parts of the Free
State was achieved. Then it was his task to hurl his strength against
the Boer army which lay on the road northwards before it could be rein-
forced by the various commandos which were being dislodged from the
occupancy of the southeastern region. His enormous preparations were
now complete, and on May 1st the advance began. The aged general
moved again with wide extended wings, moved rapidly day after day
and before him in spite of an attempted resistance the outnumbered and
outgeneraled Boers retreated from place to place. General Hamilton
was for a whole week in continual touch with General Botha's rear-
guard, indeed Winburg was entered by the British scouts before the
Burgher army had got clear of the town.

On May 6th, after a long march of 19 miles, the Vet River was
reached, and on the 10th the Zand River, — made famous by the "Sand
River Convention" of 1852, which granted self-government to the Trans-
vaal — was crossed easily. A great struggle was expected at Kroonstadt,
1 Special correspondent of The Timed.

THE INVASION OF THE ORANGE FREE STATE.

675

which was said beforehand to be a place of great natural advantages
for resisting an advance and to have been fortified. Lord Koberts sought
to surround this place and to cut off the retreat of the Burghers by
throwing General French far out to the west and having him move
rapidly round to the north of Kroonstadt. The general had some fight-
ing, but so far succeeded in his object. On the evening of the 10th his
force had marched 40 miles in one day and had been two days without
food. A very bold attempt was made by Major Hunter Weston, assisted
by a scout, Mr. Burnham, to cut the railway in the north before the last
drains could get away. They had sappers with them and exciting,
adventures, as they had literally to move alongside of and almost among
the retreating Boer forces. At last the two named reached the embank-
ment above and blew it up. Alas! the last train had gone. On their
retreat these bold and skillful men brought away seven prisoners with
them !

From Kroonstadt the Transvaal Burghers retreated to the Vaal
River, determined, as they said, to fight no longer in the Free State.
President Steyn appears to have been indignant at their virtual deser-
tion of him, and his own countrymen must surely have shared his indig-
nation. The original war quarrel was not theirs, and they had under-
taken the war ostensibly to fulfill a pledge of help to the sister republic.
The soldiers of the latter were now leaving Free Staters to fight as they
could for their own country, while the former retreated to theirs.

Ten days later the British army began to enter the Transvaal, on the
Queen's birthday, May 24th. By very rapid marching Lord Roberts had
been able to frighten the enemy from every position they had intended
to ocpupy iind to prevent the destruction of coal mines in the neighbor-
hood of the Vaal.

President Steyn resolved to cling to his own country and moved
eastward. He showed great skill and courage thereafter in the manage-
ment of his troops. He had a number of small successes, but found him-
Hclf gradually surrounded from the pushing of Generals Bundle and
Brabant from the south, the occupation of the southeast of the Trans-
vaal by General Sir Redvers Buller, and the bringing of all these forces
into even closer relations with those of Generals Lord Methuen and
Hunter from the west and northwest.

CHAPTER IV.
THE INVASION OF THE TRANSVAAL.

THE war between Great Britain and the Boer Republics began, as
we have seen, through certain dispatches between the Transvaal
Government and that of Queen Victoria. Few Englishmen be-
lieved when it began, early in October, 1899, that it would be the
middle of May, 1900, before the largest army which Great Britain ever
sent out could reach the Transvaal. It was not without an undercur-
rent of deep excitement that the people read of Lord Roberts' having
at last crossed the Vaal and entered upon the march to Johannesburg.
The great gold city was only about 50 miles away now, and all kinds of
rumors had from the first been kept afloat as to the extent of the prepar-
ations either to destroy or to defend it. Certainly, it was announced,
if Johannesburg is captured there remained Pretoria. The capital was
said to have been so powerfully fortified that it could easily resist a two-
years' siege, and thus the Boers would fight to the bitter end.

From Vereenigung, the little railway station on the southern border,
Lord Roberts entered upon another series of swift, widespread and irre-
sistible movements. On Sunday, "May 29th, the field marshal reached
Germiston, a suburb of Johannesburg and an important railway station.
Having occupied this place without much trouble, he immediately set
himself to discover the state of affairs in Johannesburg. He proved
that it was under the command of one Dr. Krause, who subsequently
acted with great wisdom and honor. In response to a flag of truce, the
commandant came to Lord Roberts' camp and explained that while
it was not intended to defend the place, a good many Burgher soldiers
were still in Johannesburg and he begged the General to defer his oc-.
cupation of the town for 24 hours, until those men had left. With his
usual and winning grace and humanity, the great leader of armies
agreed to this. The formal entry took place on Thursday, May 31st. Dr.
Krause rode by his side to the Government ofl&ces, where, thanks again
to the wisdom of the Commandant, arrangements had been made that

676

THE INVASION OF THE TRANSVAAL.

677

the present occupants of the offices should carry on their work. The
town of Cown was denuded of most of its inhabitants, and those who
were present are said to have given the troops a cordial welcome.

It was on this eventful day that the beautiful little incident occurred
which shows how gentle and loving a soul lives within the iron frame
of Britain's great warrior chief. Lord Roberts returned from the proud
entry into Johannesburg to the inn where he was staying at Ger-
miston. There he was found by one of the officers of his staff, sitting
with the little daughter of the inn-keeper on his knee, teaching her to
write the letters of the alphabet. Looking up with a smile, he said to
the officer in a mock-protesting tone, "Don't come just now, don't you
see that I am busy?"

The next matter was Pretoria. All kinds of contradictory rumors
were in the air. Green said resistance would be desperate. Officers an-
nounced that the capital, after all the expenditures of money, after all
the vows and the boasts, was to be abandoned by President Kruger and
his army.

Undoubtedly the sad collapse of Boer strategy and determination
was largely due to the death of General Joubert. Ever since that day
in the end of March when, after a short and severe attack of inflamma-
tion, the brave old hero died, the heart of the Boer republic had been
sick and weak. Joubert was a man of heroic mould, and no one could
take his place. His successor. Christian Botha, was known to be capable
and brave, but he had not the experience, still less the national prestige,
of either Joubert or Cronje, or even of Kock, who fell in Natal early
in the war.

Lord Roberts' reputation for quick movements seems to have filled
Pretoria with alarm. They expected that, as soon as Johannesburg was
occupied, he would sweep on to the capital. The telegram announced
that they expected his arrival there on May 30th as he had reached Ger-
miston on the 29th! At the same time the news reached Europe that
President Kruger had fled and that he had taken the national treasure
with him. For several days there was great confusion as to the exact
facts. After the President's departure and collapse of the Govern-
ment, a committee of Boer generals took the city under their control,
A9 they still hoped to make a successful defense.

678

THE INVASION OF THE TRANSVAAL.

The Burghers did oppose the advance from Johannesburg with great
energy, and it required much manoeuvering of his troops and hard fight-
ing ere Lord Roberts was able to drive them back. As usual, wheu Lord
Roberts arrived on the south side of the town. General French with his
extraordinarily effective mounted infantry had already swept around
on the left, driving all before him, and had arrived on the north side.

General Botha attempted to dictate terms of surrender of the town,
but was told that only an unconditional surrender could be considered.
He resolved accordingly to abandon the defense and retreated eastward
in the direction taken by Mr. Kruger. On Tuesday, June 5th, therefore,
Lord Roberts entered and occupied Pretoria.

It is a curious and interesting fact illustrating the reputation of Lord
Roberts and his soldiers among the Boers, that both President Kruger
and General Botha left their wives in Pretoria.

It is also an interesting fact that while there were rejoicings in Lon-
don over the occupation of Bloemfontein, Johannesburg and Pretoria,
these rejoicings in no case equalled for enthusiasm and abandon those
which took place when the three British towns, Kimberley, Ladysmith
and Mafeking, were relieved.

GENERAL BULLER'S ARMY.

After the relief of Ladysmith much time was required for the re-
equipment of the army, which had so long struggled against tremendous
difficulties and had overcome them at such cost. Towards the middle of
May, Sir Redvers Buller began the reconquest of Northern Natal. The
forces opposed to him were of course considerably reduced in number,
but they were still able to present a stubborn resistance. They fought
In a region ideally fitted for defensive warfare and the Boers knew how
to take advantage of every natural stronghold on the way northwards.
Slowly but surely the patient and stern General Buller pushed his way
along the very roads which had been traversed so hastily in the opposite
direction six months before. Much anxiety was felt as the struggle
neared the mountain passes on the extreme north of Natal, where it
was always believed that a very small force could hold a large army in
check. It says much for the genius of Sir Redvers Buller that he was
able without any serious reverses to force his way through Van Reenen's
Pass, through Laing's Nek, and at last to plant his standards in the
enemy's country. There were still thousands of Boers who occupied

THE INVASION OF THE TRANSVAAL.

679

various points of vantage in front of him, and it required both time and
thought to clear the country over a wide space so as to leave behind him
no part of southeastern Transvaal of which the enemy retained any
grasp. Many small skirmishes occurred, many brave deeds were done
on both sides, but the Boers allowed no pitched battle to occur from
which the enemy could secure any moral and strategi<! advantage. At
last, on August 15th, the advanctnl portion of General BuUer's army
came in contact with the right wing of Lord Roberts' forces, who were
pushing eastwards from Pretoria. Forthwith, as we shall see. Sir Red-
vers Buller was assigned a position of the greatest prominence among
the forces with which General Roberts Avas advancing towards Lyden-
burg.

ORANGE RIVER COLONY.

It will be remembered that when Lord Roberts crossed the Vaal
River he left behind him in the eastern portion of the Free State a
large Boer army unconquered, and full of energy. The p* sence of these
forces in his rear of course caused considerable annoyance from time
to time, and it was only with much trouble that his generals were able
to overcome them. The Boer commanders of these forces were Com-
mandants DeWet, Olivier, and Prinsloo ; and they still commanded from
8,000 to 10,000 men. Lord Roberts gave orders that his generals should
enclose this Boer army in a trap by moving gradually in upon them, and
occupying all the roads along which escape was possible, forcing them
back against the border of Basutoland. This gave rise to most interest-
ing and exciting movements. At last General DeWet sawthat the cordon
was drawing very tight and resolved upon a desperate venture. Taking
1,500 picked men with two horses for each man, and five guns, and put-
ting his ammunition on light carts, he moved close to the camp of one
of the British generals. Finding that he did not completely cover the
road of escape DeWet, in the darkness of one night, slipped between
the hills and the British forces. In the morning his daring escape was
discovered, and he was pursued. General DeWet, however, covered his
retreat with his guns, and when the next night came passed beyond the
reach of his pursuers. He left behind him about 6,000 men; of these
another 1,000 were conveyed in a like skilful manner by General Olivier
past the British forces. Alas! for a brave and resourceful man. General
Olivier, with his three sons and a number of men, were shortly after-

680

THE INVASION OP THE TRANSVAAL.

I (

wards made prisoners by a iiictlKHl whith tlic IJoeis had found so suc-
cessful a few weeks before, and which may be called the ''donga dodge."
Eight volunteers from Queenstown occupied a narrow gully or donga
right in the march of Olivier and his men. As the latter moved down
the steep bank to cross the donga they were compelled to surrender one
by one without firing a sliot. As each gave up Ids gun he was led aside
out of sight until nearly tlnrty men altogether Avere placed under tin?
care of two men. When the leaders thought they had secured as many
as they could hope to control they moved forward and opened a vigor- .
ous fire upon the main body of the Boers, who, thinking themselves at-
tacked in force, took to flight. It only remains to be added that a little
later Commandant Prinsloo surrendered to General Hunter with over
4,000 men.

Throughout these weeks the Free State remained in a most dis-
tressing condition, for while many were continually deserting from the
Boer ranks and giving up their arms, the swift movements of DeWet's
Commandoes from place to place kept the people in a ferment of un-
certainty. As long as they felt themselves liable to be commandeered
afresh they were naturally unwilling to surrender to the British, and
yet as the po.ver of the latter increased the folly of further fighting was
borne in upon the minds of most of the farmers. So early as July 8
the Free State officials had all, excepting only President Steyn, con-
fessed the uselessness of the struggle and surrendered. Steyn and De
Wet maintained their intrepid attitude of defiance, avowing that they
would fight to the bitter end.

THE CONQUEST OF THE TRANSVAAL.

D
w

When Lord Roberts swept with such rapidity from Bloomfontein
past Kronstadt to the Vaal River, he separated two sections of tlie
Boer army from one another, De Wet wi< h the Free State forces being
behind him and Louis Botha with the Transvaalers and foreign mer-
cenaries retreating northwards before him. The British commander
had to chose between two alternatives. He might stop his advance
towards Pretoria and turn his whole army upon the task of crushing
De Wet; this plan would allow General Botha full time and oppor-
tunity to strengthen the defenses of Johannesburg and Pretoria. Or ho
might push his pursuit of Botha so as to prevent the latter from os-
tablishing himself in any stronghold; this plan would allow General

— s^—- ■.— -----

I t

THE INVASION OF THE TRANSVAAL.

681

De Wet a HploiKlid oijpoituiiity for eultiii}; liia conimuuicatiouH Moiith-
Avards. There were great risks aud advautages in each plan. Lord
Koberts chose to push on. Tlic moral gain from the occupation of Pre-
toria would immensely outweigh the effect of any temporary successes
which might be won by I)e Wet in his rear. Having nuide this decisi(»n
in full view of the possibilities, Lord Uoberts was probably not at all
surprised when, shortly after his occupation of Pretoria, news' came
that De Wet had attacked and broken up the railway. A force was
immediately sent southwards which, without diittculty, drove the enemy
off, rebuilt the railway, and restored communications. From time to
time the British commander was placed under the necessity to send
small forces southwards and westwards where scattered commandoes
had begun to carry on a guerrilla Avarfare. But his main task lay east-
wards.

In Pretoria itself not much difficulty seems to have been experienced
in maintaining order. For one thing the inhabitants had been much
astonished and even disgusted at the unexpected abandonment of the
capital by President Kruger and his officials and immediately after-
wards by the Transvaal army itself. When it was found by the gov-
ernment officials at Pretoria that Mr. Kruger had carried away the
gold from all the banks, to the amount it is said of ten million dollars,
and that the paper 'iioney which had been specially issued to them in
payment of their salaries could not be cashed, their disappointment as-
sumed a bitterer form. At one time it seemed as if trouble mi^ht arise
from the influx of impoverished foreigners from Johannesburg. Their
condition was in truth becoming desperate and a plan was set on foot
for their desertion to General Botha's army. This was discovered
and they were promptly made prisoners and their respective consuls
were informed of the fact and the reasons for it. Another plot had a
more tragic ending. In the middle of August a young Lieutenant
Cordua was tried and condemned for breaking his parole and joining a
conspiracy against the British commander. For this he was sentenced
to be shot. It is some satisfaction to be told that in a last letter to his
mother the young man admitted the justice of his sentence, and that
he died bravely.

When General Botha fled from Pretoria he moved eastwards along
the railway line which runs to Lorenzo Marquez. His first stand was
made on the first range of steep hills which run north and south a few

mmm

•M*

THE INVASION OF THE 'TRANSVAAL.

miles from Pretoria. The center of his defense was placed at a craggy
kloof or canyon called Pienaar's Poort, through which the railway runs.
The position looked impregnable; and its strength was increased by
the fact that he extended his lines north and south along the summit
of the hills. His front extended altogether twenty-live miles. Lord
Roberts here encountered one of his hardest tasks and his generals fought
through three or four most anxious days. The only method of attack
consisted of sending General French with his much reduced cavalry
brigade to take the enemy's right, and General Ian Hamilton south-
wards to roll back Botha's left wing. Each of these tasks proved to be
very difficult. For two whole days the British troops were exposed in
the open to a most galling fire from the guns on the hill-tops. Des-
perate courage and skilful handling of their own guns by the British
gradually silenced and drove back the enemy. Then Lord Roberts
hurled his remaining forces at Botha's weakened yet most formidable
center. The face of the hill was secured, guns dragged up to the
plateau on the top, and the enemy were found to be retreating rapidly.
Had the British been able with fresh horses and men to pursue the re-
treating enemy no doubt General Botha might have been almost
crushed; but, as on so many occasions in this war, the exhaustion of the
horses prevented an effective pursuit and robbed them of the ordinary
fruits of victory. Thereafter Lord Roberts, who was now joined by
General Buller, movod from point to point on the railway, capturing
one stronghold after another.

■ When the approach of British forces became alarming, the Pres-
ident bade farewell to Mr. Steyn, and, crossing the boundary line into
Portuguese territory, traveled straight to Lorenzo Marquez. Here he
was kindly received and well entertained. But it was soon explained
to him by the authorities that he could not be allowed to carry on any
official intercourse or correspondence with General Botha, or any rep-
resentative of the Transvaal Government. At fir^t some imagine<l
that the British Government would be glad to capture the fugitive
President, but a message from Lord Salisbury to the government of
Holland announced that the British would offer no objections to any
plans which the latter government might make for Mr. Kruger's re-
moval to Europe. As a matter of fact the escape of President Kruger
relieved the British authorities of a very delicate problem. The custody
of a defeated Monarch or President must always be a difficult problem
for the conquerors.

,/ -J.

^^1 'iiii.,i,'i.a.iiiiiii..iii.r..i" .^' . ■ -' ■ ; ■ ■' ■ ■' v> -V .' " • ' ''^^''^By A''-

V>'}>}}^}}-:-}-}-->>»}>}--»»}A

■>,-

>P"::

v^'PORTUq

/ o.st. m

ii:

/ ^ ,Mayo"7^slands

/ ^f>ta\^^ (To Portugal)

s-??

► :|^:

3:;:;:

IJ!{!

/>Jlfo«r«..
^^ M«ril

\, Princeg I

St.Thnmail.l

mmm.

.■.•.•.•.•.•.■.■.■..•.•.•.■.•.•.■...'.■■■■'.•.■.■.'. .V y. ,11 '..v.. I 'V y. ^ ' I '■'■ ■ ^ ^ ■■ ■■ ^•-

rr:-1fl

:':li6hgitiKl*V:V:V: 40; :V ; :V: ^

rMS?^^S

rALY

XCalaals

•8icib

^M-'i nor

/• Jt

''Adilis;

trid

'l?k--{k*'^ /Bergbnonl ^ '

?.V^^El-Golea/^ %,
/•;v:vEl Etgl ^

(Sun.lhftr

^^oTabelknsa ,

l^.K /a;;- o Fty4i^ifion?/;■■.^■;;;^«•■ ;;-v«;-y-' H a inf

'B^g lonr^f.bAtn Talb^^^-^' jgj^'w b.,, iiJ^J'^Zr^yJ

fcllnlfel s;
apMabon

[fu/Htmm'(^
Bi* ^, Maiti

..uiirali
«rKitnnft Ii

itf (iahv.n
Jtoriit

Clfata

Alc|i|H

'xp*;

-4 J^ Crete or

CanTd

Nio

Cpyrur*

111

(bnl

flaratah fB»»a"h*iS'|
Quit of Siara

BefrutI

^a«Sem n„„,h ' .. --T^N^'/aR^V^

Marsa TobrnP*'*- , Gui/ of Sotu»i>»-W^i:^

f'^y

LIfuara

Sa«4l.in>A';j3 1f%**'#" ««"»j)> 4ga

.y »«.-H.^-|p' HatHeh ■•*<^» \,

--y(Un>-«l-AbM) JlitfSlPablrl

Vedld

Z Ao N tien

i F. I M ah a-si ""^t

B A R C A. /Libjuii Desert D*««\S
riateau

, DamiaacQB

leruaalem

7ea(i 5ea'
o Kerak •

*•' , Siwa ° HedlBet-->

MenuW»K_5^Me»_^>, '^ : r r:.

V ^.::::S \ ^ Oasigof Bcharieh pe je JiMelawi- SaSSw

■1 \-%i'i '^^ V>-:-^?Faraft-aJl CI «jX J)hSk«lBl; -^

jMakna

lUiiJra

'\. ->j» / I I I \ '"i. i-'Wv i™] v. I .' <^' MUnUM^ ^o Terbu {■ Taizerbo -t t—v

Er«r»»

#^Sf^

■<^^

ett

o a A ji

i.(lu

iTxhtiint^

^ »• ^'

Adgh
Plat

^4"

agh

{■

Talak

SBEN)

^Afasaa

AtBS
uatgon

3aru A Slnder

-/>...-

Tagama

elimmld

Damergb
belel o

i°T«mw«

^indpr

[Taiiala^l^^"""? BSKST'TTftte'TKidtDJo

Jofj

EdfuT^ a)eaect"%\

\J^

BlrAli

'•' M.

,l-'tS, TebuiDlrky

\K XI. (Phard)

TSiiiCrOuTs

of Kkwar /*

jltnaOuli /

t4lu»T " 'jOtrm gubkao

TKD4 AHb |H»u Kurra Quial

KAHVRl Vi„bbeia o«»U '^^'

AgraiB OahU \ Ai"

V>;;%arafraoE ^ mIMBw"*, %\*^
;,■■' Oiislg'^ir/F'arafra. 1 'DiA^J^bmlm ?.\ S^^^

?i^iB^oi:;Kufr.ih V^ -K»a bM g^.S«'A?£bfa^ \ V

BiieinaiV ^ri5 BerUo p^^g

Berenice
^TUKARA

I. Tumtum-
'4P|i/-JfuAft«iiv

t W"^

Akra H,dich\

Al^ul
UuUI

IVra>

o/Oij

Jul^ :

ancari'lV!'.'.!

Di e s e

Keba.o.-:7, mm. ^^^t^lZraS^^S^'^^^

J^TVKABA ■■<}, ^

'Yambo-<ll-Bii>"'

a^lfatural Rcmnoir
■° Oasis

\im

OaaU of SoUmeh

■ n I /

*"riPf!

"^OBI

AgH4ttlti OttnUj
T I 11 1 1
Hwluaram

aVLQVPA h^

-<^

Karo Kldfi

Kgi

tOUMAN / ' UlADBAaam
(IMao

rrekro >i*^

ijoa o Dlml .Mx';>- 'i^:

l\ ( Mlnw of B«k; S.lt ) t

(di Kiahif- i-'t-.'i.

A, SiioaA WA
MABAMID \
Jtb, Abu Harrax'\

jtar.'^una

.E1-'

AhiL Uamed ^^,

""'"^^■bu-DoSyfttA Catoroet, ,*'
Rl,

Wm '^otal

Mao I**" TdK.iNA-Tiy'N .

=i^6NgUri neleylat-Che4rib®A««fcrtK'Vb-KalieK.b.fc I^jj^^ ,

*S?4\ BenlHM.anl ^^'^-w.-Jo-^i--,; KA*<l/*Ki.lk(.l (i)ElFMlieF°

Van

Baado

ikotoX?' ' ■a»li««iip ".li ..|iU„('A *'
■MuBgawa*'«»JJLo.°*'"T?^'-'-':n'- ']L«"/.'''i?

If M IV^

ms "^^'tte^""""!'*

Javan

*«""'°«H^rMWogo

lliftdlj

I.OltOI

LOkub

.JJ

^Btml-ri^bari ^^'C^' H./^^^>^^

E„Il.i^«y'°?Tlj.JB.B C^'-.O B

Kabtia / _ >.,ri i\i •

» roBlda »a";o»o p'^^ arija°/

*^^&'..S^i:: ^.^-f-

^^^e^^-feicjF^?^^

♦*:^«^l Feriindo P^ KrI

InMigei

rK'.

* ^danga ^^S;^

Shend^jS

D A W^
Khartum f

Kaa^ala)

(amlin

"I frket Fatl

Jlrni jou
DAf*!

7-^D A E

ala Bir Kovef

Fctja

oUm Shanga
!l<i,U R oKaub
TowakiliB j^j

arra /

Nlakuro

'""ooGural

romiitxlS

a. ~ oGagoml

AQIJIMI

'.> -..■.

Tiiiila.

^<98h«kha

■"V

N'lir '

o Porago ,'

.r^-?^?^

DAK NiJBA Kaka,^enl Shoiig^
ye6.re//.ml5-Sa3boaa5"'^^

.^»w*

X fy -. AdIs'J

iaad

ot,i(:Tii)^;'>f6.//<

^-^ Ttfbamtta
Ku^titha /
' oOallm.--'"'

nil

0o/o Mtci

7»

ator

\, Frtnceg'I.j
St.Thomaa \.l

I'll*-, o^ „ Bakl«4e^

Yaunde Hta.

"Utlodorf *•

P»^

^ , Lamli

^l<5>Bang<

fJembeT?

V '->. ^JbBuschibi
lonico

iut)eka
n 'CTi -/Mffutntia ) Wi I ? / jfeKquaton

faleu*.

Llpe

AwTwerp
ulongo

- 'I',l''''v8*

artnga
' Bauru

tile

....Ynlii

FUyveirik

m T m i

Bakanaalo . o , .. -

— .....Maljugd? -^*h»«is

JiL'yXlffOta

AKf

;^'

,vn«»>

.Klnnenaa
~""^. Ruwemorij
SUBlejr TaTri

iBJahja r.^o^n^o,..^-^^

^.4>

iWakoli;

^mwmBm'i^'Mi^r:m^\!SJ9^sMmfm''js;i.

V 'n

'^^9^ "^xT"^ A~s 'i\ a ^M^i nor

iDlnoir

TV V irff ^^^ ^ ll liiJ^^Ji.i.W.iji r^ .i.m Ai > . i .i. i i i ij i n i. i'n i i i ni w' l ^^|WPP^3!y^!Z ^^^^^^^^^^^, . * f iS?

^■^■^ — ■-—■•"i^'.-:.— '■■ ••■--',.■ frjd^fi'i.-Ar; tifcuhumiit m rt'i'iuf ■ ^ -^.u^:; i-;-,' ■,••[■ •■ i: •;•■■..■■■.■„■ ■ - ■; ■■■ ■ f ir-irii*.- mo l u 'i i '^' - i h- ■'■''' ■'■'■\^ ^ ^':: ■':..:: ::■'■■'•'•'■■ ■*.':::.'

I Crete

Cpyru8*«"v-7

Befral

Fernah -^.^ . ''■IjbN*-"

r G«i/ 0/ Bombn "^--^-^ *^
bruT*^— — 1 Cul/ of Solum-

yoElMaha-sl

'Libjiin Deseii '*""~^ijJnu ^^^^^

.,v(Juplter A^.nmon, Jft7t/iren6erg*5 I ll«lnlA-""'^fi'*

'x V Oasis of Beharieh Delje JlMelawl
V, .' •De*ru?QlS.Arig

r-'

.•' Oasia^^pif'Farafra-

QBirSlghen W
KsisVf.kufrah ^■'

earafrao" " MioWuff

;;;::n Kasto -Baiati ^S^S^gnfilS T?T°**f^V >

Lf c^BOema'ijR
\y Kebabiii^i?!? '
[of __Cancer

|e s e r^M

' AoftkTol Banrvmr
° Oasis
al-M-Nari
WTumtum-

ie)tArigh 'J

tiinim ?.,lj

^< Be'riso Fares Jft .l.„f». ^^^Sv -s^t

^ — rt — J^'^''*' 'hs^ "^^^

and W'^4BLv3?: .'N^^ a n C^Ja* \^

ikawi

^SMAK-^>ii_^ ^L ■■■■■'■■—. ^v\ y tP

'Catara«t

ElDaueJlR^; HA DSSp IM ' ■Hold

lend
' Ooi-R^Jeifi
DA"
Chartm

KamliD
.VjAbu
WoldStedlneh Vf^nj?

Idi Kiahl. ■ ,

#«»■■*>.<■

^Ennedl
\. BOaUA WA

|bu Hamu'\
Psmk' /v

iab-KabieKrtebl^Tj,^ F^j, "w'ooOural

«u .^Kolkol itEI FMher ° Kl Obeld.-<

jXPO*"--;!: - Mai'tafal oUm Shanga GT^ naVU/-'

tfomiA^lrtaj' JL „ „ ir.„h Ai)*52^^''^

J'-^D A It *\(?U R oKnub ilol^>^ „

|la BlrKipa i T.waWlia KjO WCQ F A N

B«*« . AV^^Darra /^-J>f o,Kadero

*•*• ^ > ^ivrra NlaHurJ ' Agnandegel _

^^ T."^ V®8li«klui »**'*^|'',*, KakaQ/feenlShongijfT-^emlljl

iT. ', ---^i Jeb.Tellim\y - - - V v. ^ "

] Dango t^ y

.)■■

Fas'hoda.,

-Kirlft?.-'

^ I ««^ellkut(1
-.oratV. ®iliff<l«>*

i./.i

^Qfgbebr

Sokot
(£>•.) C

■ DariD.!

Wull

'Boko^? Qand^^ PWhu/

Auuitanna

^uiila i

flakangalo" o'-^ ^adeJaJ^

...llaliSjgd? JUhaglc

Imi

IIAlfP

Vat. ff^^f

(Budl^ ' N^/J' M«f«r>t«f«

_ tgro Bat

Klhur

Basuici
Yalafa

Va III buy a

vSJCgarrowa

"^^ Mo*amC

Kinnenao
. -' "-'"■■ Ruiuenzorij

^BBITljSllyniAHT AF

- 'y..(,a«iMuhij; if ( rifi K A )

mc A,, jP'^^^^Zrfli^^tf-*-.

Kl-Wako ei 452; .^

DeDindu /

/
/

bbl*

^r,^ont1i'icrTille""''*"'«r5^P:^^<jS^'SeJ^

:',/i»ijg,

iOL

, iobwpn .

Equat»r

Submarine and Overland Telegraph Lines:.
Boundary Lines; Ruins:.-.

Sandy Deserts: V ; ; Salt Lalce3:^Si

nwi

Prli

t.TIiomu 1

K 1— .om^i. Y«ond« 8U,

alofiKO

'M6k«
p. Bl mil

pBuse nbi

LaihI)

l^eniand v! ^

IgueJ»^<P^uml

Bette

Mayoktl

Lulongo
hKquftton tile

\ >. TebttfDbt

rLuli

land

Mb»D^-> — ^TK4|ai»eba<

LandE,

AmbriMlti
Muwn

rtr

TT"

ra. ,

BORAN V„

.'east AFift-rO

( I.^ E A )

Barlnga ^t-^A*^ ...Klnpenao C

..Yalafa/ ^Nl^tamley Tai^

aWakolW

-£. BarOaif*

i«^**

Oaraso
Kl-Wako

_-,__!uBsera Xanene
*^i*ftrV,^ BaaokoV
ialalondzy ^» tM

l£al;« ieoppld II,
iarle '

a JpKirunda _^-'S'yat

^;.

tBuieti

Wdg

f.-hftcjt NO S mA^-X.-E., -^t ■

-^ '^ying*3V^Ka8onko )

iisalnbo>^.Qoi(i Mui<£.7a'"'"*" '

anjJ^dda^

"""""" -f N»»K«sienit«A

Siinvi

r«*»

aCpiiir*

L>i4g^ro.
nKaWlo Nl

"MtKHh
Nftorongol

Jtfanjgii

DKAMBA
lachako

Clbweil

•-^lAaAi

l-oUfl

raveti

VBAl

Port!

lude

5r-

I ana

higa

remba I.

'.P"J«"~MnTialalaY.OMSJ;^hoiia

irwlmaWi

"^^i]Io\S•«

o'itpUSbue

,K...A

:oNONoor

'£

fpwapwi

A ¥

^Xaror

Ba;ngo°

9 l!i

aantu^'

llkubwassi
M^lnannshoh^^,,,-,---

TfS. S. Jfaiorql "

amoyo

^■shlaa;
^aBa I.

KlTlaJr

{Uiwani

X«at«{

SallniUj,
CSta-MaOai

K.Boan

^NfclYa

., ,, ^ jUtnalonga

"^f 0rAMB0\l.AllD B

, oOtyltambl
•"STTMnfroiiB

I Or.odt'

f Is Hill
ha

'•SVmT^ T^^ Motoinono
111 ' r ■ '^■' ——.—..—

ogd«iri
Capt Cro$i^

Tsoakliaiibmun

JVK

buru o mfihMaha Utt.

\atiallt
. A L A I. .

Jtyoiisaaa

Mu/lUi^apato C. S^ >(„rf,

lHJtila Ik. ^

,"''■'■ 'I-'- .^ Bcravin
«^

Maintiranti

AnI

Kanaa(

_ ^ Tglmauandrafonai

Ambuudroi

labis

Kalahari Descir^ A^^^^^^^^^r^ <^^'

Matseroki
Ambohtbc
KitombaJLv j

aliu

Raiiiuiria^gJJJv,„Q^
ius

tidiittiri
\n Noll

p/^. .'g\_ ( Pre:

jrilgV'Cfl"! i"*"-

.Wiriirttid/lf'wuftlsy Barkly We/tjp''^mhfr"*~" "'*'
Prie'skif

■«:^-HopctOWl

olBrand Vley /JVlesii
» DeAar

irvonp jfji;,. . i --_^,

HiflMifiifiiiit'

njwrrln.e

itehi-fttchi
>l«^oa .Bay
'wrenco JHarqoez

MouK i

(■(Anbaae

Tll'leofl

Barrow «S^"'

" "Jiiiii.i?pp

'<Mi

ttoH

MtMhurg

^lnl),wlllU
^iiicntA

Itad

DniertoQ'
John K,

'op»

IlilfWjlllaijisTowii
^ -^att Loudon

ixaudrla

I liJr..,(«A

I I Frenrh

I I Grriiian

I f; i-, 1 Kalian

I I Portuguese

I I Spanish

f'»0?

ytiLj*

■|^?^^|^^^^!l^y)rij5i

Cfo2)yrli/tU, lSnf),ty .nmftni ^nirn-, mf'-cfijo, lUinoln

BasoKwfirv -<S^ lto*amr~

hnga
Baura

-..Yalafa

[Ulsserm Hanene

BuokoV

.Kinnenao ^

' — >. Buweniorii
SUaley TkTI^
^ ^^' 1

Viirta bi bA '<%■>!?),-' ^ ^

^5^!»SB.ena Kambai^a ^^ LuwengJ

iMUkikamd ^> ' WV ^'n

p Muata .Musemyo f /
LiTo>' ; '.' A'. Kbleniii-Mvisey

M J^Kadingkl ,r:>-j
po Voiilfitndtt '■ / J?

iiov!

farsss

TaHSiaiVXONOIIOOr'

'^-.■.K.'/i'rtit

ibe V • ■"•

U EIM B AKwo

loaiiHj«fp"_/' 7
4'..XIhlkont|iol2

k"^'-KamboniDV/ a
,;euae.... /.'6«iidS
[Chitamb^if/ -^i

pciinkei

I o,_» ^ •--• >f A . ., J^atinfeyJv-K^tfimbo

• -riwompj : / , r V; i-

^"'S^a.a t ') H^V-.

'-■A ) °S'-»« ^ufandi. '♦ .^.Vi^ywan
" -.3 ^Nymoana's .♦J*--- / ,

1 \\ aJNwnieia \ Semalembue's 'Hr!;^;!!^
M o.!3»^BAK(-TSEJ[ABUNI)A'="°^a[«.^.«aflP?*

|Ob IRTISH 'sopraMjR

ma-Kama U Q. fl^aSi^'^laSSlaW*'

- .J<I«ye9 ^>->Mewalia
• Kv»*»«aoe..5V4ga^^

'•Ma _„

JTTtatemBSki

- - .^anoiitii/ C\--i

,'oiltarlk».- xm-Li
llFelnbc-'i^°*"^«'

Trtu

Zeiri « I

D', rro

I. des { Doli

Amirantj Is,

Alphoni I I,
St. Fri icia

^r^^

lull

. Sioii_ ^

'«te

SarmMbMe iambeti

^Pruftrturate''

_( Muiigvrato) _

Ll-ehutitunst Mosiliudii
I* Moloiiolulu

Ihari Desert^

o
lelrtreS

V'lTTiefcrsburgJ
Mnriba«ta>'°

RICAJ. „^r »,„,,. i; ^

i»ana\_ ^ jCZPfv^iomJ A. W'
, „.,j iT IV^Ji^ AA/C):;^^rn*^^

y Jr,cflronte'Ifipr"|"!i, ,

,' '' Jolii4hiieM3p5fe

■VN' ALA N Dl<?^^''^Tf^»%'\5^^^
/ Barklv We/J^»*T^^efiK;Sl4Ji?;fe *""»«

Im Williaifrs Town
"""It London

MAfttjUEzI

5t5»'!l'L 'J

Dtcbl
, _ J .Bay

Mreneo Marqaei

1 I Fmnrh
\ f Oerman

TuiicL

Barrow

mi Italinn

1 I Portuguese

I I Spaniuh

I I TurAuA

I J tndrimndenl Htatm

--..Aiffed
^xandria

i-4:

II. I 4..f.i i ..,r. ..ij,

.^ - ^ II. I 4,. ! ,l i ..,r. ..IJ ..! ' . / ■ ^ :

SjI

minult.

«kuic

iroheikh.

Rha

50 100 'iOIJ 300 400 500 000 iOO NO

Equat«r

^ ® Be'unlon or^'"**'*V
^^J '^ Bourbon I. "J^,j /

"fionilro

__.Trop{c_„, Capricorn

i^n.

Comparative Area.
PENN8YCVANIA

45,215 Square Miles.

Principal Capitals-. &
Railroads (completed:

Seoondary Capftalvi •

( Under Construotion or Proponed: ••>

• .Dennis I.
North I. . SeychelleBls.
-I TIiVn t J ■ ^m >CHet<£*i La Digue
- *'" "i ■ hIE? Fort Victoria

Submarine and Overland Tel^raph Ltnea:.

Boundary Lines: .~ Buins:.%

Sandy Deserts: i:.^.- Salt Lakes:<

Unexplored Rivers: — /^.^..^ Falls and Raplds:VC
Wady or partly dry Rlvers h . » — ■'■■
Principal Caravan Bontes:

tHi( MATTHEWSHtORTMNUP CO., lUPFALO) H.r,

PRINCIPALi DIVISIONS OF AFRICA
WITH AREA AND POPULATION.

AiaA IN so.!!.

ABTSSmiA, empire, 400,000

£OTFT, under Tnrko-Britlsh control, 400,C00
KONGO FREE STATE, oontroUed by

Belgium, 900,000

LIBERIA, repnMlo. 14,360

MOROCCO, empire. 219,000

ORANGE FREE STATE, republio. 48,326
SOUTH AFRICAN REPUBLIC

(Transvaal), 119,1.39

TRIPOLI and Barca, Tnrkiah, 398,738

BRITISH COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES:

Ascension Island, 35

British Central Africa, 251,000

British Central African Protectorate, 42,217

British East Africa, 1,000,000

British South Africa, including Mat-

abeleland, Mashonaland, and Be-

ohnanaland,

Cape Colony (Cape of Good cHope),

including South Becbuanalaud,

Walftsh Bay and Basntoland, 287,058

Gambia, . 2,700

Gold Coast, including Protectorate, 46,600

Lagos, including Protectorate, 20,070

Mauritius, and Dependencies, 1,085

Natal, 35,000

Niger Territories, 500,000

Saint Helena Island, 47

Sierra Leone, 30,000

FRENCH COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES:

•97,

nmiAttom,
6.000,000
9,734,405

'Oft

•97,
•98,
•90,

'98.

•n,

•98,
•98,
•97,

90,000,000

1,068,000

8,000,000

207,603

1,094,166
1,300,000

430

650,000
845,558

Algeria, 184,474

Algerian Sahara, 123,500

Dahomey, including Protectorate, 14,140

French Guinea, 42.471

French Kongo, 497,000

French Somallland, 8,640
French Sudan, including Kanem,

Wadai and Bagirmi, S56,000

Ivory Coast, 64,420

Madagascar. 228,500

Mayotta and the Cumoro Islands, 760

Reunion, 965

Senegal, including Protectorate, 115,800

Tunis, 51,000

GERMAN COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES:

German East Africa, 384,180

German Suiith-VS^est Africa, 322,450

Kanierun, 191,130

Togolaud, 33,000

ITALIAN COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES:

Eritrea. 88,.'H)0

Italian Somaliland, 100,000

•91,

*Oft

tfO$

•98,

'91,
•98,

•98,

'96,
'98,
•98,
•97.
•98,
'98,

•98.
•98,
'98,
•98,
'93,
•98,
'98.

•98,
'98,
•98,
•98,

'98,
'98.

PORTUGUESE COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES :

Cape Verde Islands. 1,480

Madeira Islands. 505

Portuguese Guinea, 4,440

Portuguese West Africa, ' 484,800

St. Thomas and Princes Islands, 360

State of East Africa, 301,000

SPANISH COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES:

Canary Islands, 2,808

Rio de Oro and Adrar, 243,000
Fernando Po. and other small islands

and possessions, 877

'96,
'90,
•98,
'98,

'87,
'98,

AFRICA, eoMtlHent,

4-..^.-^-

387,728 '98, 650,000

2,016,040

50.000

1,473,882

3,000,000

390,863

829,005

30,000,000

4,116

250,000

4,434,443

.w.ooo

600,000

647,555

5,000,000

30,000

6..'^;o,ooo

650 000

3,500,000

64,640

171,713
2,000,000
1,700,000

4,000,000

200,000

3,500,000

2,500,000

4.W,000
400,000

114,130
134,040

820,000

4,119,000

24,660

3,120,000

291,625
100,000

.36,000

1 1,608, 79S '98,170,000,000

111151

««l»°

- zo

'ff

• » • ■ ,

4 •

• • • I >

* •

> •

.... .., ^ ••

• • • ■ . •

,, , < • • . , > • •