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3369 
 
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 ^■J^?^§ 3388G 
 
 )" 
 
 SERMON, 
 
 PREACHED IN BOSTON, AUGUST 20, li\2. 
 
 THE DAY OF 
 
 HUMILIATION AND PRAYEB, 
 
 APPOINTED BY THE 
 
 PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 
 
 IN CONSEQUENCE OF 
 
 THE DECLARATION OF WAR AGAINST 
 GREAT BRITAIN. 
 
 BY WILLIAM ELLEUY CHANNING, 
 
 MINISTER OF THE CHURCH IN FEDERAL STREET. 
 
 PUBLISHED AT THE BEQUEST OF THE HEARERS. 
 
 BOSTON : 
 
 PRINTED BY C. STEBBINS, 
 
 .Vo. 4, Suffolk Buildings. 
 
 1813. 
 
 I-F:^„ J' I 
 
 PIBUOTHl^Ue 1 
 ^HILiAfbAONON, 
 QUlilftCAMAOA. 
 
 k 
 
11 
 
 ' THE author is not iiueuible to the many imperfectionB of 
 
 this diseoorse, and he laments that his eDgagements have not permitted him 
 to render it leu unworthy the favourable opinion, which was expressed by 
 those who heard it. He hu consented to publish it, because he considers it 
 closely connected with his late Fast Sermon, and because he wishes to 
 expreu with greater precision some important sentiments, which were sog* 
 gested in that discourse, but to which he was not able to give the time and 
 attention which they deserve. 
 
 ^-f 
 
 ^] 
 
w 
 
 ^Wii' 
 
 V\' 
 
 ACTS xxnr. w. 
 
 Herein do I exerciai myself, to have alieays a 
 conscience void of offence toward God and toward 
 man. 
 
 A CONSCIENCE void of offence is an 
 inestimable blessing. We need it in prosperity — 
 for no condition however prosperous can give bappi- 
 ness; if our own hearts reproach us, if remorse mingle 
 itself with our recollections of the past, and the 
 dread of retribution with our anticipations of futu- 
 rity. We peculiarly need it in adverse and peril- 
 ous times — for it has power to impart serenity, 
 firmness, and hope, when every outward event con- 
 spires to depress and overwhelm us. In periods of 
 publick calamity,happy is that man,whose conscience 
 approves him, who carries with him the supporting 
 reflection, that he has been faithful in the sphere 
 assigned him by Providence ; that he has laboured, 
 according to his power, to avert the ruin, which 
 threatens liis country ; that he has not hastened 
 or aggravated national suffering, by abusing the 
 rights of a citizen, or violating the duties of a man 
 and a christian. To aid you in securing to your- 
 selves, this support and consolation, I propose to 
 point out to you some of the duties, which belong 
 to the period, in which we live, particularly those 
 duties, which grow out of our relations to our ni • 
 
 ■"""x* 'P't"tS^V^- 
 
 — -^^■' 
 
lers and our country. My views of our political 
 state, and of the war, in which we are engaged, I 
 have lately unfolded, and shall not now repeat them. 
 The question is, what conduct belongs to a good 
 citizen, in our present ti'ying condition. 
 
 Our condition induces me to begin, with urging 
 on you the important duty of cherishing respect for 
 civil government, and a spirit of obedience to the 
 laws. I am sensible, that many whom I address 
 consider themselves called to oppose the measures 
 of our present rulers. Let this opposition breathe 
 nothing of insubordination, impatience of authority, 
 or love of cbange. It becomes you to remember, 
 that government is one of the noblest and most val- 
 uable of human institutions — essential to the im- 
 provement of our nature — the spring of industry and 
 enterprizc — the shield of property and life — the re- 
 fuge of the weak aud oppressed. It is to the secu- 
 rity which laws afford, that we owe the successful 
 application of human powers — the progress of the 
 useful and elegant arts — the splendour of the city — 
 and the beauties of the cultivated field. Govern- 
 ment, I know, has often been perverted by ambi- 
 tion and other selfish passions ; but it still holds a 
 distinguished rank among those institutions, by 
 which man has been rescued from barbarism, and 
 conducted through the iiidcr stages of society, to 
 the habits of order, the diversified employments and 
 dependences, the refined and softened manners, the 
 intellectual, moral and religious improvements of 
 the age in which we live. We are bound to re- 
 spect government, as the foundation of the social 
 edifice — the great security for social happiness ; and 
 we should carefully cherish that habit of obedience 
 
 I 
 
 i 
 
 wmmmam^-' 
 
T 
 
 I 
 
 to the [a.W9, without which the ends of government 
 cannot he accomplished. All wanton opposition 
 to the constitjted authorities ; all censures of ru- 
 lers, originating in a factious, aspiring, or enviout 
 spirit ; all unwillingness to submit to laws, which 
 are directed to the welfare of the community, should 
 be rebuked and repressed by the frown of publick 
 indignation. 
 
 It is impossible, that all the regulations of the 
 wisest government should equally 1)enefit every in- 
 dividual of the society ; and uometimes the general 
 good will demand arrangements, which will inter- 
 fere with the interests of particular members, or 
 classes of the nation. In sucli circumstances, the 
 individual is bound to regard the inconveniences 
 under which he suffers, as inseparable from a social, 
 connected state ; as the result of the condition, which 
 God has appointed ; and not an the fault of his ru. 
 lers ; and he should cheerfully submit, recollecting 
 how much more he receives from tlie community, 
 than Jic is called to resign- to it. VisafPection to- 
 wards a government, wliicli is administered with a 
 view to the general welfare, is a great crime ; and 
 such opposition, even to a bad government, as 
 infuses into subjects a restless tcmpor, an un- 
 willingness to yield to wholesome and neces- 
 sary restraint, deserves no better name. In pro- 
 portion as a people want a conscientious regard to 
 the laws, and are prepared tu evade them by fraud, 
 or to arrest their operation by violenct; ; in that 
 proportion they need and deserve an arbitrary gov- 
 ernment, strong enough to crush at a blow every 
 symptom of opposition. 
 
 These general remarks on the duty of ^submission 
 are ?)y no means designed to teach, that i ulers arti 
 
 mgi^m 
 
never to be opposed. Because 1 wish to guard you 
 against that turbulent and discontented spirit, which 
 f recipitates free communities into anarchy, and thus 
 prepares them for chains, you will not consider me 
 as asserting, that all opposition to government, what- 
 ever be the occasion, or whatever the form, is io bo 
 branded as a crime. Subjects have rights as well 
 as duties. Government is instituted for one and a 
 single end, — the beneftt of the governed ; the protec- 
 tion, peace, and welfare of society ; and when it 
 is perverted to otLer objects, to purposes of avarice, 
 ambition, or party spirit, we are authorized and even 
 bound to make such opposition, as is suited to restore 
 it to its proper end, to render it as pure as the im- 
 perfection of our nature and state will admit. 
 
 The scriptures have sometimes been thought to 
 enjoin an unqualified, unlimited subjection to the 
 << higher powers ;" but if we attend, we shall see 
 that the injunction is founded on the principle, that 
 these powers are << ministers of God for good," are 
 a terror to evil doers, and an encouragement to those 
 that do well. When a government wants this char- 
 acter, when it becomes an engine of oppression, the 
 scriptures enjoin subjection no longer. Expedience 
 may make it our duty to obey, but the government 
 has lost its rights ; it can no longer urge its claims 
 as an ordinance of God. 
 
 There have, indeed, been times, when sovereigns 
 have demanded subjection as an unalienable right, 
 and when the superstition of subjects has surround- 
 ed them with a mysterious sanctity, with a majesty 
 approaching the divine. But these days have past. 
 Under the robe of office, we, my hearers, have learn- 
 ed to see a man, like ourselves ; invested with dig- 
 nity for the benefit of his fellows ; most honourable, 
 
most worthy our reverence^ when, in the sifirit of the 
 universal sovereign, he employs power to execute 
 justice and dispense blessings ; and most degraded 
 and worthless amidst all his pomp, when he for^ 
 gets that his power is a tnist, aud prostitutes it to 
 eelfish ends. There is no such sacredness in in- 
 lers, as forbids scrutiny into their motives, or con- 
 demnation of their conduct. If indeed elevation of 
 rank gave elevation to the character, implicit confi- 
 dence in government would be our duty. But ru- 
 lers, when they leave the common walks of life, 
 leave none of their imperfections behind them. 
 Power has even a tendency to corrupt — to feed an 
 ii-regular ambition — to harden the heart against tho 
 claims and sufferings of mankind. Rulers have 
 generally seemed to be raised too high for sympa- 
 thy, and have often sported with human rights and 
 happiness, for the purpose of extending, or display- 
 ing their power. Rulers are qot to be viewed 
 with a malignant jealousy ; but they ought to be in- 
 spected with a watchful, undazzled eye. Their 
 virtues and services are to be rewarded with gener- 
 ous praise ; and their crimes, and arts, and usurpa- 
 tions should be exposed with a fearless sincerity, to 
 the indignation of an injured people. We arc not 
 to be factious, and neither are we to be servile. 
 With a sincere disposition to obey, should be unit- 
 cd a firm purpose not to be oppressed. 
 
 So far is an existing government from being cloth- 
 ed with an inviolable sanctity, that subjects, in par- 
 ticular circumstances, acquire the right, not only of 
 remonstrating, but of employing force for its des- 
 truction. This right accrues to subjects, when a 
 government wantonly disregards the ends of social 
 
 I 
 
 \.. 
 
 ^■lg4"?_W9, jh-w!|,-^y^K%t>.v.,^, . . 
 
uniuu ; when it threatens the subvei'ttion uf national 
 liberty and happiness ; when it makes encruachmentii 
 which; if endured, will lead to the prostration of all 
 the rights of a people ; and when no relief but force 
 remains to the suffering community. This howcv« 
 er is a right which cannot be exercised with too 
 much deliberation. Subjects should very slowly 
 yield to the conviction, that loilers have that settled 
 hostility to their interests, which authorizes violence. 
 They must not indulge a spirit of complaint, and 
 suffer their passions to pranounce on their wrongs. 
 They must remember, that tiie best government will 
 partake the imperfection of all human institutions, 
 and that if the ends of the social compact are in any 
 tolerable degree accomplished, ihcy will be mad in- 
 deed to hazard the blcMHings they possess, for the 
 possibility of greater good. They should weigh, 
 not only the evils they suffer, but the evils of resist, 
 ance ; the tumultuous state in which an appeal to 
 force may leave them ; the danger of dissolving in> 
 stead of improving society. They should anxiously 
 inquire, if no methods, more peaceful, will bring 
 them relief. 
 
 It becomes us to rejoice, my friends, that wc live 
 under a constitution, one great design of which is — 
 to prevent the necessity of appealing to force — to 
 give the people an opportunity of removing, with, 
 out violence, those rulers from whom they suffer, or 
 apprehend an invasion of rights. This is one of the 
 principal advantages of a republick over an absolute 
 government. In a despotism, there is no remedy 
 for oppression but force. The subject cannot influ- 
 ence publick affairs, but by convulsing the state. 
 With us, nilers may be changed, without the hor- 
 
 ■* . / 
 
5h, 
 
 
 
 ton of a revolution. A republican government se* 
 cures to its subjects this immense privilege, by con- 
 Arming to them two most important rights; the 
 right of suflV'age, and the right of discussing with 
 ft«edom the conduct of rulers. The value of these 
 rights in affording a peaceful method of redressing 
 publick grievances cannot be expressed, and the duty 
 of maintaining them, of never surrendering them, 
 cannot be too strongly urged : resign cither of these, 
 and no way of escape from oppression will bo left 
 yoUj but civil commotion. 
 
 From the important place which these rights 
 hold in a republican government, you should con- 
 sider yourselves bound to support every cit- 
 izen in the lawful exercise of them, especially when 
 an attempt is made to wrest them from any by vio- 
 lent means. At the present time, it is particularly 
 your duty to guard, with jealousy, the right of ex- 
 pressing with freedom your honest convictions res-, 
 pecting the measures of your rulers. Without this, 
 the right of election is not worth possessing. If 
 publick abuses may not be exposed, their authors will 
 never be driven from power. Freedom of opinion, 
 of speech; and of the press, is our most valuable 
 privilege — the very soul of republican institutions — 
 the safeguard of all other rights. We may learu 
 its value if we reflect, that there is nothing which 
 tyrants so much dread. They anxiously fetter the 
 press ; they scatter spies through society, that tho 
 murmurs, anguish, and indignation of their oppress- 
 ed subjects may be smothered in their own breasts $ 
 that no generous sentiment may be nourished by 
 sympathy and mutual confidence. Nothing awak- 
 tna and improves men so much as free commucica' 
 
 i 
 

 r^wftm iiii»ww«l'*iw.,a*7- 
 
 "^ 
 
 10 
 
 tion of thoughts and feelings. Nothing can give to 
 publick sentiment that correctness^ which is essential 
 to the prosperity of a commonwealth, but the free 
 circulation of truth, from the lips and pens of the 
 wise and good. If such men abaadon the right of 
 free discussion — if, awed by threats, they suppress 
 their convictions-^if rulers succeed in silencing ev- 
 ery voice, but that which ap^»roves them — if nothing 
 reaches the people, but what will lend support to 
 men in power — farewell to liberty. The form of a 
 free government may remain, but the life, the soul, 
 the substance is fled. 
 
 If these remarks be just, nothing ought to excite 
 greater indignation and alarm, than the attempts, 
 which have lately been made to destroy the frcedoir 
 of the press. We have lived to hear the strange 
 doctrine, that to expose the measures of rulers is 
 treason ; and we have lived to see this doctrine car- 
 ried into practice. We have seen a savage popu- 
 lace excited and let loose on men, whose crime con- 
 sisted in bearing testimony against the present war ; 
 and let loose, not merely to waste their property, 
 but to shed their blood, to tear them from the ref- 
 uge which the magistrate bad afforded, to slaughter 
 them with every circumstance of crielty and igno- 
 miny. I do not intend to describe that night of hor- 
 rors, to show to you citizens, who had fought the 
 battles of their country, beaten to the earth, trod- 
 den under foot, mangled, dishonoured ! — What 
 ought to alarm us even more than Ihis di'eadful 
 scene is, the disposition which has been discovered 
 to exte!nuate these atrocities, to speak of this bloody 
 outrage as a mode of punishment, irregular indeed, 
 yet mitigated by the guilt of those who presumed to 
 
 1 
 
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11 
 
 arraign their rulers. 
 
 In this and in other language^ 
 there have been symptoms of a purpose, to terrify 
 into silence those, who disapprove the calaTaitous 
 war, under which we suffer ; to deprive us of the only 
 method, which is left, of obtaining a wiser and bet- 
 ter government. The cry has been, that war is de- 
 clared, and all opposition should therefore be hush- 
 ed. A sentiment more unworthy of a free country 
 can hardly be propagated. If this doctrine be ad- 
 mitted, rulers have only to declare war and, they 
 are screened at once from scrutiny. At the very 
 time when they have armies at command, when their 
 patronage is most extended, and their power most 
 formidable, not a word of warning, of censure, 
 of alarm must be heard. The press, which is to 
 expose inferior abuses, must not utter one rebuke, 
 one indignant complaint, although our best inter- 
 ests, and most valuable rights are put to hazard, 
 by an unnecessary war. Admit this doctrine, let 
 rulers once know that by placing the country in a„ 
 state of war, they place themselves beyond the on- 
 ly power they dread, the power of free discussion, 
 and we may expect war without end. Our peace 
 and all our interests require, that a different senti- 
 ment prevail. We should make our present and 
 all future loilers feel, that there is no measure, for 
 which they must render so solemn an acount to 
 their constituents, as for a declaration of war ; that 
 no measure will be so freely, so fully di&cussed ; and 
 that no administration can succeed, in persuading 
 l^is people to exhaust their treasure and blood in 
 supporting war, unless it be palpably necessary mA 
 just. In war then, as in peace, assert the freedom 
 of speech and of the press. Cling to this, as t^* 
 bulwark of all your riajlits and privileges. 
 
 
■ 1TWBp»W^*'^fllW#^W 
 
 1 
 
 I ' 
 
 ^ 
 
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 Id 
 
 fiut, my friends, I should not be faithful, were I 
 only to call you to hold fast this freedom. I 
 would still more earnestly exhort you not to abuse 
 it. Its abuse may be as fatal to our country as its 
 relinquishment. Every blessing may, by perver- 
 sion, be changed into a curse, and this is peculiarly 
 true of the press. If undirected, unrestrained by 
 principle, the press, instead of enlightening, de- 
 praves the publick mind ; and, by its licentiousness, 
 forges chains for itself and for the community. The 
 riglit of free discussion is not the right of saying 
 what Ave please, what our passions prompt ; not the 
 right of diffusing falsehood and evil principles.—* 
 Nothing is to be spoken or written but the truths and 
 tmth is so to be expressed, that the bad passions of 
 the community shall not be called forth, or at least 
 shall not be unnecessarily excited. From what 
 wretchedness would our country be saved, were 
 these simple rules observed. On political subjects, 
 iliere is less regard to truth, more of false colouring 
 and exaggeration, than on any other. The influ^ 
 ciTce of the press is very much diminished by its 
 gross and frequent misrepresentations. Each par- 
 ty listens with distmst to the statements of the oth- 
 er and the consequence is, that the progress of truth 
 is slow, and sometimes wholly obstructed. Whilst 
 we encourage the free expiession of opinion, let 
 us unite in fixing the brapd of infamy on falsehood 
 and slander, wherever they originate ; whatever b» 
 the cause they are designed to maintain. 
 
 But it is not enough that truth be told. It should 
 be told for a good end ; not to irritate but to con^ 
 vince ; not to inflame the bad passions, but to 
 sway the judgment and to awaken sentiments of 
 
 !( 
 
 ;\ 
 
 / 
 
I 
 I 
 
 '^ 
 
 13 
 
 patriotism. In thi^i country, political discussion bas 
 decidedly an unhappy ifluence on the temper. 
 Many talk and write c the simple purpose of 
 wounding their opponents. There are, compara- 
 tively, few attempts to mollify. Those who have 
 embraced error are confirmed, hardened in their 
 principles, by the reproachful epithets, which are 
 heaped upon them by their adversaries. I do not 
 mean by this, that political discussion is to be con- 
 ducted with a frigid tameness, that no sensibility is 
 to be expressed, no indignation to be poured forth 
 on wicked men and wicked deeds. But this I mean^ 
 that we should deliberately inquire, whether indig- 
 nation be deserved, before we express it ; and the 
 object of expressing it should ever be, not to infuse 
 ill-will, rancour, and fury into the minds of men, 
 but to excite an enlightened and conscientious op- 
 position to injurious measures. He who addresses 
 his fellowcitizens on political topicks, should ever 
 propose to impart correct principles, and to awaken 
 pure and honourable feelings ; and the press, when 
 employed for other ends, is grossly perverted. 
 
 Every good man must mourn, that so much is con- 
 tinually spoken, written and published among us, 
 for no other apparent end, than to gratify the malev- 
 olence of one party, by wounding the feelings of the 
 opposite. The consequence is, that an alarming de- 
 gree of irritation exists in our country. Fellowcit- 
 izens burn with mutual hatred, and some are evi- 
 dently ripe for outrage and violence. In this fever- 
 ish state of the publick mind, we are not to relinquish 
 free discussion, but every man should feel the duty 
 of speaking and writing with deliberation. It i» 
 the time to he firm icithout passion. No menace 
 
 \ .' i.. 
 
 . A 
 
 X. 
 
-**--*— *^v.-_ 
 
 if 
 
 '/ 
 
 14) 
 
 slionid be employed to provoke opponents — no de-. 
 fiance hurled^no language nsed M^hicli will^in any 
 measure, justify the ferocious in appealing to force. 
 
 By this langaage I do not mean to suggest, that I 
 anticipate scenes of violence and murder, such as 
 have lately been exhibited in other parts of oui land, 
 as have made our hearts thrill with grief, indignation, 
 and horror. I have too much confidence in the 
 good principles and habits of this section of our 
 country. I trust, that none of us shall live, to hear 
 the yell of a murderous mob ringing through our 
 city, to see our streets flowing with the blood of 
 citizens, butchered by the hand of citizens. But, 
 ray friends, there is a violence in the passions of 
 this community, which ought to give us some alarm ; 
 which ought to set us all on our guard, lest, by our 
 rashness, and intemperate language, we gradually 
 lead on to a tremendous convulsion. 
 
 The sum of my remarks is this. It is your duty 
 to hold fast and to assert with firmness those truths 
 and principles on which the welfare of your country 
 seems to depend ; but do this with calmness, with 
 a love of peace, without ill will and revenge. Im- 
 prove every opportunity of allaying animosities. 
 Strive to make converts of those whom you think 
 in error : do not address them, as if you wished to 
 make them bitter enemies to yourselves and your 
 cause. Discourage in decided and open language, 
 that rancour, malignity, and unfeeling abuse, which 
 so often find their way into our publick prints, and 
 which only tend to increase the already alarming 
 irritation of our country. Remember, that in propor- 
 tion as a people become enslaved to their passions, 
 ihey fall into the hands of the aspiring and unprin- 
 
 
 I 
 
 .:i^^. 
 
 J* 
 
 >/»'■' 
 
"n 
 
 15 
 
 cipled ; and that a corrupt government, which has 
 an interest in deceiving the people, can desire noth- 
 ing more favourable to their purposes, than a fren- 
 zied state of the publick mind. 
 
 My friends, in this day of discord, let us cherish 
 and breathe around us the benevolent spirit of Chris- 
 tianity. Let us reserve to ourselves this consola- 
 tion, that we have added no fuel to the flames, no 
 violence to the storms, which threaten to desolate our 
 country. To Christian benevolence, let us add the 
 higher duties of piety, a cheerful obedience and 
 resignation to the will of our Creator. Thus liv- 
 ing we shall not live in vain. In the most calami- 
 tous times, we shall bless those who are placed with- 
 in our influence ; wo shall carry within us con- 
 sciences void of offence ; and we shall be able to look 
 up to God, as our approving and protecting father, 
 who, after appointing us the trials which we need, 
 will grant us everlasting rest in beavea. 
 
 V 
 
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