^ #. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) % /, S'.' :/. V] (meaning "CON- TINUED "). or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand con ar, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: L'exemplaire filmd fut reproduit grdce d la g6n6rosit6 de: La bibliothdque des Archives publiques du Canada Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la nettet6 de l'exemplaire film6, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en papier est imprimde sont filmds en commen^ant par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont film^s en commenpant par la premidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidre image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbols — ► signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre film6s d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6, il est film6 d partir de I'angle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite. et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 / AN ADDRESS TO WILLIAM TUDOE, Esc^ AUTHOR OF '■-\A Letters on the Eastern States. • • INTENDED TO PROVE THE CALUMNY AND SLANDER OF HIS REMARKS ON THE OLIVE BRANCH. g f". I '1 • > ; I PHILADELPHIA: M. CAREY AND SON, CHESNUT-STREET, 182L ■«#■ ^. n. /3 SS-f PREFACE. ) 1)^ ?r '• Although the Olive Branch has had an extra- ordinary degree of success, and received the most flattering testimonials of approbation from a variety of citizens, whose puWtC''^rit,^!^teHigence, and standing in society, attach great value to their praise, and render it a just subject of gratification ; yet it has not escaped the utmost malice and bitterness of abuse and reproach. Perhaps the violence and in- temperance of those who have assailed it, render their vituperation as valuable as the applause of those who have honoured it with their commenda- tion. It is true, the number of those who have so gross- ly vilified the work, is but small — and none of them have ever condescended to enter into particu- lars, to justify their denunciations. They have run riot, in general reviling and declamation, without detailing its errors — controverting its facts — or dis- proving its inductions. Among these critics, I shall here notice only two, the Hon. R. H. Goldsborough, United States Sen- ator from the state of Maryland — and Wm. Tudor, i*' m • it \ - 'k IV HRKFACE. 4 Esq. of Boston. The former gentlemiin, in replj to a civil, inoffensive circular letter, (a) which I sent him in common with other members of congress, (b) requesting information, in order to correct the work, if necessary, proffered his services on a plan, as admirable for its fairness and candour, as for its entire novelty. He very kindly offered to correct the work, by *' blotting'- out evert/ iine^ as being- a cruel fraud upon the imsuspectiiig- credulity of the wiwaryy and as a durable conservatory of materials calculated to extend error and engender hatred^ (c) This liberal offer gave rise to a correspondence which forms the appendix to this pamphlet. Mr. G. was so confident of the merits of his strictures, that he urged their publication iiiul^ mliiiitiiiiipiiiHig;. ^' I hope you will *' oblige me so far as to determine on their publica- ** tion, together with the whole of our correspon- " dence, as I am quite willing to risk what you con- " sider my criticism before the world." (d) I now comply with his desire. The other gentleman, Mr. Tudor, early last spring, after a lapse of above five years from the first pub- (~a_) See Appendix A. (A) It may be proper to inform the reader, that feeling a sincere desire of rendcrin«^the "work as correct as possible, 1 printed cii'culars previous to putting the difierent editions to press, which I transmitted to the of- ficci's of government, members of both houses of congress, and other gentlemen, soliciting information and the con'ection of eiTors. It is pain- ful to me to state, that I never received a single item of information from either the executive, the heads of departments, or members of congress. Richard Rush, esq. former Attoi'ney General, and Joseph Nourse, esq. Register Genei-al, aflbrded me ^vhutever aid was in their power, which, by the way, was not very important. Scarcely one of the letters address- ed to the other gentlemen > was answered. ('c ) See Appendix 11. ■ ' . I dj See page Co. .- ■i- rHEIACE, n reply h I sent )ngress, •ect the a plan, i for its rect the a cruel nxvary^ 'culattd liberal ■ms the nfident d their u will Liblica- espon- Li con- I now t pub-^ •e desire )revious » the of- <1 other : is pain- in from ingress, se, esq. which, ddress- "^n lication of the O. B. and \vhcn it was nearly forgot- ten, drew a hideous picture of it, as well as of the motives and object of its author, in his " Letters on the Eastern States^ It was not without reluctance that I determin- ed to reply to Mr. Tudor, and, through him, to the other writers who had vilified my work. The " Let- ters on the Eastern States" possess very considerable merit, and are likely to become popular. They will very probably penetrate into circles, which the Olive Branch has never entered, and be read by persons who never had, and perhaps may never have, an op- portunity of testing the merits of the criticism, and who would of course form unfavourable and hostile opinions of the work and its author. I respectfully submit therefore to the public, whether I had any alternative but to appear by silence to acquiesce in the justice of the shocking allegations against my work, or to vindicate it and myself. Irksome as the latter course is, the choice was not difficult. The path of duty was plain and unequiv- ecal. Besides the personal motives which led to this course, there was an inducement of a higher n -re. The Olive Branch is a desultory history of ihe errors, and guilt, and dangers of faction — and of the erratic and sinister course of the two parties, which have heretofore divided this nation- — and whose mu- tual jealousy, hatred, and opposition, have operated so perniciously on the best interests of the country, and occasionally defeated some of the most salutary measures that human wisdom could devise. It con- tains a great collection of materials for future his* a ■'? 1" *-;• \ I,,-- II t i I i i ii ;» h m •M il il VI PREFACK. torians, many of which, taken from gazettes and other ephemeral publications, it will at a future day be diflicult to find elsewhere. It is therefore incum- bent on me to establish the injustice of the accu- sations by which it has been attempted to be over- whelmed. Unwilling to believe that Mr. Tudor was capable of a cool, deliberate departure from truth, I wrote him a letter on the 25th of Octo.oer, requesting a re- consideration of the subject, and a review of the facts and reasoning on which my defence rested. He acknowledges to have read the principal part of that defence — but pertinaciously resolves to con- tinue his calumny in a second edition, " %uith a few slight alterations^ On this conduct I forbear com- ment. ■- >■■■>,.-.' ^ ^fi, ., ., ^., ,. . . I annex the correspondence. ■'^♦. Williat?i Tudor^ Esq. SIR, Common fame has pronounced you author of the " Letters on the Eastern States," and will, I pre- sume, warrant me in addressing you as such. The second letter contains a most egregious mis- representation of the Olive Branch and its author, to which I have begun a regular reply in the Belles Let- tres Repository, published in New-York. The first No. appeared on the 15th of this month, and the second is to be published the 15th of November. I have only to request that before you publish a second edition of your letters, you will examine the work in question again, or wait until my answer is complete — as I am quite certain you will find your review >nanifestly incorrect. The "/etf slips'"^ oi lcn\ an pel of api PREFACE. VII ttcs and iture day e incum- he accii- be over- 5 capable I wrote ng a re- r of the rested. 1 part of to con- '/i a few ar com- ithor of I, I pre- • us mis- thor, to es Let- he first nd the ember. Dlish a ine the iwer is I your " one side" amount to at least 20 — and " all the vio- lences^^"* " all the ebuliuioiis^'' of tlie other, do not amount to the five hundredth part of what has ap- peared. The whole of the extracts that I have made against the federalists do not amount to a tythe of what has been written by one man^ or what has appeared in one newspaper in a single month. Your obt. hble. servt. MATHEW CAREY. Philadelphia^ Oct. 25. \%20, ' <.<. " Boston, Dec, 26th, 1820. SIR, " Your letter of October 25th was received in due course. I wished to see the printed letters you referred to, before returning an answer. At the time the New- York magazine could not be found here. I left town soon after, on a distant visit of several weeks. Since my return, I have got the No. for November, but cannot find that for October, containing your first letter. In consequence of your written letter, I have made two or three slight alter- ations, which you perhaps may not deem important, for a second edition that will be commenced in a few days. *' You are right in considering me the author of * Letters on the Eastern States ;' a fact I never in- tended to conceal from any person who might think himself injured by the work. If your book had been avowedly a crimination of one party, or a defence of the other, I should have made no objection ; it was the disguise of its title, its pretended candour and impartiality, and the wide circulation so industri- t! .1 ^11 > i-. "■M '•'It N \[ ft VIII PREFACE. 'V ously given to it, which led to my remarks. If it be mUchievoufi to krep alive hatred and prejudice^ to exasperate the passions^ and ^q-ivc false impressions to one part respecting' another^ of the commimiti/, the epithet belongs to your Olive Branch. " It is not my intention to engage in any discus- sion. Your work came in my way, and I gave my opinion of it.. If it be a fair, manly exhibition of our two great political parties, without disguise or partiality, what I have said of it is then a misre- presentation j if it be otherwise, I have spoken of it justly. " Your hble. servt. ' » ** W.TUDOR.'* "M. Carey, Esq." : ^ ' ■ - ' William Tudor, Esq. Sir, I HAVE received yours of the 2Jth ult. whicH I have read with sincere regret. Until I perused it, I had fondly flattered myself into the opinion, that the false allegations respecting me and the Olive Branch, contained in your " Letters on the Eastern States," might have arisen from in- advertence ; and that you might have formed your opinions without due examination of the work, and perhaps from hearsay. Had this been the case, you would not be the first critic who displayed his skill by the condemnation of a work which he had not perused. Your letter has undeceived me. It evinces that you knew your allegations to be false, and that you lulduccd them with malice prepense ; as, from the length of time that has ehipscd since the puhlication of your work, and the appeal made to your candour in my letter of the 25di of October, you ha\ e had am- ple opportunity to reconsider the sui)ject, and satis- fy yourself of the excessive injustice of your accu- sations : and yet, instead of making the amende ho- norable, you pertinaciously maintain the ground you originally took. r . '<■. mi'- I have, I trust, established this point beyond the possibility of doubt, in a pamphlet which will appear very shortly, and which shall be forwarded to yo\i immediately on its publication. - - I shall not, therefore, enter into a detail of the nu- merous falsehoods which you have compressed into the compass of a short paragraph. I shall confine myself to a single one, referring you, for the re- mainder, to the pamphlet itself. You assert, that in stating the errors and guilt of the democratic party, I have confined myself to " a few slips — ///" which I have " softened with pathe* tic apologies?^ , In the second number of my address, contained in the New- York Belles Lettres Repository, which, in your letter of the 25th ult. you acknowledge to have read, I have enumerated no less than fourteen items of accusation against that party, some of them of a heinous character, viz. I. The Western Insurrection. II. The establishment of Democratic Societies to overawe the Government. III. The defence of the atrocities of the French Revolution. . . , . , ., .. f; !i t\ ^^ii~ m K PREFACE. i! i IV. The opposition to a Navy. V. The clamour against the Alien and Seditioij Laws. . " • -"■ "•■ ■• - ^•': ' ' VI. The opposition to Jay's Treaty. ./^r' VII. The rejection of Monroe and Pinckney's Treaty. • , - ,» . .. "v^^'-i -^ u VIII. The non-renewal of the Charter of the Bank of the United States. . : , .jiiLiii i- IX. The rejection of the Armistice proposed by Admiral Warren. » ' - ' '" -'^^ X. The appointment of Mr. Gallatin as Ambas* sad or to England. • XI. The choice of Gottenburg as the theatre of negotiation. XII. The mismanagement that led to the capture of Washington. XIII. The dependence on Loans for the support of the war at its commencement. XIV. The neglect of due preparations for the de- fence of the country after the downfal of Bonaparte. Besides these, there are eight or ten other heads of accusation against the same party in the O^. B. which, to avoid prolixity, I pass over. This list, I repeat, you had before your eyes ; and yet, sir, in defiance of this irresistible evidence, vou slander- ously persist in your accusation, that I have confin- ed myself to " a few slips ^'' which I have ^'•softened with pathetic regrets and apologies ! ! .'" I am warranted, I trust, in the opinion, that few instances have occurred, of a more complete disre- gard of truth and fact, than this obstinate adher- ence to a false accusation displays. In the course of a long life, I have met with nothing parallel. I ' PREFACE. XI For these strong positions no apology is made, nor is any necessary. I should not be quite so unce- remonious with you, but that you have set me the example. A man who uses the strong language of vituperation in which you have indulged j who ac- cuses another of " hypocritical pretences^"* — of " dis- guise*'' — of ^pretended candour^^—~in a word, of a dereliction of honour and principle, (which is the import of your criticism, when fairly analyzed,) has no right to complain, if he receive " measure for measure.'* From your decision, the result of prejudice, par- ty passions, and malice, I appeal to the public. On their award, I rest my cause. To that award I shall cheerfully submit, with a full confidence that every man of candour will pronounce you a gross calumniator. To the formation of a correct decision between you and me, it is necessary to take into considera- tion the time when — and the circumstances under which — we respectively wrote. I wrote in Nov. 1814, when the co'mtry was endangered by a foreign enemy, whose immense disposable force was liber- ated from employment in Europe, and might all be poured on our shores-— when the pulpits rung in Boston and elsewhere with calls on " Moses and Aaron" for guidance into the Land of Promise — when the capital of the nation had been captured and its splendid buildings Vandalically consigned to the flames — when a Gothic naval commander, by the particular direction of his sovereign, had menaced our whole maritime frontier with destruction — when, in the midst of this complicated scene of distress and s i P* m I XII PREFACE. horror, calculated to unite in the common cause eve- ry man, who had a spark of public spirit, the legisla- ture of Massachusetts had recently issued a mani- festo, strongly recommending that " the real friends of peace xvoiild continue conscicntioiLshj to refrain from affording any voluntary aid or encouraifement to this most disastrous war'*'' — when the Hartford con- vention was sitting— and when, in fine, I was haunt- ed day and night, whether right or wrong, with the terrors of a dissolution of the union, and a consequent civil warfare. Had I, under such cir- cumstances, written somewhat intemperately in de- fence of the country and the union, against those whose measures appeared to menace such a catastro- phe — surely the error was venial — surely '* the re- cording angel would shed a tear over it, and blot it out for ever." But when, Mr. Tudor, did you write ? and what is your apology for raking up the ashes and rekind- ling the fires of party passions ? you wrote in the year 1820, when party was so nearly annihilated in most parts of the union that there was scarcely a trace of it in existence — when every good citizen was disposed to buiy in oblivion the errors, follies, and guilt of past times, and smoke the calumet of peace — when many of the most ardent opposers of Mr. Madison's administration were among the most zealous supporters of that of Mr. Monroe — when, in fine, every motive of policy, prudence, and com- mon sense, entered a solemn protest against touch- ing the inauspicious subject, even if your accusations were irrefragable, and^afortivri^ as they were utterly destitute of truth. " Preserve me from my friends," PREFACE. XIII ause eve- e legisla- a mani- il friends ? refrain ''ement to brd con- Ls haiint- ig, with n, and a 5iich cir- y in de- st those :atastro- ^ the re- d blot it id what rekind- in the ihilated carcely citizen follies, imet of jsers of le most -when, d com- touch- sations utterly lends," says the Spanish proverb, " and I will guard against my enemies." If you intended to serve, or ingra- tiate yourself wit!!, e party whom you undertake to vindicate, you afFord a most felicitous illustration of the adage. " If it be mischievous," you say, " to keep alive hatred apd prejudices — to exasperate the passions — and give false impressions to one part, respecting another, of the community, the epithet" [what epi- thet?] " belongs to your Olive Branch." Before admitting the correctness of this superfine logic, which is a luminous instance of the petitio prin- cipii, it is necessary for you to prove that the ten- dency of the work is '' to keep alive hatred and pre- judices — to exasperate the passions — and give false impressions to one part, respecting another, of the community," To this proof I dare you, with the fullest confi- dence of a total failure. I have sometimes attempted to reconcile angry and irritated individuals: — and as there were almost always " faults on both sides," I uniformly found, that the safest and mq|t certain course of proceeding was to convince each of his error, in order to produce a conciliator}' spirit. On this system was predicated the plan of the Olive Branch — and notwithstanding the petulant, oracular, and dogmatical denuncia- tion of the author of "Letters on the Eastern States," I am supported by a large proportion of the best men in the country, in the opinion that it has had a con- siderable effect in allaying the deleterious spirit of party. 6 (*■ V •■! ^ J! I |l '■ i !■'■:■ 't i i'i.:- 1 ll XIV PREFACE. I now bid you, I hope, a final farewell. " It is not," to repeat your own words, " my intention to engage in any discussion" with you. Your virulent lampoon " came in my way :" and in my own de- fence " I gave my opinion of itj" with what justice, let the public decide. Your obt. hble. servt. MATHEW CAREY. Philadelphia^ Jan. 6, 1821. P. S. This correspondence, with the exposure of your gross misrepresentation, shall be deposited in most of the libraries in Massachusetts. I fondly hope I shall be believed when I solemnly declare, that I have entered on this defence with deep regret— that there is not a man in the nation who more sincerely wishes to bury in oblivion the er* rors and follies of past times — and to make the most eamect efforts to foster a spirit of harmony and con* I illation, than * ,. the public's obt. hble. servt. . M. C. Philadelphia^ jfan. 15, 182^ ii r\. ADDRESS, &c. NO. I. SIR, Your second letter contains some extrcmcly sevcre strictures on the Olive Branch, and its author. The title of the former you regard as an egregious misnomer, and declare it ought to be, *•• the Torch of Alecto^ or perpetual rancour and animosity.'''' To the latter you ascribe motives of the most sinister and dishonourable kind. Although perfectly satisfied of the glaring injustice of this sentence of condemnation, I had some hesi- tation about undertaking a vindication, i felt inclin- ed to let the decision rest with the public ; as I had flattered myself that the Olive Branch had taken its permanent stand in the pu^ lie estimation, by a sort of common consent of all parties ; that it was regard- ed as the production of a man of moderate talents, but of considerable industry and research; that it was admitted to have contributed, in no small degree, towards allaying the deleterious spirit of party, so in- jurious to republics, by holding the mirror up to both parties, and by displaying the enormous follies, and worse than follies, of which they had respectively been guilty \ and, finally, that it was, at least, as free k » If m J m / '; JO Address to the JVriter of HI i from undue bias or partiality, as, human imperfec- tion considered, could have been reasonably ex- pected. If in these favourable opinions I erred, I was in a great degree excusable, as they had been reiterated to me from various and opposite quarters of the union, by some of the wisest, best, and most enlightened members of both the contending parties. To one characteristic, I presumed, this work could fairly lay claim — that it is, probably, the only one ever written by a professed party man, which unqualifiedly holds up his own party to censure. This, I hoped, >vould atone for its errors, whatever they might be. But it appears, according to your dictum, that I was egregiously wrong ; that I was under a most extraordinary delusion ; as " a more malignant de- sign was never planned^'' than actuated the writer of this " Torch of Alccto i'' which beldame, Alecto, is one of the furies, whose head is surrounded by vipers, and who is armed with scourges, vipers, and torches. This, truly, is a most t ji mendous denunciation ; and, if any thing more than the effusion of a distempered and heated imagination, would prove me utterly un- worthy of the delicate and important task I under- took. Your whole letter, on the politics of the country, is radically wrong, and places the parties, their prin- ciples, their views, and their conduct, in an incorrect point of light. It as unjustly elevates the one, as it depreciates the other. It might have been pardon- able, if written in 1812, '13, or '14, during the effer- vescence of party spirit and faction ; but, written in 1820, IS as striking an instance of delusion and error ^ . pro'^abiy ever was exhibited. Both parties have Lettfrs on the Eastern States. 11 egreglously and ruinously erred ; and it is no easy matter to determine which has the greatest cataU^j^ue of errors to atone for. With the view, however, which you have given oi the parties, I have no concern. Let those who feci in- terested, point out its errors. My husiness is with tlie judgment jou have allowed yourself to pass on mc and my work. But in order to enable those M'ho may read this reply, and may not have read the " Letters on the Eastern States," to form a correct opinion on the sub- ject, and to guard against the charge of misquotation, X annex the exceptionable part of your letter in full : " An octavo volume, co77ipUed hy an Irish book- " seller in Philadelphia, has, if the title page may *' be believed, gone through a dozen editions : ** patriotism and profit are both served by the sale *' of the work, which is entitled, ' The Olive Branch, " or Faults on both Sides.' Under this prett}' name, " parties are to be reconciled, and differences heal- " ed, by a candid exhibition of mutual errors. — *' What is the performance ? Passing over the dul- " ness of a parcel of extracts from old newspapers, " it has selected^ with a delicacy and tenderness tru- " ly affectionate^ a few slips on o;/^ i/V/e?, which are " softened with pathetic regrets and apologies ; " but from the other, the strongest passages in re- " monstrances against particidar measures ; ALL " the violences of newspaper paragraphs^ in the '■'' highest moments of irritation : ALL the ebullitions '' of declaimers^ whose infirmities of temper may' " have led thcm^ in vioments of excitement^ info ■i f *l^: r^t ■if! (i: ft; i • m m 12 Address to the Writer of f \ ^^ extravaq-ance ; every thing infammatory that ^^ can he found mnong' insulated speeches^ sermons^ " and gazettes y for a series oftjears^ when the high- " est political ferment existed ; All THESE arc " brought together as a regular plan, a continued " system of inconsistency, discord, and faction.— ** This is about as fair as it would be to make ex- " tra' ts from the bills of mortality in Philadelphia, *' during the most fatal season of the yellow fever, *' and from those of Boston in a healthy sum- *' mer, and give them as a true specimen of the sa- " lubrity of the two cities. " A more malignant design cculd hardly have been " imagined: though a vsmile is excited by a certain ** national raciness in the title of this book, which " should have been the torch of Alecto^ or perpetual " rancour and animosity. A work, indeed, of the *' kind to which this makes a hypocritical pretence^ *' might become a text book of permanent utility, " to teach political morality and wisdom to future " statesmen ; but it must not be the paltry tmptdse ** of party y or pecuniary thrifty that should guide the ** author. Who is there to undertake such a work ? " Who is there with sufficient sagacity and know- " ledge for the task, and at the same time, suji' •* cie?it independence of his own times ?" — Letters, pp. 28, 29. f Your allegations against the Olive Branch are : 1. That I have selected but " a few slips on one side,'*'' I. e. the democratic party, which I have " sof- tened with pathetic regrets.^'* ft. Letters on the Eastern States. 13 4: 2. Th' T have collected together, " every thing in- flammatory that can be found among- insulated speech- es, sermons, and gazettes, for a series of years," to defame and disgrace the other party. 3. That I have been under " the paltry impulse of party, or pecuniary thrift," in writing the Olive Branch. 4. That this work has not gone through so many editions as is stated in the title page. 5. That it makes a hypocritical pretence to impar- tiality and fairness. 6. That it is a mere compilation. 7. That I did not possess sufficient independence for the task I undertook. The third, fourth, and seventh items, are not, it is true, distinctly stated ; but they are clearly implied. I shall consider each item in detail, and hope to prove, to the satisfaction of the public, that the accu- sations are wholly unjust, and that you either did not read the work in question at all ; or, if you read it, must have forgotten its contents ; or, finally, if you remembered them, that your have wilfully misrepre- sented them. On the charge of intentional misrepresentation, however, I am not disposed to insist ; as the fair- ness, candour, liberal spirit, and enlightened views, generally displayed in your work, appear incompati- ble with the idea of such dishonest conduct. T7ie Writer of the Olive Branch^ /' Philadelphia, Dec. 10, 1820. T :\ ^^"^^ ' h .,i% i 1 *i PI [ 14 J NO. 11. Your first allegation against the Olive Branch imports, that in stating the errors and guilt of the de- mocratic party, which, you assert, was done out of " a hypocritical pretence*^ of impartiality, I adduced but '* afcxv slips;'''' that even these were extenuated and palliated by " regrets and apologies ;" and, as a corollary, you give your readers to understand, that I suppressed the great mass, including all that were of a heinous nature. That this strain of accusation is absolutely express- ed, or clearly implied, appears indubitable from a perusal of your own words. " It [the Olive Branch] has selected, with a delicacy and tenderness truly af- fectionate, a few slips''"' — yes, these are the precise words — " afcxv slips an one side, which are softened with pathetic regrets and apologies." Letters., p. 28. Here, sir, we are fairly at issue. If the accusation be established, it clearly follows^ that I have been guilty of a base literary and political fraud ; that my work ought to have been consigned to oblivion ; and, moreover, that I deserve the most pointed reprehension of every honest and enlightened member of the community. But on the contrary, if I prove these charges utterly destitute of foundation, it will be equally clear, that you have been guilty of gross calumny, and that you are a false accuser, justly liable to the penalties, which, had I been guilty, I Address to the IVnter of Letters^ BV'. IJ hliould have incurred. From these penalties voii can he exonerated only by the ])lea of inadvertence, > ///. Defence of I he atrocities of the French Revolu- lion. "While the succession of monsters prcserMd " the name of ' French Republic, one and indivi- ** sible^' the democrats clung to the cause most " steadfastly. Faction blinded us to the 7nass of ^'•wretchedness that overspread the face of France. " We palliated the noyades, the unprecedented fu- *' sillades, the slaughters at Lyons and elsewhere. "* It was a republic in name : that single word was " enough to lull us to sleep — to render us blind, ** and deaf, and dumb to the mountains of misery " endured under the pretended republic, which " 'exceeded in one year all that France had endured ** under the Bourbons in twenty.' We lauded, " and toasted, and belaurelled the murderous lead- " ers, whose deeds spoke more of the hyaena, the " panther, or the tiger, than those of the human " being. Our attachment remained, when the cause " of the rulers of France, (it was no longer the cause " of the nation^)h'ddheconic ' a stench in the nostrils " of Heaven ;' and every man who dared to doubt '' the justice and propriety of the murderous scenes " exhibited in France, w^as denounced as a tory or " a monarchist." — P. 405. W ll ^ li w i i 11 u f ( -i .1;* 18 Ac/dres6' to the Writer oj IV. Opposition to a Navy. " The steady and factious opposition made by the " democratic party .f to the establishment of a small '' fiavy., adequate at least to the protection of our *' oxvn coasty has by the event been proved most " wretched and miserable policy . — !♦• arose, as well " from a spirit of hostility toward the party in ** power, as from a sordid and contemptible spirit *' of economy, which has in many instances dis- " graced and dishonoured this party, who havefre- " quently proved themselves, to use a very trite, '' but very expressive proverb, ' penny wise — " pound foolish.' — When we analyse the boasted " spirit of economy, to which the opposition to a " navy may be in part ascribed, we shall find it " arises from two sources : the one, men of narrow *' minds carrying into public the huckstering habits " of private life : the other, a base spirit of courting *■'• popularity y by husbanding the public treasure.^ even oti occasions xvhcn liberality is true economy ^ which as frequently occur in public affairs as in *' private life. — Both motives are equally contemp- " tible : but the latter is the more pernicious, and "produces the most ruinous consequences: it " starves and smothers public undertakings, and " public spirit ; and often defrauds illustrious men " of their due rewards. It is the characteristic vice " of our times and of our nation ; and. ought to be " hunted down by every man xvho has a real regard *'\for the honour and interest of his country.'*^ *' I feel confident that the nation has lost five it Letters on the Eastern States. 19 *** hundred times as much, through the want of a ** small navy, as that navy would have cost. Num- " bers of instances have occurred, of valuable mer- " chantmen having been captured by petty picka- " roons with one or two guns. — Our ports have '■' been insulted and outraged, and the ships and " cargoes of our merchants plundered by priva- " teers and sloops of war, which a few armed ves- " sels would have forced to keep at a respectful " distance. There is none of the points on zvhich *' the txvo hostile parties have differed^ wherein the *' democrats have been so far heloxv their adversaries *^ in consulting' the real^ the permanent honour and " interests of the country ^ as the establishment of a " naval force. The policy of the federalists in this " respect was dignified and honourable ; that of " the democrats miserably contracted." — P. 47, *' 49. J- : Now, sir, I call upon you, as a gentlemen, to say whether these two paragraphs, if they stood singly, would not be sufficient to disprove your allegations ? Do they support you in the odious charge of " hyp- ocritical pretences'''* to impartiality ? Is the conduct here denounced a mere ^^slip?^^ Is it not a most grievous error ? Is it softened by any *■'' pathetic re- grets or apologies?'''' Is it not denounced in as strong language as you yourself would have used in the highest paroxysm of party rage and violence ? Is not the style of reprobation I have employed incom- parably more liable to objection and censure for its caustic severity, than for its undue lenity, or *' soft- ening'^'' tcnour ? u t i] \ Ijlj I 20 Address to the Writer of V. Alien and Sedition Larvs^ and eight per cent. loans. " The factious clamour excited against the alien " and sedition laws^ and against the eight per cent. " loan ; — which clamour was the principal means " of changing the administration, and taking it " from the hands of the federalists, to place it in " those of the democrats — rnai/ be justly reckoned " among the sins of the latter party. A candid " review of the so-styled sedition law, at the pre*- *•*• sent hour, when the public ferment, to which it " gave rise, has wholly subsided, will satisfy any " reasonable man, that so far from being an out- " rageous infringement of liberty, as was asserted, " it was a measure not merely defensible, but ab- " solutely necessary and indispensable to the sup' *^ port of government." — F. 50. On this paragraph a few brief observations are necessary. I hope it affords a strong proof of that '^ sufficient independence of his own titncs,''^ which you deem an indispensable requisite for a writer who undertakes a review of cotemporaneous parties and politics. On those important laws I differed from the great mass of the democratic party, of whom ninety nine in a hundred reprobated, and still rep- robate them. It is wholly unimportant, as to the case between us, whether I was right or wrong. The only quertion is, whether I had " sufficient independ- ence''^ to denounce the party to which I adhered, when I conscientiously believed their conduct unjust. I Letters 07i the Eastern States. 21 trust that the answer must be in the affirmative, and that it utterly disproves your allegations. " The eight per cent, loan remains. It was unit- " cd with, and increased the clamour against, the ** alien and sedition laws ; and these unpopular ** measures, as I have already observed, precipi- " tated the federalists from power ; yet we have " since found that their successors, the democrats, *' have themselves given about eight per cent, on " some of their loans." — F. 52. VI. Oppositio7i to Jay^s Treaty. " The violent opposition to this instrument, " which pervaded the union, and greatly disturb- " ed the administration of General Washington, " tvas a highly factious procedure on the part of the *' democrats^ who were led away by objections, *' plausible but unsubstantial — hardly any of which " have been realized." — P. 52. ■[ , !>' if •^l' m FII. Rejection of Monroe and Pinkney'^s Treaty. " Two ministers, appointed by Mr. JcfFtrson, " had negociated a treaty with England, the best " they could obtain. — It had been transmitted to " him in due form. Without consulting the Sen- " ate, the co-ordinate branch of the treaty-making " power, he, on his own responsibility, rejected it, " and transmitted it to these ministers to begin ** their negociations anew. This xvas a mighty and ^^ fatal error. It may be doubted whether it were ** Jiot a violation, at least of the spirit of the consti^ Ifri' III oo Address to the Writer of *' tiifiou. It was, at all events, a case thatproba- ** bly did not enter into the conceptions of the fra- " mers of that instrument. If it had, it is likely " they would have provided against its occurrence. " A calm reflection on this subject can hardly '^ fail to convince the reader, that to this source " 7nay probably be traced nearly all our late diffi- " culties. Had this treaty been submitted to the ' Senate, they would, in all likelihood, have rati- ^' fied the chief parts of it ; and, as had been the " case with Jay's treaty, referred the obnoxious *'• clauses to a new discussion. Our disputes with " England would thus have been compromised ; " and our party divisions could never have been *' excited to such a height as to endanger the peace *'' and security of the country." — P. oZ. t " The rejection was treating Mr. Jefferson's " own ministers very cavalierly, to use no stronger " languiige. But this was by no means the most " exceptionable feature of the transaction. It was " treating with slight, perhaps I might add, with " contempt, the government of a mighty nation, " entitled, from its high rank among the pAiropean " powers, to respect and attendon. But the worst ^''feature remains. It indubitably quadrupled the " chances of war^ which ought to be studiously " avoided bij every fair and honourable means ; of " which the issue is at all times precarious ; and *' pre-eminently so, between two nations so un- '* equall) matched in point of resources as the Uni- "ted States and Lng.aaa." — P. 4(59. - ..,. Letters on the Eastern States. 23 I might descant at large on the " independence'''' requisite to animadvert so severely on the conduct of Mr. Jefferson, predicated on the respect and ven- eration entertained ibr him by the democratic purt\'. But i waive the task as wholly unnecessary. VIII. Non renerval of the Charter of the Bank of t fie .. •• 'fEv: V! - United States. ^^ Amoyig the great si?is of the democratic party " during' Mr. Mad'isorCs administration., must be " numbered the non-renewal of the cliarter of " the Bank of the United States. This circum- '' stance injuriously affected the character and crc- " dit of this country abroad — produced a great " degree of stagnation, distress, and difficulty at '' home — and was among the causes of the late " embarrassments and difficulties of the pecuniary '' concerns of the country. Had this Bank been *Vin existence, its capital might readily at any time " have been increased by Congress, 10, 20, or 30, " millions, so as to aid the government most effec- " tually, and support the national credit." — F. 58, » • ^. fi- On this subject, too, as well as the alien and sedi- tion laws, I was almost universally condemned by the great body of the democratic party, who regard- ed the institution as unconstitutional. It is, as in the former case, foreign to my present purpose, to discuss the question, on which side lay the correct opinion. The only point worth notice here is the " independence'''' these strictures display. II ! ill i!f' I 24, JX. Address t§ the Writer 9f Rejection of the Armistice proposed by Admired Warren, " Whatever might have been the justice, neces- sity, or policy of the war, it was a great error, when the orders in Council were repealed, and an armistice offered by the British government, not to accept it. — Negociations for the removal of the rest of our grievances might have taken place, and would undoubtedly have been con- ducted under more favourable auspices than those that preceded them ; for England having discovered that she had calculated too far on our passiveness, would have been far more dis** posed to do us justice." — P. 60. 'ir I I X, Appointment *of Ar. Gallatin as Ambassador to treat with England. " The appointment of Mr. Gallatin, as minister to treat with the court of St. James's, was a very considerable error. This gentleman has had the reputation, probably with justice, of being one of the ablest financiers in this country. For twelve years he had presided over the financial concerns of the nation ; during which period, moderate talents were adequate to the duties of that station. But a crisis had arrived when the abilities of a Colbert, or a Sully, or a Ximenes, might be necessary ; and most injudiciously and indefensibly he was then dispatched to another hemisphere ; and his duties devolved, ad interim, on another officer, whose proper official duties require alibis time and all his talents. Letters on the Eastern States. 25 " This measure was highly preposterous. It was " incorrect in the president to confer, it was equal- " ly incorrect in the secretary to receive, the ap- " pointment. It was the less defensible, from the " circumstance that nearly all the democrats in "the United States, had, in 1794, utterly disap- " proved of, and declaimed against, the appoint- " ment, by Cieneral Washington, of Judge Jay to " negociate a treaty with Great-Britain, pending "his continuance as a Judge. It is moreover ob- *' vious that the absence of one Judge cannot pro- " duce any material inconvenience ; as there are " always others to supply his place. But there " are high and responsible duties attached to the " office of Secretary of the Treasury, which can " never, without very great impropriety, be de- " volved on a deputy." — /*. 63» . XI. Neg'ociation at Gottenbitrgh. '■■ " At a period when it was of immense impor- " tance to the United States to close the war as " speedily as possible, the President had the alter- " native of London or Gottenburgh as the scene " of negociation. We had been unfortunate by " land through treason, incapacity, or some other " cause. It was our interest to accelerate — it was " that of the British to procrastinate the negocia- " tions. The chances from delay were much in " their favour. War is moreover a component " part of their system: ours is calculated for peace. " These observations acquired treble force from a " reflection on the disaffection of the eastern por- " tion of the union, and its aversion to the w^ar ; 9 # (i fi i ( 26 u •I hi Address to the Writer of of course, we ought to have shunned whatever might produce delay. It was therefore most extraordinary and unaccountable that the Presi- dent should have chosen Gottenburgh in prefer- ence to London, under all the obvious delays resulting from the necessity that would probably arise, or be pretended, to consult the court of St. Jameses by the ministers of that court. It appears almost as absurd as it would be to choose the Havanna, or Port Royal^ were the negocia' tiofis to be conducted on this side of the Atlantic.^"* P. 64. XII. Capture of Washiiigton. " It is not for me to decide on whom the cen- sure ought to fall — on the President — the Secre- tary at War — on the district-general Winder — or on the whole together. But let that point be determined as it may, it cannot be denied, that 7iothing but the most culpable neglect could have led to the results that took place — results which could not fail to prove injurious to the national character in Europe, and which, had not the news of the exploits of the brave and illustrious Macdonough and Maeomb arrived there cotem- poran«ously with the account of this disgraceful disaster, would have materially and perniciously affected th« negocialion at Ghent." — P. 73. XIII. Dependence on loans for support of the war at the commencement. ** Perhaps the most grievous and unpardonable " error of the > P ■ '• •* 4 ■ - • * SK * , t . '1 . - it •ranch. r> ; l« i\ I { 30 J t ' NO. III. ..! f :• if ,!-. I I FONDLY hope that every man of candour who has read the preceding number, will admit that the ac- cusation of my having been guilty of gross partiali- ty, and having confined my animadversions on the errors and guilt of the democratic party, to " a fexv A'lip.s'^''^ is to the last degree unjust, and destitute of the shadow of foundation. I trust, I shall have equal success with the next " counf^ of your indictment, •which, in your own proper words, is, that I have collected together, in one hideous mass — " The strongest passages in remonstrances *' against particular measures; all the violences of *' newspaper paragraphs in the highest moments ** of irritation ; all the ebullitions of declaimerSy " whose infirmities may have led them, in mo- ** ments of excitement, into extravagance ; every *' thing infammatorif that can be found among insii- *^ lated speeches^ ser?nons^ and gazettes, for a series " of years, when the highest political ferment ex- *' isted ; all these are brought together as a regu- " lar plan, a continued system of inconsistency, *' discord, and faction." It is a matter of astonishment how a gentleman possessed of character, and having any regard to his character, could have ever committed himself by such an extravagant declaration, not only without Address to the Jnitcr, bV. 31 '•..• mo- proof, but utterly incapuljlc of proof, as I liopc to make appear as clear as the nooiulay sun. The whole amount of the extracts which I have given from *^ the violcnccH of nnuspapcr J)(ir(iii'r(iphsy* the '•'' cbullitiuns of declaimcni^'' — from ''^ ififlanuiidto- ri/''^ ^'' spfcchcs^ sermons^ and g'dzcttes^ for a series of years^"* docs not exceed thhti/'three priifcs^ at a most liberal allowance. These pages would at the utmost fill aljoiit sixteen columns of one of our lurt^r news- papers. And yet, sir, you come forward in the face of the nation, and assert, without any qualification or reservation, that I have extracted " evenj thinjj^ iJiflammatorij that can be found among insulated speeches, sermons, and gazettes, for a series of years !" Into what a tissue of errors does party pas- sion guide its votaries ! Twenty volumes, each as large as the Olive Branch, would be inadequate to contain " all the vio- lences of neivspaper paragraphs'''' which appeared from 1805 till 1814, against the measures of the ad- ministration. I could name a single writer, (but I do not choose to hurt his feelings,) who published of that description five times as nuuh in one year, as the whole I have selected — and I could also point out par- ticular gazettes, published in your town, which con- tained as much within one month. Further: I ha\ e now in my possession inflammatory sermons preached to large and respectalUe congregations, and published at their particular request, of which a single one con- tains a third part as much of the ^^ volence'''' and '-'• ebullitions of dcclaimers*'' as I have collected toge- ther in the book which you have so freely and un- (iualifiedly devoted to reprobation. On tlie point 'it »i.i I 32 Address to the Writer of n I of ^ ALL the violence^* 1 shall say no more. I trust the question is put to rest for ever. The charges alleged in the Olive Branch against the leaders of the federalists are not so numerous as those against the democrats. There are three pro- minent ones, which, alone, I shall notice here, pass- ing over the others, as I have done so many of those against their adversaries. The first is, that they urged the government in 1805 and 1806, to pursue such measures as might be necessary and proper to oblige Great Britain to cease her depredations on the commerce of the Unit- ed States, with a solemn pledge of support, whatever might be the event. The second, that they approved in the most un- qualified manner, o^the Erskine arrangement, before it was rejected by Great Britain — and that after its rejection, they most violently censured the govern- ment for entering into it. And the third, and most grievous, that the ten- dency of a large portion of their proceedings — their newspaper essays — their resolves — and of no small number of their political sermons, was to dissolve the Union. The question at issue between you and me is, are those charges well founded ? If not, then have I been a gi'oss libeller, and richl)'^ deserve the caustic se- verity you have bestowe.l on my work, which, in that case would deserve the appellation of a *' Torch of Ah'cto^'' by which you have designated it. If, on the contrary, the case is made out, then the censure recoils on yourself as a false accuser. I shall at- tempt the proof of my allegations, and be very brief in my citations. I 3j 5 fi." 'Extract from the Memorial of the Nexv York Mer- chants^ dated Dec. 28, 1805. " Your memorialits conclude with remark inj^ " that they deem the present situation of public " affairs to be peculiarly critical and perilous — " and such as requires all the prudence, the wis- dom, and the energy of the government, .s?//?- ported by the co-operalion of all good citizens. By mutual exertions, under the benign influ- " ence of Providence upon this hitherto favoured " nation, we hope the clouds which threaten to ob- " scure its prosperity may be dispelled. And ive ^^ pledge our united support in favour of all the "*' measures adopted to vindicate and secure the just . ^^ rights of our count ry.^^ Extract from the Memorial of the Philadelphia Mer- chants^ December., 180J. " In the principles they have here submitted to " your consideration, they feel all the confidence ** of justice and the tenacity of truth. To surren- " dcr them, they conceive would derogate from ** the national character and independence of the ** United States. From the justice of govern- " ment, they hope for their avowal — frotn thespi- •* rit of government., they hope for their defence-^* " and from the blessing of Heaven they hope for ^* their establishment. ** To preserve peace with all "nations, is admit* ** ted, without reserve, to be both the interest and 3 I ^ y 4 ' • I 54 Address to the Writer of " policy of the United States They therefore " presume to siic;gest, that every measure, not in- ^* corifiistent with the honour of the nation, by *' which the great objects of redress and security miy be obtained, should first be tried. If such measures prove ineffectual^ whatever maij he the sacrifice on their part^ it will he met with suh?nis- <( 41 U ** sion.^^ Extract from the Memorial of the Boston Merchants^ February 20, 1806. " In all events, fully relying that the subject of ** our differences with Great Britain will receive " the due consideration of government ; and that *' such measures will in consequence be promptly " adopted, as will tend to disembarrass our commerce " — 'assert our rights — and support the dignity of " tJie United States^ your memoralists have the *-' honour to remain," &c. Extract from the Memorial of the Merchants ofNeW' haven^ Feb. 7, 1806. " With these impressions of the necessity of '' measures for defending our commercial rights, *' which shall be firm, but temperate— and bold, " yet marked with a spirit of conciliation, your *^ memorialists cordially unite with their fellow " citizens of other commercial towns, in expresoing " their sentiments freely to the legislative and ex- ecutive authorities of their country, with assur' ances of their aisposition to give aid and support (4 1 r Letters on the Eastern States. 35 •■' to every measure of go'-oernment calculated to ac " complish this important ohj< ;f." Extract from the Memorial of the Merchants of Nciv- biiryport^ Dec. 1805. " Having sustained these losses and injuries in the prosecution of our lawful commerce, and in the exercise of our just lights, we rely with con- fidence on the wisdom, firmness, and justice of our government, to obtain for us that compen- sation, and to g'rant us that protection^ which a rej^ard for the honour of our country^ no less than the rights of our citizens^ must dictate and requz re ?> ';H; I Extract from the Metnoriai of the Salem Merchants, January 20, 1806. *' Your memorialists wish to take no part in the " contests which now convulse the world ; but, " acting with impartiality towards all nations, to " reap the fruits of a just neutrality. If, however, " conciliation cannot effect the purposes of jus- ** tice, and an appeal to arms be the last and ne- " cessary protection of honour.^ they feel no dispo- *' sition to decline the common da7iger, or shrink ^^from the common contribution. " Relying on the wisdom and firmness of the " general government in this behalf, they feel no " hesitation to pledge their lives and properties " in support of the measures rvhich may be adopt- " ed to vindicate the public rights and redress the ,*''• public wrongs.''^ ' it !■ H % Hi i' I 36 Address to the Writer of The pacific measures adopted by the American government to " vindicate the public rights, and re- dress the public wrongs," were, restrictions of the lucrative trade which the aggressors carried on with Hs — embargo — and non intercourse. It is not necessary for me to state how far the ^^ pledge of Iroes and properties^'* was redeemed by the support of all or ;iny of those measures. I draw a veil over the subject. The next accusation against the ultra leaders of the federal party was the warm and unequivocal approbation they bestowed on the Erskine arrange- ment previous to its rejection by the British govern- ment, and the equally unequivocal reprobation of it and the administration afterwards. Before the rejection, " We owe it to Mr. Madison and his cabinet, '* to say, and we do it with pride and pleasure, ** that they have come forward with a degree of " promptitude and manliness, which reflects much *' honour on them and the country. Mr. Madison ** has now done what Mr. fefferson was requested " to do in the note appended to the treaty returned ** by him. Mr. Madison is now efl^ectually resist- " ting the French decrees by a total non inter- " course with that country : and this country will "thank him for it to the latest generation." — United States Gazette, April 24, 1809. " The candour, liberality, and sincerity display- " ed in those documents, are alike honourable to " the two governments." — Poulson's American Daily Advertiser, April 22, 1809. , Letters on the Eastern States. '!»•« Extract from the Speech of the Governor of Massa- chusetts to the Legislature of that State. *^ \V"e have good reason to indulge the hope " of realizing these views, [arising from a revival *' of commerce] from the prompt and amicable "disposition with which it is understood the pre- " sent federal administration met the conciliatory ** overtures of Great Britain — a disposition xu/iich " is entitled to^ and xvill certainly receive^ the hearty " approbation of every one xvho sincerely loves the '•'• peace and prosperity of the nation.^^ " Well may the merchants of Alexandria rejoice " at Mr. Madison's return to the good old prin- " ciples of federalism. Let the crazy professors " of Jeffersonism give themselves up to weeping, *' and wailing, and all the afflicting stings of jeal- " ousy and mortification. The federalists will pay " homage to Mr. Madison, while he continues to " pursue the course he lias taken." — Federal Re- publican. " Scarcely was Mr. Madison seated in the chair '•'"of state, when, contrary to all our expectations, " but agreeably to our wishes, he gave the lie to- *' alibis electioneering advocates ; abandoned prac- ** tically and in the face of the world, the policy and. " course of the sage ; and concluded with Mr. Er- " skine an agreement, which, knocking ojfthe igno^ ^^ minions hand-cuffs from our hands .^ unmooring " our ships, rejoicing our hearts^ and elevating our " hopes, drew from the union, (the jacobins except-- " edy) an unfeigned burst of heart cheering applause.. 3 * m 38 i t ■". k Address to the Wrher of " Never statesman did an act more popular or more '' conducive to the true and permanent interest of '' his Country.'''' — Philadelphia Gazette, June 20, 1809. " Look at the files of this paper for a twelve " month. You will find it insisted upon, that *' Great Britain wished for an adjustment of dif- '•''fcrences, and would come to an accommodation " the moment we gave her a chance to do so. Mr. •"' Erskine very promptly begins by stating, on *' our government's placing England on a footing " with France, England will make reparation — "just precisely what I have said a hundred times " over in thiL paper, she would gladly do."" — New York Evening Post, April 26, 1809. Per Contra^ — after the rejection, " For our part we have had but one opinion '"' from the commencement of this mysterious af- •■' fair ; and we have made bold to express it. It ** is, that Mr. Erskine acted contrary to his in- •■' structions^ and that Mr. Secretary Smith knew *•' what these instructions were."*^ — United States Gazette, Oct. 18, 1809. it " In short, Mr. Erskine surrendered every thing', and got nothing in return. — Ibid. " The people have been flagrantly deceived, and " grossly abused. The matter rests between Mr. " Erskine and our administration. Wherever the " blame shall fjill, it is for the people to apply or Letters on the Eastern States. 39 ,, I ** originate a remedy." — Federal Republican, July 31, 1809. " What was a few days ago but a doubtful * point, is now settled by the publication of Mr. ' Erskine's instructions. Sufficient information ^ has been received, to convince all candid per- * sons, that the rancour with which the English * cabinet has been pursued, was undeserved. We * do not entertain a doubt, when all the circum- ' stances shall have been disclosed, that it will ap- ' pear that Secretary Smith actually saw Erskine's * Instructions ; and that the arrangement was made, ' merely as an experiment. We feel confident that ' the thing will be put upon this footing. If then *the United States will be ultimately injured by * the act, they will judge where the blame lies." —Federal Republican, July 27, 1809. " By letters from well-informed men in Eng- •■* land, we are assured that the conduct of Mr. " Erskine is condemned by all parties in that " country ; that the temper of the public is far be- " yond that of the ministry. A very general opin- " ion prevails there, that it will be very difficult " to keep any terms with this country ; that we " are governed by men devoted to the interests of " France, who are determined to insist on terms " from England which can never be obtained." — Boston Palladium, August 11, 1809. It would be a work of supererogation, to add any thing further to prove this point. iH- 40 Aclilrcss to the Writer of The third grand item of accusation, is, that tlie tendency of the writings and proceedings of the ultra leaders of the federal party was to dissolve the Union. I say distinctly '' the tenc/eticyy Of their views or intentions I pretend not to judge. To the belief of this tendency, whether right or wrong, the publication of the Olive Branch was wholly owing. Nothing but the apprehension of such a result could have led me to the undertaking. How far this apprehension was just, I leave the world to decide. V ' " As Mr. Madison has declared war ^ let Mr. Ma- *' dison carry it on.'''' — Discourse of the Rev. J. S. J. Gardiner, rector of Trinity Church, Boston, de- livered July 23, 1812, page 17. " The union has been long since virtually dissolve *' ed: and it is full time that this part of the dis- " united States should take care of itself ^'-^Idcin^ page 19. " One hope only remains, that this last stroke *' of perfidy may open the eyes of the besotted " people ; that they may awake like a giant from his " slumbers, and xvreak their vengeance on their be- " trayers^ by driving them from their stations, and " placing at the helm more skilful and faithful " hands." — Discourse delivered by the Rev. Da- vid Osgood, D. D. pastor of the church at Med- ford, June 27, 1812, page 17. Letters on the Eastern States. 41 vt If at the present moment^ no sijmptoins of croil ** 7var appear^ they certainlij ivill soon ; unless the ** courage of the war party should fail them?'' — Idem, page 14. *' A civil war becomes as ct.cain as the events ^'* that happen according to the known laws and ** established course of nature,'*'' — Idem, page 15. " The Israelites were weary of yielding the " fruits of their labour to pamper their tyrants. " They left their political woes. They separated. " Where is our Moses ? Where is the rod of his " miracles ? Where is our Aaron ? Alas I no voice ^^ from the burning bush has directed them here^ — Discourse deliv^ered by the Rev. Elisha Parish, D. D. at Byfield, April 7, 1814, page 18. ,.« I 1 " Alas ! we have no Moses to stretch his rod *' over the sea ! No Lebanon ,, nor Carmel^ nor Zion " invites us across the deep /" — Idem, page 14. " Has not New England as much to apprehend " as the sons of Jacob had ? But no child has been ^^ taken from the river to lead us through the sea!'''' —Idem, page 20. " God will bring good from every evil. The ^^ furnaces of Egypt lighted Israel to the land of ^^ Canaan.^'' — Idem, page 22. " Let every man who sanctions this war by his " suffrage or his influence, remember, that he is " labouring to cover himself and his country with !<■•* \ * 1 ; k 42 Address to the Writer of i l!. .1, , I !k \i " blood. T/ie blood of the slain will cry from the ''^ ground against him.'''' — Idem, page 28. " How will the supporters of this anti-cliristian *' warfare endure their sentence ; endure their own *' reflections ; endure the fire that for ever hums ; " the worm which never dies ; the hosannahs of He a- " ven ; while the smoke of their torments ascends ''^ for ever and ever T"* — Idem, page 24. v . *' Either the southern states must drag us fur- " ther into the roar — or we must drag them out of ** it — or the chain will break,'''* — Boston Centinel, Jan. 13, 1813. . , " The Union is dissolved practically?'' — Idem, Sept. 10, 1814. " Throwing off all connexion with this wasteful ** xuar — making peace with the enemy — and open- ** ing once more our commerce, would be a wise ^^ and manly coz/r^e."— 'Idem, Dec. 17, 1814. " The once venerable constitution has expired " by dissolution in the hands of those wicked men " who xvere sworn to protect it. Its spirit, with " the precious souls of its first founders, has fled *' for ever. Its remains, with theirs, rest in the '* silent tomb. At your hands therefore we detnand " deliverance. New England is unanimous. And " we announce our irrevocable decree, that the ty " rannical oppression of those who at present usurp ^^ the powers of the constitution, 'is beyond endur- *''- ance. And xve will resist it.'*'' — Address to the Hartford Convention, Bost. Cent. Dec. 28, 1814, Letters on the Eastern States, rom the hrlstlan eir own burns ; of flea" ascends us fur- 1 out of entincl, -Idem, msteful d open- a wise 4. xptred ?d men , with as fled in the emand And he tt/" usurp ndur- to the 1814. 43 Extract from a Memorial of the citizens of Ncwbu- ryport, January 31,1814, addressed to the Legis- lature of Massachusetts. *' We remember the resistance of our fathers to *' oppressions which dwindle into insignificance, " when compared with those we are called upon ** to endure. The rights which we have received " from God, we will never yield to man. We call " upon our state legislature to protect us in the en- **joyment of those privileges, to assert which our ** fathers died ; and to defend which we profess " ourselves ready to resist unto blood. We pray *' your honourable body to adopt measures im- " mediately to secure to us, especially, our un« *' doubted right to trade within our own state. " We are ourselves ready to aid you in secur- " ing it to us, to the utmost of our power, '-'• peace- " ablij if we car>. forcibly if we must.'''' And xve ^^ pledg-e to you the sacrifice of our lives and pro- ^*' pcrty in support of whatever measures the digni- *' ty and liberties of this free, sovereign, and in- " dependent state may seem to your wisdom to *' demand." Extract from a memorial of the Citizens of Hadley to the legislature of Massachusetts. " Resolved, that in our opinion, a perseverance " in that deadly hostility to commerce, which, we ** believe, derives its origin and its vigour from " a deep-rooted jealousy of the eastern states, will " inevitably tend to a dissolution of the union. And " though we most sincerely deprecate such an ; 1 44 Address to the Writer^ h^c. f 1 i •I I! ♦! " event, yet we cannot suppress our fears, that " the time is at hand, when a separation of these '* states will be enforced bij the most irresistible of ** all motives — self preservation.'*'' I regret heing driven by the libel you have pub- lished against me and my book, to l)ring forward these topics, which were bettei consigned to oblivion The extreme violence of your attacks, and the im- perious duty of self-defence, will, 1 doubt not, suf- ficiently plead my apology with every man possess- ed of common candour. The remainder of your accusations shall be exa- mined and refuted in the next address of The Writer of the Olive Branch, Philadelphia^ Dec. 16, 1820. [ 4i- J I.' KO. IV. SIRf Your next allegation, offered, it is true, mciely by implication, is that I wrote under '' the paltnj ini' jmlse of part If or pirumanj thrifty On the subject of '"'' the paltry impulse of party," I presume No. 2. contains abundant refutation. — No man, under that impulse, would have dared to use the strong language of condemnation, A\hieh is there exhibited against his own ])arty. To these proofs I shall make no addition, presuming lliat those Avho pretend they are insufficient, would not give credence, " though one were to rise from the dead." The idea intended to be conveyed by tlio words ^* ^he paltnj i?upulse of pecunianj thrift^'' is, I pre- sume, that the hope of making mone}', was among the motives for writing the Olive Branch. Were this true, the procedure would not have been in any wise crimin:il. Few men who write in tliis or any other country, scruple to sell their works ; and if there be any chance of their having such a circula- ' tion as is likely to render them profitable, they will find purchasers. But the charge is, like the others, wholly false, and destitute of the shadow of foundation. I wrote the Olive Branch w ithout the most distant idea of profit ' — indeed with every prospect of loss ; as \ cry few, ' indeed scarcely any, political publication'^ in this 4. :[! i h i: ^1 J: r. ■4 «' < 111 1 1 t 46 Address to the Writer of country have ever indemnified the publishers for their expenses. The success of the O. B. was almost unprecedented, and went far beyond all rational cal- culation. On the subject of '-'• pecimiary thrift!^'' I have to offer a few strong facts ; and facts are " stubborn things," not to be disproved by mere insinuations or assertions, however boldlv hazarded. The Olive Branch, at an early period, had become profitable. It was then no longer a mere experi- ment, as it v/as in general demand in every part of the union. It was admitted by candid men of both parties, that its circulation was happily allaying the violent spirit of party, which menaced the nation with the most awful consequences. Then was the time, if I had been actuated by the '' paltry impulse of pecuniary thrift^'^ to have completely gratified that spirit. I could, without the least impropriety, have monopolized the supply of the whole country in my own hands. Perhaps I might without vanity assert, that few men would have done otherwise. Your un- fair and uncandid insinuation w^ould justify ine in the declaration. But what was the fact ? In or- der to increase the beneficial results, which I had reason to expect from its circulation, I offered the privilege of re-printing it gratis to booksellers in Pittsburg, Cincinnati, Boston, Newhaven, Middle- bmy, Richmond, Winchester, Raleigh, and Charles- ton. The offer was accepted in only three places ; in Boston, by Andrew Dunlap,and Rowe and Hoop- er; in Middlebury, by William Slade; and in Win- chester, by J. Foster. The three editions amounted to about 4500 copies, for which I never asked, expect- Letters on the Eaatern States. 47 *»*• cd, nor received a single cent. I think the annals of politics and literature, aiFord few parallel cases. Men in England, France, and Germany, incomparably- more wealthy and independent than I was, have, in nine cases out of ten, sold their writings, even when their fate was wholly uncertain. Whereas, at the time when I tendered the gratuitous permission to publish the Olive Branch, in so many different parts of the union, it had passed the ordeal of public criti- cism ; and the success of those who might publish it was absolutely certain. I annex an irrefutable document on this point. Similar ones could be had from Messrs. Slade and Foster, were it deemed necessary-. " Know all men by these presents, that Andrew *' Dunlap, and Rowe and Hooper, of the town of " Boston, by permission of Mathew Carey of Phil- " adelphia, printed in the year 1815, the third edi- *' tion of the Olive Branch, consisting" of Jiftecn ^-^ hundred copies f^- and that the author gave the " privilege of printing it gratuitously — never hav- '* ing required or received to the amount of a sin- " gle dollar for the copy right; the only condition " annexed to the permission was, that the pub- " Ushers should bestow ten per cent, of the edition " to public libraries., and to persons unable to pur- " chase copies of the xvork.'''' THOMAS ROWE, ^" of the late firm of Row e and Hooper. ■'■■'. >. Boston, Jan. 4, 1821. 1 • I formcily believed, and stated, tliat this edition was only 1250 copies. I fitul I was in error, as appears by the above testimony. l! Ml I... P""!! 48 Address to the Writer of The next point I shall notice is contained in these words — *' an octavo volume, compiled by an Irish Bookseller in Philadelphia, has, if the title may be believed, gone through a dozen editions .'*'* Here is an error deserving of animadversion, merely as it affords a proof of the very loose and careless nature of your assertions, and how little concern you take to make them square with the truth. There is no copy of the work professing to be the txvelfth edi- tion. Its extent was only ten editions j of which seven were published in thirteen months — the first on the 8th of Nov. 1814, and the seventh, Dec. 15, 1815. The tenth appeared in June, 1818. There are various modes of defamation and caU umny. It is sometimes explicitly and unqualifiedly promulgated — at others it is indirectly hinted. The words — '-' If the title page may be believed^^'^SLre in- tended to convey the idea that " the title page^"* car- ries the lie stamped on its forehead ; and that the Tiumber of editions was not so great as has been as- serted. Independent of a reply to your unfounded accu- sation, 1 have an additional reason for noticing this sentence. In order to destroy the influence of the Olive Branch, and to bring discredit on its author, Vrhen it was in the highest demand, a violent party newsprinter in New York, fabricated a pretty story, to which his paper gave extensiv'e currency. He pretended that I had a variety of title pages, purport- ing to belong to several editions of the work, but in reality prefixed to one and the same edition. The story was humorously told, and by way of illustration, the editor introduced another, of a de- Letters on the Lantern States. 49 cayed gentleman, who, having, hut two shirts, had them marked No. 19 and 20, in order to imprests his friends with an opinion that his stock of linen was immensely great. On the disingenuousness of this conduct, I make no comment. On such a point, among honourable men, there can be but one opinion. ■■A\ " Happening to step into a bookseller's store this " morning, the sight of an octavo volume, hand* " somely bound in morocco, caught my eye, t/ie ''''seventh edition^ if I remeiJiber right. This book '^' sells well, said I. It has reached more editions " in a short period from its first appearance, than " almost any other book in this country ever did " — a fact of which I found myself solemnly assur- "ed in the nn 'ace. — This Carey ^says the bookseller^ " is a queer t.-o-v, or mad. He sent to us here a " parcel of this book, marked the sixth edition, I '* think ; and directly on the back of it, before xve " had sold a single copy., he wrote and said, that " the demand was so great and pressing, that we " must return all on hand by the mail stage ; and " immediately after sent us another parcel marked " the seventh. I do not know what to make of ** him. — Carey has long been an author by pro- " fession ; and heimderstands the tricks of the trade. '* He knows that nothing helps off a book so much " as the appearance of num probably no instance ever before occurred, of such a strong and btriking difference between the various editions of the same w^ork, as exists in this ease. This difference has arisen from my having made very large additions to, and alterations in, every suc- cessive edition, as new light broke in on me. In proof of this fact, it is sufficient to state, that the first contained only 252 pages duodecimo^ of large, and the tenth 50G pages, actaiw^ of small^ print. The following statement, signed by four respecta- ble gentlemen, will fully establish the falsel\ood of the whole of these Muncliausen stories. " The subscribers b-ave examined ten copies of *' the Olive Branch, submitted to them by the au- " thor, and hereby certify, that there is such a "■^ total difference in the arrangement of the matter, " the size of the pages and types, and more par- " ticularly in the number of pages contained in *^ them, as to convince the most superficial obser- l\ in. ) ■ 22 Address to the Writer of " ver that they were bona fide different editions. JAMES ABERCROMBIE, D. D. THOMAS DOBSON, W. W. WOODWARD, ABRAHAM SMALL. Philadelphia^ Jan. 2, 1821. fn order to disparage the work, you hold out the idea of its being a mere " compilation^'* of which the leading feature is " the duhiess of a parcel of ex- tracts from old newspapers." ; V.-. , -^ ^ This insinuation is equally correct and candid with the residue of your criticisms. The work is by no means a compilation. It is a review, although a very desultory one, of the most important affairs of the country for a number of years, and down to the close of the late war. It contains, it is true, very copious extracts from public documents and news- papers, new and old — but a very large proportion of it is entirely new. This course was dictated by the nature of the case, and by imperious necessity. I trod on deli- cate and dangerous ground. The work was in di- rect hostility with the feelings, the prejudices, and in some measure with the interests, of numierous and respectable portions of the parties, then so violently^ inflamed against each other. It was therefore liable to the most rigorous scrutiny. The greatest cir- cumspection was, of course, necessary. My mere ipse dixi., would have been of little avail. It became incumbent on me to shut the door in the face o£ cavilling and disputation. I pursued the only plan calculated to produce this effect. Almost every im- portant fact Stated, or opinion advanced, is support- ditions. ►. D. 1821, out the lich the of ex- candid ^ork is though affairs •wn to ?, very news- ion of )f the I deli- in di- 5, and s and ently liable b cir- mere came ce o£ plan T im- port- Letters on the Easfeni States. 53 ed not merely by reference to authorities, but by quotations from the authorities themselves. This plan is carried to an extent probably unparalleled, and which nothing could justify, but the peculiar circumstances of the case. The last insinuation which I shall notice is, that I was destitute of the " independence" necessary for such a delicate office as I undertook. To disprove this fully, in addition to the evidence I have already given in pp 1 *^ o 28, I subjoin a few extracts from the Ww..:, v ch, I trust, wiiJ finally settle the question. " This conduct on the part of the administration " xvas to the last degree culpable. It was a derc- " liction of duty that exposed our citizens to ruin- *' ous consequences." — Olive Branchy XOth edition^ p. 66* Whether I shall escape censure for the excessive severity of the following strictiu-cs on the conduct of the thirteenth congress, is wholly uncertain. But, surely, even you, sir, will acknowledge that they are as full a proof of that " independence'*'' which you re- gard as an indispensable requisite for a writer, who decsants on passing events, as could well be offered : nothing could justify or even palliate this stjle of writing but the extreme excitement created by the desperate state of our affairs. . . - .. u - " In the present tranquillized state of the public " mind, when the fears and solicitudes excited by " the late alarming state of affairs have subsided, ** it will be difficult for the reader to justify, or '^ even to account for, the 'vvarmth which many M« ft i;. r M !*' 54 Address to the Writer of " parts of this work display. It is therefore hut •'justice to myself, to give a rapid sketch of tlie *' scenes through which we have passed, in order ** to account for the excitement of my mind, so " obvious to every reader in the perusal of some '* of my chapters. " The government had been nearly reduced to ** bankruptcy It had been unable to raise money *' to discharge the most imperious engagements. *' There was no general circulating medium in the *'' country. The banks, from New- York to New- *' Orleans, inclusively, had, widi perhaps one or *' two exceptions, suspended the payment of specie. *' The bank notes of Philadelphia and New- York "were depreciated in Boston from 15 to 25 per " cent, below par. And every feature in our po- *' litical affairs wore an equally awful aspect. *' Whether the causes I have assigned really pro- *' duced this state of things or not, is immaterial. *' Be the cause what it may, the fact existed. " Want of money had partially suspended the re- ** cruiting service. And the pacification of Europe "had quadrupled the disposable force of our en- *' emy, and in the same degree increased our dan- *' ger and the necessity for energy and vigilance. " Under these circumstances, congress was con- " vened on the 19th of September, nearly two " months earlier than the period fixed by law, in *' order to make provision for such an extraordi- *' nary emergency. The state of the nation was " fully detailed to them in various executive com- " munications, which called, imperiously called, " for energy and decision. " Rarely has a legislative bodv had more im- Letters on the Lantern Slates. fore hut h of the in order [iiind, so of some luced to e money ements. n in the ;o New- one or f specie. vv-York ► 25 per our po- aspect. ly pro- aterial. existed, the re- Europe 5ur en- ir dan- ilance. IS con- y two aw, in aordi- n was I com- :alled, e im- *' portant duties to fulfil, or a more glorious op- " portunity of signalizing itself, and laying claim " to the public gratitude. Rarely have stronger " motives existed to arouse every spark of public " spirit or patriotism that had lain dormant in tbe " heart. And I venture to assert, there hardly *' ever was a legislature that more completely dis- " appointed public expectation — that more cgre- " giously failed of its duty. " The imbecility^ the follij^ the vacillation^ the *' want of system.^ of energy^ and of decision^ dis^ " played by the majority — and the unyielding.^ stub- *''' born., violent., and factious opposition of the mi' " nority., to all the measures for which the occasion *'■ so loudly called., — have affixed an indelible stain on *-^ the memory of the thirteenth Congress. — It will " be long remembered with emotions neither of '' gratitude nor respect. Nowhere, I am persuad- *' ed, in the annals of legislation, is there to be found ** an instance of precious time more astonishingly ** wasted. It had been in session nearly five months " when the news of peace arrived — and had but " three week^ to sit. The spring, the season of " hostility and depredation, was rapidly approach- " ing. And what had it done to serve or save the " country ? What provision had it made of men or " money ? little or none. Nearly all the measures " adapted to the emergency that had been brought *' forward in Congress, had been defeated." — P. 23. " The majority., imbecile and feeble., endeavoured *•'• to shelter themselves by censuring the factious and '' turbulent 7ninority., who made these long sp^^ches ^^for the purpose of embarrassing them., and pro- I I ( 1 , I' ,1 ! . \ f Li j^6 Address to the IVnter oj *' trading' their debates and proceedings. Thii* *' plea cannot bear examination. Were it valid, *' a minority of six or eight persons, possessed of " the faculty of making ' long talks,' might, at all " times, totally baffle a majority, and paralyze the " operations of government. Suppose each mem- " ber of the minority to make a speech of a day " or two, on every subject that arose for discus- *' sion — allow a reasonable time for replication to '' the majority — and the whole year would be in- " adequate for that portion of business which the " British parliament would with ease dispatch in " a month." — Idem. p. 69. On the waste of time in discussing the question an the repeal of the compensation law, the following caustic observations were hazarded. " Nothing has occurred in the variegated an- " nals of that body much more reprehensible. '' Never was time more wretchedly spent — never " talents more misemployed. It is not improba- " ble that a third or a fourth part of the session " was prostituted to, 1 had nearly said, never-end- " ing debates on the repeal of this act, (the com- " pensation act.) Almost every member capable " of making a speech, filled two, three, four, or five " columns of the newspapers, until the public was " disgusted not more with the act than with its " defenders and opposers. — The subject might " have been compressed within the compass of *' a nutshell. > " Any man of tolerable talents might have ex- " hausted all that was worth hearing on either side " of the question in three hours."— /^''ew. p. 485 . li • ^s. This c it valid, issessed of ight, at all ral)'ze the ;acli mem- h of a day or discus- lication to idd be in- which the ispatch in 2 question following gated an- hensible. t — never improba- e session ver-end- he corn- capable , or five blic was with its |t might pass of lave ex- ler side I/?. 485. Letters on the Eastern Sft/tcs. Sf To the preceding proofs of the calumnious nature of your accusations, I might have madj copious ad- ditions. But I feel full confidence that thev are alum- dantly sufficient to convince every man oi candour what extreme injustice you have done me an'd my book. That you are convinced, or, if you be, that you will acknowledge your error, is very doubtful. But whatever may be the result, so far as respects you, I feel perfectly indifTerent, in the conscious- ness of fairness and impartiality of intention. The Author of the 0/ivr Branch. Dec. 27, 1820 . * • / • APPENDIX. I'' t1 ■ |. a Sir, (CIRCULAR.) , *^ Phihuiclphui^ Dec. 20M, 1816. " The encounigcment with which the proposals for the eip^hth edition of the Olive Branch have been honoured, is sufficient to warrant the publication. I therefore intend to put it to press on or about the 1st February next, and to publish it early in April. " I am sincerely desirous of correcting whatever errors niuy bein it, and rendering it as unexception- able as my means of information and leisure will allow — I therefore request you will, if perfectly con- venient, unreservedly point out any of its errors or deficiencies that have occurred to you. To any such suggestions, due attention shall be paid. I sincere- ly seek truth. And if I do not attain my object, it shall not be for want of suitable endeavours. " I have in all former editions, notwithstanding my utmost exertions, laboured under a very great defi- ciency of documents. I most respectfully and earn- estly solicit your aid, and shall receive with thankful- ness any documents you may think proper to com- municate. Such of them as you direct, shall be safely returned, by " Your obedient, humble servant, " M. CAREY. « Robt. H. Goldsborough, Esq.'^ APl'l-NDlX. .V9 ,« B " l\ ushhigton^ Franklin Ihust^ yauuanj 6t/i, 1817. *' I H AVF. just received a letter from you,in which you are pleased to amu)unce to me the contemplated publication of the eighth edition of the Olive liraneh, and request me ^' unreservedly" to point out its er- rors and deficiencies — professing yourself desirous to correct them, and earnestly solicit my aid in com- municating any documents for that purpose. "Allured,like many others, by the title of this book, I read it a year or two ago ; and I was as nuuh su;- prised to find it a virulent party work, as to see a re- sult so diametrically opposite to an avowed intention If a zealous and artful partizan had employed his tirne in culling out incidents and fragments, and in colouring them to his own taste, vtith a a icw of de- grading one of the great political parties in this coun- try, and of elevating the other, lie eorJd s;:arecly have been more successftd in his artifice, and false in his glosses, than the impartial author of the Olive Branch has been. "I should not have been disappointed, if the work had not been strictbj impartial ; for I did not antici- pate it ; but my astonishment was great indc r) to find, that it was wholly destitute of every claini to such character. "They who expect that men, who have been long- associated with conflicting political parties, will give fair and perfectly impartial representations of their respective merits and faults, M'ill be most generally disappointed — the pride of men, their interest, and f GO APPENDIX. ;'!! y\^ their feelings forbid it — and the universal failure of works of this sort, which even bear strong marks and evidences of such a disposition, may be consi- dered as conclusive. The course that the work called the Olive Branch, has taken, the hands into which it has almost exclusively fallen, demonstrate at once, that it is received in the world as a strong par- ty work. In all parts of the country where I have been, it is found almost entirely in the possession of one party ; and it is kept and considered by them as the magic wand of democracy, which is used among the ignorant to cleanse all it touches from the supposed sin of federalism. "Those who are well acquainted with the political history of our country, neither require the aid of the Olive Branch nor are in danger from it — but those who may unsuspiciously look into it for information, and they will constitute much the greater portion of mankind, will be deceived, imposed on, and misled. A more subtile poison, mor^i.'"'jwniously disguised, was never ministered, than that which lies conceal- ed and is circulated abroad through your book. It i;i a work deadly hostile to every hope of reconcilia- lion, and tears up by the roots every fibre of forgive- ness. "'If I am culled on to point out its errors, I would blot out cvcr'i line if the 7vork^ as being a cruel fraud upon the unsusperting credulity of the unwary, and as a durable conservatory of materials calculated to extend error, and engender hatred. " " "'Thus, sir, I have briefly and "unreservedly" giv- f-n vou n)\' \ iew of the errors and defects of thfi Olive Branch: und it onlv remains for me to assure It ' ilure of marks consi- I called which rate at ng par- I have session ly them is used :s from lolitical d of the Lt those nation, rtion of misled, guised, onceal- ok. It )ncilia- orgive- xvoulci 1 fraud ry, and ated to r" glV- of thf^ assure APPFXDIX. 61 you, that I have no documents in any degree allied to the character, or auxiliary to the design, of the work in hand. " I have the honour to be, sir, " Your very obedient servant, ^'ROB. H. GOLDSBOROUGH. " Mr. Mathexv Carei/, PhUadelphia.''^ 7. " Roht. IL Goldshorough.^ Esq. " Sir, " Philadelphia, Jan. 10, 181 " Yours of the 6th has just come to hand. As the mail takes but two days from Washington, I pre- sume you were employed the 6th, 7th, and part of the 8th, in elaborating this dignified performance. You have in part adopted the advice of Horace — pity you did not adopt it more fully. " That I sent you my circular is, believe me, sir, a subject of sincere regret. For the honour of the le- gislature of the union, of which you are an unwor- thy member, it is unfortunate that it provoked you to degrade and dishonour yourself by a tissue of scurrilous and **• false'' comments, which, but for the evidence before my eyes, I could not have believed there was an individual in congress capable of writ- ing. "I have used the word '•'-false.'*'' This is language that ought not to pass between gentlemen. And how- ever destitute of truth your assertions were, I should not have soiled my page with it, had you not used the word yourself, and thus broken down the barrier that ought to shut out from the intercourse of men of lib- eral minds the language of billingsgate. — Those whx> play at bowls must expect rubbers. 5* ,• 3 I nil ■I i'iW J, I I 1 62 APPENDIX, "The accusations against the Olive Branch arc ** false," malicious, and indecent ; they have not the shadow of truth or candour. And 1 defy you to pro- duce a single decent federalist in America who will support you in them. *' Judge Yates is a decided federalist. He may not be as rich as you, but his standing is higher. His mind is more cultivated. He pronounced in a large mixed company, that the " Olive Branch was the fairest and honestest book on politics he had ever read." On another occasion he explicitly declared it reflected honour on the author's head and heart. " Nicholas Biddle is also a decided federalist. He stands on as high ground as any man in America. He is far your superior in head and heart. In a "word, he is in the fullest sense a real American. I have now before me a billet from him in these words : — (To Mr. Carey.) " Mr. Biddle takes this oppor- tunity of expressing the satisfaction which he has de- rived from reading his manly appeal from the pas- sions to the reason of contending parties." Dec. 4. 1814. '* William Rawle, esq. stands high in your party for head and heart, like N. Biddle. No man can doubt his federalism. He acknowledged to a friend of igfiine lately, that the book contained a great many good things — that I struck about both parties veiy freely and justly, but that I struck one party with the right hand and the other with the left — and that a man struck harder with his rig. it hand than with his left. This is the criticism of a gentleman, and is probably correct. It is likely enough, that I may have been, though unintentionally, more severe on the federal- APPENDIX. G3 ch are not the to pro- ho will nay not . His a large k^as the id ever eclared heart, ist. He nierica. . In a can. I words : oppor- has de- le pas- Dec. 4. irty for doubt end of many es very ith the ; a man lis left, obably s been, ederal- ists than the democrats. I pretend to no exemption from human frailty. But that to correct a book of nearly 500 pages, you " would blot out every line as being a cruel fraud upon the unsuspecting credulity of the unwar}'," would in any literary court, or court of honour, insure you an unanimous verdict of fool or madman. "My book, thank God, has done and is doing good. I bless that Being who has made me the hum- ble instrument to accomplish so holy a purpose as that of allaying the horrible violence of party rage, excited by m icked men, which had brought this bles- sed country to the verge of destruction. Its success is pretty strong evidence in its favor. The appro- bation and decisive testimony of some of the best men in the country amply repay me for the abuse of some of the worst. And be assured, sir, that your billingsgate attack affords me as much pride as any of the highest encomiums with which it has been hon- oured. The reprobation of such a violent, outrage- ous, and indecent partizan as you are, is exquisitely gratifying. "In enumerating the persons who have applauded this work, I have passed over Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, Dr. Eustis, R. Rush, W. Wirt, W. Samp- son, P. Freneau, judge Moore, &c. &c. as you might appeal from them as democrats. But there are among them men who will never be dishonoured by being compared with R. H. Goldsborough, even by his own party. " Your exalted situation as a member of the most respectable deliberative body in the world, would have secured you from the language I have used, H I ^' 1. 1 ii, ! '' 1 !' 64 APPENDIX. had you not forfeited all claim to delicacy by your own coarse style — by the use of the words '•'' false ^''^ " imposed on^^'' " deceived^'* " subtile poison^'* ''fraud^'' ^c. £iPc. No man that ever lived, even gen. Wash- ington himself, should use to me this language with impunity. " The work has had as scurrilous critics and carpers as you; they have used harsh names; they have avail- ed themselves, like ) ou, of the blackguard^s vocabu- lary. But, sir, they, like you, have dealt in general terms. Neither they, nor you, have pointed out a single error of importance — I dare you to a fair in- vestigation of its contents, if you are capable of such an investigation. I have earnestly and sedulously sought after truth, and I believe I have not sought in vain. There are, I trust, as few important errors in the Olive Branch as in any work of equal extent and embracing such a variety of delicate subjects, " I now draw to a close. Your letter rendered me heavily your debtor. I hope the debt is paid, with any little accruing interest — I therefore consid- er the account as closed. You may open it anew, or close the correspondence, as you judge proper. I am not ambitious of the honour ; and am equally indif- ferent about your love or your hatred — your praise or your abuse — your silence or yoiu* reply. " I remain. Sir, , . ; " with all due regard, " Your most obsequious humble servant, . - ,, "MATHEW CAREY. '^January loth, 1817 y - " APPENDIX. 65 )y your ' false ^^"^ fraud ^^"^ Wash- ge with carpers e avail- ^ocabu- general I out a fair in- of such Lilously sought errors extent ects, idered paid, onsid- e\v, or I am indif- praise iY. ** P. S. I feel disposed to publish this correspon- dence in the next edition of my work, in order that the state of Maryland may know how dignified, po- lite, and accomplished a representative it has in the Senate of the United States. This is under consid- eration. I shall not decide on it hastily." •^M D (COPY.) ••* Washington^ Franklin House^ yanuarij 12, 1817. " Mr, Ilathexv Carey, ^'SlR, " Your letter of the . 8th, just handed to me this evening, is filled with wrath against me, for comply- ing with your request, contained in a letter of the 20th Dec. past, of wuxcscvyq&Xy ^'' pointing- out the errors and deficiencies of the Olive Branch?'' '' Had I passed over your letter in silence, I should have been subjected, in your opinion, to the imputation of neglect and ill manners ; — and if I un- dertook to obey your commands, in justice to my opinion, I could not have said less. " As my letter is undergoing the slow process of your consideration, whether you will publish it or not, I hope you will be enabled to decide by the time the eighth edition of the Olive Branch is ready for the press, and that you will oblige me so far as to determine in favor of its publication, together with the whole of our correspondence, as I am quite willing to risk what you consider my criticism before the world. " Your humble Servant, ^' HOBEUr H. GOLDSBOROUGH." * 66 APPENDIX. '.I E " Robert H. Goldaborough^ Esq. "Sir, " I HAVE received yours of the 12th, and duly weighed its contents. You are, give me leave to observe, egregiously mistaken. — Your letter excit- ed no "Tt;r«M." It excited emotions of a very dif- ferent nature. I leave you to judge what they were. " A Circular does not necessarily require an answer. Your logic is therefore incorrect. — But, sir, if it did, the studied inoffensiveness of its style, the obvious propriety and candour of its object, the age of the writer, your own character, and the high grade you fill in society, imperiously required that it should be answered with decorum and politeness. You hav^e equally disregarded the dictates of both. *' When you projected the novel mode of " correct- ing'^ the Olive Branch, by " blotting' out every line^'^ you forgot that I have as freely reprobated the er- rors of your political opponents, as of your friends. I have censured the folly of their proceedings in the national convention, their opposition to a navy^ their beggarly economy .^ their factious clamours against the alien and sedition laxvs^ their pernicious errors on the sidyect of the Loans during the war., their 77iisma?iage- ment at Washington., &c. &c. This conduct, with a liberal mind, would have saved the work and its au- thor from the virulence you have displayed. " You say that " works professing to point out er- rors of conflicting parties do not succeed." I have never seen, nor have you, any other work of this de- scription. Political writers are almost imiversally devoted to abuse one party and eulogize the other — very little scrupulous about veracity. And, sir, I APPENDIX. fe7 ' ' '• I, and duly le leave to tter excit- i very dif- they were, equire an —But, sir, St) le, the ct, the age ligh grade t it should 2SS. You oth. " correct- )ery line^"^ sd the er- r friends, igs in the ctvy^ their gainst the ors on the 'imanage- ;t, with a id its au- I. tit out er- I have f this de- iversally \ other — id, sir, I feel a high, (and I hope not an illaudable,) gratifica- tion, that I have steered a course, I may say, literally untrodden. I have, however, seen a quotation from a work by Lord Somers, the title of which leads me to believe that it partook somewhat of this character. " Whether I shall publish this correspondence, as I am earnestly urged, is yet uncertain. If I court- ed a triumph over a wanton aggressor, completely and irretrievably prostrate, I should not hesitate a moment. But I have so many objects of higher im- portance to occupy my time and attention, that I can hardly resolve to display to the admiring world the splendid talents — the refined urbanity — and the criti- cal acumen of the Hon. R. H. Goldsborough. " Yours, &c. " MATHEW CAREY. ,'' Fhtladelphia.y an, 14, 1817:' THE END*