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' Published by Request. PRICE. 15C. I We have heard zvith our ears, O Cod, our fathers have told us, ivhat work Thou didst in their days, in the times of old. — Psalm xliv, i. # it» * ^ ! ^ In addressing yon this evening npon the South African War, its causes and lessons, I shall endeavour to give you as full and lucid information as possible in dealing with a difficult subject in a very limited time. I am prompted to address you on this subject be- cause I believe that as citizens of the British Empire and Christian people we should have clear and intelligent views upon a matter of such wide-spread interest and importance as this to wdiich the eyes of the world are now turned, and affecting our countr}^ to the extent which this South African war does. We are all very patriotic, but there is such a thing as blind patriotism. In religion w^e are counselled to be "able to give a reason of the hope that is in us," and as citizens we should be able to do the same with regard to our country. It is not sufficient for me as a British subject and an intelligent man to assert with loyal fervour that Eng- land is right in the present issue, and at the same time be unable to give a reason why she is ri<^ht. It is my duty, so far as I can, to inform myself upon the subject; to get as clear a conception of the whole position as I can, then I am able to form an intelligent judgment as to which is right and which is wrong, and I am a])le more- over, to defend my judgment by a statement of the facts of tlie case. This is clearly the duty of every Christian citizen. It is a duty, however, which is greatly ne- glected. The right of franchise, for example, is a sacred trust, a means whereby we can do a great deal of good or a great deal of harm, and yet with what blindness that sacred privilege and duty is discharged by many ! There are many who never inquire into the merits of the individual or society, but vote on a certain side because their fathers perchance voted on that side, or because influence is brought to bear upon them. There is nothing of intelligence in such a vote, and there is little intelligence in the patriotism of many good people who are willing to make great sacrifices for their country. I know that it is impossible for many to get information on such matters, either through lack of time or inability of access to the necessary literature. It is for this rea- son that I address you on the subject of the war this evening — that we may have an intelligent grasp of the cause of the trouble and be able to justify or condemn accordingly, for how can we exercise charitable judg- ment unless we are informed ? ^ Let us consider briefly, first, some of the causes of the war and then pass on to ^lean a few of the many lessons to be learned from it. tfr ♦§? ♦Jt »J? fft CAUSES OF THE WAR. In i486 the Cape of Crood Hope was discovered by a Portuguese navigator. Eittle attention, however, was given to the matter until 1620, when two English offi- cers in the service of the East India Company took pos- session of the country in the name of England's king. The Dutch then discovering, apparently for the first time, the value of the country, seized it. It was gov- erned by the Dutch East India Company, with a few interruptions, until 1806, when it finally passed into the hands of the British. The government of the country, under the Dutch East India Company was cruel and oppressive. So-called courts of justice must always give judgments according to the \vill of the company, and a farmer could be deprived of his land at any time and receive no recognition for it. The most trivial offences were punished by the most, cruel and repulsive methods of punishment. In 1806, when England got possession of the Cape, she at once set about making much needed reform. Courts of justice, free from corruption, were established; the terrible methods of punishment formerly used were forever abolished, and the people enjoyed justice, freedom and ^ prosperity under the new regime. In 1834 Hnj^jland lib- erated the slaves in tlie Cape, and although the British Government — with generosity unknown by most na- tions in this same regards — paid the Boers a large sum of money as compensation for the slaves, yet this has always been regarded l^y the Dutch as an unpardonal)le offence on the part of Great Britain. The Boers regard the Kaffir as a soulless creature, to be treated only as an article of trade. The emancipation of the slaves caused the Boers to leave the Cape iii large numbers to settle in Natal, the Orange Free State and the Transvaal. They were distinctly informed, however, that they were still British subjects. In 1854, at the request of its people, England granted the Orange Free State independence. In 1877 England annexed the Transvaal. The Re- public was bankrupt ; it was on the verge of civil war. Moreover, the Zulus, with an army of 40,000 trained warriors, under a powerful chieftain, knowing of the internal weakness of the Republic, were about to avenge themselves upon the Boers for the many depredations, which they had suffered at their hands. In addition to this, a petition signed by a large number of the Dutch voters, was presented to the English Government asking for assistance. In consequence of this, England annex- ed the Transvaal in 1877. The Zulus, being deprived of vengeance upon the Boers, turned upon the British and the Zulu war follow^ed, in which the Boers took no part, althoiijT^h England fought that war excUisively on their behalf. When the war was over, to show the dense ingratitude of the Boer character, the Boers, led by Paul Kruger, then an employe of the British Gov- ernment, at once undertook a rebellion against Kiigland. The battles of lyaing's Nek, Majuba Hill and Ingogo followed, and a little later the peace of 1881. It is now generally admitted that the treaty made by Mr. Gladstone in 1881 with the Boers was a mistake. We must all admire the ability of that great statesman, and the intention in making the agreement may have been the very best, but it is nevertheless rightly char- acterized by the grim term, " the Gladstone skeletoii." It was not a permanent settlement of the trouble, but a shifting of it to a time when the Boers, under their art- ful President, would be better prepared for the conflict. The result is that the Boer Republic has been fortified- — largely from revenues derived from English capitalists — and in the year 1900 it will cost England inconceiv- ably more in men and money to finally settle the trouble than it would have cost in 188 1. Every condition of the treaty of 1881 has been broken by the Boers. In that treaty it was agreed that all white people would have equal rights in the Trans- vaal, that no difference would be made with regard to franchise. The qualification for franchise was to be either that of property or one year's residence in the country. How was this condition fulfilled? Immediately 6 aftc* the aj^rcenieiit was made President Knij^er called his Parliament and ehanj^ed the residence qualification from one year to five. This ^vas done to exclude all who had come in durinjj^ annexation. In i(SS4 the Reptiblic was a);ain on the ver^e of l)ankru])tcy — the Treasury was empty. The crafty President turns once more in his extremity to Knp^land and issues throuj^^h the London papers and other chan- nels an invitation to Ivnglish capitalists and enterprising men to come over to his Republic, telling them of the wonderful advantages which the country offered to men of money and enterprise, and assuring them that they would enjoy equal rights with the Dutch. Many accepted this invitation. Capitalists invested their money there. The vast mineral resources of the country were developed. Immense revenues flowed into the public Treasurj^ and "Oom Paul" was jubi- lant over the success of his scheme. The Uitlanders now naturally looked for the enjoy- ment of the privileges promised them, viz. : a voice in the government of the country. This, however, was abso- lutely refused, and the Parliament, under its false and deceitful President, again changed the residence quali- fication, making it fourteen years instead of five. At the expiration of fourteen years the President had the powder to veto any vote. This, of course, was a great disappointment to men having large financial interests in the country. The Government was ahsolulely in the hands of the Dntch, and many of the hij^h ofiieials conld neitlier read nor write. The unsatisfactory condition of the IHthniders was intensified by the heavy taxes imposed on them, the object of tlie Dutch being to get the entire revenue of the country out of these foreigners and thus be re- leased from any resjx)Tisibility in tlie matter of taxes themselves. A large part of the revenue thus derived was devoted to th^ arming of the country for that struggle with Engki.id which President Kruger had apparently deter, nned up''; i. Can we wonder, under such circumstimce, a< the Jameson raid of 1895? The Uitlandcrs were driven to desperation through the in- justice and unreasona!;leness of the Boer Government. I wish to say, however, that the British Govern- ment had nothing to do with the Tameson raid. It was a movement which had its conception, was arranged and carried to its disastrous issue, entirely amongst the Uitlanders of Johannesberg and other parts of the Transvaal, assisted by individual sympathizers, an in- dependent flag being adopted to show that the move- ment had no connection with any Govennnent. Can we wonder, however, that England demanded of the Boer Government that the conditions of the treaties of 1 88 1 and 1884 be complied with? Nay, rather is the British Government not to blame for delay in the mat- ter? Through desire for peace England has allowed the Boer Government to violate its agreement and 8 thereby handed her subjects over to a system of tyranny and misrule. Stirely it was high time for her to awake to her responsibility in the matter. England endeav- oured to the very last to bring about a peaceful solution of the difficulty. It was the Boers who took the first aggressive step, breaking off negotiations and invading British territory. The war was actually precipitated on England, and it would appear that the British Gov- ernment could not possibly avert it and retain its in- tegrity. It appears to have been the policy of President Kruger and his Parliament to show their contempt for England by breaking, /;/ toto, every treaty made with her, and as far as possible to use her capital and her suljjects for their own selfish ends. I^et us now consi- der a few of the many lessons to be gleaned from the war. H? »!» »t? * ♦*» \ % LESSONS OF THE WAR. The first lesson suggested is .— . ' The unity of the British Empire.' This is a valu- able lesson wliich the war has taught us — a lesson which all the diplomac}' in the world could not lia\'e brought out. That which affects England affects every one of her colonies. The pulse of ever}^ one of her subjects throughout the vast Empire throbs in sympathy with the Old Mother Countrv. At the first announcement ' ? -^^ of the war from the remotest corner of ever}- colony the best of the strength, vigor, youth and manhood stood forth and offered to defend with their lives the cause of the aged mother. What a grand sight ! What an in- spiiiiig sight ! Think of the thrill which swept over our fair Canada from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the north to the south ! Instead of thousands, tens of thou.sands of the flower of our land were ready to de- fend old England with their strong arms and manly lives. It is true that through some delay in the Government, Canada instead of being first, was nearly last on the list of the colonies to volunteer. It was not, however, because her sons were unwilling or unready, but because of the dilatoriness of the Canadian Govern • nient. It has been thought by many unacquainted with the true attitude of Canadians towards the Mother Coun- try that they are restless and ill at ease, desirous of being released from allegiance to Great Britain. Surely no stronger refutation of such an idea could be given than the noble, loyal. action of Canada at the present time. Surely no more convincing answer could be given to those few amongst us who think that Cana- dian people want independence. NO, we do not want independence. We could never be as happy and as prosperous under any other relationship as we are now. Just think of the freedom which we enjoy ! Where will you find a people so free, so happy, so lO prosperous as we in Canada are ? Where will you find a people so privileged ? Think of the protection which we have ; the protection of England's army and navy without contributiiig one cent toward its support ! Thhik of what it costs to support that navy which has made England mistress of the seas ; that navy to which Mr. Chamberlain pointed on that memorable occasion — the Diamond Jul)ilee of our nol^le Queen — saying to Sir Wilfrid Laurier, Prime Minister of Canada, "It does not mean a menace to an\^ nation, but it means that England will protect her colonies." That is the privi- lege which we Canadians enjoy. Why, what defences we have in Canada have been largely given to us by ^ England. Have not the defences at Halifax on the At- lantic, and E-^quimault on the Pacific been erected and paid for by the Mother Country ? Are not the gar- risons at those points maintained from England's ■treasury? We are told that England has spent $55,- 000,000 on the defences of Canada. We do not want independence. We rejoice in the fact that we are a part, an integral part, of the British Enipire. What touches us touches the Mother Country, and vice versa. - The Enipire is a unit and herein lies her strength. An- cient Rome was almost a world-wide empire, but she had no intrinsic strength. Consequentl}^ she soon fell to pieces. Spain, once mistress of the .seas, was at variance within herself. She had no unity, consequent- ly she became an eas}^ pi'ey to her enemies, and little by little she fell, until to-day she is almost a nation of 1 I- ''^ r I I ^^ the past. France to-day is broken up into factions bit- terly antagonistic to each other, and thus she is bring- ing about her own destruction. How we should rejoice in the unity of our great Empire. It is this that makes her great. She is all one — Etigland, Ireland, Scotland, Australia, New Zea- land, Canada, India — throughout the length and breadth of her vast possessions she is all one. This, then, is one of the most important lessons wdiicli the war has taught us — the Federation of the Empire. * • Ht Ht Ht' •!» H^ It is said by the enemies of England that this war has proved that the British Army has degenerated, that it has lost its traditional invincible character. Not so, that character has been nobly maintained. Mistakes may have been made. Eike the Isiaelites of old before Ai the strength of the enemy w^as underestimated. Their tac- tics were underestimated. The natural advantages which the country afforded the enemy and their familiarity with the same were not sufficiently weighed, nor were the preparations made by the enemy taken as fully into account as they should have been. In this regard the British Government may be to blame. Perhaps some of the Generals blundered in their tactics, we do not know all the circumstances, therefore w^e cannot judge. But tiie character and reputation of the British Army with all its noble traditions have been 12 gloriously vindicated. Our Officers and men have fought and died like heroes. Shoulder to shoulder they fought, side by side they fell, ever mindful of the reputation which they must sustain, and counting duty before life itself. Only a private soldier, known by a certain regimental number in life, but a very hero in death. lyike the Romans of old they could say, ''Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori,'' — it is a sweet and delight- ful thing to die for one's country. ;) "For how can man die better, " Than facing fearful odds; z* . For the ashes of his fathers, And the temples of his Gods." - ■ But what of the nation itself ? Has England lost her old-time fortitude? Ah, no ! When one after an- other the tidings of reverses came, although inwardly stricken with sorrow because of the loss of so many of her brave sons, and because of the many desolate homes within her borders, yet outwardly she was calm and patient ; no sign of impatience or fault-finding or of re- laxing purpose. England in adversity proved herself a grander, a greater nation than England in prosperity. Surely this is the best test of a nation's moral strength. TT TP >>? flP 't' *t* Another important lesson which the war has brought out is the religious fervour which permeates the British Empire. , - »^, I,^ -^> 'i The evidences which we have in Canada are char- acteristic of the whole Empire. The hurry and excitement which prevail do not deter the people in their allegiance to their God. Nay, it proves on the contrary, our confident dependence upon the strong arm of the Almighty. Let me illus- trate. I was in the city of Toronto when the first con- tingent left for South Africa. Special services were held in many of the churches previous to their depart- ure, and on the day after they left a special mid-day service was held in St. James Cathedral, which was filled to the utmost of its capacity with busy business men and others, met to invoke the blessing of God on British arms, and to ask Him to follow with His love and care Canada's brave sons. Throughout tli2 length and breadth of Canada; yes, of the whole Empire, the voice of prayer and supplication is heard, in all our churches, at many a family altar, in the solitude of the private chamber, that voice is heard, and " the God of our Fathers" invoked to be with those brave, noble men at the front and to be our very present help in time of trouble. Then think of that soul-inspiring sight just before the embarkation of the first Canadian contingent at Quebec, when nearly one half of the entire number knelt in the old Cathedral a t Quebec and there received the Consecrated Elements, in obedience to their Divine Lord, thereby perpetuating the memory of msBBSsgasBm H His death and passion until He comes: Surely that service was accepted, and those young men went out from that Sacred Edifice not only wearing the uniform of their Sovereign the Queen of England, but clothed with the whole armour of God, and possessed of that knowledge of perfect security which only the immediate ' presence of God can bestow. It has been said that the Church of England em- phasises loyalty on the part of her people to the state. She undoubtedly does, and I am thankful because ■ of it. It has been poinded out that of the looo men who composed the ist Canadian Contingent about 750, or three-fourths of the whole were Church of England. Well done! We are told that in a certain town in the North West, the Organist in one of our Churches and every male member in the Choir volunteered for the Strathcona Horse, and were accepted. Well done ! The Church of England does teach loyalty to the State in every worthy cause. But the Church of England knows a higher loyalty than this worthy and laudable though it be. Above all she teaches loyalty to the King of Kings and Eord of I^ords, He wdio rules the Armies of Heaven and the inhabitants of the earth, who is at the same time in His Essential Character, the "Prince of Peace." The Church constantly reminds us of 7a/iat God did for our Fathers — "O God, w^e have heard with our ears, ^> ^'■i ^ r ^^ 15 and our Fathers have declared unto us the noble works which Thou didst in their days, in the old time before them." We are ever taught to reflect upon God's goodness and power in dealing with our forefathers, who trusted in Him, and when we are thus reminded, we testify that we are still implicitly trusting in the same source — " O lyord, arise, help us and deliver us, for Thy Name's Sake." O lyord, arise, help us and deliver us, for thine honour." -^ Our Church teaches allegiance to the flag of the British Empire, but above all, she teaches allegiance to the blood stained banner of the Cross, and unfurling it she summons her people to follow their master and King to Eternal Victory. Some time ago, a gentleman — not of the Church of England — said to me, that he thought the service of the Church grand and inspiring, but he could not under- stand why we prayed so fervently for peace when there was no sign of war. I replied, that believing as we do in God as the Su- preme Ruler of the Nations of the world, Omnicient and Omnipotent, the One who hears and answers praj-er, might we not regard the peace which the British Em- pire had so long enjoyed as a direct answer to our prayers. May God hear our prayers now, and send peace. ^m^ ^m^ ^M^ ^^A ^Mm f^0 •!• TfT IT ~ ~ ~ •#> T|T I^astly, what will the result of this war be ? We i6 believe that England has a righteous cause, and that consequently victory will crown her efforts — that the Transvaal Republic, which has been a detriment to true prosperity, a stain on the map of Africa, will be wiped out forever, and when the Union Jack, the emblem of liberty, floats over Pretoria, then South Africa will ranidlv become what the Creator intended it to be — a delightful and prosperous land. We may be well assur- ed that the British Government will not revisit upon the Boers the hardship and oppression under which the Uitlanders have struggled for the past eighteen years, but British freedom and fair play will be given to all, whatever their nationality may be. The Boers will have a voice in the government of the country, but only as British ; ubjects. But above all, and over all, in that vast country, will float the banner of the Cross, which ever accompanies the flag of the British Empire. f .i HnM n .•*»"'%»«!".'«[; 1