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 TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 or 
 
 HON. BENJ. BUTTERWORTH, 
 
 OF OHIO, 
 
 BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS, 
 
 MARCH 3, 1890. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 
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 1890. 
 

 
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TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 STATEMENT OF HON. BENJAMIN BUTTERWORTH. 
 
 The Hon. Benjamin Bi-'tterworth, Kopresentativc from the State of Ohio, ad- 
 'dreHsed the comuiitteo on the Hubject of trade with Canada. He said: 
 
 Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the coiniuittee: Under the circumstances, pressed 
 as yon are for time, I feel that we can detain yon but a few minutes. I desire, how- 
 ever, in addition to the statisticH and H^nres I now submit, to hand you some otiier 
 figures it support of the bill "To provide for adjustment of all controversies and to 
 extend the trade and commerce of the United States, and to provide for full reciproc- 
 ity between the United States and the Dominion of Canada." 
 
 The bill which I introduced some time ago (H. K (>7rt), and in advocacy of which 
 I now appear before you, has for its object the establishment of unrestricted recipro- 
 cal trade between the United States and the Dominion of Car.ada, and at the same 
 time to settle all disputes which have arisen between the two Governments growing 
 out of the fisheries question. I allude to the fisheries on the east coast, and not to 
 the troubles which have arisen in regard to the seal fisheries. It is proper to state 
 in the first place that Canada has as full power -:,ud authority to consummate this ar- 
 rangement as has the United States. 
 
 Mr. Carlisle. It being a pure natter of legislation ? 
 
 Mr. BuTTERWORTH. Yes, sir; a pure matter of legislation. The proposition is dis- 
 tinctly set forth in the bill itself, which, if you will pardon me I will read : ^ 
 
 A BILL to provide for adjustment of all controversies and to extend the trade and commerce of the 
 United Stated and to provide for full reoiprocity between the United States and toe Dominion of 
 Canada. 
 
 Whereas certain controversies have arisen and are still pending between the Gov- 
 ernmeut of the United States and the Government of the Dominion of Canada, re- 
 specting commercial Intercourse; and 
 
 Whereas by reason of the contiguity of the two countries and the similarity of 
 the interests and occupations of the people thereof, it is desired by the United States 
 to remove all existing controversies and all causes of controversy in the future, and 
 to promote and encourage business and commercial intercourse between the people 
 of both countries, and to promote harmony between the two Governments, and to 
 enable the citizens of each to trade with the citizens of the other without unneces- 
 sary restrictions : Therefore, 
 
 Be it enacted, etc., That whenever, and as soon as the Government of the Dominion 
 of Canada shall permit all articles of trade and commerce of whatever name or nature, 
 whether the product of the soil or of the waters of the United States, all mauufact- 
 nred articles, live stock of all kinds, and its products, and all minerals, the produce 
 of the mines of the United States, to enter the ports of the Dominion of Canada free 
 of duty, then all articles manufactured in Canada, and all products of the soil and 
 waters, and all minerals the produce of the mines of Canada, and all other articles of 
 every name and description produced in said Dominion of Canada, shall be permitted to 
 enter the ports of the United States free of duty : Prorided, hoicever, That the pro- 
 visions of this act shall not apply to any product or article upon which an internal- 
 revenne tax is imposed by the laws of the United States. 
 
 Sec. 2. That when it shall be certified to the President of the United States by the 
 Government of the said Dominion of Canada, that by the authority of its Parliament 
 it has authorized the admission into the ports of said Dominion of all articles of 
 trade and commerce the growth, produce, or manufacture of the United States, free 
 of duty, the President shall make proclamation thereof, and shall likewise proclaim 
 that all articles the growth, produce, or manufacture of the said Dominion oi Canada 
 shall be admitted into all the ports of the United States free of duty, and such arti- 
 cles shall be so admitted into the ports of the United States free of d uty so long as the 
 said Dominion of Canada shall admit the products of the United States, as herein 
 provided, into the ports of the Dominion free of duty. 
 
 3 
 
4 TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 Sec. 3. That the Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized, with the approval 
 of tlie President of the United States, and in conjunction with the proper otticials of 
 the Government of the Dominion of Canada, to make rules and regnlationH for the 
 purpose of carrying into effect the provisions of tliis act, and to protect the said re- 
 H{)ective Governments against the iniportatif ii of foreign good:* or articles through 
 either into the other without payment of duty ; ami the Secretary of the Treasury of 
 the United States shall furnish to the customs otllcers of the United States all such 
 rules and regulations for the purpose of guiding them in the discharge of their duties 
 in the preniiaes. 
 
 Skc. 4. That before makinjj; the proclamations or either of them authorized by this 
 act the President shall be satisfied that all citizens and subjects of the United States 
 may have and enjoy the right of commercial intercourse in all the ports, harbors, and 
 places in Canada with the citizens and subjects of the Dominion, in as full and am- 
 
 Ele a manner in all respects as may be had or enjoyed by the latter in the ports, bar- 
 ors, and places of the United States, with the citizens and subjects thereof. 
 
 IMPORTANCE OF CLOSER RELATIONS WITH CANADA. 
 
 la what is proposed desirable ? Would it be well to enlarge the trade and commerce 
 of our country f In this connection it is pertinent to call attention to the fact that 
 ve witness to-day an exhibition (on the part of our Government) of the expenditure 
 of large sums of money, and a display of national hos(tital!ty, which is indeed timely 
 and worthy of us, to establish a trade with a people 3,000 miles away; a trade that 
 is actually lests than that we have with the Dominion of Canada. If it is desirable to 
 establish fuller and freer commercial relations with the several states of South 
 America, the West Indies, and Mexico, it is of far greater importance to establish 
 similar trade relations with the Dominion of Canada. It is urged by some who do not^ 
 or at least affect not to, understand the ]>roposition, and the influences that woula 
 result from its adoption, that to establish free trade relations with Canada, would 
 hamper and restrict the opportunities of our manufacturers and producers. The 
 statement is unwarranted. 
 
 Obviously, to establish the relation proposed by the bill I have introduced, would 
 be to multiply over and over again our facilities, and can anything be more illogical 
 or absurd than to assert that to render moi'e ample the facilities for doing what i» 
 desired is to abridge the opportunity for doing it. If this is so the rules of logic must 
 be inverted, and wo know of no process of reasoning from known facts to correct 
 conclusions. It would seem more in accordance with common sense to say that the 
 multiplication of facilities enlarges the opportunity. Canada is a vast store-house 
 of supply, with natural wealth, boundless in quantity and almost infinite in variety^ 
 and is at our doors, and more, is essential to a fuller and better condition of general 
 prosperity. It is at the same time a great market for the product of our mills, shops, 
 and factories, and not only that, it is a part ot our home market. It is, in fact, our 
 home market, and is also one of the natural and obvious sources of supply. 
 
 TRADK WITH CANADA AND SOUTH AMERICA COMPARED. 
 
 It is quite proper in this connection, when speaking of Canada being our home 
 market, to compare our trade with the 5,000,000 of our kinsmen on the north of as 
 with the trade we have with the 51,000 000 of people south of the Bio Grande, and 
 with whom we are endeavoring to establish unrestricted recinrocal trade. I have the 
 figures here, if you please, carefully collected, and it is worthy of note that while we 
 are straining every nerve to secure the least desirable, we have heretofore, and are 
 still, refusing to make any effort to obtain the more desirable arrangement with our 
 neighbors and kinsuien at home. But here is the showing: 
 
 lu the year 1889 Canada purchased from the United States $55,879,192. 
 
 South American states purchased in the same year as follows : 
 
 Arjrentine Republic $6,364,545 
 
 Bolivia 1,304 
 
 Brazil 8,127,883 
 
 Chili 2,069,138 
 
 Ecuador 1,052,772 
 
 British Guiana 1,469, ('39 
 
 Dutch Guiana 239,6 '4 
 
 French Guiana 142,712 
 
 Peru 722,829 
 
 United States of Colombia 6,114,941 
 
 Uruguay 1,567,931 
 
 Venezuela 2.871,711^ 
 
 rj0,744,497 
 
 Is 
 
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 Ori 
 
TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 Mexico pnrdiaHed from United HtateN in saiuo yoiir (1887) $7, 959, 557 
 
 Central Anittri<;an stutes . , 2,935,447 
 
 BritiHli Honduras :<54,933 
 
 ll,'->49,y:J6 
 
 In the same year wo purchased from Mexico 14,719,840 
 
 Amount free of duty 9,928,122 
 
 Dutiable 4,781,718 
 
 In 1887 the islands purchased as follows from the United States: 
 
 Cuba $10,546,411 
 
 Porto Rico 1,738,492 
 
 Hayti 3,230,128 
 
 San Domingo 1,032,865 
 
 British West Indies 6,647,204 
 
 Danish West Indies 613,626 
 
 Dutch West Indies 539,805 
 
 French West Indies 1,352,77B 
 
 25,701,309 
 Recapitulation of purchases of foreign countries in 1887 : 
 
 South American states $30,744,497 
 
 Mexico 7,959,557 
 
 Central American states '., 2,935,447 
 
 British Honduras 354,932 
 
 67, 695, 744 
 VALUE OP CANADA'S Pt7RCHASB8 FROM THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 In the years of 1883, 1884, and 1885, Canada purchased more from us than all the 
 other countries and islands on the western hemisphere, and during the existence of 
 the reciprocity treaty, from 1855 to 1866, she bought from us more than she sold to 
 us, the large sum of $.59,136,256 ; and from the year 1850 to 1889, inclusive, a period of 
 forty years, there have been only seven years in which the balance of trade has been 
 against us with that country. In thirty-three years it has been in t ur favor. 
 
 Canada is the only country on the western hemisphere which bu/s more from us 
 than they sell to us, and in the aggregate, during 1887, the balance >.gainst us in all 
 the above named countries and islands outside of Canada and including the Hawaiian 
 Islands, amounted to $112,684,635. 
 
 All the above countries and islands contain about 51, 000, 000 of inhabitants. Can- 
 ada has only 5, 000, 000, and yet she buys from us within about 25 per cent, of as much 
 AS they all purchased. If we include only the South American and Central American 
 States and Mexico, she purchases from us 25 per cent, more than all of them. Yet, we 
 have appropriated thousands of dollars for the entertainment of the representatives of 
 all these independent States, whom we have invited here to enter into reciprocal 
 trade relations, when nearly everything except sugar, which we now purchase from 
 them, is admitted free. Not only is this true, but upon a very large portion of the 
 articles which we purchase from these countries, and admit free of duty, an export 
 duty is imposed by the country selling them to us, and we offer no retaliatory legisla- 
 tion against it. 
 
 Is there any conceivable reason why we should no' offer as broav'. and liberal trade 
 measures to Canada, by concurrent legislation, as we are seeking to thrust upon all of 
 South and Central America and Mexico by a most hospitable diplomacy. 
 
 From the year 1850 to 1889 the South American States bought from ns goods of 
 both our own and foreign production to the amount of $.^98, 489, 899. 
 
 During the same period the United States bought from South America goods to the 
 e<tent of $1,701,0.58,329, or an excess of our imports over exports to these countries of 
 $1,202,568,450. 
 
 If we add to the South American trade tUat of Mexico, Central America, and the 
 West Indies, the amount during this same period will ehow as follows : 
 Ooods purchased from all these countries, from 1850 to 1889, inclusive . $3, 756, 458, 667 
 Ooods sold to thom during the same period 1,60^,466,118 
 
 Or an excess of imports over exports of 2,152,990,569 
 
 During this same period Canada purchased from us goods to the 
 
 amountof 1,405,752,215 
 
 While we purchased from them 1,153,634,303 
 
 Or an excess of oar exports to that country over our imports from It of. 252, 117, 912 
 
TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 THE nALANCK OF TRACK. 
 
 Here are 51,000,000 of people to the south ofuH with whom, for the last forty yeara, 
 we have a balance of trade nj?ain»t iih of $"J,ir»a,9U0,r>0l), and yet we are Hcokiujj by 
 every device known to «li])h>niacy, aided by tl»e HtroiiK arm of the Treatoiry, to fur- 
 ther extend our trade witli tlit'iii, rejiardlessof iiuy revenucH tliis tra<le iiuiy brinj; to 
 the Treasury. Here are 5,000,000 of people to the north of »h who, for tiio lant forty 
 years, have a balance in their favor of $'i52,ll7,yia, ami yet, instead of usinjj national 
 effort to extend and increaHo our trade with theiu, we are sending; out inveHtijjating 
 comniittees to see if some injury, real or imaj^inary, can not be hunted up or souKht 
 out, by virtue of which we siiali be enabled to frame some bill of indictment aj^ainst 
 them. Can any fair, broad-minded, reanonable man tell us why this is sof 
 
 The United States Is a gre'it nation; Canada is a small nation so far as numbers 
 are concerned. Geography and destiny have decreed that the two people shall be 
 one. Nothing but parsimonious statesmanship will enable them to continue as two 
 oonntries. 
 
 Let US show by our acts to these people that we are willing to deal fairly and lib- 
 erally with them: at least, as fairly as we are striving to deal with all the people 
 between us and the south pole. Thii* will n!.ike them feel that it Is desirable to live 
 not only on good terms with us, but to come in and be a part of us. Starving or coer- 
 cive measures will never accomplish this end. Such policy wholly Ignores the oper- 
 ations of human nature. 
 
 Mr. Flowkr. Right hero let me ask you a question. Do these South American 
 products,which come from these countries, compete with \r American farmers in what 
 they growf 
 
 Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Some do and some do not. I will get to the question of com- 
 petition in a moment. 
 
 Mr. FLOWiiR. Would not yon get this? Our manufacturers send to Canada these 
 151,000,000, and they ser ' to these American States twenty odd millions of dollars. 
 In one instance you are getting the benefit of the manufactures at a point south, and 
 in another instance you are getting the benefit at a point north. How does that affect 
 the farmer f 
 
 Mr. BuTTKRWORTU. It would have the same effect upon the farmer as the admission 
 of Texas or Kansas into the Union. 
 
 Mr. Flower. In opening 3,000,000 square acres of land with only ouo to the square 
 mile put in competition with him. 
 
 Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Thore ie nothing In this bugbear of destructive competicion on 
 this continent. I apeak of the country north of the Rio Grand , as my bill relates 
 immediately to that. If there is anything In it so destructive, as some gentlemen 
 seem to think, the system of economy which nature ordained, which is of divine 
 origin, is not worthy of respect. 
 Mr. Carlisle. Suppose yon annex Canada. 
 
 Mr. BUTTERWORTH. Exactly. I am coming to that in a moment. In this state- 
 ment here I show the condition of trade with the 51,000,000 of people to the south of 
 ns. Now, we all agree that it is desirable to extend our territory and multiply the 
 facilities of our people, to fight the battle of life successfully and have the oppor- 
 tunity to do it, and that is what this bill proposes. 
 
 CONDITIOXS WHEN A PROTECTIVE TARIFF HA'J NO OFFICE. 
 
 Now, what are the objections f In the first place, it is well known to this committee 
 that I am an earnest Republican, that I am a protectionist with somewhat ultra tend- 
 encies, and as such I lay down the proposition on which I stand, and on which I 
 have stood aince I have known anything of political economy, that in the presence 
 of eqnal opportunity, equal conditions, a protective tariff has no proper or honest 
 office to perform and never had, and the fathers of this Republic, and those who in 
 an early day advocated protection, never believed it had and never so said. 
 
 As between Canada and the United States there is not a gentleman present who 
 does not know that from every stand-point in the field of industrial competition we 
 hold the 'loign of vantage. Now, what would result from this competitive trade? 
 Acroaa the border and near by yon may obtain iron ore which you need in New 
 England, and alao coal which you need. In fact, there are variona aupplies of raw 
 material just at hand, but across the line, that could be utilized in that great hive 
 of indnatry, New England. 
 
 What ia the objection to permitting you to exchange that which you want to sell 
 for what they have and which you need f Why, it is said that Canada will come in 
 competition with us in every field of industrial effort. So say some of the manu- 
 faoturera. So aay some of the farmera. Why, gentlemen, that can be no valid objec- 
 tion. If it is the object of Government merely to reatriot competition, will you tell me ■■ 
 
TRADE" WITH CANADA. ? 
 
 whore yon will begin and where stop t Wliat a strange idea has grown up among cer- 
 tain gentlemen touching the power and duty of the Government in tho matter of re- 
 stricting competition, as if it ."its tho oflico of iegJHlation to limit or doHtroy compe- 
 tition, because, forsooth, it is foiiiid just across an imaginary line and without our 
 own territory. Tho free-trader innsts that there shall bo nnrestricte<l and unlimited 
 competition without regard to i^ 4 character or nature. The protectionist says: We 
 cimsent to unlimited conipetitiou so long as it has tho condition and c|ualiky of fair- 
 ness. Those protectionists who maintain that it is the proper function of the pro- 
 tective policy to restrict, if not absolutely destroy, all that competition which we call 
 foreign, are, in my judgment at least, very far from a right apprehension of the true 
 spirit and puiloKophy of protection. 
 
 INJURIOUS EFFECTS OF A RESTRICTIVE POLICY. 
 
 If it is well, and in accordance with sound economio principlea, to restrict or prohibit 
 competition, without regard to its character and condition, and ifsnoh restriction re- 
 sults advantageously, prol)ably some learned pundit will explain to me why we should 
 not hasten to divide the United States into, say, eight or ten divisions, andlet each one 
 establish a protective tariff as against the others, and thus by narrowing competition 
 and developing the resources of each division under that restricted competition 
 grow rich. Nothing is further from the true spirft of the American policy than to 
 abridge opportunity by limiting facilities. The real office of that policy is to make 
 opportunity equal, and, as I have said before, make competition fair, just, and hu- 
 mane. 
 
 I do not mean by making opportunity equal that we should or could place all com- 
 petition on an equal footing with reference to raw material, source of supply, equal- 
 ity of skill, ability among workmen, and the like ; that would be impossible, and the 
 attempt unjust and unwise; but to remove such inequalities as can be reached by 
 legislation without founding or sustaining monopolies. 
 
 The induence of competition is tho same, whether it be on one side of an imaginary 
 line or the other, whether it be in Ohio or Ontario ; but so long as the competitors 
 enjoy equal opportunities nothing is more healthful, and no condition could be more 
 in the interest of the mass of the people than that that competition should be unre- 
 strained, whether it be in the matter of production or in the matter of the sale of 
 that which is produced. Why, if I am wrong about this, it must follow logically 
 thot the ♦^rue interest of New York and Pennsylvania and Ohio would be, since they 
 possess abundant resources, coal, iron, and those materials needful for the uses and 
 purposes of this existence, to draw a line around their territory and erect a tariff wall 
 as against the other States of the Union and the rest of the world. Other sections 
 could do the same with obvious advantage. If the wiping out of competition can 
 bring prosperity to the people, and if this restrictive policy is sound, the admission 
 of Texas into the Union, the acquisition of Florida and the Territory of Louisiana 
 were grievous blunders on the part of our fathers. 
 
 BENEFITS THAT WOULD RESULl" TO FARMERS. 
 
 It is suggested that the farmers of this country would find themselves in the voo- 
 ative if the agricultural products of Canada were admitted to the United States. It 
 is difficult to near with patience such a statement. The farmers have for many years 
 been participatiug in wronging themselves. The idea is, I suppose, that it is the 
 duty of the Government to create a famine in order to supply a market ; but aside 
 from all that the experience of our own country abundantly proves that in the mat- 
 ter of competition we find our most healthful prosperity, not only so far as agricult- 
 ure is concerned, but in every possible direction and department of industrial effort. 
 Any one who will study with care the statistics of the development and growth of 
 his conn try will see how absurd the suggestion of danger to the farmer is. 
 
 I have studied with care the objection that is now urged against unrestricted re- 
 ciprocal trade between Canada and the United States as viewed from the stand-point 
 of supposed dangers which would threaten agriculture and manufacturing interests. * 
 The same objections might have been urged years ago in the interest of the wheat- 
 growers of the Genesee valley. Their prosperity must have been destroyed when 
 the valley of the Miami and the great valley of the Wabash and the still greater 
 valley of the Mississippi sent their supplies of grain into the market. Bat is the 
 Genesee Valley less prosperous or is the Ohio valley less prosperous than before 
 wheat was grown in the great valleys of the Wabash and the Mississippi T Not at 
 all. The wheat-fields have moved farther west, and there has been an adaptation tt 
 means to ends and instrumentalities to the wantii of the people. What is urged in 
 regard to agrioulture was seriously suggested as a fatal olijeotion to anrestricted 
 trade with Canada by the mannfaotnrers when I first began to disonss this question., 
 
8 
 
 TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 IMFLVENOE OF COMPETITION IK THK OltOWTH OF MANUFACTURES. 
 
 "" I was at some pains to study the influence of tlio growtli of competition between 
 the sections of the United States so far as nianufaoturors are concerned. I found 
 that Ohio and Illinois had scarcely entered the list as erent manufacturing States 
 (competitors of the East, if you please) before the war ; but it may be said of those 
 two comparatively young States that they suddenly bounded into the arena, and Ohio 
 
 {mshed to the front and h(»ou became the third manufaoturinp State in the Union, and 
 Uinois was close by her side. What was— what is the result f If there had been 
 anything destructive in this competition, which -seems to be so much feared by our 
 manufacturing friends in Canada and the United States, New England would nave 
 become a desert and New York and Pennsylvania would have been full of empty 
 shops and idle factories. Now, mark the fact. In 1880 those two States, Ohio and 
 Illinois, poured into the reservoir of manufacture supplies more in value and quan* 
 tity than were produced in 1850 by every State east of the Alleghenies and north of 
 the Potomac ; I mean all of New England, New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, 
 Delaware, and Maryland. 
 
 I looked then to ascertain what the influence of this vast addition to the store- 
 house of supply ftom Ohio and Illinois had been upon the industries of the East. 
 Was there any evidence of paralysis in New England, or in Pennsylvania or New 
 York f Were their industries suffering T Not at all. I found the exact reverse to be 
 true, and tbtt each one of the States of the East was enjoying a greater degree of 
 industrial prosperity than ever before. I am askt d why is this so f How can it be 
 sot I answer first, that the record discloses thav it is so, ai d, second, that the de- 
 mand has multiplied over and over again and the supply hits kept pace with it. I 
 do not deny that it Is possible to overproduce, but it is true at the same time that 
 with an abundant supply we use vastly more of everything, even of bread and meat : 
 and it is also i rue that overproduction is vastly less dangerous and hurtful when it 
 is the result of the Joint efforts of the many than when it results ttom the efforts of 
 the pampered few. 
 
 fa 
 
 INCREASED FACIUTIE8 WILt PROMOTE COMMERCE. 
 
 But touching overproduction and consumption, it will be observed that with 
 increased facilities and conaequent increased supply we use not only that which is 
 necessary in life in larger measure, but we add to that those things which increase 
 our comfort; and, again, we supplement both by seeking that which is urnaniental ; 
 and whereas *iu the presence of restricted opportunity and limited supplies we seek 
 merely what is necessary, in the presence of multiplied facilities and larger oppor- 
 tunity we go beyond that and seek all those things which tend to add to our comfort and 
 increaseour happiness, by obtaining the luxuriesof life ; I mean not those things which 
 are evidences of mere extravagance, but that which tends to cultivate the ideal, the 
 beautiful ; that which pleaHes the eye and ear and tends to cultivate, retine, and en- 
 noble mankind. Multiplied opportunities m what we desire in thislife. I may repeat 
 again: If there was any thing so disastrous in the mere matter of competition New 
 York would to-day stand as a witness of the fact, and a solemn warning of the dan- 
 
 f^ers that result from the influence of competition. But what do we see T Why the 
 ndustrial pursuits which were a source of immense revenue, which were at one time 
 in that State its main stay, found her grandest opportunity and unexampled pros- 
 
 !>erity in the very corapetition deprecated by so many persons. When we pass the 
 ine of needled protection we enter the domain of odious subsidies, of bonuses, the in- 
 fluence of which would be partial and unjust, a forced tax on the many for the ad- 
 vantage of a few. This would be plunder, not protection. 
 
 Now, as my friend Mr. Carlisle has suggested, suppose Canada had been a part of the 
 Federal Union, and she came near it, for had it not been for a little clause in the 
 treaty of 1763 between England and France, by which certain religious privileges 
 were secured to the French citizens of Canada, the Dominion to-day would nave been 
 a part of this Federal Union. And suppose it had been, will anybody pretend to say 
 that we would hav offered by reason thereof, or that we would not have been richer, 
 our opportunities 1. „'er by great odds, than we are to-day t If not, on whatpretensa 
 did we acquire Louisana and Florida and Texas, at the cost of blood and treasure f 
 And what prompted the statesmen of our day to purchase Alaska f Certainly nobody 
 would claim that we were suffering from competition north of the line which divides 
 ns from the Dominion if that northern section only formed a part of the Federal Union. 
 Bat it is said tJiat Canada would derive advantages which Texas does not, be- 
 oanse Texas contributes to the support of our Government while Canada does not. 
 If that had anything to do with the question, which it has not, it would besuflBoient 
 to say that the Fe^ral Qovemment pays out for thebenefit of Texas |3 for every 
 dime she raises from that State, and the same may be said of many of the States and 
 
TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 9 
 
 Territories. I am anrprised 1 1 flml tlint sonie persons are diatarbed beanae Canada 
 will derive aoine advantage fVoin tlio prnpoHed arrangement. 
 
 Mr. Carliblr. If the trade bctw len the United Btatea and Canada !a beneficial to 
 the United States, vrhy should we complain if it iaalso beuefloial to Canada f 
 
 PARTISANSHIP VS. STATESMANSHIP. 
 
 Mr. BuTTERWORTH. We should not; but the trouble is, Mr. Carlisle, that partisan 
 
 Jiolitica rather than Htatesmansbin may guide in this matter. There are a few manu- 
 actnrers, who would supproas all competition at home as well as abroad if they 
 oould, who are potential in certain CongresHional districts along the border. These, 
 Joined with a handful of tishermen and farmers near the line, and holding in some 
 measure the balance of power, could control the economic policy of a nation, and are 
 potent to shape the destiny of sixty millions of people. We must cut loos<^ from mere 
 partisan politics and local selfishness in dealing with questions of this character, and 
 appeal to broad Htatesmanship, whioh solves problems of state, not merely for the 
 approaching fall election, but for the century, and for the paramount and lasting 
 good of the whole people. 
 
 How little our people know of Canada and her exhaustless resonrcea. There ia not 
 « river in Canada, nor a lake along our border, nor a mountain range, nor any natural 
 highway of commerce that does not plead for unfettered commerce between the two 
 nationa. United aa we are indissolubly by .race, language, traditions, similarity of 
 institutions ; separated only by an arbitrary imaginary boundary line, irregular in 
 its course ; with Canadian territory running down .'iOO miles into the heart of the 
 Republic, and the Unit«d States territory extending up on the east and west so as to 
 alnioNt incloae the main part of Canada; with our great lines of transcontinental 
 commerce running througn the Dominion, and in turn their lines of transcontinental 
 commerce running through the United States ; with the natural produota of each 
 country supplementing those of the other; with vast quantities of ores ana 
 fnel Just across the border, which the furnaces and mills of New England re< 
 quire, and per contra, a demand in (Canada for what New England produces. I 
 assert without hesitation that the evidence at the command of the committee 
 and the House can leave uo doubt that the present controversy about the fisheries 
 and hampering trade restrictions between the United States and the Dominion of 
 Canada are the result of the efibrts of a few individuals iu one locality and the 
 selfishness and avarice of a few individuals in another locality, all supplemented by 
 ignorance ou the part of the multitude uf the r^al ioterests at stake. It is interesting 
 to observe a Yankee commanding a fishing-smack manned almost exclusively by 
 Nova Scotians but carrying; the American Flag, and crying out for the better protec- 
 tion of American (T) fishermen. And we are urged to "protect the fishing interest 
 because our fisheries are the nursery of American (f) seamen." No greater folly has 
 been commited against the rights of the American people than our persistent mainte- 
 nance of a controversy about the fisheries. Every cod-fish ball or piece of salt mack- 
 erel has been doulded in the matter of cost to the consumer iu this country ou the 
 fdea that we were maintaining a nursery of American seamen ; that American fishing 
 nterests would snffer in the presence of unrestricted reciprocal trade in that bebau 
 between ourselves and Canada; and yet the fish we buy are caught in the main by 
 Canadians or Nova Scotians, which is the same thing, iu the employ of American 
 capitalists. 
 
 PRODUCTS OF THE FOREST AND MINE. 
 
 The same ridiculous and absurd management has characterized our course in the 
 matter of levying a duty upon logs and lumber to protect an American industry. 
 Nothing can be more shocking to every jnst principle of protection than our course in 
 regard to tbe forests. The idea of protection is to multiply and develop the industries 
 protected, and yet every man must see that the more our forests are protected the 
 sooner they perish and disappear from the face of tbe earth. There is an idea alao 
 that it is unpatriotic to buy coal which is dug from the bowels of the earth anj- 
 where except within the United States. an4 all this pretense is said to be in the 
 intere t of American industry and American labor ; and yet, if you will go down into 
 the coal mines in some localities it will take a search warrant to find a man that can 
 talk tbe English language or has any knowledge of or conscious sympathy with oar 
 constitutional Qovernment. In one part of the country we will find Chinamen em> 
 ployed, in another part unnaturalized Poles and Huns and Sicilians, and all this oa 
 the false prritense that we are protecting American labor. 
 
 The same thing may be said in regard to our copper minea. To-day, or certainly an* 
 til recently, our own citizens were compelled t jpay more for American copper than tbe 
 citizens of any other nation on the earth ^ere asked to pay for oopper taken from 
 American mines ; and we have upheld and continue to uphold that grasping monop- 
 
10 
 
 TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 oly, on the false assumption that in some way it innred to the advantage of the peo- 
 ple at large ; and this we did, although a rich abundance of ore, belonging possibly to 
 the same lead, just across an imaginary line from the United States oi)°er«>d a snpply 
 that would have prevented extortion. The same thing has been true of nickel, and 
 in a large measure true of sugar. The fact is that we overlook the larger interest at 
 stake, which involves the rights and interests of sixty millions of people ; for it must 
 not be forgotten that where one single dollar is needlessly taken in the shape of taxes, 
 no matter now or where, it becomes in a degree a drain, a constant druin, npon the 
 pocket of every man in the country. The consumer is the man who pays the taxes, 
 and John Smith, who gets $1.50 a day, consumes as much of certain articles as John 
 Brown, who may have an income of as many dollars an hour. 
 
 I''' 
 
 ABUSB^OV THE PROTECTIVE SYSTEM. 
 
 I speak of these things, Mr. Chairman, because I believe that the restrictionn that 
 are put npon trade in certain direqtions have not had, nor were they in every case 
 by those who advocated their imposition intended to have, in view the interests of 
 all the people, unless by the people we mean the few favored individuals. He is an 
 enemy of the protective system who would use it merely to arbitrarily suppress com- 
 petition. Its aid was never invoked by the fathers for such a purpose, and such 
 abuse of the principle will insure its speedy overthrow. I am justified in adopting^ 
 this view and employing this language not only from facts that are obvious to all of 
 ns, but for the reason that this was tbe view of those whom we are accustomed to 
 call the fathers, whose patriotism was not donbteJ. and whose political sagacity has- 
 not been seriously called into question. What is here proposed by the bill I have 
 introduced found favor with such patriots as John Quincy Adams, Abraham Lincoln^ 
 Bobert C. Winthrop, John J. Crittenden, Robert C. Sohenck, Ruf us Choate, and men 
 of their day and generation. In lt^48 a bill, in every respect on all fours with tbe one 
 I have introduced, passed the House of Representatives, of which Robert C. Win- 
 throp was Speaker, without a dissenting vote, so obvious were the advantages that 
 would result from the adoption of the measure. That House was composed of 107 
 Democrats and 117 Whigs if my memory serves me correctly ; however, tbe record 
 will disclose. The bill was briefly discussed in the Senate, and there a question arose 
 as to whether individual interests might not suffer if the multitude was blessed by 
 the adoption of the measure, and the concern of some seemed to be for the tew as 
 against the many. However, before final action was taken in the Senate the session 
 reached its close. 
 
 Very soon thereafter an arrangement less advantageous to the United States was 
 made, and was known as the reciprocity measure of 1854, which continued in force 
 until 1066. A great hue and cry has been raised against the operatioi; of that treaty, 
 it being asserted that the United States was the loser. The outcry had less of patriot- 
 ism than selfishness in it. The record discloses how utterly unfounded it was. It 
 was raised in the interest of selfishness and continued in the same interest. So far 
 ikvm the balance of trade being against us under that treaty, the balance-sheet shows 
 that it was in our favor about (^,000,000, and it would have been enlarged but for 
 the unfortunate occurrence of the war. I submit that the patriotism of General 
 Grant has not been called into question, and he proved himself not only a soldier, but 
 a statesman. Aided by his able Secretary, Mr. Fish, he neeotiated a treaty with 
 tbe Dominion of Canada, the Hon. Qeorge Brown and Sir Edward Thornton acting 
 for the Dominion, which had for its object all that is i>roposed in the bill yon have 
 under consideration. It evinced a spirit of true patriotism and broad statesmanship. 
 It provided for opening up certain channels and arteries of trade, so that our com- 
 merce misht be not only unfettered so far as law is concerned, but might have its 
 natural hishways, such as rivers, lakes, and canals improved in the interest of the peo- 
 ple on both sides of the line. This treaty, which was indeed worthy of the great 
 man who negotiated it, reached the Senate too late for action. But still it is proper 
 to say that that action was delayed by those who represented individual interests in 
 certain localities rather than the larger interests of the whole people. 
 
 OBJXcnoNB TO RiciPROcrrr cokstdbrkd. 
 
 It will be urged, of course, and is, that tbe arrangement could not be practically 
 oarried out with Cai ada. Tbatit in fact would open up a highway for English goods 
 to the markets of tb< United States. This objection originates in ignorance, or else is 
 not offered in sincerity. Gentlemen that know anything about it must admit that 
 Canada mnst have it^venne. Her tariff schedule is now about on ^he same plane as 
 our own, and wonld certainly not be lowered. It is far more likely that ours will be 
 lowered than that she will scale her tariff. With access to our markets, Canada 
 wonld pnrcbase of ns what she now purchases in the main firom the Old World ; she 
 would bSTe erery reason wbicb self-interest and honorable ooudaot would prompt to 
 
 fon 
 tha 
 do 
 
TRADE WITH CANADA. 
 
 11 
 
 protect her revennes, and it would be a brave man who would run the gauntlet of the 
 Canadian custom- bo uses and then the gauntlet of the American custom-houses to get 
 any advantage that could be derived from the difference between the value of the 
 articles in Canada and the United States. The bill relates solely to articles grown, 
 munnfactured, and produced in the United States and Canada, as the case may be. 
 
 There is positively no danger on the score suggested. It might not be amiss to 
 call attention to the fact just here that the gentlemen who discovered such danger 
 where there is none are utterly unable to find themselves apprehensive as to a simi- 
 lar result in the case of unrestricted reciprocity of trade between the States of South 
 America, the West Indies, Mexico, and the United States. It is said, "If Canada 
 wants to share the advantages of our commerce and trade, let her come into the Fed- 
 eral Union." Very well, she would do well to come, but we need not refuse present 
 obvious advantages, because the Dominion is not so situated at this time as to avail 
 herself of a larger advantage which she would find in becoming a part of the Federal 
 Union. The idea of starving Canada, as some propose, into an assimilation with us 
 is not the suggestion of statesmanship nor in harmony with the civilization of the 
 age; nor is it calculated to induce the pleasant condition of things that the gentle- 
 men desire. 
 
 DANGERS THAT THREATBN PROTECTION. 
 
 When we shall become one commercially, by reason of unrestricted trade and com- 
 merce, and our Canadian kinsmen shall pitch their tents with us, and thousands of 
 our people, millions if it comes to that, shall find advantageous opportunities across 
 the border, we will be practically one people for all the proper purposes of this life. 
 And when the time shall come and an attempt be made to tear us asunder that attempt 
 will be futile. I insist as a Republican and a protectionist, that if the narrow- 
 ^auge policy suggested by some distinguished gentlemen is adhered to, the protect- 
 ive wall all around the United States will be thrown down, except for purposes of 
 revenue, and we will be brought to a realizing sense that the protective system is to 
 impart the quality of fairness and humanity to competition, and not to destroy it in 
 the intereHt of combined and aggregated wealth. Unfortunately, as the world goes, 
 Congress is not likely to take an affirmative action on any given proposition until the 
 wild clamor from the people in its favor fairly lifts members from their feet, and then 
 tht> sound must be absolutely certain and clear before they will consent to act. 
 
 Gentlemen will discover before our party is many years older that we are fast run- 
 ning upon the rocks by continuing to abuse a policy wise in itself, but which may be 
 so persecuted as to be condemned by three-fourths of the people who thoroughly un- 
 derstand it. I insist and shall continue to insist that the policy which has sole ref- 
 erence to certain conditions, which impart to the competition where tLose conditions 
 exist the leaven of injustice, inequality, and inhumanity shall not be applied where 
 those conditions are not found. Nor am I for one content to remain deaf and silent 
 in thd midst of this conflict, awaiting for favorable winds to blow me to a harbor of 
 political rest, setting my sails after the current of the trade-winds has become ob- 
 vious and their course and force manifest. 
 
 NO REASONS FOR BESTRIOTINO COMMERCE. 
 
 In conclusion, I submit that there is no reason known to sound, economic prinoiplee 
 which should delti y the passage of this bill or one similar to it in its provisions : that 
 there is no sound, economic reason for abridging our trade with Canada, restricting 
 our facilities, and thus narrowing the opportunities of our people. Whether or not 
 in the presence of our ability to produce we have supplies beyond what is required 
 has nothing to do with the case except to suggest the necessity of more room and 
 broader opportunity as a result of multiplied facilities. 
 
 The United States has found its safety less in the devotion of its present population 
 to our institutions than in its broad acres and the resulting freedom nom attri- 
 tion in the many conflicts of interest incident to this life. If unrestricted com- 
 merce is good for half the continent, it is good for all of it. I do not stop to 
 consider the question as it relates to Mexico, and the South American States; 
 those are questions apart. I may sny, however, that Mexico could not enter inta 
 such an arrangement, for it would absolutely destroy her revenues; and this is the 
 testimony of her representative men who are here to speak for her. Nor is thftt all, 
 there is a difference of race, language, and institutions. However, Vhen those qnee* 
 tious come up, I am quite ready in the spirit of fairness to consider them. I hope 
 this committee will report this bill before the House, with or without recommena»* 
 tion, as they may deem best. I have spoken with some plainness, because I have 
 found nothing else will do. To stick in the bark of the question has no other result 
 than t<i kill time and offer opportunity for rhetorioal exercise, and I do not desire to- 
 do the one nor participate in tne other.