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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc.. peuvent Atre film6s d des taux de reduction diff brents. Lorsque le docur ent est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un /eul clichA, 11 est fiimt d partir de I'angle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droits, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images nicessaire. Les diagranimes suivants illustrent la mithode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 N PLAIN TRUTH; ADDRESSED TO THE INHABITANTS op AMERICA. Tifr coKtaining Jlemarks on a late Pamphlet, INTITLED COMMON SENSE; Wherein are fhewn, that the Scheme of iNDEPEi^DENCE is rui nous, delufive, and imprafticable; that were the lu horC Affeverations, refpefting the Povverof America af real af nugatory. Reconciliation on liberal PrincTp es wichGrE/T Britain would be exa ted Policy • and tUt .;A a Z as we are, permanent Liberty and m^eHanninlr""'"'"'^^ be obtained by Reconciliation' ^ht that K^n^ "" '"'" Written by CANDIDUS. S^'" y^ turn from Flattery and attend to this Side^ =* There TRUTH, unlicenc'd. walks; and dares accoft' . Even Kings themfelves, the Monarchs of the Free. Thomson on the Libertie s of Brit aiw. SECOND EDITION. PHILADELPHIA. Printed: foNDON, Reprinted for J. ALMOM. oppofite Bvrlikcto^ •House, in Piccadilly-. M.DCC.LXXVL « /- 527 T o JOHN DICKINSON, Escujirs. t k LTHOUGH I have not the honor to be known to yon, I am not unacquainted with your native candor and unbounded benevolence. As happy as oiifcure, I am indeed a ftranger to the language of adulation: flattery I deteft ; virtue I refpeft. ; Be not offended, Sir, if I remark that your chnradler is contemplated with profound veneration by the friendj of the Conftitution. Thofe abilities which you fo illuf- trioufly difplayed in defence of the Conllitution, they now fupplicate you to exert, in faving it from impending ruin, under the Syren form of delufive Independence. , Step then forth; exert thofe talents with which heaven has endowed you ; and caufe the parent and her children to embrace, and be foes no more. Arduous as this extraordinary tafk may feem, perhaps your virtue and ta- lents may yet effect it. Yoar endeavors to flop the effufioii of blood, of torrents of blood, is worthy of your acknow- Jedged humanity — even the honelt attempt, uponrecol- Jeftion, will atford yo.u ineffable fatisfa blood and a(h^." How deplorably wretched the cou- dition PLAIN TRUTH. he ;n ite rs,. Ihe is i: >n [Id on iljilon of rtianklnd, rould they believe fuch execrable fiagi- tioiis jargon! Unhappily indeed, mankind in every afiC are fuftcpiible of clclufuMi; but fiiely our author's poifan carries its antidote vviili it. Attentive to the fpirit of hia publication, \vc fancy inuTclvcs in the barbarous fifteenth century ; iu which period our author would h^ive figured with his •' Common Senfc" — ^and blood will ;atcnd it. After his terrible anathema agiiuft our vencruMe confli- tution and monarchy, let us briefly examine n dcmocra** tical ftate ; and fee whether or not it is a government lefs fanguinary. This government is extremely plaufible and indeed flattering to the pride of mankind. The dema- gogues therefore, tofeducc the pcopl' Into their criminal de- signs, ever hold up democracy to them ) although confci- ous it ncvc did, nor ever will anfwer in praiftice. If vvc believe a great author, •• there never exiited, nor ever will exifl a real democracy in the world." Jf we examine the republics of Greece and Rome, we ever find them in a ftate of war domeftic or foreign. Our author therefore makes no mention oF ihefe a itient ftates. " When Alex- ander ordered all the exiles to be v'^Cn ed throughout all the cities, it was found that the , hcie amounted to twent/ thoufand, the remains probably of Ai'. gre. t flaughtert and marn>cres. What an aftoniQiiPT humber in fo narrow a country as antient Gieece? and w it d-^meftic confufion^ jealouly partiality, revenge, heart-burnings muft tear thofe cities, where fusions were wrought u; to fuch a degree of fury and defpair ?" Appian's hiHory of the ci"il wars of Rome contains the molt frightful pi<5lure oi laflacres, profcrintioiis, and forfeitures that ever were prefented 19 the world. The excellent Montefquieu declares, " that a democracy fuppofes the concurrence of a number of circuraftances rarely united ; in the firft place, it is requifive that the ftate itfelf Ihould be of fmall extent, fo that the people might be eaCly aTcmbled and perfonally known to each other : fc- condly, thefin^">licity of their manners fhould be fuch as to prevent a multiplicity of affairs, and perplexity in dif- cuffing them: and thirdly, there fliould fubfift a great de- gree of equality between them, in point of right and autho- rity: PLAIN TRUTH. iiS rii r rity : laftly, there fhould be little or no luxury, fen- luxry muft cither be the efFeft of wealth, or it muf> make it ne- cefTary ; it corrupts at once, both rich and poor : the one, by the poflTeflion, and" the other, by the want of it." To this may be added, continues the fartie author, " that no' government is fo fubjefl: to civil wars, and inteftinc com- motions, as that of the democratical or popular form ; be- caufe no other lends fo ftrongly and (o conftantly to alter, nor requires fo much vigilance and fortitude to preferve it from alteration. It is indeed, in fuch a confVitution particularly, that a citizen fliould always be armed with fortitude and conftancy, and fhould every day, in the fincerity of his heart, guard againft corruption, arifing cither from felfiftinefs in himfelf, or in his compatriots ; for if it once enters into public tranfaftions, to root it out afterwards would be miraculous. Our author alferts, that Holland and Swiflerland arc without wars domeftic or foreign. About a century ago, Holland was in a few weeks over-run by the arms of France, and almoft miraculoufly faved by the gallantry of her Prince of Orange, fo celebrated afterwards by the name of William the third. Almoft from that period, until the treaty of Utrecht, Holland was a principal in wars, the moft expen- five and bloody, ever waged by human kind : the wounds (he then received were unhealed in 1744, when reluctantly roufed from her pacific lethargy, (he was dragged into war ; and lofing her impregnable Bergen-op-zoom, and Maeftricht, was again on the brink of becoming a province to France, when happily Hberated by the Briti(h Nation. In the war of 1756, Holland, continually infulted in the capture of her fhips by our cruifers, preferved a humiliating neutrality. If vidtory indeed had not crowned the Britifh banners, tlie Dutch indubitably would have aflifted their natural allies, in whatever quarter of the glbbe attacked ; for It is inconteftibly true, that the exiftence of Holland, as a ftate,. depends, and invariably will depend, on the profperity of Great Britain. Since the murder of Barnevelt, and the' immortal D-^rits, by the deluded furious people, Holland' hath too often been convulfed by anarchy, and torn by' party. Unfortunately alas I for the caufeof humanity, 4 th(f' PLAIN TRUTH. the rugged and incult deferts of SwifTerland preclude not ambition, fedition, and anarchy. Her bleak and barren mountains do not fo efFeflually fccure precarious liberty, as daily vending her fons to the adjoining nations, parti- cularly to France, by whom the Thirteen Cantons could be fubjcftcd in as many days, did that court meditate fo (enfelels and delufive an objeft. Nugatory indeed, if we confider, that France derives more fubiiantial advantage from the prefent ftate of SwilTerland, than if ftieexhaufted herfelf, to maintain numerous battalions to bridle the Can- tons. A moment let us fuppofe, that our author's aflfe- verations of Holland and S wiflerland are as real as delu- live: his inferences do not flow from his premifes; for their fuperior advantages do not arife from their popular government, but from circumftancesof peculiar local feli- city, obliging the princes of Europe to defend them from the omnipotent land force, if I may fo fpeak, of France. After impotently attacking our fovereign and the confti- tution, he contradifts the voice of all mankind, by de- claring, that America " would have flouriftied as much, and probably much niore, had no Eluropean power takea any notice of hei .'? If he means, that had this continent been unexplored, the original inhabitants would have been happier, for once I agree with him. Previous to the fettlement of thefc provinces by our anceftors, the kingdom of France was convulfed by religious phrenzy. This, and Scbaftiao Ca- bot's prior difcovery, perhaps, happily afforded the people pf England an opportunity of locating thcfe provinces. At length, pt .ce being reftored to France by her hero, Henry the Fourth, his nation in turn were feized with the rage of colonizing. Finding the Englifh claimed the pro- vinces on the Atlantic, they appropriated the fnow l)niks of Canada, which we dare not fuppofe they would have preferred to thefe fertile provinces, had not the prior oc- cupanc; and power of England interfered. I hope it will not be c enied, that the notice taken of us at this time by an European power, was rather favourable for us. — Cer- tain it is, had not England then taken notice of us, thefe {^^eflable prqvioces would now appertaia to France ; and the PLAIN TRUTH. the people of New England, horrid to think, would now be counting their beads. Some years after the ara in qucf- tion, the civil wars intervening in England, afforded to the Swedes and Dutch a footing on this continent. Charles the fccond being reftored, England reviving her claim, rendered abortive the Swedifh prctenfions, and by con- queft, and granting Surinam to the Dutch, procured the ceflion of their ufurpation, now New York. I do indeed confefs my incapacity to difcern the injury fuftained by this fecoad " notice taken of us by an European power ;" in default of which intervention, the Swedes, to this hour, would have retained their fetilement, now the famed Penn- fylvatiia; and the Dutch, confcquently, had retained theirs* Some time after this period, the people of New England were employed in framing and executing laws, fo intole- rant and fanguinary, that to us they feem adapted foe devils, and not men. Indeed it is worthy of note, that the inhabitants of Ja- maica, Barbadoes> and Virginia, at that very time, enacted laws, breathing the fpirit ot humanity, and fuch as men could bear. Soon after the period in queftion arrived the great and good William Penn, with his philofophic people called Quakers, together with toleration, induftry, and jpermanent credit. The people of England, encouraged by the exteniion of their laws and commerce to thofe co- lonies, powerfully ai&lled our merchants and planters, in- fomuch, that our fet4:lements encreafed rapidly, and throve apace. It may be affirmed, that fcon^ this period, until the prefent urdiappy hour, no part of hupiaa kind ever experienced more perfeft felicity. Voltaire indeed fays, that if ever the golden age exided, it\yasia Pennfylvaoia. France, difgufled with the unhappy fituation of her Ame- rican Colonies, had long meditated theconqueftof one of our middle provinces : to accompliHi this- purpofe^ (he extended a line of forts on our frontiers, and actually foF« tified the place now called Pittfburgh. Juilly alarmed by thcfe encroachments, in the hour of our diflrefs we called aloud on Great Britain for affiilance, nor was (he deaf to our cries. The Engliih minifVy, after m vain exhaufting all the arts of ne^ociatioiij decUrf;d WV Qgainft Franco. ' ' AftiBT PLAIN TRUTrt. Aftfcr fpillinc; torrenrs of blood, after expendfnp; one hun« dred and ninety millions of their dollars, and four or five kiillions of onrs, they glorioully reduced the FVench fettlemehts. Surely it will not be faid, that this laft notice taken of us by the people of England, was injuri- ous to us ? Our enemies indeed alledge, that this laft inter- i'eniion by bloiUing us with pride, will eventually ruin us, and render the people of Britain objefts of derifion, for . lavilliing iheir blood and treafure in defence of provinces; " a match not only for Europe (according to our author) but for the world." — Oiir author next remarks, ** that the comme: .e by which Hie hath enriched herfelf, are the necelTaries of life, and will always have a market while eat- ing is thecuilornof Europe," I reply, that oitr exporting grain is as it werscf yefter- day ; that the recent derfiand was principally occafioncd by the diftraOions in Poland, and other parts of Europe, and pi^bably will totally or partly fail, foon as the fertile coun- try of Poland, and more fertile Ukraine, (hall again become Cultivated. I believe the Europeans did eat before our merchants exported our grain, and perhaps will eat when they ceafe to export it. I deny, that this momentary com- merce hath enriched n«; and I could adduce numberlefn melanchdy proofs of the contraty. I fnail only remark, that in tlie mofl: fertile and delegable wheat country in America, bonnded by Chefopeak-bay, and almoft adjoin- ing that of Delaware, n traett wheat land, ten years age, would hardly have exceeded a guinea and a half per acre; indeed in 177;^, fuch land, covered with wood, ^Vould fcarcely have fold for four guineas an acre ; an un- doubted prc«)fof want of people, induflry, and wealth j particularly fo, if we confider that one crop of cdtn and wheat on fuch land, judicioufly cultivated, would af^oally repay the fnppofed price. Our author arterts, *' that our prefect numDers are fufficient to repel the force of all the world; that theContinent hath at this time the largell difci' pHned army of any power under heaven ; that the EngUihn^vy is only worth three millions r.od a halt fterling," which, in efPecf , would reduce it to thlrty-vfive (hips of the line, tw^H-ty flilpsof forty guns, twenty of thirty-fix, and taght of twenty guns. ** That if America had only a twentieth part of this B force^ w PLAIN T R U T r^. i'^i' la I * i,l force,' (he would be by far an over-match for Britain : that iff"*- dependence is nccclFary, becaufe France and Spain cannot aflift us until fuch an event." He alfo affirms, *' that Great Britain cannot govern us ; and that no good can arife from a reconciliation with her." I fhall humbly endeavour to (hew, that our author rfiame- fuljy mifreprefcuts fafts, is ignorant of the true (late of Great Britain and her Colonies, utterly unqualified for the arduous taflc he has prefumptuoufly afiumcd, and ardently intent on reducing us to that precipice on which himfclf (lands trembling. To elucidate my (Iriftures, 1 muft with fidelity expofe the circumftances of Great Britain and her Colonies. If, there- fore, in the energy of defcription, I unfold certain bold and Iioneft truths with fimplicity, the judicious reader will re- member, that a true knowledge of our fituation is as eikn- tial to our fafety as ignorance thereof may endanger it. In the Engiifh provinces, exclufive of negroe and other (laves, wc have one hundred and fixty thoufand or one hundred and fcventy thoufand men capable of bearing arms. If wc dedu^l the people called Quakers, Anabaptifts, and other re- ligioniAs avcrfe to arms, a confiderable part of the emi- grants, and thofe having a grateful predileftion for the an- cient coallitution and parent Aatc, we (liall certainly reduce the firft number to (ixty or fcventy thoufand men. Now, admitting thofe equal to the Roman legions, can we fup- pofe them capable of defending againft the power of Bri- tain, a country nearly twelve hundred miles extending on the ocean ? Suppofe our troops alTembled in New England, if the Britains fee not Ht to aSaW them, they hafte to and de- folate our other provinces, which eventually would reduce New England, If, by dividing our forces, we pretend to defend our provinces, wc alfo are infallibly undbne. Our moft fertile provinces, filled with unnumbered domeftic ene- mies, flaves, interfefted by navigable rivers, every where acceflible to the fleets and armies of Britain, can make no defence. If, without the medium of pafTion and prejudice, we view our other provinces, half armed, deftitute of money and a naVy, we muft confefs, that no power ever engaged fuch potent antagonifts under fuch peculiar circumftances of infelicity. lo the better days of Rome, (he permitted no re- gular PLAIN TRUTH. II gular troops to defend her. Men dcftitutc of property (he admitted not into her militia (her only army). J have been extremely concerned at the feparation of the Connefticui men from our army; it angured not an ardent enthufiafm for liberty and glory. We Hill have an army before Bofton> and I (hould be extremely happy to hear fubflantial proofs of their glory: I am iVill hopeful of great things from our army before Bofton when joined by the regiments now forming, which want of bread will probably foon fill. Not<. withftanding the predileftion 1 have for my countrymen, I remark with grief, that hitb o our troops have difplayed but few marks of Spartan or Roman enthufiafm. In the /incerity of my heart I adjure the reader to believe, that no perfon is more fenfibly afflifted by hearing the enemies of America remark, that no general ever fell fingly and fo in- glorioufly unrevenged before the inaufpicious affair of Que- bec. 1 am under no doubt, however, that wefhall become as famed for martial courage as any nation ever the fun be- held. Sanguine as I am, refpedling the virtue and courage of my countrymen, depending on the hiftory of mankind fmcc iheChriftian aera, I cannot however imagine, that zeal for liberty will animate to fuch glorious efforts of heroifm, as religious enthufiafm has often impelled its votaries to per- form. If the cruel unrelenting tyrant Philip the fecond of Spain had never attempted to introduce into the Low Coun- tries the infernal Tribunal of the Inquifition, it is moll pio- bable, that the prefent States of Holland would to this time have remained provinces to Spain, and patiently paid the fiftieth penny and other grievous exaflions. Certain it is, that the fanatics of Scotland and people of England had never armed againft the firft Charles, if religious enthufiafm had not more powerfully agitated their minds than zeal for liberty ; the operations of which on the human rpind hath, lince the aera in queftion, ever been more languid than the former mod: powerful paflion, TheCe hardy afTcrtions are fupported as well by notorious fafts, as by the learned Hume and other judicious hiftorians. I cannot here omit remarking the inconfiftency of human nature. The Scotch, the mofl furious enthufiafts then in Europe, were ilaughtered like (heep by Cromwell at Dunbar, where their formidabla II PLAIN TRUTH. Ml , • ! army hardly made any rcfiftancc, if we except that made by a handful of loyalilb, dcAUute gf that pafiion. Certain ij: is, that thofc cpthufiails were often cnt in pieces by their countryman the gailsjnt marquis of Montrofe, whufe roups (Highlanders and other loyalifts) held Prelbytciiauirm in contempt. With the utni6ft deference to the honorable Congrefs, I do not view the mofl djAant glenm of aid from foreign pa\Vers. The princes alone capable of fpccouring us are the fovcreigns of France and Spain. If, according to our Author, we poifcfs an eighth part of the habitable globe, and actually have a check on the Weft India commerce of England, the French indigo and other valuable WcA India commodities, and the Spanilh galeons, are in great jeopardy from our power. The French and Spaniards are therefore wretched politicians, if they do not aifift England in reducT rng her colojies to obedience. — Pleafantry apart, can wc be fo deluded to cxpcdl: aid from thq(e princes, which, inspir- ing their fnbjefls with a relifti for liberty, might eventually ftiakc their arbitrary thrones — Natural avowed enemies to our facredcaufe, will theycherifli, will they fupport.the llame of liberty in America, ardently intent on extinguifliing its la- tent dying fparks in their refpeftivp dominions i Can we be- lieve, that thofe princes will offer an example fo dangetous to their fubje^s and colonies, by aiding thofe provinces to independence ? If independent, aggrandized by in(iniie numbers from every part of Europe, this continent would rapidly attain power aAoniftiing to imagination. Soon, very foon, would we be conditioned to conguer Mexico, and al} their Weft India fettlements, which to annoy, or pofTcfs, we indeed ^re mo(^ happily fituated. Simple and obvious as thefe truths are, can they be unknown to the people ancj princes of Europe ? Be it however admitted, that thofe princes, unmindful of the fatal policy of Richlieu's arming Charles's fubjcfls agalnft him, and the more fatal policy of Lewis thie fourteenth permitting our glorious deliverer to ef- feft the Revolution : I fay, be it admitted that thofe princes, regardlefs of future confequences and the ineptitude of the times, are really difpofed to fuccour us ; fay, ye friends of liberty aad maukiud, would uo danger accrut fromap army PLAIN TRUTH. '3 ?s to lame fsla- ^ be- ne us to |init<2 uia very i all wq » as an4 ofe ing of cf- ce?, the of |rmy «f r)f Frencli and Spaniards in the bofom of America ? Would you not dread their junction with the Canatlians and Sa- vages, and with the numerous Roman Catholics difpcrfed throughout the Colonics ? Let us now briefly view the pre-cn^inently envied ftate of Great Britain. If wc regard the power of Britain, unembar- falfcd with continental connevith the royal navy*, cannot at this time be worth lefs ihan twenty millions fterling. The illand of Great Bri- tain, between fix and feven hundred miles in length, and upwards of two thoufand miles in circumference, and being every where indented with harbours, forms (with pther caufes) fj^ch nurferies of fcamen a. the world can- not produce. Let us now examine our author's account of the navy of CJreat Britain. ** It is, fays he, worth no more than three millions and a half fVerling." This in effeft will reduce it to ten iccond rate (hips of war, ten third rate, fifteen fourth rate, ten fliips of forty guns, ten of thirty- iix, and eight of twenty. •* it' America, fays he, had pnly a twentieth part of the naval force of Britain, flic would be by far an over-match for her; becaufe, as we nci-r ther have or claim any foreign dominion, our whole force would be employed on our own coaft ; where we flioulJ Jn the long-run have two to one the advantage of thofe who had three or four thoufand miles to fail over before they could attack us, and the fame diftance to return, in order to refit and recruit. And although Britain by her fleet hath a check over our trade to Europe, we have af large a one over her trade to the Weft Indies, which, by laying in the neighbourhood of the Continent, lies entirely 0t its mercy." Were it lawful to joke on (o fcrious an occafion, I would remind the reader of our author's modefty, in fay- ing, " that we claim no foreign dominion ;" fince wc * Sevtntoen ca-sitnl fliips were built from 1763 until 177T. have F L A I rj T 11 U T I!. *i have the moft numerous and beft tlifciplincd army under the heaven, and a navy fiifficiently llrong to combat that of Great Britain ; for our prefent naval armament compofc A fleet more than equal to a twentieth part of the Britidi navy (according to our author's eliimaiion). Notwith- llanding our author's delicacy, relying on the well known utility of melaiTes to the New- England governments, I hope they will order admiral Manly to feize Jamaica and the other Welt India iflands. The admiral cannot be at a lofs for men ; fmce, according to our author, " a few fecial Tailors will foon inHruiH; a fuflicient number of aflivc land-men in the common work of a (hip." I do indeed confefs, that the Britifh fhips of war are conftantly equipt altogether with very focial failors ; and as conflantly drub the French fhips, double mann'd with acTlive land men, iho' fufficiently inftruOed by a few focial failors. The reader will perceive, that our author has humbled the naval power of Britain with more facility than France and Spain could have done; and has alfo expelled hei* from our ports with happier fuccefs tiian did Spain,, wlio was compelled to yield her Gibj-altar and Portmahon fur the conveniency of her fleets and commerce. We muft indeed allow, that Spain, tho' pofTefled of Mexico and Peru, cannot maintain the molt numerous and beft difclplined army under heaven, nor equip a navy fit to contend with the fleets of Britain. It muft alfo be confefTed, that he makes Great J3ritain very favourably difpofe of her humbled navy, bj' employing nineteen parts of it in the Mediterranean, Afia, Africa, and I know not: >where ; when he knows we have fo great a check on her Weft India trade, a commerce of the laft importance to her. I would biufti for poor human nature, did I imagine that any man, other than a bigot, could believe ihefe ridiculous ftories, thcfe arrant gafconades, refpedting ouc numerous and beft difcipMoed army under heaven, about our navy, and a few focial failors, and that Fjanceand Spain will not affift us (who by-the-by, according to pur author, are able to conquer them) until pl^yiug upon words, we declaie ourfelves independent. Can a rcafurv- 6 able is P t. A 1 N T R U T it: able being for a moment believe that Great Britain, wliort^ political exigence depends on our conllitutional obedience, who but yefterdny made Cuch prodirjious ctforts to favc us from France, \Nill not exert hcrfelf as powerfully to prc- fcrve us from our frantic fchemes of independency ? C;m we a moment doubt, that the lovcreign of Great Britain and his miniftcrs, whofe glory ns well as pcrfonal fafety depends on our obedience, will not exert every nerve of the Biiiifli power to fave themfelfes and us from ruin ? " Much, fiys our author, has been faid of the flrengtit of Britain and the Colonies, that in conjunftion they might bid defiance to the world j but this is m€re prcfumn-* tion ; the fate of war is uncertain." Excellent reafoning, and truly confiftcni with our au- thor 1 We of ourfelves are a match for Kurope, ray for the world ; but in junftion with the moft formidable power on earth, why then the matter is mere prefnmp-* tion ; the fate of war is uncertain. It is indeed humi- liating to confider that this author ftiould vamp up a form of government for a confiderable \ ~ of mankind j ntid in cafe of its fucceeding, that he probably would be one of our tyrants, until we prayed fome more illuftrious tyrant of the army to fpurn him to his primeval obfcu- rity ; frqm all his ill-got honours flung, turned to that dirt from whence he fprung. ** A government of our own is our natural right," fays our author. '* ^ad righf decided, and not fiue the caufe, Rome had ptefcrvcd her Gato and her laws." Unfortunately for mankind, thofe are fine founding words, which fcMom or ever influence human affairs ; if they did, inftead of appro- priating the vacant lands ro ichcincs of ambition, we mufl iniVantly deputife envoys to the* liidi.uT;, praying them to re-enter the.:r former ppflefTions, and permit us quietly to depart to the country of our finccfTors, where we would be welcome guefts. But, continues our author, ** what have we to do with, letting the world at defiance? our S' Ian is commerce, and that well attended to, will fecure s the peace and friendfliip of all Europe; becaufe it is the intercft of all Europe to have America a free port, her PLAIN TRUTH. *7 her traJc will nlways Ik her prottinion, :\y,i! her bar- rcnncfs of gold anU lilvcr will fccurc licr li»iii iiiva- dcrs." I am pciTc.* i.br, that (Jrca^ }ttles, arifing from the rtiilitary fpirit of defence, fromtwc r- ;. re of their arms, and the arrangement of their armier- batants to buckle together, who Roman armies never exceeded t. . including auxiliaries, did not e:" thoufand, a number greatly inferior .o the armies of France or perhaps Britain during war. Notwithftanding my ardour for liberty, I do mofl fervently pray, that we may never exchange the fpirit of commerce fof that of military defence, even at the price of augmenting our armies. Let us hear the teftimony of Montefquieu in favour of commerce : " Commerce, fays he, is a cure for the moft deftruftive prejudices ; for it is almoft a general rule, that wherever we find agreeable manners, there commerce flourifhes. Let us not be afl-o- nifhed then, if our manners are now lefs favage than for- merly. Commerce has every where diffufed a knowledge ♦f all nations ; thefe are compared one with another, and r^'^riiiitted the co"- - ve quarter. 1 uo c legions, which, cwo hundred and fifty i h'oixi :».«!r^* <'?: 76 PLAIN T R U T IT. m from this comparifon arifc the greatcrt advantages. Peace is the natural cfl'cdt ot iia Je, &c." 'I'he Athenian people, perhaps the molt rtfpedlable of antiquity, did not long polTcfs a commercial fpirit, but were almoft continually af- lliitcd by this fpirit of military defence. The cammon people in effeft dilhibuted the public revenues amongfl: themfelves, while the rich were in a Ihte of oppreifion. According to Lyfius the oiator and others, it was their cuflom, when in want of Money, to put to death fome of the rich citizens, as well as Grangers, for the fake of the forfeiture. In fliort, could we enumerate the infinite train of misfortunes infliifted on mankind in every clime and age by this fclf-fime fpirit of military defence, our read- ers would furely join us in opinion, that commerce has moll happily humanized mankind. I am not unaware, that there are many declamations againft commerce ; thefe I have ever regarded as trials of wit, rather than fcrious produ6tions. Our author's antipathy, and extreme aver- fion to commerce, is eafily accounted for. If his inde- pendence takes place, I do aver, that commerce will be as ufelefs as our fearching for the philofopher's flone. " And hiftory (fays he) fufficiently informs us, that the braveft atchievemeats were always accompliflied in ihc non-age of a nation." The Greeks in their early ftate were pirates, and the Romans rq^bbers, and both warred in chara£ter. Their glorious avho (quarrel, reconcile, and become frieuds. Following the D 2 laudable i >t PLAIN TRUTH. I* .'• r ['(■■ 111- lauc'.ablc example of the Conp^rcfs, we lately have moft readily lh:ikcn hands with our invercratc enemies the Cana»- dians, who have fcijlpud acarlyas many of our people as the r^ritilh troo[)S have done : Why theicforp may we not for- give and reconcile ?- By no means : it blalls our author's nmbltious purpofes. The Knj.'.lifh and Scotch, fincc the lirfl Edward's time, have alternately fl.uinihrered each othet (ill the field of Bannockburn more men fell thiin arc now in the New England provinces) to the amount of fcveral hun- dred thoufand, and now view each otiier as fubjedts ; dcfpif- ing the efrbrts of certain turbulent fpirits, tending to rekin- ■dle the aucieiu animofity. Many of thfe unhappy men, cri- •ITiiiially engaged with the Pretender, reconciled by humane treatment to that family ap,ainft whom they rebelled, fervei-i in their armies a few years after. Indeed the conduft of the Canadians to our troops as elfeftually illuftrates our doc- trine as it reprobates the anti-chriftian diabolical tenets of our Author.—" The unwarrantable ftrctch likevvifc which that houle made in their lair lltting, to gain an undue au-' thority over the Delegates of that province, ought to warn the people at large, how they truif power out of their own hands. A fet of inftrudions for the Delegates were put to- f[ether, which, in point of fcnfe and bufmefs, would have difhonored a fchool-boy, and after being approved by a few, a very few, without doors, were carried into the houfe, and there pafTed in behalf of the whole Colony. Whereas, did the whole Colony know with what ill will that houfe hath entered on fome neceffary meafures, they would not hefitate a moment to think them unworthy of fuch a truft." This very infidious charge wecannot read without indignation. If thePennfylva- hianffhad happily adhered to their virtuous relblves, it is more than probable, that a conftitutional reconciliation had ere now tJtken place. Unfortunately refcinding their opinions, they jierhaps adopted the fentiments of certain perfons, by no means fuperior in virtue and knowledge. Thofe not inebri- ated with independency will certainly allow, that the in- .ftradtions to their delegates were didfated by the true fpirit of peace, juftice^ and exalted policy. If infpirafion had Idiffated thofel refolves, obnoxious as they are to indepen»- dency, our author had reprobated them. How dare the • ' •. V . .. . author u. PLAIN TRUTH. »9 author of Common Scnfe fay, *' that they attempted to gain an undue authority over the delegates of their province ?'* Whofo proper to inllruit them as thole chofen by the people ? Not in the hour of pallion, riot, and confudon, but in the Jay of peace and tranquil refle^Ttion. The p.entleman whom our author imjTOtently attacks in this and other innucndos, will be long revered by his grateful countrymen and the friends of mankind, as well iov his true pairiotifm and extcnfive abilities as his unbounded benevolence. Would wc profit by the unhappy examplf^s of our anceftors (which, alas I mankind too feldom ao) let us remember the fate of thofe illuftrious patriots of the firll Charles's time : allied at firfl with the independents, they did not fufpcifl thofe exe- crable hyprociites of the horrid dcfign of deftroying the king and conftitution : when they faw through their abo- minable views, it was too late to fave the king and kingdom; tor the independents had fcized the fovereignty. Soon as they were firmly polfcffed of power, they perfecuted thofe illuftrious patriots with more unrelenting virulence than the profefled advocates of arbitrary power. Every virtuous Pennfylvanian muft be fired with indignation at the inlidious attack made by this independent on the refpcflable afTennbly of his province. Indeed the afTembly of Pennfylvania in this linworthy treatment have a fure earnefl of their future ex- peftations. — *' It is the cuftom of nations ((ays our author) when any two are at war, for fome other powers, not en- gaged in the quarrel, to ftep in as mediators, arid bring about the preliminaries of a peace. But while America calls herfelf the fubjefl: of Britain, no power, however well dif- pofed fhe may be, can offer her mediation : wherefore, in our prefent ftate, we may quarrel 'Hi for ever." Nations, like individuals, in the hour of pafTion attend to no mediation ; but when heartily drubbed, and tired of war, are very readily reconciled, without the intervention of mediators ; by whom belligerents were never reconciled until their interefts or paffions diftated the pacification. If we may ufe our author!s elegant language, mediation is *' farcical." I grant, however, that the idea of our forcing England by arms to treat with us is brilliant. " It is unrea- ibuuble (continues our author) to fuppofe, that France and Spain u» PLAIN TRUTH. I ■J I f Spain will f>ivc us any kind of nfTiftnnce, if wc mean only to make v.fc of that a(Ii(hnce for the purpofc of repairing the breach, and ftrengtheniiij^ the connec'tion between (Bri- tain nnd Amciica ; becaufe thofe poNVcrs would be fiiifcrers by the confequcnccs.'' C()nndcrin{>[ •* wc have the moft numerous and bert dif- ripllned army under heaven, and a fleet lit to contend with the navy of Britain," we mn(l fnppofc our author's brain afTc(5"ttd by dwelliiij; conlViinly on his beloveil independency, clfe he would not h;ivc tlie inibeeliify to require the aflill- ance of France and Spain. The manner oi iiis prevailing on France and Spain to alTift m is alio a llrong proof of his infanity. Did thofe powers hcfitate to fuccour the Scotch rebels in 1745, bccaufe thoy did not declare themfelves in- dependent ? It then was their intcreft to create a diverfion, alas ! too ferious in the fequel for the deluded rebels in that kingdom: r.nd were they now interefled in aiding us, they undoubtedly would do it in fpitc of quibbles. In fuch cafe, ere this time their aimics and navies had joined us without interruption: for wc mull con fefs, that the efforts of Britai a hitherto would not have precluded the republic of Genoa from aiding us. Suppofe our author had a Ion, or an appren- tice, eloped to his intimate acquaintance, and defired to en- ter into his fervice. If this perfon replied to the youth, I know your apprenticefliip is unexpired; notwithftanding, declare yourfelf a free man, and I will hire and protect you. I demand, would furh odious, ridiculous duplicity render our fuppofed perfon lefs criminal in the"eyes of our author, or render the example Icfe dangerous to his own apprentice? ** Were a manifefto (fays our author) difpatched to fbreiga courts, &c." This alfo is a conclufive proof of our au- thor's maniacum delirium. Our author " challenges the warmefl advocate for reconciliation to fliew a fmgle advan- tage this continent can reap by being connected with Great Britain. I repeat the challenge. Not a fingle advantage is derived : our corn will fetch its price in any market in Eu- rope." Were the author's afl!ertions, refpe6>ing our powefj^ as real as delufive, a reconciliation on liberal principles with Great Britain would be moft excellent policy. 1 wave familiarity of manners, laws, and culloms, moft friend- PLAIN TRUTH. 3» ly ly Indeed to perpetual alliance. The grcatcfl part of our plank, ftaves, fhinglcs, hoops, corn, bcrf, pork, herrings, and many other articles, could find no vent but in the Eng- li(h illands : the demand for our flour would alfo be con- fiderably lefliencd. The Spaniards have no demand for thcfc articles, and the French little or none. Britain would be a principal mart for our lumber, part of our grain, naval llores, tobacco, and many other articles, which perhaps are not generally wanted in any kingdom in Europe. Jf it it fuggelted, that the Englidi iflands, impelled by neccfTity, would trade with us, I reply, that it is not uncommon to fee Englifli flour for fale in thofe iflands, as our merchants have more than once found to their coft. Since 1750 flour hath fold in the illands at ten and twelve per cent, the price being reduced by flour from England. Britain is alfo better calculated to fupply us with woollen goods, and other necefTary articles, than any kingdom in Europe. Should a feparaiion cnfue, Britain will open an extcnfive commerce to the Baitick and Ruffia for all, or many of the commodities flie now receives from us ; the Ruffians, fince their lall glorious treaty with the Port, can now export the commodities of their moft fertile Ukraine through the Mediterranean ; until that period they were conflirained to carry their hemp eight or nine hundred miles to the Baitick ; whence, by a long and dangftrous navigation, it reached the different ports in the Atlantic. I need not inform the reader that fuch immenfe land carriage precluded the fubjeds of Ruflia from raifing ^heat, which generally fold in the Ukraine for ten-pence per bufhel, as did rye at five-pence in that extenfive re- gion, than which no country on earth is more happily adapted for that grain : the Britifli nation, pre-eminently diftinguiflied for induftry and enterprize, will eftablifh fadories in the provinces of Ruffia, and animate thofe people to emulate our proiu6lions, which they will traa- fport by the Mediterranean to the ports of Europe and the Weft Indies. — By thefe means, and the culture of Poland, our grain would probably be reduced to its priftine price, two fliillings and fix-pence. As our au- thor is io violently bent againft reconciliation, he muft either 1 ft PLAIN TRUT n. v.; iP k cither fuppofc a conflnnt war with the inccnfcd power of England, i>i aJmit thnt he is a proper inhabitant cA the domains ot Ariofto (the world in the moon) ; now, ad- raittinL^ *' wc have the moll numerous and beft difciplined army under heaven, and a navy formidable for that of England;" pray wlvit arc our rcfonrccs to p^y fnch con- lidcrabie armamnus ? alihoiij»h I do not wifh to mortify my countrymen, I nuill acknowledge, that the neat pro- ceeds of all our produce is Inadeqnaie to that end : onr author allows '• that we have a conftderablc check on the Well Indi;i commerce of Firitain, and that Great Britain has a confiJerablc check upon our European trade." Ill cafe Great Britain infnhs therefore our European bound fliips, we have only to order our admirals to feize their Well Indinmen. Unfortunately, the Algerine? and other piratical ftates of Africa have no VV^cIt- India com- merce; and not havin/j the clearell difVinftions of thine and mine, will be apt to feize our veflLls. Our author affirms, •' that onr trade will always be our protefbion.'* I therefore crave his pardon, and (liall believe^ that the fight of our grain, and fmell of the New England codfifli, will efTeOually ferve as a Mediterranean pafs to the pi- ratical rovers. I do humbly confefs my fufpicions, left, PortugaJ, extremely dependent on Great Britain, may not inful' vi. When independent, we no doubt will receive ftrong proofs of friendlhip from France and Spain ; never- thelefs, with the utmoft humility I imagine, could wc feize Gibraltar or Portmahon, and there ftation a formida- ble fquadron of capital fhips, we might as elFeflually pro-* tedl our commerce, as our trade will protcft us : the author of Common Senfe confidently affirms, " that our trade will always be its protecfion." I cannot imagine that his purfe or watch would elFe(51ually proteiH: him on Hounilow or Blackheath from footpads or highwaymen; Hitherto we have treated of reconciliation on the principles of our being as potent as Great Britain. Let us now confider our army neaily as 1 have ftated it, and- our navy as an objefl by no means fublunary. It now behoves ws well to coafidcr,* whether it were belter to enter, the harbour 1 PLAIN TRUTH. 31 harbour of peace with Grett Britain, or plunge the fhip into all the horrors of war-— of civil war. As peace and ( ingratefully and madly adopting our auchor's frant'C fclieines, we te]e£t reafonable terms ^ in ' '^tio-'.i will they i:ot moil afTuredly believe that »>;.t fOj); r leaders have by infinite art deluded the \\.^"..:y p p into their pre-concerted fchemes, on fup- t^^^;::ion '^ ' .le time had found us? thofe acquainted with H -I' In n .'t confefs, that the minority in parliament hi- ti*ci lo have been our main prop : now independency for ever annihilates this our befl refource. Let us admit a part of the minority, republicans, or what is more pro- *^ - K table, 34 P JL A IN TRUTH. it' ■■■ bable, bcpt on- ricmoving the prefent miniftry from their • ppw^r, our author's fchemes annihilates all their con- ie(|ueace, all their oppoiition. In c^e of our uidepen- deuce, Should a Barrc, or Burke, patronize our govern? njcnt, fnch patrons would infallibly participate the fate of the great and good De Witts, be torn in pieces by the furious people. If my remarks are founded pn triiili, it refults that the time hath not found us ; tho.c independency is inexpedient, ruinous, and jmpra<^icable, and that recon-^ ciliation with Great Brjtain on good terms is our fole rcfourpe , it is this alone "will render us refpeftable ; it is this alone will render us numeious ; it is this only will make us happy. I (hall no longer detain my reader, but conclude with a few remarks on our autnor's fcheine*. the people of thofe cv>lonies vould do W|eU to confider the cl arader, fortune, and defigns of our author and his independents ; and compare them W^h thofe of the mod amiable and venerable perfqnages in and out of il.*^ congrefs, who abominate fuch nefarious meafurcs { I would humbly ob- fierve, that toe fpcicious fcipoce of politics is of all oth; r$ the mod: delufive. Soon after tlie Revolution the ablell iiat^fmen \n England and other parts of Europe confir tjcntly predifted national ruin, infallible ruin, foon as th« public debt exceeded fifty millions Aerling : the nation, now indebted nearly thrice that fum, is not arrived at the zenith of her credit and power. It is perhaps poilible to form a fpecious fyftem of government on paper which may feem practicable, and tp have the confeqt of the people ; yet it v/ill not anfvver in praftice, nor retain their approbation upon trial : '* all plans of government (fi^y^ Hume) which fuppofe great reformation in the manners oi' mankind, are merely imaginary." The fabricators of ind*ep«ndency have too much in- fluence to be entruHed in fuch arduous and important concerns ; this reafon alone were fufficient, at prefent, to deter us from alfiring the conftitution : it would be as jnconfu^ent in our leaders in this hour of danger to fprpi a government, as it were for a colonel, forming p L AlU r k V r }i. a his battalion m the face of an enemy, to (Vop to write ad cflay on war. This iiTthor's Qnixotic fyftem is really an infuK ta ojJr undciftafidrrtg; it is infinitely inferior, to HukV< ;Q>*??t of a perfeft commo^nWeaith, which,, notwiihftanding !m9 .icki.owledged greafn«ft o?f genius, is ftiU reprehend ble : Ic is not our bufinefs to e:)tamine in what rjanner this author's alTociateS dcqoired their 4uiowledgfc In national affairs ; but we may prcdi^y «hat bis fcheme of indcpen-^ dency would foon, very foon, give way to a governmenc inipofed on lis by fome GrbmweU of our armies: nor is this fentiment iTnt!aturdl, If > we. are attentive to conflan*: experience and human r.ature: the fublime Montefquieu, fo apdy quoted by the -icOngrefs, Unhappily corroborates onr doftriae, '* ffonl (fays he) a raartner of thinking that prevails aniongft mankind, they fet a higher vailue upon courage than tinloroufnefs j on atftivity than prudence; on ftrdngth tl an codnfel. Hence, the army will ever* defjiife ii fenniw, dnd'srefpe^ the! f own officers ; they will naturally flight' the order"f«ftt! them by a body of men vhbm they* lirtok tipoft as cowards^ ind therefore un- wbrthy to tt>iiimand ttem ; io that as foom as the army ddjiertd^ "Otl the legfflative- body, it beeomes a miKtary ^he;'* ahd'rf the contrary has ever happened, it has beerf owing^ k6 fome extraordinary circumltance?, fuch as Hol- land being able to drown her garrifons, and the Venetians haviiig K in their power to cbfrtpel t'leir troops to obe- dience by the vicinity of the European armies; refources to which Ave for e7er rftufl be ftrangers. If independence t;^kes place/ the New England men by their confequence therein will afTtime -i fwpcriority impatiently to be borne by the other colonies, Notwiihllanding otrr atithor'st fme Vv'^ords about toTera- tion, ye foh§ of peace and true chriftianity, believe me, it were folly fiipreme, madrefs, to expeft angelic tolera- tion frum New England, where fhe has conftantly beert detcfted, perfecuted, and execrated; even in vain would cmr ati'thor, or Onr Cromwetl, chcrifh toleration j for the people of New £ngl?.r.d, not K2 yet ai rived in the fevctt- teenth \^'->' li> k'S m\ \ S^ P L AT^ TRUTH. tccnth or eighteenth century, would reptobfltc her.— It !t more than probable to fuppofe that the New England government^ would have no objeflioa to an Agrarian law ; nor is it unreafonable to fuppofe thaf fuch divifion of property would be very agreeable to the foldiers ; indeed their general could not, perhaps, with fafety to his exiU- ence as a general, refufe them fo reafonable a gratification, particularly, as he will have more than one occafion for their fervices ; let us, however, admit that our .general and troops, contradi^ing the experience of ages, do not alTume the fovereignty. Releafed from foreign war, we would probably be plunged into all the mifery of anarchy and iateAine war. Can we fuppofe that the people of the ibuth would fubmit to have the feat of empire at Phi- ladelphia, or in New England i or that the people op- pre(r*fery, and defolation awaiting the people at large in the Syren form PLAIN TRUTH. 3^; iorm of American independence. In (hort, I affirm that it would be moft excellent policy ki thofe who wifti for tttje Uberry, to fubinit by an ndvaniageous recortpiliatioa to the authority of Qreat Britain ; " to accompJiOi in the long mn, what they cannot do by hypocrify^ fraud, apd torce in the fhort one.'* Independence and Ilavcry arc fy- Bonymous terms. P I N I S. i%> The following Publication by ft a t i o n a l i i, h printed in this ftze for the convenience of thofe Gentlemen who choofe to bind it with other Pamphlets, in an 0«avo Volume, , The Republican Spirit is indeed at bottom as ani'' bitious as the monarchicaL Voltaire. \m va \:-''f. TH E town has been lately amufed with a new political pamphlet, intitled Common Senfe. This piece, though it has taken a popular name, and implies that the contents are obvious, and adapted to the underftandings of the bulk of the people, is fo far fi om; meriting the title it has alTumed, that in my opinion it holds principles equally iaconfillent with learned and com • mon fenfe I know not the author, nor am I anxIoUs to learn his name or chara£Ver \ for the book^ and|iot the writer of it, is to be the fubjefl of my animadverfions. It is the glory of a free country to enjoy a free prcfs^ and of this, that the fentiments and opinions of the iheaneft, equally with thofe of the greateft, are brought to view;- for we know by frequent inftances, that the rich and higli born are not the monopolizers of wisdom' and Virtue ; on the contrary, thefe qualities are oftner to be found among the middling clafs in every country, who, being lefs diffi ' pated and debauched than thofe who are ufually called their betters, apply thcmfelves with more indullry to the' culture of their uoderltandings, and in reality become better acquainted with the true tnterefts of the fociety in which they live. But to my great grief I have too often feen inflances of perfons in every clafs of life, whofe publications, at the fame time they have reflefted honour on the parts and ge- nius of the authors, have been io iliaoiefully wanting in candour R A T I N A L I s; 39 cantbur as to attempt, by the cadence of words, and force of iVile, a total pcrverfion of the undcrftanding. The pamphlet in queAion feems to be plainly calculated to induce a belief of three things : I ft. That the Engiiih form of government has no wif- dom in it, and that it is by no means fo conftru6led as to produce the happinefs of the people, which is the end of all good government. 2d. That monarchy is a form of government uiconfift- cjit with the will of God. 3d. That now is the time to break off all connc^lion with Greac Britain, and to declare an independence of th^ Colonic?. . It m- .1 be obvious to every impartial eye, that the au- thor reafons from the abufes of, aga:nft the benefits de- rived from, the Engliih conftitution ; and after reciting thefc abuies concludes very unfairly, that ** it is incapa- ble to produce what it feems to promife."— For if an ar- gument of this fort is to be received, it will prove perhaps rather more than the author would chufe— it would evea prove that the Jewifh theocracy was quite as improper, and as incapable to produce what it aimed at, as the re- probated Englifti government, — The records of facred hif- tory informs us, that the law was given to the people from God, and that the greaf Jehovah himfelf condefcended to call them his chofen people. He /ignally interpofed in their behalf in bringing them out of bondage, in preferving them from the rage of Pharaoh's army, and featmg them in a land Rowing with milk and honey, under his immediate government and laws, " written with his own finger." *' And he will love thee and blefs thee, and multiply thee: he will aiP^ Mefs the fruit of thy womb and the fruit of thy land, thy corn and thy wine, and thy oil ; the in- creafe of thy kine, and the flocks of thy fheep, in the land which he fware unto thy fathers to give thee." Deut. vii. 13. " Thou (lialt be blefTed above all people ; there fhall not be Bale or fennale barren among you, or among your cattle." Df:ut. vii. 14, But 4* RATIONAL! S. I' hi hi' 11 But Mrhat efieOs did all thefe extraordinary favours and promifesof the Deity himfelf produce upon that wicked, perv€r(«, AilT-necked people ? Mofes tells them, *' From the day that thou didft depart out of the land of Egypt until ye came unto this place, ye have been rebeU^:v(is ngainil the Lord." Deut. ix. 7. ** You hare been rebellious againlt the Lord from the day that I knew you." Deut. ix. 24. Profane as well as facred hiftory informs us of the inef- feftuality of the beft governments and the wiicft laws among a corrupt, degenerate people. It does not regularly follow, th^ if the people are not happy under an excellent form of civil polity, that the fault is in the government, it may be owing to the corruption of the people ; and this I take to bo the cafe in G^eat Britain at this day. When the Bririilh parliament is properly balanced, and each branch o^ tho legislature faithfully executes its duty, I think I am (^'e in affirming there was never yet a form of government ia the world fo well calculated for the happinefs of a free jjeopje as this, and yet we aie told by the author of the panaphlet, that the " prejudice of Englifhmcn in favour of King, Lords, and Commons arifes as much or mor^ from Uivtional pride than reafon." The world has already fecn nuniberlefs inftances of fine fpua political theories, \yhich, like the quackeries of mountebank doftors, are to Gur-c all the political evils to which human nature is Ual^e. — But when the experiment is made, they become aftdoiflied at the ill fuccefs of their boafted fchemes — they find' a thoufand little paflions and interells continually in- terfering with their defigns, and at length retire again to their clofets^ chagrined they had not thought it neceflary to ftudy the great volume of human nature, before they ventured to fay what was the bell for mankind. The author, after venting his ipleen againft the Engli(h form of government, comes next to confiJer the fubjedt of monarchy and hereditary fuccefTion ; in treating which he plainly difcovers the urmoft prepoflellion in favour of a republic. I (hall not follow him through his fcripture quotations, which he has fo carefully garbled to anfwer his purpofe, bijt beg leave tooppofe fome a;ithorities to it. • •• ■ Up ^S'i RATIONAL! 3. 4k The celebrated Trenchard, in No. 60, of Cato's Let- ters, fays, ** there is no govwrnment now upon earth, which owes its formation or beginning to the immediate Revelation of God, or can derive its exiftencc from fuch re- velation : it is certain, on the contrary, that the rife and InHitution, or variation of government, from time to tinic^ is within the memory of men or of hiftories; and that every government which we Icnow at this day in the world, >vas ertablifhed by the wifdom and force of mere men, and by the concurrence of caufes evidently human." " Nor has God by any revelation nominated maglftrates< ifhewed the nature or extent of their powers, or given a Jslan of icivil polity for mankind." (Hutchefon's Moral Philofophy, p. 272.) " There being no natural or divine law for any form of government^ or that one perfon rather than another ihould have the fovereign adminirtration of afl'airs, or have power over many thoufand different families who are by nature all equal, being of the fame rank, piomi'cuoufly born to the fame advantages of nature, and to the uleof the fame common faculties, therefore mankind is at liberty to choofa "what form of government they tike.'* *' God's providence or permiflioil fufFered his own pe, fculiar people the Jews to be under divers governments at divers times; as firft under patriarchs, Abraham, Ifaac, and Jacob, &c. theii under judges, Othniel, Ehud, and Gideon ; then under high priefts, Eli and Samuel ; then under kings, Saul, David, and the reft; then under cap- tains and high priefts again, as ZorobaSel, judas Mac- cabeusj and his brethren ; and the government was lallly . taken from tHem, and they brought under the power of Rome. And that God permits fuch magiftrate or magif- trates as the conimunity thinks fit to approve, is plain by the tefiimpny of Holy Scriptures ; when God faid to Solo- mon, *• By me kings rule, even all the judges of the earth." Pl-ov. vili. 16. " When the fdns of Samtiel were judges over Ifrael, thejr took bribes and perverted judgment, therefore the elders of Ifrael defired Samuel to make them a king; and though the elders ard only mentioned to have aiked a king of F Samu«l, 4a k A T I ON A L I §. i I ■' '' \A'"' . m Samuel, they feem to have been deputed from the \Vhol^ congregation ; for God faid unto Samuel,- *• Hearken io the voice of the people in all that thy /ay unto thee." i Sam. viii. 4, 7. <* Jnd Samuel to/d the people the manner of the kingdom^ and iurote it In a hooky and laid it tip before the Lord. I Sam. X. 25. It is plain the mahner of the kingdom fig- nifies the conftitution of the government, by which was meant the conditions on whieh Saiil was to be king, and they his fubje6ls ; for though God had^ivefl him the crowii. It was td rule the people according to juftice and laws." " After the battle between Saul and the Ammonites, Samuel faid to the people, Come, let us go to Cilgal\ and there they made Saul king before the Lord, i Sam. xi. t, 5, 6, 7. 14, 15. Now therefore behold the kingt "whom ye have chofen, and behold the Lord hath fet a king over you.'* 1 Sam. xii. 1^^. Thefe latter quotations ar6 taken frotn the gi-cat Lord Somers^s book called *• the Judgment of whole Kingdoms and Nations concerning the Rights of Kings and the Peo- ple." This nobleman was Lord high chancellor of Eng- land in King William's reign, and was remarkable for hiS revolution- principles, great learning, and unfhakcn integri- ty in public and private life. It does thcfefovc from the foregoing teflimonies appear, that monarchy (efpecially a limited one, fuch as that of England) is not inc'onfinent with the Holy Scriptures, as i^ let forth irt faid pamphlet, but that it is as pleafing to the Almighty, if agreeable to the people, ds any other form of goveVnment, even the author'^s beloved republic. The writer next proceeds to inforni his readers of the nlimcr(vis wars and fcencs of blood acfted in England under rheir kings, and aflerts, ibat ** Monarchy and fucejjion have laid the -world in blood and afhes. It is a forn of gO' vernmcnt mhich the luordof God bears tejlimony againji, and blood will attend it '^ Here are bold aTfertions indeed. To the latter part I have already endeavoured to make feme reply, fo far as he afTcrt's it is contrary to the Word of God; but will the author's candour permit him to in- Jorm hU: reader uu the infinite diilfaiftl'on^ Jind mifchiefb 2 which RATIONALIS. 43 rd. as to \vhich have happen/sd in the ancient an(^ modern republics i — Under this form tiiere are always two panics, which <:Iivide the v;hole bqdy of the pcpplc, and an eternal war- fare fubfifts bciwccii ih?m for power. The coutcd is dreadful enough, but whichfpevcr pjrty prevails, there is no rod heavy enough, no fword fufficiently (harp, to punifti thofe whom they have fubdu?d.' It then becomes a manyrh^adcd monfter, a tyranny pf many, Let any man read with an unprejudiced eye the accounts which hiftorians give us of the famous Grecian Common- wealths, and I will venture to fpeaiv (or him, that he will not beftow great commendations on them.-r-The >itheni- ans, a wife and poliflied people, very often baniflied their bed eitizens from an apprehenfion of their power — a glo- rious reward for a virtuous ^itljen, who, as was the cafe in more inftac^ces than one, had prelerved his country from deftruftipn. In the laitpr times pf the Carthaginian and Roman republics, what conflant fccnes of blood and de- vaftation does hiftory prefent to us— the multitude in a perpetual ferment like the ocean in a Aorm— in a florm, did I fay?— like the waters pf the fea, agitated by a dreadful •whirlwind, nothing but the fury of one party encountering the rage of another. — Every trace of humanity being thus Ipft, men change their natures and become as fierce and la- vage as wolves and tygers. But let us defcend nearer to modern times — let us look iox happinefs and fecurity in the republic of Holland, fo often mentiqned, and fo linle known — let us recoUeft the fate of the two brothers, Cornelius and John de Wit, Dutch mi;iifter§, who were malfacred by the people in the year 1672. Hallaqd itlelf, from being a republic, is be- 4:pme a downright ariftocracy. Liberty did not continue long in that country, notwithftanding the blood and trea- fure that were expended to acquire it. The people, fo far from being fpee, have had no voice for many years part in the eleftion of perfons to reprefent them in the States-Gene- ral, nor have they any thing to do in the forming of laws by which they are to be governed. Whenever one of them dies, the vacancy is filled up v.ithout any interference pf the people, and this important c: inge was made in the F 2 ftate. 44 R A T I N A L I S, liif Li |late, bfcanfeof the intolerable feuds and animofitlcs which attended fhe elections of reprcfentativcs. Had they been to have chofen a king, what dangerous and deftruftive tu- inults muft it hnve produced ? Founded on the woeful ex- perience of ages, it is now become a general, fixed opi- jiion, thnt hereditary is preferable to elective monarchy, on account of the terrible difordcrs, outrages, and confufion which ufuiilly attcnJ the clc6lion of a king; a pregnant inftancc of which, in our times, is the kingdom of Po- land. In our own hiftory, we fee what was the effect of the piuch wifhed for Commonwealth, after the death or the tytant Charles — it did not produce liberty — it prcfcntly ended In uroitrary power. The monjent almpft after the rtinsof government fell from Charles's hands, Cromwell ^>ok them up, and governed the nition with abfolutefway. I cannot agree with the author of the pan)phlet in opi- nion, that this is the time to declare an independence of the Colonies : this ought to be the dernier refort of Ame- rica, Let us not yet lofe fight of the primary object of the difputc, namelj', a fafe, honour?.b!e, jmd lading rc- conciliarion with Great Britain, until we arc under a ne- ceiTuy of doing it. If an advantageous accommodation can; be had, and a free conrtitution for this country b? eftablifly cd on mutual agreement and compad>, it will be better and h^ippicr for us. But if juftlce is ftill denied us, and wc, sire to contend for liberty by arms, we will meet them in the ^eld, and try our manhood againft them, even to fpilling the blood, of every brave man we have. Shouldl the miniftry have recourfe to foreign a;d, wc may poffibly (oilow their example ; and, if it be effentlal then to our fafety to declare au independence, I would willingly cm- lt)iacp the nece/Tity. ■' r « RATIONALIS, tu- :x- pi- Extract from the Second Letter to the Peoph of peiinlylvania ; bein^ that Part of it which relates to Independency. Bj ^ ffriter under the Signature of C AT O. ■' UPON the whole, it appears that this writer (Caf«. fandra) is more an enemy to the bufinefs on which' the Commiflloncrs are to be fenr, than really apprchehfive for our virtue. He feems to have drank deep of the cup of- . independency t to be inimical to whatever carries the ap- pearance Qx peace ; and too ready to facrifice the happioeft of a great continent to his favourite plan. Among Aich writers I pretend not to clafs myfeU"; for I ain bold to declare, and hope yet to make it evident to every honeft ipan, that the true intereft of America lies in reconciliatioa with Great Britain upon conflitutlcnal principles ; and I can truly fay, I wlfh it upon nr* .": terms. Why the many publications ' i r vour of independency, with which our prelfes have lately j^roaned, have pafTed hitherto unnoticed, I am not able to determine : but there are certainly times wh.n public affiiirs become fo intercfting, that every man bscomei a debtor to the community for his opinions, either in fpeaking or writing. Perhaps it was thought bed, where an appeal was pretended to be made to the Common Senfe of this country, to leave the people for a while to the free exercife of that good underftanding vhich they are known to poflefs. ThoCe who made the appeal have little caufe to triumph in its fuccpfs. Of this they feem fenfible ; and, like true quacks, are conftantly peftering ns with their additional dofes, till the ftomachs of their patients begin wholly to revolt. If little notice has yet been taken of the publications concerning independence, it is neither owing to the popularity of the do(n;rine, the un- anfwerable nature of the arguments, nor the fear of op- poiing them, as the vanity of the authors would fuggeft. I am confident that nine-tenths of the people of Pennfyl- Tania yet abhor the do(n;rine* If ♦« C AT O to the Peol>le, It ' ' Wtt It. ' i!;' It '■ u. If wc look hack to the origin of the prefent controvcrf/,' It will appear that fom^ among us at had have been con- Aaiuly tiilar^ing their views, and flretcliing them beyond their fiiH btuinds, tiH at length they have wliuliy changed their ground. From the cUini of i*urliamcnt to tax us, fprung the rtrftrcfi (lance on our part ; before that Utijuft claim was fet on foot, not an individual, not one of all thf i^rofound legiflators with which this country abound^, ^ver held out the idpa of independence. We confidered our conne^iop with (Jrc^it Britairi as our chief happincfs— we flouri(hed, grew rich, and populous to a def»rec not to be paralleled in hiflory. Let us then aO the part of flcilful phyficians, and wifely adapt the remedy to th? ev'l. Poilibly fome men may have harboured the idea of in- dcpenden<;e ftom the beginning of this controverfy. In-' deed U y/as ftrongly fufpe^cd there weic individuals whofc views teiiclcd that way ; but as the fcheme was not fuffici;ntly ripened, it was reckoned (landerous, inimical to America, and \vhat not, to intimaic th^ kail: fufpicion of this kind. Nor have nany weeks yet elapfcd flncc the firft open pro- jjofition for independence was publifhed to the world. — By wh^t men of confequence this fcheme is fupported, or wheil^er by any, may poilibly be the fubjeck of future enqyiry. Certainly it has no countenance from the Con- grefs, tp whofe fentiments we look up with reverence; oi\ the coptrar}', it is direftly repugnant to every declaration pf that refpeftablc body, It would be needlefs to quote particular pafTages in proof of this, as they are to be met \yith in almpft every page of their proceedings. I will re- fer to a few only, viz. their Refolves, March 5, 1775 — ■' their Declaration, July 6 — their Addrefs to the King, July 8 — their Letter to the Lord Mayor of London— •ai^id more efpecially their Declaration for a fail, June 12, ii^ which, with the dcepeft marks of finceriry, they call upon all America to join with them in addreillng the great Governor of the world — ** humbly befeeching him to avert ** the defolating judgments with which we are threatened, ** to blefs our rightful fovereign, &c. — that fo America *' may foon behold a gracious in terpofition of heaven for " the C A T /» /*f Pnplt. 4» •* the rcdrcfs of her 'many pricvanccf?, the rcHoration •* of her invaded rights, :md reconciliation with the •' parent ftatc, on terms conniiutional and honouMbIc to *« both." Will any one be fo hardy ns to fay, that citiicr the appoint- .mentor obitrvation of this folcmn day wa.. a mete mockery of heaven and e.ii ih, or cvcn tliat any American Joined ID it who was not li'iccrc ? — I triiit not. But if multiply- ing auihoriiici were of any ufe, I might add the fcniinK.'nt8 of our own Rcprc(entatives ia afFcmbly, expre/Tcd in the inftruifHons to their Delegates ; the fcntiments of Mary- land in limilar inn:ru(5fions ; the refolves of New Jerfey and New {iampfhire ; nor (hall the much-injured province iof Maflachufctts' Bay ht left out of the catalogue, whofe Provincial Congrefs, while yet bleeding with the wounds received at Lexington, thus addrefTed the inhabitants of Great Britain '• Thcfe are marks of miniOerinI vcn- " gcance againll this colony, but they have not yet ** detached us from our royal fovcreign, &c. truAing that f* in a conftitutional connedlion with the mother country " we (hall foon be a free and happy people." The(c were the fcntiments of the colony of the Maflachufctts, figned by that great martyr to liberty Dr. Warren, and foon after fealen with his blood. The fcntimeina of fundry other colonies might be (hewn to have contrnonded with thcfe. — But this letter has already reached k: full length. 1 fhail take fome future opportunity to ex.imine the arguments which have been offered to induce a ci.'^Mge of thele fentiments ; and upon the whole I doubt not io mnke it appear, that in- dependence is not the cauie in w'lich America is now en- gaged, and is only the i^ol of thofe who wifli to fubvert ^11 order among us, and rife on the ruins of their country ! Philadelphia, March nth, 1776. G A T O, ^^ Puhljjhed, ' > . A N Olration io Memory 6i General Montgomery, be- .r\. livered ot the defire of the Hon. Continental Coagrefs. j|> Wiiliam Smith, D. D. Price 6d. . Mac Fingal. A Poem. Priiited from the Philadelphid Copy. 15. The Plea of the Colbnies; ts. 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