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This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ca document est filmd au taux de reduction indiqu« ci-dessous. 10X ^,^1— _^^ ^^^^^ 14X 18X Z2X 26X 30X ^^^^ _ J 1 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X ^~^ 32X The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks to the generosity of; Nationai Library of Canada L'exempiaire film6 fut reproduit grSce d la gdndrositd de: Bibliothdque nationale du Canada The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last page with a printed or illustrated impression. 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Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmds en commengant par la premidre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la dernidru image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — ^ signifie "A SUIVRE ", le symbole V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., pecvent §tre fllmds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clichd, il est film6 d partir de I'angle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, on prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 6 i SPEECH ot MR. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, OV THR CASE OP ALEXANDER MolEOD. DBLIVEURII IN TIIK IIOUSI. OF HEI'RKSENTATIVKS. ? (■1 i '•. SEfTEMBEn 4, 1841. WASHINGTON : PRINTED m GALES AND SEATON. 1811. f" J ill w Mr. B member! day Iliad Resolved, compatible the United for any pur] communical by any Exe stand that ^ Mr. A (Mr. A.) it appear have an which he friend fro Mr. Be lution up( commenc( had been try. But setts (Mr. ion, and 1 expectatic ing his rei Mr. Ad no gentler Theme Mr. Ad lution has it ought, a sion one w ing, findin yeas and r have nothi the indulg< ject, and if infirmity w self, but all connected And firs of peace i question w what purpi agitated wi The gentle I i i SPEECH. House of Repbesentatives, September 4, 1841 the United States has, since the 4th otuZhZf^ ' "I "^^ f™^ °'" ''^^ Attorney General of for any purpose conn^cterwifhMe hnp^l m^^^^^^^^^ "f New York communicate to this House copies of the inatrnr.irm, .„ j Alexander McLeod ; and, if so, to by any Executive measures rrrresSnZcrtrBrki!hr"P'''' ''^' '"u"** "'"'="' ""^ '^''^'her. -land that Mr. McLeod will be JeS or suTr'enSerS ^°'«''""''"t has been given to under- m^^tr?' requested Mr. Boardman to withdraw his motion Hp friend from Connecticut to withdraw his motion. ^"^"^^^^^^^ asked his Mr. UoARDMAN said he had yesterday made the moMon tn Inv tho .« S-? <^- ?^^ ^^e w - rSHS no'^Pmf '' T' understood to make a conditional promise to do so if ThpiT^" ?'7'^u*° '"P'y ^° ^^"^^^^^^ ^hich he (Mr. A.) m ght make The motion to lay the resolution on the table was at lengthTuhdmwn' ^.-^s:- ear „5rs'"2e;:s^ r SJF rolec.'edtwrf..'"' '°'°"^'' ----'ly.-' least, upon .oStZly of tete'aLd "v^T''' 'J"" T "'"" "'"^ S'^" "'"^ "«'^' forniidahle issue 01 peace and war pending between us and Great Britain • ,r.AihJi. quesnon whiclt occurs to me is, what is the obje« of thS resllion . fo what purpose was it offered ? and for what ourooJ h». ,k! h i '"' agitated with it from ,he very com,;e„cemenrof "he sei o^ to thKn'"; The gentletnan who offered the resolution disclaimed auTarVpuI^o^ J- i' I 1 ■ 1 I p ^B 1 H 1 n 'f\ I Mli 9 4 he breathed in a lofty atmosphere, elevated high above that of party ; but what sort of comprehension had both the friends and the opponents of the resolution put upon it ? No party complexion ! Oh no ! [Ltiii^hter.] No ; it was patriotism !— pure patriotism !— patriotism pure and inid'efiled! [Renewed laughter.] Well ; he was disposed to give gentlemen, on all sides of the House, credit for whatever patriotism they professed ; but sure it was that patriotism was a coat of many colors, and suited to very differ- ent complexions ; [laughter ;] and if it had not been for that unqualified profession of patriotism and no party which had rung through this House from every gentleman who had supported this resolution, he should 'have felt bound to believe it the rankest party measure that ever was introduced into the House. [A laugh.] For what is this resolution ? The United States are at this moment in a critical situation, in their relations of peace and war, with the most powerful nation on the face of the globe— a na- tion as, by the gentleman aimed at by this resolution, was most strikingly said, the tap of whose reveille drum, beginning with the rising sun, travels with him round the terraqueous globe. With this nation we have already one great and formidable question festering to an issue, and in which we are clearly right, and she is clearly wrong. Now I, for one, am not dis posed to multiply issues with her, and most especially not for tendering to her an issue upon which we ourselves are wrong; and upon which she is far better prepared for immediate aggression or defence than we are or can be. For upon that very border where this resolution tends to provoke hostile invasion, she is armed up to the eyes, while we are all but defence- less. She has stationed there in military array an army nearly double in number to the whole army of the United States — an army well appointed and ready to strike at a word. And you have a line of States and a pop- ulous border, with nothing but a river between them and that British army, who, at a signal from their commander, could sweep through a thousand miles of your country with fire, and sword, and desolation, and fall back into their strongholds beyond the river, almost before the knowledge of their incursion could reach this metropolis of your country. Now, with regard to the Northeastern Boundary, the right is all on our side, and the wrong wholly on the side of Great Britain. We can concede nothing. Our right must be maintained — peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must. For I say to this House, that from the bottom of my soul I be- lieve we ought, if called upon and required, to put forth our whole strength, and sacrifice the blood and treasure of this nation to maintain our rights upon that issue. With regard to the other question, I would say that I am not disposed to make unnecessary additional issues upon matters which have no immediate connexion with that ; for I believe that the award of impartial judges would be against us. What is the object of this resolu- tion ? It is to make an issue with Great Britain — an issue of right or wrong upon the affair of the burning of the Caroline, No, sir; never shall ray voice be for going to war upon that issue, I hold it, in the first place, as a maxim, that American statesmen ought, before engaging their country in a war with Great Britain, to be extremely careful not to multi- ply issues with that country. We have now one which is full enough to exercise us for years to come, and the cost is much more than I am willing to speak of at this time, and that issue must come, as I believe. I certain- ly would not avoid it by any sacrifice of any kind. But while I say that, I will not multiply the issues ; and more especially I will not add to tha^ issue otl upon it. State of may bo to its pe be, eitJK third Po any oth( I havi tory of t ber of tl territorit of that 1 your ind but thej blow, I 1 late alTai nient, ai against i Justice ( Judge of conuuittf issuing a lions oft^ The que And I sa shall be 1 of war a war, to s is a crim have Ilea as carry! that we ( its libertj that men do it avo any purt tion, and Canadian if, insteat Power, e reinainiui would as in a play the d— 1 1 Now, ] with that Now, adi that, and stractly, i dition to ( But what 'i issue other issues, upon wluili, when w.i go to ;i thud I'ower to arbitrate upon It, thuy will say we aro wrong. Go to war, and the fair Jields of the Mate ol New York may be deluged in blood. The State of New York may bo ransacked by foreign enemies, and irreparable injury will be done to Us people. And if the issue must be terminated with peace, as it must be, either by negotiation between the j^arties themselves, or through a tlurd Power, the issue will be decided against us. We shall be told by any other nation that it is not the thing for us to quarrel about. J have not the time, if I were possessed of the information, to give a his- tory of the atlair of the Caroline ; and it is known as much to every mem- ber of the House as it is to me. We have heard a great deal of talk about territorial rights, and independence, and of State rights. But in a question ot t[iat kind other nations do not look much to your State rights, nor to your independence questions. Tliev will not talk of your independence ; but they will say who is right and who w rong ? Who struck the first blow, I take it, will be the main question with them. I take it that the late affair of the Caroline was in hostile array against the British Govern- ment, and that the parties concerned in it were employed in acts of war against it ; and I do not subscribe to the very learned opinion of the Chief Justice of the State of New York, (not, I hear, the Chief Justice, but a Judge of the Supreme Court of that State,) that there was no act of war committed. Nor do I subscribe to it that every nation goes to war only on issuing a declaration or proclamation of war. This is not the fact. Na- Uons often wage war for years without issuing any declaration of war. The question is not here upon a declaration of war, but acts of war. And I say that, in the judgment of all impartial men of other nations, toe shall be held as a nation responsible; that the Caroline, there, was in a state of war against Great Britain ; for purposes of war, and the worst kind of war, to sustain an insurrection— I will not say rebellion, because rebellion IS a crime, and because 1 heard them talked of as "patriots." Yes, and I have heard, in the course of the discussion here, these patriots represented as carryhig on a righteous cause, and that we ought to have assisted them; that we ought to have given them that assistance that a nation fighting for its liberty is entitled to from the generosity of other nations. Well, admit that merely for a moment. If we were bound to do it, we were boimd to do it avowedly and above board; but we disclaimed all intention of taking any purt in it. And yet there was very little disguise about this expedi- tion, and that this vessel was there for the purposes of hostiUty against the Canadian Government. I say, therefore, that we struck the first blow; and if, instead of pressing this matter to a war, we were to refer it to a third Power, even if it should be to a European Republic, if any such thing is remaining, and sliould say there had been an invasion of our territory, they would ask us a question something like that which was put to a character in a play of Moliere— -Q?/e diabie allalt Ufaire dans cette galhe? "What tiie d— I had he to do in that galley ? [Great laughter.] Now, I think the arbitrator would say, " What the d— I had you to do with that steamboat ?" They would say that we struck the first blow. Now, admit that— and none of your State rights men can deny it— admit that, and all the rest follows of course. They will say it was wrong ab- stractly, if you please. Talking of abstractions, it was wrong for an expe- dition to come over and burn the steamboat, and send her over the falls. But what was your steamboat about } What had she been doing ? What 3 A -I ' ■ •iiii 6 was she to do the next morning ? And what ought you to do ? You Fiavn reparation to make tor all the men and Cor all the arms and implenuMits of war which wc were transporting and going to transport to the other side, to foment and instigate rebellion in Canada. That is what the third party would say to us. And it would come, in the end, after all the blood and treasure had been wasted by a war between the two countries, to this: that we nuist shake hands and drink champagne together, after bavin"- made a mutual apology for mutual transgression. That is the way things are set- tled between individuals. "If you said so, why, I said so;" and thus the dispute is amicably settled. So we should have to do with this national matter; for there is not any great dilfercnce, in the essentials of quarrelling and of making up, between nations and individuals. See a fight in the street between two boys, who give each other bloody noses, and, when the question comes to be settled between them, the basis of the settlement is, who gave the first blow ? And the award of any honest umpire is, after suffering the parties to fight it out, that he who struck the first blow was in the wrong. And so it is with nations. Why, then, are you talking of State rights and of independence in connexion with this question ? It has nothing to do with it. There is, sir, another point of view in which I object to this resolution. I have seen here, in another part of ihis building, to which it would not be in order to refer except indirectly, although I did hear, the other day, such a dressing of this House in that bcdy that I thought I almost had a right to get up and protest against it. But I will not refer to the matter except in terms which come within the rules of order. I have heard there, and seen in the newspapers out of doors, a prodigious aflliir made of this matter, as if the Government of the United States had outraged the State of New York — because the great Empire State of New York had undertaken to say that she would hang McLeod, whatever Great Britain or the General Government might do. Yes ! whatever they might do, the great Empire State of New York would hang McLeod ! That was the language. What, sir, I ask, is the object of this resolution ? To inquire of the President of the United States whether any olficer of the army, or the Attorney Gene- ral of the United States, since the 4th of March last, had visited the State of New York for anv purpose connected with the trial of Alexander Mc- Leod ? I believe that question was answered before it was asked. I think the information was contained in a document communicated by the President of the United States, which stated not only that a General was sent, but that instructions were given to the Attorney General; and th;;; instructions themselves were communicated to Congress, with the President's message, at the very commencement of the session. Why, then, should this House be occupied hour after hour in discussing whether the Attorney General was sent to New York, and what he was about there, when the President Inmself has told you that he was sent and the object of his mission ? Every body knew it before the question was asked. What then ? Has not the President a right to send the Attorney General to New York on that or any other sabjcct? Where is the constitutional provision prohibiting him from sending the Attorney General to New York on that or any other of the subjects which are before the judicial courts of that State ? Yes, the At- torney General has been sent there, and we have his instructions. And I have her great de New Yoi of this II it is Dcin well bec( ing referi or to the not recoj members to be call from Nei them. I frequent words " ; ear. Su| suppose 1 such a re presume ty and po But th House to upon ano every thi there is b Governmi Are you hairs in ( States an( up the q hang Mc New Yor else of po moment ^ make an i try, and power ; b Govern UK which of about ban out that tl was a pov that the I the Gener cised witl be by the pondence that the C( ing to all the necessi I am pc evidence is It has ■P have heanl here, on the part of some of my forty friends from New York, a great deal abont tlie conscious dignity aiul honor of this Empire Slate of rT n '''" "??'''"^ '^"'^ "''""^^ torm^Empiro State," in the ia.iguage of this T.uon ; and I say that if there is an " Empire" State in this Union, It is Delaware 1 o he magniloquent and talk about the Empire State may well become the (orty gentlemen wiio represent tlie State on this iloor,liav- mg reference to their own numbers and the numbers of their constituents, or to the extent, (ertility, and beauty of her soil; yet this is a distinction not recognised m the Constitution of the United Slates. They are all, as members o tins Union, e.iual ; and the Slate of Delaware has as good a right to be called the "Empire State" as New York. Now, if my forty friends rom New York choose to call it the Empire State, I will not quarrel with them. It IS only as to consequences that I enter my caveat against the too trcquent iiseol those terms on thisHoor; for there is meaning in those words «' Empire State," wlicn used among co-estates, nroro than meets the ear. Suppose it was in F3elawarc that such an event had occurred, do vou suppose my friend here [Mr. Kodnky] from Delaware would have offered such a resolution as this? And, by the terms of the resolution, I shoukl presume that my friends from New York think there is a little more di<'ni- ty and power m having forty Representative? than only one. But there is another point of view in which I ask the attention of the House to this resolution. At the very time when we have this great issue upon another point with the British nation, and when this resoiution, and every thing connected with it, is blowing the coals to make another issue there is behind it another effort to make yet another issue between this Government and the Stale of New York. What is the object of that ? Are you going to war with a foreign nation ? And is that a time to split hairs in questions of jurisdiction between the Government of the United States and that of one of the separate States ? And are you going to brin^- up the question, " Whicli of the two has the right, the precious ri^ht to hang McLeod?" Are you going to make an issue between the State of New York and the Government of the United States upon such an exer- cise of power as that ? Are you going to show your iveakness at the very moment when you are bearding the lion in his den ? Is that the time to make an issue between the Government, wliich represents the whole coun- try, and a State as to its pov/or ? God forbid that I should question its power ; but I inquire, is it politic or wise to make a quarrel between that Government and this, about the most insignificant of all questions, as to which of you sliall releci.se McLeod ? For, while some gentlemen talk about hanging McLeod, others, more merciful, tell us that if it should turn out that this man was concerned in the affair of the Caroline, yet that there was a power in the State of New York that might prevent his execution— that the Executive of New York had the power of pardoning as well as the General Government, and that the attribute of mercy would be exer- cised with as much discretion by the Governor of New York as it would be by the President of the United States. But I see notlung in the corres- pondence which has been laid before us that would lead to the conclusion that the course of the law in New York would not be carried out, accord- ing to all its rights, and all its dignities, and the man be released without the necessity of a resort to the authority of the General Government. I am perfectly satisfied, for my own part, if it should so happen tliat the evidence is strong enough to convict him, that the Governor of New York |i :i: :'. \ would exercise the panloiu.iK' power, and send Inni with a., a.hnonilmii to go a!id sin no more. 'I hat can be done with.>i.l any entren.^lnnent on llip honor and dignity ol the State o( New York. From the (irst niom.-nt to the last, the question which has struck me is. whether you will or will not hang the rnan? That is the only question in issue between Great Britain and the United States. Great Britain will not go to war to settle a (iiics- tion of jurisdiction between the General Government and the State of New York. They will not go to war with you if the man is sent home Hut after all the arguments which have been used on this floor, it ullimatelv comes to this: which of the two Governments .shall release McLeod ^ Now I say, what is all that for } Why is it that the Government of the United States must be arraigned by the Government of the State of New York, and this made a ([uestion of war between us and (iroat Britain > Why should not the matter have been allowed to go on according- to the correspondence between the two Governments ? No, sir, we have had long dissertations about war, declared and not declared, lawful and un- lawful, by a judge of the Supreme Court of the State of New York, and here and elsewhere; long dissertations in relation to the maintenance of State rights. And now what does it amount to ? Suppose you carry your State rights into execution ; suppose you hanc the man, then the People of New York will exclaim: "There is our iridependencc; there are our State rights ; you see that we have hung the man." Now, what next, I Avould ask the constituents of the gentleman who ollbred this resolution. When all the counties he represents are ravaged by the enemy, and when thousands and tens of thousands have been slaughtered, wives have been made widows and their children fatherless, I would then ask of liim if he would have the thanks of his constituents? And the question I ask of him, I also ask of the Representatives of the State of New York; of the Rep- resentatives of the State of Pennsylvania ; of the Representatives of the State of Ohio ; and of the whole line of those States which are more liable to the incursions which would take place by the enemy without any de- claration of war, who would come and butcher your people, and burn and destroy your property, and return immediately and take their places in their defences before you could raise and organize a force to save them. What would you do ? Would you offer a resolution to inquire whether an officer of the army had been sent there, or whether the Attorney Gen- eral had been sent there, or whether any concession had been made to the British Government ? No .such question would be asked. I have, indeed, no doubt that after the country had been ravaged, there would be vigor and bravery enough in it to raise and array an avenging host to invade in turn the enemy's country, and burn their property and destroy their wives and children too ; and what satisfaction would that be to you ? If gentlemen would look into the history of Scotland and England, they would there find numerous accounts of the frightful and disastrous border wars that were carried on between the Scotch and the English. Gcntlc- mon would there see what might be the consequences here if this resolu- tion were to be carried into effect. It is but a few days since I heard a gentleman from New Hampshire (Mr. Eastman) say, with some pain and distress, that if the present Sec- retary of State remained in office there would be no war — no war with England; and there was a great deal meant by that remark. And the gentleman seemed to think this a lamentable condition of affairs. I firmly believed i! man ; and two countt bo, he will die present the present as much fi; for troublir I might vi great injusi dence. Ni respondenc it has any tween the \ effect. Wl Why, your message to as the wind It is very ir 'J'he gentlei tion, the oth at all questi so. I say t disgraced si mans, what Europe say of their mir of battle sh: from the thi And then duct. The believe then better what ness of a fo venture to si ister, he nev that there w not be hostil perience wh orders in Co frightened b that the grav an extremity There was ing documen me one day great import with the Eu he had finish that I might said he was f ed, he would i 8 two countries Ami h^,f i ^"^ ^"' '" Preserve peace between the tJ^ « concession to Great Br.tain sanctioned by he n esen mesTinn^ h '^^"^'^'/'^f^^'f '" Peace or war. WitJ. respect to responuene^^^^^^^^ tlT, '^"""[/''"V'''*'" '' ^ ^'^'"^ '" ''^^ P'^" ^^ that cor- lL,i / ■'"" 'f '"^.disgraced this „„,i„„ more tha we have eve/been frone.Zders!;?!!^!."'™'"""''""^ '» ^^^^ -'"S" "y flight h^?LJ, gentleman has been at London fonr or five years I do „ni I e ter w I^wTh"' ^"'"^Z " -=""8"""' "'^ """""y '" Em ope bitlnew netler what was done and doing in the Privy Council Whit i« ih„ I..J ness of a foreign minister abnad, bnt lo find oulwhat ^Hoint > , "'n I:TZ '" '"^ """ ,'! ''J"''"'^''" ""S*- S been a? London af Lr tita" ister, he never would have written such a letter He would h^Lf/ ;,of h T n V "° "'t" ■"■ '^™""' '» ^'hori^e ho"m"e° 'andlhefeTn' not be hostilities without an order of the Privy Council r\no,l, frit, perience when I say that Mr. Hughes would'have be „ ii fo'^med of si^h rM,l„"^T"'' '""' "'"y '"=™ '"'""^' ="") of ™'"-'e wo. d not have £ frightened by every newspaper explosion of popular wrath into Ibehef r x^'e^tv^'arsuer'""""'' """""' "' '"» "='«°" had resorlcd Jo'su h du exrremity at such a moment. •^"v.n There was one memorable case of the address of Mr. Hughes m orocnr ing documents of the profoundest secrecy. Mr Stratford Cannfnlpfr^ I me one day, and said that he had peLssion tf read to m?a%aper of S /"e'ESor-'-r'ir'"^ 'r 'Z ^^ --.tin their LIlLTonf u u a1 ^"^opt^an alhance. He read the paper accordingly, and whpn he had finished, I asked him if he would let me have it fof hdf an hour that I might lay It before the President, Mr. Monroe, for his perusa" He said he was forbidden to let it go out of hi. own hands but hat f I des^r ed, he would go with me to the President's house, and r'ead i to him Th ^ 10 I declined, but contented myself with making, from memory, a verbal state- ment of its con.gnts to Mr. Monroe, and within three days after I received a copy of that same paper from Christopher Hughes. The next time Mr. Canning came to the Department, I said to him that he needed not to have been so strait-laced about that despatch which he would not allow me to take for half an hour to the President for his perusal, for we now had copy of it. He was amazed. A copy of it? said he. He olapped his nands on his two waistcoat pockets, took the key of his desk out of one of them, held it up, and said: That is the key to a good lock; and that paper has been under that lock and key every moment since I received it, except when in my own hands. I said, do not suspect any one about you. We are not 'n the habit of purchasing secret papers from domestics or sec- retaries. We have got it from a great distance. Yes, I had a copy of that document, perhaps the most secret as well as the most efficient of the diplomatic papers which passed between the par- ties to the Holy Alliance, and it was procured with many others by Mr. Hughes, by no improper arts and at no cost'of secret service money, but by the art of making friends by his social qualities wherever he goes. I men- tion this to show what ought to be the qualities of a public minister abroad. If a minister is in the habit of friendly, social intercourse with the other members of the diplomatic corps at the same court, with an ordinary por- tion of sagacity, he has the key to all their secrets. I say it from long knowledge and experience. How was it when this panic letter was writ- ten to the commodore of the American squadron ? What did the Ameri- can minister know of the system of policy, foreign or domestic, of the Brit- isn cabinet ? The letter itself proves that he was as blind to it as a beetlo; that he was ignorant of the first letters of their alphabet. If he had known any thing of it, he would not have disgraced himself and his country by the exposure of his ignorance. I say this not from any personal feeling to- wards that gentleman, although I have not been an admirer of some of his diplomatic exhibitions heretofore, as the journals of this House may show ; but I have looked to this transaction entirely upon its merits alone, and I say f,hat those letters written to the commodore of the squadron in the {Medit- erranean, and their consequences, have been disgraceful to the nation ; and I, for one, bold the man responsible for it, and say he was not doing his duty, or that he neglected some of the most important parts of his duty as a public minister, liut this is somewhat of a digression, and yet intimate- ly connected with this McLeod question of peace and war; for what must the Privy Council and her Majesty Queen Victoria herself, who, I dare say, all woman as she is, has more fire in her heart than ever to have sitten down and written a letter like that — what must that Privy Ccimcil have thought when they first heard of it ? They would say, God grant that this man may remain here as Jonathan's minister till the end of time; we may be sure he never will know any thing of our real intentions, and will al- ways have a becoming reverence for the terrors of the beak and lightning of the eye of the British eagle, and blundering rashness enough to put out the eyes of his own. To return to the subject of this resolution, and as to whether the British Government have been given to understand that McLeod will be released or surrendered. What, I ask again, is the purpose! of this inquiry ? For this question, too, has been answered before it was asked. Undoubtedly the British Government have been given to understand that he will be re- sir. war, ■jr Mff a verbal state- ilter I received lext time Mr, id not to have not allow me : we now had e clapped his 3sk out of one ock; and that I received it, ne about you. nestics or sec- ret as well as iveen the par- ithers by Mr. noney, but by goes. I men- nister abroad, vith the other ordinary por- 1 it from long tter was writ- d the Ameri- c, of the Brit- it as a beetle; le had known is country by tial feeling to- jf some of his !e may show ; Dne, and I say in the jMedit- e nation ; and not doing his )f his duty as yet intimate- or what must 10, 1 dare say, to have sitten Cci^ncil have jrarit that this me; we may , and will al- id lightning of to put out the er the British .11 be released iquiry ? For Undoubtedly lie will be re- 11 leased or surrendered Whether this shall be done by the authority of the United States or by that of the State of New York may be a question of constitutional power among ourselves, but it is no question between us and Great Britain. In negotiation, the Government of the United States is that which the British nation have the right to hold and will hold responsible for his personal safety. Undoubtedly the British minister has been told hat "the Government of the United States entertains no doubt that, after this avowal of the transaction as a public transaction, authorized and un- dertaken by the British authorities, individuals concerned in it ought not. by the principles of public law and the general usages of civilized States o be holden pei^onally responsible in the ordinary tribunals of law fo^ their participation in it." Undoubtedly the instructions given to the Attorney General when sent to JNew York, and a copy of which was communicated to Mr. Fox, did aver that, " wnether the process be criminal or civil, the fact of having acted under public authority, and in obedience to the orders of lawful su- periors, must be regarded as a valid defence ; otherwise, individuals would be holden responsible for injuries resulting from the acts of Government, and even from the operations of public war." Yes sir, the British Government have been given to understand that since their avowal that McLeod acted under their authority, he must be ultimately released or surrendered. And what then ? Is it not so > Whv sir, Indian savages— cannibals, to whom revenge is the first of virtues- accept of ransom for the blood of their relatives slain ; and is it for a Chris- tian nation, in cold blood, four years after a defensive irregularity of border war, provoked by their own people, to hold a man responsible to their municipal xaw for mtcrder, because the life of a man was l8st in a nocturnal foray, authorized by the public authorities, civil and military, of the coun- try in whose defence it was undertaken and achieved ? Sir, there is not a civilized country upon earth but would cry shame upon us for carrvine such barbarian principles into practice. A war provoked by such an act would be a war of extermination— a war of merciless butchery ; and the scene of Its hrst unutterable sufferings would be the very border of our own coun- try, upon which we should bring down this judgment of Heaven I ask every member of this House to put himself in the position of beine a prisoner in a foreign land for an act done by the orders of his Govern- ment—for the burning of a boat or the killing of men : I ask everv man here to put himself in the situation of McLeod, either in Great Britain or any part of the British dominions, and suppose it a matter of negotiation between the two Governments— what would they say if the British Secre tary of State, from a representation that this was done by the orders of the Government of the United States, and that the nation held itself responsible for the act— the British Secretary of State would say, « of course ultimate ly we shall release him ?" Now, 1 would ask if this would be disgraceful to the British nation ? It would have been directly the contrary— that there is no descending from the dignity, and rights, and independence of a nation, in admuting the principle that the authority of a nation covers as with a mantle the deeds of individuals performed under it ; and that if ar rested upon civil or criminal process for it, there must be some mode of ob taming their release. I say that the minister of no nation i»pon earth would be ashamed of making such a declaration as that. And now carry this cor respondence to the utmost extent. What is it more } How does it compromit w" .'I I- 1 IS this country? It does not take McLeod out of the State of New York It never pretended to arrest the operation of the law. The British minister has been given to understand that it is a question between the two nations and that the fSeneral Government, as you and I, have a deep interest in the stake as well as New York ; and that, if it should come to hostilities, it is not for the Empire State of New York to carry on the war with Great Britain. No ; it is a question for which the honor of the whole nation is pledged, and therefore the Government of the United States has a right to apeak upon it. Now, I ask why is this question raised, as it is raised in this resolution, between the Government of the United Slates and the Gov- ernment of the State of New York ? It is the easiest thing in the world to do what the Constitution of the United States and the Constitutions of the several States intended to do above all other things ; that is, that each of them shall discharge its own duties, passing along in parallel lines, with- out crossing each other's path. And the course taken by the United States is calculated for that. After commenting as I have done, upon the effects produced in foreign lands by a report of this House, so famous and no- torious as it was last winter, I ask you what has been the counteracting effect of this very correspondence? The effect has been to calm the irri- tation of the British Government, roused as it had been to indignation and resentment by that inflammatory report. This effect is apparent in the tone of Mr. Peel's speech to his conttituents at Tamworth. I have no doubt that Mr. Fox represented the thing in that light, and, from the com- plexion of these communications, he represented that there was no spirit of hostility to Great Britain on the part of this Government. I say it is one of the best papers that ever was written, and the effect of it upon the na- tion is to be one of glory and not of reproach. Sir, it has fully authenti- cated the saying of the gentleman from New Hampshire, that you will not have a war with England while the present Secretary of Stafe shall remain in office. I believe it. I thank God it is so; and your constituents, and my corfstituents, and the constituents of the gentleman from New Hampshire those of the gentleman from New York who offered this resolution — ay, sir, the constituents of every member of this House, have great reason to raise their hands in joy and gratitude to the God of Mercy that it is so, and in supplication that it may be so still ; for, were it otherwise — The child may rue that is unborn The sentence of that day. As to this resolution — [here several members rose and addressed the Speaker, -rho gave notice to Mr. Adams that the hour had expired. Several members moved that he should have leave to proceed ; other voices were heard — " Move to lay it on the table."] Mr. Adams said, for my own part I should prefer to take a direct vote upon the resolution, and record my name upon the Journal, " no." [Several voices, " Move the previous question !"] Mr. Adams. Upon the whole, to lay on the table is a milder negative ; and so, if no member wishes to reply to me, I move to lay the resolution on the table. It was laid on the tabl« by yeaa and nays — 109 to 70. ^ew York. 3h minister vo nations, interest in >stilities, it irith Great e nation is I a rigiit to s raised in i the Gov- e world to ons of the at each of nes, with- ited States the effects s and no- nteracting 1 the irri- lation and mt in the I have no I the com- 10 spirit of Y it is one )n the na- authenti- u will not all remain s, and my tipshire — tion — ay, , reason to is so, and essed the . Several ices were my own d record previous a milder lay the