IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) // ^/ ^ .J"^ /. ./ < u i >■• \ Ts^rfmrnm ' 'm I ft! !| ^ ;• : ' P •- t ' ' ! II LETTER ON THE t 3Bi0tre00e0 of t|je Country: addressed to HIS RdlfAL HIGHNESS IPMIB IDHJIKIE (DIP KISMT9 in consequence of his Motion respecting " Ctle Kebttfefon of €ralre, «nir out nvXtim €vamitm from a $s8tm of q;tmiiht muiv to a state of l$$mt;" IN WHICH THE SUPPOSfiD INFLUENCE OF OUR DEBT AND TAXES, UPON OUR Manufactures and Foreign Trade, IS INVESTIGATED. lij si %im I' i f By JOHN ASHTON YATES. " Therefore beware how you impawn our State, " How you awake the sleeping Sword of War; " Id the most awful name of God ! take heed," Shak. SECOND EDITION. LONDON, PUBLISHED BY LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN ; And may be bad of the principal Booksellers in the Kingdom. PRICE FIVE SHILLINGS. 1817. « With thy wisdom, and with thine understanding, thou hast gotten thee « Riches, and hast gotten Gold and Silver into thy treasures:— By thy great " wisdom and by thy Traffick, thou hast increased thy Riches, and thine heart is «* lifted up because of thy Riches." « Thus saith the Loed God:— Because thine heart is lifted up, and thou •♦ hast said I am a god, I sit in the seat of God in the midst of the seas; yet thou «« art a man and not God, though thou set thine heart as the heart of God." Ezekkh I TO THE REV. WILLIAM SHEPHERD. Dear Sir, It is a satisfaction to me, to find that the sentiments contained in the follow- ing Letter, appear to you deserving of attention. — Though they should fail of producing any impression on the exalted Individuals for whom they were especially intended, or of obtaining the public favour^ it will be a source of pleasing reflection to me, that they have been sanctioned by the approbation of one, whose talents and patriotism are so generally known and admired, but ivhose generous affections, and enlarged heart, can only be duly estimated by those who have the pleasure to enjoy his friendship and intimacy. Tarn, dear Sir, Faithfully, yours, J. A. YATES. TOXTETH-PAEK, NEAR LIVERPOOL, 18th January, 1817. W9B i That the following Letter has been composed in the short intervals of leisure which an active pursuit of business permitted, would be no apology for a want of accuracy or of interest The writer, anxious to ascertain the causes of our Distresses, noted from time to time what occurred to him, as well as what he read on this subject, in order to present the whole in one view to his own mind; and not finding that any thing conclusive has been presented to the Public, he has committed the result of his inquiries to the press. However these pages may be received, he shall rest satisfied-feeling that his motives were good, and believing that the humblest individual who lovel his Country, ought to express his sentiments and views respecting her present difficulties, with the freedom that becomes an Englishman, and with the attachment and respect that are due to her Laws and Institutions. s«l %■ ll PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. In preparing a second Edition of the following Letter, tl.c Author has given some additions and illustrations, and correcied several inaccuracies which had escaped his notice. He Las also brought forward more fully the argument concerning our Foreign Trade, and the manufacturino- interests dependent upon it. The light in which he has placed this subject, though it appears to him just and important, he is aware has been deemed too favourable, and will become a subject of controversy; but as he has not leisure to engage in any further discussion of this question, he shall now leave it to be canvassed by those who are more competent to do it justice, contented to have brought it fairly before the Public. r Sir, 1 CRAVE permission to address the following Letter, on the situation of our affairs, to your Royal Highness, as the proposer of a resolution at the meeting in the London Tavern attributmg the whole of our distresses, and thJ peculiarly difficult circumstances with which we are surrounded, to om sudden transition from War to Peace, and what your -Royal Highness has been pleased to term the ^r Revulsion of trade " I I am convinced, indeed, that this opinion was not the dictate of your Royal Highness s own judgment, but that it was framed by some persons who deemed it prudent to remain in the back ground, whilst the illustrious individuals who have so often patronized the cause of the afflicted poor were to appear before the p^iblic, as the authors and the promulgators of sentiments and propo- sitions so contradictory to the common sense of Enghshmen. Under favour of your recommenda- tion, and that of your ill.jstrious brothers, however, A 2 1-; a considerable number of Noblemen, Bankers, &c. have subscribed their names, with various sums from X*10 to ^100 each; and a sum total has been exhibited, which, when raised, will amount to about oL'44,000. This is to accomplish the sal- vation of the manufacturers, and the relief of the numerous classes of poor labourers and mechanics from the load which weighs them down; and, in short, to counteract all those evils that have arisen, as we are informed, from our *' sudden transition from a state of war to a sys- tem of peace." h I It is not difficult to imagine the benign com- placency with which the breasts of these distin- guished personages were inspired, when they condescended to become the august movers of a string of Resolutions, setting forth the propositions which were to solve all our doubts, and smooth our difficulties. And though my Lord Cochrane, and some few perverse men, who were present with him, prevented them fit)m obtaining the entire sanction of that meeting, it is clear that many persons, beside your Royal Highness, and those who are attached to the Court, are impressed with the general accuracy and importance of the sentiments which they convey. But can those Gentlemen, who have since become supporters of this scheme; can they. \ many of whom are well-informed men and prac- tical statesmen, really be deceived by these empty words ? Or do they wish to deceive the country, and to answer some political end which they have in view, by concealing from us the true causes of our calamities. >yal the icy [hey mce ley, The Revulsion of trade, if it means any thing, means the sudden check put to our trade — its suspension or diminution in some great and im" portant branches. Yes ! the most essential branch to many who were prominent on this occasion, the trade of war, is at a stand ; and it is the stop put to this traffic, which causes us to discover and to teel the monstrous, the unnatural situa- tion in which we are placed. The awful waste of blood and treasure is suspended, and the trade in human misery at a pause. Whilst Europe is smiling at the dawn of a happier era, and her sons rejoice in the prospect of resuming the peaceful arts of life, England mourns the loss of the great consumption of her corn and cattle, and the disappearance of those military fleets and battalions which were equipped at her cost. She laments that the armies which her weavers clothed (alike her enemies', as her own and those of her allies) are no more her customers ; that war has ceased, and this great in art for her wrought iron, and her naval and military stores, is closed. mm ii;. Let us not then rest satisfied with the pom- pous but unmeaning phraseology of the meet- ing at the London Tavern. Let us examine more minutely the real causes of our distress; and if we are enabled to arrive at a more satisfac- tory solution, we may discover some remedy more palatable to the taste of Englishmen than the alms- giving which these Gentlemen have so humane- ly set on foot. I will not make any amongst them 'blush, by setting forth the small extent of the sums the^ have subscribed on this occasion, when compared with the sums they have drawn yearly from the pockets of the people; but I will venture to offer an opinion to those who have not sub- scribed — that if they are the receivers of pensions or sinecures, or a much greater salary out of the public money than the actual services which they perform fairly entitle them to, they would do wisely to withhold their names. ;) 'f^*. Before we proceed, however, let us contemplate the band of patriots that pass in array on4his occa- sion, proposing one resolution after another, in a manner that excites examination, and fixes the public attention. - { I ' ^■;,f.'or Three Royal Dukes are stated to preside; the Duke of York is in the chair, with the Duke of Kent seated on his right, and the Duke of Cambridge on his left hand. After a speech |de; ike of lech from the illustrious chairman, setting forth the object of the meeting, the Duke of Kent pro- poses the memorable resolution — " That it is the sudden transition from a state of extensive War to a system of Peaces that has occasioned a stagnation of employment, and a revulsion of trade, deeply affecting the situation of many parts of the community, and producing many instances of great local distress." After a very courteous discussion with my Lord Cochrane, which ended in some modification of this resolu- tion, the Duke of Cambridge proposes an appeal to the well-known liberality of the English nation, who, having so frequently aided the sufferers of other countries^ will, he trusts, not refuse to assist their starving fellow-countrymen. The Archbishop of Canterbury next comes forward with an appropriate resolution, the Duke of Rutland witli a fourth. Earl Manvers with a fifth ; and lastly, the Sishop of London moves the thanks of the meeting to the Duke of York: a subscription is opened; these beneficent and distinguished characters congratulate each other on the happy issue of their endeavours, and their breasts are elated with conscious pride, when they contemplate the business of the day. How great then must be their disappointment, to find that their subscription does not proceed, that their recommendations are not followed,* * iThe country begins to be tired and disgusted witli the maimer in which th« charity vtA beneficence of certain uobI<» 6 Before we proceed to investigate the causes of our sufferings, let us inquire a little into the extent of them, and view the situation in which the country actually stands. For nearly a quarter of a century, has England been mixing in the most tremendous conflicts which have ever raged in Europe, or afflicted the civilized world. She commenced by undertaking to van- quish the Hydra of Republicanism; and after scouring the seas with her fleets in pursuit of the many-headed monster, and wasting her blood and treasure in combating its numerous ofTspriiig, and exalted individuals are exhibited in Public Meetings; in the numerous Bible Societies, Lancastrian and Bell Schools, Mission and Tract Societies, that are established through the country; in the meetings respecting Saving Banks, cheap Repositories, and a long train of auxiliary and minor associa- tions, which are supported with so much pomp and expense ; The number of these institutrons is indicative of a very unheahhy state of society; but they are become a part of our system, and they must be supported, notwithstanding they are so numerous as frequently to cramp and paralyze the efforts of individuals, who would be enabled to do much more good with their money, if they could withdraw it from these public charities, and apply it to individual relief. All persons are expected to support the public charities ; and the private citizen is flattered by the condescensions and public notice of the Duke of , or my Lord . Some illustrious person patronizes the institution, and comes to the yearly meeting, with a few of his noble friends, to eat a grand dinner, and trumpet forth each others benevolence to the public. A string of resolutions are read, one by one great man, another by another ; then the Earl of votes thanks to the Duke of , and the bishop to the earl, and the viscount to the b'vshop, and so on down to the vicar and country gentleman. A)i seem to have forgotten the great precept of our common Master — " Do not your alms before men, that ye be saen of them.** she has finished by compelling the French people to plant in their soil the last withered stem of Legitimacy, the old stock which they flattered themselves they had rooted out for ever; to forswear their title to Liberty, and to become once more the slaves of the Grand Monarque, But wild and presumptuous as were the grounds on which we commenced hostilities, unbecoming a great nation, conscious of her strength, and of the excellence of her own institutions and government, their termination seemed to justify the commencement; and the majestic and im- posing attitude which this country assumed in the latter periods of the war, was calculated to astonish and dazzle the world. The object being at length accomplished, of disabling that Herculean child of Jacobinism, Bonaparte, from directing any longer the destinies of Europe, this country claimed the merit and received the lofty praise. Such was the object aimed at, and such the great end attained, in the estimation of the court, and of those enlightened statesmen who for ten years have guided the vessel of the state. They have been so dreadfully alarmed by the name of Napoleon, that they cannot see any good to com- pare with his destruction, nor imagine any evil that can result from the crisis of affairs which has accompanied his downfal. ■;■■.•" i;. if B Since this dreadful phantom has disappeared, since this Prometheus has been chained to the rock, we may look with a little more composure at the consequences arising from our late contest, and estimate more accurately the effects of our arduous, of our unparalleled efforts in the right- eous cause of Legitimacy; I mean as they affect the strength and resources, the respectability and happiness of the British nation. ^ I > I ! ,<•*■ It appears from the best authorities, that the Population of these Islands has increased, in a greater ratio, during the last twenty years of difficulty and exertion, than it had done since the great era of the Revolution, or than can be found in the other countries of Europe during the same period.* v* ' . i •«';' J} >,' In this short space of time, how great have been the other additions to our physical strength, and the visible extension of our wealth ! Our Agriculture has been so much improved, and the produce of our soil so greatly extended, that we are become habitual expoiters of corn; the produce of the old lands is doubled, and immense tracts, which were lately lying waste, are smiling with fertility. The seas of both hemispheres have been covered with our ships; innually above * See the Population returns for 1801, and 1811, and Mr. Ricknian's Tables annexed to those returns. 20,000 have entered our ports ; our artizans have dispersed their fabrics over regions where the name of England was unknown, and the light of civilization had scarcely dawned : — the East and the West 'vere tributary to our flag, and the stream of commerce flowed into the land with so copious a tide, that the navigation of the world seemed at length to centre in the ports of Great Britain. — The genius of trade, scared from her accustomed haunts in France, Holland, and the Northern ports, by the frightful convulsions and wide- spreading waste of the revolutionai'y war, fled to England for an asylum. Her sons flocked hither with their capitals from the North and the South of Europe, and London became the great empo- rium of traffic. The American Republic, which, in the first years of the European commotions, had largely extended her commerce at the expense of the belAigeuent nations, became gradually more cramped and limited in her trade by the powerful jealousy of Great Britain; until all her shipping waS; shut up in her ports, by her own successive acts. of embargo, non-intercourse, and war; and the fbxeigii coiBmerce of England was the commerce of ttwi wo,pld.-^0 Bri'iain] queen of the isles! how was thy name exalted among the nations ! — Thy sceptre waved omnipotent from shore to shore, -rr^thy^ spear was brandished with pi'evailing might on the plains of France ; and the fortresses of Belgium becam<3 the barracks and tents of thy con- 10 quering battalions, — whilst thy subjects were at once the manufacturers and navigators of the civi- lized world. Thy citi , were the favourite seats of science; thy lands presented a succession of gardens, adorned with villas ; thy merchants were princes, and the cultivators of thy soil became 4;he lawgivers to the globe ! So imposing, so magnificent was the spectacle which this country presented at the termination of the war; all hearts rejoiced at home, and we were the object of admiration and astonishment abroad. Our last grand effort, closing with the short, but decisive, campaign of Waterloo, though unparalleled in extent, and involving an alarming expenditure of our resources, was made with more apparent ease than any of our previous exertions, and the public mind seemed to be intoxicated with a conviction that our power was unbounded, and our financial and moral energies never to be exhausted. — ^The taxes were raised apparently with the same facility with which they were voted ; the trade of the country seemed to receive a fresh impulse on the restora- tion of Peace ; and as the intercourse of the long divided nations of the earth brought to oiir shores a train of adventurers, and the enterprise of our merchants sent new speculators and factors to numerous Ports to which they had before not had access, we appeared to be extending our naviga- tion, and finding new vents for our manufactured 11 goods; corn became suddenly cheap, and the heart of the poor man was bid to rejoice. Ere long, however, a cloud was discenied in the horizon. The splendour of the scene became dim- med by a thick mist. The most important classes of the community, tlie Land-owners and Farmers, began to complain that the prices of the produce of the soil were fallen ruinously low. The greut export of their corn and provisions, for the supply of our arftiy and navy, where profuse wastefulness caused a profuse demand, had ceased; the plains of Poland and Belgium, which had been of late the unfruitful arenas of contending nations, began again to produce their crops of grain; and the desolated fields of France and Spain to smile with their wonted fertility. A market was sought in vain for our surplus produce, and it appeared as unfortunate to have too much as too little of the good things of the earth. Un- heard-of and alarming scenes of riot were acted in the great corn districts on the East side of the Kingdom ; and a special commission was sent to Ely to punish the criminals, and by timely severity to prevent an ignorant and deluded peasantry from carrying their system of outrage and devas- tation to a more dangerous extent. The ship-owners and merchants were the next to complain; and as they live together and act in bodies, their complaints were louder, I ' 12 « tboiigh they did not suffer so severely. Their ships were compelled to carry for the half, or the third part, of the freight they had been used to receive, and for a smaller rate than couhl possibly defray the expenses of wages, and wear and tear. They flocked from one port to another on the western shores of the Atlantic, as well as the European seas, in quest of freights; and returned home, after the most ruinous expe- ditions, to lie up in idleness, in our magnificent docks. The cause of the evil is the same — there has been too much produced; the consumption and waste of the war has ceased, and other nations (the Americans, the Dutch, the French, and all who had been cramped in their exertions by our maritime superiority) begin to carry for themselves. Lastly, are uttered the loud complaints and deep groans of the manufacturers. The weavers of Spital-fields have been for some time gradually pining under a slow decline of their trade. The frame-breakers in Nottinghamshire and Leicester- shire resume their nightly operations against the machinery for the abridgment of labour ; general Lad and his associates are brought for trial to the assizes ; there is no doubt of their guilt, but the witnesses are overawed by the menacing appearance of the attending crowd; the jury are compelled to acquit them, and there is great reason to fear that had they been 13 found guilty, the court would have been a scene of contempt and uproar, and the robes of justice would have been torn by the infuriated mob. But the Iron districts, near Birmingham, pre- sent the most melancholy picture of afliicted humanity ; nearly one half of the forges are silent, and it is impossible to conceive deeper distress than that which is exhibited amongst • the colliers' and miners, who behold their em- ployers failing around them, and themselves reduced to beggary. The poor . wretches can no longer obtain any employment; the parish rates are exhausted; and they are sent abroad, with recommendations from the magistrates, to beg their way to other districts, where they may either find woi*k or charity. . - 'The clothing districts in Yorkshire do not present the same picture of extreme distress, because the woollen manufactures were not so ex- travagantly extended during the war; but the complaints there have been more general than was ever remembered ; and the weavers openly threaten to renew' their attacks upon the machines, which they ignorantly conceive to be the cause of the diminished demand for their labour, ;/ ^ ^The Potteries in Staffordshire have experienced ^a de^e' of stagnation almost as alarming as that 14 which W2iB felt during the period of the last American war ; and even the extensive Salt-works of Cheshire are so idle that half of the craft usually required in conveying that commodity to Liverpool, are lying unemployed. Let us, finally, turn towards Manchester, the emporium of the greatest branch of manufacture which this country has ever boasted, or the world beheld; for our cotton-trade has so greatly en- croached upon the fabrics of woollen and silk, that it may be now calli^d the great staple ma- nufacture of Great Britain. How does it stand the general shock? — How many thousands are out of employ? — How many looms are idle? — And what prospect is there of a change ? It is impossible to answer these questions correctly ; but it is within compass to say, that the wages of the weavers never were so miserably low; able manufacturers receive only 6s and 7s a week, for hard labour ; and to enable them to support their families, they have habitual recourse to the poor-rates. These were never so high as they now are — from 6s to 8s, and even as high as 10s and 12s in the pound on the extreme rents, in many of the large towns in the neighbourhood of Manchester. uini) ,\ !:iM?^| :*^r The cause of this distress is the same, — * the quantity of manufactured goods produced is 16 excessive/ The yarn and twist which are spun to be exported for the use of the weavers of Germany and Switzerland, are the only articles which have regularly met a ready sale; a proof that the restoration of Peace has given fresh vigour, and renewed activity, to the manufactures of those countries, in this branch. Such at this moment is the picture which the country exhibits of its internal trade and foreign commerce. The sketch is a hasty one, but not coloured, I beheve, beyond the truth. What an affecting, what an awful contrast does it present to the reflecting mind : " We looked for peace, but no good came; and for a time of health, and behold trouble." — Jer. Great Britain, late the arbitress of contending nations, the envy and admiration of the world, is in an instant over- whelmed with distress, and become the object of commiseration to those very States which she prides herself on having raised from oppression, and saved from annihilation. Her artificers and labourers, more industrious and skilful than those of any other nation, utterly unable to maintain themselves by their own exertions, are now con- suming above ten millions of the public income in poor rates; and are accepting (though with poignant and reluctant feelings) any little pittance which may be dealt out to them from the London Tavern fund, which, with the aid of foreign 16 \i princes and domestic pensioners, amounts to about i;44,000. Greatly increased in her active and capital stock of every description, habituated to vigorous exertions, her commerce and finances seem to be going to decay; — her fields more verdant, and her soil more highly cultivated than those of any other country, thousands and tens of thousands of her industrious labourers, half-fed and half- clothed, dsk in vain for employment: — her manu- factures, more ingenious and varied than those of any age or country, can no longer give employ- ment at home to a vast population, who are forbiaden by the jealous system of our laws, from Seeking employment abroad.* Confidence is destroyed amongst all the mercantile classes.-— Whole districts, both in the farming and manu- facturing parts, unable to Ui^iUtain thtir poor, • It might be conjectured that government would not be sorry to get quit of a portion of our manufacturing poor, who cannot find work in this country, and, defipouding or dissatis- fied, seek to pass into some other ; but in tho, Gazette of the 30th July last, such persons are advertised that the existing laws will be enforced, prescrioing severe penalties against those who attempt it. When will governments learn the impolicy of continuing such restrictions upon the liberty of the subject ? The manufacturers have had advantfe^es and pri- vileges continued to them so long, and ministers have so uniformly been led to act upon the merd'antHe sifstem, that it is scarcely to be expected they should propose the repeal of those unjust and absurd laws; but it may be hoped some indtependent member of the legislkture >^ill direct the atten- tion of ^ Parliament to the subject at this time, even though h« should thereby not promote his popularity. . . 17 (for in many instances almost the entire population are become paupers,*) send them forth, in spite of the laws, to beg for charitable support; — robberies have increased to an talarming extent in the towns, and the highways are infested with swarms of sturdy beggars, whose appearance excites mixed emotions of commiseration and fear. England! my beloved country ! active, patient, and ingenious in thy industry; noble, generous, and courageous in thy spirit; fruitful in talents and in virtuous exertions ; more rich and more powerful than any other kingdom which has flourished in ancient or in modern times; who hast, for twenty years past, fed and subsidized thy numerous allies, and art but now resting from having subdued the legions of France ; — are thine * In the book which has just been published, containing the answers from all parts of the country, to the inquiries of the Board of Agriculture respecting the cause of our distresses, the most alarming picture is given of the sutferings of the larraers. Notwithst.inding the very reduced prices of provisions, the poor rates have advanced in the last two years 20, 30, and in many districts 40, 60, and 00 per cent. In several cases, •' the farmers who contributed to them, have been obliged to give up their farms, and are actually become paupers th'^m- selves, receiving parochial relief like other paupers." Some districts are obliged, in aid of the parish receipts, to hire out to the highest bidder the labour of those paupers who are able to rcork, and in one .parish all are become paupers, excepting one individual, wiio pays accordingly all the poor-rateg himself. It has bee confidently stated, that this book was suppressed by the desire of ministers, and the appearance of it nmst consequently excite a degree of attention wliich it would not otherwise have received. B 9mmm 18 I own industrious children to starve in the midst of plenty, and be abandoned to misery, whilst opulence and splendour glitter around them ? Are all thy benevolent institutions, and thy costly esta- blishments, for increasing the comforts and better- ing the condition of the lower orders, unable to ward off the horrors of unheard-of pauperism? Are thy sons, who have so nobly fought the battles of their countryi returned to their families^ and homes to perish miserably, or betake them- selves to the commission of crimes? Is the mighty apparatus of thy commerce, are thy stately ships and lofty magazines, to slumber in idleness, and thy magnificent docks and quays to be grown over with grass? — Thy stupendous engines, and the wonderful variety of mechanism that impels thy manufactures, are they to stand still, or be transferred to more favoured regions? — Is the fickle genius of commerce about to fly from thy shores, as it did of old from Carthage, Venice, and the cities of the Netherlands? — Art thou, then, at length doomed to sink in the scale of nations ? — Are thine energies extinct, and all the attributes on which thy greatness hath been founded, are they no longer to be found? Is there no vigour in thy councils? no patriotism iri thy prince? no saving virtue in thy people? Such are the exclamations which every lover of his country will make; such the questions 19 which he anxiously and continually proposes. Let us exainin -i them with freedom and impar- tiality ; and subduing as much as possible those prejudices '\nd feelings which prevent us from seeing the truth clearly, let us consider what are the main causes of so unfortunate a reverse, and in what manner our misfortunes admit of remedy or mitigation. > A:«,. ..,„- c.n,p,.^„.. .«., .h. ^. nation of the War, were the Farmers and Land- owners f so we may trace a very considerable portion of the general distress of the community to their sufferings. Our own fellow-subjects are the best customers for our manufactures ; and when they are no longer able to purchase the same provisions and clothing, and to provide their houses with the same utensils and furniture to which they have been habituated, the manufacturers of these vari- ous articles will in vain look to foreign countries for customers to supply their place. ; It is admitted on all hands, that among the principal causes of the surprising extension of Agriculture in the United Kingdom, were the great scarcities in 1796 and 1800, and in a very great degree likewise, the wasteful consumption of our armies and navies; but more perhaps than any thing else, the provision of capital 20 ! which arose from the loans of government, and the issues of paper-money by the Bank of England and the country banks. ? *i Never was so great encouragement offered, for the application of labour and capital to Agricul- ture, as that which presented itt-elf to the people of this country, during the greater part of the War. dmimerce was surrounded with peculiar difficulties for a succession of years; being exposed to extreme hazards, and the most perplexing fluctuations, owing to the inveterate hatred of Bonaparte, and the bold devices which he con- trived, in the hope of excluding our merchants from the ports of Europe. The mcnufacturers participated, in a great degree, in the checks and embarrassments which the merchants experienced ; but they did not reach the cottage of the labourer, nor did they affect the farmer in his retired pur- suits. He found constant customers for his produce at home, and at high prices; he was encouraged to increase his own comforts and those of his family, to extend his cultivation, and make it more productive by n>anure. Great capitalists quitted the walks of commerce and of manufactures, in which they were so frequently perplexed and embarrassed by the endless inter- ference and novel regulations of government; by licences and simulated papers; by the restric- tions of the enemy's Decrees, and our own Orders in Council, to embark in the more certain 21 pursuits of agriculture. . This circumstance created a demand for estates, v/nich combined greatly with the other causes to raise the value of land. Still, as cultivation extended, and the old lands produced a greater abundance, the demand kept pace \»'ith the increased produce, and the market prices rose in proportion. In the mean time, the extended circulation of the country, conseqnent upon the general system of banking, mercantile enterprise, and govern- ment expenditure, created such a profusion of paper-money, and credit was so easily obtained, that the farmers were freely accommodated by the country bankers to whatsoever extent they required; nay, the bankers' notes were frequently forced upon them, for the purpose of bringing those notes into circulation; and thus the tillers of the soil were induced, not only to enrich the old lands to the highest degree of culture, but to open new and waste territories, which nature seemed to have destined to perpetual barren- ness.* -r , • This consequence, arising from the extent of countri/ bank notet, deserves more examination than wa can devote to it here. They became, during the war, the principal circulating medium of the small towns and farming districts; and found their way at length, in such large quantities, into the great manufacturing towns and their neighbourhoods, as to push the bank of England notes nearly out of use. The latter have all along, indeed, formed almost exclusively the currency of the rich and populous county of Lancaster, and the expe. 22 ^ In proportion as the agriculture of the coun- try flourished, our great staple manufactures ricnce of many years has shown, how much they are to be preferred, in a highly populous and trading community, to the circulation of private bank-notes. These, however, have formed the bulk of the circulating medium of the rest of the country, and no class of the community has profited so much as the country bankers, by availing themselves of the circum- stances of the times. Unproductive labourers, and for the most part provided with little capital stock, they have had the ingenuity to make their '* promissory notes" pass current with tlie lower orders; they have* thrown out their lines with so much address as almost to escape observation, but their cobweb-notes are scattered over every district, and at length the industrious bees are unwarily entangled in them. Though, no doubt, tliey sometimes represent real property, they have fre- quently no solid foundation, but rest on the confidence and in- genuity of the banker hin>self,who is frequently an attorne}' or adventurer in some mine or manufacture, and has thus the means of inducing the poor whom he employs, to take his small notes in payment for their wages. — His schemes prove fallacious, and the wind of suspicion blows on his credit; — his notes appear before him all in a moment; — unable to meet them, he sinks without the possibility of ever rising again, for he has no trade to depend upon. Of all the dealers who have failed in the last few years, bankers have become bankrupts to a greater extent, in proportion to the extent of their operations and their real capitals, than any other. Is it right, that those who profess to be the safe depositaries of the savings of the industrious labourer, (and who only allow a small interest in consideration of the security which they afford,) should thus be permitted to expose that property, and abuse that confidence ? Let the mother of all paper-currency, the good lady in Threadneedle-street, establish one of her family in every county or great town, for the purpose of supplying a circulation of small notes, (which she cannot do to any great extent without receiving good bills, the representatives of real value, in exchange,) rather than that the system should continue, by which the country bankers set their own afloat without a value. Let us reflect on" the dreadful evils which have been inflicted on various parts of the kingdom where these have abounded, and what alarming consequences might have arisen, if they had been introduced into the populous manufacturing districts of Lancashire ; where thou- T 23 were benefited, and foreign commerce (which equally depends upon both) revived and ex- tended itself; they all reciprocally aided and promoted one another, and it was difficult to say which presented the surest reward to talent and exertion. But in a few short months, how great a change has been presented to our view ! The pro- duce of the land fell as the War drew to a close, in an extraordinary and most rapid degree, owing to a succession of two or three good harvests, and the cessation of the demand Ibr the army and navy. At the same time the government expenditure fell from 110 or 120 millions to 70 or 75 millions, which diminished greatly the circulating medium of the country. The failure, at this moment, of several Banks in the eastern counties, was heard with alarm ; it resounded through the country like the thunder which announces the coming storm, and the country bankers, generally, terrified by the ruin which was spreading around them, and feeling its sands are in a moment thrown out of employ, by the in- evitable stagnations and revolutions of trade; and where, if the system of private small notes had gained ground, the most extensive ruin and confusion (on occasion of their failure) would have endangered tlie peace of the community; and we shall be convinced that this is a subject which requires the interference of the Legislature. It would be easily regulated by restricting the issue of private promissory notes to the sum of £& or upwards. r 1^ T T I'M I'i i lli 24 effects on themselves, began suddenly to restrict their issues of paper money. The farmers could not get for their crops of 1814, above one-half the price they had received in former years, and they appealed to the Land-owners, as the law- givers, by the most cogent argument — the non- payment of rents, to remedy their common sufferings by legislative interference. Parliament debated and examined witnesses, night after night, without satisfying the people as to the causes of their mysterious sufferings, or devising any effectual method for alleviating them. The great advocates of the landed interest proposed (amongst other remedies) a bounty upon exporta- tion, and the refusal to permit foreign corn to be warehoused in bond; others recommended ex- chequer loans to the farmers, the repeal of the laws against usury, and the permission to export our raw wools. Parhament tinished the session by making an unsatisfactory report, and con- cluded with prohibiting the admission of foreign wheat until the average price should reach 80s per quarter, and in proportion to this for other grain. / This regulation, however, failed of producing the desired effect. The present year commenced without any amendmtiit in our prospects ; on the contrary, the sufferings of the farmers became more extensive, and more poignant; and the 96 industry of the towns began to be paralyzed ; for where shall they look for the demand which infuses life and activity into their trade, if the surrounding country is impoverished. Shall they look to other countries ? to them they look in vain; for in contemplating our foreign trade we only discover new causes of our distress, proceed- ing, however, from the same source — the over- strained system of the war, which produced great prosperity as long as it went forwards, (though interrupted by frequent checks and irregularities,) but which has now, by an inevitable re-action, brought down upon us an unparalleled weight of calamity. We have seen how great a portion of labour and capital was devoted to Agriculture, by the nncertaiHty and hazard attending mercantile pur- suits; but to vast numbers of those who continue in the walks of commerce, this uncertainty is rather an encouragement than otherwise, because they perceive that the prize, if gained, is of excessive magnitude. The obvious effect of war is to make commerce like a game of chance, in which the magnitude of the stakes does not prevent great numbers from engaging in it. The agitation and activity, the keen hopes, and the ardent spirit of enterprise, all serve to keep up an excessive animation and energy. Many persons embark, on the broadest scale, with little f i 20 V f 'I *l I or no capital ; who yet, in the general ardour, ol>tain unbounded credit from others who hope to make corresponding gains by them. — But they (Jo not perceive that they are running over a Solfaterra, a hollow and burning ground; at length it breaks, and the merchant, the manu- facturer, the banker, the farmer, and the monied capitalist, who all had placed a false dependence on one another, are whelmed in common ruin. The War being over, people begin to recover their senses, and to look quietly about them ; they find that in the general hurry they have been supplied with more of every thing than was requisite; and they calculate more closely what they will want of food, clothing, &c. Hence the merchant experiences a diminished sale for hjs imported commodities ; the farmer for the produce of the soil; and the manufacturer for the multiplied productions of his ingenuity, — he, who before was encouraged to give enormous wages to his work people, thereby inducing them to work night and day, so as to exhaust their physical strength by extreme labour, and to deprave their minds by drunkenness and every species of depravity, is suddenly disabled from employing them. The poor wretches, having no steady moral or religious principles, and consequently no command over their sensu- ality, find themselves without any provision for the future, and become burthensome and danger- 27 0U8 to the community ; nor, whilst tliey are degraded by extreme poverty and dependence, is it to be wondered at, that they conceive " the world and the world's law " not to be their friend, and become the enemies of social order. Such were the consequences directly resulting from the War, as they affected the mode in which Manufactures and Commerce were conducted. The difficulties which now surround us, are, however, greatly increased by another circum- stance which attended the speculative system. Whilst the fticility of raising money excited the efforts of all the labouring part of the connnu- nity to multiply the produce of their industry, the ivaste of the War produced an extraordinary demand ; and thus a vast excess of all commodi- ties was raised from our soil, our mines, and our manufactures, which was not felt as long as the War continued, but which is now so much deplored by all classes. ^To the provision of food and clothing for our own army and navy, we must add the supply of a considerable portion of the armies of our allies, and no small quantity of the produce of our soil and manufactures found its way to our enemies ; for it is well known, that in the periods of the most restricted intercourse, consequent upon the decrees of Bonaparte and the English Orders in Council, our goods penetrated- into the very heart of the French dominions; w IT 28 and that the more rigidly the system of blockade was executed, the more openly and directly was our merchandise sent from London to the ports of France and Belgium, imder the joint licences of Napoleon and Lord Liverpool. i II J* : It would exceed the limits of these pages, to trace the whole of the effects of our nuval supremacy j in connexion with this subject ; it is sufficient for our purpose to explain, that it gave us at length almost a monopoly of trade, by bringing nearly the whole of the Colonies and shipping into our hands; and that when the Continental System, seconded by our Orders in Council, excluded us, in a very great degree, from the European countries, our trade forced itself into new channels, and discovered new customers for our manufactures in America, and other regions remote from the scene of War. By these means, we overcame the checks and embarrassments occasioned by the War, and though great irregularities were experi- enced in the demand for particular goods, and alarming fluctuations occurred from' time to time, yet, on the whole, the consumption appeared to keep pace with the increasing produce. At length, however. Peace returns; and the countries of Europe, whose industry had been paralyzed, and property destroyed, by the War, not only begin to manufacture and supply themselves with foreign commodities, but tbey indu1g;e an almost pardon- able spirit of jealous exclusion against this country; — Reflecting, with mixed feeling^s of sorrow and indignation, that whilst they lost their trade, owing to the expenses, the hazards, and the devastation of the War, this happy Island was never the seat of the contest, but was occupied in providing them with the means of carrying on the work of destruction, as well as with every article which they used to provide themselves, they are incited, whilst they resume their own labours, and pursue their renewed trade with spiritj to exclude ours as much as possible. If our manufacturers found their interests greatly promoted by the species of monopoly they enjoyed, those of the merchants and ship-owners were not less so. The transport service employed a great proportion of our ships, and of those employed in the merchants' service the number was amazingly increased by our gaining posses- sion of the enemy's Colonies and Trade; and still more, perhaps, by the Convoy system, which almost doubled the period employed in the voyages. But by the monopoly of Trade, which we gradually acquired as the Wars in Europe grew more extensive, and which was finally con- firmed to us by the American War, in 1812, we made this country literally the storehouse Europe, 30 the grand emporium of the commerce of the Atlantic,* the ; ank of all Nations. \ii ■' The termination of the War did not bring with it a true sense of the nature of the exclusive privileges we had been enjoying, nor a conviction of the expediency of dn;wing in on the return of Peace. The manufacturers and merchants, taking fresh courage from the annihilation of Bonaparte's anti-commercial power, had adventured to all parts of the world, with a more enterprising spirit than they had ever displayed. Their South American expeditions, their notable failures in other more recent enterprises, had not W4>med them sufficiently. Coiicluding that peace and plenty must bring with them an ^uibounded demand for produce at home, and for all de- scriptions of manufactured goods abroad, they shipped, to Europe and America, more largely * In proof of this, we h.u\e only to refer to the large quan- tities of various commodities which accumulated from yc»r to year, whilst we maintained the prices extravagantly high. Our stocks of OoiSee and Sv^uf were immense, and yet, in spite of Bonaparte's Decrees, and his substitutes of Beet- root and Chicory, they generally supported themselves much above their present prices. — Logwood was wortli in London £)l5 per ton, though the stock wa£» larger than yeiirs of con- &mnption in the whole world would take off, or than it is now when the ^^ame article ma^ t^e bought for ^^7 to £9 per tori. The prices of Corn and our other domestic produce were maintained at extravagant rutes, by other causes, which we have explained before; but the prices of the foreign articles above ir^ntioned, could only be upheld as they were by the Monopoly of Colonial Trade, and the conniiaiid cf the seas, which our naval power confeiTed on us. '<•''' ia-lr 31 than ever in 1815, and the full effect only became apparent now. British manufactures were sold cheaper all the world over, than in Manchester, Leeds, and Birmingham ; — and by a strange concurrence of circumstances, the productions of the principal countries with which we carried on a free and open trade, (that is of all but our own Colonies,) were to be bought cheaper in England than in those countries of which they were the growth. This unfortunate state of the home-market for foreign productions, was entirely owing to the glut of manufactures which we sent to those couki^ries. For not finduig a K,ufficiency of gold and silver in' payment for the manufactures we had sent <;nt, (reduced as they were in value,) or what is the same thing, not being able to get bills in payment for them, excepting at a large premium, our mercantile agents abroad L ought so large a quantity of produce, as to overload our markets, which raised the prices there as much as it depressed them here. It is well known, that during the war, the foreign exchanges rated from 25 to 40 per cent against us, owing to the in^mense amount of bills continually drawn on the English treasury, for the payment of the war chaises : so that the pound sterling was only worth, for instance, in France 16 to 18 francs, (equal to 13s 8d to 15s sterling;) whereas .». > 32 I: I it is now worth 25 to 26 francs, (equal to 21s to 22s sterling*;) and in other countries throughout Europe, nearly in the same proportion have the exchanges varied, in consequence of the cessation of our war expenditure. When, in consequence of the return of Peace, ti ade resumes its ancient channels, and the waste- ful demand of the War is at an end; when thousands and tens of thousands of our artificers are no longer occupied in preparing the instruments of destruction; when the thunder of our floating castles has ceased, and our thousand ships, that carried warlike stores and British soldiers to the theatre of War, are no longer employed ; — we need not go to the London Tavern,* to learn the causes of our distress. The revulsion of traded Let the noble and disinterested persons, wlio proposed this mode of solving the difficulty, con- sider better the nature of trade ; let them contem- plate the origin and character of the trade of this country, which, arising from Peace, industry, equal laws, and the consequent security of property, has grown up with our Liberty and our Ccnstitutioa; extender^ our agriculture, and ail the arts and comforts of life; increased our power and influence abroad, and enabled us to sustain the profligacy of our own government, an(i greatly to^tounteract the corruptions end encroachments of the crown: — which, by its elastic power, has- enabled this 33 country tiot only to bear up against the mcreas- iiig burthen of taxation, but by the credit and wealth it has created , has furnished re- sources for our successive Wars; has adapted itself to the War system, so as to appear almost to be promoted by it ; and finally, when the rountry has been exhausted, and the state im- pawned by profligacy and ambition, has again and again accomplished its redemption. Let us not be deceived, — trade is the legitimate offspring of Peace, r d friendly intercourse; and although it may, when affrighted from the scenes of destruc- tion on the Continent, fly to this Island for an asylum, and seem to us for a time to increase by War, we may rest assured that it is an unhealthy and (dangerous increase. The Revulsion of trade! let the distinguished persons, who would instruct i\h from the hall of the London Tavern, concern- (jp the nature of trade, leave to the merchants tijid manufacturers the discovery of the causes of their declining trade and commerce. Let them apply their ingenuity to investigate the nature of the traffic in places and pensions; let them bargain for sinecures ; and barter lucrative offices, for seats in the house of commons which may be more lucrative ; but let them learn that the Trcide of War is not an honourable, gainful, or legitimate traffic, and that its evil consequences must eventually recoil on those who engage in it, even though they may for a time pursue it with 34 I' i '4 ! advantage. The Revulsion of this, their trade, indeed, is arrived ; a trade that has been too long carried on at the expense of the great bulk of the- community which now exists, and of genera- tions which are to follow : and not only at the expense of their labour, their comforts, and their property, i > of their moral feelings and religious principles, x them recollect, that in order to pursue their trade of War, we have mortgaged our houses and our land, and the income and industry of our posterity; and that whilst we have been paying so dearly for this traffic, we have, by exposing ourselves to domestic anarchy, been endangering our whole property, our whole commerce, our security, our happiness, our very existence as a nation. i «M «;.!;» ;f^^^i;J^«t.j, , ^ -5, As long as the resources of the State were under the direction of Mr. Pitt, he met the 35 financial difficulties that were to be annually encountered, with the lofty and independent spirit that distinguished him as a man and a minister, — He disdained to shift off the difficulty and the inconvenience of new provisions from annual taxation, by the expedient of exchequer bills and loans without limit ; he made the coun- try and the generation that were bent upon war, pay the greater portion of the disbursements necessary for carrying it on, within the current year. But though his successors assumed his mantle, and adopted his motto — " vigour,'' thev have not had the talent nor the resolution to pursue his measures in this respect. They have added above two hundred millions to the national debt since his death in 1806; and in each of the two last years, have raised as much by loans as were raised duriug the whole of the first American war. — Hence the profusion of money at the Bank of England, arising from these loans, and from the immense balances of the diflierent departments of government. Hence that increase of floating capital, which, taking its rise in this way, spread itself all over the country, jind in- creased our active circulation and nominal weallli more in a few years than we could have done in an age, without this forcing system, had we been masters of the whole of the gold and silver mines of South America; and hence the wondered increase in the prices of com and merchandise, iiS I M I |li!;i; I' I I 36 and those facilities and accommodations to the farmer, the manufacturer, and the merchant, which encouraged them to that unbounded adveuture and speculation in their respective pursuits,* to which we have adverted. We have explained how the farmer found himself in favour with the country banker, and how the merchant always found ready discounts and advances on his bills in London. But the manufacturer was the most fortunate; he was doubly benefited ; — ^he not only got equal accom- modation at home, but he found a premium abroad of 20 to 30 per cent on his shipments, * Dr. Colquhoun, in his large work upon tlie wealth and resources of the British Empire, working upon the grand scale of things existing at the close of the War, has estitnated the income of the nation, arising from the annual return of capital and labour throughout Great Britain and Ireland, at 432 millions, and he has given the particulars with the greateit minuteness, putting down that portion of it which arises irom Agriculture at 217| > * Mines and minerals 9f v.^tifq Manufactures 114 ,-. ._j^n Inland trade 1 32 - . /• Foreign commerce and shipping 4Q{ . d^ Banks 3| ;; <>.'«. Coasting tt-ade 2 p i. v Fisheries 2 'ju^n Foreign income 6 -• 432 millions. How the Doctor would estimate it now, it would be curoius to know. A popular French writer, I. B. Say, has taken it at ^2*24,000,000, in an ingenious treatise entitled L*Angleterre et ten Anglois. In the last years of Mr. Pitt's life, it wa^ cMtimatpd at no more than J^ 110,000,000 to J^120,000,000. 37 paid by the British government; whose agents sold their bills on the treasufy at this great depre- ciation, in consequence of the ifiiniensi: qnantity which they were consta^itly obliged to draw, and thus enabled tlie ageiiis of the manufacturers who wanted to remit to England the pjoceeds of their goods, to do so at a gain of .£200 to jt'300 on every bill for ^1000 which they remitted.* r- In estimating the share which the different causes, above enumerated, had in producing the effect, some persons are disposed to attribute the largest to the excessive extent of paper circulation^ consequent upon the liberality of the Bank of England in its issues of notes for the use of govern- ment, and for the discounting of private bankers and merchants* bills. The circulating medium of the country was no doubt greatly extended by it, in a few years after the passing of Mr. Pitt's II U * In this way it is that manufacturers and others, who produce a large quantity of surplus commodities bej'ond the consumption of the country, are benefited by tbe great expenditure of foreign wars; wherever that expenditure is the greatest they find the most profit; and thus we see why our manufactures drooped (as they did) after the revolutionary war with America, and after the war with France and Spain, which terminated by the peace of 1763. And it illustrates rery forcibly, the reason why this important class of the community find their interests frequently much promoted by war, though the country at large may be suffering the greatest •vils; and why the advantages of returning peace are not felt by them as quickly as by the other productive classes. In Appendix A will be found some particulars illustrating the effects of this foreign expenditure. I If II n 38 Bank Restriction bill in 1797, when the Bank of England began to issue its one pound notes. The gold and silver coin which had circulated in the country formerly, being wanted for the foreign expenditure of the State, disappeared in the beginning of the last war, and its place was speedily supplied by private bank-notes and Bank of England notes. But it does not appear clear, that the issues of the Bank of England did, upon the whole, exceed the fair demand of our increas- ing trade, and our extending agriculture. If they were even doubled since 1797, it was not more than was required by the disappearance of the coin of the realm, and by the state of our inter- nal trade, which was doubled likewise ; but the i;25,000,000 to £30,000,000, which the Bank had afloat in the latter years of the War, was probably not more than a third part of the whole currency of small notes and cash in the country, and not above a tenth of the whole of the circu- lation, including bankers' bills, and the bills of private traders, which compose as essential a part of the circulating medium, as Bank notes.* It is difficult to determine in what degree this too great circulation was the cause, and in what degree the effect of the over production complain- ed of.— Supposing, however, the Bank issues never \h m * See Appendix A, in which this subject is vuiarged upon. 39 to have materially exceeded the fair demands of the trade of the country, and that it is only in a secondary manner that the Restriction Act has produced the effect referred to, viz. by enabling ministers to raise unlimited sums by loans, (which could not have been negotiated to the extent they were, without the assistance of the act in question,) its powerful operation is equally apparent.* If this increase of circulation had so much effect in encouraging the extravagance of the I * The circulation of the' Bank of England never exceeded, in the wildest year of our extravagance, about 5^32,000,000, which was principally confined to London and its immediate vicinity, and to the county of Lanraster; — whilst the issues of the private bankers are estimated at double that sum at least: I am inclined to think, that they have materially ex- ceeded it in the last years of our prosperity. The former have proved, that they never issued their notes without value received in good mercantile bills, (excepting indeed some small loans to govermneni: llic latter have proved, by the circumstances attending their extensive bankruptcies, that they were not secured and restricted by ar.y rule. — If how- ever this aflTords a good ground for wishing to see govern- ment apply the remedy of confining the issue of private BANKS to ^5 or £lO notes, there is a rea-on more powerful still why the same restriction should be a})plied to the Bank of England, viz. that they are either unwilling or unable to prevent forgeries, M'hich have increased and are still increas- ing to a trightful extent. If we examine the criminal calendars for the counties of Middlesex and Lancaster, we shall feel the force of this argument, and be inclined to hope that the dictates of humanity may produce that eifect with the legislature, which vie\\ s of policy have hitherto failed of producing. There is now gold and silver in the country in isuch abundance, that no inconvenience could be experienced from the regulation proposed, which would prepare the way for an early and entire repeal of the bank restriction bill. I Hi II 1 40 government, it was no less influential in promoting the spirit of private adventure, and feeding that rage for speculation which took possession of all classes. — The boldness of commercial adventure was not confined to the foreign merchant. The manufacturer surprisingly expended his works at home ; and being enabled, through his agent or warehouseman whom he established in London, to convert his dead stock into a living active capital, (by drawing bills upon him, which he got discounted by some Banker in London or at home,) he created a new supply of goods, for which he sought new markets abroad; and thus acted in the threefold character of manufacturer, dealer, and foreign trader.-— The farmers were enabled, by the facilities which the same system afforded, to speculate and scheme as much in their produce, as the merchants and manufactu- rers in theirs; and the miners of iron, copper and lead, all vied with each other in exhausting the bowels of the earth, and bringing their riches to light in larger quantities than the actual consump- tion required. u.tK. As the Bank issues and public loans g^ew larger, the burthen of taxation also rapidly in- creasing, all classes were compelled to labour harder, and by exercising more ingenuity and skill in their respective trades, to push their production to the utmost extent. The new inventions in machinery were not confined to the 41 processes of manufactures ; they were introducea kito the large farms, and we frequently see machines not only for thrashing corn, but even for saving human labour in the turning of hay ; in one place, the steam-engine is made to weave and completely finish the finest cloths, and in another, with unprecedented powers of loco- motion, to draw after it twenty or thirty waggons loaded with coal, and the other weighty produc* tions of our mines. In spite of this extreme production of saleable commodities, the increasing capital (growing continually and prodigiously, by the heavy loans and by the paper circulation accompanying them) kept their market value at a high rate ; and there always appeared a ready sale for all commodities — a speculative market, if not an adequate con- sumption. I! I Every thing being thus overdone, to the last moment of our lavish War expenditure, it is obvious that when this ceased suddenly, to the extent of fifty or sixty millions, a great shock must be felt. The monied interest felt it first, and drew in ; not only the Bank of England and the great city Banks contracted their discounts, but above 800 bankers, dispersed throughout the country, found the necessity of contracting; many of them were ruined totally by the loans i \ I If II i ' mi m ii 42 made to the farmers, and all were justly alarmed. The fall in the price of all commodities greatly accelerated the ruin of the farmers, and brought on the most severe losses to the great body of manufacturers and merchants, who suddenly found themselves almost deprived of their best customers — the consumers of above two-thirds of their raw and wrought produce.* . r -.j. '.■...■ " ' ' ■ ■ .,.. If we estimate the income of the country to hp'^e been three hundred and thirty millions, ari from its agriculture, mines, manufactures, and foreign commerce; and reckon that this suddenly fell to one hundred and eighty or two hundred millions, (which I believe to be within bounds,) we are appalled with reflecting on so tremendous a change, and astonished that the evils consequent upon it have been borne with so much patience and fortitude. * In order to point out more clearly tlic great depreciation of farming produce, 1 have extracted the ibliowing catalogue of sales of stock, in 1813 and in L81G, from the answers to the Agricultural queries above referred to, page 207 Average prices of stock sold at the same phue, in October 181 3, and March 1816. ^ ^ -i ^ «. . Omolier 1813. March 1116. 6 per horse J^IO 15 20 horses £A0 3 8 cows 15 — cow 35 score of sheep . 38 — score Seed wheat 39 — last Do. barley 18 — do. Do. oats 13 — do. Do. pease 21 — do. G 13 6 19 5 25 10 10 8 12 43 But the remedy is at length discovered and nppUcd! — The supporters of the meetinir at the London Tavern\i'A\G raised nearlyc£ 44,000, which is to be distributed in those districts where the Revulsion of trade has caused much local distress! ! . . '.1 The patient, exhausted by an acute disease, applies to tho physician in vain — no medicine can be found to relieve the d">order; but the confi- dent empiric steps in, and while he administers his nostrum, and bids the despairing sufferer to hopCf he consoles him with the assurance that his pains and exhaustion are the consequence of convulsions y occasioned by a sudden transition from a state of plethory^ to a state of langour and weakness. » f 1';- •., '-x'. The time, however, is at length arrived, when the people of england are compelled to open their eyes to the truth i they HAVE DISCOVERED THAT WaR IS A MORE DREAD- FUL EVIL THAN THEY IMAGINED; THAT IT IS AN EVIL OF SUCH AN EXTENT, AND SO COMPLI- CATED IN ITS NATURE, THAT EVEN ITS REMEDY AND ITS TERMINATION ARE ATTENDED BY IN- CALCULABLE MISERY. i» "Without entering into the question, whether the people hurried the government into the prose- 1;i J !■' 44 cution of the War, or the ministers of the Crown dehided and persuaded the people to approve of and support it, it is certain, that the great majority of the nation did enter heartily into it, and Iiighly approve of the spirit with which it was conducted. What tiie general effect of the late War has been upon the moral character of the nation, is foreign to our present inquiry ; but that it led immediately to those consequences which have been enlarged upon in the foregoing pages, and that it has terminated in the most fearful and affecting crisis wh:?h this country has ever witnessed, cannot be denied. Let us not, however, be inconsistent :—4et us not rejoice and revel in the luxury of War, whilst we feel only the advantage and aggrandizement which it pro- cures ; and when its inconveniences, and ruinous consequences, begin to take effect, turn round and condemn those who conducted it. That the game of War was an expensive one, we never dis- covered till it was over; because each class was enabled, by the temporary monopoly produced by our naval superiority, and by the ingenious application of capital and labour, to shift off the burthen of taxes which he paid, upon the con- su^ner of the articles which he produced ; that is. upo'i the community at large. TJie time is arrived, however, when the reckoning must be paid; and it is not right, when the bill is brought, to begin to abuse the host. All the world saw, T '*• 45 and no candid and enlightened Englishmau could be blind to, the expensive entertaiiirtient whith had been provided. AH iinpartial persons, then?- fore, will be astonished, wbeij they hear the peooie exclaiming to the ministers of the day, *' Behold the consequences of your measures: such are the fatal eflects of your misconduct and misrule; it is entirely owing to the dissipation and extrava- gance of the existing government, that we are individually ruined, and as a nation brought to the verge of bankruptcy." The nation, generally, disapproved of the mea- sures of the administration in regard to the Orders in Council, and it was compelled to abandon them. They grew sick of the inglorious achieve- ments, and the unprofitable expenditure of the last wv with America ; and they scarcely signified their feelings, before the government put an end to it. And so it always will be, in a free country like this ; — in spite of our imperfect Representation, and the increased influence if the Court, th wishes of the people must preponderate on all great ^.nd momentous questions, as long as the energy of the public inind is maintained. The people have wished for war, and they have had enough of it. It is more than pro- bable — it may be with tolerable certainty anti- cipated — that (going from the one extreme into 46 the other) they will now discover, that the same war in which they formerly discerned nothing but prosperity and glory, has been the source of endless calamity, and irremediable humilia- tion. * That it has, in effect, brought upon us a long train of evil consequences, both moral and physical, is clear ; and that it always must be in itself a great evil, is undeniable. But this fact is not made more evident, by what is passing around us now, than by what every intelligent friend to his country and to mankind must have observed and deplored, who has looked at the nations of Europe where it has raged, from the North Sea to the Straits of Constantinople, during the last twenty years. m To attempt the slightest sketch of its progress in these pages, would be impossible; most of us retain a lively recollection of the horrors of Bon? 'te's campaigns, during the successful career of his ambition ; and we can all trace the bloody history of his downfal ; the one and the other present a melancholy succession of legalized massacres, and splendid robberies, continued during an age of tears and groans; — and a new generation has arisen, to behold Tyranny and priestcraft restored to the fairest portions of the world; — Legitimacy re-instated, at the disposition :i 47 of foreign bayonets; — the Triple Crown replaced with fresh lustre, whilst the chair of St. Peter is supported by a host of new-created Jesuits; and Imbecility, counselled by the Inquisition, in- throned upon that soil which has been drenched with the blood of free-born Britons. « ■'H At home we are still happily ignorant of the worst evils of war — of the hon v^rs which inevitably follow it, in those countries of which it is the theatre. We feel, indeed, the inconvenience of being pinched in our incomes, and obliged to maintain the poor out of our landed property; we lament (not without some feelings of exultation) the loss of relatives and friends, slain gloriously on the field of battle; a' ' are sometimes com- pelled to drop a tear ol iuimixed son'ovv over the fate of our brave countrymen who perished miserably in the morasses of New Orleans, or in the fatal and ill-conducted expeditions to Walche- ren and Bergen-op-Zoom. Occasionally our ears are shocked by the accounts which reach us, from the remote regions of the East, of the w; te and rapine committed by our countrymei , who have added another Empire to our Dominiou ; " 11 y a des Crimes qui devienuent glorieux par leur eclat t leur nomhre^ et leur exch; De Id vien- nent que les voleries publiques sont des hahiliteSy et que prendre des Provinces injustement s'appelle /aire des Conquetes" — But far other feelings Mi I ^-1 ««v^ 48 would possess our souls, were *w? to receive the shock of the conflict fm our own shores. Its destroying rage vvould m)t be confined to the partial loss of property, or the surrender of the soldiers life in the day of combat. We should be exposed.^ to those perpetual hazards and alarms, which would depress all our energies, and poison the cup of enjoyment ; till at length we should become necessarily familiar with scenes of horror and devastation, which, at the same time that they laid waste our property, and dis- troyed our comforts and our industrious labour, would harden the heart, and undermine the best principles of our nature; — and we should be gradually prepared, by the degradation which such a state produces, for the surrender of our rights and our dearest liberties, either to a foreign enemy or a domestic tymnt. I'i ill V I'- Let us then, whilst we congratulate ourselves on having escaped the worst degree and form of War, not only rejoice in the return of Pea^e to ourselves, but especially sympathize in the joy which spreads itself throughout all Europe, at the restoratit i of this inestiT^able blessit^; and let us beware how we permit our passions and our pride to be again kindled, or views of commercial aggrandizement to tempt u« to braak the sacred repose which once more blesses the nations of the earth. jiM' 49 : Oh ! first of human blessings, and supreme ! Fair Peace ! how lovely, how delightful thou ! By whose wide tie, the kindred sons of men Like brothers live, in amity combined. And unsuspicious faith ; while honest toil ^ Gives e\ jry joy, and to those joys a right, Which idle, barbarous rapine, but usurps. That the sacred preservation of this treasure will be the best foundation of our future great- ness and welfare, and the most secure guarantee of our interests, civil and religious, I ain well persuaded. But in the mean time, oppressed as we are with difficulties, and groaning beneath a weight of taxation, brought on by the prosecu- tion of our latt Wars; let us proceed to examine what remedies are best calculated to relieve the existing pressiu-e, and what sources of consolation, and of grateful acknowledgment, are to be found in the actual state of the country. J; 'I it The War left us with a superabundance of all descriptions of goods, arising from the causes above desciibed, and we found ourselves possess- ed of more food than we could eat, more clothing than we could wear, and more commodities than we could dispose of. At the same time that our corn and cattle, our iron and naval stores, our army-clothing, and a vast variety of articles, were thrown on our hands to a great amount, the circulating medium was diminiv«7 When we see nuillitudcs of men, broii^^lil up to Use tnule of war, and when, uotvvithstinicliii"- the drains of the. War, the snpply of labonrers for the fields, and all trades and manufactures, has exceeded the demand, (so that we have at the close of it a very redundant population,) what subject is there which more imperiously calls for the attention of govermnent. — It appears clear that it is the first duty of ministers to provide occupation for them ; and if they were able to accomplish but little in this way, the very endea- vour to do it would be attended with the most beneficial effects, by soothing the minds of the poor, and leading the rich to assist them in theit- own districts, by putting them to such work as local circumstances and situations present.* migjit I u * lu Liverpool, 2000 men have been lately taken into em- ployment, for the formation of a new dock, at 2s a day, by means of a fund of 5^20,000, raised by the loans of indiriduals, for the express purpose of affording relief to the necessitous at the present crisis ; and similar plans are carrying into effect in other places. If government can find no other sources of employment, let them send their disbanded soldiers to work at Portsmouth, I*lyniouth, Woolwich, &c, in the place of those Convicts who ought to be dismissed to Botany Bay. If we examine the Reports of Parliament on that subject, we see that a great part of those who arc condemned to the punishment of Transportation for seven years, spend the larger portion of their time, and very frequently the whole, on board the Hulks ; old and young, hardened offenders and young beginners in the course of iniquity, all niiTicd up without discriiniuation. 58 ,>: • If n y« :•! 1 V ir- !! But if we have not work at home, what country is there we may ask, which possesses so many sources of employment as -Engiand, in her valuable foreign possessions in Nova Scotia, Upper and Lower Canati:^, Newfoundland, at the Cape of Good Hope, ai.d in the North-west parts of Africa. Great numbers might be ^e- moved to these Settlements, where labouring bands could be employed to any extent, and where they would do as much service to the mother country as they now do mischief. But the Population of the Country must not be dimi- nished ; we are not even to part with the Convicts who are sentenced to New South Wales. — It is certainly to be lamented; that we should be in such a situation as to render Emigration neces- sary; but as this appears to be the case in England, would it not be better to relax the liaws which exist against it; in order to get quit of the discontented and idle. For we may rest assured, that those manufacturers or labourers who are the most anxious to go abroad, are not the most desirable members of the community ; and that the best Citizens are always the last to leave their Country. " La seule bonne lot contre or the iciast attempt at amending or reforming tbem. This i& a striking feature of Criminal Jurisprudence in this hupiane and beneficent Nauon — the country of Penu and of Howard. M 59 &■■ ■: les Emigrations est celle que la Nature a graves dans tios cceursJ"* ,: J rt'spjf * It is curious to observe the misrepresentations that are given in the Journals of the day, respecting the disappoint- ment aunl sufferings of those English and Irish who have found their way to the United States; they are represented as all anxious to return, and starving for want of labour; as if a steady. and industrious man had a difficulty in finding work in tbat Country where the supply of labour for the produce of the necessaries of life has never equail-^d the demand, — where the produce of the soil has never been outrun by the Popula- tion, — where the people are rapidly increasing in number and riches, and always opening a succession of new lands. They who preier working with the head to manual labour, rnay not find it easy to settle either in the United States or in Canada ; but in either country there is abundance of employment for all persons connected with husbandry, and providing the ordinary conveniences of life. England, as well as the other nations of Europe, must continue to contribute by emigration to hasten forwards the rapidly increasing population of the United States of America. That Country, besides containing the seeds of improvement from its unimpaired youth and vigour, and the spirit and industry of the people, possesses a government, which, while it affords the same security to person and property, and is more considerate than ours of the rights and privileges of the people, has shown at all times a particular attention to the education and melioration of the lower orders. The administration have likewise distinguished themselves, by directing the national resources to the promo- tion of all public works, the improvement of roads, and navigations, and the erection of buildings for public institu- tions on the most liberal plan. — Such a Country must long continue the refuge of those who are driven from this nation by distress, or from France and Spain by oppression ; and it is as impracticable, as it is improper, in the old nations of Europe, to attempt to prevent emigration thither. We shall thus lose a portion of our farming population, and of our common artizans ; but the most valuable part as affects our future prospects and national wealth, the manufacturers and ingenious mechanics, it may be hoped, will sti" find that their talents and exertions will meet a surer reward in England than in any other country. r, '11 4 I 'I t I'* } :'l ( ; :<■ 60 m \i -ml As every thing was overdone, in consequence of the peculiir character and circumstances of the War, and profusion and extravagance became the order of the day, in the expenditure of the government as well as of individuals, we must meet the reduced state of our resources by economy in private life, and retrenchment in public. In the regulation of our own affairs, we see the necessity of squaring our expenses to our incomes; and, at this moment, how many thousands in the middle classes, are submitting to the greatest privations, in order to act up to the spirit of this prudent and virtuous maxim. But the government appear resolved not to adopt it. Besides the sum of forty-two millions, necessary for paying the interest on the national debt and the sinking fund, they are determined to make the country pay twenty-three millions annually to maintain an enormous peace esta- blishment. ^They will keep up an immense standing army of 140,000 or 150,000 men; — they are unwilling to abate the splendour of the civil list; and above all, they persist in refusing to reduce that long and intolerable catalogue of pensions and sinecures, which the corruption of the War-system has increased to so shameful an extent. If the pressure on the people were much less than it actually is from these sources, their 61 petitions for the speedy correction of such abuses, ought to be instantly complied with. Excessive and scandalous as they are, it is the height of folly any an unnatural compact between religion and state policy ; yet we will never relax in our endeavours to uphold its mouldering frame, and, if possible, to restore its former greatness. I That some excuse for stifling inquiry will stiil bo devised by the adherents of corruption, is very probable; or if inquiry cannot be entirely prevented, ministers will endeavour to meet the wishes of the country by some partial extension of the elective franchise. Possibly an atten)p£ may bo made to put the question entirely aside, by urging that t!ie distresses of the times are so urgent and alarmingj that there would be nuicb risk in introducing, at this moment, so fnndaioen- tal a change; and that government have enough I' I ■;ii n ■ ' 111 ■■11! ii; i J :ili 74 to do to keep the country quiet, without agitat- ing a subject on which so many bad passions may be kindled. And after all, it may be urged, *' will parliamentary reform restore our agricul- ture to a more prosperous condition, or revive our languishing trade and commerce? — And how can it be accomplished to the satisfaction of the whole nation, when every party, and almost every man, has a scheme of his own, with respect to the mode of election and the duration of Parliaments, which differs essential! v from all others?" I: 1 m m To enter at large into these questions, would require too much time ; it is suflicient for the object we now have in view to reply brief};/ — Give us such a portion of Reform as will ensure a Jree and fair representation of the pfjiritnt body of the people J (whether the range of electorju be a little more or a little less extensive, is immaterial,) without the interference of the Crown, and that mass of bribery and corruption which now attend elections: and bring back the duration of Parliaments to such a period, as will render a frequent collision of sentiments between them and the people necessary. — Englishmen will then have some ground to hope for a better state of things. The secret interference of the Crown and the Aristocracy in elections, will be gradually checked; the fatal evils of parliamentary influ- 75 fitat- dons feed, ence, in extending and continuing the system of sinecures and pensions, by degrees lessened; and all the abuses of the public expenditure control- led. Let this work of Reform only be commenc- ed, and the enligh'cened spirit of the country will £arry it on by such easy steps, and with such cautionary regulations, as will prevent confusion or private injury, whilst it produces a vast and daily increasing degree of public benefit. But let us not be deceived bv the idea that Parliamentary Reform is to accomplish those wonderful changes which its warmest advocates promise. Attributing all our past disasters, and present distresses, to the corrupt state of the Representation, they hold up the government, and the Borough-mongers as a joint faction, which has been artfully and systematically com- bined for the purpose of oppressing the People; they represent this corrupt faction as the antliors of the War, of the Paper and Funding system, and all the political evils which have befallen us since the period that the duration of Parliaments was extended. Mr. Cobbett, whose sentiments are now so widely diffused through the country, and who must necessarily, from the pointed manner in which he expresses himself, have a very power- ful influence upon public opinion, places the subject emphatically in this light, in his weekly " attacks upon Corruption." In a late '* Letter I ,. iL !.,! if) '■ ' I' ' «( (( (< (( 76 to the Lord Mayor," he traces the whole series of our national calamities to this grand source — the corruption of Parliament, (as he had repeatedly done before,) and summing: up his argument " in " the name and on behalf of the People of Eng- land," of whom he thus constitutes himself the sole Representative, he concludes; — " We think that a reformed Parliament, annually chosen by ballot, by the People at large, would be able to put all to rights in a short time, and to prevent such evils in future." Many virtuous and enlighiened persons are disposed to acquiesce in this opinion;, but we may be permitted to doubt respecting the omnipotent effect attributed to Reform; and to ask whether the corruption of tho lioii«p of commons is not the ronseqnence of the courruption of the PeopK'? and whether a rtfonn in its constitution cnii iivjiil us without a reform in the temper, and 11 1'hiniwi^ in thf habits, of the whole community? It may bo questioned whether, in any state of llie llcpreHentulicMi, tlu' house of commons will be essentially better or worse than the great body of the people; and what reason is there to feel confident that if it had been the express image of the people, it would have withheld us from en- gaging in that career of national aggrandizement and interference in the governments of other countries, which, whilst it has exposed us to all the vicissitudes of greatness, has terminated in the present crisis of suffering and apprehension? : ■*■ ;!> [hi ?s of -the ledly {( m ng- sole lat a liot, lit all sncli ened 77 It is surely more reasonable and candid, to ac- knowledge that national piide and ambition, an insatiable thirst after riches, and a love of glory, to all of which the breasts of Englishmen have always been too prone, have been the instigators of all the Wars which we have fomented, both in Europe and in America ; and if the disastrous situation of the country, on the restoration of general peace, brings with it more protracted difficulties than we have ever experienced, the salutary discipline may serve to awaken in us more moderate and just views, and a more accurate estimate of the dangers of interference in the concerns of other States. Some indeed are presumptuous enough to imagine, that we may with advantage wage perpetual War, and draw from it endless increase of power and wealth ; but the number of those who entert*' i this senti- ment is daily diminishing, and we nwi> rejoice in the hope that the seuson of advprsily will bring with it a general conviction thai our real welfare, Internal security and respectability, are not effec- tually promoted by War. I t Granting that through the War, and with the aid of the funding and paper-sysl\>m, we have been carried forward in the career of prosperity, it does not follow that our advance, eveii in national wealth, has been and will co?*^tinue greater than would have bt't'fi the case had our progress been 78 through the less rapid course of a pacitic system ; and with respect to its influence on the happiness and character of the nation, we cannot doubt that it has conspired, with covetousness and am- bition, to repress the most generous sentiments of the soul; gradually to harden the best affec- tions of the heart; and to substitute extravagant luxury, and a daring and dangerous spirit of adventure, for that patient industry and frugality which are essential to the growth of virtuous contentment and moral principle, and conse- quently to the real interests of the community.* j/ ij ;'l h Hi: :i % iff *f * Much more might be said, in illustration of the evil effects of our grasping and luxurious system upon our national in- dustry, and especially on the condition and character of the lower orders. Moral reflections are rather fitted for the solemn duty of the Preacher, than for the writer of an essay like this; but as this subject is closely connected with the wealth and prosperity of this State, the author hopes he shall stand excused for bringinf? it before the public. The amiable Fonelon was no political economist ; but on this subject his observations are as just as they are eloquent; I am tempted to give them in his own words : •* On dit que le luxe sert ^ nourir les pauvres aux depens " des riches, comme si les pauvres ne pouvoient pas gagner '* leur vie plus utilement^ en multipliant les fruits de la terre, •' sans amolir les riches par des rafinemens de volupte. Toutc " une Nation s'acoutume a regarder comme des nScessitis de la " vie, les chases les plus sujterjlui's. Ce sont tous les jours de " nouvelles necessites qu^on invente, et on ne peut plus se "passer des choses qu'on ne connoissoit point trente ans aupara- *' vant. Ce luxe s'apelle bon gout, perfection des artSy et " politesse de la Nation. Ce vice qui en attire une inJinitS d'autres, " est loue comme une vertu. II repand va contagion depuis les " Rois jusques aux derniers de la lie du peuple. Les proches " parens du Roi veulent imiter sa magnificence ; les grands •* celle des parens dit Roi^ les gens mediocres veulent igaler ** les grands : car qui est~ce qui se fait justice ? Les petit s 79 m Whilst our present stagnation of trade, and its consequent inconveniences, are operating lo bring about a better state of moral feeling in the country, we may calculate upon a gradual dimi- nution of suffering, and a melioration of the con- dition of the lower orders of society, resulting from the necessity of economy, mutual good offices, forbearance, and sympathy amongst all ranks; which will operate much more effectually than any legislative interference. The rich have discovered with concern, that they have not been building on a solid foundation ; and that they must, in order to preserve what remains ot their property and credit, exchange speculation and extravagance for habits of frugality and f '* veitlcnt passer pour mvdiocres. Tout le monde fait j^lus qu'U " nepeut, les uns par faste^ et pour se prevaloir de leurs *' richesses; les autrcs par mauvaise honte, et pour cacher leur " pauvrefe. Ceux m^tne qui sont assez sages pour condamner ** un St grand desurdre, ne le sont pass assez pour oser lever la ** tMe les premiers, et pour donner des exemp'es contraires. " Toute une Nation se ruine. Tuutes les conditions se confon. ** dent. La passion d'aquerir du bien., pour soiitenir une vaine *' depense., corrompt les aiiies les plus pures 11 n'est plus ** question que d'kre riche ha /lauvrefv est une Infamie. So'icz ** savant^ habile^ vertueux : instruiscz les homme*, gagnez des *' batailles, sauvez la pafrie, sacrifi z tous vos inter Hs^ vous ** Stes meprise, si vos talens ne sont rcleves par le Jaste. Ceux ^* mimes qui n^ont pas de bien, veulent paroitrc en avoir ^ ils *' en depensent comrne s'ils en avoient. On cmprunte, on trompe, ** on use de tnille artifices indignes pour parvenir. Mais qui ** remediera a ces maux ? Ilfauf changer le gout et les habitudes *' de toute une Nation. 11 Jaut lui fhnner de nouvelles loix." How closely are the above sentiments applicable to the state of things which has lately existed in this country ! " Scevior " armis luxuria incubuit." Wi 80 .\ !l !:f■■■|^ moderation. — The poor must also open their eyes to the conviction that they have gratifled a degree of sensuality and indulgence that was not the best calculated to promote the comfort of their families, and their own permanent welfare; and that they may live more happily, and as well as their fathers lived, upon half the weekly wages which they squandered, during the season of prosperity, in drunkenness and other follies and vices. The Farmers generally, having indulged for years past, in those gratilications which that class of the community did not aspire to in former periods, and which the same class in other countries of Europe do not enjoy, may retrench without any evil to themselves or their landlords; and the Landowners, by being compel- led to live more in the midst of their tenantry, will equally benefit themselves, their dependents, and the community at large. If the weavers, who have hitherto so generally pursued their labours in large factories, are induced to return to their cottages, on account of the low rates of wages, and to carry on their business in the midst of their families, they will not be less industrious or useful workmen. Their employers, the great body of manufacturers, will discover that their tiiture success and security depends upon their taking pains to enlighten the understandiDgs of those whom they employ, and to inculcate a love of strict honesty and temperance, of all the domes- 81 '1 tic duties, and of religious habits, as the only effectual means of making them good servants, and guarding them against the impressions of ignorant and designing persons. Both mer- chants and manufacturers may become convinced that their too eager pursuit of riches has fostered selfish passions, and habits of luxury and excess, which must be corrected ; and while prudence leads them to pursue their avocations with more regu- lated industry and habits, they may not only find their trades flourish more steadily, but that the virtues of disinterestedness and a generous regard to the feelings of others, are worth purchasing at the expense of enormous wealth and influence. — Thus it is that all orders, in adapting themselves to the altered state of things, will establish their own interests upon better principles, at the same time that they all promote the true welfare of those with whom they are connected. As the respective classes of society begin to reap once more the fruits of their industry, upon this amended system, they will become more virtuous and truly enlightened; the mutual dependence of the high and the low, the connexion of the Government and the People, will be better ui^derstood, and the social system re-established on a more solid basis. Then may we approach the Throne with confidence and courage, to corn plain of the violation of our rights, and to demand the restoration of those constitutional f I, I ■ ' ill a. III. I I la li.a 1 '1 ifc: IH! Ir! 82 priiiciples which were established by the Revolu- tion ; then alone can w^e look for the completion of our wishes on the subject of a Reform in parliament, in the virtuous representation of a virtuous community. *%%»%^%%%/>%»V»»*%»%»%%%i»»»»» Although the distresses under which we la- bour, cannot be effectually alleviated without the application of the various remedies above de- tailed, (and it will require a considerable period of Peace to permit them to operate as they are calculated to do,) we must not neglect the other measures which have been recommended ; — viz. modifications of the Tithe and Game-laws ; a complete revision and amendment of the Poor- laws ; and such encouragement to the lower ORDERS, in every way which the wisdom of the legislature and the benevolence of individuals can suggest, as may tend most effectually to correct their propensities and prejudices; to lead them to more just views of their interests, and unite their feelings and pursuits more closely with those of the higher classes . ., - * • .,^ . 83 In every successive period of English history, (since the commencement of the sixteentli cen- tury,) in whicli the attention of the public has been particularly directed to the situation of the Poor, It appears to have been considered and described as more lamentable and desperate than at any preceding period, and as more wretched than in most of the other states of Europe.* During the whole of the reigns of Henry VI H and Elizabeth, the complaints were increasing; and the accounts, which writers on this subject give, a century subsequent to the enactments of Elizabeth, appear to be as shocking and alarming * Vide Strype*a Annals; wherein the following shocking picture is givrn of vhe state of Somersetshire in the \cur 1.598: the uiithor ates, " that forty persons had h<'on •* executed there in u year for rohberies, thefts, and oth<;r " ff-Jonies; thirty burned in the hand, thirty-seven m hippo 1. "and one hundred and eigli v-tl"ce discharged; — that x^ *' fiftli part of tlie felonies committed 'n the counties were tot " brought to trial : -that the rapines committed by the in thv " number of wicked wandering, iille people, were intolen-ijie " to the poor countiy men, and obliged them to a perpetual " watch of their sheepfolds, pastures, woods, and corn-fields. " — ^That the other counties of l.iigland were in no better a con- " ditiou than Somersetshire ; that there were at least three or " four hundred able-bodied vagabonds in every county, who " lived (.;' ^ft and rapine, and who sometimes met in troops " to the viuiiriber of sixty, and committed spoil on the inhabi.. " tants ; ;» j^^^ ^.^.^a > 9MAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 !|l^ 1^ !.l ■^ i2ii |2.2 2.0 lim - '•25 1 1.4 1 1.6 *• 6" ► 'm 71 /a w ^V/ i V '/ /A Hiotographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREEi WEBSTER, N.Y. 14SS0 (716)872-4503 iV ^ \ sj \\ "^^ ^.V^ »%<^ o^ 84 as those which abounded m her golden days;* and in the last century, no general or permanent * Sir Josiali Child iuCornis us, that, when lie wrote, in the year 1GC9, " our poor in England have always been in a most •• sad and wretched condition, some lamished for want ot* " bread, others starved with cold and nakedness, and many " whole taniilies in all the out-parts of cities and great towns, '* commonly remain in a languishing, nasty, and useless con- •* dition, uncomfortable to themselves, and unprofitable to the ** kingdom. This is confessed and lamented by all men." In another part he informs us, that the children of the poor were bred up in beggary and laziness, and were thereby, gene- rally, become more than ordinarily subject to many loathsome diseases, of which many died in tender age, and those that survived their hanlships were unfit for labour, or any good pursuits for the benefit of the State. Fletcher of Satoun, in his discourses on the affairs of Scot- land, published about the year 1695, describes the state of mendicity in that country as so dreadful that the peace of the community and even the security of government were endan- gered by it; and though he was himself so great a lover of liberty, that he thought the people could never have sufhcient securities agaius" the Royal propensity to absolute power, yet he recommended, as the only means of checking the evil, that all vagrants should be reduced to a system of domestic slavery. In the beginning of the last century, the evil does not seem to have diminisiied; De Foe gives us some Information on this subject, in his address to Parliament, called " Giving Alms no Charity." This was published in 1704, a period when (as he adduces strong facts to prove) thcra was no want of employment for all who would work. He considers all our workhouses and charities for the Poor, as well a:- the Acts of Parliament then in force for employing them, as great mischiefs, and tending to increase the number of die Poor. He thinks that tlicir improvidence is the principal cause of their distress ; that good husbandry is not an English virtue, and says, " Where an English labouring man will live " wretchedly and poor, upon 9s per week, a Dutchman will " live tolerably well with the same, and have every thing *' handsome about him ; the latter will thrive, while the former ". goes in rags." He adds, " we are the most lazi^ diligent " nation in the world; there is nothing more common than " for an Englishman to work till he has got his pocket full of 85 melioration seetiiS lo have taken place. This has been ingeniously attributed to various causes, by the several authors who have treated upon the subject. The increase of poverty and beg- gary, which was perceived to take place at the era of the Reformation, was so remarkable, that Dr. A. Smith, and most writers after him, attributed it to the suppression of the Monasteries, (which vomited forth their lazy tenants to beg and steal from the community,) and to the destruc- tion of the religious houses, from which alms were distributed so extensively amongst the poor. But some able writers, of late, have ascribed it more to the discovery of the gold and silver mines in America, and the consequent influx of the precious metals into the different countries of Europe, which took place about the same period. The newly-discovered riches flowed with so constant and increasing a current, as to occasion an advance in the price of all com- modities, with which the price of labour did not *• money, and then go and be idle, or drunk, till it is all gone, *• and himself in debt. I can produce, within my own know- " ledge, thousands of families, whose fathers can earn their " 16s to 25s a week, who go in rags because they will not " work. From hence comes our increased poverty, parish " charges, and beggary." Fielding informs us that when he wrote, about the year 1750, there appeared to be a greater number of beggars, and more distress and misery among the poor, than in all the other states of Europe. And he asserts, as " an unquestionable fact, that ** there are at this moment in London one great gang of 100 *' rogues ivicorporated into a body, who have officers and a " treasurer — reducing robbery to a regular system." f iii [I m 86 keep pace; and the situation of the labourer wa^ consequently injured instead of being improved. That the growing commerce and industry of the British Isles, brought us our proportion of these precious metals is true, and that they were attended with partially bad effects upon the condi- tion of the labourer, is highly probable ; but that they were the cause of making the poor more miserable, in the manner and degree which these writers have attempted to show, does not so clearly appear. In towns, the wages of la- bourers, artizans, and manufacturers, have gene- rally advanced in a tolerably fair proportion to the increased price of provisions and clothing, and the greater plenty of money, thoug/i not following them immediately ; and in the country, the wages of labourers are composed in so great a degree of corn and provisions, that they cannot suffer to the extent that is alleged from the depre-? ciatioD of money, The evil in question appears to be peculi^ arly attendant upon improved Civilization, — the more rich, refined, and commercial, any na- tion becomes, the more difficulties will there be to encounter with respect to the labouring classes. In a state of imperfect civilization, where manufactures and trade h?ve made so little progress as to be principally confined to the supply of domestic clothing and food 87 the humble artizan possesses greater mental acuteness and physical power to exercise those various arts of life which are connected with his comfortable well-being, than the maker of the most complicated machine, or the most skilful weaver of cloth. The latter knows little that is useful, beyond the art to which his attention has been confined from his childhood ; th-^ugh he generally acquires, in addition to great skill in his trade, a remarkable spirit of Independence, owing to the power which he feels of commanding high wages, when he chooses to exert himself. — Thus it is, that the manufacturer becomes gene- rally the most animated of our plebeian politicians and devotes tl.at time to the discussion of public measures which would be better spent in the domestic duties. But what an inferior charac- ter is this in many respects, to the labourer or mechanic of ruder countries and more simple ages of the world!— He not only tills his own piece of ground, and takes the produce to the neigh- bouring town, where his faculties are sharpened by collision with his neighbours, but he builds his own cottage, and makes a part of his imple- ments and furniture. He has so many little cares and pursuits which require constant attention and ingenuity, that he acquires habits of prudence, forethought, and moderation. — Living in the country, he feels the necessity of not only supplying his variety of wants, but also of pre- ill 88 Ihti paring to defend his little property ; — and unable to indulge his social propensities with the same convenience, or to the same extent, as the artizan in the city, by a promiscuous and extensive acquaintance, he cultivates those affections of the heart which recommend him as a neighbour, and bind the ties of kindred more strongly. Whilst, therefore, his portion of general intelligence and mental capacity exceeds that of the artizan who is employed in the most refined branch of trade or manufacture, the domestic affections stand a chance of being more exercised and im- proved ; — and if he has less to make him proud and independent, he has more of what will render him amiable, respectable, and happy. A'i • Before machinery and the division of labour are carried to great perfection, all the bad passions to which man is prone, are restrained by hard labour and low diet, which give him little time or opportunity for the indulgence of them, and subdue the body so much as to check the inclination to them. The introduction of machi- nery produces an excess of all luxuries as well as conveniences, if the workman continues to labour as hard as he did before; or if he labours less (as is generally the case) he has much spare time, which is commonly spent in those gratifi- cations which his passions prompt him to. In either case, indulgence, under different forms. 89 produces a very bad effect on his mind ; and the system leads directly to vice and misery. The opportunities which the artificers in towns enjoy for the education of their children, are certainly very greatly increased since the zeal of the higher orders has so much extended the powers of Schools; but they are still inferior to the advantages which our unpolished rustic possesses for bringing up his family. Labouring for the most part in the country, far from the polluted air and deleterious occupations of fac- tories, he sees his children around him enjoying health and cheerfulness; and if their faculties are not sharpened by the System of extreme activity, emulation, and monitorship, which our modern schools present, they are by no means neglected. He does not rest satisfied with having them taught reading, writing, and accounts, whereby they are to be prepared to get forward in the world ; he infuses into their tender minds, the pure and unsophisticated sentiments of Religion which his own heart supplies; — and leaves the contest betwixt Doctrine, faith, and holy zeal, on the one hand, and Piety, good works, and charity, on the other, to be settled by Nature and the village Curate. Which of these processes is the most likely to form good Citizens, and raise up Children of Immortality, every one must decide for himself. We know too well which of them it is that prevails in our days. ''fit' 90 We thus discover a foundation in the necessary structure of all highly civilized communities, for that deterioration of the moral characters of the lower orders, to which we may trace a large portion of that increase of wretchedness and pauperism which we have been lamenting. The division of labour, and the other processes which greatly augment the powers of production, and the means of extending National wealth, contract the intellectual attainments of the individual, and weaken the vigour of the corporeal frame; they destroy those finer sympathies, by which Nature would draw us together in the bands of charity and love; and degrade the moral man into a machine. It is, accordingly, in large cities, and especially in extensive mercantile and manufacturing towns, that the Poor appear in the most debased and disagreeable condition. Whilst our manufactures have flourished more and more, our poor-rates have increased in pro- portion ; though the wages of the Poor, in the manufacturing districts, are often extravagantly high, they seldom lay any portion by for a time of need; and they appear more regardless of comfort and cleanliness than the poor husband- man who receives, perhaps, not more than half their wages. A character of insolence, and unfeeling pride, prevails among them; and a tendency to political anarchy has frequently manifested itself, which it seems almost impossible 91 to repress by any moral or religious influence. The Poor in this situation make wonderful exertions, occasionally, either for the maintenance of their families, when well disposed, or for the pampering of their appetites and passions; but they have not those steady habits of industry, frugality, and sobriety, which exist in a more simple form of society, and which are so essential for warding off the attacks of sickness and poverty. This is a view of the effects of National Prosperity, which we advert to with reluctance; but it is founded upon the principles of civilized life, and the constitution of man — as a selfish, sensual, and short-sighted being; and it accounts for the production of a quantity of misery and vice, which it is to be feared no legislative regulations or individual exertions can perfectly counteract. '. V' The moralist, who delights to contemplate the progress of the human mind, cannot pursue the train of reflections connected with this sub- ject, without painful emotions ; -^ feeling tl>e happy influences of knowledge and refinement in his own breast, he anticipates the unbounded progress of improvement in his fellow-men. But when he sees vice and misery following so closely in the train of science, arts, and civiliza- tion, and arising immediately from them, he inquires whether the means of abridging human i m 02 labour are in themselves evils? whether, whilst all improvements in the arts of life — in agricul- ture, manufactures, and commerce — are rapidly advancing, intellectual, moral and religious im- provement may not keep pace with them? whe- ther, whilst we are fully convinced of the advan- tages arising from the use of machinery, and dwell with delight on the wonderful power which is acquired by means of the division of labour, of increasing the comforts and conveniences of human life, we cannot apply additional checks and restraints, proportioned to that increased disposition to the low vices and passions, which seems to accompany these great advantages? The man of taste, of information, of inquiry, of intellectual activity, answers that it may be ac- complished by giving the poor more instruction, taking more pains with their moral principles, and leading them to prefer innocent amusements and domestic pursuits, to the sensuality of the pot-house, and the society of the club-room. The rational religionist is confident the remedy may be found in the inculcation of more accurate views of Religion and stricter habits of piety. The phi- lanthropist, who views human nature as a com- pound of good and evil, of virtue and vice, hopes some greater good may be done, than has hitherto been effected by these remedies; but he looks at the actual state of society, and sees that on the whole the bulk of the people are not happier »or 93 more comfortable in proportion as the whole com- munity advances in civilization; h« feels disap- pointment and humiliation; — the mysterious plan of Providence appears to be surrounded with new difficulties, and he is almost tempted to despair of the destinies of the human race. A great portion of the moral and political evil which we have been delineating, has ex- tended itself through the country as well & in towns, by the modern system of cultivation on a grand scale in large farms ; which, though it has very much increased the productive powers of the whole body of farmers, has made them individually worse members of society. Formerly, the spirit of speculation and extreme enterprise belonged to the merchants almost exclusively, but now it is extended to the class of husbandmen ; and this has arisen, not from any alteration in their characters, but from the course of events and circumstances which have attended the situation of the country, especially since the commencement of War in 1803. It has since this period produced a very unfavour- able change in the characters of the cultivators of our soil, which every friend to his country must deplore. . It cannot be yet ascertained how far the ruinous changes, which the last two years have Pi. m.:) mm mm 94 produced, particularly in the farming districts, will operate in bringing us back to a better state of things; we may, however, hope that they will be productive in a considerable degree of this good consequence.* The wise design of Provi- dence is apparent, in ordering, that there shall be no evil in this world without its concomitant good; as it is likewise, in providing that every good shall be accompanied by a corresponding inconvenience. As long as the Landowner could find tenants of large capital and enterprise, to engage in extensive farms, he was induced to let off his • " A time there was (ere England's griefs began) " When every rood of ground maintained its man ; " For him light labour spread her wholesome store, " Just gave what life required, but gave no more. " His best companions — innocence and health, ** And his best riches — ignorance of wealth. " But times are altered ; Trade's unfeeling train, " Usurp the land, and dispossess the swain ;" &c. In such feeling strains did our Poet describe the change which was beginning in England fifty years ago ; how would he have finished and heightened the picture, had he lived at this day ! — Viewing the greatly increased population, and visible riches of the country, with his philosophic eye ; and beholding the beauty and luxuriance of his native fields, with those strong emotions of delight and attachment which warm the bosom of the patriot who has visited the other countries of Europe ; in what touching language would he have pour- tray ed the effects of our over-grown prosperity and population, on the character of the peasantry ; and lamented that the comfort and well-being of the individuals comr;'>^i ng the greater portion of the People, does not keep pai '. vfith the power and splendour of the whole ! 95 estates in this way, in preference to the system of small farms; not only because he found less trouble and inconvenience, but also because his late experience had taught him, that his lands where on the wiiole more highly cultivated; the fences, drains, &c. kept in better order; and the farming stock, and the general system of husbandry, maintained in a superior style. Whilst the extravagant prices and the waste of War continued, the Proprietor of the soil re- joiced to contemplate the luxuriance of his territories, and congratulated himself on having discovered a more effectual way of improving his revenue, than that pursued by his ancestors. He flattered himself too much;— that which he attributed to his own ingenuity and exertion, appears, for the most part, to have been the result of those peculiar circumstances, into which the Country was thrown by the War. A new order of things has succeeded; and the property in land, which was more stable and promising than any other, in the estimation of the most prudent calculators, has been the first to suffer. The evil will, however, it is to be hoped, work its own cure; — the fatal effects of the late specu- lative and aggrandizing system are felt universally, and the Country is daily learning in the school of experience, and by a process of painful disci- pline, lessons of moral and political economy, 96 which the most impressive discourses, and the most elaborate disquisitions, would fail to incul- cate. We may hope that, ere long, that most in)portant and respectable class of society in England, the Country Gentlemen, will perceive that there is more security and respectability in a great number of small tenants, than in a small number of large ones; and that, ultimately, their own best interests will be promoted by it. Thus by degrees we may witness the return of that better state of things, which will arise from a more equal distribution of the comforts and enjoyments of life. The extremes of poverty and riches will be gradually lessened ; the useful race of English yeomanry restored ; the inequalities of rank softened down; and the bonds of society strengthened by a closer union of feelings and interests between the higher and the lower classes * r.; .. As far as the farming part of the community is concerned, we may look to a very favourable effect being produced by the operation of these changej. The time is also arrived, when we * In the answers to the queries of the board of Agricul- ture, it is interesting to read tlie testimony of the £arl of Winchelsea and R. Barclry, Esq. in favour of allowing labourers small lots of lasd ittarhcd to their cottages. It appears that those who are treated in this way, are uniform'y the most hard-working, sober, and industrious labourers, and that they never receive any Parish allowance. ■ ' : o: may confidently reckon upon some portion of tlie time and talents of our ministers being direct- ed to the subject of the poor laws, since they have so satisfactorily disposed of the interests and territories of our neighbours. It would, indeed, have been unreasonable and selfish, to, expect Government to be very much concerned with the dry and uninteresting details of domestic regula- tions, when they were engaged in settling the destinies of Europe; and it must be admitted, that the People at large have never shown too n^uch anxiety about their own fate, so warm and disinterested has been their zeal for our Allies, and for the re-establishment of the old system of things in Europe. At length, however, the comfort and well-being of Englishmen begins to be a matter of real concern to themselves. Non nunc agitur de Sociorum injurid; Liber tas et anima nostra in dubio est. So great an ardour has warmed the breasts of some of our Statesmen and Nobles, (spiritual as well as temporal,) that the^ have convened an extra Parliament at the London Tavern y and adopted resolutions, and a plan of relief, which ought to immortalize their names. A grateful Country will enrol them on the splendid list of its Benefactors. Ere long they will again assemble in the chambers of St. Stephen's ; and then we may G hil 98 hope to witness that attention on their part to the coiiditioij of the lower orders, which will end in the revision and alteration of the poor- laws. It is difficult, however, to conceive how any modification of these statutes can avail us. That they are carelessly and shamefully administered is obvious ; but that they are also fundamentally bad in themselves, is now decid- edly the opinion, I believe, of those who have paid the most attention to the subject. We are becoming sensible, by woful and long experience, of the dependence and idleness which they foster on the one hand, and of the oppression and insensibility which they create on the other ; and that their natural tendency is, to alienate the minds of the lower classes from their supe- riors, and to extinguish the honest feelings of self-respect, which the lowest Peasant feels when, his bread is bought by the sweat of his brow. By lessening the necessity for great exertion, they counteract that first law of nature, which the God of nature has confirmed and expressed in the plainest language — ** He that will 7iot work, neither shall he eat ;" and at this moment they are degrading the minds of tens of thousands of. our felldw-subjects, who, striving in vain to main- tain their families by hard labour, find themselves at length compelled to resort to the receipt of Parish allowance, in company with the idle and profligate. For it is notorious, in every Parish ill England, that theise latter are continually 99 receiving the same support from the poor-rates, as the unfortunate but industrious man who is disabled by sickness, the pressure of the times, or a large and young family, from providing a complete maintenance. . The history of the present times affords us the most striking proofs of the baneful operation of the poor-rates, in estranging the minds of the labouring classes from their employers, by the effect they have on the price of wages. In the populous towns of Bolton, Stockport, &c. where the owners of houses, &c. pay 10s in the pound for poor-rates, the wages of the weavers are fre- quently as low as 6s to 8s a week ; and the man who receives them thinks himself perfectly jus- tified in complaining to his master of his low wages; and who shall say he is not, when he cannot live where he is, and is prevented by the law of settlements from seeking a better market for his labour? — But he receives as much more from the Parish, which comes in a great measure out of the pockets of the same persons — the manufacturers who employ him — who have paid him his low wages. Is it not clear, that if his employers did not pay these rates, they would pay the poor weavers whom they employ so much more wages; and that they would then be paying less than they actually do at present, in as much as the expenses of collecting and 100 distributing the parish-rates would be saved. The present system affords no relief to the poor incjus- trious manufacturer; its only effect s^ppears to be to give employment and influence to £^ nuinli^er of magistrates, attorneys, parish officers, over- seers, constables, &c. &c. while it encourages the idle to deceive and prevaricate^ without end, and fills society with irregularity and confusion. If it had not existed, many who now depend upon the parish might have possessed one or two hundred pounds; the equalization of property would have been better ms^intained, and ipuch of the mischief prevented which we are now deploring. Thus does the perversenei^s of li^gislative inter- ference degrade the mind and the affections of the lower orders, and put man i|) hpstjlity to his fellow-man. The poor e^rtificer l^ecoi^es, dis- contented with liis employer, ai)d, disaffected towards Government, in consequence of a fall in the price of his wages, generally the result of circumstances which neither his master nor Government have created or can remove. But the misguided sufferers, cannot discern this; and their blindness is confirmed by the wrong notions inculcated on such occasions by the disaffected or ilUad vised amongst the higher classes. Hence arise those frequent dis- turbances in our great manufacturing districts, \^ 101 accompanied by wasteful and predatory warfare against machinery, and those absurd Petitions to Parliament to establish a minimum of wuses which have been preferred by the Manufacturers of Bolton and other towns. The above remarks are applicable Only to those who have health and strength to work. It may be said that the laws ought to be preserved so far as to ensure a provision against the infirmities of age or sici *iess; and that they may be modi- fied in such a manner, as to compel every man to pay to the Parish a portion of his wages whilst he is working, upon which he may draw in the time of sickness and want of employment ; and to prfevent any man of an able and sound body frorii receiving allowance from the Parish. This object is, however, already attained, by means of private Benefit Clubs and Friendly Societies, in a mor6 easy, effectual, and beneficial manner than it could possibly be by any legis- lative regulation.* They have been increasing ^•:1 * The interference of Government by any system of Saving Banks, is to be regarded Mnth jealousy and fear. One evil, however, is attendant upon these Societies, which is power- fully felt at this moment in many large towns — the facility which they afford for Combinations amongst workmen, to keep up the prices of wages. It is to he feared no human pre- cautions can be availing to remove this inconvenience wholly, and that it must always exist in a considerable desgree, even in the best constituted societies. In Liverpool, the trade of ship-bnitding and repairing, is much injured by the carpenters V'-.-i .1' 102 throughout the country during the last century ; they have done much good to the poor, and only want the encouragement and advice of individuals in the higher classes, to render them more com- pletely what they were originally intended to be. It has been urged by the advocates of our poor-laws, (a code quite peculiar to this country,) that if they were strictly enforced, the inconveni- ence and evils now attending them, would not be experienced ; in as much as they require the Overseers to find employment and raw materials, as flax, hemp, wool, iron, &c. to work up into manufactures. But it is obvious, that if there be a want of labourers in any trade, it is not neces- sary for the Overseers of the Poor to point it out; it will be suiiiciently indicated to those who are willing to work; and want and hunger will urge them to labour much more effectually than the Overseers can do. If, on the other hand, the mar- ket is overstocked with labour in any particular trade, it wQuld be only increasing and protracting 1 refusing to work for 48 a day, whilst in other ports in the neighbourhood, they are advertising for employment at 2s 6d and 3s a day. Many of these deluded artificers are in conse^ quence unemployed, and they are maintained in a wretched state of li»zy dependance — getting some support from their Clubs and Benefit Society ; and though they persist, month after month, in refusing to uork at their own trade for 48 a day, or permitting any others to do it in this town, they are going about to ask for charitable as^ivistance, or for work on the new dock!;, where they would only receive 2s a day wajges. 103 the mkjhief, for the Parish to set its idle hands to work in the same trade. Tliis has beei^ pointed out so frequently, that the use of Workhouses is almost discontinued, and monei/ is now paid to the unemployed or idle; for the law says, that in England none shall suffer ivant, however improvident they may be. It is truly surprising that in an enlightened age and nation, such re- gulations should still be countenanced by the Legislature, after their evil tendency has been exposed by intelligent writers, from the time of De Foe to Mr. Malthus : and it is a matter of astonishment that they have not produced even a greater degree of mischief and confusion than they appear to have done. All the provisions of our poor-laws are as injurious to the Poor themselves, as they are pernicious to Society ; — they break down the manly port and spirit of independence, which characterized the Englishman in the hum- blest walks of life, when he could maintain himself by his own industry; they are a direct encouragement of laziness and imprudence, and a bounty upon v^ce and profligacy ; — thus increas- ing the misery and poverty which they were intended to mitigate, and reducing millions to the abject condition of paupers, who, if industry and frugality were left to find their own level in society, would be independent members of the community. Happier they who are the slaves of a humane despotism, as are the poor Peasants of r.'i 104 Russia, than those who are so unfortunate as to become the humbled and debased creatures of such an oppressive Code of humanity* It would not indeed be proper to abolish the Poor-laws suddenly; and it would be impossible to do without them in the present state of general distress. They are probably the only effectual means of compelling the rich to maintain the poor who cannot find work, and to prevent them from stealing and starving to such an extent as to disorganize the whole social system ; and they are perhaps operating as a merited .punishment of ♦ The Committee of Mendicity have examined witnesses in the late Session of Parliament, without producing any result; but it is to be hoped they will resume the snlvjdct, &nd adopt some plan for diminishing and gradually removing this nationail evil. Those who do not consider all Fi^ench notions on th6 subject of Legislation as bad and dangerous, will be forcibly struck with the opinion of the Committee vi^hich their Chamber formed to consider about ihe establishment of a Poor's Rate in France ; indeed all persons may safely read it, for it wais promulgated in the gooa days of the unfortunate Louis XVI. It is thus expressed — " Vexantple de VAnglelerre est unc ** grande et importante leqon pour nous ; car independamment ** des vices qu* elle nous presenter et d'une depense monstreuse, *' et d'un encouragement necessaire a la fainSaniisef elle nous " decouvre la plate politique de VAngleterre la plus dSvorante, ** qi'^il est egalement danger eux pour sa tranquillite et san ** bonheur, de detruire on de laisser subsister." Fatneantism is a vice so foreign to the English character, and peculiar to the French, that some other term ought to have been substituted. In spite even of the Poor Laws, I bejieve it has hitherto made but small progress in this countiry, and it is scarcely possible to find an English word that fully conveys the sentiment which it expresses. In France the art of doing nothing is an important study, and very generally cultivated ; in England it is taught only in our Workhouses. 105 those who employ large bodies of workmen for not doing what lay ip their power in the day of plrosperity, to put their dependents in the way of -saving something, and by the exercise of prudence and temperance providing against the season of calamity. If all the Workhouses, Poor-houses, and Orphan-houses in England were suffered to go to decay, can any one imagine, that the poor and wretched inhabitants of them, who are unable to maintain themselves, would be neg- lected? The real charity and extensive desire to do good, which prevail in this country, forbid the supposition. On the contrary, I believe their situation would be bettered, in as Itruch as many who can work, would thereby be compelled to work, and the incompetent would be better provided. The sure refuge of vice and idleness beiirg removed, thousands would exer- cise those moral restraints over their own con- duct, the general practice of which, the pre- cepts of the pulpit, as well as the suggestions of reason, have hitherto failed to enforce; — tens of thousands would recover their lost powers of exertion ; and all the Poor would make those strentious efforts to better their condi- tion, \Vhich form the strongest support of the social system. But it is not necessary to resort to violent or precipitate measures; the evils may I 106 be remedied by a gradual and gentle process; a period may be fixed, one or two years hence, (in the way which Mr. Malthus has proposed,) after which no children, legitimate or illegiti- mate, shall receive parish allowance; — and as no confusion or interference with existing regu- lations need to accompany such a restriction, no person would have any right to complain. An immediate check would thus be easily applied to the extension of the mischief, by discouraging rash marriages in the lower classes, and the multiplication of illicit births; and the ultimate removal of the monstrous evil complained of, would be ensured before the present generation has passed away.* . it? l-:¥ I * I cannot resist the inclination to transcribe Mr. Malthu8*s judicious remarks, on the manner in which our existing laws for tlie maintenance of the Poor injure their character, and estrange their minds from an attachment to their superiors. " Dnring periods of scarcity, the Poor are told that the " parish is obliged to provide for them. This they naturally " conceive is a ricii source of supply ; and when they are *' offered any kind of food to which they are not accustomed, ** they consider it as a breach of obligation in the Parish, and *' as proceeding, not from the hard law of necessity, from ** which there is no appeal, but from the injustice and hard- ** heartedness of the higher classes of society, against which *' they M ould wish to appeal to the right of the strongest. ** The language which they generally make use of on these ** occasions, is, * See what stuff fhey want to make us eat, I " wonder how thei/ would like it themselves ; I should like to ** see some of them do a day's work upon it.' The words ihejf '* and them, generally refer to the Parliament, the Lord *' Mayor, the Jusliccs of the Parish, and in general to all the *' higher classes of society. Both the irritation of mind, and ** the helplessness in expedients during the pressure of want, " arise in this instance from the wretched system of gOYcming 107 Mr. Cobbett, in discussing the subject of the Poor-laws, (in his Paper dated oth October,) maintains, that it is utterly impossible to abolish them; and, in his strong language, exclaims-— " Do gentlemen really imagine they can persuade " or compel two millions of the People to submit " to starvation ? " Then he informs his readers, he is aware there are projects on foot for prevent- ing the Poor from marrying ! — and pursuing an argument so well calculated ad captandumy goes on thus — " What a horrid state must that country " be in, where men can patiently listen to a pro- '* ject for preventing children from being born — '* for producing celibacy — for encouraging a state ^ ** of life which has always been held in disrepute " — for saying to the young men and women of " the country, * be not fathers and mothers! ' •• We are come to a pretty pass, when we are to " be coolly advised to set our faces against the *• very first principle of our natures'' Such is the reasoning, with which this Child of nature combats the principles that Mr. Malthus has endeavoured to inculcate in this country, (as Quesnay and the other Economists had done be- fore him,) in favour of restraining the Poor from (< " too much. >Vore tlie Poor once taught, by the abolition " of the Poor-laws, and a proper knowledge of their real situ- ation, to depend more upon themselvies, we might rest secure " that they would be fruitful enough in resources; and that the ** evils which were absolutely irremediable, the)' would bear '• with the fortitude of men, and the resignation of Christians." M. loa enteriiij; too early and iiicoiisideratt'ly into the married state. Is not Mr. Cobbett sufficiently acquainted witli the system of nature, to kno\v that whilst she calls upon mankind to ** increase and multiply/' she informs them, that if they follow their propensities in this respect with intemperance and excess, they will inflict misery upon themselves, their offspring, and the society whereof they are members ? — Has he not read, in the history of mortality, that nature ordains poverty and wretchedness inevitably to follow the man who gives the rein to his appetites and passions? Nature has not only given us animal passionSy but a strong spirit of Indolence^ which operates equally in civilized as in savage life, rendering it almost impossible for the best regulated com-^ m unities (excepting in new and vastly extensive territories like America) to keep the children of the Poor free from diseases and rags. If we consult Nature, ^e find that in the fruitful and highly populous empires of the East, as China, Thibet, &c. these two principles reign together in so supreme a degree, that it is no longer deemed inhuman to destroy such k portion of the new- born children, as may keep down the population to the means of subsistence; and that even in England, and other countries where the fields are cultivated to the utmost, the consumption is continually gaining ground upon the production of food. 101» the The propensity to marry is not so universal or powerful as the desire of food and raiment; Nature^ liowever, is the |)Urent of both; and if her dictates alone are to be followed by the Poor man, he may do many things that will afford him present gratification at the expense of his neighbour's comfort. He may not only seat himself uninvited, at the great feast which Nature has prepared, but bring in a train of hungry children. He may come to the Champion of yiaturBf whilst he is enjoying the fruits of his talents and industry at Botley; and tell him that he has for some years been labouring hard from moraing to night upon his fine estate, without saving any thing, but he sees no longer any reason why he should continue so to do, whilst his em- ployer pays him only 12s or lf5s a week, and spends his own time in finding fault with our own Government, and praising that of America. He may inform hiip that Nature orders that he who sows ought also to reap, and may demand an equal distribution of the fruits of that rich domain ; or at least that its owner should impart the profits of his Register, in order to enable more of the cottagers " to become fathers and mothers'' How the Philosopher of Botley would entertain the proposition, I cannot decide; but one may presume that Common Sense and Nature would suggest to him some such reply as the following, — " My good neighbour! no M m I 1^ m you are quite ai sea upon this business. It is true, indeed, a great change must take place, and that before you and I are many months older, but you cannot entertain so puerile an idea^ as to wish to break that happy union that subsists between us. I am not the author of the irregularity of which you complain, any more than I am of the hail-storm that unroofs your cottage, or the disease that carries off your pigs. Go to your Cannings, and your Ponsohoys, rmd to William Gifford, and Gilray the carica- ture-man, and the other men with empty heads and soft white hands; — you aromuch too intelli- gent and clear-sighted not to discern that it is they who get their bread by the sweat of your hroiv ;-—vfh\\^t you are compelled to labour with the mattock and the spade, and I work with my head and my pen for the good of my country, they devour the fruits of our industry. Do not then talk to me about participating in my Rents and my Register, and taking the revenues which are derived from my own exertions, and spun out of my own brains; — away with such a couple of dozen of remedies; — and go and ask the Ellen- boroughs, and the young Roses, and the hireling Editor of the Times, for a more equal distribu- tion of the gifts of Nature." ' ""^ U>!. ■ I But it is time to finish this discussion ; the Advocate of Nature cannot be ignorant, that HI Providence has decreed an eternal struggle be- tween our inclinations and our interests, or those of society; that a perpetual warfare is carried on, by the appointment of Divine wisdom, between the good and evil principles of our nature; and a balance of powers established in a manner inscrutable to our comprehensions. Civilized society and social order rescue tliou- sands from the dominion of want, which would pursue and destroy them in a state of barbarism. The Savage who wanders in the desert, and follows without control the guidance of Nature, is infinitely more the slave of want and suffering, than the poor man in this country; and the con- sequence is, that the population of uncivilized nations remains comparatively stationary. The quick sense of pain and misery in refined com- munities, makes us fancy those things to be great evils which the American Indian would be little aflfected by; and we must not, therefore, charge civilized society with being the author of the evil. The powers of civilization, however, are con- tiolied and limited ; and their advantages alloyed by restraints upon personal liberty in the best regulated communities, which are frequently Ycry oppressive and disagreeable. So the institution of marriage is calculated greatly to ameliorate the condition of man ; and certainly accelerates very much the progress of population ; but it is attended with its peculiar inconveniences and 112 privations; and perhaps they who enter into it may conceive they are no more exempt from suffering than those who axe excluded frpra it. r Since we find, then, that Nature is not a guide to he implicitly followed on this subject, and that even the sacred bond of marriage is not of magic power to ensure food for its hungry offspring, and subvert the law of human life, which proclaims that population always shall increase faster than food; — let us lead the igno- rant Poor to consult the principles of religion, and the laws of the society in which they live. Let them be advised that they cannot claim the privilege of indulging the agreeable propensity to marry, when they know they are unable to maintain a family by the utmost exertion; let them be warned, that it is the height of injustice to their more provident neighbours, to compel them to support the children which they bring into the world. Or let them be advertised, that they must contribute to a fund, for the main- tenance of their destitute children^ a certain port 'an of their wages, frofyi thp moment they become fathers and mothers. If such admoni- tions and cautions were inculcated by the higher classes, and especially by those who have in- fluence on the sentiments and^ conduct of the lower, the latter might be Ijed 1)o exercise those salutary restraints upon their passions, which 113 would render the intercourse of the sexes, even in the humblest walks of life, more chaste and refined ; and much of the vice and wretchedness that spreads itself through this class of society would be prevented. •'MiVi- ,••- ; ii; But Changes in the sentiments of mankind, upon questions of morality, are more frequently the result of experience, or even what appears accident, than of the lessons of reason, or the instructions of philosophy; and in the present age, when the adherence to opinions and pre- judice is conspicuous in maintainin«^ prescriptive views in politics and religion, favourable to the endurance of the greatest evils, we are conti- nually admonished rather to bear with composure :J-11. the ' ■ ••' '^ .' It ' ; «* Ills we do endure, " Than fly to others that we know not of." ^} We must not therefore expect any very rapid change in tfie public sentiment on this subject;—^ unless it should be countenanced by some one in ^authority; in which event it will instantly receive the impulse which fashion is contmually giving to opinion, and become as favourite a doctrine as it has been unpopular. < i > . '. ; » » >^ Hiit) ' J Although, upon this subject, no change should be wrought in the public mind, there is another, H li 114 in which we may indulge the hope, that the adherence to fashion will be overcome or mould- ed by the power of religion, and that sounder principles will prevail ; — I refer to the Education of the children of the Poor. The system of Mr. Lancaster was received with so much avidity, (especially since it was patronisf d by our bene- ficent Sovereign;) there was such an air of nove/ty and liberality, and so much real good in it, that it spread throughout the kingdom, and was adopted in every town as a perfect plan, without the apprehension of any evil or deficiency at- tending it; — that of Dr. Bell was viewed by too many amongst the most enlightened, as only acceptable in as much as it w?8 borrowed from Lancaster, aud objectionable on account of the exclusive connexion which it maintained with the religion of the church of England. It cannot be denied, that great good has been done by the numerous institutions on the Lancasterian principles;— the rising generation have acquired in them habits of subordination, order and clean- liness, together with a quickness ard variety of mental attainments unknown before. But these will not finish and mature their characters as good men, without other aids ; they may not be duly impressed with the importance of exercising the duties of temperance, moderation, and con- tentment, during their abode on earth, and of preparing for a better state, though their infant 115 minds are thoroughly initiated into the arts of reading, writing, and arithmetic. As every thing has its day in this age of mental improvements, and as religious feelings are rather fashionable at present, we may hope that the religious and moral system will be introduced more generally into our schools ; and [thence we may witness a change in the conduct and character of the lower orders, which will go as far in correcting the evils which we have been enlarging upon, as the imperfections of our social institutions will permit. At present the rage is ail for the pro- duction of taieiit, and rousing active exertion; knowledge is invited to unlock her stores to the Poor and the indigent, as well as to the rich and the grei t; and many, even of the most enlight- ened friends of the Poor, appear more zealous to instruct them how to distinguish tliemselves for learning and acuteness, than to cultivate the amiable dispositions and the pious affections. The experiment is still in progress, and it is probable that the timely application of other principles and views will i)y de^jrees correct this deficiency; if not, the character of the rising generation must be irreparably injured. It would be better that our peasants should remain poor, and our manufacturers unable to read, than that 116 they should gain riches and knowledge, at the expense of the consolations and hopes of religion.* * The great difficulty in combining religious instruction M itli the general Education of the children of the Poor, is the abstaining from those Dogmas which Christains of almost every sect and denomination consider essential to salvation, and which those who do not go quite so far as this, must feel a constant tendency to inculcate. — Good Churchmen, as well as the zealous Dissehter, can scarcely avoid infusing into the minds of the children some sectarian tenets; — and the more attached to their own communion, the more inclined they will be to think that their pupils will not bo in the right way unless they go to their Church. It is in vain to tell such persons that children cannot compre- hend the mysterious language of their respective Creeds; that even the best educated are for the most part indebted to birth or accident for their peculiar views of religion ; that if any particular sect had really a decided preponderance of argument and evidence in its favour, it would have ere this prevailed throughout Christendom, or at least very much superseded that diversity of faith which now exists; that whilst physical and moral Truths are not confined to one country or class of society, but are equally acknowledged and felt by Heathens, Jews, and Christians, by enlightened and diligent inquirers in Spain, Italy, and Germany, as well as in France or England, the doctrines of Religion, and the difi'ereut sects into which it is divided, appear to be arranged uader particular Climates and Provinces ; and that the divi- sions of Kingdoms and Rivers constitute in general the Boundaries which separate Popery from Protestanism, Presby- terianism from Calvinism, and so through the variety of sects into which Christians are divided. — It is to be feared that Zeal for the true Faith and the Doctrines of Christianity, will in the generality of mankind always surpass Enthusiasm for the prcKiical duties which it inculcates — of Charity, Benevolence, Forbearance, and Brotherly Love. It is an affecting but important trutb, that the diversities and contrarieties of faith appear in a great measure necessary to awaken and keep alive a strong sense of irek^on in the breasts of the generality of mankind ; but one cannot help wishing that these differences might be gradually divested more and more of that selfishness, exclusion and suspicion, which are fostered in the ignorant, by an attachment to particular Dogmas. ! 117 Happier far the poor cottager, who lives and dies contented in his humble sphere, " Who knows, and knows no more, his Bible true ;*- " And in that charter reads, with sparkling eyes, " His title to a treasure in the skies," than the expert mechanic^ or the most intelli- gent artizan^ who has raised himself by his skill and talents into a superior walk of life, but who thinks more of the means of his advance- ment and his superiority to his neighbours, than of cultivatnig the virtues of piety, humility, and kindness. ^^ V«>«^« ^^^^^V^ V%%'%%%%^%«%'%. v«- ■. Of:- Having thus. Sir, investigated the causes of our unparalleled distresses, and endeavoured to develope the manner in which they are to be most effectually mitigated; having shown that as they were occasioned by the overstrained and extravagant system of the War, they can only be effectually corrected by the pacific virtues of economy, moderation, and patient industry; let us examine what may be stated on the bright side of the question, and what consolatory pros- IIB ppcjts we may trace in the actual appearance and slate of things. It often happens that our fears, whilst they magnify our dangers and diffi- culties, prevent us from discerning those sources of comfort and of hope which our situation offers. In considering the present crisis only as affect- ing our Trade and Finances, we shall find some animating and consolatory views. ' ' " ^ !!'•' In the first place, the recent and great advance in the prices of Wheat and all descriptions of Grain, must greatly meliorate the condition of the Farmer and the Landowner. The tenant of the land has been entirely ruined, in many instances, by the low prices at which he has been compelled to sell two successive Crops; and so far the evil (dreadful as it is in magnitude, and lamentable in its consequences to the individuals) is to be viewed as having exhausted itself. A general reduction in rents has been the conse- quence; and ther^ is a prospect of the new occupier of the land obtaining a due return for his capital and labour. From early alarms being excited respecting the cro|)s, owing to the want of sun and warmth to ripen them in the last summer, the prices of corn have gradually been advancing for some time; and they are now so high, that the Farmer will probably receive as 119 much, or more, for two-thirds or three-fourtbs only of an average crop, as he would have done had he gathered a full one. If he only secures one hundred bushels of Wheat, and sells then at 15s or 16s, he receives more than if he had got a crop of one hundred and fifty bushels, and and sold it for only 8s or 10s a bushel. He is encouraged to employ the poor labourers around him; and hope, which is best medicine to the sufferer, bids him and his dependants to look forwards to better days.* ♦ The actual reiult of the Harvest cannot yet be ascer- tained, though we are arrived at the last week in October. In the Norti^ of England, in a great part of Scotland, and in the West and North of Ireland, a considerable portion of the Crops are still unhoused ; a very large quantity of which must rot and be totally destroyed, in consequence of the wet and cold weather which has continued with little intermission to the present time ; and a considerable quantity of the best fed Grain has been sprouting, by which process much of the Wheat that is saved will be rendered almost unfit for making Bread, and the Barley for Malting. — Those who are conversant with the subject, and the most accurately informed as to tHe result of the Harvest generally throughout the kingdom, are of opinion that we cannot expect, on the most favourable view, three-fourths of the Crop that we had last year, and that it may prove still more deficient. The reports from different districts, indeed, vary very materially, (as is always the case on this question of so much interest,) both as to the quantity and the quality of the Grain ; but in almost every part we find, tiiat the new Wheats, being lean and in very bad condition, sell for a fifth or a fourth part less than the old Wheat, and the proportion of good well-fed Grain in the present Crop must necessarily be very small. — On the whole, there seems reason to appre- hend, that, notwithstanding the improved state of our Agriculture, and the extensive provision arising from the greatly increased growth of Potatoes, (now cultivated so largely in all parts of Great Britain as well as Ireland,) we ■^i . I, no Thus the ngv'Qi^'l^'^J^al iiitt'iest will be relieved, and' the Fanner hai\itig felt so severely the i'atal effects of the »}'stfnii which has been pursued, will, it may be hoped,( adopt every precaution of economy, prudence, and moderation, which his experience can suggest, and his late misfortunes have so strongly incuJcated. 1, ,, j.,| ?; \^\.,i^ f,,.,; II I . S .1 , I ' ■ • I > I ■ r ' ■ . ■ I .,■:•< I . • If it be asked, what is to^ prevent a .recurrence of the same mischief, and a- repetition of the misery, should the Ilai-vest; prove abundant the next year? it can only be said the evil must cure itself again, in the same manner it has done, by the Landlord and the Tenant dividing the loss. But the over-growth of Corn is already very materially diminished; and it is a thing much to be deprecated, that the prices of Corn ^■'l may find ourselves in a more precarious situation, after all the Crops are gathered, than we were in the years 1782 — 1783. or in the alarming scarcity of 1800 — 1801. In the latter of these periods we were at war, and yet we imported as much as four million quarters of Corn, besides Flour and Rice, (see Appendix C,) principally from the territories of our Enemy, or Countries in alliance with him, as Prussia, Poland, tic. The accounts of the Crops in those parts of Europe arc not unfavourable; but in tlie Netherlands there will probably be no Corn to spare ; and in France the Harvest has been so nmch injured, that the Government has prohibited the export of it ; and there is a great uncertainty as to what quantity of Wheat and Flour we may be able to get from America.— Our OAvn surplus from the abundant crops of lajst year, has been prematurely exhausted by the sales which the farmers were forced to make at very low prices, and which might have been prevejited by a small temporary Loan from Government, ^71 I'll ill tliis Country should be permanently kept, by Laws and Regulations, so much nhove tlio average natural price of the other European Nations, as the Country Gentlemen who fixed the Import Restriction at 80s, would have it. The impolicy of this system, as it affects the general welfare of the country, is still not gene- rally admitted, though it is evident that the subject is becoming better understood; and it is probable the Landowners themselves, with whom, as independent legislators, the continuance or the alteration of the present Restriction ou^jj;ht to rest, will discover before long, that however it may benefit their present incomes and the situa- tion of their tenants, it must have a most preju- dicial influence upon their future and permanent interests. The regulation appears indeed to have done a temporary service to the country, by preventing so great a decrease in the growth of corn as there would have been without it, and thus diminishing the evils of the present scarcity; or rather, we may perhaps say, the bad harvest has remedied the evil coiisequences which might have resulted to the nation from the undue en- couragement given by the Corn Bill to the growth of this article. Its inadequacy, as a means of supporting the prices of Grain, (as it was intend- ed to do,) has been proved by experience; and it is a comfortable reflection, that no law can \n\ devised for accomplishing this object to- the 122 IP ! extent which was contemplated by the Act. It is not meant by this remar!v to imply that the landed interest ought not to be supported ; I am of opinion they ought, in as nmch as Agriculture has stood more in need of support since the conclusion of the War, than any other branch of industry. The manufacturers and merchants are more independent than the Farmers ; and if Government will leave them to themselves, they will repair the want of demand for their produc- tions in one quarter, by finding new vents in another; if the sale ofhard ware, cloth, or hosiery, falls off at home, they will send more to foreign markets, and thus relieve themselves until the home-market recovers. But for the English Farmer there is only one certain and regular market — that of his own country; and having grown, in consequence of the War, more than that market can take off in the present state of the country, it is proper that he should be assisted for a short period, till the consumption shall rise to a level with the production. The chances of a market for our surplus corn on the Conti- nent of Europe, are not to be reckoned upon; because the poor nations of Europe will always grow enough of this article, cheaper than we can possibly do, to supply the irregularities of crops, and occasional bad harvests in particular districts of the Continent. But as soon as our Trade and Commerce shall regain their former 123 V p activity, (and we may be assured they will recover sooner from the effects of the late shock, than the other branches of Industry,) they will relieve the agricultural interests in the only effectual way. In the mean time, all that could be expected would be, that the import restriction price of Com, which has been fixed by the alacrity of the Country Gentlemen rather too high, should be reduced pari passu as the government reduces the expen- diture of the nation. In this way the import price might be gradually brought down to 63s a quarter again in three or four years; and in that interval, the various interests which are dif- ferently affected by the operation of the Corn bill, would each bear their proper share of an evil, which the War and the course of events, have inflicted with greater severity upon the agricultural than the other classes. But it must always be detri- mental to a rich, populous, manufacturing, and highly luxurious nation like England, to attempt to compete "•'**^ *h(i poor countries of Europe in the growth of Corn. By being constantly depen- dant upon them for some portion of her con- sumption of this article, she will always ensure a steady supply at more regular prices than on the plan of growing all for herself; and eventu- ally the Landowner will be a gainer, because ^the population and high prices of the country, can only be maintained by an active and prosperous slate of Commerce and Manufactures, 124 , In the irext place, we may remark, tliat as the (Jistr s which has befallen our Manufacturers was mainly owing to the farmers arJ peasantry being- disabled, by their poverty, from purchasing ttle same accommodations they used to do, we may expect they will by degrees see their best Cus- tomers return to them, not only for the articles peqmsite to keep up their stock of agricultural implements, but for those various domestic uten- sils and little luxuries which they have been lately unable to purchase; and the Industry of the Towns and of the Country will then mutually raise up and invigorate each other, upon princi- ples more consonant with the permauv^nt welfare and happiness of all classes of the community than have been acted upon during the War. ** The great Commerce of all civilized states, *' is their internal Trade." But an extended Jhreign Commerce must continue an object of the greatest importance to this Country ; nothing, indeed, can prevent its always being of immense extent; and the same circumstances which have conspired in fio extraordinary a menner to de- press our Manufactures and Commerce, are now operating indirectly, though slowly and by a severe process, to iC-estaH^sh them on a surer founda- tion. The prices at which we have impplied the markets of th^ world have been so low, and they continue so much beneath what other Countries still can sell their commodities for, that the greatest 125 manufacturing districts in the European Continent resound with lamentations for the decay brought on them by the glut of English goods of all sorts, and with petitions from the People to prohibit them by Law.* Some of the most important of the manufactories of the United Suites ofA'merica likewise, which had been carried to so surprising an extent in 1812 to 1814, that if the War had con- tinued longer, so as to exclude our competition, they would have been conipletely established, are represented, by late accounts, as going fast to ruin. if I of It is true, our weavers and spinners will no longer have the advantage of that Pre- mium of twenty and thirty per cent, which they derived, during the War, (as we have before explained,) from the Government not being able to pay their Foreign expend ituve without this sacriiice in exchange upon the Bills; but, as the Nation paid it then, they ar'^ enabled to save it now. Commerce will not yield such sudden and brilliant returns as frequently pre- sented themselvfct. whilst England was the carrier of the World; but it will be steadily and pro- gressively improving, as the devastation and poverty of the War yield to the cheerful industry, and the reviving effects of universal Peace, The only legitimate foundation of Commerce is Barter, or an jtlxch^inge of equ'::alents;' and this can * See Appendix D. ' .' -Ci V26 only be fully attained and preserved, ^vliPii tljc industry of every nation is unembarrassed, luid that freedom and mutual coniidence restored^, which are incompatible with a state of extended warfare. '^ ,2/ The Trade of Great Britain during the War, was a kind of Monopoly; and on that account was prodigious; but if mankind are not strangely perverted from the character which >. tn, has impressed upon them, we may anticipate so great an extension of the Trade of the world, if Peace continue, as will in a few years give this Country a greater amount than even the monopoly of the War conferred, and establish it on a basis much more satisfactory and secure: ** The prosperity of one Country ** is so far from being incompatible with that of *' another, as ignorant and unthinking people ** imagine, that I am persuaded it very much " promotes it." * * I am here tempted to adduce the judicious remarks of Mr. Huskisson upon this subject, extracted from his Tract on the state of our Currency in 1810. ** We may rest asjiured, that it is not in the nature of Com-- ** merce to enrich one party at the expense of the other. This ** is a purpose at which, if it were practicable, we ou^t not to ** aim; and which, if we aimed at it, we could not accomplish. *' Let us not then disdain a virtue, which we perforce must ** practise. The boast of wealth, growing out of unequal " advantages, Vt^ould be a vulgar boast, even if it could, in the " naturr of things, rest on a real foundation. Our legitimate " pride should consist, not in the superiority of the means with " which Providence has blessed us, for the improve' cnt and 1^ 127 Such is the fundamental Principle of Com- merce, which I have presented in the words of our countryman Dr. A. Smith, and which the most enlightened writers have inculcated. As the peculiar situation of Europe, however, during the War, operated to disguise and conceal this important Trutn, it may not be without its use to enforce and illustrate it, with a reference to our actual condition and prospects. In the last years of the War, our Exports amo' .ted annually to sixty millions and up- wards,* whereas, at the commencement of the War, in 1793, they never exceeded eighteen or twenty millions. This increase cannot be con- templated without sentiments of exultation, as it indicates the stupendous growth of our prosperity. It is not, however, to be regarded as a fair and accurate measure of increased national wee.lth, for reasons which have been hinted at in former pages ; «< <« <( (< (I «( <( 4* «i « <( (« t( extension of our Commerce, but in the ijonsciousness that those means cannot be employed for purposes purely selfish, and that we do not desire so to employ them ! Our national character is to be exalted in the eyes of Foreigners, not by a self-complacent display of our own prosperity, but by showing to the surrounding nations, that they have an interest in that Prosperity; and that we prize it the more, not because we believe it to be exclusive, but because we know it to be communicable. Our true policy would be to profess, as the object and guide of our Commercial System, that which every man wtio has studied the subject must know to be the true principle of Commerce— /Ae interchange of reciprocal and equtoaletU benefit.*' - ,, , * See Appendix C. 128 ;^di the increase of tlie circulating medium raised the prices of every thing so much, that if wj had valued our Exports of 1815, by the prices of 1793, they would not, perhaps, have aimounted to more than forty millions; and from this a fourth or a fifth part might be deducted for that portion of them which was the produce of the Colonic, '-r the Belligerents, deposited in our warehouse^ in Entrepdty swelling our returns, and leaving some profit to this Country, but not yielding that profit which the united produce of our soil and industry commands. Our Exports of British articles appear, however, to be double what they were before the War; we will state them, in round numbers, at forty millions. We have seen how the exchange, not only in Eu- rope but all the World over, were against us ; take it at a thirty-three per cent in the late yeais of the War, and we shall reduce this forty millions considerably. It is true, the Manufactu- rers and Ship-owners gained ; but this was not a clear gain to the Country; for, as we have before explained, this Bounty of thirty-three per cent was paid by the Government, in the increased amount of Bills dr^W||i for fprejgn jml^j^ies.^nd military expenses. ^ "• •>'• •"•'i^i ''/ -viu.'^mI .(.♦/< »'. U .-lif'-'^u-iii),! nty 'id ot n j/brtil''* Let us not then deceive ourselves by the absurd notion that we bave had, or ever can enjoy, the exclusive benefits of Commerce. I 129 repeat the language of Mr. Huskisson — ** It is "not in the nature of Commerce to enrich one ** party at the expense of the other." Looking back upon the course and extent of our Trade during the War, we are not to flatter ourselves that the sixty or seventy miUions which we exported, and the fifty or sixty millions which we imported, annually, in the last periods, are fair criterions of our increased Comraerce. Nor can we at this moment, whilst we are recovering from the forced and unnatural state in which our Exports and Imports were placed by the War, boast that we are gainers by a supposed Balance of Trade, by the high rate of Exchanges, and the influx of Gold and Silver which we are daily receiving. In whatever situation our trade may be, whether good or bad, extensive or otherwise; whatever appearances the returns of the Custom-house may present, our Importations must in fact ahvays, on the whole, he equal to our Exportations. They cannot be otherwise for a continuance ; — the Balance of Trade in favour of ourselves, and against those with whom we carry it on, is an impossibility; at least it cannot remain so for any length of time. If it does actually exist for a short period, it is in fact unfavourable, rather than favourable to the Country that boasts of it. Such is the principle of Commerce, which is simply a Barter, in the most refined as well as the most rude societiei^, I 130 however concealed or disguised by the technical tenns and usages of Merchants; and so strong is the impulse with which it inspires man to discover equivalents, alike for his own wants as for those of his fellow-man, who invites him to the exchange, that no Country can boast of the Balance of Trade being in its favour perma- nently; in proportion as it becomes more favour- able to the one party than to the other, it must diminish in that quarter, and be diverted into other channels. The accumulation of wealth has no doubt been wonderfully great in this Country, during the last twenty years, whilst the fairest parts of Europe have been impover- ished and laid waste. But in proportion to the increase and growth of our Trade, has been that of the other parts of the Globe with which we have carried it on. As the Enemy cut off our intercourse with France, Holland, and Italy, in the commencement of the War, our connexion with Germany and the Baltic powers was extend- ed; and Russia benefited in so surprising a degree by her trade with Great Britain, that it is astonishing she should have been tempted to relinquish it. But when the course of events drew that power first into league with Bonaparte, and subsequently to contend with him on her own territory, the Commerce of England extend- ed itself to the Spanish Peninsula, and the provinces ^ of Greece and Turkey. In the mean 131 time, it grew and flourished in North and South America; and conferred its numerous blessings, with unexampled rapidity and success, upon those colonies of Spain and Portugal which had begun to breathe the air of Freedom and Independence; laying a foundation of friendly intercourse with them, which, at the same time that it increases our trade, will do more than any thing else in spreading Arts and Civilization through those long enslaved and benighted Regions. Thus it appears, that in proportion as our intercourse with one part of the world was curtailed, it was extended with another; — British Commerce flew, with its penetrating, generous, and difliisive spirit, free and invigorating as the winds of Heaven, from the stormy gulfs of the Baltic to the Pillars of Hercules; thence winging its course to the shores of the Archipelago, awakened sentiments of ancient Freedom and Refinement; and crossing the Ocean, dispensed its treasures, with the bold spirit of British Liberty, from Terra Firma to the mouth of the Oronoko, and to the Nations that sat in darkness on the banks of the La Plata. , # lean Whilst, therefore, the Trade of Great Britain is admii^ed to have increased surprisingly during the Wir, we are justified in expecting that, as we possess the same equivalents as we heretofore gave in Exchange with those countries that 132 were not shut out from communication with us, we shall retain a great portion of our Trade with them; and that it will gradually increase with the European Nations, with whom our intercourse was interrupted.* Our Commerce with the Bast Indies has. already felt the good effects of the portion of free trade which has been opened ; — and as it becomes better understood and more cultivated, there is reason to hope, that the force of mdividual talent, capital, and exertion, * This remark must be qualified by the obsen/ation, that if the several Nations of Europe continue to act with the spirit of jealousy and exclusion which has hitherto cliaracterized their mercantile system, their intercourse with each other cannot be so extensive and advantageous as it ought to be. Where this system of exclusion began is not a matter worth inquiring about ; but it seems to be still in favour with every Government on the Continent ; — France prohibits English Manufactures, because England does not take her Wines and Brandy, except at enormous duties ; England lays an almost prohibitory duty on the Timber of the Baltic, and those nations cannot buy our Salt and Manufactures as they used to do ; she refuses to admit any longer the Butter and Cheese of the Dutch, and that discerning people retaliate upon us in their new Tariff. The only Countries, in all Europe, to whom we show special favour, are Spain and Portugal, who have not manifested a corresponding preference to us in return ; and these Countries are at this moment carrying on so large a trade in Slaves to their Colonies in South America and the West Indies, that they are enabled to extend the growth of Sugar, Coffee, &c. beyond their own wants, to the great detriment of our Planters, who have hitherto supplied a considerable portion of the con- sumption of Europe. The calls of Humanity were not listened to at the return of Peace, when tbe revival of this tfaffic might have been easily prevented ; and we shall now finuTit difficult to put a stop to it, though our Interests may induce tts to exert ourselves for that purpose. In the course of the last year, above 40,000 slaves have been imported into the Brazils, and nearly 20,000 into the Island of Cuba I 133 will establish a most extensive and lucrative Commerce, upon the ruins of a chartered but unprofitable Monopoly.* In South America our Trade continues to increase; and in the United States, although the markets have been latterly so much over-stocked with the manufactures of England, that they have been actually selling by auction twenty or thirty per cent lower in New * Within the last 12 months, upwards of one hundred ships, of large burthen, have sailea to India from Great Britain to carry on a free Trade ; the great bulk of the cargoes wiiich have arrived from thence, up to the present time, having rendered profitable sales. It appears at present to be overdone, and great losses will probably arise, as was for- merly the case from over-trading to Brazil, America, Ac. ; but eventually perhaps this will tend to establish tlie Trade on firmer grounds. We cannot, indeed, look to that rapid introduction of a taste for English manufactures, which took place in the Countries of SoutU America, in consequence of the great glut that was sent by the first adventurers. The peculiar habits and religious prejudices of the natives, sanc- tioned and fenced round by their respective Casts, will probably retard it almost as much as the mildness of their Climate and their constitutional indolence. But we have already supplied them with English Muslins and other light (yotton goods, which they obtain from us on cheaper terms than they can manufacture themselves, though their wearers do not receive more than about 2d a da}' wages. The genius of the Hindoos would not be unfavoiurable to the intro- duction of machinery into their manufactures; but the very low rates of wages will in all probability prevent this from taking place. When the power of the Steam- engine, and the skill and steady exertion of our artizans, overcome such a disparity of wages as this, what have they to apprehend from their rivals on the Continent of Europe ? There is a power arising from the combination of manual labour and steadiness, with mental resolution and spirit, which the British character exhibits, that, with the aids of our superior Capital and Skill, and the unparalleled perfec- tion of our machinery, can never be exceeded, perhaps not equalled, in any country of the World. 134 York and Philaclelpliia, than they can be bought in Manchester and Leeds ; yet the check to this trade is only temporary, and we ourselves con- sume so large a proportion of the produce of their soil, a»- Cotton, Tobacco, &c. that nothing can prevent our retaining a most advantageous and increasing Commerce with that active, en- lightened, and flourishing nation. . . Let us not, then, despair of the Trade and Commerce of Great Britain; — she not only retains more Capital, talents and exertion, than any other Country, but she possesses all natural and acquired advantages upon which a sound and legitimate Trade is founded. Though she cannot preserve that monopoly which she so eminently enjoyed in some quarters during the War, she is still the grand centre of all mercantile operations. Her Ships, Colonies, and Commerce will remain and flourish ; and as long as her Liberties and her excellent Laws are preserved, '' this nation of shopkeepers'' will continue the mainspring of the Coipmerqe of the World.* Much as we must lament the bad Harvest, and the prospect of very high prices for Corn, we may anticipate some consequences arising directly ,j: t! ■ I- '. hi". fi-Zi' M ■#, .'• fiP * For a more extensive view of this interesting subject, see ^he argument in the postscript. 135 from these misfortunes, highly beneficial both to our Commerce and Manufactures. The latter will be revived by tlie encouragement which the cultivators of the land will have to become customers again, for all those articles which are rather to be considered as necessaries of life than luxuries, but with the use of which the Husbandman has been gradually dispensing for a long time past; and the internal circulation of all raw and manufactured articles will be much enlivened and extended ; they will likewise be animated with fresh spirit, by the revival of our foreign Commerce in Grain. Our Shipping, likewise, many of which are laid up in the Docks, because no employment can be found which will pay the expense and wear and tear of the voyage, will be extensively engaged in bringing this bulky article ; — already they are at sea, and some of them returned to Port with cargoes of Corn,' in anticipation of its being admitted to entry in November. .0'^'^ It is very common to hear it stated, not merely in the newspapers of the day, but by enlightened men in the Houses of 'Parliament, that when we import Corn from the Baltic, or Flour from America, to the extent of four or five millions sterling, we are losers just to that amount ; and great lamentations have been made 136 '8 oC at all times, that we should he giving away to our Rivals or our Enemies, so large a portion of our national Income. But a little examination and reflection would serve to show the fallacy of this opinion ; — whatever amount England pays for foreign Corn, she is fully indemnified by the enhanced price and increased quantity of her manufactures or raw produce, sent to foreign Countries in Exchange; or by the diminished price at which she provides herself with other articles of Commerce from foreign Countries. We will illustrate this by examining the pro that will attend an Import of Corn, in actual situation of this Country. At present the United States of America are indebted to Great Britain a very large sum of money for manufac- tures disposed of, — we will say four or five millions: and they have an equal quantity unsold, which have been sent thither for sale by our great Capitalists, both in the Sea-ports dnd manufacturing Towns. We have received in return all the surplus or exportable produce of America, consisting of Cotton, Tobacco, &c. which they could procure even at very high prices; the entire crops of these are sent to England, and still there is a large balance due. --*^<^All at once, England is in want of Corn and Flour, and the effect will be, not only that the balance will be paid as quickly as these can be collected and shipped ; but the American farmer. 137 having found an unexpected sale for his produce at high prices, will hecome a good customer for the stocks of English Woollens, Hardware, &c. which were almost unsaleable : and the English Merchant who is anxious to get his returns from America, will do it either in Corn, or in other raw produce, as Tobacco and Cotton; which latter must necessarily be less in request, and fall in value, in proportion to the quantity of Corn that may be shipped to this Country. The glut of British manufactures had raised the prices of all the raw produce, which we pur- chased by them abroad, to an unnatural height; and our Imports of Corn will tend gradually to correct that evil, and enable the English Creditor to obtain from the American Debtor what he owes, in a much more rapid and advantageous manner than he had any prospect of. The same thing will take place in other parts of the world where Corn can be spared, especially in the Baltic, where the seasons have been more propitious; and in whatever part of Europe we can find a surplus of Wheat, Oats, Barley, &c. we shall not only receive the balances now due, but if our wants are so urgent as to require it, we shall no doubt be able to find sufficient to meet any probable scarcity ; and the more we purchase of these necessaries, the more shall we dispose of our superfluous stock of valuable wrought ki '■ if ,,f.1 138 articles, the produce of our mines and nianufac- tures. As the case stands at this moment, and as it has been for the most part since the linal cessation of our foreign military expenditure, we are uiiab!e to obtain advantageous returns for the debts owing to us in all the countries of Europe, and in America. The consequence has been, that immense quantities of specie have been sent to pay the balances, and our ingenious manufac- turers have found themselves in the situation of the King of Phrygia, who was in danger of sif.rving, because every thing which he touc^red was converted into Gold. This has been literally the case with us; the influx of the precious metals, in consequence of an alleged Balance of Trade in our favour ^ has impeded our industry and checked our trade, whilst our newspaper writers and others have been congratulating the Country upon the great accession to our National Wealth which we derived fi-om it. Let us no longer then continue to offer up the Prayer of Midas, that all we touch may be converted into Gold. In the situation of this Country, we shall be in danger of enduring his punishment, in pro- * )n as we succeecj in obtaining his childish pOiiion a pi'ivilege. ' / It nay be urged, that it will be impossible to procure from other Countries a supply of Corn adequate to meet the deficiency of our Crops; 139 and that, in the mean time, many of our Poor will starve, for want of a sufficient supply of proper nourishment. May Heaven avert so dreadful a calamity! There appears, however, ground to hope, that by the assistance of what yet remains of our old Corn, and the suspension of the Distillation from Grain throughout the United Kingdom, (which measure Government will of course adopt if it should appear, on the opening of the Ports, that there is not a prospect of an adequate supply by Importation,) we shall not only have a sufficiency to prevent any danger of a famine, but to keep prices lower than they are at present. We may Hkewis . rest assured, that wherever an abundance oi" Corn is to be found, the state of our Trade in every quarter of the Globe is such, and the Balances owing to us so large, as to ensure its tr^jinsportation to England as quickly as possible. And if, after all, prices continue as high as they are at this moment, it is possible that the real distresses of the Poor may liot be so great as they have been of late, in as much as they will be more generally employed, both VI the fields and at the looms, and also at better wages than they have received for some time past. , That there will be much distress and complaint we must expect. In the history of this Country, we read of great sufferings and alarming irregfu- 140 larities amongst the lower orders, after the con- clusion of every War in which we have been engaged ; * and we may now expect our share of these evils, proportioned to the increase of our Taxation, and the vast extent of our late Naval and Military Establishment. The multi- tudes of men, ignorant of every trade but that of War, who have been wandering about the Country since the Peace, is so great, that one cannot wonder at the depredations and robberies which are committed. Our highways and large towns are infested with idle and ill-disposed persons, who are just able to support themselves by begging and stealing; and who, being for the most part without families and homes, prefer vagrancy to the pain of getting their bread by the sweat of their brow. It appears accordingly, that great numbers of them will not hire themselves to regular labour if it is offered them, though they be able-bodied men; preferring to go on pilfering through the Country, and imposing upon the charity of the benevolent. But with respect to the w'^ Jisposed labourer and artizan, whether in town or country, who is willing to work for his livelihood, there is some reason to expect that his situation will be bettered, in consequence of the activity that will by degrees be infused into our Agriculture and internal Trade in particular, *Sce the History of England, A. D. 1748, 1763, and 1783. 141 and in a very great degree likewise into our foreign Commerce. His wages too will be fixed at rates more fair and advantageous to himself, as well as his employer; for his own comfort and respectability, and the welfare of his family, will be promoted by his receiving, regularly, lower wages than he !i»d during the War. He cannot indulge, as he was then tempted to do, in drink and extravagance, in food and clothing, (which we have endeavoured before to show was carried, amongst both the manufacturers and the pea- santry, to an extent unknown in other times and other countries;) but he will be. enabled to maintain himself in comfort, and will become, in all probability, a happier and better member of society than he ever was in the days of his pros- perity. i < V, We may, moreover, find that Cori has b. en driven to a higher price, by the speculations of the Dealers, and the general apprehensiot* of a dearth, than will be maintained; 15s a bushel is now as much as iOs or 22s when our currency was so much more extensive; and this exc* ive price must necessarily occasion a sensible dimi- nution of the quantity of Wheat consumed, and a recourse to those substitutes of inferior grain, of which so large a proportion may be appropri- ated to the use of man, in a case of urgent neces^ sity, by putting a stop to Corn Distillation. 142 It is not to be expected, indeed, that any Legis- lative regulations can reduce the price of Corn below its present average vahie;* but there is reason to hope, that whilst ministers try in vain to lower the price, the Poor, being employed, will be better able to purchase it than they were during the two last years, when it was so cheap that Government were doing all in their power to raise the price. In proportion as our internal Trade and foreign Commerce shall revive, the state of our finances will improve, and the reduction of the * In the last (razette, 93s 6d per quarter was the average return for Wheat. In consequence of the bad harvest of 1800, all descriptions of Corn were selling at higher prices, in January 1801, than they are at this moment. In the month of May they fell one-tburth, owing to the large supplies from Europe and America, and the good appearance of the growing crops ; and in the month of August they had fallen so much, that the same Wheat which sold in Liverpool, at the beginning of the year, for 21s, was selling only at 10s per 701bs. In the most favourable view of things we could not expect such a change as this ; but n we consider how much more the growth of all kinds of Grain is extended in proportion to the increased population, and that the consumption has been lessening for some time, owing not only to the high prices, but the great distress of the lower orders, we may find, if we have a favourable Spring for getting Com and Potatoes into the ground, that the prices of Grain have beei at the highest, especially if the Imports from the Baltic and America are large. I'hough the weathc was remarkably un- favourable last Autumn for sowing Wheat, this evil may be in some measure remedied by the labours of the Spring. The culture of Potatoes affords such efficient means of providing human sustenance, in periods of scar* ity like the present, that it would be worth the attention of Parliament, to consider of the expediency of encouraging the extensive growth of the early Potatoes by a bounty. 143 Interest of the National Deht^ which has been agitated in the newspapers and in private society, as a measure indispensable to our salvation, will no longer be an interesting topic of discussion. As, however, it is canvassed freely, and with some warmth, between th*:; Fundholders and those who have no interest in the Funds, let us briefly ex- amine how the case stands, when tried in the scale of justice, and what would be the effect of any violent alteration in it upon the state of the Country. When the mterest of the National Debt was only one million and a half, (a hundred and twenty years ajo,) it was represented as intoler- able, and stocks were at thirty and forty per cent discount. Since that time the Debt has gone on accumulating, and every writer, from Dave- nant to Hume and Price, has prognosticated the ruin that it was on the point of bringing down, not merely upon our Trade and Manufactures, but upon our Agriculture, our Population, and our very existence as an independent Nation. Neither our Trade nor our Independence appear yet to have suffered from it. But the period of annihilation, so long foretold, (the end of the 20 r ■ years allowed by Mr. Paine,) is attength arrived; it is announced by Mr. Cobbett, and whilst he pronounces the funeral oration over the FnndiVji; '!!' 144 System,* he iuforms us that it has been feeding upon the vitals of the constitution, in perpetual alliance with corruption and injustice. He has the art of putting his propositions in a striking light; and on this subject, after informing us that the interest neither can nor ought to be paid, he says, " Whilst A, who put his fortune into the ** Funds, is receiving five per cent interest on it, '* B, who employed his money in Agriculture, ** finds the value of his land and produce depre- " ciated one-half or more: he is therefore greatly " injured; and has a right to call on the Legis- ** lature to rectify an injustice which has arisen " entirely from the bubble of paper money. They " both started in 1812 with £1000; and A lent his' " money to Perceval and the rest of them, who ** were to pay him five per cent interest; and B " went to farming, to make a profit by the applica- '* tion of his capital and labour. A had to receive '* of B, in taxes, the amount of about seventy " bushels of Wheat; for seventy bushels of Wheat " cost then about £50. This was fair as long ** as the bubble continued. But the bubble gets *' a crack ; and things are so changed, that A \y ♦ See Cobbetfs Register Ith September. ** For my part I ** expect the whole machine to go to pieces. Not in an hour, "nor in a year; l>ut even now the battlements rock most ** furiously. All is upon the shake ; I am quite sure that ** those who Jlee first will experience the least degree of " danger." One may presume Mr. Cobbett has not any interest in the Funds ; — the VVriter of these remarks never had. 145 A " demands and receives of B more than one *' hundred bushels of Wheat, instead of the " seventy which it was clearly understood A '* was to receive." He goes on to show how a Reformed Parliament would set this matter to rights : " They would inquire who the Fund- *' holders were when they deposited their money; *' they would compare prices at the different " times; they would hunt out the receivers of ** public money ; they would see the extent of " the Nation's means; and in a very short time, " with the greatest correctness, allot to every ^ .a *' his real due." Thus easily does Mr. Cobbett dispose of the claims of the Fundholders ; but he seems to have forgotten, that bnt a small portion of the original subscribers or lenders have now got those sums in the stocks which they originally invested ; the property has changed hands twenty times; — and a Reformed Parliament might as well inquire who was the proprietor of Botley at the time of William the Conqueror, with a view of dispossessing its present owner, and reinstating the descendants of the original pro- prietor, as make the investigation which he proposes. Let us seriously examine what justice there would be in taking from one set of men a part of -*H 146 tlieir incomes arising from the Funds, because those from whom they bought them were loan Contractors, or in some other way benefited from a connexion with the Government. That there are many Fundholders, to an immense amount, who became possessed of this property from such connexion, cannot be doubted; but it would be utterly impossible, and if it were possible, it woitld be highly improper, to attempt to distinguish one Stockholder from another. The contracts for the loans, from the beginning of the last War, have been made in the most public, fair, and open manner; Mr. Paine in 1793, and Mr. Cobbeti in 1813, might have had a share of them had they pleased ; the Country, who approved and supported that War, were a party to those Contracts, and are pledged with the Government to fulfil the conditions of them; and however great may be the difficulty of paying the interest this year, or the next, or for twenty years to come, the Income, the Industry, the Land, and all the property of the Country, are directly pledged for the deficiency, if any arise, and for the payment of the Interest by every means which labour and frugality, in public and in private, can provide. v. a Besides we muet not forget how many thou- sands of our fellow-subjects, especially amongst those who had the least concern in promoting of 147 profiting by the War, ■— aged annuitants, ^Tomc^ and children, professional men, and all \vl)o depended, not upon productive labour, but fixed incomes — suffered as long as the Loans continued, from the enhanced prices which they paid for every thing, whilst their income as Fundholders was stationary, and in its nature incapable of improvement. They also paid the Property Tax equally with all the other classes of the com- munity, though they could not possibly indemnify themselves, as persons in Trade and Agriculture were able to do, by raising the prices of their productions. And during the alarms of former wars, when the thrte per cent Consols were as low sometimes as 47, the Fundholders run great risks, and frequently at later periods, when the same description of stock was at 65 and 56. m And shall we now, when things assume a gloomy appearance, and our finances are droop- ing, lay our hands upon the bond which has been given under the sanction of national honour and good faith ; and say to the public Creditor, you must relinquish three millions out of your thirty, to meet the urgency of our necessities?— When ambitious and unbounded schemes of power, wealth, and aggrandizement, recoil upon ourselves, shall we turn to the class of men whom we have described above as having the least participated in the benefits of our late system, 148 and tell them they are to be the first to make a sacrifice, and that they must have their income for ever decimated, as it was during the War? Shall we do this, whilst we see two or three millions of the produce of our labour and capital employed in supporting Siiiecures, unmerited Pensions, and a wasteful Civil List? nine or ten millions in encouraging idleness, profligacy, and improvidence amongst the Poor? — and five or six millions more than is necessary in main- taining an immense standing army ? If we have not a sufficient regard to public morals and the freedom of the Country, to lead us to correct these abuses, let us do something towards it, in order that we may save ourselves from the disgrace of such a compromise of national good faith. Whatever the world may think of our past wisdom and moderation, in combining one coalition after another against our Republican neighbours, they have never suspected our uprightness and virtue; and it would be the height of folly, when we have so successfully attained the object we have been fighting for, to forfeit that high character for national honour and integrity, which to this moment has not been ques- tioned; — to violate our engagements, and offend against the eternal laws of Justice. "^ . Let us then be well assured, that all possible means have been exhausted for meeting the 149 exigencies of the Country, before we admit the idea of taking any advantage of the Public Creditor; let us be convinced that we are reduced to a state of absolute and irretrieval)lL' insolvency, before we think of partial payments. What would be thought of an individual, who should propose to his creditors to compromise with them for his debts at the rate of fifteen shillings in the pound, in order that he might go on keeping his retinue of servants, his equipage, and his expensive establishment, and continue his system of indolence and extravagance ! — How shocking would it be, to witness the same kind of attempt made hy a great Nation! It is to be hoped, that the Government will be more consistent than the people are on this sub- ject. However they might be inclined, indeed, to diminish their present difficulties by tampering with the Funds, they would be deterred from it by the apprehension of injuring Public Credit so as to prevent them from ever borrowing in future, for the purposes of new Wars; but it is highly probable they will appropriate the Sinking Fund without much reserve to the exigencies of the times; this is a resource from which they have so frequently drawn, that they have acquired a kind of prescriptive right to avail themselves of it on an emergency, and the Fundholder does not consider himself as injured by it. Though this 150 practice has been occasionally resorted to ever since the year 1735 or 1740, it is not strictly jus- tifiable, and it must materially aftect the value of the Funds, if continued when no new loans are called for. At the present moment it is impor- tant to retain the Sinking Fund in full opera- tion, if possible, because it would purchase so great a portion of the capital of the three per cent consols, whilst they are at 63 : and it is pro- bable Government might at this time (if such an intention were announced) borrow as much money as they would otherwise take from the Sinking Fund, at a less rate of interest than 5 per cent, which would be a great saving to the Public* The only way in which the Country can fairly get rid of any portion of the unredeemed Debt, • Since the publication of Dr. Hamilton's book on the National Debt, the Public are beginning to understand the real nature of the Sinking Fund, and its deceitful operation whilst the War continued, and new Loans were contracted; — and we are astonished the Legislature could sanction such a solemn declaration as the following, or that the People should put confidence in it : " That the total capital of the Funded " Debt of Great Britain, amounting on the 5th January 1786, " to 5g'238,231,248 5s 2|d, had on or before the 1st March ** 1813, been wholly satisfied and discharged, the Commission- ** ers for the reduction of the National Debt having actually '• purchased j^238,350,143 18s Id, exceeding the aforemen- " tioned sum by jg>118,895 12s lO^d." ! ! —The ministers have it in their power, however, to make the Sinking Fund available to a good purpose ; and if they study the seciurity of their own seats, they will not only abstain from misapplying it, but do all in their power to avaijl themselves of the plentiful supply of money in the market, to ^dd to and improve it. 151 is by boiTovvinjr as soon as tliey are able at a lower rate of interest, in order to pay it off;— say at four or four and half percent per annum; and though they were iniable to do this during the War, because great Capitalists found the means of employing their money in land and other objects, which paid them five per cent and upwards, yet is it by no means improbable that they may be able to accomplish it now, that Peace is established and no more Loans required. Indeed, money is already so plentiful, that many persons are sending it to be invested in the Amer- ican and the French Funds; and if something does not arise to prevent it, these will become by degrees very favourite channels for the disposal of our surplus Capital. They now pay seven per cent interest and upwards ; but there is a prospect of their rising so quickly, owing to the limited extent of the public debts of those Countries, and the growing confidence in their Resources,* that they will cease to be the same advantageous places of deposit for English Capitalists that they now are; and when the time shall arrive that they only yield five per cent or thereabouts, it will then be possible for the Engli^.h Government to borrow at the rate of four or four and a half per cent. * By the last accounts from the United States of America, the Stock of that Government Lad advanced 4 per cent since the 1st of October. 152 ~ ' ■ ; /; The Stocks being* the grand reservoir for receiving from time to time all imempioyed Capital, and the accumulation of private vrealth which the owner is unable or indisposed to put into circulation, it is obvious that in proportion as Agriculture, Commerce, and Manufactures become less profitable, there will be more money afloat, and it will be invested in the Funds, unless the Credit of this security is shaken: the Funds will rise in consequence, and he who buys into the three per cents at 70, will receive only about four and a quarter per cent per annum interest for his investment. In such a state of things, Government may easily borrow at four and a half per cent; &nd if they were obliged formerly to pay a higher interest than five per cent, (as they did between 1793 and 1802 in particular, owing to the unprecedented extent r,{ their Loans, and the want of public confidence in Government securities,) they surely ought to borrow as soon as they can below five per cent, and endeavour to make a bargain with the Fundholders, on more ad^ iiniageous terms to the Country. By this process alone can the Nation fairly counteract the advantage which tlie Fundholders now enjoy in the superior ret -^n which their capital yields above that of the other branches of the community. But if Trade and Commerce flourish, and Agriculture pays a liberal return for capital, the 153 Taxes will be paid, the difficulty respecting the annual discharge of the interest due to the public Creditor will diminish, and by degrees all that little narrow jealousy which now exists, respect- ing the advantageous situation in which the Fundholder stands, will disappear.* — At present * After the termination of the War which ended in the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the Minister of the day, Mr. Pelham, proposed and carried into etfect a scheme for reduc- ing the Interest on the National Debt, (amounting then to seventy-eight millions,) which is worth perusing at this time ; the Debates on the occasion in the House of Commons were not long, and may be seen, as reported by Dr. Johnson, in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1749: — and a general account of the whole is given in Smollet's continuation of Hume. The resolutions of the Commons on this head, wero printed by authority in the London Gazette, signifying, that those who were or should be proprietors of any part of the public debt, redeemable by law, incurred before Michaelmas, in the year 1749, carrying an interest of four per centum per annum, who should, on or before the twenty-eighth day of February in that year, subscribe their-4iames, signifying their consent to accept of an interest of three pounds per centum, to commence from the twenty-fifth day of December, in the year 1757, subject to the same provisions, notices, and clauses of redemption, to which their respective sums at four per centum were then liable, should, in lieu of their present interest be entitled to four per centum till the twenty-fifth day of December, in the year 1750 ; and after that day, to three pounds ten shillings per centum per annum, till the twenty- fifth day of December, 17 j7; and no part of that debt, except what was due to the East India company, should be redeemable to this period : that if any part of the national debt, incurred before la.«.t Michaelmas, redeemable by law, and carrying an interest of four per centum, should remain unsubscribed on or before the thirtieth day of May, the go- vernment should pay off the principal. For this purpose his majesty was enabled to borrow of any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate, any sum or sums of money not exceeding that part of the national debt which might remain unsubscribed, to be charged on the sinking fund, upon any terniis not exceeding the rate of interest in the foregoing prop*i>al. 154 the difficulty of proceeding is great; the Fund- holder must continue to enjoy his superiority, and the landowners, the mercantile, and all the other classes must submit patiently to their tem- porary humiliation. But there is reason to hope that when time has been afforded for all the different interests to find their level, and accom- modate themselves to the Peace-system, we shall find that the increased wealth and resources of the Kingdom, which have accompanied our warlike career, will enable us to pay the interest on the National Debt with as little difficulty as at the commencement of this War, or at the end of the American War in 1783. At the latter period, Government were so much alarmed by All the duties appropriated to the payment of the interest were still continued, and the surplus of these incorporated with the sinking fund for the discharge of the principal. Books were opened for the subscription at the exchequer, the bank of England, and the Soutli-sea House ; and copies of these resolutions transmitted to tiie directors of all the monied corporations. The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated his opinion that the three per cents would soon be above 70 ; yet all bis efforts have been unable to raise them above 63 ; this is not merely owing to the deficiency in the Revenue, and the general distress of the Country, but to the want of confidence in the talents and virtuous efforts of Government to extricate us from our difficulties. Though the three per cents now pay live per cent per annum, the great Capitalists are investing in other securities which only pay four and a half per cent, or even below that. When Parliament assemble, we shall see whether the vigour of Ministers will upset the dictum of Mr. Cobbett respecting th«^ security of the Stocks. 155 the extent of the deht, amounting to 238 millions, that the Commissioners appointed to examine the state of the public accounts, reported the amount of the debt to be so enormous as to require the united efforts of the ablest heads and purest hearts, to effect its reduction. Thfi extract from their 11th Report, given below, shows how pa- thetically they appealed to the Patriotism of the Nation: It <( it <( ti i( n (( CI Extract. — " The Nation calls for the aid of all its members to co-operate with Government, and to combine in carrying into execution such measures as shall be adopted for the attain- ment of so indispensable an end. This aid the subject is bound to give to the state, by every other obligation, as well as by th'^ duty he owes his country; and with such general aid, the difficulties, great as they appear, will we trust be found not insurmountable. (I It <( it (( (( (( " A plan must be formed for the reduction of this debt, and that without delay, now in the favourable moment of Peace; the evil does not admit of procrastination, palliatives, or ex- pedients; it presses on, and must be met with force and firmness. The right of the Public Creditor must be preserved inviolate; his secu- rity rests on the solid foundation, never to be shaken, of Parliamentary national faith. What 156 « n it it It It (t (( (t can be done, the support of Public Credit, the preservation of national honour, and justice to the public Creditor, demand should be done. It must be done, or serious conse- quences will ensue. The subjects of this Kingdom are opulent and public spirited ; let the distresses of the country be fairly laid before them, and they will contribute cheerfully and liberally to her relief." When Parliament meet, we may witness a similar appeal from the present ministers of the Crown. Put in the mean time it is evident, the public confidence in either the ability of the Country to fulfil its engagements, or in the wisdom and virtue of ministers, is shaken; and it will be utterly destroyed, if the same system is pursued that was acted upon the last session of Parliament, of continuing undiminished the public expenditure, maintaining by unjust contrivances an unabated income to ministers and their adhe- rents, and permitting the landed interest to adopt fresh manoeuvres for supporting a forced encou- ragement to Agriculture at the expense of every other interest.* Of this character also are the ♦ Since the publication of the first edition of this Letter, Mr. M'Cullock has produced a very ingenious " Essay on the reduction of the Interest on the Public Debt,** in which he endeavours to establish the justice and expediency of that measure on the ground of the Depreciation of money that existed whilst Government were borrowing, since the period 157 other expedients which have been broached by the advocates of the landed interest, for shifting the burthen from themselves ; such as obtaining from the Bank, loans on their land, and getting an act to reduce the rate of legal interest. — The Bank may accommodate them in the former method, but ministers will never persuade Parlia- ment to adopt the latter. If the lower House sanction it, the peers will certainly stop so flagrant an act of injustice from passing into Law. When the interest of money is not worth 5 per cent, it will be borrowed for less, and therefore, prospect- or the Bank Restriction in 1797 — and of its now rising to its former value. Ttie writer appears to forget, that if the Creditors of the Nation find themselves entitled to a greater return, owing to the fall in the value of commodities (or what is the same thing, tiie rise in the value of money) than they were during the War, it is a discovery which might have been made twenty years ago as well as now ; and they may retort the argument, by desiring the advocates of reduction to look at the period in question, and see what profits were made by the Landowners and others who kept their capitals out of the Funds. The Fundholders were mostly public bodies. Trustees, Executors, aged Annuitants, Women, Minors, or others who were unable to employ capitals in any other way. They ran their risk, and were contented with remaining in the back ground, whilst others pushed their fortunes. Much money no doubt was made by the Stock-jobbers and Contractors ; but it would be in^possible to make them refund by Mr. M^CuUock's plan, because they have ceased to be Fundholders perhaps altogether, many are dead, some become Landowners, some pensioned Peers ; and those who now hold the Stocks are as fully entitled to their dividends as if the Bank Restriction had never existed. It is remarkable that Mr. M'CuUock should not discern this; but indeed all his reasoning must be founded on the assumption that we are unable to pay the Interest; if this were to be really the case, the question would stand in a different light. 158 1^ E I ' ?:■ iyely such interference is unnecessary ; but if it is meant to have a retrospective operation, it will be a fit attendant upon the plan for reducing the interest upon the Funde:, and they will both be rejected by the Legislature as innovations upon the immutable principles of Justice.* ♦ The repeal of the Usury Act will be n ^re likely to serve the purpose of the borrowers of money, i y saving the expenses now attendant upon the system of evasion by means of redeemable annuities, amounting m general to two and a half or three per cent. — ^I'lie prejudices upon this subject, seem to be at length subdued by the Commerce and enlight- ened principles of thii country. We are much indebted, however, to Mr. Bentham, for placing it so fully and fairly before the public. From time immemoiial the lenders of money have been assaulted by preachers and councils, as well as by civil laws ; and the animosity has not yet abated. Splendid distress is still found to resort to ruinous expedients, and humiliated Pride will vent itself in virulent abuse. But it may be hoped the spirit of the age will put the thing on its proper footing, and that money will be left to find its own value in the market, like any other commodity. In connexion with the subject of the Funds, it may be proper for Parliament to consider of the propriety of im- p'jsing a Tax on those Englishmen, who have removed to other countries, but derive their incomes from this, generally arising from the Funds. If 100,000 persons live abroad, and spend only ^j^lOO per annum each, a tax of ten per cent would raise £1,000,000 ; and M^hether this £lOO is remitted from the Funds, or from real estate, it seems right that it should pay something to the Country which protects it. They who sell all their property, and expatriate themselves, cannot be made to pay; but all those certainly ought to contribute, who remove their persons, and leave their pro- perty under the protection of the English Laws. f %* % %%%%^ ^-V*****-*-**^ % V^r % -fc-^^/^-v* ;.■>!■ 159 Notwithslanding tlie trying circumstances in which this Country stands, with respect to her Trade and Resources, it appears that we are not in a situation to justify extreme despondence, but ratlier that we are warranted in expecting a gradual improvement. By the continued exercise of that patience, perseverance, and steady loyalty, which distinguish the English character, we have surmounted a succession of difficulties during the War; and we ought not to doubt, that those with which we are now wrestling may in like manner be subbued. If, indeed, any part of the body politic fails in the performance of the duty which is assigned to it, confusion and disgrace will inevitably follow. If indifference to the measures of Government, and the complaints of the People, infect the higher classes, on the one hand; or ignorant phrensy, despair, and intemperate zeal for Reform, possess the minds of the lower classes of the People, on the other; — all that we value as a nation, all that we most wish to preserve as members of a great community^ may be scattered to the winds in an instant ; — Confidence and Commerce may vanish irretrievably, in the chaos of anarchy and mischief; — Property and personal security be at the command of popular fury, and our Liberties and Constitution suspended, or utterly destroyed. But we cannot pursue the supposition; we will indulge the hope, that as soon as Parliament meet, the just remonstrances ICO of the Nation, urged with firmness and modera- tion, will produce a gradual Retrenchment and Reform throughout every branch of Government; and that, in the mean time, all classes of the community will exert every nerve of resolution, to bear bravely the unavoidable pressure of the times, and those difficulties with which we have to conflict in common with the other Nations of Europe. u Throughout the Continent we hear complaints of the ruin of their manufacturing interests, and of the languishing state of Trade and Commerce;* and in the United States of America, there has been, and there still continues, a degree of distress, and want of confidence, ruch as was never before experienced. It is true that no Country has suffered, since the termination of the War, what England now endures; but in what Country of the world is there the same portion of virtuous enthusiasm, vigorous intelligence, and bold reso- lution of mind, that pervade and elevate all classes? — where shall we find an equal diffusion of intellectual, moral, and religious attainments? Our widely extended Commerce and influence abroad, our naval greatness and our military renown, have rendered us illustrious and re- spected by all the world ; and whilst these can never be put into the shade, it will be found ♦ See Appendix D. "^ 101 that other qualities and endowments, calculated for the season of difficulty and of distress, will shine forth conspicuously; that the cardinal virtues of fortitude, temperance, and justice, chastened and refined by piety and Christian resignation, will carry us beyond the dangers that menace us, and give us a more exalted and grateful sense of the advantages and privileges we enjoy as Britons, than could ever arise from a boundless increase of our Trade, or a still greater accumulation of glory in Arras. ;so- all don bnce tary re- can lund Mr. Say informs us, in his late publication upon the English People, that (with the excep- tion of a few favourites of fortune) they are compelled by the weight of taxation to perpetual /aftowr,-— that every one is running, absorbed in his own affairs; that nobody has leisure to read, and if they had, they could not buy books on account of their dearness. •' The rich have ** other pleasures," he says, ** than those of the " mind; the middling class will soon be unable " to study in England; and the philosophic " observer fears, that this country of Bacon, of " Newton, and of Locke, will soon make rapid ** amd retrograde steps towards barbarism." Such is the ignorance of the English character, manifested bv one of the most eminent of the literati of France. It is only exceeded, by the perversity and coldness with which that nation ! i' 102 I' m .* •• ■ .1 generally speak of the sacrifice which we made to Humanity and the Rights of Man, in the abolition of the Slave-trade. — They believe, or at least they profess to think, that we were solely influenced by views of Colonial policy in the adoption of that measure, and that our design was to raise the prices of Sugar, by putting a stop to its increased production. We will not challenge a comparison with our neighbours, as to Np*' 'nal Character and Happiness. We admire the variety and ex- tent of their intellectual and scientific attain- ments, and admit the force of their genius, and the brilliancy and taste which animate their social intercourses; but whilst we seek in vain in the wreck of their Independence, for the image of public virtue, and for that general feeling of patriotism which is essential to the well-being of a state, we ought not to criticise too severely the frame and administration of their Government, nor the boasted nature of thek Institutions, nor their moral and religious habits and views. It is to be feared, they have not yet learned the value and true nature of Liberty. Wisdom and a love of freedom blazed forth for a day ; but they have passed from impetuosity and phrensy, to the extremity of weakness ; and whilst we review the succession of their Revolutions, we discover that in the intemperate prosecution of the 1(J3 popular cause, their successes and their mis- fortunes have alike contributed to confirm their slavery. Let the veil of compassion be thrown over their errors and sufferings; and let us hope that they will learn, from past failures, to pursue the best of causes by moderation, well regulated exertion, and patient perseverance. It IS due love lave the the >ver the With respect to ourselves, we will admit that constant labour and frugality are the general law of life amongst the lower orders ; and we rejoice that it is so. We are sensible that our gentry and aristocracy are much habitu- ated to active exertion, and ate not unacquainted with the sevefe trials and' difficulties which have interrupted the course of our prosperity. To these very circumstances may be attributed many of the national blessings we enjoy, and of those advantages which are in a great measure peculiar to Great Britain. It is true, there is in the English charafcter an austerity and arrogance w hich airfe' justly condemned, ,; "Jjoa^vAa^ Anglait ont dans le caractere .; A . *' Je ne saU quoi de dur et d' Insidaire;" but in spile of all their faults, they possess a determined attachment to principle, a love of virtue, and a generous enthusiasm in favour of equal rights, which existing, not for a season, but constantly and steadily, serve them in good 164 fortuno, and sustain them with the same superi- ority in adverse circumstances.— —We may con- gratulate ourselves, that knowledge and virtue are diffused more widely, amongst the middling and inferior classes of society, than in almost any other Country; — we may rejoice, that all persons in England know and feel the excellence of our Laws, and the value of our Constitution so sensibly, as to be on the whole very vigilant against the encroachments of the executive power and influence; — and above all, we may be thankful that in an age when free inquiry, and the spirit of philosophic research, have taken the most daring flights, the attachment to Religion remains unshaken, and genuine piety is esteemed, not merely as a duty, but as an honour and an ornament. .,. ., It is true, that vice and immorality abound in this Country and in this generation, throughout all ranks and conditions of society; and we are far from exemplifying the favourite doctrine of the indefinite perfectibility of man; but it must be acknowledged by the most rigid moralist, that this Nation and the present age are not on the whole more vicious than those which are delineated in the pages of history ; and we might show that we have made some signal attainments in the science and practice of morals, which our fore- fathers never conceived.— -Without entering into 105 ail enumeration of all the proofs that iniglit be adduced in confirmation of lliis, we may rest satisfied with nientionin<^ ihe general decorum that prevails in our manners ; the successful dis(;ou- ragement of gross immoralities, in language and conduct, in the middle and higher classes, ai well as drunkenness and all low vices amongst the inferior ranks; the diminution of flagrant crimes, and the consequent diminution of capital punishments, which has been in a great measure owing to the more general diffusion of knowledge amongst the Poor. We may point to those monuments of beneficence and individual charity, which every-where adorn the Island ; — those institutions for sheltering the helpless orphan, administering to the destitute, and reclaiming che hopeless profligate, which prove the existence of a degree of philanthropy and genuine sympathy amongst all ranks of society, which no other Country has ever exhibited. The growth of liberal feeling is marked by the gradual remission of persecuting statutes against Dissenters from the Establishment; and we must never forget the memorable triumph of Humanity in the Abolition of the Slave-trade, To trace the causes which have led to t.iis height of intellectual, moral, and rriigious improvement, would be an interesting inquiry, but too long for discussion in these pages. 166 If? I It has generally be^n ascribed, for the most part, to the well-balanced frame of our constitution, the civil and religious privileges, and the various and increasing political advantages which we have enjoyed ; — all of these, however, may have grown out of our national and peculiar character, as much as they have contributed to form it The trial by Jury, the freedom of the Press, and the fair and honourable admi(Msti:ation of Justice, may be in like manner partly the causes and partly the effects; — they have kept pace in their progress towards perfection, with the growth of moral excellence which we have been contemplating. For all these blessings, we must perhaps admit, that we are principally indebted to natural causes; our cold rough climate, and insular situation, which have given us robust bodies, hardihood and bravery of mind, and security of person and property, have roused all classes to active and laborious habits, and inspired tiie lower and middling ranks with that indefatigable industry, and strong desire of bettering their condition, which form the best foundation of public and private virtue. Th^ Com- »^, virtuous, and happy. The towns of Helper and Millford, about seven miles from Derby, con- tained, twenty years ago, about one thousand five hundred inhabitants, and tbey were notorious in the Country for vice and immorality. Since then, the population has increased to about seven thousand, in consequence of the establishment of the extensive Cotton-works of the Messrs. Strutts. The industry and good conduct of this coiiiinunity is now so conspicuous, when compared with the neighbouring villages, (where no Manufactures are established,) that I have annexed, in Appendix E, a pai-tit ular report of its present state ; it presents a spectacle of plenty, comfort, and happiness, not to be exceeded iu Europe. May others, who are engaged in extensive Manufactures, be incited to imitate this example! 171 and settled habits of Industry f^nd Frugalit), —-are they so subdued by circumstances, so humiliated by the effects of our over-strained ambition, and long protracted Wars, as to submit to this degradation! Oh! fatal Great- nesSf false and unhallowed Glory! <»%%»V»» »»»%%»%%*»'%»%%%%%%%%» This is a subject, Sir, of so interesting a nature, that I feel unwilling to dismiss it, though I am aware of my incompetence to do it justice, and that it is time to bring this long Letter to a close. w In reviewinjf the stormy period of War which has just gone by, the luind \h [V ^ 178 tion; they may become inflamed with despair, and resort to violence, from a conviction that no change can aggravate their sufferings. The Author of the Spirit of Laws has truly said, " La servitude commence toujours par le *' sommeil/' The symptom may be traced amongst the higher ranks ; but the body of the people in this Country are not yet, and never will be lulled into repose; — and if wisdom and mode- ration are wanting, to guide their restless spirits, they may raise such a tempest in the Land, as will sweep away all the emblems of our renown, break up the springs of Industry, cancel the Charter of our Liberties, and reduce us, by one dreadful blow, to a state of Barbarism. For in this (Country, we cannot long retain our industry without freedom, and when they are both gone, the decline into Barbarism must quickly follow. Mr. Hume, indeed, in observing upon the unfa- vourable prospect of our affairs when he wrote, declared his opinion, that as the Country would probably never re-establish a perfect plan of liberty, a mild despotism was the most likely to succeed ; " An absolute monarchy," says he, " is " the easiest death, the true Euthanasia of the " British Constitution," Either of the alterna- tives is too shocking to contemplate. ';'♦> Let all who have the love of their Country at heart, solemnly consider that if our Liberties 179 should languish, and our Commerce, which has grown up with them, begin to decay, the awful responsibility will rest with them, should they not have exerted every effort to remove the evils which have crept into the Commonwealth. The hour is even now at hand, when we shall witness the mighty struggle between Corruption and Patriotism. If the former be not vanquished, farewell, Britons, to the boasted Glory of your Island! — farewell your Strength, your Honour, your manly Independence ! — farewell the cheerful sounds of Industry in your fields and villages, the bustle of Trade in your great towns. Your Commerce will take wing and flee to other climes ; your merchants will gradually quit their unpro- fi table occupations; — and nothing remain of all your greatness, but melancholy ciJies, and unfre- quented ports ; a drooping Population, and half- cultivated fields; — a Peasantry without industry or independence, a Gentry without riches or spirit, and a Nobility and Princes destitute of generous sentiments and high conceptions. We cannot, however, indulge these gloomy anticipations ; let us not fear that we shall so disgrace the character which has been stamped upon us for ages. The People are enlightened, brave, and attached to their Country : — They understand their rights, and know how far they have been infringed upon or suspended : — They have only to persevere, without violence or 180 intemperance, and it is not in the power of any minister or body of men to resist their demands. They are convinced that it is in the power of Government to do much to alleviate their sufler- ings; and Government cannot refuse to answer their just expectations, provided they perform faithfully the part which always rests with them, of pursuing their duties as Citizens, whilst they continue to bear up against the unavoidable pressure of the times, and to urge their repre- sentations to the Throne or to Parliament, with loyalty and respect. But it is not. Sir, by such means as have been recommended by the Meeting at the Lon- don Tavern, that the distresses of the Nation are to be alleviated, and the difficulties of the times surmounted. It is not by distributing jt'lOOO amongst the unemployed weavers in Bolton ; ^500 (with the Watch and Ward Bill) to the discontented hosiers of Nottingham and Leicester; and i,300 to the pining and despairing Population of the Iron districts, that effectual relief is to be administered.* The poor sufferers * In order to show the small extent, to which this fund produ<^es the relief intended, I give an extract of a letter from one of the managers at Bolton : " The money sent has been ** ^100 per Meek, and we expect they will continue it, till we " have received £lOOO. — The proportion in which this ^100 " was divided, was in the first week 2s Gd, since then about ** Is Hd per family, per week, and no family to be relieved, *' whose average weekly earnings exceeded Is 6d per head; ** that is, supposing a man, his wife, and four children, get ** altogether above Os in tlie week, to have nothing. 181 are so humbled, and their spirits so bowed down, that they can no longer refuse the smallest pittance that may be tendered : but weakened as they are with the effects of poverty, and utterly anable to maintain their families ; though hope is nearly extinguished, and their bosoms are sinking into sadness and despair, they must feel a senti- ment of honest indignation, when they listen to the language and observe the conduct of those who dole out to them these miserable alms. When misery hath visited every corner of this Island, and the husbandman and artisan have sickened in hopelec •? penury during a long season ; — when the situation of the Country is becoming daily more critical, and the seasons have been so unpropitious that the price of Corn is become most alarming, it would require all the fortitude that wisdom can inspire, and religion enforce, in the most enlightened minds, to bear up against the pressure.— In vain then is it for the great ones of the Earth, to wrap themselves in dignified security, and wHh cold complacency to say to a hungry and despairing multitude, ''Be strong, fear not"* — If they do indeed sympathize with their unfortunate brethren, let them meet their exigencies by measures that will not only raise up the feeble sufferers, but support them afterwards; " The * " Nous avons tous ansez de force pour supporter les mmix d' autruV* 182 " relief must not be tossed and turned in flatter- " ing words;" it must be a substantial sacrifice; -~an abandonment of all wasteful and corrupt expenditure. It is an insult to a People, who are groaning beneath an accumulation of debt, that alone requires annually forty-two millions sterling to satisfy the demands upon it, to say to them, " Be still;''' — They may be still; so is the famished wolf, who knows no law but force, and watches his opportunity. It is a mockery to talk to a People that are weighed down with taxation, of temporary distress, and a revulsion of Trade. ■■ 1 ann aware these expressions were not the suggestions of your RoyaF High- ness's own mind: you. Sir, were taken by surprise; and your Royal Highness must be sensible, that such language is calculated only to protract and increase the evil, by holding out expectations which cannot be realized. But I must hasten to a conclusion. The War, which imparted to the Government extraordinary vigour, and to the Nation a dan- gerous exertion of strength, has left us exhausted in the arms of Peace. Calamity confines not itself to any particular class of the community ; it visits alike the Peasant and the Peer. The poor labourers collect in riotous assemblages to de- mand employment, and they find no masters ; the starving artisans ask for bread, and are shown 183 the sword ; the Merchants and Ship-owners arise, from their feverish rest, only to hear of fresh losses, and encounter new difficulties ; the Landowners are levying their rents by distress, and are themselves ground by the harsh process of the law; — Government are occupied in issu- ing executions for taxes ; the whole community is visited with affliction ; and we are brought, at the close of the War, to feel ourselves the miseries which we have been inflicting on the rest of the World. We believe, however, that we may look at our difficulties and dangers without dismay, and in time redeem the state of our affairs, if we are true to ourselves, — the Government to the Pectple, and the People to the Government. But we see the Legislature lending their continued >upport to the extravagance of Ministers, and the unreason- able expectations of the Landowners. For two years they have attempted to keep up uimatural prices, and a forced cultivation of Corn, in order to support, by undue advantages, the agricul- tural interests ; the seasons have favoured their wishes, by preventing an overgrowth, and di- verting the discontent of the people. But the nation are attentive to these partial effovts, and expect that the interests of a few shall not be promoted at the expense of the whole. They ask for Economy, Retrenchment, and a reduc- 184 tioii of corrupt Expenditure; in order that the poor may be effectually succoured, and the pubr lie creditor be paid his just demands. They inquire why they are to support an immense standing army in time of Peace? they are told the state of this Country as well as of Europe require it; they cannot help thinking, Sir, that it is the army which makes the army necessary, — that if the Country is to be defended against itself, there is a more constitutional means of doing it; and they require, in the name of Loyalty and Patriotism, that it should be resorted to. 1 believe, Sir, the maintenance of so great a force arises not from any arbitrary design, nor do the people suspect it ; but they know the ten dency of power to extend itself, and they have seen the people of other countries sleep. Tliey will not therefore slumber; but will continually remind Parliament, that the maintenance of such a force is not only expensive, but may become, at some future period, dangerous to our liberties. At the commencement of the glorious engage- ment which terminated hislife, the illustrious Nelson displayed at his mast-head that celebrated signal, " England expects every fiian to do his duty.** This simple but sublime admonition, has of late been peremptorily pressed upon the suffering people of this Country, by the subordinate agents 185 of government, and by the highest authoritits (»f the State. From those, whose rank and circum- stances are calculated, in common times, to give them influence in society, we have heard most eloquent eulogiums upon the virtue of patient endurance, and submission to unavoidable evil. — Sir, these exhortations to'duty may in the abstract be strictly justifiable, but they will be heard with deference only in proportion as they are supported by example. It was observed of two French Captains, equally skilled in the art of War, that the one was almost always successful, and the other almost always unsuccessful; the former was in the habit of calling to his soldiers Allans. whilst the other said Allez. In the great work which lies before us, all hands must unite, or we are undone. The situation in which we are placed calls no less loudly upon the higher orders for retrenchment and liberality, than upon the lower classes for patience and fortitude. It has been justly observed S'V, that the genius of the English populace is by no means hostile to rank and power. By mere decency of conduct, seasoned with a little condescension, personages of the most Eminent stations easily become the objects even of public idolatry. I know that I am treading on delicate ground ; but I shall not shrink from respectfully reminding you, that the youthful errors of certain of the branches of your illustrious House, have from time to time been 186 kindly overlooked, or generously forgiven ; — and that though application after application has been made, to liquidate the debts, and to increase the allowances of the Royal family, the Nation has viewed them rather with hope as to the future, than with re- sentment as to the past. But, Sir, there is a limit beyond which endurance cannot extend; and if, in this period of general distress, the public ear is pained with the report of Royal revelry and princely profusion; — and especially if the remonstrances of the people are rejected with the sternness of rebuke,* resentment will rankle deeply in the general feeling, retrospects of the most unpleasant nature will be entered into, — and the constitutional pillars which sup- port the Throne will be shaken. But let us hope for better things. Let us indulge the expecta- tion that the highest orders of the State will set an example of that virtuous frugality, which is now .the order of the da\ ; and that the com- plaints of a distressed populace, even though couched in uncourtly language, will be met with the spothing language of urbanity and condo- lence. It is the bounden dutv of the Ministers of the « Prince Regent, diligently and firmly to cany * See the answer to the Petition of the Common Council, in Appendix B. 187 these principles into practice; but it is to be lamented that, in the discharge of tliis duty, they have hitherto by no means evinced a proper degree of promptitude. The prominent features of the last session of Parliament were the resistinjj of Retrenchment, and disguising the extravagances of the Civil List. Let Ministers beware how they play this game any longer. The cupidity of Mr. Croker is a hardy plant; but it must bend before the tempest of the times. Nor do I think that my Lord Arden, who, whilst in the receipt of above «£20,000 per annum, from a sinecure office, was so solicitous about the main- tenance of the family of his newly murdered brother, will long deem it prudent to place his sinecure and his freehold estate upon the same footing in point of title. Reductions must be made in those public disbursements which affect the public mind with particular indignation. It may be said — indeed it has been said — that the aggregate amount of these reductions can be but small. It may be so; — I believe it is so. But the great point to be gained by this species of Retrenchment, is the removal of irritation. The people of England,, if they are fairly dealt with, will make every exertion, and will submit to every privation, incumbent in the course of events upon beings endued with reason ; but they will not make bricks withoht straw ; and 188 whilst they are sternly told by the law of Pau- perism, that " he who will not work, neither shall he eat," in the hour of their exigency, they will demand, that the same measure be meted to the noble and honourable Paupers, who prey upon the vitals of the State, Sir, it is a fact, as undeniable as it Js melan- choly, that for the last three months one-half of our Population have subsisted upon charity. The burthen of eleemosynary donations has been almost entirely borne by the middle orders of the community, who are themselves continually more and more stinted in the means of support. This state of things cannot possibly last long. T trust indeed that the time is approaching, when our Commerce and our national prosperity will begin to revive; but dreary is the wilderness through which we have to pass to the land of promise. The People have performed their duty, and await the convocation of Parliament in anxious suspense; with mixed sensations of despair and hope, they again make their solemn appeil to the great Council of the Nation. Meantime, internal discord broods over the State; — and nothing but that spirit of unanimity in retrenchment, and that generosity of mutuaS support, which ought assiduously to be nurt'ued by every functionary of Government, and ever/ X' 18.9 member of tlie Legislature, can preserve us from the horrors of Civil tumult, or the chains of Despotism imposed by an over-awed, but what is still worse, by a venal Parliament. October 31, 1010. ***** »%*********%*%****%«%v» POSTSCRIPT. On the supposed effects of our Debt and Taxes upon our Commerce and Manufactures. 14TH JANUARY, 1817. In the preceding pages, I have hinted at the wonderful power which the Commerce of this Country has ihanifested at different periods, in redeeming the State from its diffi- culties and burthens, consequent upon the waste and extravagance of War. This suhject would admit of much interesting examination, and might be fully illustrated by the History of our Trade and Foreign Expenditure, during the present Reign. It is the fashion, however, even in England, (perhaps arising in some measure from the partiality shown by the ablest writers of our times to the system of the French Economists,) to undervalue the importance of Manufactures and Foreign Trade, when 190 POSTSCRIPT. compared tvith Agriculture and internal Commerce; pains are taking at this moment to bend the public mind to this conviction, in order that the landed interest (whose support, in Parliament is essential to the Ministers at the present critical moment) may again set to work their machinery for keeping up the prices of landed produce, and be gratified by a degree of support incompatible with the interests of the whole community. It would not be difficult to show, that the value of the Foreign trade of this Country has been always under-rated by theoretical writers ; that it has not only been the means of supporting our immense foreign expenditure in War^ but has actually doubled the value of all the landed property; and by the ingenuity and activity of our merchants and manufacturers, has compelled the nations of Europe to pay a great portion of the taxes raised for carrying on our Wars. — The object of this short essay, however, is not to eulo^ze English Commerce, but to endeavour to show, how it will relieve itself from the present oppressive weight of taxation. However the ordinary expenses of the state may be- diminished, when the absolute necessity of it becomes ap- parent to Ministers, the sum required to pay the annual interest of the national debt alone, is alarming by its mag- nitude. And wt; have shown, that in consequence of the Fundholders receivng their dividends at a fixed sum, whilst all. de-criptions of property are fdlen very much, they are in fact receiving 80 or 35 per cent more from the rest of the community, than they did when the currency was so much more extensive. • ..tf^ ;:. ua^- Whilst we had a great mojapoly of Trade, to many parts of the world, and the fiee vent which existed dmmg the War, for the surplus produce of our land and our POSTSCRIPT. 191 mines, we went forwards in the career of o\ir prosperity, and all classes (excepting perhaps the Fundholders) were increasing in wealth. But at this moment, we all feel how much our situation is changed; we have, indeed, the same labour and ingenuity, with the same capital, and a greater surplus produce to dispose of; and we have the same persons to be clothed, fed, and lodged, with the same habits and tastes as formerly : we ought, therefore, it may be said, to carry on the same real Trade we used to do, excepting that of being carriers and bankers for the belligerents and other states which were reduced by the War. In the preceding Letter, I have endeavoured to show that our Trade has suffered principally from our farmers having been paralyzed in their exertions, and curtailed in their domestic expenses; my object now is to show that our Commerce, (by which I understand our Foreign Trade, and the Manufactures dependent upon it) will not only be enabled, by its elasticity and power, to bear its own share of the public burdens, and to sustain the competition of the cheaper Countries of Europe, but to raise up our agiioultural interests by the only effectual means, a graduail increasing consumption of Corn, cattle, &c. at home. . I i .1 It will be admitted, that if we were in a prosperous state, the extent of our Commerce (our mcijpoly being at an «nd) "would depend upon the number and value of articles, the puroduce of Foreign countries, which could be disposed of here; and the number and value of the articles imported must depend simply upon the quantity and quality of those which we have to export, and give in exchange for them. But the effect of cur present distress is, to enable us to export a larger quantity of the produce of our mines and manufactures, and at lower prices, both because there 192 POSTSCRIPT. IS a great surplus of them from the War, and because the wages of our artisans are fallen, and are hkely to continue low. — If wages advance, it can only be from an increased demand for labour, in which case the manu- factures must be flourishing; if they remain where they are, pr bably no persons will contend that we shall be under- sold owing to the high rate of our wages. It appears from our present, as well as previous expe- rience, that the price of manufacturing labour is little affected by the price of Com. The testimony of Lord Lauderdale, on this point, before the House of Lords, is very important; and that of Mr. Milne still more so, in as much as he unites extensive practical knowledge to great talents and observation. I have given, in the Appendix F, the comparative tables of the rates of labour, and prices of corn which he presented, with the reasons assigned by him in support of this opinion. Dr. A. Smith and Mr. Say maintain an opposite doctrine; they also maintain, in con- nexion with ihis subject, that a tax imposed on com, or any other necessary of life, must raise the price of wages. Hume, who has made some important discoveries in the theory of Trade, asserts the contrary ; he says, the artisan may either increase his labour, or retrench some of his expenses, or both; ** that both resources are more easy and •' natural than that of heightening his wages." — He may, indeed, when Trade is very brisk, demand an advance, and If labourers are comparatively scarce he will get it; but other- wise, it appears proper and natural that he should bear the burthen of an advance in the price of his food, whether it arises from bad harvests, or from a contribution to the sup- port of the state which protects him. As a general proposition, I think it must be admitted, that the price of labour depends, like that of every thing else, upon the relative proportion POSTSCRIPT. 193 IS of the supply and the demand; — the confusion and contradic- tion which are observable amongst writers on this subject, has arisen from Corn being regarded as the only regulator of the value of labour t and labour the only standard measure of the value of every thing; whereas it is clear, that no one thing can be an accurate measure of value, the real value of every commodity being precisely what it will bring in exchange for any or all other commodities.* All parties, however, admit that the effect of taxation and high prices of Corn, is to compel or induce the artisan to work harder, by which a greater surplus of exchangeable produce is created; — and if the pressure does not exceed the power of re-action, increased frugality and exertion produce a good effect, at least to the nation. The principal causes of the high rates maintained for wages during the War, were the same that made every thing else dear, viz. the rapid growth of our luxury, riches, and paper-circulation. The same causes, aided by a more rapid increase iu population, have produced the same effects jn America. Though the taxes and national debt are so small, compared either with her own riches and population, or with our debt and taxes, the wages of all kinds of labour are generally much higher than in England. The reason is * I do not mear to assert, that the price of oi' our Manufactures. Our poorest labourer must well remember that, (however he may now talk and think,) he long boasted of Ruling the "Waves and the World, and he sighed like another Alexander, for othej worlds, to render tributary to our arms and ingenuity. 190 POSTSCRIPT. continue as gcxxl and as numerous as heretofore, they will exchange for the same quantity and value of articles the produce of other countries, which we may require, either for our consumption, or for working again into manufac- tures. It signifies nothing what internal arrangements we make, by what contrivances we raise our taxes, or to what amount; — whether our national debt be 750 millions, and our taxes 65 millions, as in 1813, or our national debt 250 millions, and our revenue 15 millions, (as it perhaps was in 1793)) or whether we have no debt and taxes whatever. As long, therefore, as our industrious habits, and a taste for Luxury, exist in England amongst all classes, we need not apprehend being injured in our foreign trade by the weight of Taxes, the high price of wages, or our extreme paper Circulation, which raise the price of every thing in England so much higher than in any other Country in Europe. The consumers of all articles which we import, must pay to the Merchant who imports them, such prices as he finds necessary to indemnify him, and enable him to pay the Manufacturer for the Calico or Hardware, and the Shipowner for the expense of transportation. It is imma- terial whether the Merchant pays for the Calico the same price he used to do before the War, or 50 per cent more, or 50 per cent less; it is immaterial whether he pays more or less than the same can be produced for in other Countries where it is made: he brings back some article in return, which the people of England want, and must purchase from him at such a price as will indemnify him, for the labour and capital employed. It does not sig. ify to him whether he pays at Manchester £4iOO for 10 trunks of Calicoes, and sells them for 10 hhds of Tobacco in New York, which neat him. in Liverpool 1^*500; or whether he pays £^tQO / POSTSCRIPT. 197 only for the same quantity of Calicoes, and sells tliom in New York for 10 hhds of Tobacco which bring dC250; in either case the profit is equal. If we consume less Tobac- co, some time may elapse before we shall exchange our Calicoes for other articles which may be found adapted to our wants or tastes; but the Merchant may always rest assured, that in the long run he will indemnify himself, by * the Sales of his Returns^ for whatever the Manufacturer may charge him in his Invoices. Nor is the case altered, as affects our foreign trade, when we export articles which cost more than the same articles can be produced for in other Countries. It may be said, that if we send our Manufactures abroad, to compete with those of Germany and France, which (we will suppose) can be produced for one-fourth less, we cannot maintain our gi'ound, and such Manufactures, as far as they depend on the Export demand, must decUne. — In reply we may explain, that it is only a nominal disadvantage under which we appear to labour. To illustrate this, we will suppose E ships from London 5000 yards of Calicoes to Hamburg, which cost 9& a yard, and amount to .^^500; — and that F in like manner ships from Rouen 5000 yards of Calicoes, which cost only Is 6d a yard, and amount to d£*375. They meet in the market a^ Hamburg, and find they can obtain Is 9d per yard, which appears to leave F a profit of 17 per cent, and to be a clear loss of 12| per cent to E. But this is only apparent, and the matter is settled in reality in the following manner: — E purchases as much Wheat, or Flaxseed, or Tallow, with his proceeds, (amount- ing to only ^437 10s,) as will sell in England for ^^550, leaving him a gainer on the whole transaction of £50 \ whilst F, who wishes to get back his «^437 10s, (being the amount of his in voice, and 17 per cent profit, buys as "i^^ 19» POSTSCRIPT. much of some article or other as will sell in France for ^9412 10s, leaving exactly the same profit as E obtained, viz. 10 per cent ori hi original shipment. But it may be asked, if the returns are received in Gold or Bills, instead of commodities, will the Merchant stand in the same situa- tion ? I answer, he will not be either better or worse ; because he will pay a proportionate premium for them j they will rise in value (or what amounts to the siime thing, other articles will fall in value) in proportion to the demand for them abroad, at the same time that they will fall in value (or what is the same thing, all other commodities will rise) according to their abundance here. All inequalities of this sort are regulated by the exchanges, in a way which the practical Merchant easily comprehends. It is probable, indeed, that as France grows enough of Wheat, Flax, &c. for her own wants, F will find great difficulty in bringing home his funds, and may pay 3 or 4 per cent for the transit of Gold or Silver. Thus whilst France made a boast that the balance of trade was in her favour, England would find it more advantageous to bring home something to create new wants, and excite new industry, and would justly rejoice that the balance of trade was against her. There is no mystery in all this ; the same quantity of labour 'adds the same real value to the Calicoes in England as in France; and the nominal value is of no more consequence than the name or description of the man who wove the Calicoes, or the tonnage of ♦he ship that carried them. England only asks an equivalent for her exports, (whether consisting of raw materials, or labour combined with them, and no country can obtain for her products more than such equivalent. Nothing can ever prevent us from receiving a fair return for our indus. try, when trade is left to itself; and it must be admitted POSTSCRIPT. 199 in that, in this country, Government have in general been cautious not to impede the channels of industry, or to interfere by oppressive regulations in the operations of foreign Commerce. So far, however, are we at present from being appa- rently undersold by the Foreign manufacturers, that our Cottons, Woollens, Hardware, &c. have been produced cheaper, by our superior skill and industry, than fn any other part of the world; and even since the return of Peace, we have undersold all our competitors in the markets of Europe. The triumph of labour and ingenuity has been complete; and as long as these qualities continue to be so eminently characteristic of our country as they are, we have nothing to fear from Foreign competition. As far as respects our Foreign trade, therefore, we need not apprehend much evil from the present extent of our Taxes, our Funding, and our Paper-system; the operations of Commerce will rectify all seeming inequalities, and smooth all apparent difficulties, unless the consumption of those articles of foreign growth, which have become almost necessaries, fall off, and no other articles can be substituted; which is not likely to be the case in this country, except we jrevert to a state of barbarism. Since the American War, our debt has been nearly quadrupled ; yet we have in that period been progressively prosperous. Our Paper-system has attained such perfec- tion, that nine-tenths of all the payments in the kingdom are made within the space of one hour in each day, at the Banker's clearing house in London. We scarcely know the use of the precious metals, excepting as ornaments; we do not wish to be encumbered with them as money. In spite of 200 POSTSCKIPT. the complaints of the discontented, and tlic tears of the timid, therefore, we may congratulate ourselves on havin^i; arrived at that proper estimate of the value of Grold and Silver which no other people have attained.* r The principal Writers upon Political Economy, have taken pains, in inveighing against the accumulation of Public DebtSy to enforce two propositions that appear not to be well supported. They say, that if there were no National Debt, the same capital would be employed in aiding diffe- rent branches of productive labour; — and that if our Debt were paid off, it would be invested in Land, Trade, or .some employment that might he hkely to yield a better return. It appears, however, that in this Country, the cultivation of our lands has followed the progress of our Debt, and our internal Trade, as well as our Foreign Commerce, have been gradually increasing in the same proportion. Indeed it must be evident on a little reflec- tion, that the bulk of the Debt is actually invested in Agriculture, Commerce, and all Trades in which the aid * Behold, leader ! in Sir. T. More's description of Utopia, the true pictare of your own happy country : '• Whenever they are engaged in War, (which is the only occasion in " whidi their treasure can be usefully employed,) they make use of it to " hire Foreign troops. They have no use for money amongst themselves, " but keep it as a provision against the event of War, and they value it no " farther than it deserves, that is for its actual use. Ho that it is plain ** they must prefer Iron to Gold or Silver; for men can no more live " without Iron than without fire or water ; hut nature has marked out '' no use for these other metals so essential as not easily to be dispensed <' with. The folly of men has enhanced the value of Gold and Silver, *' because of their scarcity, whereas on the contrary, it is the opinion of " the Utopians that nature, as an indulgent parent, has freely given us all " the best things in great abundance, such as water and earth, but has " laid up and hid from us the things that arc vain and useless " Thus it is evident, that in onr opinions concerning that most important article, money, we are arrivcil at a perfect system; it may be presumed the Utopians had a National Bank likewise for the issue of Notes, althongh Sir T. More does not make mention of it ; but they probably did not pay a million and a half annually for the management of it, as we do; (tee Mr. Gre^f ell's tpirited speech on this subject.) POSTSCRIPT. 201 of great capitals is required; for although a part of the money borrowed was disbursed in foreign Countries, to pay our troops and subsidize our Allies, yet it has been shown, in the preceding pages, how much our manufacturer benefited even from this; and it is clear that our Land- owners and Merchants also experienced considerable advan- tage, in the enhanced prices which they obtained for the Corn and Provisions sent to the Belligerent Countries, and the Colonial Produce shipped to the Continent. But a gi'eat portion of the Loans made to Government was literally the conversion of surplus or idle wealth, into an employed and active capital. The money came through the medium of the London Bankers, from all parts of the Kingdom, in such portions as persons of property could spare from their regular pursuits ; and it found its way very soon into active circulation, by being paid in large masses to the makers of Guns, Gunpowder, and Army Clothing and Accoutrements, to the Contractors for Horses, and for Com, Bread, Provisions, &c. and by being disbursed through the Dock Yards, the Ordnance, the Victualling, and the other departments of Government; — from all of which it quickly found its way to the Shc^keepers, Mer- chants, Manufacturers, and all the employers of large capitals, giving a new spur to industry in every stage of its progress. It is true there has been a great waste of wealth in the course of this circulation, a great quantity wholly destroyed, aiid it has ended in producing irregularities in the distri- bution of property, which have been extremely inconvenient and burthensome to some classes of the community. In time of War, the nominal value of all things has gone on increasing , in consequence of the Funding and the Paper- system; and all productive labourers, all the active and industrious classes, have indemnified themselves,—- the poor 202 POSTSCRIPT. workman by requiring advanced wages, and the Farmer, the Merchant, and Manufacturer, by selling their produce at a correspondent advance; but the income of the annui- tant has remained the same as it was 20 years ago; he only receives his 3 to 5 per cent, whilst the others have realized 6 to 7{ per cent per annum. The Agriculturist lias found his employment, which in all other Countries is a mere drudgery, and a bare livelihood to men of the lowest rank, afford scope for talent, enterprise, capital, and skill; whilst Commerce and Manufactures have flourished in a degree wholly without precedent in the annals of the world. But "We have seen, in the last two years, to what a dreadful reverse we have been exposed. The immoderate extent of our circulation (which produced an overgrowth of Corn) has been checked in an alarming manner by the superabundance of our Harvests. The consequences have been distrust on the part of the capitalists, distress and ruin throughout the labouring portion of the community, and alarm and want of confidence and co-operation amongst all classes. Mr. Say, in his treatise on Political Economy, asserts, that if the National Debt were paid off, it would be invested in employing new labour, and producing new wealth to the nation. This appears to be impossible, in as much as a great portion of it has been already so engaged; and every department of our national industry is filled both with capital stock and labourers to such a degree, that the former is overflowing into the funds of other nations, and the latter are, in many districts, desirous of removing to other Countries, where labo'or is not so superabundant a commodity. It is amusing to review the opinions of our greatest writers on the fate of our Funding System and Paper- currency. — Dr. A. Smith, in his third volume of the POSTStHIPT. 203 <( « " Wealth of Nations," in treating on the eflcct of Taxes on Land and Capital Sloclf, after explaining that thene are the principal sources of all rc^venue, both private and public, points out how injuriously they are affected by the rise in prices of all the conveniences and necessaries of life. He says, in conclusion, " To transfer the greater part of " the Revenue arising from Land and Capital Stocky from ** those who are immediately interested in maintaining the " good condition of the one, and the good management of " the other, to a set of persons who have no such particular " interest, (as is the case with the Fundholders,) must in " the long run occasion the vegleci of the landy and the *' waste or removal of Capital Stock." Then, after illustrat- ing this position, he concludes, — " The practice of funding has gradually weakened every state which has adopted it. Is it likely that in Great Britain alone, a practice which *< has brought either weakness or desolation upon every " other Country, will prove altogether innocent.?" — Black- stone, Hume, and Price, all adopt the same mode of reasoning. The last, in his treatise on the American War, pursues it thus: " Were there no public Debt, we should " do with half the Taxes, our Paper-currency would be ** reduced. Specie would flow in upon us, and the Balance " of Trade would become in our favour.- — Amongst the causes which may produce a failure of Paper-currency amongst us, are first an unfav^ourable balance of Trade, which takes away our gold, and secondly a great defi- ciency in the Revenue, which would destroy our paper. " The Bank is the support of our paper, and the support " of the Bank is the credit of Government. Let any one " imagine what would follow, were it but suspected that the " Taxes were so fallen off, as not to be productive enough " to pay the interest of the Debt, and that in order to " make up the deficiency, it was necessary to anticipate « (( tt .es, as easily as they could now pay 10s per annum. i 1 n ■,:yvyi History presents us with the most pathetic accounts of the depression of our Trade, and the bad prospects of our Manu- facturers, at the close of all the Wars of the last century, in the years 1738, 1761, 1763, 1783; (see Chalmers's Estimate, ^c.) The circumstances attending the late War, have been so different from those of any former period, that wc cannot safely draw aay other inference with respect to future proi^)ects, by comparing ihcm together, than the general one, that perseverance and industry will redeem the Couiitary as they have done before,; but it is necessary that we should let our industry and capital dii'ect themselves to those employments for which our soil and climate, our talents, habits, and actual situation, compared with the POSTSCRIPT. 209 other European nations, seem peculiarly to fit us. By the exertions of all classes during the War, we at this time produce more from our Land, our Mines, and our Machinery, than we can exchange on advantageous terms, in our present situation : we hope to regain our prosperous condition by degrees; but in the mean time, all branches of industry must suffer, and the question is, whether Government ought, by legislative regulations, to force any one in particular to suffer more than its natural and inevitable share. It will not be contended that we are to grow a surplus of Corn, in order to bring trinkets and lace from France, as we did fifty years ago, to a large amount; and it is generally admitted that much land has been brought into tillage, which cannot be maintained without an enormous expense. On the other hand it must be conceded, that some Manufactures have been forced un- naturally by bounties, (particularly the SUk-trade,) and they ought to be resigned to those Countries which are the best adapted to them; but there is no propriety nor wisdom in keeping up our forced overgrowth of Corn, at the expense of the great staples of Woollen, Cotton, Iron, &c. for which this Country is as peculiarly adapted as America is for the growth of Cotton and Tobacco, Poland of Corn, and France and Portugal of Wines. j« -.* ■ During the War, the sale of our Manufactures was forced aU over Europe, by the operation of our Foreign expenditure; we exported twenty millions to the Conti- nental nations, and only received back ten or twelve millions in the produce of those Countries. The Manufac- turers and Merchants are content to seek new markets now, or to lose the vent for any article which can be made better and cheaper m other ^^Countries; but they trust that our Legislators, though they are for the most part 210 POSTSCRIPT. Landowners, will be more just and wise, than to force us to lose the markets for those articles in which our skill, capital, and genius prevail. If not, they will, by compelling the French and other Countries to manufacture more than they would otherwise do, injure our own natural and legitimate trade so much, as to impoverish their own best Customers, by which they will inevitably be the greatest sufferers in the end, though they may gain some temporary advantages. If we were to commence the growth of Cotton or Rice, no one, who understands the principles of Trade, can imagine we should be gainers; because we can obtain all the Cotton or Rice we require so much cheaper, by bartering our Woollens and Hardware for them in the United States of America. As long as we continue to force an overgrowth of Corn, we cannot dispose of our Manufactures but on very disadvantageous terms. The War tended, by the monopoly it conferred, to dazzle our eyes, and conceal from us the truth which we must now learn, that each Country should pursue and excel in the particular trade to which its climate and productions lead ; and the sooner we adapt our views and regulations to this principle, the sooner will our Trade revive. As long as our present system of restrictions at home, and partialities abroad, shall be continued, it must be ham- pered, and our recovery from the present state of stagna- tion be comparatively slow. But if we leave it gradually more to itself; if we permit it to find its own channels, and rise to its own level, so as to approach by degrees to the system of perfect freedom, (as quickly as our artificial state will prudently permit;) — the power of English labour capital, and ingenuity, will then become apparent; POSTSCRIPT. 211 they will support our Manufactures against all competition; they will not only raise up our shipping, and general mercantile interests, and thereby maintain our naval power and influence abroad; but they will infuse a life and activity into our Home-trade, which will gradually revive and invigorate our Agriculture, in a degree which could not otherwise be attained; and thus will Commerce become again, as it has so frequently proved itself before, the vis medicatrix of the State. , . < ■^:» ' u -■ -'il' V. * ■ ;Vf;i''-; ■ii-^^l'V" -r't'-'i ■>'- 1^'; :...i^,''j-,-'r- ,./, ■'■■■' '.^ 'j*n.':'^ ' . ;>.-'i^ .,( ■ ., f , < ■.^- APPENDIX. APPENDIX. AVr were congratulated, annually, during the War, on the favourable Balance of our Trade with all the world. Tho Bullion Committee, in their famous Report in 1810, present the subject in order to show its efTects on Exchanges. From this it appears, that in 1800 the official value of our exports exceeded that of our imports, to Europe alone, ^14,170,758. However, according to actual value, it appears by the papers 75 and 76 in their Appendix, that in 1809, The Exports, to Europe alone, amounted to j^27,109,337 The Imports to 19,821.601 Leaving a Balance in our favour of j6'7,368,73(i In the same year the foreign expenses of Government were, Bills drawn on the Treasury (App. 70) i'4,162,190 Deduct West India bills 903,360 Leaving for the European Balance ^3,258,824 Gold and silver exported by the paymaster 1,540,000 See Appendix 79 (in 1808 it was o\ millions.) Bills drawn on the Commissary in chief £328,767 Ditto Pay office 1,793,778 Ditto Victualling office 897,095 Ditto Navy board 672,820 Ditto Transport board 295,705 Ditto Ordnance board 212,753 From which a deduction is made by Mr.| 'J^qoOO Bosanquet for services not European, of) ' Leaving the European amount of service money .. 3^300,918 To which he adds freight paid to neutrals in the ^ Baltic trade only, " 200,000 tons, at ihe rate of > 2,600,000 £^•20 per ton, two-thirds neutral" ) Total £10,699,742 Exceeding by 3 millions the Balance of our Trade in 1809:— in subsequent periods of the War, the difference has been still more striking. APPENDIX. B ' ^ FROM THE LONDON GAZETTE. Carlton Houu, Dee. 9, 1816. This day, the Right Honourable tho Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, Recorder, Sheriffs, Common Council, and Officers of the Corporation of the city of London, waited upon the Prince Regent with the following Address and Petition ; which was read by Sir John Silvester, Bart, the Recorder : To his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, Regent of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, The Humble Address and Petition of tlie Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the city of London, in Common Council assembled. May it please your Roj/al Highness, WE, His Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Commons of the city of London, in Common Council assembled, humbly approach your Royal Highness to represent our national sufferings and grievances, and respectfully to suggest the wJoption of measures which we conceive to be indispensably accessary for the safety, the quiet, and the prosperity of the realm. We forbear to enter into details of the afflicting scenes of privations and sufferings that every-where exist ; the distress and misery, which for so many years have been progressively accumulating, have at length become insupportable ; it is no longer partially felt, nor limited to one portion of the empire — the commercial, the manufacturing, and the agricultural interests, are equally sinking under its irresistible pressure ; and it has become impossible to find employment for a large mass of the population, much less to bear up against our present enormous burthens. APPENDIX. 6 We beg to impress upon your Royal Ilighniss, that our present eomplicated evils have not arisen from a mere transi- tion from war to peace, nor from any sudden or accidental causes, neither can they^be removed by any partial or tempo- rary expedients* Our grievances are the natural effect of rash and rumous wars, unjustly commenced, and pertinaciously persisted in, when no rational object was to be obtained ; of immense subsidies to Foreign Powers to defend their own territories, or to commit aggressions on those of their neighbours ; of a delusive paper currency ; of an unconstitutional and unprece- dented military force in time of peace ; of the unexampled and increasing magnitude of the Civil List ; of the enormous sums paid for unmerited pensions and sinecures ; and of a long coiurse of the most lavish }Mn afford to sell at. " The present autumnal Fair affords new and melancholy proofs of the depression of most of the countries of the European Continent. Seldom, perhaps, was such a mass of goods accumulated in so small a space, and seldom has so muoh freight and carriage been paid in vain. In the principal streets of the city, all the houses are covered with English firms. Whole families, ascendants, descendants, and col- laterals, from the most distant [manufacturing towns in England, have established themselves here, as it seems, for a long time, with an economical but complete household; there are single houses where you find six or seven magazines of English goods. The Flemish cloth-manufacturers, whose hopes, since France is shut against them, are entirely fixed on Germany, Russia, and Northern Italy, inundate the market in a similar manner. What is brought from other countries of Europe, (except the French silks, which go their old wonted and unchanging course, by way of Leipzic to the North,) is not to compare with those supplies, however it may be distinguished for intrinsic goodness, particularly the German productions. " The Polish Jews, and other gi-eat purchasers, will not fail by all kinds of arts, by the meanest offers, and delays in concluding their bargains, to depress the prices still more. The richest countries in Europe — France and Austria, by the internal sufficiency of their productions, and by wise pro- hibitory hcsm, depend upon themselves; and as the rest of APPENDIX. 11 Europe is still bleeding with the honourable wounds received in the war, but now ended, there can be no brisk demand except from Russia and North America, for the immense overplus of European manufactures, produced by the excess of speculation and machinery. The prospects for the first and most anciel manufacture in Germany, that of Linen, are the most gloomy of all, while the American market is shut against it, by the increasing use of Cottons for apparel and furniture, and by the importation of Irish linen. The manner in which the English white goods nre thrown away in Germany, tempts people to supply the dcjici.-^ncies of wardrobes with calicoes instead of linens. The superficial spirit of the times overlooks the little durability of the article, where, as has been proved in this Fair, the effect of a fine shirt can be produced for 20 good Saxon groschen, (about three shillings.) If we consider the moral influence of the linen manufacture in our German household economy, we shall, without mentioning the injury to agriculture, &c. hardly want any other arguments against the above destruc tive system. " The author laments that so many Germans engage in this trade to the ruin of the German industry, but which grows less and less profitable, on account of the continually fresh supplies of goods, each cheaper than the preceding, notwith standing the consoling hope that the over-bent bow must sooi break ; yet on the whole, the sale of our home manufactUret stagnates. ** The Saxon, &c. Manufacturers leave the Fair with thi resolution of limiting their activity. The number of th* distressed increases every moment beyond all belief; and in order wholly to destroy the defence of wholesome laws against this hostile invasion, we must find in all public prints the chimera of the freedom of commerce defended, and the order of nature, which places first agriculture, then manufactures, 12 APPENDIX. II : and lastly commerce, so reversed by the theories of the day, that the interest of commerce is put above all the rest, manu- factures subordinate to this, and agriculture to both; which last must be contented with the degree of liberty that the first chooses to allow it. It is clear that the German manufactures, which have been able to maintain themselves in such an inun- dation, and even to gain a superiority over those of foreign countries, have secured it for a long time. " In coloured printed chintzes and cottons, the English have been forced to yield, for the three last Fairs, to those of France, Switzerland, and the Banks of the Rhine. ** The impression which has been universally made by the painting (not printing) of the cottons of Kosmanos, and the perfection of the forms and colours in the calicoes of this manufactory, show that we begin in private life also to throw off the t)'ranny of uniibrm fashions and patterns, on which the dominion of the English machines is founded/* The article concludes with enforcing the necessity of laws in support of the German manufacturers, and lamenting that the phantom of freedom of trade should be supported by German merchants and writers. The above account may serve likewise to illustrate the observations contained in page 40, respecting tbe manner in which our Mjiufacturers became foreign Traders ; instead of keeping thjir Goods in their warehouses at home, to wait the demand of the foreign Consumer, or the Merchant in London, Liverpool, &c. they supplied the great markets of Europe and America themselves, with the view of realizing the profits both of the Manufacturer and the Merchant. APPENDIX. 13 £ A Report of the state of the Cotton.works at Belper and Millford, in the Parish of Duffield, in the county of Derby, . as it respects the Health, Instruction, and Morals of the Persons employed therein, from 1st of January, 1815, to the 1st of January, 1816. Number of persbns employed (all natives) 1494 Under the age of ten years 100 (None meant to be admitted under the age of nine years. J The number of days these have lost by sickness 50 (Or each person six hours in the year on an average.) The number who have made proficiency in reading .... 92 Unable to read 8 Average weekly earnings 2s 6d Above 10 and under 18 years of age 612 (No apprentices, excejtt as makers of machinery, and they reside toith their parents, and receive weekly wages.) The number of days these have lost by sickness 619 (Or each person 12\ hours in the year on an average.) Number who have made proficiency in reading 603 Unable to read 8 (Four of these incapable of being taught.) The average size of the rooms in which they are employed, is from 100 to 150 feet long, 30 feet wide, and 9 feet high : and the average number of cubic feet of space for each person is 11,04. Pure air (warmed when necessary) is transmitted into every room constantly, at the rate of 150 gallons per minute, for each person. The working hours are twelve ;— six before dinner, (which is from 12 to 1) and six after ; each of which six hours include the time for breakfast and tea.— -This has been the invariable P 14 APPENDIX. practice at the original Silk-mill at Derby, in this neighbour- hood, for more than a hundred years past. The complexion and general appearance of the persons em- ployed here, are those of persons chiefly employed in the open air ; without any of that paleness which generally accompanies sedentary employments at home. Instruction^ Sfc. bj/ the Proprietors, Childrv"in at Day-schools 64 Ditto at Sunday-schools 650 L»ncasterian schools for 500 are nearly ready, and after they are opened, it is intended by the proprietors, that the being able to read shall be a condition of admittance to employ- ment at the works. ' By other Inhabitants of the Township. Children at Day-schools, 700 Ditto at Sunday-schools 700 Before the establishment of these works, the people were remarkable for vice and immorality ; and numbers of the chil- dren were chiefly maintained by begging through the neighbour- hood. — Now, their industry, decorous behaviour, attendance on public worship, and general good conduct, compared with the neighbouring villages, where no manufactures are esta- blished, is remarkably conspicuous. It is gratifying to see how much the evil influence of manu- factures, upon the morals and happiness of the labouring poor, may be diminished by the constant attention of the masters. In this instance, indeed, it is evident the introduction of the Cotton-works has been a great blessing to the countj y around : the distinguished talents and virtues of the proprietors have APPENDIX. 15 our- em- jpen uaies after I the jloy- made them so. In other establishments of the same kind, though the same degree of good may not be accomplished, much may be done, especially in situations of a retired kind, such as are often chosen for the convenience of waterfals, &c. where a population is collected by the proprietor of a manu- factory, which he must support in sickness, if he does not promote its healthy condition by wise arrangements. In such places, the necessary intercourse between the master and the workman creates a reciprocal dependence, and this furnishes both the inducement and the means of consulting the well- being of the poor. But in large towns the case is very diflerent ; where it is easy to find a succession of workmen, and the inefficient hands can be abandoned to the care of others, the masters are too apt to neglect those plans which they ought to adopt, for promoting sobriety, prudence, and good conduct. were chil- )our- iance with esta- lanu- poor, sters. f the und : have F The Wages paid at Blackburn, in the following years, for weaving 74 printing Calicoes, in the month of April each year. 1792 .... 8 1793 .... 6 1794 .... 6 1795 .... 7 1796 .... 7 1797 .... 7 1798 .... 7 1799 .... 7 1800 .... 8 1801 .... 8 1802 ....10 1803 .... 9 .... 55 .... 55 .... 52 .... 81 .... 80 6 .... 62 .... 54 .... 75 ....127 ....128 .... 67 .... 60 0^ 8 5 s fc 6 a . 2 ^ ^1^ ^1 •^1 «'^ 6 0. 4 « ■^ 1804 .... 7 1805 .... 8 1806 .... 7 1807 .... 7 1808 .... 5 1809 .... 6 1810 .... 8 1811 .... 5 1812 .... 6 1813 .... 8 1814 ....10 d 6 6 6 6 6 s 69 88 83 78 79 6 ....106 6 ....112 6 ....108 6 ...128 ....120 .... 70 d o'-S 0|| OIL 10 APPENDIX. Mr. Milue " considered that when Grain and other prov' ,. ** sions rose, both manufacturing and agricultural labour fell, ** and vice versa ; for this obvious reason, that the workmen *' do more work, and of course, as there is only a certain '' demand for labour, the value of the labour falls. He '' always observed the prices of labour were governed by " demand and supply, like any other commodity, and not by " the price of Grain." He remarks, " that the price of Corn has an effect on *' the price of labour; so has the price of shoes and of cloth, " but it does not appear to him the price of labour is governed. ** entirely by it." The following were the current Wages paid in the neigh- bourhood of Manchester for weaving muslins; and may be considered in general as much as a good workman could obtain for a week's labour: viz. Year. 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1816 1816 Wages in July. \Qs Qd 13 13 14 17 16 8 6 6 6 6 Average Price of Wheat in the Gazette. ... 112* Orf . ... 85 . ... 140 . ... 75 . ... 67 6 . ... 68 . ... 74 . Wages in December. \6s Od 12 12 13 15 14 7 6 6 Average Price of Wheat in the Gazette. .. 96s Od ... 103 ... 120 ... 68 ... 71 ... 58 ... 104 It may be observed, that the wages are generally lower in the Winter than in the Spring and Summer. The advance in 1814 and 1815, when Com was very low, and the low rates at which they have continued the last six mouths, whilst the price of Corn has been rising, are strongly corroborative of the argument in the text, that the connexion between the prices of labour and Corn is scarcely to be traced. , APPENDIX. 17 It must, however, be admitted, that in England parochial relief amalgamates itself with wages in such a way, as to render^the inquiry very difficult ; and it seems probable that the Poor-laws prevent the fluctuations in the prices of provisions from producing as great an effect as they might otherwise do on the rate of wages, especially at a period like the present, when a portion so much larger than formerly of the great body of workmen in manufactures, have conquered their repugnance to receiving parish allowance. FINIS. J. Sf J. Smith, Printers, Liverpool,