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 /f OF THE 
 
 AR<5 UM El^ fa 
 
 ^ FOR A^f iMMATUigE 
 
 Thev are r«fat0d bjr a Sc^^ .of R]E;^AisoN& 
 
 . How we might have brought Eiity Thbi 
 
 to our Affiitance without any J^pence to us, anlt 
 cherry havie^kispt but^ f^ic^ai jQonquefis. 
 
 I. 
 
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 J^es fal/a^ f^ inamisy niji corrigatur, habet mnnunquam'Jidtm\ 
 .- tmilttfiiifunt hepunts^ judkii parum fitmi^ qui . nih'tl audi- 
 k' ant, Ugantvfy ^uod mn credant^ r^Jirefutatumfciant. 
 
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 Printed for J. JiEWisi Tower- ftreetj and Sold ty Mrs. 
 
 Coo^cE, at the Change,' G^ R0«liTeR» Cheapfiae ; W, 
 , Cooke, Patef!W^|(|ff-|i«w^P; StjBVErrs, Stktiyers Alley ; 
 
 and«ali Booicfellers liid Pannphl^t.ihojm. 1763. (iPr., is. 6d.) 
 
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 |{ E making' war and peace are tke ardua r^gnii thd 
 mod utapQttant natters in which a ftate can be en- ' 
 l^a^d. The frjf ought not to be undertaken ralhly, . 
 nor the 6t;her patched up indifcreetl/. Thoueh the 
 end of War be peace, too eager a defire of concluding 
 it, genetaUy produces a bad peace; and invites fivfli injuries': 
 likewifetoo great an s^erfipnto war caufes the lofs of frieads, . 
 anjl incites the infutts of. enemies. A Aate that would preibrve 
 therein of its tt(Bgfibbii^s muft ta|ce card, that it cmes not 
 ihew toio nt^ch patience under natiohk! aflPrOnts, nor too.great a 
 jpromptitttde to recioaiciHation Upon tttfy terlM. The motto of a 
 itf^e^able power ought to be, 0«/»0 me imp»nt iacejit. Severe 
 cha]CBfement ought to follow ./anton brelach. 01" faith, and peta-^ 
 fant infult. Where it does not, contempt muil fucceedv and 
 propirocation treaji dofely on her heels. The drawn fword, if it 
 returnji into the ieabbard without blnfhing with bloody will 
 tt|^?^th fhame!^^?^ ^ : 
 
 It was obfervedlby a politician at the beginning of this cen- 
 tury, th*t the l^'ifench cojart has always treated this nation, as * 
 if the gcnias of France had gained the afcendancy of thej;ei. 
 niasof England:^ If he had faid, that French money has at- 
 '^yi g4^M the afcendancy of Englifh probity, his maxim 
 would have been much more a propos. The gfeat Dh Wiff 
 fomewhere obferyes, that the courts orfoveveign princes are «H 
 tiprrtJ'pt ; but that there^^is none upon the face of thfi earth & 
 
 glows with nothing but p*tri 
 ^fUtmay not philofophers and patriots be miftaken f- •^« 
 
 After providence hath blefTed our arms with fuch a ferics of 
 figtiajl fucceffes, that this nation never experienced befo'rte, to 
 TPfiifign our conqoefts, ahd to put ourfelves into the powei? of oiflp^ 
 aiOTi implacable enieiiQies, would feem to vulgar capacities, anW 
 1|^ common apprehehfions, one of the inoft extfaoi^djniaTy 
 
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 ev«nts» that ever will be recorded in hiftory, and the moft unac- 
 countable policy : but to i^hilofophical genii, who have ilud^d 
 principles of thaf; »odern Machiavl t\ic Mi^e Maily, it may 
 ^ppear^ that the foburgine an infofent, tdwulent foe, gend|, 
 IS the way, to acquire political re(pfc£t, ana fecjurity ; and ii4ft 
 it is much better t9 he a nueak Jiate^ than the moji ponuerful atsd 
 predominant j becaufe being in a capacity ^ to chajiife any infolent 
 e,iemy^ is the tuay ta hfe all your friends :% whereas all the poli- 
 ticiaas befides, fince the days of Adam, have taught, that to 
 acquire the power of punifhing infults is the way to prevent 
 them ; and that he, who thinks to gain his enemy by lenity 
 !ind condefcention, will find himfelf the d,upe as well a^, the 
 vidlim of h? mpderation. But tKe. French /we has had 'the 
 confidence, to think, he may gull fome EngfilQ^ ^oofe ^\^ his 
 abfurd fyflem ; for furely, he cpuld never publifhit, for the ufe 
 of any other nation : hence this is the do£^rine, which has ibedn 
 for fome time pall retailed to the public, by the advocajtes of 
 the minifter, and may be confidered as his, or what he pretends 
 to he his, to cover fomething worfe. 
 
 V From whomfoever received or by who|nfocver diftated, it ia 
 
 :pretty clear, that the preliminaries of peace have not met with the 
 
 approbatlqa of our minifler, and have been publifhed to the 
 
 nation with his acquiefence. At the fame time no one can doubt 
 
 but thefanftion they have met wiih in P -t is the confequehce 
 
 of his influence. However as P ■ ■ es. and their miniilersV 
 are confcious to themfelves, that they are liable to err; as 
 P— ts and their refoiutions are not infallible, fome of thoie 
 preliminaries have been communicated no doubt for public exa^- 
 mination, obfervation and fentiment. If fo fuch conduit is 
 prudent, for, nemo omnibus horls fapit. At the famp time 
 feveral arguments have been advanced in fupport of thofe prellr 
 minariesj U(|,der the patronage, as generally fuppofed, of the 
 minifler ; all which appear, to be an addrefs, or appeal, to the 
 people for their acquiefcence with the propriety of them. .If 
 ihis be not the cafe, why fuch a multitude of Auditors^ BritofiSf 
 l^e, publifhed to the world i if the afTe.nt of the people to the 
 propriety of them be not defircd, why are arguments ufed,. to 
 obtain it ? if the people be indulged fo far by the executive 
 Ipowni'^as to be argued with upon this fubjedl, it is implied, 
 that they may freely offer tlieir fentiments in anfwer to thofe ar- 
 "^flfiettls ; in cafe it fhould appear to any individual concern'd, 
 •thatthe rcafons, advanced in fupport of the political fyflem re- 
 ■cominended, are incpnclufive : that is provided it be done with 
 •decei^^y, .fohriety andgood manners. - If difputaiion be admit- 
 ted on <^e fide and a prohibition of a reply enjoyned on the a- 
 thcriirguing with the people, and communicating the prelimi' 
 
 naries 
 
 ■■*■, ■ ', 
 
 B 
 
< 3 ) 
 naries, would be the vilefl infult on them, the greateft mockery* 
 and like the proceedings of the moft wicked orPt)pifli priefts. 
 
 Though ipme argue that our princes, as to peace and war 
 may froih their prerogative fay, Jic in>hyJicjubeot flat pro rationt 
 'voluntas', that their ' good pleafure is fufficiont reafon, yet wc 
 have been told by rank Tories, when fuch doArines ferve to 
 cramp a whig king, that our prince^ formerly never ufed, not 
 odeht now, to make either peace or war without confulting 
 their people in parliament'; and hence yft conceive that all 
 preliminaries of peace, when publiihed, may be juftly confix 
 dered, as an appeal to the body of the people, as well' as to the 
 fenate : for after their publication and deliberation had thereon, 
 furely the people have a right to addrefs and inilruft their mem* 
 bers with regard to them, and to reqaeft that they would ad« 
 drefs and advife his majefty according to the public fentiments : 
 and Hill the more efpecially {o, as Machiavel the prince of po- 
 liticians obferves, that theptopte are/eldom in the *mrong inftatts 
 matters, and the courts of princes' fcarce ever in the right, Be- 
 ,ivde9, we have known the time in this kingdom, when a majo- 
 rity in p— — t has been under the corrupt influence of a t;,'a- 
 cherous court, and a foreign power, confpiring with them, to 
 overturn the liberties, religion, commerce and conftitution of 
 this nation. ' 
 
 This right of the people to inftruft their members has been 
 the langtiiage of all the old whigs ever fince the revolution ; 
 witnefs the famous Kentifti petition to p— «-t in the reigh of 
 William the third ; witnefs the language of all the pretended 
 country .party ever iince the acceillon of the jNa»0<t;;r family to 
 the throne : and though the Jacobites and Tories'never incul- 
 cated this doArine, but with intent to- promote their evil de* 
 figns, and to overturn and, dethrone a whig-king, yet the rea- 
 ion of the praAice is never vhe worfe, any more than t^uth 
 would lofe its force by comin? from the mouth of the d i< ■■!» 
 If the people have not a right to fignify theic||fentiments to 
 their deputies, to parliament, and their deputies'to addrefs the 
 thirone raative thereto, to what purpofe, to appeal to the peo- 
 ple for their fentiments with regard to anv political tranfaAionji ? 
 Thiereis no ufe in making them public, if this be not admitted; 
 andhow'iiecefl*ary this is, the obfervations on the miftakes, omif^ 
 (ions, &c. of the prelii^iinaiies which h^ive already appev«d wiU, 
 fully«Vince:;';;V''^''' *^ '''^- •- ■ ■'■■^'-^'u-J::,?-' ■ ' \ 
 
 tfl order that the' pedt>le mpy be liable to foim. fomr judge* 
 ment of the late negotiations relative to a peace; andtoaddref) 
 their reprefentative^ in ^rli&ment accordingly, we afe going 
 to {ay before them Ibme obfervations on the arguments ottere4 
 to the public in def«n«(^ of (hof» negotiations and the prelipii-* 
 
 ' , nari^ 
 
I* 
 14 
 
 ( + ) 
 nariei of peace figncd by the powers at war : Becaufe we con- ' 
 Ader thcfe preHmioaries^ as being ooly preparatory to a. d^&ni-' . 
 tive treaty of peacifc, which may follow, or not, as the contraA- 
 ing powers or parties &all agree. We ihsUl oifer no more by 
 way dl introdu^iion, but come immediately to the i{)ecificati/:>n 
 of diereirons which hare been ufed fpr qoncludinga peace upon 
 cbe terms laid downin-thopreUminarkt^ The principal argu-, 
 ittents, which hsye djsen advanced, by ^e advocates ior a peace 
 oil 'the conditions liUpuIated by the powers at war, are as fol- 
 Iwlir : ' ..'■..' 
 
 . I. 'Tha( the French would not make pe^«, utalefs we fuiren- 
 dered ourconqaeils, 
 
 II. That the French were in f^Qod circumftances, and we|l 
 able to continue the war, hotwitbnanding their delieats an^ 
 loifts. . 
 
 in, That we were exhaufted and invppVeHnied bv the war^ 
 
 otir Hate debts become intoleinble, our people burden'd more 
 
 fhan the French ; diat the enemy wOuld ;uii^. ^s if the war coa<* 
 
 ,,|inued, and thti) we could not ratfe the fiu>plie>'> / 
 
 ■ IV. That our fucccflfes were owing entirely to our gdpii/tif^ 
 
 . turv'e, and neither to our ftrength iior good conduit, ■ , , , ^, , 
 
 V, That our conqusfts, if we fctaincd them, would become a 
 bufden andjnuifance to ns,^ by drawing off hands to garrifon, de- 
 fend and improve them. 
 
 Vf. That &pai« was become opr eijemy, and that it was ne> 
 <etfary to make peace in order to fav; ouf ally the kipg of Por- 
 
 'tt^al. ; .■,'-. 
 
 VII. That our trade would be ruinpd by the war, through 
 high wages, fp many people were taken ifrom the plbugh| the 
 loom, and the anvil. .;.£;.;* 
 
 VIII. That our neighbours w'cre growi|ig jealous arpurcfii^^ 
 quefts, and of our inorea£ng power and riches ; and woa![a nqt 
 confent, tha^e fhottld keep our aqqUvifitidps. /' ; ?, 
 
 IX. That lettlcmciits on the Terra /rmaof^ew Spain and ii^ 
 their i/les \ybuld,r}iin,us, by fillirig us too full of wealth 3114 
 jiches. ♦■ "■>■■., .•- .^. ■ 
 
 X. That we ought to furrenderolir-coij^-^fts, tp fliew tb^t 
 We are not infpired wit^ ambitipus vieW {ind to proye-gur mo* 
 
 dcratio©] •'.: ; ..-^■- ;:.. ■; , 
 
 XI. That humanity requires us to make peace on the prefent 
 terms offered bfy the* fVciaich, to prevent die effufipn of huQiaii 
 
 tlobd. »•■•■•■-■;' ■-"■ •'"<'/ ■ / ; ■".:.- .' 
 
 XII. Thatwe oi^htto make pew»» to fi?peou.i:felye«JF^^ 
 ^oiitinental connexitfns, and the Gei!man wai:* - ; , ;v. •, r 
 
 XIXI. That we ought to embract th^ ^9r|i\s of p^ac^pjrered by 
 
 f," '"''■' ■ "■ the 
 
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 the Fcench, becaufe they sre fafc, adnntigfloui, and hon^oiv 
 aW«r, - 
 
 Theft ttt the pj-ittdpal crtuttents, wfiich h«ve %etB a4* 
 vanced by the advocates for an ImnattiM fMce* When we cont^. 
 to^e all thofe maxims, prmciplei and arguments together, «v% 
 m\\ iitjd, that they fbrm fnch a hod^pod^, fuch a chaos of 
 iucdttfiftency, conti-adiCUoh, incongruity, »nd tMBfenfe, that ^ 
 tktn of humanity and beiievbletice will M fcarce able to rcfltft 
 ioh tkem, without a.fi^, over either the depravity and pn^ii^ 
 
 5acy of mankind, or over their cxceffive ignorance ' and Aiip^ 
 ity. Upon confideratipn from whence thefe coptradiftmp 
 have iflbed, and the circumftances Relative to themit^a nan muft 
 be pofl^fled of fuper-eminent charity, to believe, that fuch gW 
 ring absurdities can be merely the efFe£t of the H^eaknefs of tte 
 , hdihah iindferftanding, and a ihiftaken regard for the public wdk 
 fare : and that neither paflron, prejudice, intereft, artifipr', notr 
 aiiy other finifter views, have any fhare in fuch faggefHoni^ 
 However this be in the prefeht cafe, v/i conceive, in general, 
 falfe arguments are more the iflue of corrupt hearts, than €^ 
 "weak heads ; and acquiefbence with them moft commonly ilM 
 'cohfequbhce of indolence and ^oth, that had rather bundhr 
 'confent and adopt, than boldly doubt and examine; becanM 
 this ^aft cofts fome pains and trouble. 
 
 Befides, knaves have agreed to give tVe fpiecious appellatioa 
 of u virtue to fuch blina fubmiflion and implicit afient $ and 
 have called it mode|ly, and humility; and its contrary imptt« 
 dence, pride, conceit, arrogance, vanity, oppo:^tion to public 
 ivifdom, rebellion, difloyalty, and the like. All this has beca 
 'done to deceive mankind, and to terrify or coax them into fub- 
 miifllioh, as well as to deter them from inquiry, and t6 prevent 
 doubt, which is the firi^ ftep to' knowledge. * 
 
 However, the arguments advanced by ininiflerial advocates, and 
 the FreAch party, form a fyflem pf inc6mpatibility, repugnance, 
 and cdntradiAioli, Like the Cadmean crOp bf i^ed men, they 
 CQmbat with and deftroy each other. No wohder^ iince they are 
 the teeth of that dragon, that old ferpent, hXkRtafont that feduced 
 our grandmother Eye, Ibwn among us by his agents, in order to 
 fu^porc h^ intere|t and empire. The firft fix of the J^bove ai^u- 
 xhents are islearly oppofite and'i'spnenanf to the feven laft, and 
 
 jdriyen, to fupport i bad caufe. We doubt not but we ihall 
 
 » conyince the reader pfthe truth of thefe fuggellions in the fe- 
 
 0uel. Havifig faid .thiis mudi uppn the purport of the arg«T 
 
 jpiplDttMn f:i»ieral, ^^e comeiiow to confider each particularly. 
 
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i 6 ) 
 
 . ArgM. I. The firft aiigufnent, which his been ofTered by the 
 Biiniltcrial advocates for an immature peace, that I fliall confidcr 
 m. piefent, is, that tht Frincb luMtd not make feact unle/t we 
 farrendered our cQnqueJis j or thai ive mu^/^rrfude^ our eonquefts, 
 ■ietattfe the enemy 'voill net makepeace luithout it» If there be any 
 xca£a« or argument in this, it proves top much ; namely, that 
 we opght ntver to go to war to preferye our rights and poflfeA 
 fioDs ; for if, in purfutng a jufl war* we make acquifitlons, and 
 itfis at any time expedient to give them ap to the enemy, ii^ 
 cr^r to. oitain peace t only, becaufe he declares Jlpe wi'l not makf 
 fesce nvtthouttkemi then it will be flill more ejcpedient, at all 
 times* to yipld to him any territories he fliall pleafe to claim, 
 in order to fre/erve peace ; becaufe, by fuch condu^, we (hall 
 &ve all the lois and expence of a war, and be in a better con- 
 dition than we (hall be at the end of fuch war, if the enemy 
 ■ihall pleafe to infiil pn the terms for which he began it : For, 
 .fay the argument, we muil yield to him whatfoever he may re- 
 quire, \itC2k\xic he declares he nuill not makepeace 'withottt it.. 
 
 2dly« . Befides the moft defpicable cowardice and nigardlinefs 
 
 are implied in the argument, For if there be a nation that will 
 
 venture more, expend more, and fuffer more diHrcfs, in order to 
 
 c^ertrpy the religiony liberties ^ and commerce of its-' neighbours, to 
 
 fubdue them to its obedience, and to bring them under its yoke 
 
 and, dominion, than fuch neighbouring flates will venture or 
 
 jundergoto vindicrie, proteft and fecure luch rights and hle£in^s\ 
 
 certainly, politically confidered, fuch proud ambitious and 
 
 af[iiring nation deferves empire, and to command fuch cowardly 
 
 mean, paltroou Hates, who are afraid to expend their blood 
 
 and treafure in defence of their independency, and hence, 
 
 who are fit only to be hewers of woc^d^ and dravyers of water tp 
 
 fuch a brave and warlike people, .-j ;;■ , ' ^'., i 
 
 i;'T A refieftion of this kind naturally brings to one's mind the 
 
 . ftory of Perfeus king of Macedon. The Rom'kns w^re preparing 
 
 to make war upon this monarch, which cauied him to enter into 
 
 a treaty of fqbfidy and alliance with the king of Illyricum. He 
 
 likewife contrafted with the Bajlernat a warlike nation, for 
 
 10,000 cavalry, as mercenaries^ at a certain fiipend or price. 
 
 As foon as he heard, that the Illyrican king had committed hof- 
 
 cilities againfl the Romans, it was infinuated by his minions, 
 
 '** that this prince was neceflitated to «oiitinue his .firm ally/* 
 
 '■ upon which he countermanded the waggon loads of money, he 
 
 • had lent to fupport him, and left him a prey to the enraged 
 
 Romans. He likewife higgled with the Bajiernep about their pay 
 
 and wanted to abate them of what he had promifed, upon which 
 
 ■ they returned to their own country. .- In thifmanner his minions 
 
 ^id fla«frcr§a!^y.jMhi;n,, under^th? pretence offWaJui. ai)<i 
 
 * » 
 
 ►.•^. 
 
to 
 
 id the 
 >aring 
 IT into 
 
 fqr 
 I rice. 
 Kof. 
 iion$, 
 
 he 
 l^ged 
 
 •w 
 
 f^hich 
 lions 
 
 to 
 
 f 7' > 
 
 tt> /aviyjipislites ; but iff r«<a1Htjr, in- order that there might b^ 
 the inort for thofe harpies to ^Hvidfe uiumjg^ themftlves. 
 
 T^e cbhfequence was, the Romans attacked, defeated and 
 tbdt tft?s'ift adviftd mbfiarch prifoner, ^ithall his trcafures, 
 which he had left ; carried him and his family captives to Rome, 
 where they Were led in chains, to grace the vifton triamph, ai)d 
 where thd monarch died miferably in prifon. ' The nobles and 
 gtlrit'ryiv'ert; difarm'd.and (bmmon'd by the viftor to attend his 
 pleafure : Ke ordered his foldiers to furrouhd them and cut them 
 to piieces ; afterwards, plundered and ftripped the country of 
 all its money and rich movables ; and then reduced it to a Ro- 
 mari province, God grant that no fchemes oSbred by evil 
 coonfcl)ors j to cover wicked, corrupt and treaibnable deilgns, 
 under the ^ccious pretext of frugality^ and to hve expences ; 
 may ever afford the French an opportuniiy of redudt)g our moft 
 gracioas.fovereign King George III. to fiiGh « lamentable fate, 
 and wretched condition. 
 
 ^dly, The queftion is not,' whether' the Fwnch will 6r 
 will riot make. peace, without our furrendering oui- conquefts ;' 
 but whether political juftice; equity and prudence Require u^ to 
 make fuch fu|-ricnders. ^achiavelt Grotius and Puffendorf are 
 all againft fuch conduft : l^ven the inconfiftent iMa^/y oppoles it, 
 who, like the reft of the Superficial French writers feldom 
 fcribbles mapy pag^s, without contradifting hlr-felf, and un- 
 dermining, the fyftem, he icems to labour and profciTedly endea- 
 vours tcj eftablilh. -' 
 
 With regard to the fnrrender cf our conquefts we fliould afk 
 ourfelves jhc following queftions, 1 ft, whether political prudence 
 does not require us to keep fuch conquefts, as an indemnifica- 
 tion for the expences of the war ? 2dly, Whether* as war h 
 an appeal to heaven, heaven has riot declared, as well as earth, 
 that we have juftice of our *de, by bleffing our arms with fuc- 
 cefs ? 3dly, Whether this fucceftj that minifterial advocates, 
 and French agents, prophanely aftribe to accident, chance, and* 
 good fortune, has not been owing to a good Providence which 
 has dfeclarfed in our favour, pronounced our caufejuft, and blefl"- 
 ed it accordingly ; and hence, whether God has not himfelf 
 declared our right to our conquefts ? 4thly, Whether the reten- 
 tidn of «ur conquefts is not neceffary to fecure our religion^ //- 
 ,berttes;zTAcoiftmerce, againfi the violence, fpitc, and fuperfti- 
 tion of the Friefnch ? and hence. Whether it is not, in fome de- 
 gree, a renutiCiation of God and religion, to give them up to 
 our enemies ? jthly. Whether the retention of our conquefts 
 will riot diminifti ;he naval po\ver of France, and augment our 
 own ? 6thly, Whether, if we give up our conquefts, France will 
 not befuperior to us in power? and whether we fliall notbefupe- 
 ,.•■.- ■. , .. be' 
 
 
If 
 
 -l^'l'^ 
 
 ■ ^ ^ >> . 
 
 bught to aik qrtti!ielv^ 1^; q««$ffi> t9%y««« ' WJi^U^ej^-:, ,:jijije or 
 Vi^ce^U: baii«ft tH« /iif^iio^^ii^npt a,4jfpute wc*!:,^c,bnicp<Ji 
 i^.for docfftg n fpven ytm^ mti a^lwhetS^ 
 
 ItWy, WheUwf it7» Wfltipaw^^S,, ^t j?rance,/hDu[d holi 
 out much longer, .»s fl^ U alr^yr^dps^ to in^e ^jjjjfcnfiy^i 
 war, in which <H«i« ftiU a loferf lywj 9fi^e is bccq)|^e apstBlfw" 
 fvpt, and all hfr/und« fail* ^^Ak^ WV '? ^fftrojred ? 9tlily/ 
 Whether, in on<» y?ftr*$ Hmcr m ihpiildnot have cutoff the 
 qpauni^fiiqation bn«we*4 Ni-w Spiftp and.CW J, and cc^quently 
 have ilQDt np iiU.the fpuntainiflf the; pJlench and Spaniiji w^f 
 destroyed th» trade of bpth ftffps, hav^ cut oflr intejjii'bly^ all 
 thfif rfffoaKies aad fufmliet, an^h^ettuned the flr^^ pf uieir 
 iiQ^s int.9iQii£ OWft rWBiiyoirs f a»?4 hence have Qh|iged. them. ^Q_ 
 come to what terms we fliould have thought reafbnapiie ?• lothly^ 
 Whethtr, 4«Geidh.f» declared o^rcaufe to be juif^ )by hfjejffing 
 pur arms hitherto,!.. we have not;|-e^n to exped th^ icpntinn^iice 
 9f his favQur ? fiay» whether we have np^ a moral, cett^^|y ipf 
 
 Hi , " ."„.,' ,,'. ,■ ,^,;, , .\ ,,,,. 
 
 The anrwef" to ail thefe <iuerief pu^t to be in Uierafiitmativei 
 This i$ as t^ear as the H^ht, and^hu^ y^ii Ihall enacpou^ to e- 
 vince in the Courfe of the ^Upwing page»» a, ^o iJ{i i : ' 
 
 4thly, A nation^ which ^s a^ wa,r jvlth ahotlier,^$g^jth'ct 
 fuperior equal, or inferior, in power. If it be naturally vaf^Qr^ 
 we cannot fuppOfe it .would go to war* but Is attacl^^ ; unr 
 lefs it can g^n ibme con^erabl0,xpnfederates, qx has fome ad-<, 
 vantage in cir^nm^ances which repder i,t fuperior.. /We are in 
 one of the three predicanventsn. To be fure in fdme re^efls* 
 we are inferior to France ; '\ix pthers fuperior, in moft, . pretty 
 nearly equal} and perhaps only inf«rior in the power of taiiing; 
 aa eqiaal nurnher of troops, which (deficiency may be compenfa- 
 ted by hiring foreign tit]|ops, tiupiigh.our fuperiof.pulplic credit* 
 Howev-er, we will allow on tlur M^l^ite*, that France , was fomcLt 
 thing; fupe/ior in power to th^« nation, before the prefent war. 
 j^ut by our good conduft ifi attacking thjp^r fifli-ihips by ♦he ad- 
 ice of my Lord jinfony and their own ilu|Mdity in mai;cbing into,j 
 and making a parade of an army in Gei^any, jtvie, gained a 
 £uperiority ov^r them. If France before the war was fuperior 
 to England, as 4 is to three, £.ngland by her coiiquefls, n^sdi- 
 miniflied the power of France at leaHone, and added fo much 
 to her own power, as (he has t^en from France. He^ce if 
 fol ows, that the prcfent power of England is to that of Ffance, 
 as four, to three: and if the war were to continue but one yeai;' 
 longer ; as .we Ihould take at lerft from her one Axth mpre of 
 ■•■'■■ ■^KT^-r.' ■■ -■--;. ■ \ • ■ .1^. ■':'.#' .; her 
 
 
( 9 ) . ^ 
 
 ' her power, by cuttingbff her fuppUes from New Spain, &c. the 
 .power of England, to that of France, would be as j8tO only lo. 
 But, as we cannot raife any great land armies, the ftates on the 
 continent would have no occaiion to fear our increafe of ftrerigth 
 by the diininution of that of France, whom only they have rea- 
 fi>n to dread, -and whofe power llili, by land, would be formi. , 
 dable to them, from their natural turbulency, -and contiguity. 
 
 The feizure of the French fiih fhlps was the foundation of all 
 our fuccefs ; which the fpirited conduct of 'Mr. Pitt has im- 
 proved to a degree this naticn ne>er experienced before., fiut 
 as the power, we have gained, was acquired by accident origi- 
 nally ; and as it has taught our enemies to ufe the fame art 
 againft us, which we employed againft them, this inllru£ts us to 
 preferve the predominancy, we have acquired, in order to pre- 
 serve our fecurity for the future. 
 
 As then we are now the predominant power in faft } by hav- 
 ing detracted from the power of France, and added to our own ; 
 the bare quellion, wh^her we ought to keep our conquefls, or 
 to furrender them, and to give another power, our. enemy, the 
 predominancy, is a Bull. Conquers imply fuperiority in the 
 po^eifor^ who made them, and a power to keep as well 
 as to acquire them ; and an inferioricy in the iiate from whom 
 they were obtained. But a declaration of a power, from whom 
 fuch conquefls were made, that it <vjill not make peace^ unle/s/uch 
 conquejis are furrendered, is the language of conquerors, of vic- 
 tors, not of a broken, beggar'd enemy, and muft be coniidered, 
 . as a ridiculous Bully t to intimidate a weak adminiftration ; and 
 as the lad effort of a Jla^e once formidable, v^hich feels its 
 impotence, and confid^ in the reputation it once hiad $ and hence 
 thinks that the opinion of its former power, will operate the 
 fame effefts, as the real power did, when it was aftually pof- 
 feiTed of it. Hence too the French affeft to treat us, as the Ro- 
 mans did \^t Carthaginians \ that isj tO diftate to us terms 
 of pdace; though they arffv.nquiihed. We know that from the 
 inteiline treachery of feme of the principal Carthaginians, who 
 clamoured for an infamous peace with Rome, and who impeded 
 the fupplies and the fuppoi-t of the war, what were the fatal 
 confequencesi We have great reafon to fear, that fome of the 
 fame confequences will foon betide this nation, if the prelimi- *_ 
 naries be imprqved into a peace. 
 
 There is fuch a repugnancy irt making conqueds, aftd in mak* 
 ing voluntary funenciers, that nothing, but great fuperiority 
 ppfieffed or acquired by a conquering pt er, can juftify its 
 making ariy furrenders ; ho flite fhould ever yield up any thing 
 to anothrir power, bat wHat it does nOw want, cannot keep, 
 would be ufelefs :o it, or the keeping of which would le^Teii its ■ 
 ^M%- ■. ■ . .•' C ^powers. 
 
 < '\ 
 
fCii 
 
 \' 
 
 ( to ) 
 
 ^©wW. iHewever Als '^e, ho power <Svfer refigns tiiefttl coii- 
 quefts, but by compulfi6n> as all examples both in antient and 
 modern hifiory teftify. If none of oar conquefts were neceflary^ 
 to our fecurity i If, after a furrender of our acquiiitions to the 
 French, we mould continue flill fuperior to them in political 
 pow(r and ftrength ; and Ihould have nothing to ifear from their 
 rcftlefs ambition, mifchievous temper, or religious fpite ; I 
 flipuld have much lefs to fay againft a teflgnation of the co^f- 
 jyjbery, Lou/Jtana, and their Carribhee fugar ijlands, Blit .whilft 
 our pofTenion of all thefe appear, to be abfolutely neceilary, to 
 give us a fuperiority over the French, and to fecure to us our 
 religion, liberty, commerce, and independency, every good Eng- 
 Hfhman muA feel both grief and indignation at the thought of 
 thpfe furrenders. 
 
 If a ftate by accident has obtained a fuperiority over its natu- 
 ral and implacable enemy, fuch ftate ought to rifque all to pre- 
 ferve it ; oecaufe its fuccefs muft naturally irritate an enemy; 
 who has always conceived itfelf fujperior, and yet is vanquifhed; 
 to meditate and feek fudden and {tvtxt revenge. We doubt not 
 but we ihall foon £nd this maxim verified in the conduft Of the 
 French to our coft : We may confider this to be the cafe with 
 regard to powers at enmity, whq have Only civil and political 
 rage, hatred, ard revenge, tp ariimate them : But, when a, proud, 
 vexatious, coVetous, encroaching, turbulent, and unjuft ftate 
 has its civil animofity enflamed by fuperftitiOus fpite and ab-> 
 horrence, it becomes ten times more neceffary for its op{}onent, 
 to prei'erve any fuperiority it may have acqdired ; to ftrain eve- 
 ry nerve, and to exert eyery faculty to keep its conquefts, which 
 aJone can render its being fecure. If we be fuperior, we can 
 keep, if we furrender our conqaefts we Ihall he inferior. If 
 we be but equal, we ought to keep them, in order to obtain a 
 fuperiority j tKe nature of our government requires it. 
 
 5thly, The declaration of the French, that they nut II not make 
 feace, unle/s n>:e furrender our conqutjis, and the conclufion hence 
 drawn« that for this reafon, we ought to make fuch furrenders ; 
 if thefe things prove that we ought to make peace on fuch terms, 
 they prove like wife not only, that we ought, tamely to fubmit to 
 any encroachments, and to comply with any claims to prevent 
 war ; but alfo, if the French ihall pleafe to require it, that we 
 ought to furrender to them CanadUy No<va Scotia^ Cape J^reien, 
 flacentia^ Senegal, half ^/. Kit^s, and all the countries from the 
 Apalacian hills to the Sout|i Seas : For all thefe countries were 
 Once in their poiTeftion ; and if wcare not able to refill an unjuft, 
 ndiculous, infoknt, impertinent^ and unreafonable claim in one 
 cafe, how (hall we in the other ? 
 
 If th£ French were to proceed, and in the next place demand 
 
land 
 
 \Viv- 
 
 ( II ) 
 
 Kenv/eundlattd and its fifhery, according to theie gentlemen, 
 we inuil comply. Farther* if they req^uire oar Sugar ijlands iat 
 ih^felyes, and Gibraltar and Minorca for their ^lies the Spa- 
 niart^Sy we muft conform to thofe fevfre injunctions likewife. 
 Nay, if as ibon as a peace is cojncludfvd, if the French fhoald de- 
 clare, that, in cafe we do not put Portjmeutb and the To^er of 
 X.ondon into their hands, they wIU forthwith denounce war 
 agaiaft us ; by this argument of the French party, and our my 
 niJflerial advocatejs ; we ought inftantaneoufly to comply: fie« 
 caufe otherwife, they will pat us under a neceflity of carrying ' 
 on a war againft'them, whilft we are loaded with the enormous 
 weight of 140 millions of national debt, and there is xio more 
 poflibility of raiding the fupplies, to ckrry on fuch a war, any 
 mor«, than there was in the year 1763. But pray how doe$ fuch 
 reafoning found t May not thi9 a£tua]ly be the cafe ? Nay, have 
 we not accounts already, that the French are meditating a frefli 
 war, and transporting near 25,000 troops to their colonies ? If 
 this ihould happen, with ^ what an air would fuch arguments ap< 
 pear ? What muft the caufe be, where its advocates are drivent 
 tp fuch wretched (hifts, to find arguments for its defence ? 
 
 6thly, All the principal powers in Europfe may infult us with 
 impunity ; for, according to thefe gentlemen, wq are not able 
 to make war with, or to defend our rights againft, a bankrupt 
 nation, that has loft three fourths of all its foreign trade, and 
 two thirds of its navy to us ; whofe armies are keying before puf 
 victorious troops, and whofe battalions have periflied in the mo- 
 rtify camps ofGermany during this war, like rotten flieep in 9 
 hujtnid winter. What abfurdity ! It would be jpiuch nobler, 
 i^nd aCling with more fpirit and dignity to frankly tell us ** My 
 patrons have made a peace according to their inclinations, 
 and value not a fig, whether the good people of England like 
 it or not $ for we have 319 to 65, who approve of it, and ai 
 
 party of 70,000 S ts in the a- y and n y, to fup* 
 
 port our will and pleafure.'V But to hum us with fuch argU-^ 
 ments as above, is adding infult to abufe, and mockery to trea- 
 chery. 
 
 Before a war begins, an enemy may with as much reafon, de- 
 mand any part of your territories, which may be convenient for 
 his a^airs, or agreeable to his caprices ; as infill on any furren- 
 der of your conquefts, when by your good fortune, or fuperior 
 power, you have obtained any fuch. When you have been fuc- 
 cefsfuji in war, it is feldom, U>at your conq^efts are worth the 
 expence you haye been at in acquiring them. If then you are 
 forced into a war by an infnlent, ambitious, and avaricious 
 enemy, you have a right to-an indemnificatiou for all your ex- 
 pences, out of the fpoils of your enemies, and ought 16 retain 
 your con^uefts on that accoupt, *■.,-,' ' 
 
 « 
 
 t . 
 
,. 
 
 :. 'v 
 
 Befides yo^ bring contempt on yourfelves and provoke Inju-^ 
 ries by not punifliing the^ infblent invader of your rights, by'; 
 Gripping him of part of his territories for his unjuft attacks.^ 
 Nothing C3n render a prince more contemptible, than refigna^'^ 
 tions of his acquiTitidns in fuch cafes ; uhlefs his power be fo 
 gieat, that he Hands in no need of fuch ac^uifitions, either to 
 render him fuperior to all his enemies, to preferve peace in f(i«' 
 turity, or to eafe the burdenfome taxes, which his petulant ene-J 
 mies have brought on his fubjefts by their violation of juftice 
 and the law of nations. Neither honour, juftice to his people, 
 nor their fecurity will pei^it fuch furrenders. Who would not' 
 buiFet a cowardly prince and peoplp who w( uld receive affronts,' 
 and fuffer invafions without obtaining latisfadUon fc the injuries-- 
 offered them ? 'Public and rauoi.al injuftice can never be atton-- ■ 
 ed for, but by public reparation, and public chaftifement and" 
 revenge. We do a wrong, not only to ourfelvcs, but to man-'" 
 kind, to fuffer an unjuft violent people, to infult and abuie*^' 
 their neighbours with impunity, if we are capable of punifhing' 
 them. In generaU between nations, nothing, tut the dread of 
 a fevere revenge, can reftrain injuftice and violence; bat in a. 
 patticular manner nothing can bound France but this fear. The 
 talcing a complete vengeance, when poflible, is the only w?-y to 
 deter wicked 'j^j-inces from the violation of the peace of their 
 neighbours : the omitting it a fure way of bringing a prince 
 andhis government into the greateil contempt. 
 
 ythly. If the Freqch declare, they will not make peace with 
 05, unlefs we iurrender our conquefts, it muft either be from an 
 opinion of cur weakpefs, of our timidity, of our cowardice, of 
 pur corruption, or of our want of public fpirit. As to our 
 ilrength, we have proved our fuperiority for a courfe of feven' 
 years pad ; as to our timidity, our peopiehave difcovered none,' 
 Divlefs any has been to be found in the purlieus of St. Jameses : 
 Our 'valour has raifed itfelf to the highefl: pinacle of eminence ; 
 as to our ptihlic fpirit, we have had no clamour of taices, but 
 vhat has beep raifed by the French party amongft us, and mi- ' 
 nillerial advocates ; for the whole body of the people clamour 
 for a continuance of the war. As to our corruption — ■ ■ ■ • 
 ■ — among and in rthat is with * 
 
 t > - 
 
 and through the advancement of 
 
 to 
 
 ■ ■ the having been always the enemies of this nation, 
 
 formerly, and rebellious' traitors, and Jacoljites ; and enemies 
 in genciai to the revolution, and the proteftant fucceflipn, and 
 Hanover family, ever fmce the aft of fettlement took place; 
 whofe very preibyterians, we have feen die on thefciiffold, for 
 engaging in a r$,bcllioi)> to advance to t\it throne their popifli 
 ■ ' ' " «t^^. ^'iw.'xjWl^rav tW^'-'X^'' idol 
 
 
 t-f.- 
 
 \^''- 
 
 i w* ■■■ 
 
 y. 
 
tor 
 
 ( 13 ) 
 idol the preiiiender, to fupport the pure doArines of their gu/ify 
 Kirk. 
 
 At fuch a criils it is difficult to prevent refleflions, on the fecret 
 influence of Monf. PoufTin, and upon the con^u^t of that body 
 of patriots called Pouffineers, from obtioding themfelves. The 
 600,000 Louis-d'-ores carried to ^e tower in 171 2, to be coiiusd 
 into guineas ; the offers made by Torcy to the duke of Marloo^ 
 rough i the negotiations of Menagery and D'Aumont : the decla^ 
 ration of TtM'cy over and over, that Harley and Bolingbroke had 
 a perfonal intereft in making peace ; all thefe circumftahces will 
 occur to the mind, by virtue of the aflbciating faculty, whether 
 one will or no. What iniluence corruption has had in contriv- 
 ing, the P — 1 — n-^s, and gaining certain ^approbation of them, 
 or whether any has been employed, is^not for me to determine; 
 but the furrender of our-conquelfs appears a moft amazing event ; 
 and generally extraordinary events are imputed to extraordinay 
 caufes. 
 
 Stilly, If you are at war, you haye either the advantage, the 
 difad vantage, or are upon an equality. If the warlie unfuc- 
 cefsful, and you defire peace, you cannot expeft to have it, but 
 upon difhonourable and difadvafitageous terms. At leaft this 
 muft be the cafe, with every nation, unlefs it happens, that any 
 ftate has a war with the Engllfh ; for their notions of generofity 
 and moderation, the French fay with a fneer, are romantic, and 
 border on heroifm in their negotiations of peace and war. But 
 if a ilate has had vail advantages in war, where is the oatiou 
 to be found in Europe, that ever furrendered fuch advantages 
 unlefs it be England ? I can find no fvich nation ; but I can point 
 out feveral flates whofe conduft has been the very Rever/e, 
 But fuppofe that in a war between two flates the advantages on 
 each fide were only equ^l, would the flate that was attacked fur- 
 render, to the other, all its claims and demands, though ever 
 fo unjuft and wicked ? One can fcarce think there is any nation 
 fo ilupid, upon the face of the earth, as to be guilty of fuch an 
 abfui dity ; at le^fl we conceive that a Samoltde, or Hottentot^ 
 would think fo. However, there is as much reafbn for a fur- 
 render in this lafl cafe, as there is for furrendering your con- 
 qrt ., if you are fuperior to the enemy, becaufe he declares,' 
 he nxiill not makepeace ^without fuch furrender. 
 
 In the l^.ft war we were neither gainers nor lofers, excepting 
 the lofd of our honour, in that fhameful affair of fending ho" 
 tages to the French pourt. How can any one be fo abmrd as 
 to afcribe civility and politepefs to the French nation ? They 
 would not take our King's word for the furren<^er of Cape-Bre- 
 ton, but we have been fo generous as to accept of only the fe- 
 purit^ofthe French. King's roya/ wor</ for the performance of 
 
 impor- 
 
 1^. 
 
 
 V^ 
 
 -^' 
 
 
' I ■ I 
 
 ( «4 ) 
 
 iQiportant covenai^ts. Now to whom does the chandler of po- 
 litenefs moftjuftly belong? to the r|iflc, unintnncdv French* 
 «r to the genteel, generpus Englifli ? But perhaps the French 
 called to mind our pttfidiotts treatment ot our allies, at the 
 
 Seace of Utrecht ; arid hence imagined, that they could n'^t pra- 
 ently trufl i^h a bafe treacherous people. 
 9thly, The laft war was very unfticceisfuU by land; battho* 
 %re gain'd no territory* yet we loft none. Now we are to an 
 fftonifhing degree. vlAors and triumph in every qnarter of the 
 
 flobe, (amazfng f) yet we gain oozing ; or at moft nothing, 
 nt what is fo clogged, orcompenfatedfor, as tobeanacquifition 
 rendered a£lually worth nothing, nay, much worie than'.nothing. 
 The minifterial advocates themfelves allow, that the French 
 keep Ltuijiana, only to have an opportunity, to harrafs onr 
 colonies. The Auditor and Briton by implication acknowledge, 
 that the Fur trade will be all transfer'd to the French on the 
 IflffTifippi ; for one avers, '* that nothing but the refofe Furs 
 " were ever carried by the Northern Indians to fort Nel/on ;*' 
 " and that the reft went to the French markets ;'* and the other 
 fays^ ** that the fouthern Indians ufed, to pafs by Albany ^ to 
 •* to go with their Furs to the Montreal market.'* Whoever 
 cafts Kis eyes on the map of North America, will immediately 
 perceive, that the Fur trade, for the vtty fame reafons, will 
 now, by the, lakes and the rivers, be transfer'd to the French 
 oti the Mifllfippi. Thus we have given up Louijiana, fbr a fouth 
 fea babble, though worth more than all Canada with Senegal 
 thrown into the Bargain. Fine Politics indeed. However at 
 beft out of twenty four parts acquired, we have at leaft furren- 
 der'd twenty three ; though if we had kept all, it would fcarce 
 have indemnified us for our ninety millions expence extraor- 
 dinary. But whatever we had furrender'd befides, we ought 
 at leaft, to have coniidered the Cod-fifhery, all North America, 
 and the French fugar iflands, we had conquered, as facred, and 
 as neceflary to our very exiftence ; as their bulky trades would 
 prove a fruitful fource of naval ftrength, as well as of perma- 
 nent riches, that would pay us the expences of the war, and foon 
 enable us, to difcharge the bulk of the national debt- Hence 
 we ought to have retained thefe with an inflexible obftinacy, 
 and fortitude ; with a refolution and courage untameable and 
 invincible ; what ever might have been the diftreffes, to which 
 it would have reduced us. But now we have fecured nothing, 
 ftrange infatuation ! • 
 
 lothly, If the French declare> they will not make peace with 
 us, unleis we furrender the Cod-fi(hery, Louisiana, and their fu- 
 gar iilands to them ; this amounts to the fame thing as telling us, 
 that they will have from us, what they (hail think prudent, to 
 
 ■tr-' 
 
 ;.'!■ / 
 
1 
 
 < '5 '* 
 
 claim. But let as conlider, notonly t)ie iniolercc oTthe demand 
 in idelf, bat aUb the circumftances, in wHi^i., they are at the 
 time, they enter the claims > <<//«. when they are beaten, and we 
 vigors. If they have the impudence, to make fach a demand^ 
 when they are beaten, what muft we expc&. will be their claims, 
 when they are fuperior ? This language is the language of 
 infolent vigors, and Implies a threat of deilraAion to us. 
 If in a war, where they are beaten, they oui with proprie^ 
 claim furrenders, what mull dieir demands be, when they ar« 
 conquerors f If we maft, in point of prudence, comply with 
 their claims to gain peace, when tbey are vanquiihed, muft we 
 not ; when they are freed from their prefent diftreifes, and re- 
 flored to their priiHne vigor and ftrength ; comply with their un- 
 juft and nnreafonable demands, to preftritt peace? What is a 
 cogent rtafon for one, is likewife a cOgent reafon for the other. 
 By this condnA the French treat us, as the Romans did tlie 
 Carthaginians ; that is diflate terms of peace when vdnquifliM ; 
 and 'this doftrine of furrisnders may lead us, to^ive up one thing 
 after another, as that corrupt people did, till we all bec6me 
 flaves. 
 
 Therefore this argoiheht appears to be the moft noqilrous 
 abfurdity. 
 
 I ithly, If after our obtaining fuch fignal fuccefles in the pro- 
 fecution of the war ; if after our having ftrengthened ourfelves 
 by the acqaifitions of fuch valuable branches of trade as the 
 whole Cod ftffaery, the trade of Senegal and Goree, the Aigar 
 and Indigo trades &c. of all the French-caribee-fugar-iflandsj^ 
 the trade to the eaft-Indies &c ; and if after they have loft all 
 thofe trades, all then: home freight and navigation, and two thirds 
 of their navy ; I fay ifafterfuch fuccefs we are unable to continue 
 fuch a war, as long as they ; it were a monftrous abfurdity to 
 begin it. 3ut tlw abfurdity is not here,, which our fuccefs hag 
 fufficiently evinced ; the abfurditv lies in aflerting, that they 
 are able to continue it, and that we are not able to retain our 
 pofTeffipns, nor to vindicate our conquefts. But as our territo* 
 ries on the Ohio were invaded, our traders barbaroufly mur* 
 dered there, and in oth<er parts of North America, we had 
 certainly fafficient reafon and provication to make reprisals, and 
 commit hoftilities againft fuch a perfidious enemy: and the more 
 fo, as the French party, and minifterial advocates, tell us, hay 
 aiiure us, « that we want no continental connexions, that the 
 German war hai> been a milliloiie about our necks, that we are 
 an iiland fevered from the continent by the fea, felf fufficienta 
 and able, to nuixn'ain our rights, and independency, againft 
 ** all the world, without any aftillance, or any allies." But it 
 this felf fufiicient do^riiine confift^nt with the preachments of the 
 
 
 <( 
 
 I- . t 
 
 ,<,^ 
 
I! 
 
 t^rench party, ** that we want men ; that we are impovoriflied, 
 *< exhaufted, and can't raife the fupplies for another year's war ; 
 *' that we muft yield up our moft important CQnquMls, becaufe 
 ** the French are a more powerful nation than we? how do thefe 
 ♦* tliinfi;8 agree ? 
 
 To begin a war* and to run the rifque af Sfpending nirtety 
 inillions, to fave a fmall trade with the indians behind our back 
 ' fettlements at new York &c; and after oar amazing fucceiTes. 
 to end this war, without fecuring our northern colonic^ in gene- 
 ral, is madnefs inflead of prudence : and pray what is the plea 
 for fuch Wrongheaded conduft ? Why we are not able to raife 
 men, furniih Applies, aor bear the national debt, which are 
 nece/Tary to maintain this war^gainft the French and conclude 
 it with advantage and h ''our ; by gaining the points, for which 
 we contended, and the p Jges necefTary ror preferving our fecu- 
 rity in futurity. This is in truth faying, that we cannot fup- 
 port our colonies, nor vindicate our foreign po/Tefllons and com- 
 merce, without ALLIES. But how does this agree with, our 
 felf fufHcieney and natural fecurity ? We cannot keep what our 
 power could acquire, and yet we want no allies, nor can contraft 
 any continental connexions, without expofing ouHelves to ruin. 
 Is not this palpable contradiftion and abfurdity, impudence in- 
 Head of argument, that merits nothing but the comment of s 
 cudgel? \ ' 
 
 If when we began the war, we were inferior in point of powef 
 to the French, we (hould have formed a confederacy to render 
 tis equal, before we had commenced fuch a war, and have been 
 certain of their afTiftance. If we were neither naturally equals 
 nor rendered fo by accident, nor could procure continental con- 
 nexions, allies, nor confederates, to make us equal, we ought 
 ,; patiently and tamely, to have ^fubmitted to the encroachment;' 
 
 • ■ ; 6f the French ; rather than have expofed ourftlves to fuch an 
 
 ' enormous expence, and at laft, to give up ihamefully our con- 
 
 quefts, and that fecurity of our northern colonies, to obtain 
 
 which, we firft began the war. Thus after bullying, blufte- 
 
 ring, and making a noife all over the world, the Walpolean, and 
 
 ' Foxonian fpirit of timidity has feifed our councils, and we have 
 
 _^^ furrendered all our conquefts rS infeitat the prize contended for 
 
 ♦ • nnobtained. 
 
 ' I ^ 7thly, If we have betrayed every ftate with whom we'have al- 
 lied ; if we have ho hopes of the aiTifiance of allies unlefs we buy 
 fuch afiiflance ; it is certain then, that we mull fland alone, and 
 
 • and rely on our own power only for our exiftence. In this cafe, . 
 we have no necefiity to exclaim againil continental connexions^ 
 there is nobody will conneft with us but as mercenaries. But if 
 we want men, mud we not fcek the aid of fiich mercenaries ? If 
 
 
 we 
 
 
 f ■': 
 
 '. ' } 
 
i i7 ) 
 
 lire mtift not feek fych. affiftance, though we are weaker in ineH 
 fhan France, nay, fo poor and fo weak, that we cannot maintain 
 the war againft the French, btit muft fliamefuUy give up our con- 
 quefts, why did we attempt a vindication of our rights ? If we 
 are weaker than France why did we go to war ? If ftronger, why 
 did we conclude a peace, without vindicatihg our rij^hts, reveng- 
 ing our injuries, recovering piir expences, and retaining our con- 
 quells? If we yield up our cdnqaeftj we are linety millions weak- 
 er than when we began the war ; whillt ou; minifterial advocateit 
 aver, that our enemy is not near fo much weakened as we. It 
 follows, that our enemy is bettered by the war, and we made 
 worfe . But the real truth is, if we keep our conquefts, the ene- 
 my will be IOC millions weaker, and we ftronger than when we 
 began the war. Otir enemies lofles have rendered them fo much 
 *wtaker than they were, and we fo raacYi ftronger that the conti- 
 nuance of the war, but a fmall time longer muft ifoevitably ruin 
 them; unlefs ignorance or treachery at home fhall facrifice all 
 our attempts abroad* But ignorant and timid minifters hate 
 war, becaufe they know all mifcarriages will be imputed to 
 themfelves ; and all the fcandal, and q^dium of the taxes necef- 
 fary to fapport a war will be laid on their backs. In times off 
 a war the general, the admiral, muft poiTefs a fliare of the prin- 
 ces confidence and favour : but in times df peace, the favourite > 
 minifter may monopolize the princes confidence, and triumph in 
 his power without a rival ; and without the hazard of being dif- 
 placed, for being foolifti or unfdrtunat. We need not therefore 
 wonder, if we fhould ever find a timid raw^ unexperie^eed 
 ftatefmkn facrifice th^ dignity of the crown; and the profperity 
 of his country j to introduce a peace, that will fecure hispdwer. 
 Hatter his ambition, and gratify his avarice. 
 
 i3thly. For the enemy tell us, *• That they will make 
 ** a peace only on fuch and fuch terms, or on their own condi- 
 " tions," is the fame thing as if before the war, they had de- 
 clared, that they wduld have the profperity of all Nova Scotia, 
 and of all the lands between the Apulacian Mountains and the 
 South Seas granted to them; or that they would attack us. In 
 this cafe, according to our minifterial advocates and the Frencb 
 party, we ought to have complied with their demands ; for this 
 reafon, viz. tnat the French would not grant us peace without 
 fuch furrenders ; becaufe they infift, that they are neceflary, con- 
 venient and Ufeful for them, but particularly for their navi- 
 gation. 
 
 We ought then never to go to war ; for if we muft yield to 
 the enemy his claims at one time, we muft do it at all times, for 
 the fame reafon : if then the enemy is weak, we muft do it, cer- 
 tainly t^re is more reafon for our doing it when he ia ftroii?. 
 
 D 'If 
 
I!m. 
 
 < 18 .^' 
 
 If we fear expcncc in prcfcrving our rights, we ought never, to 
 £6 td W4r ; for war cannot be carried on without great expence 
 ^nd great taxes to defray it. If we are exhaufled, and France 
 ftronger, in cafe we furrender our conqueils, we mufl expe£t to 
 be attacked again very foon j for what fhould prevent it ? la- 
 Head of terrifying our enemy, by lopping ciFfomc of his trade 
 and territories, and addin? them to our own, we have only 
 brought fhame and ignominy upon him, in cafe we furreoder 
 pur conquefts ; and hence we have only iiritated him to wipe off 
 the ftain, to take revenge, and to puniih us for tricking him in 
 the att.ck of the Ttjb-Jhips: Thus wc have difcovered oar ti- 
 mivlitv, imbccillity and poltioonery, and thereby enabfed, pro- 
 voked, and invited a fecond attack. After tricking and bring- 
 ing Ihame upon a powerful enemy, we ought to put it out of his 
 power to take revenge, or to cxpcd dcftrudion, and one vaft ruin 
 fuddcnly to overwhelm us in the reqnel. As this muft be the 
 natural efreiSl of our condudl and luccef, nothing but the lait 
 neceinty and cxtienuty, iliould induce us to farrender our ac~ 
 quiHtions. 
 
 ;,i4thly. If, with our additional iliength from C)\xx conquejis, 
 and the relative weakncfs of the enemy from his hjfesy we can- 
 not keep our acquifuion?, how Ihnll ws keep our own after oar 
 furrenders ? 1,'hut is after our enemy is rendered vallly fupcrior 
 and Wronger, and we are become much weaker and inferior? 
 Surely then, we Ihall be able to hold only at the pleafure of 
 thofe Ic rds paramount the French. If when we have gained fix 
 millions trade per annum for cuUelves, and taken ten millions 
 from the French, we remain Hill weaktr and unable to maintain 
 and prefervc our acquifiticns ; wh.at muft cur imbecillity be when 
 we have enfeebled ourfslves and ftiengthentd our enemy by cur 
 furrcndc s ? If we cannot now keep Martinico, Gmulaloupet Go" 
 ree, and refcrve our cxclufive right to the Cod-Fifhery, hOw 
 (liall we keep Barbadoesy 'Jnmaica, CniiaJa, Nei'-ifoutidlanti, Si- 
 negaly l^c. after we have weakened ourfelvts and fliengrhened 
 cur enemy by the furrender of our picient poflcflions I .., 
 
 If we arc not able to relift the fiifl: injuni^lions of our enemy", 
 ramely, the furrender of our conqueih, when our enemy is lo 
 much weaker by the lofs of them, as their value amount to, and 
 we fo much ftrongerby the acquWition of themj how isitpoffiblc 
 we ihould be able to refill any demands they (hall pleafe to make 
 of us, when we are weaker.ed by our refignation, and they as 
 much more ftrengthened in proportion by thofe furrendcrs as 
 they are in va'ue ? If we were uiiable to retain our conquefts 
 when the enemy was weakened and we ftrengthened, how fhall 
 wc be able to keep our own ancient pofleffions, when we ar2 
 
 weakened, und the. enemy has acquired additional ftrength ? 
 .•■■-,• -..'•■.- -,- ' - • ■ '^" This 
 
gth? 
 
 This 
 
 : . ( 19 ) 
 
 Th»» argument Is as clear as it is irrefragable : TKcrcforc to tcl« 
 Us that we are uader a neceffity of furrendcring our conqUefts 
 fo the enemy, is to avir, that bur efl lies at the mercy of the 
 French. What Englilh bread does not feeljp4!^"^(^^" at the; 
 luggeft^on? *• 
 
 l5th]y. If oqr miniflerial advocates, and tTie French party 
 had declared, that it was in our power to keep our conquefts, 
 when we had them ; and that the enemy was fo weak, that we 
 jnight rc-affume them at pleafure, though we had refigned them i 
 there would have been fome congruity in their reafoniiig, though 
 no truth. But, as to the argument, that the enemy would not 
 make peace, unlefs we furrendered om conquefts, and therefore 
 wc ought to furrcnder them, 'it is pregnant with abfurdity, in- 
 congrnity and d?ftruftlon. If the French can reafonably make 
 this claim, and are in a condition to fupport it, we are truly in 
 a moft miierable fituation. Do we not then want allies and con- 
 tinental connexions,, in order to divert the ilorm, and diifipate 
 the thunder, rhey "Sre fraught witli, and ready to pour down 
 npon us ? Or mult we refign, if thty ihall pleafe to demand it, 
 one PofTeflion after another, for the fake of jjeace, as the Cartha- 
 genians did, till at lafl thefe Romans fliall demand Port/mautJ^,, 
 the Tmuer, o^ London, and then fet the city of lonefon on fire, de- 
 flroy our merchant-men, carry off our men, of war, prohibit our 
 building any more, introduce their idolatry, impofe a tribute 
 on us, and having deflroyed our navigation, carry off our wool 
 to France to nunufa£ture, and make us plough and fbw our 
 fields, and breed cattle to feed them f The refignation of our 
 conquefts imply, that all thefe evils mud enfue in afucceflion of 
 years, if it be faft, that we are under a neceflity of making fuch 
 rcfignations. But God be praifed, that we are under no fuch 
 necefsity, though miniderial advocates, and (he French party 
 aver it, in order to pave the way, to introduce the above direful^ 
 calamitle?. "But will Britons fuffer themfelves to be feduccd by 
 enemies and traitors ? No, I hope net ; rather let thofe trai* 
 tors and their fchemes perifh firft; No, indead of paying only 
 half a crown to the pound in tax^s as we do now, let us rather 
 condefcend to bear th« burden of paying three hdf crowns. No, 
 let us continue the war one year longer till the French change 
 their note, confefs their imbeciUity, fue for peace, offer to gua- 
 ratity to us all our conqudls, and make good their renunciation 
 of the contraband to u^, by leaving the Havannah in our poflef- 
 iion ; fuch a refolute conduft and profecution of the war would 
 deter them from future infults, which a contrary con<?uft mud 
 invite,' 'i.v» our timidity incite, if not our real importance. 
 
 If, inoppofition tp this j-eafoning, the mjniftcrial and French 
 party ftiould infinuate, that we are able, at any time, as well to 
 
 P 2 re-aflum 
 
/ 
 
 ( «o ) 
 
 re-aiTume our conqqefti, as to make thep. ; how «ome theft gen- 
 tlemen to ascribe our fuccefs and conquells to good fortune and 
 accident, as in argument the VI i How come they to defcilnt 
 pn the French ftrength, as in argument II f How come they, to 
 declaim on pur imbeciliity, as in argument III ? How come 
 they, to complain of our want of men, as in argument VII f 
 pr how cooies it about, that we are under a neceffity of making 
 (urrenders, as in argument I ? Th^fe are cpntradifkions, and here 
 they will be entanjgled in a dilemma. 
 
 1 6thly. If we vindicate our right to all North- America, and 
 our cxclufive right to the Newfoundland Ifliery : and Hkewife 
 retain the Friench Caribhee fugar iflands, it will put us into 
 the ponenion of fuch a ballance of trade^ as England will ne- 
 ver be capable of obtaining by any other means. This will 
 xaife the value of lands to fuch a dpgree^ as to compenfate, tei^ 
 times told, the land-holder for any extraordinary taxes, he may 
 pay, for fome fmall time ; to continue the war, till we have re- 
 duced our enemies to reafon, and fixM cutfelves in firm fecurity 
 againfl the turbulency of France. This will i)e ^ Happy epoch, 
 not only for us, but for all Europe. 
 
 I7thly. Furthermore, the minifterial advocates, and French 
 pariy, argue, that we ought to furrenderour conqueils, becaufe 
 that we are yyeaker than the French ; and yet at the fame time, 
 urge that it is our duty, to avoici all continental connexions and 
 confederacies ; becaufe we are able from our naval power and 
 fituation> as a fea girt ifle, to prefervc our commerce, and co- 
 lonies abroad, and our religion, liberties and independency at 
 home, both againfl France, and all other powers whatfoever. 
 Perhaps there was nevpr a more foolifli maxim broached by fiu- 
 pidity, or irnpudence ; nor a greater repugnancy form'd by thg 
 fpirit of contradjftibn and deceit. 
 
 But if we are fo powerful, through our njjyal fprcp, that we 
 fan proteil our country from invalions, defend our plantations, 
 and tolonies abroad, preferve our foreign commerce, and fecure 
 bur trade on the continent, without any allies or foreigfi con- 
 nexions ; why may we pot vindicate our exclufiVe nght, to 
 the Newfoundland iifliery, to all north Anfierica and eaft India ? 
 furely, if we can, preferve our own fugar iflands, by our fupe- 
 j-lor naval power, we can preferve two or three fugar iflands, 
 which are well fortified, and are \>\xi juf| by. The defence of 
 fiflieries ; the proteftion of iflands, ahd colonies ; and the fe- 
 curity of our coafts* from invaiions, are the department of a 
 naval force. Thefe men argue, that our naval power can pro- 
 ^ ft a coail of 2000 ijiiles round Britaiji, and triumph over 
 the ocean and yet that it cannot defend a' few fugar iflands, 
 contiguous to our own ; though fo fmall, that in a days travel. 
 
 iV. 
 
( .1 ) 
 
 they may bt^vcfled from fea to iea. At ^ Tame tlmei ts thef. 
 booA of this naval power* nay they hare Ikk), it is equal tt 
 all Europe ; however thti ft 'foolifh lie; they 4ecl are, thavitit 
 not able to exclude the French from the Newfoundland iUhrry. 
 This is by implication declaring, that v^e caff> neither prote^ 
 nor defend ourfelves, abroad nor at home. This i» the a. 
 mount of their boalled naval ftrengtk, which was, to protect 
 oar religion^ liberties, commerce, &C4 both abroadand at. homo 
 without foreign alliances, or any continental connexion. Thoa 
 this naval mountain of power has broueht forth a mcufe, an4 
 tb^ev confefs, that with a|l t)ur ilrength, we are neither able 
 to iceep our conquefts, vindicate our niheries, nor preferve oar 
 own colonies or foreign fettlements. But is not all thisahea|i^ 
 of repugnances an4 contradiflions ? furely it is. 
 
 But though the miniftcrial advocates, and F|;ench party^ 
 havefo often, and fo ftrongly afTcrted the omnipotence of our 
 naval force, and inv.elghed agatnft our entering into German 
 alliances, and connexions for our defence ; yet now their tale 
 is turned, for a moment only^ for the next moment they will 
 aflert the contrary ; a|id now they afHrm, that with all 
 our nayal force, w* cannot keep our acquijitionst abroad^ unhf$ 
 noe conquer all France in Europe. Here ive mry aflc theaiy whe* 
 ther we do not keep Jamaica^ Gibralter and Minorca, though 
 we never conquered Spain .' Whether we do not keep CanaJat 
 No'vu/cotia, Cape-Bretoft, Senegal^ Guernfy and Jerfey, though 
 we have not reconquered France ? If fo, why not keep their lu- 
 gar iHands, and the rell of our conqueils ; as (hey depend for 
 prottftion only upon our naval power, and the French navy 
 is deftoyed ? But to affert, that we cannot keep our acquisitions* 
 without conquering all France, is near af)out, as wife, as it 
 would be, to fay, that you cannot cut fff ^ man*s finger, unle/s 
 that youfirji cut off his head. y, 
 
 iSthly, At the peace oi Utrecht, to flicw our moderation ; 
 r/ rather ftupidity, folly, and treachery ; we yellded up to 
 France, Spain and the weft Indies, and with theip the Spanilh 
 trade and treafu'res. Our Tories too gave them a double line of 
 of fortreffes in the Auftrian Netherlands to ferve them as a 
 Barrier, anji faved them from ruin by a feperate and perfidious 
 peace, in whjich, we betrayed all cur allies. By this peace 
 we yielded up to them likewife the dominion of the continent 
 which they would then |iave been for ever deprived of, had it 
 not been for our generofity to them, and treachery to our allies. 
 Tho' we were t|).as |)ountJful ^0 them, tbefe ungrateful wretches 
 refufe to their old friends the preient Tories, to leave them the^ 
 (dominion of the fea, the pofTeflion of our Cod fifhery, our terr- 
 ritoties in north Americth and to tlirow a few fugar iflands into 
 ■ ■ ' the 
 
hi 
 
 the bargain ; tho* we want more for our home confumption, and 
 In procefs of time, the French might raife, in St. Domingo, 
 enough, td ferve all Europe, ungrateful Vretches to their old' 
 friends i but perhaps they are promifed fktisfaflion another way' 
 when the fcheme is ripe for execution. " 
 
 -'But as we give up to them Goree, and all their fettlements 
 and trade in the Eaft Indies, furely if thev had any modefty,' 
 they might think themfejves happy in loifing no more, than 
 thofe territories, and trades, which froni their iituation, bulk, 
 and nature, are neceffary to increafc our naval force, ^d to 
 leave us the dominion of the/ea, for the empire of the lattdt 
 which we have beftowed on them ; or at leaft the treachery of 
 ftriet yielded to them in the re'pn above mentioned. ' ' 
 
 But whether we are able to re-corquer France or not, fnrely, 
 that power, which could wreft from France, by conqueft, :(h 
 her ftttlemeuts in all parts of the earth, and deltroy her ilaval 
 force, when /he was in the heighth of her power and ftrength, 
 ^lendor and glory, trade and commerce, can moft certainly re> 
 tain thofe conquefts, now France is weakened, begnred, h-r 
 naval power deftroyed, her trade ruined, her colonies in our 
 poffeflion, her navigation in the hands of the Dutch, 25,000 
 of her failors in our prifons, and nothing left her, oh the face 
 of the glebe abroad, out St. Dominvo, Cayenne^ and lj,s Mau- 
 rith.s ; and the people overwhelmed with taxes, and the ftatc 
 eppreffed with eleven bankrupt funds at home. If we could < \- 
 quer from them when they were fo much fuperior, why not keep 
 thofe acquifitions, now they are fo much weaker ? The objection 
 is unanfwerable. How (hall that fickly power re-conquer, that 
 in full health and vigour, could not hold its own ? It is abfurd to 
 fiippofe.?c can. It is avering, that tho* a champion in health 
 be not able, to cope with' his rival, yet that if he was worn out 
 with ficknefs, and his rival had redoub' d his ftrength ; in fuch 
 cafe, he would be able to beat his antagonift, and triumph 
 over him. A downright contradidlion, and fulfome, ridiculous 
 nonfenfe ! Thefe difputants are confcious of it, and fo in the 
 8th argument tell you, if you keep your conquefts your ntigh? ^ 
 boars will be jealous of you, &c. 
 
 ipthly, Agaiii ; if an enemy, in the senith of its power, 
 when it fent three fquadrons out at once, filled with troops, for 
 feveral parts of the globe, as France did in May 1737 ; and 
 when it was in pofRffion of its fugar ifles, which the French au- 
 thor of the confiderations fays, hroughl in five or fix millions 
 per annuniy and fupplied the German war ; when the Eaft India 
 trade was in their pofleflion, which brought in nett profit twq 
 millions /fr annum i if when Canada, Goree, and Senegal, were 
 likewife in their hands, they could neither keep thefe, nor their 
 
 fugar 
 
for 
 
 and 
 
 au- 
 
 lions 
 
 India 
 
 [tWQ 
 
 /ere 
 Ibeir 
 pgar 
 
 . < «3 ) 
 
 fugar ifles/ iior their Eail India trade, how are they to reconquer 
 them now they have loft all^ and their navy ia deftroyed ? Spain* 
 itismanifeft, can't defend her own : neither has flie made aoy 
 progrefs in Portagal, the French are, too, flying in Germany : 
 now how, under u\\ thefe misfortunes, could France re-conquer 
 her loil territories ? It is madnefs to fuppofe it. If they could 
 not keep their trade and territories, when in their'pofleffion ; ' 
 and they had an army and liavy, to cover, and proteA them^ 
 how will they re-conquer them without either, and without mo- 
 ney to raife or pay either ? The French have been ftripped of tea 
 millions of trade per annum ; we have gained near half of it. 
 how then can they carry on a war, when thus diyefted of their 
 refources, when their moft important foreign territories are lop- 
 ped off, their trade ruined, and the returns of their commerce 
 from New Spain intercepted, and (topped up ? 
 
 Let us fappofe, that this trade was only loft to them, and not 
 gained by us ; what muft their relative condition be ? 3uc when 
 the cafs is, that half this loft trade is gained by us, and fo much 
 i'dded to our former wealth and riches ; it muft make the diffe- 
 rence fo notable, that the impudence of thofe men is to be ad- 
 mired, who can fay, that we are unable, to continue the war^ 
 fo long as France ; fuppofing we could not cut off the commti- 
 nication between new and old Spain, nor that of all their In- 
 dian territories. The men, who make fuch a partial eftimate 
 of things, cannot be Englilhmen, they muft be sgents of the 
 enemy. 
 
 The longer France carries on the war, the more ruinous will 
 be her condition ; the ftronger and more profperous our's. Our 
 debts will be greater, *tis true, but our abilities of difchargin^ 
 them will foon be vaftly increafed, by the increafe of our trade 
 and confumption. But if the ftate of the French nation be fo 
 vigorous, as reprefented by French agents and minifterial advo- 
 cates, they will foon begin a fieQi war j and hence it proves 
 too much : Fof we can better combat with them now, than 
 when they (hall be in po(reflion of all our furrenders, and we 
 fo much weakened. 
 
 One of their late writers fays ; " if the Engli(h are refolved 
 *' to conquer North America, they will oblige the trjnch to 
 ** raife a naval force; They will wafte themfelves and their 
 enemy, who by cafheering her troops, will be no longer for- 
 midable by land, nor fufpedVed of ill de(igns by her neigh- 
 bours ; and hence France ivill deprive England of moft of 
 h''r allies.*' Behold their fyftem ! ;ig 
 
 vVe (hall add farther ; that a prince, who is provoked by an 
 unjuft neighbour, to have recourfe to war, to protedl his juft 
 rights, and gains the fuperiority, is weak if he does not make 
 
 tilt 
 
 
 *t 
 
4J 
 
 ( u ) 
 
 ■ : -H-.7 
 
 l&e enemy indemnify Him fot the expence* tie hds Been pkt to i 
 Nay if he does not pat Jt<>at of his pcfwer, if poffible^ to at4 
 tack him any more, without dread of deftru£tion and annihi- 
 lation. A itate that fufFers another, to make war on it wanton- 
 ly, and with impunity, will fcafce eVei* he without enemieSi 
 A prince that will fufFer depredations, to pafs unrevenged, like 
 the coward, mufl expeA a kick from every petulant neigh-, 
 bour. ■ ■** ;''^' '•';'■■■ '.;,, ' ,^"1^' 
 
 In the year 1722, the duke of Af(?»/'<3'^af obtained a grant or 
 the late neutral ifland St. Lucia, and fpent 46,000!. in fettling 
 it: As foon as the French heard of it, they ordered Caylus go- 
 vernour of Martitu'cOf to go with an armed force, and expel the 
 Engliih. This grofs violence, and affront Was pocketted ; and 
 feems to have been the beginning of njobiggi/b timidity, and 
 French encroachment ; and appears to have^een the foUrce of 
 all their irifolence ever fince. The WalpoUjih timidity, from the 
 Hanover treaty to 1740 ; and the fame timorous condad at the 
 peace of Aix, quite eftabliihed their infolence. What better 
 will the preliminaries produce ? The whigs affift French power 
 by timidity, the tories by treachery j the effeds, tho* not the 
 wickedncff, are the fame. 
 
 To go to war with a prince, who is eafily prevailed on to fur- 
 Tender his conquefts, and to flrike up a peace without indemntJ 
 lication for his ex^ences, is like a bankrupt's engaging in a lot- 
 tery, if he gains a prize, he wins fomething; if a blank comes' 
 up, he lofes nothing. Or it is like a clerk's playing at ha- 
 zard with his mafter^ money; if he wins, he gains for himfelf, 
 if he lofe* another bears the burden. Surely fuch a difpofi- 
 tion IT aft invite affronts, and allure every coxcomb nation, tof 
 infult fuch a prince, ana fuch a ftate ; and hence fuch a mo- 
 narch muft become the fcorn of Europe like James I. For ma- 
 ny years, like that prince vJiiggifh timidity negotiated, when 
 it ihould have fought ; and h'^'ice the dignity of the Britiftn 
 crown became as contemptible to trance and Spain by Walpo- 
 lean coivardicey and pufillanimity ; as to the reft of Europe, it 
 became odious and contemptible by Harleian Treachery, and 
 corruption. To furrendcr conqudls is not the way to acquire 
 reputation ; and if Taciti/s's maxim be true, that a ftate majus^ 
 Jama potentia quant fun "y/ fiixa, v/hat Ihall we not lofe by our 
 ilirrendcr of our conqaeils ? 
 
 To contend, that we ure weaker than the French ; that there- 
 fore we muft furrender our conqueils in North America; is to^ 
 aflert, that we cannot pofTefs :my part of thofe fettlcmcnts, 
 which we were in poflefiion of before the war. For if we can 
 keep the Ic.Jl, after a firrender of our conquefts, we can much 
 moiecafjly retain thcfrj}. Mencc it appears, that if we can- 
 not 
 
 
 V ' 
 
■4 
 
 { «s V 
 
 not keep ottr'^onqtiefts, we cknaot k(tep our own DofTcflions by 
 euxown-ftreiigthit then we have need of allies and foreign conr 
 nesr^ons : fittCeAicordiog'to^thefediipatants, Oui'ifitaation and 
 nav^ power, will not ^cure our religion, liberties, colonies^ 
 Gomflnerce and independcncf, agiunft the attacks of France. \ 
 If it be aflerted, that our prefent power can fecure all thofe 
 bleffngs juft mentioned J for -the fame reaibn, it mufi be ad- 
 mitted, that we can keep^all our acquifition?, in fpite of all the 
 power of Fiance, li it be denied that we can do this, it mult 
 be denied likewife, that we ihall make our neighbours jealoue 
 of our power and riches ; and that we can ftand alone, without 
 continental connexions, foreign confederacies, and the fuppor^ 
 of al||es. Hence the futility and repugnancy of tho/e minifte-i/ 
 r|al advocates, fautors of French power and enemies to this king* 
 4o.ni, are as dear as the fun in meiidian fplendor. "^ 
 
 -t If we cannot keep Guadaloupet Mairtiniqutt Marigatatite, &Ci^; 
 now they are in our poAeflion, bow are we to keep Jamaica^, 
 Barbadots, Aatigua, St. Kitts, &c. when we have weakened our- 
 ielves and ftrengthened our enemy by our iurrenders of the for** 
 mer ? To fuppofe we fhall be able to prote£)- our own colonies^ ^ 
 after the furrender of the French Caribbee jTdgar iflands, ^oi|> ,^ 
 which thefe French partisan s argue We cannot keep, is down*, 
 right fnfatuation or ttie moft monftrous impudence. H«>ce.f» 
 fttppofe that we cannot fupport ourfelves without concinental 
 connexions, as in the 8th argument, and yet, that we are tda 
 weak to preferve our conquefts as in the firft, is repugnant and, 
 contradiaory, and argues either weaicnefs of head or wicked- 
 nefs of heart. To fuppofe that a good Englifbman can be pof- 
 fefTed of fuch ignorance, or fuch infatuation. as is conneded with 
 the propoifltioo, is impoffible. Hence the pretence of thinking 
 we are unable to hold our conqueits, proceeds from ibmething 
 worfe than ignprance. If we cannot keep our conquei(s, we 
 iland in need of foreign connexions. If we oon, we do not 
 want a peace that mufl deprive us of them. Here then, thefe a- 
 gents of the enemy have entangled themfelves in a dilemma. 
 I But if we are fo weak as to be unable to retain our conqueds, 
 and defend our own pofTefTions and colonies againlt only the 
 power of France, how comes it, that thefe men argue, that our 
 neighbours are become jealous of our riches and power, and 
 fear for themfelves with refpedt to the confequences i If we are 
 weak, where is room for us to exert the virtue of moderation, 
 which only belongs to predominant power i Where is there 
 room for humanity to call on us to make peace ? Thefe are the 
 funflions of only fuperior Aates, who, ' can command and give 
 law. The arguments therefore of theie mjnifterial advocates 
 are inconfiftent, incompatible, and muA flow from feme othtf 
 fourcc befides concern for the intercfts of oldEngland. " ''"■' 
 . . E PART 
 
 ■''»K'-ii 
 
 
 -••■*."?.'<»■ 
 

 
 a.:' 
 
 P AfcT II. SI^G r* th 
 
 T>^ -i^: 
 
 Arg. It iss ieen/Sid by tite mni/lerid jIdvcaitUp « ImI tie fmfW 
 ' Airiyf 'wkc fiickU fw aft inmMure Ftac4^ that tki Frtoch 
 ari in good dirtkmflanctSt and well e^le to coaiiKMe the lyar^ 
 \ ' notwithftanding their Sweats and L^u - ^U 
 
 \^i T ? we art fo n'tfcH ejchanfted, ixA the tt€ii€tk i^ ftroffg» 
 X ^^4 Able to continae the war, ^s theft genUemen fog- 
 ^eft, it was folly in them to m$ke peacie on any conditions : 
 Becaafe- Kence they night go on looger, tire as out, aiiiCeex«^ 
 liauft u« of flden and money, and at laft; deftroy bs, or m-ing ut 
 to their own tefms* l^nce the French muft have made peace 
 with us purely to fpare ns, to defeat their own views, to pre* 
 ferve our interefb, and to dlveft themfdves of all che great ad- 
 vantages, which dur wife heads have found in the pofliffion of 
 vaft trails of country, that are Worth about one (hilling a fquare 
 mile ; that will coft about 40 times as much the keeping as their 
 revenues will amount to; and good part of the trade of which 
 will, for various reafons, according to them, be transferred to 
 tbuiftana. Thus too it was Out of charity and humanity, and 
 to (ave us men atid money, that they ceded to us Senegal \ fof 
 ttiey are fo flrcng and powerful, that they' might hav* kept it» 
 if it had fo pleated them. * 
 
 >Fow, can any man in his fenfes believe, that if France^ which 
 is under an arbitrary government, found her circumftanccs fupt- 
 ribr io thofe of England ; or that (he was able to carry on the 
 war to advantage, and by continuing it» th^t in the long run, 
 flie ihould gain all her ends, reconquer Canada, r^pofiefs fierfelf 
 of her Carihbee fugar iflands, fnbdue onr Cotoniesi zftd retake 
 Sent,[iaU and we nn^te to defend them, that ihe would^ |et flip 
 the Opportunity ? 
 
 It mail be admitted, that France is able to continue the war 
 or nc/tf. As her government is abfolorte, if Ihe (hosght ihe could 
 carry on the war %o advantage; if flie thouoht (he could gain 
 her ends can any man be fo fti'pid, as to think Ihe wQu!d make 
 peace ? Her making peace then mull be an acknowledgment of 
 her incapacity of carrying on the war j that Ihe wanted breath, 
 and to recruit her ftrcngth ; and httnceit is an areument that we 
 ought to purfue our blow, till we have cnilbed the whole houfc 
 dfjBeurion for ages to come. By the fanic rule that France was 
 unable tocarry on the war, wd ought to have 'joritinued it, i)i 
 ling as we were able ; in order to have preferved our conqucfls, 
 ofat leail the moil important^part of .them i and to have fdl'd 
 

 was 
 
 Jl'd 
 
 this Goh'ajb to the earth, whilft he was reeling with the wound 
 ii«le yj^vi/ hiid given hiip.j ., • ~ 
 
 . zdlyt Minifte.rial advoqites boaft, thai we lliall gain great ad- 
 ir4«|tag«s ^y .the jpea^i .ye» tc^l 9* tj^f ty« ^t, ii^trior in^oitft gf 
 jhtngib ; that the French affairs and Finances tfr« in « better (9u» 
 elithk iiaapur-ti and that thrf mm carry on t^e nvar tilt vut art 
 tired, ruined* and undone* 1% no( this an ajjfor^^ty^ If the;^ 
 think themfelves (Itonger than wf ; if they fappofe we are in 
 more^ diftreffed izircpm&iiices, an4 tptterii^ on the verge of de- 
 ilru^ion^ 4s 9ur minifler and H<9 pai|y: have in^nuated to them ; 
 is it to . be rinagined, that they would grant ns adra&tageo\^s 
 terms qf peace ^ No fqrely. Whatever , fpeeches our miniftef 
 end his advocates have given put of ot|r diftrefs, and tf our ih» 
 abilities tq raife tbelUppUe^ in order to find an tpology ibr an 
 infamous V"-— — ft liccofdiitg to their owi^ accpant the French 
 do not believe them ; fo£ notwithfta^ding, they have granted '^s 
 an adv((i)Hg90us, fafe, ^nd honourable r'—^—oO. , 
 y JP^^ it is n cpntr^diflioii tp fuppojCe, that the French are mofe 
 ppwerful tb^ ^e, and yet that they fhotild grant tt> ^ood teriq« 
 of peace. Is there any fQch e;(ample to be met with m hiftory? 
 Qr 4>d they .e^er want, for inclination to opprefs their neigh* 
 hoars, whem^er. they had, the oipportmiity? Nay, have they nQt 
 always diffiovered the inclination, tho^ they had not the oppor* 
 tunity,;?, and did tl)ey ever lej^ an Ojpc^iion flip* in which they 
 could enrich themselves with the (pbiis of ain impotent neigh* 
 bouFft, thoqgh he had never given them any provocation ? 
 
 Henceif the pegce be ho^purable, the French muft be confci* 
 ovi$, th^t, they are weaker than we,, aiid unable to cafry on the 
 war. In this cafe then, we niuft z€t weakly in not purfaing 
 our blowk. even according to our minifteiial advocates ; for they 
 do not pretend to fay, that we have ctu(hed either thepoWer of 
 France or Spain^ but that the peaee is honourable^ becaufe they 
 have not cruflied us, and have condefcended to grant lis nne,up* 
 on the inf— t terjAs centaioed in. the preliminaries ; an epithet 
 that every one muft. be^ow op them, who is not under the direct 
 tion ^nd influence of th^ French party here. If we are fupe* 
 rior to theenemy, we may continue the war j but if we cannot 
 dp this, C8j) we ftippofe the French wiU grant us an advantage- 
 pus peace i eonceffioQsare certain marks of imbecillity and im* 
 potence on one hand and of ftiperlor power on the other in cafe 
 no fraud or treachery intervenes. We may hav? a bad peace, 
 tho' we po^efs a fuplriority of power, and enjoy the means of 
 of making a good one : ba| it was never known, that uemade 
 an advantageous pe^ce with/'r^nr^, when we were in feeble cir%. 
 cnmftances ; or that eyer France granted fnch a boon to any o* 
 t^cf natioq. Her^ce if we have but the leaft advantage in the . 
 
 .»■■;' 
 
 
 •^'1 
 
/.• 
 
 -i-. 
 
 (' 
 
 ii ' 
 
 t' ( as ) 
 
 peac^, it is a mark of diftrefs in the French d&irs, and of our 
 f iperior potver. And if we are fuperior, it maft be acknow* 
 l'dp(ed, that we might have continued the war, and ought to 
 ' have done fo. 
 
 ^ 3dly, l^utwht, but an impudent Fr^^rA party, would dare to 
 ' alTet, that the Frtnch are more powerful, and in better circum- 
 ' fiances, than we ; when thiey have loft trade to the value often 
 'millions fterling pl# annum and we pofTefsit ? when they have 
 > loft two thirds of their naval force, and we poiTefs their ftipt 
 and hold 2 <;, 600 of their failors ? When they have loft 22 of 
 ' t >eir fug;^r iflands and we pofTefs them ? When they have loft 
 '300,000 negroes, and we pofTefs them? when they ^avc loftaN 
 moft all the revenues of their coloi^ies, and we poflefs them } 
 \Aiid finally when they have loft all their freight and navigation, 
 'and the Dutch poiTeis it ? 
 
 ' 'iBefides they haVe loft tvtty year, fince their crofling the 
 ' Hhiaei near 50,000 men in Gdrmany, whilftour Englifli «rmy 
 'has not fufTered one tdnth of the mortality. They are beaten 
 •out of the ^aji Indies, Jfricat CanaJa, and the Jugar ijla^nis % 
 'their troops fly before the allies in Germany^ and have ^arce 
 ay footing left in their dominions. To this may be added, 
 that eleven of their funds have ftopt payment 6f Intereft ; fo 
 that near two years ago, their ^^ks fell 30 per cent one poll 
 through the failure of payment of intereft only. Their diftrefles 
 liieewire h^ve been fo great, that they have been uncapableof « 
 advancing their fubfidies, which they have engaged to paylify 
 treaty, to the emprejs queen^ iht Shvedest and Kveral princes of 
 the empire. Are thefe marks of the political health and vigout 
 O' a ftate, of its ftrength, of the good condition of its Finanw 
 c^s, and abilities^ to carry on a vigorous war ; or of imbecillity 
 and diilrefs ? I fliall leave it to the difinterefted, and impartial 
 to determine. 
 
 v 4thly, With regard to their ^nances t>>e French feem to be 
 In a fniich weaker ftate than we, and quite unable to carry on a 
 war. In the firft place the kings civil lift and the expenccs of 
 the civil government ; fuppofing, the numb^ of people the 
 fan^e,' and allowing for the difference in the value of money ; a. 
 mount to four times, what they do in England. 2dly, The gains 
 of the farmers of the revenues are fo great, and their vexations 
 fo burdenforae, and the charges of the ofticers of the finances 
 fo exorbitant, that it is computed for every million, that goes 
 into the kings treafure, the people pay full two millions fomc 
 aver three. 3dly The nobleffe are exempt from the taille ; as 
 alfo 18 other clafles of officers &c. 4thly, The clergy who pof- 
 ftk great part of the land tax themfelves and do not pay | of 
 what they ooght ; hence the burden falls extremely heavy On 
 
 ■ the. 
 
( ^9 ) 
 
 4;hebalkor the jpeople. 5^y, The labourrpC^e people U 
 but i ^ut ■! or -^ of the value ir u in Engltud, fo that teafi^*- 
 liags per annum rufed on a family there, diftreift the peeptea^ 
 aittch as 20 or ^o (hillings raifed in England. 6th]y, Hence the 
 Inteteft of their ftate debt, if but 3 millioo^ ape^ them aa 
 4S nulUons would the %tt^i^ ccettris parihus. 7thly, They muft 
 jnvene^r double the interell for Hate loans, as their public credit 
 s«j(talowebb. 
 
 8thly, To this mav be added, that in times of war the taxet 
 oa die people are doubled, though in times of peace the mafs of 
 the people pay above double what the Englidi do. With i^l 
 <hefe. loads of oppreffion on them, we muftfabmic to thetandid 
 reader, whether the French are better able to continue the war 
 than we, as minifterial- advocates and the French party here 
 ailert. 
 
 Here I might enter into particular calculations of their debts 
 and taxes ; and the loads the balk of the people in France bear» 
 and compare them widi our burdens ; bnt it would extend me * 
 bey.ond the limits I have prefcribed to myfelf. However it U p 
 matter of proof by calculation, that if we were to carry on c"^ 
 I e years war, at the end, we ihould not bear Jialf the burden ' 
 nor fufier half the diftrefs, which.the Fijenchdoatprefent. No 
 wonder their parliiltnentt have made fuch remonftrances of their 
 ruinous condition ; nor that the people are ft> rejoiced at the 
 profpeftoif peace. 
 
 However this be, it appears, that the French ire in mudi 
 worfe circumflances, than they were in, at the peace of Vtrtcbt^ 
 and we in much better ; though jt is expelled, that we fhall 
 fatch up a peace Jefs advantageous in c^tty refped. This will 
 appear pretty clearly from the following eftimate of our acqui(i» 
 lions at that peace, viz; There were ceded to us by the treatsf ' 
 9iVtrecht. . . ' .. ' :-^: 
 
 >.■. I 
 
 
 i^^: 
 
 ■\ 
 
 \iximw 
 
 '■vy^*t:^\ 
 
 A CQJJ K 
 
 
 -.V 
 
Il 
 
 \ 
 
 ■■■' 
 
 ,: ♦ 
 
 ;.. .,( 
 
 
 '< 30 ) 
 
 
 |» Nfyva Scotia, from Capr Breton to the river St, / 
 
 ^f: Liiarcnce, with the city and fortrefi} of Annapolis ,^. 50,0001 
 
 S* FJat^ntia, .ancl liaif Newfoaodlaad . •--«• t50iQoa 
 
 3. Half St. ICit's, value •— — 50,00a 
 
 ' iV ■ 
 
 -r--»" 
 
 ^ Painages allowed fot.Ntvif,^c. 
 
 90,000 
 
 ■ ■■■ >' ■ " I* 
 
 |, Tim Aflianto Ihip -—t* . m>' 2oo>oo4i 
 
 %, , AifieoAo for negroes }. the French (old 48^090 /<ir , , / . . 
 
 :f^.m*f»* ikkc trade in vailue^ man^ ..... ji» ' ji '.,. . i ,.2oo»oo« 
 
 M in 
 
 "l^al yiUitof the tradfl/;«rtfiM, 
 y. TM fprtrefs of Gibraltar 
 I. . T^ iiUnd •f Miiitrca ^ 
 
 i*7SO*(>oc> 
 
 *>■ ?'' ■ " 
 
 -*-**»■ 
 
 SUltRENDE ]|<^. 
 
 ) 1 
 
 
 f « ^pain» and the trade of i he Weft Indies, by which > t 
 
 i we loft in trade /«r tfnv. . , 2,0oOtO0(| 
 f . Two lines of fonnSk^ ia the N^th^lands loft 
 
 V Mly to tkf Dntdi .f 
 
 IvN. B. Notwithftandinf thii was the ^afe, tdrd Bo]tn«(brott« 
 af^knowiedged, in a letter to Mat. Prior at Fim$r that Robin Axui 
 l^rry defend tp be kang'd for this peace* The appficalidnr 
 every one will make according to his fentiments. 
 
 '|- ■ •' ' , ■'- ., > ■ .■# •»&* 
 
 But though we made a peace at that time, fo moch more ad- 
 vantageous to our commercial interefls, than what is ftipulated. 
 by the prefent preliminai'ics, yet we were in more dvftreiT dcir- 
 comihinces, than we are at prefent, as lam going loptovei J ' - 
 At the ' eace of Utrecht, when the French furrendcred all the 
 above advantages to ns, what had they loft | Their barrier in 
 the Netherlands. Bat what was this in comparifon of tlicr pre- 
 r:nt loffcs ? Their trade to Spain was entire; they received from 
 fhc Spanifti Weft Indies 206 millons of dollars for their commo- 
 dities. Their trade to Newfoundland, their EaiV India trade, 
 aifd their fugar and African trades were untouched. But now 
 they have loft aU tho{e trades, to near the amount often milliona 
 
 '■^'%.- 
 
( 3< ) . 
 
 Sterling; a year ; a lead, accordioe to the conpatationt of {6va*» 
 tybo feem to be bo inadequate judges of tho(e matters. Nay a 
 late French author, who muft be fuppofed to know, I mean the 
 aHcHorof the couiidcrations on tbe Germail war».iUpw8 tha^ 
 their fugar iHand trade amounts to fix millioni Sterling /^r an- 
 num. He agrees, it is faid, with fome othera of his country- 
 men. - 
 
 ilie minifter's advocates agree thai of Newfonndland |r in 
 vattte two millions, their trade to Goree and Senegal was wortli 
 500,006/.; their trade to Canada 140^000/) and that to th« 
 £aft- Indies three millions Sterling^. What lofiei ! ftoC «ne of 
 which they fufiered in the confederate war. We are now th« 
 gainers, though we were then the lofers. In- a yearns tim* mori 
 we fhould have cut o# the Spanifii treafurer, and then the B»ur^ 
 bon war would have been immediatel)r ftaived, and expired of • 
 ^lent death, 
 
 .SEC T. III. V f 
 
 Arg. 3. It. has been fald by the French party here. Thai «uifart 
 
 impovirijhed and txhaujiid by the fwar ; J&at curtate debts ar^ 
 
 become intolerable; that our people are burdened luitb taxes monf 
 
 ■ than the French; that we cannot rai/e the/uppUes i and that thit 
 
 I Ftea^h ivould ruin uSf if *we continued the *war, 
 
 1 ft, Z**^ OD be pralfed not one of thefe aflertions is trap*; On thf 
 
 V^ contrary, this is a gloomy pi£lure drawn by our ene« 
 mies, to deceive* h'ighten, and ioj ure ufi ; and to induce us to patch 
 up an infamous peace, and to furrender our important conqueilv 
 They know the weaknefs of the unthipl^ing part of mankind^ 
 and apply to their paiTions, with falfe gloffes, artful miirep|-e« 
 fentations, and bold aiTertions. If we continue the war we Ihalf 
 pay a few more taxes, 'tis true ; but then we (hail receive more 
 than a compensation by the advantages we fhall gain in trade» 
 "both at prefent and in futurity. We ihall lay out our money^ 
 a:>n judicious hulbandman does ; when he is at great charge and 
 expence to manure his lands ; upon fpeculation, that in a fuo* 
 eelEon of yeM'$ he ihall receive back his expences three time^ 
 
 zd'y. The cullom-houfe entries will prove that wc never h»| 
 in time of war fuch a foreign trade before, all circumftances con* 
 fidered. Eefides thefe diiputant^ confute themfelves ; fott by- 
 their 7th argument, there is i'uch a demand for labour^ and fuch 
 aa rxcrfs of employment, that wages are enhanced, and people 
 
 wanted 
 
 >v' 
 
 -.. '-'a- 
 
7 
 
 wai^tcd fbr the plough, the loom, and the anvil*. Wart which 
 vkd fofmerly hsre, and in France now, to t*rn the people oaf 
 
 of 
 
 1^- 
 
 .1 . 
 
 ihli' 
 
 Note. 
 
 * Sin6e,we wrote the above, extrafts from the cuftoan-houie 
 l>ooks, have been pobliihed by the French party here to confute 
 their own argartents. Which they hid ufed before ; and to inva- 
 lidate the force of the sibove reaibning ; we therefore icem obli- 
 J;ed to take fome notice' of them. In the London Chronicle of 
 andary 19 176$* it is infinuated that the appearance of a great 
 trade daring the war is owing to the diminution of our manufac- 
 tures, and- hands, which are employed in the army and navy ; 
 and not to the real augmentation of our commence ; and for. 
 
 5 roof it is aflerted, that our tonnage of flitpping has decreafed 
 unng the laft fix years of the war, compared with the fix years 
 precceding ; and the value of our exports has been Ie(s by 
 1, 100,000 a year ; and hence that the nation his loft fo much by 
 the war, the ballance of our trade bein^ paid in bullion. 
 
 We muft obierve that this is a falacious, and fraudulent ac*- 
 count cooked up, it feems,to promote fome particular views,and' 
 iiniOer purpofes ;' hnd with defign to impofe upon, abufe, and 
 deceive the people, %iwi11 moft clearly appear from the follow- 
 ing obfervatlofls. The firft period of fix years, from 174^ to 
 I754.inclufively, contains a year after peace, and a year before 
 the beginning of a war; in each of which years, there ufually 
 is exported at leaft 25 per cent more, than in common years ; 
 and in the year before, and the year after, namely 1748, and 
 ,17^, there is ufually 25 per cent lefs exported. 
 « This difference arifes i'rotn the profpefl of greater and lefler 
 prices of freight and infurance, as well as form fome other caufes^ 
 From hence it follows, if we would form a true judgment of 
 the trade in the two periods, wemuft deduA from the total ex- 
 ports of the firft period, the half of a common years exports 
 natnely ;, 100,864 1 for the years 1749, and 1754; ^"^ ^^^ 
 half a years exports to the total of the exports of the fecond pe- 
 riod, from 1755 to 1761 inclufively } on account of one of 
 thefe' being a year, in which a war was begun, and the other 
 J>eing a year, when it was apprehended a peace would takeplace. 
 The account then ftands thus. 5,100,8641. fubftraded from 
 the total of the exports in the firft period, there remains 
 56,109.5131. for the natural total of the firft period: and the 
 like fum b;:ing added, to the total of the exports, in the laft 
 .,,,': ■;•■%■■■...'■•.;„.■.■; ■,,..>■ w,,-: ■.-•::■ v.. r'^ - ^y^i . , i:' period 
 fcv., :/. ^ ■" . •' • - . . ■ ■ 
 
it ,. 
 
 ifkr 
 
 of 
 ex- 
 ports 
 [add 
 
 'li 
 
 ther 
 lace. 
 Irom 
 |ain3 
 
 the 
 llaft 
 liod 
 
 ( 33 ) ' 
 of wor)c, and to ilarve by the obftradion of Mvisatlon, advaoed 
 of freight, aod rife of infurance ; have fo increafed demands fof 
 
 our 
 
 Note, 
 
 periodj liiak^s the whole trade, of exports for that period, amount 
 1060,202,764!. ; which is 4,0934251]. augmentation of our 
 trade of exports in the lail period daring the war ; notwithftand- 
 ing freight and infurance raifed the price of our commodities con- 
 fiderably in the foreign market, which muft have leflened thei 
 confumption, which would have taken place at an ufual price. 
 
 2dly But this is only a part of the detep^on and fraud. The 
 trade of expoi ts to our colonies is artfully flipped over and left 
 out of the account. *Now, it appears that in 1748 the total 
 amount of oar exports to our Norib-Atnerican colonies was only 
 830,orol. but in 1758, the total export was 1,832,000!. The 
 exports likewiie to the Weft-Indian ides, it feems ought to havd 
 increafed confiderably, as we commanded thofe feas, as European 
 goods were fcarce at the French Antilles, and as hence the French 
 contraband trade from St* Domingo to the Ttrrafirmay &c. muit 
 have been greatly interrupted; all which muft have increafed 
 our fmuggliog trade from Jamaica to th^ Spanii^ ports confider- 
 ably. How many millions augmentation this trade may have 
 received in the laft period, I ihall leave to the judicious reader 
 to calculate from the premifes. 
 
 3d!y, But this is not the whole of the impofition. Fpr, by 
 artfully omitting an account of our trade to our colonies, and 
 hence inftnuating, that there had been no diiFerence in this trade 
 in the two periods, all the trade* carried on between North- Ame- 
 rica atid St. Domingo, Hifpaniola, <S:c< by flags of truce; .which 
 I think has been calculated at feveral millions; is left out of th^ 
 computation : This trade accounts for our yaft exportation to N. 
 America. • *1i 
 
 4thlyj There feems to be another grois deception ift this ac- 
 count, namely, the excluding the Newfoundland trade. Shipa 
 fail in balaft to tliis fimtry, and then carry their cargoes to Spain^ 
 Portugal, and the Siraits, and unload ; and from tTicnce proceed 
 in balaft, or with what freight they can ^et, to England. Hence 
 it appears^ that the annual balance and value arifing from this 
 traile are omitted, though it mull amount to a great fum ; as- 
 the French are now excluded, and in time of peace fifhed to 
 near the value of two millions per annum, a million of which 
 they ^jcported^ , . 
 
 '' - '\ ' ' •• F ■ " '-"""" '" 5thly, 
 
( 34 ) 
 
 •or eommodititt, thtt wages arc iHet, and employment become 
 
 K) plentiful, that opr people may and do receive, for every half- 
 
 • ' • . penny 
 
 \ 
 
 Note. 
 
 »'ir 
 
 I'' 
 
 1% 
 
 ir.;. 
 
 
 5thly. But what has been offered is not the whole of the mif- 
 reprefcntation. After the conqueft of the iflainds oi Mariaga- 
 Jantif Guadaloupey See. the produce of thofe iilands, being ex- 
 poited from thence to the Amfterdam, and Hamburgh markets, 
 by taking their clearance in England, neither the exporrs to 
 thcfe iilands nor to thofe markets, nor the imports of tliofe 
 iflands, come into the accounts delivered to the public in the 
 London Chronicle, Hence it is manifeft, that the whoie of that 
 account is a mifieprefentation of our trade during the war, 
 formed with a defign to impofe on, and to deceive the good 
 people of England, in a matter of the latt importance, to anlvvc. 
 finilter views and private ends. 
 
 Here we may pertinently remark, that if falfe entries IhouM 
 be made, cuftom-houfe accounts forged and corrupted, and falfe 
 eftimates formed and delivered to the public; it would be ro 
 new thing ; for in Charles IPs reign Jitr Nicholas Butler^ of 
 fraudulent and fcandalous memory, who was at the head of the 
 conmiiflioncrs of the cuftoms, had orders from the court, after 
 the prohibition of the French trade, to give direftions, to ad- 
 mit French wines, to be entered at Parts, Likcwife, in \j\2, 
 ihe infamous Mercator, alias Daniel De Foty was employed to 
 cook up falfe accoijnts, and to make out falfe eilimates of the 
 French trade, by the then miniftry, in order to deceive the peo- 
 ple. However he was, tis true, detefted and expofed by the 
 care of lord Haillfax ^'C\6.\QrdL Stanhope, under whofe infpedlion, 
 to their immortal honour, ihe Britijh Merchant was at that time 
 pnblifhed, to undeceive the people and preferve our commerce. 
 But if any particular fet of men cm at any time be guilty of 
 frauds, inipoflures, and forgeries \.n public accounts, in order 
 to fupport niinifterial views and purr:;ofes, how Ihall we be cer- 
 tain, at any time, that the accovr.-t-i taken and publifhed by theii 
 order are genuine, if they may have any private ejids to anfwer 
 by corrupting them ? This is a melancholy confideration to every 
 patriot who has an unfeigned regard to the public welfare. 
 
 6thly, The war has not only increafed our foreign trade, but 
 alfo our domefticexpence. For, if we raife and expend at home 
 12 - millions more than in time of peace, which may be per- 
 haps pretty near the cafe, this extraordinary confumption mult 
 
 incrcafc 
 
( 35 ) • ^■' , 
 
 penny they pay more in taxes, four or fix halfpence extraordt- ^ ^ ^ 
 nary. Hence it follows that the war furniihes trade, and trade \! '■' 
 
 fupplies 
 
 Note. 
 
 incrcafe employment near ^, and ftt a vaft number of handa at 
 worlc. Hence upon the whole, it is extremely manifeft, that 
 our trade and confumption have been increafed prodigiouily, 
 both at home and abroad, during the war. 
 ■ 7thly, in the firft period we exported a great deal of grain, 
 in the lad period for feveral years we had a icarcity, and export- 
 ed but tittle, which mufl of courfe fwell the exports of the firft 
 fix years, though our exports of manufaAares wer6lefs, andlef- 
 fen the amount of the exports of the laft fix' years, though our 
 expor'^s of manufadtares, and employment of the people, were 
 more. 
 
 ■\ 8thly, Thefe fcarcities obliged our people to work more, 
 which extraordinary labour more than fupplied the deficiency of 
 hands, by furnifliing the arniy and navy with men, many of 
 whom were drawn too from Scotland, where they had little em: 
 ployment; we are told, not lefs than 70,000. But if none had 
 been drawn from thence, in cafe thofe left behind in hufbandry 
 and manufactures, from their increafed taxes, had laboured only 
 half an hour a day more than before fuch taxes were raifed, the 
 whole deficiency made by draughts intr our army and navy, 
 M'ould have been fully fupplied. 
 
 pthly. Our ftock of commodities is lefTened by qur great de- 
 mand for them, in which the very eflence of a good trade con- 
 fills ; and this might have helped to fupply the foreign market 
 and extraordinary home confumption, though lefs labour in ma- 
 nufaflures had been really exerted, by draining off hands for 
 our military operations. 
 
 From all thefe coniiderations it is manifeft, that our export! 
 in the laft period have been vaftly greater than in the form.er ; 
 and that our ftock of commodities and hands not drawn into 
 the army and navy could furnifti fuch a fupply. He that can- 
 not fee this muft be a fool, and he that will not a knave. 
 
 But however this be, our great increafe of trade could not ap- 
 pear, till after our conquefts, therefore we ought to have had the 
 particular account of our trade fihce we made thofe conquefts, 
 with the Weft-India trade in particular likcwife, in order to form 
 a judgment of our advantages gained in trade by the war. In 
 ftiort. the fcheme is nothing but quibble, fraud, and deceit. 
 How hpncft the men who pubUftied it 1 
 
 *PI 
 
wm 
 
 ■-.. ■ -V:- •>.-..■- -• (36) ■ ■^.-^-.•■V^,. 
 
 ^fupplies the war wnhout producing the leaA diftrefs among the 
 ?,'Jabounng people : on the contrary, it furniftes the induftriops 
 i with the mea.iS of living more commodioufly ; (o that, on the 
 whole all ranks find the benefit of it. Our conquefts made 
 ■ ifom our enemies iupply us with extraordinary trade at their ex- 
 pence. 
 
 3dly, It has been aver'^with an air of truth and reafon, and 
 palt without contradidlion, that the produce of the French car- 
 ribee fiigar iflajida amounts to above three millions per annum,* 
 The advocates, for an immature peace, allow, that the produce 
 of the Newfoundland cod-fifhery fupplies the French tonfarap- 
 tion with ^rffwfifh, and that they export to the amount cf one 
 iriillionjlerling per annum of dry filh. This article then at the 
 Jcwert computation ~annot atncun^ to lef? than two millions per 
 ''annum. Their Canada, trade, all aljoy/, was not lef> than 
 146,000!. a year. T>)e trade of (yor^* a.ud Si^negal, even from 
 tthe conceffipntf of the mipifteria'> ad,vocates, and the French 
 -party mufl: amount to full 3. or 400,000!. a year. T itir ea^ 
 hidia trade f loduced them a great profit and could not amount 
 to Iris than 3 miJUonj. per annum. The'rr-.ayigation has fuffered 
 piodigioufly by tht lofs of freight to the Dutch. If the tonnage 
 of their ft)ippir,g empipyed in their foreign trade, were only 
 400,000 tons, this at 5I. per ton per annum ; amounts i3 full 
 two millions a year. We cannot fet all thefe articles at lefs 
 than a lofs of ten millions per annum. This diminution of the 
 French trade, togeth<;rwit)i the.obftruftion and and failure of 
 of the Spanijk, and ftt>ppage of payment from the Spanilh mer- 
 chants, by the capture of ihe /f*r/«/>;»«'and the conqueft of the 
 JJa'vanttaht muft have produced great diftrefs among all ranks 
 and degrees of people ip France j lefTen^d tfadp, confumption 
 and the revenues, and have introduced general poyerty ano beg- 
 gary ; as thefe misfortunes haye been added, to the failure cf 
 their rtiany national funds, and to fhe many ftate bankruptcies, 
 they were reduced JQ before. 
 
 On the other hand, our trade muft have been gres^tly aqg- 
 tv mciited 
 
 „^ 
 
 ■ n!!;.%)!:':. ' i"i ' 
 
 
 
 ^v;(i«. 
 
 i&^Vlii^tf... 
 
 N O T E. 
 
 
 The author of the con/iderntions on the Qermau luar fays, 
 that the annual produce qf die French fvjgar iflandi? amount? ta 
 ^ve or fix millions Stciling. But a? that pamphlet is one of the 
 m^ift contradiftory, iacotiftftent, fuperficiai, anc^ abfurd produc-^ 
 jionR this war hag produced, I may be told my authority is ba^, 
 as that author has Ihewn i]0 regard to truth or propriet]^.^ ' ^ -' 
 
 ■■■■=) 
 
 ■i / 
 
 *^-. 
 
paon 
 
 fnented by ourpo/TefilBg theexclnfive right of thrnortH Amcrlcaa 
 Jijhtriesy the Canada trade, that oi ihtir fugar ijlandst Qoree, 
 JSenegalt and by the /loppage of their Spaniih contraband /and 
 . thereby increafing our own illicit trade to x\xt,SpaniJh main land 
 &c. Moreover our capture of the fftrmiene, and conqueft of 
 the Ha<vannah mufl have increafed our riches, and have enabled 
 us to raiie the fuppHcs much eailer than laft year.f Our great 
 exports "of manutafturer. to Africa, to purchafe negroes for Gi«?- 
 daloupe 8cc. mull have greaUy increafed employment. The memo* 
 rial of the merchants oi Liverpool will bean everlafting monument 
 of the great wifdom, penetration, fagacity, patriotlfm, uncor- 
 ruption, dear heads and clean hand^ of uur miniHers in their 
 late negotiations of peace, who ha?e given up all this trade to 
 the French. All t^efe frrtunate events and circumftances . for 
 .us, muft have fo greatly obftrufted trade, circulation und con- 
 fumptlpn both in France and Spain ; fol^ffened their revenues, 
 and have introduced To great diftrefs and mifery amo>;g all ranks 
 .that JL is not aJixtle furprifing, that any writers fhould have the 
 front, to calk of the great ilrength and refources of our enemies, 
 of their abilities. of cairying on a war and of our comparative 
 poverty ani deplorably circumftances. Thefe abfurditl&s are fo 
 glaring, that whoever adopts them, muft haye fome motive for 
 nis conduct, very diiFerent from the good and the profperity of 
 this country. 
 
 4thly, The taxes in France In time of war, 4re at leaft eight 
 times as oppreflive on the French poor, as on ours ; and treble, 
 jnay four time^, as high and burdenfonie on traders, and the 
 lower ranks and all other degrees, excepting their nohkjfe^ 
 ciergyf-^Xi^ the 18 clafles oi exernpts, fuch as military and civil 
 pfficers, ^c. of whom there cannot be lefs than 100,000. 
 Their ftate debts too, are much more burdenfome, as every 
 gentleman muil know^ who has been in France, and madp the 
 police, ceconmics, finances, and political affairs of that kingdom 
 their ftudy, as mijch as I did> during my long refidence in va- 
 rious parts of that Hate, Whoever therefore afTerts, that the 
 French are in a better condition, to fupport and continue a war, 
 than this nation, he raufl have fomething in view, befides the 
 good of his country, aijd the fecijriry of the proteilant re- 
 
 •i! ^*?M,^'ij|' l" 
 
 ; '.'»V«- f?X 
 
 Note. 
 
 t In contradiaion to their own arguments, the minifterial tiAr 
 ypcates have lately avered that 35 millions have been lateJy fub- 
 ^cfibed tow^r^s raifing the fupplies for the prefent vear. . . , ^ 
 
m 
 
 '' ■■'■■" "■'- ^''•"■" ( 3« ) ■'■ ■ '•' '■ ' '■'" 
 
 Our Rate del'.ts are great, and amount to 120 millions. But 
 what » this fam to the debts of Holland? The Dutch are not 
 above 4 or| of the people, and yet owe above 100 million fter- 
 ling : Confidering all things a debt of 600 millions fterling 
 would not be ib great a borthen upon us. I have before me 
 the partjculart of this enormous lor.i the Dutch bear with pa- 
 tience, and which thty rontraAed vith fpirit, animated with a 
 refolotion to maintain their juft rights, and to fupport their li- 
 berties and independency, againft Spain and France ; which na- 
 tions each, at*fandty times, laboured to deftroy their privile^ 
 ges, and to force upon them their arbitrary government, and ri- 
 diculous idolatry for religion This curious account was com- 
 municated to me by one of their miniilers during my ftay at the 
 Jiague. 
 
 5thly. Bat it is avered too, that we cannot raifc xSxtfuppUet ' 
 for the conttnutoce of the war. This fesms extremely ridi- 
 culoDS. Ifwe could do it laft year, how much more eafily may 
 we do it now, after the millions of treafures we have taken from 
 the SpanMrds fhallarrl/e? It is furprjifing to hear fuch an ob- 
 jeAion. This will ftill appear more ridiculous, when we con- 
 fider the cheapnefs of grain for two years pall, our exports of 
 that commodity, the faving of the king of Pruffia's fubfidy, 
 the alteration of the courfe of exchange to Hamburgh and Hol- 
 land, our trade to Guadaloupe and Martinico, Sec. Henc-e this 
 argument feems rather humins; us, than reafoning with us ; and 
 the advancing it js in truth mewing great contempt of, and of* 
 fering great .affront to, the underftandings of the good people of 
 England. We cannot help thinking, that fuch arguments can 
 cortiefrom nocjuarter, but from the enemies of the cnmmer^c?, 
 religion, and liberty of this kingdom ; and from the pens of 
 thofe, or their agents, who labof ^ and wifh to crufh all three, 
 JJut nytwithltandmg the arts of thofe infidious, and deiigning 
 men, there will never be wanting honeft patriots I hope, to de- 
 feat their evil and malevolent intentions, and to expofe the fal- 
 lacy and deceit of their arguments. 
 
 In the latter part of queen Ann'^ war, we raifed fupplies, 
 though it was donq at great difedvantage, in comparilon of 
 what may be done at prefent. There is not the !c;ift reason to 
 doubt, that money may be raifed at 4 -^ per cent, we gave 
 in the latter part of the confederate war 7 { per cent. Fcr 
 the laft five years of that war, wheat on an avatage was at 3I zs 
 a quarter. For the lall five years of this war, wheat has been at 
 an average, but at 1 1. lis. od. a quarter. Ii^ 1712 we paid 
 three million per annum in taxes only to difchargc the intereftof 
 the national debt, and had no finking fund. Wc now pay no 
 more than three millions per annum, towards the difcharge of the 
 
 intcreft 
 
of 
 
 to 
 
 we 
 
 •"cr 
 
 23 
 
 at 
 lid 
 
 J of 
 Ino 
 
 ■ 
 
 . - ^■' ■■■,"' ".v. ( 39 ) ' ^ 
 
 itotereft of the national ^ebt ; the other two milHons being tp- 
 propriated to difcharge the principal, which will free us from 
 all our national debts in kilthan thirty years, or atleaft as far 
 as we ought to diminifh them. It was computed, that at thac 
 time our national expeuce did not amount to above 50 fnillions * 
 per annum, it is now thought, by good judges, 10 amount toa- 
 bove 80 n)i;lions. Hence the taxes are in no greater proportion ■ 
 to the expence of the Hate than at .that time, and (iontfequently 
 our (ituation better, as we have a p'roipe£l by the finking fand of 
 being out of debt much fooner. 
 
 The amount of the revenue from Taxes on, home confump- 
 tion and luxuries may be faid to be the Barometer of the pub- 
 lic felicity or miferyi When the public felicity increafes, thofc 
 revenues rife high, when the public diflrefs augments, thofe 
 taxes fink low. In the year 1698 the excife upon beer at 4 s. 
 a barrel amounted to hut about 400,000 per annum. In the 
 year 1712 it amounted to only 800,000 at^s. a barrel. But 
 now the grofs amount of the excife on beer at 5 s. a barrel 
 is faid not to be lifs than 1,600,000 per annum. We had in, 
 the lafl ^ve years of queen Anne's war, fpent above 18 inillions 
 on the continent : in the five laft years of this war but 13 mil- 
 lions. We have, too, other advantages, namely, our foreign 
 tiade is almoil double of what it was at that time, and our cap- 
 tures of treafuK from the French and Spaniards amount to as much 
 as all the money in the: nation did at the latter end of the reign, 
 of James the firft. The cheapncfs of wheat, &c. renders living 
 to the poor, as much more eafy, as the abolition of taxes to the 
 amount of 15 millions. That 15 if every family in the kingdom 
 take one with another paid 7I. los. od. in taxes more than they 
 do now, they would be able to live as comfortably, as they did 
 in 17 1 2, that is provided fuch taxes were fpent in the kingdom : 
 fu^histhe difference made by the cheapnefs of wheat. Can 
 any man then in his fenfes imagine, that we were unable to car- 
 . ,■ or, the war, retain our conquefts andraife the fupplies ? If there 
 D c:.y fuch, it is not his wifdom nor his love for his country, 
 \ hi' h Influences his opinion. 
 
 Cv ly, Furtherniore, if we examine the prefent fituation of 
 things L»n^h in France and England, we (hall find the French na- 
 tion all cry aloud for, and are rejoiced at, the profpe£t of a 
 peace, however the Britilh government may be difpofcd. On 
 the other hand, we find that the JEnglifk nation and people, in 
 ger>pr2.\, are averfe to a peace, without the retention of our con- 
 qu». fts in America j though their fuperiors, fome of them, to 
 fave a trifle in taxes, rufti into a treaty with an iudifcreet pre- 
 cipitancy. This more clearly difcovers the eftedls of the war, 
 and the ncceffity each ftate is under of peace, than all the fo- 
 
 phiftry 
 
 .> \' 
 
 \., 
 
 ..■S.. 
 
'! b 
 
 I- / 
 
 ,_,l-,v 
 
 V 
 
 Jjhiftry advanced by the partizans of the mhnftfer. Thi^ t(?ftip*/ 
 df each nation teaches, what are the abilities and didrefle^ of 
 both fides. Hence we may conclude, that on one hand there is 
 a ruinous war, and on the other a pernicious peace operating, 
 and producing their natural rfFe^s and confequences. We' 
 Ihart leave it to the reader to judge on which fide a pernicious 
 j^eace is working ; for I fhall not prefumc to detcmiue. 
 
 ythly. Our poverty, great taxes, national debts, ah alriioft 
 generj|l excife, &c. was the fophiftry and cant of 171 2 ; in or- 
 der to pave the way to fave France, when (he was on the brink 
 of dcllrudliOn : And juft as the prize, we contended for^ viz. 
 the Spanifli trade, was going to drop into our mouths. It was 
 faid then, to fave France from being ruin'd, that we werevuin'd ; 
 that we paid ihree millions per annum in taxes, that we fpent 
 annually four millions more than were neceflary to ruin the peo- 
 ple j that we were 50 millions in debt ; that the French king 
 would retire from Paris to Orleans, and from thence to Lions, 
 &c. but wcul V'-r make peace without the Spanifti fucceflion. 
 "Sd fimilar was u ^-uage of thofe times, and of the tory ad- 
 vocates, to the pic it cant of the neceflity of a peace. We 
 Itnow the views of the tcrht then, and perhaps fome people will 
 tliink, there is no d'fiiculty in judging of them at prefent. 
 
 My lo^ B — -th obferves, *• that at the acceffion of the Ha- 
 **.nover family to the throne, the people remembered how the 
 ** tories betrayed the faith of the nation and deferted their 
 ** allies, That they made a feparate, and infamous peace, by 
 ** which they faved France from inevitable, and immediate ruin,-' 
 and calt away, that immenfe treafure, which had been ex- 
 pended in the war, entailing a future expeincey ftill greater than' 
 that they had fo iniquitoufly thrown away ; expofing us to 
 greater danger, than we had even then elcaped ; laying a foun- 
 dation for the advancement of France co a much higher point 
 of poW"er ; and preventing at the fome tim^, by their perJiJy 
 to the conftdet-atesy as far as in them lay, all probability of the 
 *' fame union, to obftruift her views again." Perhaps fome will 
 obferve, that our union with the protellant king of Pruina was 
 not fo firm, as- to make our-defertion df him, merit the fame 
 fcvere appellation beilowcvl above. ->• 
 
 My lord continues, *• the people remembered too in w}iat 
 ** manner before the death of the queen the tories had deeply 
 ** 'aid the plot of abufing her authority, to britig the pretender 
 
 ) the throne, ^Hovv, notwithftanding their pretended 
 
 ** affVftion to their royal miflrefs, by which they had not only 
 ** duped her, but deceived the nation, they bafely meHitaied her 
 ** r'jin, to •■v;hoJe nxieakne/s they on.i'd their adiiancenie^t. — Ifcw, 
 •♦ by their dark intriguco, they broke her declining conftitu- 
 
 tion. 
 
 
 « 
 
 « 
 
 T 
 
" tioo, >iid cauird her dentK — The only fervice they ever did 
 ** her ; fending that unhappy princefs, by this precipitation of 
 ** her fatei to a better world, before flie had experienced in 
 " this iarworfe calamities which they were preparing for her,.. 
 ** the lofs of her crQwn/and dignity, perhaps a violent end, at 
 *' lead imprifonment for life." Should hot this pidlure be a 
 lefTon of inftru£Uon, to all princes, this good queen's facceflbrs, 
 to avoid putting themfelve» into the hands of fuch an ungrateful 
 vile fet of men as the tones would have proved, and did prove to 
 her } God grant that no prince of the houfe of Hanover may 
 ever be duped in the fame manner, under pretence of 2eal fpr 
 his fervice ! 
 
 S E C T. IV. 
 
 Arc. 4. tt has been faid by mihifterial advocates^ and the' 
 
 French party,- Tkat our fuccejfes have been oixiing to our gkod 
 
 - ..Fortune.; and neither to ourftrength nor good condtiii ; that this 
 
 ' good HottViiit may forfake us, and then lue are ruined at tnci '; 
 
 '^' and therefore it is prudent to make peace while we can. 
 
 ift* 'TT^HIS implies that our vidlories are neither the confe- 
 X quences of our power nor of our riches, nor of our 
 wifdpm nor good management. Hence a good Chriflian would 
 have imputed them to a good providence. But as our minifterial 
 advocates apd the French party have left God and Providence 
 out of the queftion-, we may difcern, that thefe writers are no 
 well- wiihers either to our religion, our liberties or our commercp; , 
 They do not confidcr us under the proteftion of providence ; but 
 on the other hand God permits Saiaii to fupport our cadfe, and 
 to defeat their attempt?, becaufe of their finJ. This demoq- 
 ftrates the kidney of the minifterial advocates. When any in- 
 cidents are favourable to their caufe, no people cant more pro- 
 fufely of the interpofition of providence on their behalf; as may 
 be feen in Monfieur Torcy's negociations, e/en to a monkifti 
 affe^ation and naufeoufnefs. But dropping this, X coine to 
 confider the argument in a political light only. 
 
 If our fucceft was owing neither to our fuperior power, nor 
 to our fuperior courage and military (kill, but to our good for-..- 
 tune, it behoves us to ttrain every nerve to preferve the fuperid-. " 
 rity we have accidentally acquired ; fince all thnfe writers coh-^ 
 tend, that/'ranrf is more rich, more populous, has greater re- 
 fuurces, has been able to combat all her powers of Europe, and 
 was a match for them all ; and that the internal power and 
 flrength are at prcfent as igreat as ever. If then Fortune has 
 thrown great advantages into our hands, by which her power of 
 France is depreiTedi and that of England ejc^lted, and augmented 
 
 '■\ 
 
 * 4>| 
 
 < ■( 
 
 f.*"- 
 
 %r 
 
 V- t- 
 
it 
 it 
 
 4( 
 
 << 
 
 e; 
 
 to a fupericrity, as we have proved is really the cafe ; it -would 
 be infatuation to reiign this accidentally accquired power, and 
 to yield to France afupcriority, after England had obtained the 
 predominancy by fome lucky hit, that can never more hap- 
 pen, or that there is no moral probability ever will* A 
 conduft of fuch kind muft be the offspring of fomething elfc 
 befides Englifh patriotifm and policy. An influence of a very 
 different kind irgm thofe virtues mull give a faiidion to fuch a 
 fyftem. 
 
 ' zef'^, We were lately told hy an advocate for an immature 
 'peace and the prefent preliminaries, that in the reign of king 
 George 1. ♦• The treafury was employed to procure a vote 
 to make that treafon, whi.h had been done by the queen's 
 orders, witli the advice of her council, and which had the 
 fandion and repeated approbation of a Britiih parliament. 
 That a fwai m of inf.imous and mercenary vermine were em- 
 ployed to abufe a fct of men who could not defend themfelves; 
 for the evidence of a French fpaniel dog was admi(ted to con- 
 vift a man of (reaf;n before a Britiih parliament." Tvlofl: 
 elegri t! molt pcl»te ! mcftgentlemavilike ! 
 V' Here is a very fevere charge brought by this lifterial advo- 
 tsLtt:, againit a gracious honeftand worthy prin. and a Britifli 
 parliament i namely,y5"r/?, that the king employed his treafary to 
 gain a corruptparlianient;/ro/;<]''/v-,that this parliament admitted 
 m.rcenary vermine to abufe honeft patrio;| ; thirty, that this ho- 
 nslt parliamentand reprefentative of' the nation, would conviftho- 
 nell upright ftatefmen and friends to their country, of high trea- 
 fon on the evidence of a French fpaniel dog. Perhaps this is the 
 moft illiberal and thegrofleft abufe of the Britiih governmentand 
 fenate that ever appeared in print, or that the moft impudent 
 (landtrer ever uitered. How comes it about, that this writer has 
 not beeii taken notice of, and has palTed with impunity ; whilll 
 the bare relation of hillorical fads, without any application, has 
 been lelected for profecution, and purfucd with as violent ftrains 
 ' of pocver, as graced the reign of the pious humane "James the zd of 
 religious anu merciful memory. We prefume that this reviler of 
 the belt of kings and of the Britiih fenate, imended by the abufe 
 of the firit parliament of George the Firlt, to vindicate the 
 ■foj mer parliament's approbation of the treaty of Utrecht, 
 "'' iJiit oblerve how this weak and abufive writer has overlhot 
 himltlf. He had forgotten, that if it was polfible, there might 
 be a Biitilh parliament (o venal and corrupt, as, through the 
 influence of the treal'ury, to vote upright minillers and honeft 
 painotb guilty of high-treifon, upon the evidence of a French 
 fp.iniel Jog J it was likewife poflible, that there might be a fet 
 Oi iiidiouj ui.d coirupt men, who might, by the influence of the 
 
 queen's 
 
 i- •-> 
 
■would 
 ;r, and 
 nbd the 
 re hap- 
 Ih A 
 ing elfe 
 ' a very 
 I fuch a 
 
 imature 
 of king 
 a voce 
 queen's 
 had the 
 liamento 
 fcre em- 
 mfelves; 
 I to con- 
 * Moft 
 
 al advo- 
 i Britifh 
 ;aftiry to 
 idmicted 
 this ho- 
 nviftho- 
 gh trea- 
 lis IS the 
 nentand 
 npudenc 
 riter has 
 whilll 
 ion, has 
 t drains 
 he id of 
 sviler of 
 le abufe 
 cate the 
 
 ■overflioc 
 might 
 ugh the 
 honeft 
 French 
 be a fee 
 of the 
 queen's 
 
 - ■""'"-■. ■ .( 43 ) • ' ■'• ■'-■r--^'" 
 
 qaccn's civil lift, her own trcafury and that of the king of France^ 
 procure a VOTE declaring that PEACE to be ^fe, advan>. '\ 
 tageous and honourable, which in itfcif was precarious, periii- .. 
 cious, inildious, treacherous and infamous. If pecuniary infiu.i 
 ence might procure cnt ruinous, frenchified, and deftrijftive.t'' 
 VOTE, why might not the fame pecuniary influence procure^ [) 
 \\^ pth^ ? If the traafury of England riijght be employed to !^ ' 
 procure one corrupt parli?ment, why not the tresfury of France , 
 and Elngland, to pbtam the other ? And if at that lime, why not ^ 
 at any other, when thf French have s^ny point to cany? Thif, ■ 
 w: "jr has deftroyed the whole Force of his argumenr, brought 
 to julllfy the conduct of the ^o»f,^ adm-niftratjon, which fo pru- 
 dently and Wifely coodufted the glorious treaty of UTRECHT. 
 •Such flartderousinfmuatipns are the means of"unhinging the con- 
 fidence that the good people of England ought fo have in theli!,^ . 
 reprefentativgs ; and to render them fufpicipus that the approba- 
 tion of minirterial mcafures may be procured by corrupt infill- ' 
 ence ; aija that ou' national interefls and the jgood of the Hate 
 may be facrificed to private intv'reft and finiffer views. 
 
 But farther, if a majority may be obtained, by fuch corrupt 
 intercft,, what certa-nty .can the people have of jhe feftitude of 
 any me^fures from their obtaining the fanflion of parliament ?a 
 If a princ^ may employ his treaftjry or civil Hf^, to procure a^* 
 corrupt parliament and a vote of high treafjn againft honeft pav- 
 tfi )t?,( why may not a foreign prince employ an influence of the ^' 
 f^m? kin4i to procure a fan ft ion to meafures, favourable to him- ' 
 felf, and dcftfuftive and ruinous to this kingdom ? This foreign 
 prince may of ccuife corrupt cur minifters, who are at the head 
 of the trealury, and the king's counfellors ; and thofe turn our i 
 biooa and ;reafures fqueexed from the people, againft ourfelves 
 and our true ipterefts ? We know this was done in the reigns of 
 Edward IV, Henry VIII, Jatpes I. Charles il. Wijlam III. and 
 Queen Ann, We heartily wi(h the good people of England 
 may never have occafion to add another reign. 
 
 Hence the confequences of fuch jnfinuations may be very per- 
 nicious, as they naturally tend toinfufejealoufies, and raife fufpi, 
 cions among the f copl?. When therefore a meafure declares it- 
 felf corrupt, from all external appearances, and nothing but an 
 acquaintance with thfe Arcarifi imperiit or fecrets of ftatc j which 
 are never to be unveiled %o unhallowed an4 vulgar eyes, can 
 j^ftifyits propriety, wh^t muft the people think ^ Thpyar^ 
 
 tol«I that a P — / may he fo corrupt a^ to vote an honefi man 
 
 a trai, t, on the evidence of a Frenrhfpaniel dog : consequently 
 310 agJlA-'ft 65 cannot prove any meafure wife, honeft, upright, 
 faf^, advanv^geous and honourable. Such are the naturafdel 
 
 9 ^ . du£^ions 
 
 
 ' \ 
 
..I- 
 
 ; 
 
 .»>, 
 
 -,f 
 
 da^tons t6 made from thedodrines of tnis thinifteriftl aiid court 
 advocate. 
 
 'his writer therefore fliould have laboured to prove the ihfal- 
 ^''-'^icy df a Critifh parliament ; and to have demon ftrated, that 
 *. roiig meafure h^ver obtained the fan£lion of a majority ^n any 
 important aftair ; nor that a right meafure was ever left fupport- 
 «d by only a mitiprity of 65. He might then have done his 
 patron (oine fcrvice, arid have quieted themindsof a'diArbntent- 
 ed and clamoi'otis p^bpfe ) who, fometimes, are (o audacious 
 and impudent as to think they cat) i^t, or to iniagine that a 
 p- — e mjly be blind. He fhould^ have proved, that the peo- 
 ple ooght alwriys implicitly to fubmit ; and thai th(Jy '}\'av6 been 
 al-ways i/i the tVrong, Whenever they haVe clamoured again ft a 
 cnorr meafure, Supported by a majority in parliament. He 
 
 iboQ)d have deirlojiftrated, that if a miniiler had p — s^ o -s, 
 
 p- s, p— f— nsandp cs to the amount of job.bool. per 
 
 Atinum, to diftribute to 500 S — n — tors, they would be uifi^ble 
 to^iiasa majority, fo'far us to gain approbation of a l^eafure, 
 v/hich wouW pfov^ ruinous to the people ; becatffe it' was a- 
 dopted by a minifter. tit (hould have clearly proved %o ui,, that 
 tho' 04trP . t fold us to France ift the reigns 6f Charles 11, 
 King Williaih' and Queen Ann, yet that we had fuch.^wife 
 virtuous and Hifinterefljed mipifter at the head of affairs tib^i^y that 
 no corrupt in fljienc6 from any treafury either abroad or at home, 
 coold poffibly^ain footing herewith his approbation j and that. 
 
 oor preftntd-i— p — tics ip P — t were fuch a body of wife 
 
 and drfioterefted patriots, that no pecuniary coniiderarions 
 c^uld warp or bias them, or induce them to deviate from the 
 true inteveftof.hf.ir country. Had he done this, he would fiaVe* 
 fjiericcd all po^utar clamour for ever. Bat what has he done 
 nnw ? Ohly fomented the people^s jealouiies and fufpicions. 
 T^htts it is whci) bungling advocates undertake the defence of a 
 cbofe for which they are unqualified. We beg the reader's par- 
 don for this digreffion. 
 
 Whenever it can be proved that the wifdom and penetration of 
 Britifh kings are infallible ; that they never made a bad peace, 
 an imprudent war, 6r pfcrnicious alliance; and whenever it can 
 be proved, that a Brit^fh parliament never, voted an infamous 
 ptk<if, fafe, advantageous and horiuurable, I will join with the 
 prefeiit bell.\fefeatherS ofatertaiii-nfian, io cry up the prelimina-' 
 fJcs of peace as fafe &ni gloiipus, and a mafter-^iectf pf policy. 
 
 
 
 >•■ ♦-'* 
 
 
 t 1 
 
 r .«»,', 
 
( 4J ) 
 
 ■'ii.~m>\. 
 
 S E 
 
 C T. V. 
 
 A%Qf 5. Tiat car coneueffs <woulJie a titrJin aki nufanct to th, ' 
 by draiuiug off ouriantis from us, tit ertler io plahU Mtt^, 
 ilffend and improw ihim,** We will examine thii argaiftcnt 
 
 • ^p^FtioilarJy. . ., r., . .-^ .,.-, 
 
 "d^. fT^H^ rttnntlott of NcwfottiriHand would nbtpitduee 
 '. y *r X any ^^9^ ^^^^y bccaofe it iil already ftocked with 
 inhabitants, as far as iieceiTarv. If wee)cpelled the Fienchout 
 ol^ Norfh America, a fmall earmon would be fufficieht there ; bat 
 as the French are to pofleis the ifles of St. Pierre and Mi^neloki, 
 and no fifli in thofe ^6as vt muft be at 'a great expiince, to^nanl 
 thoCe parts, in order tu prote£l our fiflierlnen from Frdolckih*' 
 iijlrs, and to prevent ffnuggling. 
 
 2dlx, If the Frt^nth were expelled ottt ntLouiJiaHa, W^ ftboM 
 h^ve nothing to fear from them in th£^t^)iarttr ; ttor from their 
 intrigqes with the Indians, nor from th'6ir inditementts bf thole 
 fvt^V^,^ to make incur Aqrs upon our bidck frbntier^ as fbi'iAerly , 
 Xiht Qiould we h^ve any thing to fear /rom conTpiracies, teythi, 
 oi- * infurreflions \n (panada. . But now Wis have all thef^» t6 fear 
 and to guard ag^;pft ; and hence we nibft pdtir Out a vaft nnm* 
 ber of! troops, and a vaft profufion bf treafnre, ib' Ofdier to de> 
 fend Durfelves againft. fuch probable ^damitiies and tttfbt^onatt 
 accidents, ^". r,.:,r,.,- -j^ •-•-?' . . /'jd«i.j».t4 
 
 ,• jdly, If we fellrain the jfrfcnch Wrtfece fagar Iflkriasi'and 
 conquer St. Dotningo, which we might complett iri a year mdtt, 
 we'ftiall polTefs all the French Jatilhs \)c'\n ho fear of the£r |>ow-' 
 ^r there, and conrequently, we mi^ht defend bttr bbiHMIdfts 
 there witj^ half the guards and garnfons, we nfed; mfbre, to 
 ilation in thpfe parts. Bpt are we fd Wekk iii meh, and are ma- 
 nufaftures in the highlands of Scotland, and in the bo^ of Ire^- 
 )aod, io extenflVe, and the poor of th'ofb parti (b well employed, ' 
 that we can't fpareany hands from thence to giiard, fitengtheit, 
 and plant our colonies ? I have feen it computed bv a vtry emi- 
 nent man, that there are in the thrtfe kingdoms a tnlllion Of per- 
 fons out pf employment in common. Thofe r^afons are fb very 
 weak, that the gentlemen, who have made ufe Of them, feem 
 very unfortunate in their eleftion, finte the whole argument 
 turns manife(Uy againft them inftead of fupporting their caufe^ 
 One can fcarce h<^lp pitying fuch antagonifts, and fighing for the 
 frailties of hjAman nature, when one reflets on fuch fuperficial 
 co|}d^ft. . . 
 
 " ' '- -- i^i*' J« is/u -' »■ f,v;-;« t-arir •3;,;..,^, , 
 
 * , -V * i , I » "U-f. 
 
 ,v:' ;. 
 
 SECT. 
 
c:4« ) 
 
 SECT. V7. 
 
 :/■" 
 
 ^ c 
 
 Afg, 6, 7i^/i^ Spain . cj^iv Became eur F/iemy, and. that it nvas 
 iteafjfary t9 main FiaiK to favi 4ur A^h the King ^ Pof. 
 
 tv 
 
 -7:3' 
 
 ir^TJi 
 
 ■^'M • aaim£Z3 in ,v :i 
 
 ?" «^\ VJ»4t\ 
 
 THIS Argument is far from being Juft or to the piaVpofe;; 
 j^nc&that thisaccKle|pt was the mcil fortunate that could 
 I»ppef^ NVe kept tJi^.cneiny at bay there, be made but little 
 Pfx^f^.>,and witaiutliqiovs condudl^^bx bringing the Ruflianb, 
 i}flia|eay .^^ Syvedes into bur xnterefi ; which might have been s 
 dop0, , ^/c: fliould have cacrifd the w^p into the heart cf Spain, ' 
 infi^ iqf landing, on ^b.e. defenf^ve jh pQrtugat. Beiides this 
 nn^pa of .i$pain and_Frfiice» gave as an opportunity to cut cK 
 the (Cow of Spanifh treasure from America, which enabled the 
 %eiu:^ to carry oq th^ ^var. After the fupplies from the fugar 
 i|[j»^; vifCJ^ tntcxruptexi^ andi.ft^ll into pur hands, the i^rench had , 
 RQthi^gttodepc|id;oni i^tf^.t^e influx of $p4n]ni treafure, fdrthlf! 
 j»o9|l&,,^^p^ to theii: Weft (ndies by the rjinebns. But the cap." 
 tiirc Pif,ihe^<r/;7/>^/, ,ajad ,Ch$ takipg of ttit Hai'anah^ dric4 up 
 t^is ^urce.; , ^wd, .th« ,l;«king ^ few fettlenjents more, wontd 
 have cnrtirply cut .fl^.^h||.(rouinmpic*tiori betvveen New arid tDld 
 S()a3n,ai)4,tiiC|^pIics of the war; fo that it muft have been/lar-j 
 'vedr:afi4>?A4>eS!^irariry;I)^^^ di<^d,as an aninnal body would expire]£L 
 if jt rece'ved no fupply ©r^od, norof air, , ■' * 
 
 ■ PoitT;ucAL,r form^crjy Carped en a war with Spain from X^ip 
 tQ .(^z, gained its liberty, fupported its independency ttgainft 
 tb^ipoewer wit|h grfat refolution ; and as the Portuguefe have a 
 m(^rta)'ai{etiIon to the'Spaiiia:|:ds, there is no doqbt to be madc^' 
 huttivsjf ijifould haye detende^ tlieir country againft the Spaiiifti 
 orias^ But, wbat if they had rot ? What waS it to us ? Thefc 
 Ojii^iftenaLadvocates, and the French party^ (xclalm agairift al! 
 contin|?rvtal connexibns.of all kinds. What tht^ have we tc^'. 
 do^iihPprtugal \ Our connexions with Germany and with Por-' 
 tpgal are of the fame kind, as to the balance of power, and^ 
 o^K -trade and coipmerce ; and differ in thole refpefts, but as' 
 ipar'e :and ief^* hjow, is it not ftrangely abfurd and ^ontradici^ 
 tary, to hear tjip (amp Partisans damn all connexions with Ger-* 
 many, as defliudLye and ruinous j and yet at the fame time tQ 
 heatf thefe gentlemen advance, that our connexions with Portu- 
 gal renc^ered it nece!(rary to make peace on any terms ? ' What 
 inoft the ftupidjty or impudence of thofe menbe, who can thus 
 Mow liOt and cold out ot the fame mouth, and affert bcth, that 
 rhinc*! 3>^>' ^>^^ ^^2 '^pt ^^ ^he lame time I Allonilhing prevari- 
 citicn! ' ''. ■■'', - . ■■''.'"■ 
 
 "■'-■-,:■, ' '• - ' But, 
 
( 47 ) 
 But, not only the balance of power, and the prefei^ation of 
 our commerce, obliged us to I'upport the German war, and op- 
 pofe the Fiench in that region ; bat alfo the prefer vation of tne 
 rroteltant Religion aeainll the Popifli league, found in the EiU'* 
 pire to deHroy it. We had alfo another motive, which wa* to 
 exhauil the French troops and treafures in that country, and to 
 divert them from being employed elfewhere ; whilil we con- 
 quered their colonies and fettlements in all parts of the globe. 
 They foolifhly thought, that the reftoration of Hanover would 
 have been deemed an equivalent for every thing we might gain 
 ih any other part of the world ; and that all conquefls would have 
 been offered upa facrifice for the redemption of that principality. 
 Thus, though more advantages were to be obtained by affilling 
 our German allies, than by affifting the king of Portugal ; yec 
 Che faving the lail is brought as an argument for our furrender- 
 ing all our conqueils, which are worth all the Portugal trade 
 three times told ; whilfl the other is inveighed againll, as a per- 
 nicious and deflru£live meafure, and a continental connexion, 
 which has fwallowed up our troops and treafures, and ought al- 
 ways to be avoided as a gulph of ruin. But thefe are contra- 
 { didions well worthy of the French party, which has adopted 
 them ; and which has ever fince the Revolution had recourfe to 
 fuch ridiculous flimfy arguments, and inconfiflencies for fup- 
 port of their traiterous meafures. But, however, thefe things 
 , be, Portugal muft foon have been relieved, for Spain and France 
 ' would have been both ruined in one year more, as we had taken 
 V the Havanah, could have cut off all the Well Indian treafure and 
 ; trade from Spain and France, and turned both and their pro- 
 ' £rs, into a channel, which would have fafely conveyed them 
 into our own pockets. This would have obliged the French to 
 / have quitted both Portugal and the Empire, though our arms, 
 and thofe of our allies had been inferior, and obliged to keep on 
 the defenfive. 
 
 
 END or Part First. 
 
 yt;-* 
 
 
 
 
* '.;.' 
 
 M 
 
 f htiM fir, 
 
 • '>'r>| jO. 
 
 . '^ 
 
 •■■1 
 
 I 'I' 
 
 II, 
 
 
 % 4 
 
 ■.'.•V ' 
 
 > " 
 
 
 :4 \' '■ / 
 
 •:,A>'^f.'' 
 
 \.-- ^ ..' 
 
 ^ -<»i<;it»^\>'4.''<-\ » , 
 
 * » • *:• 
 
 ■ 'V 
 
PART IL 
 
 Sec 
 
 VIL 
 
 R O V M B N T 
 
 VI r. 
 
 THAT our tradi nvouU be ruined by the confi nuance of tht 
 fuar, through h' b ivagei, ft many p,opU have been taktn 
 from tht loomht the plough, and the an^vii. 
 
 Yet we have been told, by minillerial advocates, and the 
 French party here, that our enemy is cbftinate, his circum- 
 fiances good, and our condition weak ; and that we fliouid be 
 ruined, by the continuance of the war, or rather that we are 
 already undone ; as appear fronn arguments the firl^ fecond, 
 aiid third. But here we are told, that we have fuch a trade, 
 that, wages are rifen, and that we cannot procure goods to fup. 
 ply the market- If wages rife in price, is this a proof of po- 
 verty, and dillrefs among the people ; of the diminution of 
 .confumption ; of the failure of the funds ; and "" a decreafe of 
 the revenues ; or of tne dire£l contrary of all chcfe f 
 
 The drain of hands can aiFeA the price of labour, but a fmall 
 mi^tter i for, as I remeLiber, I faw it mod clearly proved in 
 ond ot the periodical prints, that an additiovt of the labour of 
 only three hour? anveek, in every labouring family , would com- 
 
 genfate for all, the lofs of hands, occafloned by the war ; per- 
 aps only two hours, as it is faid, we have near 70,000 Scots 
 in our army and navy : and here wt may afk« *s the increafe 
 of oiir taxes, by the war, fo light on confumptior, that our 
 people are not obliged, to work two hours in a week extraor- 
 dinary, in order to be able, to purchafe their ufual confump- 
 tion ? By this argument, this is the real ftate of our poor. But 
 is fuch a (late of the poor, high wages, and want or hands in 
 all branches of labour, a proof of poverty, diftrefs, mifery, 
 and ruin brought on by our continental connexions, and the 
 vaft expences of the war ? 
 
 On the contrary, all thefe are a full evidence, that our trade, 
 confumption, and revenues i re augmented by our conquefls : 
 that our revenues of excife muft increale ; that the fipking fund 
 jnuft fwell ; that the rents of lands mufl; be well paid ; that the 
 
 f rice of their produce muft' be kept up, or from finking ; and 
 ence that i8 s. in the pound nuellpaidhy the farmer, is a fum 
 better than scs. promifed, and ill paid or never; and that 
 the advantages the landholders have received in this refpefl: by 
 the war, more than compenface for the extraordin-'iry taxes they 
 
 B have 
 
 iv 
 
 ,f 
 
TT 
 
 I 
 
 have paid ; fince it is very clear, that at 4 s. to th^ pound, the 
 lands, one eftate with another, do not pay above 10 d. to the 
 pound, and fome not even 8 d. to my knowledge *. As Sv^ift 
 ha!> obferved, in cuftom-houfe accounts, 2 and 2 make but i : 
 io in the prefent cafe of Reiftst twp tfiken out of 18 s. leave 
 20 s. behind, inftead of but 16 s. This is our cafe at prefenty 
 and the political arithmetic by which we ought to compute. 
 
 Moreover, the increafe of the balance of trade mult enriich' 
 U8 very loon ; for vtry near the whole valiie, of the produdion 
 of the French ifles, muft, and will be added to our former ba- 
 lance, from whence wefeldom coined above 300,0001. a:year-$ 
 whereas this balance, in all probability, will be increafed to 
 ten times that value, in a few years . The good effedis of fach 
 an augmentation, in theiife )f lands and increafe of confump- 
 tion, if it be not ravifhed froi.i us by an immature peace, fonU' 
 ed on the bafis of the preliminaries, will foon appear through- 
 out the ilate. 
 
 Befider, high wages will drive manuAAures into towns and 
 villages, where employment is fcarce, adgoient their cohfiuiip- 
 tion, increase the revenues, eafe the poor rates, comfort the 
 poor, raife the value of the lands, and augment the public fe- 
 licity. At the fame time, by furnilhing the pcftr with more 
 work and better pay I thetra<^frs with more trade ^rd a bet*; 
 
 * A Table of Annual Taxes, and of what each clafi pays : 
 
 .■(>■ 
 
 i ! 
 
 ! I 
 
 ||i ft 
 
 f Ranks. Annual Confum. I Sum per lb. | Total Amount* 
 
 jii . .. I I ■ - '. i 
 
 
 Labourers 
 Traders 
 Landholders 
 Government 
 
 1. 
 
 26,000,000 at 
 17,000,000 at 
 18,000,^00 at 
 20,000,000 at 
 
 Totai Cunfumpt.) go.ooo,-'"-- 
 
 1 
 
 s. 
 
 : 
 
 1 : 
 
 3 • 
 3 : 
 
 d. 
 
 6 
 
 o 
 
 3i 
 
 I. • 
 
 1,300,000 
 
 ii593»7SP 
 3,nr,iii 
 
 3 ,noo,ooo 
 
 9,004,861 
 
 n 
 
 
 t- 
 
 ■f'n 
 
 N.B. But we pay but about eight millions per annum ; in time of peace 
 iabout feven millions, but then the payment of the government is not fo 
 touch by near two -thirds ; hence the landholders, who have moft to pro^ 
 teft, have uioft to pay in war, or about 8 d. to the pound more than in 
 time of peace. On the othei* hand, in time of peace, they and their 
 dependants receive back, in places, pofts, offices, and peniions near two 
 millions per annum, and in war perhaps four. The great traders «rs 
 generally both traders and iandholiers, and many of the lefier. In timet 
 cf peace, the landholders confume more, and the government uucb iefs 
 of the landholders income. Many more obferratioiu might be made, 
 bvt they would lead m« too lar. ^ 
 
 ,c.\,- ■•■..,- xi. • ' -...-.. ttr 
 
VJ 
 
 (3) 
 
 let income; andAe lithdhoUsrs with their rents in a tnort 
 pertain manner^ and by keeping up the value of their eilates ; 
 it will enable ^1, ta bear the burden of additional taxes with- 
 out diftrefs, till our enemies are reduced to rei^fon ; whilft, on 
 die other hand, the French will be exposed to the very rever/f, 
 and fu£fer evtty calan|ity. This the bankruptcied of their go* 
 vernmeut fufficiently evince. 
 
 Hence* if we keep uur conquefls, after the war is ended, 
 our.failors will meet with full employment in our own merchant 
 Oiipi, our ihipwrights will be fully employed at home, and not 
 driven into foreign fervice to feek a fupport: and fuch a trade, 
 and fttCh a confumption will follow, that rents will rife ; year* 
 porcbaie of lands jind fines on leafes augment ; intereft of mo- 
 ney fall ; the country and agriculture be improved ; commircd 
 increafed ; and hence the fmking fund will foon reduce the na- 
 tional debt to fifteen or twenty millions. But if we give up thd 
 dodfilhery to the French, leave them in Louifianat and reftore 
 to them their late Sugar IJlan^\f all the above pleafing profpe£t 
 will vanifh like a golden dream, and look like a fruitful coun- 
 try, which has been blafted by the poifonous breath of fome in- 
 fernal «i>'mon. God grant I th"! this may not be the melancho- 
 ly face lefc on our affairs by the preliminaries. 
 "Thus we have fully proved, that the principles of theft 
 French babblers, who cry up the preliminaries, and clamour 
 of our mifery and difbefs, militate againfl themfelves ; and diat 
 bne part oi their abfurd reafonings deftrOy the other. That 
 want of hands, and high wages prove, thzx we have full em> 
 ployment for oar people, that we have a ^reat trade, and that 
 our people can bear additional taxes ; and hence, that if a poor 
 labourer pays a half-penny a quart for his Portert (whieh by 
 the way is not necefTary) if he can have employment to earn 
 two pence more, he will be a gainer by the war and taxes. By 
 this too it is evident, we may raife the fupplies for the war ea- 
 £'/ *, and at a moderate intereft ; and confeqoently, that we 
 ought not to make peace, unlefs it )>e on fuch conditions, as will 
 
 B 2 fecure 
 
 '".-'• Though the minifterial and French party have declared a hundred 
 times, that we were neceflitated to make a peace on the odious terms in 
 the preliminaries, becaufe we could not raife the fupplies for another 
 year j and fhcugh they hung on it as a cardinal argument, yet now wfe 
 are told in the BViton, No. 36, that we could raife thirty- five milliomiQr the 
 year. Mercy on me ! what is the contradiftion of thefe men. Muft not 
 iheir impudence be formed of Bronze melted in the infernal pit, fatan- 
 fied, and then fent to thefe upper regioos for the ufe of the footy mo- 
 narch of that brimftone country ? To prove the popularity of their own 
 patron, th»y fly in the face of all the arguments they advanced before. 
 W if we can raife thirty-five millions, for the current year, to carry on a 
 \' . • . ' war J 
 
 
 in 
 
 i 1 1 
 
 
 H 
 
 %4\ 
 
 I mm 
 
 ^ mA 
 
 mr 
 
 t 
 
, • 
 
 ' (4) 
 
 fecure to us all our conquefts in America at leaft : and heneb 
 our religion, liberties, commerce, and the liberties of Europe, 
 4gainft 0(tr implacable enemies ,he French for the future. 
 
 Jr^c.M.'V\l\ It has been faid, by minifterial advocates and 
 th>^ Frehch party here, in order to intimidate us into an imma- 
 ture peace; Thatoar neighboms •were groiving jealous of out cofi' 
 ^uefti^ and of our increafing potaer and ricbtst and loould not con- 
 Ji'ity that lue Jhould keep our acquiRtions. 
 
 Let us fuppofe, that we had leept to ourfelves the Ccd fifherf^ 
 Louifianat and the French caribbtS Sugar IJlands^ who would 
 have been jealous of us ? \\ ould the Dutch have been jealout 
 that their thirty five millions in our funds would have been too 
 fafe ? Would they have been jealous, that we ftiould join with 
 France, to attack their barrier, and overrun and conquer the'r 
 f ountry, as we did 'in the reign of the foolilh and wicked 
 Charles the fecond. No : this could not be, unlefs they" could 
 have feen by a fpirit of divination, that we ihould be foon un- 
 der i^Tiry adminifiration ; which in Charles II, James II, and 
 queen Ai\n*s r^ign, confpired with France, to deftrcy our natu- 
 ral friends, our bulwark on the continent, and the fupport of 
 the protedant religion. They can never be jealous of u;:, un- 
 Jefsj when we are under the government of Tory principles, and 
 then in truth, they have always had reafon enough to be jealous 
 of us. 
 
 But thefe men tell us, that we cannot raife men enough, to de« 
 V fend our allies in Germany, and Portugal, again(lour enemies; 
 thougl^ they have added 60,000 men to our own troops ; and 
 yet the French party aver, that 'we have made our nt ighbours jea- 
 lous of us ty cur imre'fe of pbiutr. But how is it pofiible, we 
 Oiould be obnoxious to the jealoufy of Qur friends on the con- 
 tinent, when we cannot fuppott our allies, nor defend our pofr 
 fefllons there ? This is a contradidion, a grofs abfurdity, that 
 poihing but the fpiiit of falfhood and impudence could didate. 
 
 The minillerial advocates, and French party too, argue by 
 the firlt maxim, that we canpot keep our conquefts ; by the fc- 
 cond, that the French will ruin us, if we continue the war ; by the 
 third, that we are poor,exhaufted and unable to continue the vvar,or 
 laife the fupplies ; by the fourth,, that our fucceifes were owing 
 to our ^ood fortuntt only, and |iot to our ftrength orconduA^ 
 
 war 5 if we have fuch a plenty of money, and it would be intrufled un- 
 der the concUift of a m — f— tr fo generally odious; what muft thefe 
 nen be, who have laboured to frighten the people with our great pq-i 
 erty and diftrefs, and to reprefent that we were not able, to carry on 
 thte war, wh.lft the French were in political ftrength and vigour ? Gooc| 
 g-ds! >v hat feme men are capable of! 
 
'it 
 
 con- 
 pof* 
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 ar,or 
 
 [wing 
 
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 thefe 
 
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 by 
 
 • (5) 
 
 hy the fifth, that the retention of our conqaefts would be t bur« 
 deirahd naifance to us; by the fixth, that we could not defend 
 our ally Portugal j by the feventh, that the war would ruitt our 
 trade for want of hands. Now, if we bear in our foreheads all 
 thefe marks and characters of our poverty, weaknefs, incapa- \'. 
 city of defending ourfelves, or of fupporting our allies ; if our . 
 territories are fo i'canty, our people fo few, our fucceiTvs fo ac* 
 cidental, and the power of our natural enemy fo great ;' who ia 
 to be fuppofed would always join any power againft us, and be 
 glad of the opportunity? if t fay this be the cafe, Aow wi//?/^ 
 JiAlt vur frunds on the continent JhouU be jealous ofmf Can the 
 Dutcbt Dun: St Swedes^ 8cc. be jealous of fuch an impoteht pow- 
 er, that is neither able, according to thefe men, to defend its 
 own rights, tofupport its frien<^s, or to annoy its enemies f Such 
 flagrant contradiction and nonfenie can ifiue from none, but the 
 French party here, whofe aims and views being always contrary^, 
 to the interefts of this country ; and calculated to fupport the^;;' 
 power of France, to compleat a particular defign ; muftbefup- .. 
 ported by ponfenfe and contradiction ;* becaufe truth and reafon 
 are as oppOfite to the caufe they efpoufe, as light to darknefs. 
 
 Thefe logicians, of the French party, likewife tell us, that 
 our neighbours are afraid that we ihall keep our conquefts ifff it J 
 /HouJJ dejiroy the balance ofponuer* But if our neighbours eomdb^ 
 jealous of any things according to thefe difputants, by the £tft ; 
 fix arguments, it fliould be, that we fhould ruin ourfelves by '- 
 continuing the war : and hence be unable to contribute any pro- \ 
 teCtion to ihem, in cafe the ambitious, avaricious and turbulent 
 French fhould take it into their heads to att'^'^k them: that the 
 French would grow, fo ftrong, by continui e war, and by 
 
 inipoveri(hing us, that it would be neceflary, that our heigh- 
 b)-:rs (hould join us, to preferve our power ; in order hereby 
 to preferve the balance of power, and to prevent the French 
 from becoming terrible to them by the inci'^afe of French pow- 
 er ; and through our continuing to make a war on France, 
 which would erd in our ruin, as well as in that of our natural 
 allies. The .rft fix arguments tend naturally to prove, that all 
 our neighbours ought, in point of prudence, to join us againil 
 the Frf»^/&, rather than that they fhould grow jealous of us. The 
 French party declare, v^'ie we arefo weak, that we can neither 
 preferve our Cod-Filheryt nor protect our Colonies^ nor keep the 
 acquifition of a few Sugar IJlands ; the biggefl of which a roan 
 may travel acrofs in a day ; and yet affert, that we are become 
 formidable too, and have raifed ajealoujy rf our potwtr^ in all the 
 Jlates of Europe, This is luch fuperficial, puerile, futile, and 
 vain argument, and Aagrant contradiction, that one would won- 
 <if r how any oae could have the folly or impudence to advance 
 ^ . • ,' Aich 
 
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 1 
 
 v^m 
 
 m 
 
 Mrj, 
 Sit ' 
 
 
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II 
 
 
 (6) 
 
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 l«cb wretched trumpery. But what is there that French nffvkm 
 fance and PopiHi impudence will not do, aiid fay f 
 
 Hpwever, if it could poifibly happen, that from the increaie 
 ind augmentation of our riches and navigation by the reten* 
 iitxk of our conquefts, that we fliould ber.omc an obje£k of jea- 
 knify among our neighbours; which I do not think poffible* 
 tksrc is a way of evading it. It is not neceflary, that we fhould 
 retain all oar cpnquefts -, but the moft mifchtevous difpofition, 
 that we canpoihbly make of them, i^to furrender them to the 
 French. ' ■ i 
 
 The head of '4 politician ihould be as fertile in elpedients f<a 
 the public welfare, as a poet*i> in images to grace his epodes : 
 bat then the moil worthy and moil noble only fhquld be adopt- 
 (^dy and woven into his fyilem. A minifter,i who is only capa- 
 ble of going on in the beaten track, in the old cow path, n 
 fitter for ehecondu£l of a plough, than the cabinet of a prince. 
 In ardttoui, doubtful and intricate cafes, to fnatch an oppor« 
 tnnity, t~ Uy hold of a lucky incident, and to turn a circum- 
 fiance, or event, to fuch advantage, as a lubberly genius would 
 never have thought of, is to appear an Agathoeles on the Afri* 
 can ilrand, a Cte-^r at Dyrracbiumt or the Pruffian hero /'r^* 
 iieric in Saxoriy. But genii, fuch as thefe, ieldom appear in 
 war, any more than your SuUyft Richiieus, Mazarines, ColiertSf 
 fprcp, Rrttillet, Cbor/eulsf BurliighSf Wallinghams, Ctcils, Som- 
 mfrs^Sf Marlborougbst Godolphins and SunderJandst do often ap- 
 |)ear in politics. What pity it is { we cannot in this reign find 
 a ftatefman to place among t>>e{« worthies, without having re* 
 courfe to the name of P — tt ! « 
 
 Now let us take it for granted, that the ponutrs on the conti' 
 pent were gioiuing jealous of our con^^ffts ; though there is not 
 the leaft reafon to believe any fuch thing, as it is contrary to 
 their natural interefts, was their no alternative to be purfued ? 
 Was it abfolutely neceil'ary that we (hould reftore France to its 
 prifliae trade, riches, power, and naval ilrength ? And thereby 
 make ourfelves the objeft of tlie mockery, derifion, (corn and 
 contempt of all Europe ? Was th^ re no method, to be taken, to 
 prevent jealoufy of our neighboui:> on one hand, and France 
 from becoming dangerous to our religion, libertieii, commerce, 
 the liberties of Europe, and our naval (Irength, on the other ? 
 Surely, there was. Could any dates on the continent dread the 
 increafe of our naval Ilrength as much as tlae land armies of 
 France ? It is impoiTible, one would think, for the impudence 
 of a French fadion, to afTert they could : at lead, one fhould 
 be apt to think fo, if the boid aifertion of anv fallhood, or any 
 impudence could ihQck them. 
 
 'uta^.hi ., 
 
 jf^^ii-"" 
 
 We 
 
(1) . ' • 
 
 We htrt tcqnSred the French fettlements in the Eaft fnditlc 
 could we tiDt have put, either Swtdej, DaniSt Holfiewtn, RnJ- 
 fans or Prujjfians into fome of thofe Comptoirs, or all of jthem, 
 or any other power, for an equivalent of tro<$p9, and affiftance 
 againft the French ? Was there no method to be taken, but to 
 reinftate the enemy in this trade again ? Had it not better beeti 
 in the hands of die Flemings, the cmprefs queen, or in any 
 hands than in French T Could not offers of this kind have de- ' 
 tached anally,'or aTubiidiary from France, and have procured 
 a friend to Britain, and its views ? Could no fuch meafure havfe 
 «nabled us, to have kept an important fugar iiland, to have af* 
 ferted and vindicated our exclufive right to- the cod iiihery, an^ 
 dl Louifiana ? Or was there never a hea^ capable of fusgeftinfi; 
 fugh an expedient ? If there were no head capable of foggefl? 
 ing any thino; of this kind, what politiciant have we f If therfi 
 were,.what fort pf patriots are weblefied with? IF fuch mea- 
 fures might have b^en ufefu!, are not continental connekioaa 
 neceflary ? If we are unequal to France in fpare handd, from 
 our great trade, are not continental connexions neceifary, to 
 }>rote3: our own domiuicmis, trade, friends and allies ?, Even out 
 French party acknowledge it as to Portugal. 
 
 But we had not only the French fettlements in the Eaft Indiet^p' 
 to tempt a fubfidiary of France^ Set, to lend us an aid, if we 
 wanted it ; but alfo Senegal, Goree, and twenty-two fugat 
 iflands, to difpofe of for fuch purpofe. But thefe were not aH» ' 
 we had alfo the dutchies of Brtmen and Verdetit and the eledo- , 
 fate of Hanover, to ofl& to the Danes and Swedes, &c. for ' 
 affiftance^ 
 
 It appears from the twelfth principle, or argument, that ha$. 
 been urged, by the minifterial advocates, and French party, that 
 we ought to have no territories on, nor connexions with, the 
 continent. Hertee, they muft ofcourfe coniider the principality of 
 HamnfCTt as a dead weight upon us. They have contended, that 
 thofe connexions, caufed by Hanover, have been a conftant draia 
 of our treafures ; have prompted to deftrudive foolifh meafures ; 
 i(hat the balance of power is a chimera, a phantom ; Hanover 
 a gnlph of Englifti wealth, an abyfs, 'a vortex, that has drawii 
 in, and fwallowed up all our riches ; a millftone about Our 
 necks, which has funk us to perdition ; the origin of all our po» 
 litical evils, and the fource of all our miferies ; and which has 
 obliged us to enter into ruinous alliances, to the negledl of our 
 own true interefts, &c. &c. &c. In ihort, that it has been a 
 fountain of all the political miferies, that a fertile imagination 
 can conceive, or poetical eloquence paint. 
 
 For my own part, I am not able to recollefl all the evils, 
 diftreifes, miferies, calamities, difafters, and misfortune's, which 
 
 have 
 
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 ■\zi 
 
 .-hM 
 
 Ml -,' 
 
 li 
 
 
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 ( 8 ) 
 
 htve been drawn down npon us, and which the Tories, and 
 French party among us, have imputed to our connexions with 
 this poor, loufy\ djpieablit mean, contemptible fjpc^ ^ : it it 
 fcarce to be conceived, how much they have exclaimed againft 
 ity and how happy, they have declared, it would have been for 
 us, if it had been funk intt> a lake by an earthquake, or fwal- 
 lowed up in the ocean with all its appendages. Muft we not 
 think, that the party was iincere in all this declamation and in- 
 ventive ? Can we think, that in drawing this pifture they intend- 
 td nothing but fliam and mockeryr and had not the Jeaft grain 
 of fincerity \ Surely, thev could not be fo bafe and wicked^ 
 as to fay all this, and matce fuch declarations, without believ- 
 ing them to be true : and is it pofiible fuch wife difinterefte4 
 men fhould be miftaken ? <Wt 
 
 Let us then take it for granted, that thefe in'oeigberst again^ 
 Hanover, and continental connexions, were both wi/ie znA bo' 
 niji, with Xfi^^\t6 to the fentinaents Uiey expreffed of this def- 
 picable rra^-«r(WW, this lonly eUaaratt ', and that if we retain 
 It under otu: dominion, it muft always be a burden to this na^ 
 tion, and^ tend conftantly to involve us in continental difputet 
 and connexions, without affording us any advantage, any .more 
 than it would, if it was in other hands. In fuch cafe, in order 
 to prove o\xthumiliiy and moderatioitt and to avert the jealouf/ 
 of the other Hates of Europe ; and to (hew, that if; we gained 
 territory in one place, convenient for ourfelves, we were will- 
 ing, at the fame time, to increaile the ftrength of other nadons 
 In proportion, with adefignto preferve the balance of power; 
 and that we deiired nothing, but to pull down the proud and 
 violent, for our own fecurity, and that of our neighbours i la 
 fuch cafe, I ask, how comes it abput, that we did not offer the 
 dutchies of ^r^ m«» zxidyerden to the Swedes, for their aflift- 
 ance ? They have long bore the difmemberment of thofe do-, 
 minions, with great regret and ill-will to us. How comes it 
 about, that we did not offer part of the deflorate of Hanover 
 to the duke of Holflein^ inorder^to procure the aid of 50,000 
 RuJJians ? And how comes it to pafs, that we did not embrace 
 the opportunity, and offer the /^axr(?j the dutchy of Hffi/^^fVr, and 
 ibme p^Mt^ Hano^ver^ mod convenient for themi in order to 
 procurie an aid from them of 20,000 or 30,000 men ? By a . 
 fcheme of this kind, there is no doubt to be made, but a vaft 
 aififtance might have been procured, at no expence. Such a 
 partition too, would have fettled all the difputes between the 
 king of Denmark, and the duke of Hnlftein, and the RuJ^ans, 
 At prefent, their dominions are fo intermixed, that the people. 
 
 * I ufe the genteel flowery language of the party. 
 
 fcarce 
 
iinft 
 
 I h9' 
 
 def. 
 itaia 
 
 me* 
 (lore 
 )idct: 
 oaf/ 
 lined 
 will- 
 Qons 
 
 ezi 
 
 and 
 
 th« 
 
 ft. 
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 sit 
 ver 
 looo 
 ace 
 and 
 
 to 
 
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 a 
 the 
 
 ns, 
 
 pie. 
 
 tr"'. 
 
 rce 
 
 . , ( 9 ) 
 
 llJ^cle'K^w wliom to ot)ey ; but. I)y a ihiftin?oi' territory; Ia 
 , i^vdwKokx propoYed, all tKeirdifFerencesmay oe fettled to the 
 V lidVahtage of both parties, 
 ' Thtti we might have gained troops and friends, freed, our* 
 lytVes from thlit curfe Hanover, ihewed our humility and modf'^ 
 r«/i>«» kept oar conquefts without provoking jealoufy, and have 
 {h^oved, that Wje defired in our wars, only feturity for ourfelveS) 
 aii4..for the lijbertien of Europe; and to prefe^ve the balance of 
 powei:\agaibft a tt\rbulent, unjuft. and barbarous . {»ince> who 
 fi-om his great power and ftrengtht has bee^ the plague of the 
 t^eftem world) for indre than a century pall ; and whofe am^ 
 bitiomhas coft Europe millions of lives, and hundreds of mil- 
 UoBS of money in the interval fpecified. 
 
 By fttch* an alienation, we Aibuld have turned //<i»e':;«r t9 
 
 {'qme account } md, in fome meafure, have indemnified our- 
 elyes for t^e loflef , which we have fuftained by the pofi'efliqft 
 of it for fifty years paft. We fliould, by fuch a fyftem, have 
 thrown off the dead corrupted carcafe, that is now united to 
 our living body^ and bave poifoned us fo long with its. ftench. 
 We flibuld have fold, axid djvefted ourfelves of tl^is cumberout 
 load, and hao a valuable conlideration for it ; as we ilbould have 
 gained friends and aifiUance, at an important crijii. What muft 
 we think of the heads, or of the hearts of people, who never 
 thought of, nor propofed fuch a meafure ? 
 
 To talk, thi^t this is againft the laws and conilitutions of the 
 Empire is falfe, and foolifti to the higheft degree. How camq 
 theQijcen of Hungary, and the Emperor by their pr^fent do- 
 minions ? How came i\itDatiei and 6W<fej by their fhare of th<i 
 Empire ? And laftly, how came we by the dutchies of Bremen 
 arid Vtrden^f This proves fo weak an objeftion, that vanity her^' 
 felf could not appear lighter, if ihe were weighed in the ba? 
 lance. If fuch an event, or partition were to happen, what 
 power in Europe could defeat it ? 
 
 But what would it be to us, if fome princes of the Empire* 
 and the princes to whom we alienated and delivered it, Hiould 
 by-and-oy differ about it ? According to the French party, we 
 ought to have no connexions with the continent, as appears in 
 argument the twelfch. However, we might have ftipulated foe 
 our commerce upon the treaty of alienation. But if we had loft 
 all our trade extraordinary, that We have by the Elb and ^/r, 
 thrpugh our poffeflion of Hanover, we fhould have been recom- 
 penced twenty times told, by the retention of. our conquefts ; 
 nay, by the Cocl'fifhery, Louifiana, and the French Sugar 
 Iflands only. Thefe acquifitions, and the depreffiqn of the 
 French naval power, would have been an ample fatisfadtion. But 
 fuppofe, we had even given the northern powers all the French 
 
 • C^ Sugar 
 
 '•;iH 
 
 Vfi 
 
 ;■ \' 
 
 W' 
 
' > 
 
 ,n 
 
 ( ?o ) 
 
 Suear Iflandi nmotigft them ? The depreffion of the French hMA 
 vafpower, by fuch an alienation, would have been an evcnv 
 as Shakefpear fays* dfuouth to be *wi(hed ; efpecially if we 
 could obtain an expulfion of the French out of LouiJUnat and 
 preferve our original exdufive right to the Cod-fifliery, by fuch 
 concefllons to our friends for their aid. If this would not be 
 the ca(e, how comes the eighth argument to be advanced by 
 the French and minifterial parties, viz, that the retention of our 
 conque(b would render our neighbours jealous of us ? Howe- 
 ver, if this argument be falfe, the increafe of our trade would 
 be true. Here then the French party, anti-cbntinentalifts, and 
 minifterial advocates, for an immature peace, are hemmed in 
 with a dilemma. The alienation df the accurfed fpot Hanover 
 would at worft free us from the inconveniencies, which it has 
 brought to our affairs. 
 
 By this fcheme, we might have drawn off our tlroops from 
 Germany to Portugal, and many northern forces with them ; 
 and yet have left the Empire completely defended, and our 
 faith kept Inviolate with PruJJia, By this fyftem, Denmark and 
 Snxeden^ &c. would have been detached from France, and have 
 confpired, to drive out the French : and by this, the Proteftant 
 intereft, in the Empire, might have been ftrengthened : by this, 
 we might have been matters in one year more of all the com- 
 munication between New Spain and Europe ; have folly pro- 
 tefled Portugal, and have obliged the king of Spain to have 
 indemnified the Portugue/e for their loffes by his barbarous 
 invafion. 
 
 But, what have our politicians been doing ? What have they 
 done ! What have we got for an expence of ninety millions ex* 
 traordinary, the lofs of our brave men, and for the conquells 
 they gained f According to the French party and minifterial 
 advocates, we have been laviHiing away fix millions in Ger- 
 many laft year, when they thcmfelves urge, that we ought not 
 to have fpent afousthere. ' Did the prefent miniftry ' fpend all 
 this trea(ure, to keep that millftone Hanover ftill about our 
 necks? And toneceilitate us to have a perpetual ruinous con<^ 
 nexion with the continent ; the fyftem they have railed and 
 raved at, 'and damned for fo many years paft to the pit of h-U, 
 as themoft pernicious of political evils and incumbrances? Why 
 had not they drawn off our troops to Portugal, and left the Em- 
 pire to take care of itfelf ;. fince they tell us, we are to have no 
 concern for it, if it were ravaged by the French from thcRijtne to 
 Belgrade. Yet thefe very men keep troops there at vaft expence; 
 though wanted in Portugal, and all to defend, that accurfed 
 fpot Hano'^'(7'i and our German allies ; with whom they argue 
 
*, 
 
 f II ) 
 
 we oaght to have broken two or three years ago. Aftoaifliing 
 (tujpidity and repugnancy ! 
 
 Upon the whole, the alienation propofed, and iti£fEt€ts, 
 were fo practicable and feafible, that it will be in vain for any 
 abandoned caviller, tool of power, or any of the French par- 
 ty, to pretend, to evade the force of the argument here ad- 
 vanced. However, I ihould not wonder to fee difputants arife 
 of this party, who would contend that Hack ii white, and that 
 tM^enty^ are more than thirty ; or aflert, that the three angles of 
 a right-angled triangle are not equal to two right angles. 
 Whatever Hanover may be in itfeif, the difpofal of it, in the 
 manner above baited, and thereby depriving the French of the 
 foorce of their ilaval ftreugth, would have been a judicious 
 alienation, that wbuld have merited the bleflings of the prefent 
 s^ge, and have averted the c — rfes of pofterity ; as well as the 
 jealoufies, imputations of corruptidn, treachery* which are with 
 too much air of j—0—ce thrown on —>- 
 < By fuch an alienation, the Swedes might have been drawn 
 out of Fomerania ti/vo years ago ; the Ruffians induced to quit 
 Brandettburgt and aflift Ms; the king of Piuflia eafed, and we re- 
 lieved from the burden of the fubudy, which we paid to him. 
 By this fyftem, Denmark might have been induced to have lent ^ 
 us all her troops, and to have united with Sweden and Rkjia to 
 have drove the French out of the Empire, and to have purfued 
 them acrofs the Rhine into France. 
 
 But, if this bait would not have allured the Swedes, Danes, 
 and Ruffians, might we not have thrown in an allotment of ^ 
 three or four fmall French Sugar Iflands to each ; nay, half » 
 4ozen, for they have twenty -four in all ? And might not thefe 
 been added as fweetners, if I may be allowed the pun,, to make 
 the pther temptations' go more glibely down \ The Swedes have 
 no Sugar Ifles in the Weft Indies, nor the Ruffians. The Danes 
 have only the barren rock St. Thomas's. Surely, fome of the 
 northern powers might have been detached from France, and 
 4rawn into our interelts by fuch powerful temptations and aU 
 lurements. We had alfo Goree and Senegal to difpofe of: we 
 might alfo have given that Cerberus- the Dutch a fop, which 
 would efFedually have prevented any jealoufies, even of the 
 French party and Tory faAion here, who mortally hate tkem ; 
 what I mean is, by a treaty of commerce we might have allow- 
 ed them, the right of £fhingonour coafts for half a century, 
 or for ever. The keeping the Cod-fi(hery to ourfelves would 
 have been a recom pence worth twice as mudi : for, if we were, 
 todept 'e the Dutch of the Herring-fifbery, they muft tura 
 their bands immediately to the woollen manufa&ure, .and pro- 
 hibit oursi as they did formerly ; what then fliould we gain by 
 
 If 
 
 Vi. 
 
 
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i 
 
 \ 
 
 I 
 
 the bargain? Hftre is a 1arg;e fund of temptatiop;, and fslt. 
 fcope ior oar prcfent ininiftcr, to have difpla^ed the fecundhjf 
 of his vaft genius f 
 
 . Biit, oot of this choice of expedients* what lias been done ? 
 Some wiU perhaps fay, ^vCry thing, but what we onght to hvfp 
 done; and out of all pomuk ineafures, tlhat we.iiave eithelr 
 f—lifbly, or w-i-h — r«fly diOlen the w—keft, anid.indft ruin- 
 ous. They niay iayfarther too, that we are going, to a£^ in 
 every refpcAf as we did in the year I718, Witndut the<nece£S- 
 ty ; nay, that we are going to do ten times w— rfe ; that is, juft 
 a« we are on the brink of reaping the ftuits of a glorious, ex- 
 penfive, and fuccefsful war, we are going (q (erainate it, l9y 
 a moil inf«*-roou8 peate- ''.t4 ' > • ■ ^iJt}.» 
 
 A If the j^efcnt generation forgive fuch politicians, certainly 
 our pofterity will plentifully beftow their c— rfes on them, at- - 
 t^e Carthaginians did on tbofc who made peace wirfi the Ro- 
 mans, at, whAtthefekftcall, the end of the fecond Punic war» 
 of which a modern author obferves, " The "Citizens curled their 
 ** andeftors for not dying gloriously in defence of their country, 
 ** rather than concluding (uch ignominious treaties of peac^ 
 ** with their implacable enemies, whicW had been thecaufeof 
 <' the ileplorafole condition to which their pofterity was then 
 ^ reduced. They iikewife^ condemned themfelveii in the ftrone- 
 *' eft terms, for having fo tamely, as well as ilupidly, made 
 
 peace, and delivered qp their arms. Are not the C'd-fjhe* ' 
 
 ry^ the trade of North Jmrica, and the trade of the French' 
 
 Sugar Iflufids o\xt wcmi} ** 
 
 The furrender of the Cod-filhery, the tolerating the French 
 in Lottifiana, and the reftoration. of their Caribbee Sugar ifland^ 
 to them, may bejuftlyfaid, to be a fiirrendei^of our arms, to 
 our aA>ftimpl|icable enemies; whofe maxim, in refpeffc tons, 
 ia like that of Cato's, with regard to the Carthaginians, <tv« mr/^ 
 k« iijiroyed ashen tics and afri'vuls. How far our polterity niay 
 be induced, to c—rfe the author of the preliminaries, dots not 
 jequirc a fprit of prophefy, to determine. When party and 
 ^afiion are dead, things will appear in their true light. Even; 
 Btiinghroke himfelf damned his own treaty, and declared the 
 French' ought to have been reduced in the confederate war for 
 tges to come. 
 
 if We had parted with three-fourths of oar conquefts at the 
 Caribbeis; nay, if we had admitted any powers, but tbofe of 
 the houfe of Bourbon, to poffcfs the French Sugar Iflands, Go- 
 rae, Sene^^al, their Gomptoirs in the E^^Ji Indies^ and all our 
 .con^elis> rather than left them as rhey are, we had a£led ju- 
 dicioufly i as thereby we fhould have depreifed the naval pow- 
 ff ojf France, and if not increaf^d our own actually, we fhould 
 
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 at letft have augmented our maritime ftreifl;th reUtlveljrf juft at 
 Aiu«k as we diminifhed thein ; and flioold alfo have ptticurfl| 
 lUIies, attached them to lu by (hcirintereft, and. hj we fasM 
 priaci|^le, rendered them natural enemies to Franco. 
 
 If we hadafted in this manner, we had fallowed the poIiti<^ 
 cal fyftem of the glorious Q^ecn E/izaittA, who faid to iho 
 ambalTador of France: " Tell your mailer, if he expeft, to 
 ** mdke conqaefts from the king of S^ain, and houfe of Au- 
 " iria ; and to enlarge his own dfijminions with his acquifitiomip 
 '* diat I will not fufFer it. If he conquers the Jffauu and thf 
 ** Frtnlb Compti, thofe countries Ihall be yielded ud to tht 
 ** Swifs Cantons, to enable them to oppofe the violence of 
 *■ the Auftrian fadlily ; for I intend to efiablifh fuch apvdtioa 
 ** of power and dominion, that no one Ihall dare to violate 
 «* jttftlce towards his neighbour, and that all (hall be relfaraine4 
 ** within the bounds of their duty, by the dread of refentment 
 ** and revenge.** How noble I After all our glorious fuccefles* 
 What a fneaking figure do we make. Juft fo we did then, aa 
 foon as ^ueen James came to the throne. Whether that our coa- 
 flu£l, after our fuccefles, is brave and refolute, like that of queea 
 Efizabeth, or timorous and mean, like that of ^uebi James; we 
 ifviU leave to the reader to judge. 
 
 '''Argum. IX. That fttthmenuon /-&* Terra Firm a of Vrm 
 Spain, i, idtn their Iflcs, *uiould ruin us, fy JilUn^ us too full of 
 nutahh atid riches. 
 
 Thofe gentlemen, who have advanced this argument, feem 
 to have forgotten. What they have faid in the firft argument, re- 
 lative to tnenecelTity^we are under of furrcndering our coo- 
 c^ueils ; in the fecond, what they have faid of the fuperior abi« 
 hties of the French ; in the third, their d^lamations and ha- 
 rangues upon our national debt, poverty, I'od imbecility i in 
 the fourth, that even our fuccefs were .lOt owing to or; 
 ftren^th, and rather the child of accident, than the legltissiate 
 ofHpringof power ; in the fifth, that we want people) in the 
 iixth, that a peace was necefTary to fave Portugal, which imm^ 
 plies our weakneG. All thefe things are as oppofite to the fpi* 
 rit of the above maxim as heaven to h^ll. But this is no 
 wonder, for when writers unfortunately combate truth and rea- 
 fon, the^ generally entangle themfelves in a maze of incongrui* 
 ty and contradiction. 
 
 A fettlement at Damn was projefled, fuad undertaken is 
 1701 by the Scots. This was highly approved of by that m- 
 tion. They were fo far from apprehending or dreading any 
 
 )ernicious effefls from it, or a ruinous draft of people,- that 
 they highly refented our refuftng to protedl them. We all know 
 
 the 
 
 
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 ( '4) 
 
 loc reafon of this, and the handle the Tory, or French par- 
 ty here, made of it, to diftrefs kiofi; William, and their country 
 in favour of France, though this king juft before hadtaktHof 
 ih$ frofcrifition i difcharged his Whig roinifters, and taken thole 
 vipers into hit counfels; who, in return, betrayed all his affaire 
 to France, though they gave out, there was not a Jacobitt lift 
 in the nation. This was done to lull him into a profound fecu- 
 Tity, that they might ftrike their blow more furely and certainly. 
 God grant I that if any fuch defigns and plots Ihould be laid in 
 futurity, to dellroy any prince of the houfe of Hanover, under 
 the mafic of friendOiip, that they may be timely detected, and 
 their authors brought to the block and the gallows. We leave 
 this digreflion, and return to the fubje£l. 
 
 But if the Scots, whofe country is very thinly inhabited, and 
 who ar^ fo poor, that they do not {>ay one fortieth part of the 
 land-tax raifed on both kingdoms, could ^roje£l fuch a fcheme, 
 and puih it with vigour, without fearing any difadvantageous 
 Ibfs, or emigration of people } what reafon is there for us to 
 dread it, who have the fame ufelefs hands to plant there ; be- 
 fides great numbers unemployed both in England and Ireland, 
 who might be tranfplanted with good advantage ? Nay, fome 
 writers, of good authority, aver, that we have a million of 
 people, in the three kingdoms, who might br well fpared for 
 our Colonies, and the fiate receive riches from their tranfplan- 
 tation. 
 
 When the Scots fettled themfelves at Vitvi Caledonia^ the 
 Spaniards were terribly alarmed. At that time, for obvious 
 reafons, on the marquis CanaW^ remonfirance, the Scots were 
 ideferted, and the fettlemeiits foon came to nothing. The ap- 
 prehenfions of the Spaniards, from the fuccefs of the Scots, the 
 example of our people in the Bay of Campeachy, .and HondU' 
 ras, and on the Muiquito (hore, prove the pra^iicability of fet- 
 tling in thofe parts ; iince we can live -even in their moft un* 
 wholfoHic '^ntfunos and moraflbs ; and the ufe it would be to us. 
 But what do I lee I 2"°^ g— ds ! the fortrefles our brave failors 
 "built in the bay of Hondurda .moulder into dull, by the breath 
 of a Britifh minifter, though we are I'u.rounded with trophies 
 of victories, obtained over this ungrateful and bafe people, 
 whom, as fir William Godolphln remarks, nothing will keep 
 within the bounds of juftice, but the rod of chaftilement, and 
 dread of our revenge, i 
 
 As to the wafteof our people, I have juft proved it, to be a 
 "phantom; but the minifterial advocates and the French party 
 here aflurc us, that we fiiould be ruined by a too great influx of 
 riches from conquefts and fettlements on the Spanifli terra f,rma» 
 OfiC cannot help asking thefe vile prevaricators, how this is 
 ., poffiblc. 
 
(IS) 
 
 l^flible, if wtiat they have ofFercd in the third argument be 
 true? Are not thefc arffumenti as incompatible, ai light ind 
 darknefs, truth and fauKood ? Let us fuppofe, at thefe writer* 
 have foggefted, to ferve a turn, that we are 140 million^ ia 
 debt, and that 35 millions are du^ o foreigner!. Letuifup- t 
 pofe i« •txt, that we could increafe the balance of our trade two 
 millions per annum, would it not be one of the moft fortunate 
 circumftances that could happen to this nition, as it would ena- 
 ble us to difcharge the debu of the ftate without diftrefs ? And 
 as it would free us from the burden of the annual intereft, we 
 pay for thofe <lebts to the Dutch, &c. ? It is very extraordi- . ' 
 nary, that any fet of party writers (hould firft reprefent us, as 
 an unpoveriftied, begg&icd, ruined nation, through our great 
 load of debts, and then immediately afTure us, that an influx of , 
 riches yearly, which would difcharge all thofe debts, and woul4 
 inci'eafe our induftry, trade, and ftock of cafli, would prove our 
 ruin, bane and deftrudtion. This is playing faft and loofe with ' 
 a vengeance I and blowing hot and cold out of the fame mouth* . 
 in fuch. a manner, that, one would think, every man muft moll 
 clearly perceive, that thefe otr/'/rr/ and their ^a/r0«4 have fome* 
 thing elfe in view, which a£luates them, belides the love of i 
 truth, and proiperlty of their country. 
 
 As we are in poifefllon of the Havannah, and all the French / 
 Caribbee Sugar Iflands, if we carry on the war one year longer* ' * 
 we may, by making a few fettlements in proper fituations, 
 which we could point out, cut off the communication between ;- 
 Netu and OJd Spain ; the fatal confequences of which, to the , 
 French and Spaniards, and the incapacity they muft be in from *, 
 thence, to carry on the war, are fo evident, that it would be aa ; I; 
 affront to the reader's underllanding, to attempt an elucidation if' 
 or at leaft, till fuch a truth fhall meet with afl'uranqe bold enough I 
 to deny it, which pofUbly may happen among minifterial advo- .^ 
 cates, and the French party. n \ . 
 
 ■■-. But it has been objefted, that no ridipulou? abfurdity mighty' 
 be wanting to fupporc a bad caufe, that the ftates of Europe . 
 have agreed on the indivifibility of the Spanifh Indies, and that , 
 conquefts (hall be made on the Terra Fif ma by any nation. 
 Nothing can be more notoriouily falfc. ■ . 
 
 By the treaty made at the Hague with the Emperor in 1700, 
 the Englifh and Dutch were allowed to keep whatever conquefts 
 they could make from the Spaniards in the WelUndies. By the. 
 South-fea ait, the company was allowed to make conquefts, and 
 to keep them, and the queen's ftiips were to affilt them. What 
 fojly, or front, muft fuch writers have' But, why not keep Cu 
 
 ba^, as well as Jam^jca,^ and the French St. Domingo ? 
 
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 • ^ j^^um. X. It iiafTertecl, bymUilfterial advocatei, add tho 
 French p;»rt/, ThIrT nioe ought to Jurrendcr our conpufis'tQ^eWf 
 that nue are nat^i^Jpred loitb amvitiou^ tUnus, aitd to prove our 
 MD0ERAT1ON. 
 
 This is i&«»»»»/>i^ us with aviBfigeancSf Political nioderatioc^ 
 iHstrue, in fdme ciricumftances, is api'oofof humi^mtyincoii- 
 qaeroTs, but in others cruelty and confumtnate ilupidity. If I 
 were -combating with' a bear or a Wolf fbr my life, and a ipec- 
 tator fli6uld recommend it to me, to give him ftabd with modf-. 
 ) rdthn^ I'ihbiild think him a confpiratoir'io deftroy me, and that' 
 he defetved fome immoderate flabs Himfelf. ' 
 
 After the Romans had lUbdtied the Carthaginians, in thefe- 
 cond Paok war, and obliged them to articles of peace, whieh 
 pwt'/coutxjf their power to moled them with impunity, they 
 i*rfit then havefafely prafkifed the virtue of moderation. But 
 dJdthey f No i on the contrary, by bafe artifices, they excited 
 the African powers againft them, began another unjuft war, 
 brought thiem to the brink of deftrnraoh, and then, by fraud 
 and-chicahery, entirely deftroyed them. Here they had rooni 
 fot^pra^fin^ the virtue of moderation withfafety. When />«««• 
 /«/£«/■//«/. lubdued Pfr/t?//, conquered Greece, and difartnt** ' 
 it^ in^habttants, the Romans were not fatisfied, till they had 
 pWndertd them of their treafures, murdered their principal 
 nicfl, and carried the reii as hoftagei to Rome ; nay, thfey im- 
 ptfifoned too their em baflldors, bri>tleaft retained them againft 
 their inclinations, of whom the famous Pct;bius was on6. Here 
 ; w^» place for them to have excrcifed the virtue of moderation, 
 '% htt they thought it imorudent ; yet they were deemed great po- 
 ]iii(:ians and wife ftateimen ; and foon afwr, by their judicious 
 and prudent conduti^, acquired the dominion of the whole 
 world. 
 
 But, when a lelTer power, by the good providence of God, 
 by accident, by a bold and lucky ftroke, or by a feries of 
 g6od fortune and fucceflcs, arifing from an extraordinary con- 
 currence of circumftances, (hall obtain the fuperijrity over an 
 impiacable and crael enemy, whofe animoiity ^s excitcU by rr* 
 iigious fpjte and ra^e, as well a^by civil hatred and enmity ; in ' 
 facn c".fe, not to ftruggle and contend, to prcferve at any price, 
 that fupciiority acquired, and that fecurity neceffary, is ftupi- 
 dityand infatuation, inftead of humanity and m"difation ; it is 
 cruelty to ourfelves, to our friends, to our allies, to our neigh- 
 bours, to our pofterity, and to the human race. It is likewise 
 ^ a m«rk of difrefpeft, and contempt both of God and religion. 
 It is giving th? bear and wolf, wiih whom we fight, moderate' 
 fiabs, for fear we fhould deitroy them ; audit is fetting thsm . 
 
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 fobfe, fb ithtty otfrfel^es, after we ha^re \txA^tfti rt^M^ ift^ 
 gotten them fafe i» oUr trammels, or toils. This dotflrihe 6f iho- 
 aejation rtiaft theref^ore fnreJy come from fhe 6heiiiy, and hii 
 agenis. It is thetlr conftartt pfadrice, to f reach ujV mbderatiojIiV 
 When out o f pov^^er, and to cat ev^ry one's throat, ihe^ can", 
 Whtfto they gain the upper hand. 
 
 In the firft, fecoftd and third argttrtrents, We ^re tolrf, that 
 6ur enemies will not make peace with us, but on theit OA^ft 
 t6rhis ; th«t thev are ihore powerful than we ; rhitt we ire ex- 
 hauftedj beggared, loaded with debts, and' ruirterf ^ iiid y^ 
 heri *e are ad'^fc^ to hia^e a fufretidir of oijr conqifcfts to 
 Aake this 6nemy maxk powerful. Bat doies not Cbni'tnoA' fenfW 
 teach us, that wea^nefs, atld conqueifs ai'e a COntf a'dtdVidn, ah 
 abfdfJiJy? We are richer. We a¥e morg power fat, We havb 
 Wrefted from the 6nemy ten millions fterling of its f<Jreig^ 
 Xxkiit i ^e can take all the refl:, if ^6 TpUif^, and fmfe hs ed« 
 idjutor as low as itfelf is. When, by oter valoot, rfl a tail! ex- 
 perice, «Jh"ich ihuft weaken us prodigioBfFy, if not piaxd Sy thte 
 enemy ; we have acquired a fiiperiority, that wis can kdb^ViliaU 
 we be lb fotolilh, is to fuireftder otfr conqutifts, givfe ^ dtff a«i« 
 Vahtagei, ]|Sart with our fupertorifyj, weakdri 6Urfelv«, tofe tHe 
 opfeonunfty of paying off 6ur national debts, arid pU"* k fiilo 
 Hie power of our rancorous etieiiai^i^ W dcfkbj us ? m : I^ us 
 iidjt do aSny ftich thing ; i'ather \tt all Stoth^ mkkm the^ceafifl 
 T^he retention of our conqttefts wMl revttft botli o\ii' o\»h, ah'd 
 ouV enemy''s foAutae. Biit, (hall we psrt with thefc; dear-bougAt 
 bleiTmgs, andexpofepurfelves todeftru£Hon, becaufe fooie cant- 
 ihg Frertch Faplfts tell us; by fuch coiWtift we (hall attire the 
 chara^dlcr of moderation ? Thii is ^ra^lifing the faihe iartiiltie 
 with us, that the fox did with the raven, that had a pi^ce of 
 chfiefe in hiii mouth. Shall we be fo ilupid, as to futtet ouf- 
 feives to beguiled, by French Papifts, out of ourchecfe; arid 
 then out of our rtllgion, lives, liberties and commerce ? Hea- 
 ven forbid it r We are advifed to rcfign our arms, and to put our 
 enemy into a condition, to cut our throats, in order, to fheW 
 our moderation. What mull thefe men be, who can adtopt this 
 doftrine? What thofe who teach it ? 
 
 If it be faid, we cannot retain our conquefts, then there tin 
 be no room for moderation. Moderation implies a power to 
 command and cdAipet, tp the execution of what is cruel arid 
 unjurt. But, by the firft fix arguments, th's is no: our condition, 
 but the rtverf; : (o far are we from being capable of doing what 
 is criiel, or compelling cur enetJiy to concede fo any thing, tliat 
 is cruel and unjuft, than the French party aver, we canribt 
 retain our pofleilidns, nor carry on a waV to afiert our own 
 rights: fo contradiftprv are thefc deceivers of the people? If 
 
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 our enemies are too ftrong for us; if they will not pay us the 
 charges of the war> by acapdon of what we have acquired, 
 though they petulantly afid wantonly forced us into fuch war ; 
 if we are beggared ; if we owe our good fuccefs only to 
 chance, &c. why do they recommend moderation to us ? An 
 inferior and feeble fuuation will not admit of the pradice of 
 the virtue; it being the part only of a fuperior and predomi- 
 nant power, to difcover fuch a difpofition. 
 vj, But the great Florentine Machiavtl was of a very different 
 fentiment from the preachments of thefe deceivers ; for he 
 taught/nhat lenity was generally efteemed the effeft of imbeci- 
 lity, cowardice, and puiilanimity ; and that it provciced injuries 
 and affronts, inllead of procuring, and conciliating affedion 
 and efteem. This moderation was the capital fault and grand 
 errpr of Wal pole's weak, timid, and ignominious adminiflra- 
 tion, from the year 1725, to the fetting of his power in the 
 year 1 742 ; and by this moderation, the contempt of the Spa- 
 niards was excited, Jenkins loft his ear, and we drew on our' 
 felves> war in 1740. When we demand of the Spaniards, it 
 ihoiild not be with complaifance and cringing, but with the im- 
 perious voice of thunder and lightening. Hear all ye future 
 minifters ! the language of our ambalTador at that court, viz. 
 ^UWiliiam Gi'dolfhin, in his letter to my \ox(\ Arlington: " // 
 f*^ <j,/i&^ Spanifh humour ^ that they apply thtmfelves heartily and 
 ^J* prioujly to confsrtve no fritti^/hipt but oj" fuch only nxihom they 
 ^* dread i and that the imprejjions of fear do more effectually nego- 
 if-*' qatenuith them than t'be offices of kiminefi.'' 
 £ , Moderation is, therefore, rather the virtue of monks in eat- 
 .» ing, than of inferior ftates and princes in acquiring and con- 
 ferving power and dominion. None, but a prince vaftly fupe- 
 rior to each of his neighbours can praftife fuch a virtue, with 
 regard to the relignation of his power; when Providence has, 
 from the approbation of his caufe, thrown an addition of 
 ftrength and territory into his hands ; or, at leaft, he cannot 
 >;do it, without becoming the hatred and contempt of his peo- 
 ple, the Icorn of his enemies, the fneer of his allies, and the 
 mockery and derifion of diftant ftates. Thus queen Ann ren- 
 dered he^rfelf thefcorn of the king of Morocco, by the peace 
 I fiie made with the French in 1712, as appear from that prince's 
 letter to her majesty. A little after he came to the throne, James 
 the firft made an infamous peace with Spain j and, by his fpiric 
 I of moderation, acquired the title of Rex pacificus, and queen 
 ..James, OsUrne informs us, that this peace was procured, by 
 4j bribing every one of his minillers, attendants, and courtiers. 
 ; J From a pretended principle of humanity, he fhunned war, and 
 ". became ihe icorn of the whole earth, though his minions, and 
 1 . ■ I ' the 
 
C 19 ) 
 
 the fycophants aboufliiin, dignified him Iwith 'the apjpellatibn"oT 
 the nut fe king Solomon. The fevere joke of Henry the fO[urth4^ 
 on account of this title, is well known. ' { '^ '^"'' 
 
 It Teems, at laft, that they had, by their fulfome flatteries, 
 made this poor creature believe himfelf to be really, that wifd 
 king Solomon, they talked of; or he could never have faid to 
 his pariiament ; ** that 1 am the oldaft king in chrifiendonii akd 
 *• / /roov the nui/tji tooj^ Whsn his flatterers had prevailed on 
 him to adopt a fcandalous meafure, they cried up his wifdom,' 
 for concurring in their treachery; and for acquiefcing with, 
 what injured his reputation, the dignity of the crown, and the 
 profpcrity of the kingdom. It was in this wife reign, the doc- 
 trine of anti continental connexions was firft broached, and that 
 the Proteftants in Germany were left to be worried by the 
 houfe of Auftria. It was this wife king, who figured high as 
 a wit, for faying, •* He was ready to bo to war, provided 
 ** they, who advifed him to it, would aniwef three queftions ; 
 ** namely, Honxt much it ivould cojl^ honu long laft ^and nuhich fide 
 " Jhould get the better of it?'* Behold the wifdom of the king 
 of moderation ! Ought not thefe maxims to be worn as philac* 
 teries? Would not they well become the forehead of our.pre- 
 fent minifter ? Refolve me, yr adepts in fcience and politics, 
 Mef. Auditor and Briton ! -; 
 
 After having, therefore, by good Providence, obtained fuch^ 
 an addition of power, as to equal, or furpafs, an implacable, 
 turbulent, and reftlefs enemy, fired with civil rage, and religi- 
 ous animofity to lunacy ; for a prince to give up this fuperiori. 
 ty into the hands of his v*.nemy, and expo(e himfelf and people 
 to deftroftion, feems to i;rgue, that, he mud be under the influ- 
 ence of fome grofs ,deIu(ion, and the moft pernicious counfels, 
 that work upon him like a fort of forcery. God grant ? that 
 we may never have fuch a prince ; and let us rejoice, that, 
 under the wife counfels of our philofophicminifter, it is impof- 
 fible to apply the political obfervation to the prefent times j 
 and therefore that it is meant only, to be confidered as theorem, 
 tic politics. "^ 
 
 When Charles the twelfth of Sweden was a minor, the C«ar, 
 the Dmes, the king of Poland, all fell upon feveral parts of his 
 dominions ; becaufe their ficuation was neceflary and conveni% 
 ent for them. Tht Czar conquered Liv nia, Careliat Irgrin^ 
 and part of Finlmd, and kept them. The Danes conquered 
 the dutchies of Br men and Verdin, and afterwards fold them : 
 they likewife vindicated the tolls of the Sound, and excluded 
 the ^lofi/ J from the freedom thereof ; and afterwards ftfipped 
 the duke of tiollicin of half of his dominions, The Dutch con- 
 quered Java, and kept it ; the Turks Btlgradc and all Stwiitt 
 
 D 2 and 
 
 ,!;;; 
 
 i 
 
'1 
 
 — il 
 
 ![ • 
 
 \y 
 
 II III 
 
 r 
 
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 X 
 
 (»o) 
 
 i" » 
 
 flp4 r^Etam both ; t\[t^j>^ar4t par( pf I^f^t f tbe/r/vr^ fisoi 
 tHrpfafce pf t^ Pyfpoffs, have (u^quereg the JJJicues^ the 
 French Compte, Flanders^ gp^t horrair^f j^c. /^c. the revenues of 
 whJiJCh co^qi^iexef) co^trjc^ i^moupt topnf ^^ir<^ of their annual 
 ijj^me f . Thp 4^^? o( ^W too ha^ conqiieted 5/«/ir and 
 t)je,j^die«, by the ^i|ia|uipe f f i^ie prfpch. Tl^jfe are all, ex- 
 (OBiitth^ aj;q^iAupi>s or the Tur^s, unjuft conqpefts; and yet 
 tfjS y,i^r» t^tain tbetn tp t^is^day. In the purfuit of a j,uft 
 and b.o^f^ >|^ar vvf hav,e rub(|ueti f ffsiy i^finds in the W^it In« 
 <{i^s, npt c;i^al p Lar^tun in territory ; kpfl recovered a finery* 
 to nyljich \y^^ad s^?^ e:ft;I^^v,e ori|^i,naJ right, a^d our French ppr 
 liticj^n^ pry q^ : *' W^ tpuft give them up to prove our mp- 
 .'.' i/ipi(^on ;*' tj^ppgh all the princes of Europe have i^ught u« 
 ^ reverfe of this do^i^e by their example. Moil excellent 
 gol^tics triply \ Wdy, thpy are not as imported from France. 
 
 The ppwj^r, G,oJ throws into the hands of a prince, ii given 
 ilia) ^r the pro^^ion and fecurity of the religion, liberties, and 
 pr,ap,cri%^ g^ hif p^^opjle ; ^^nd hencp he ought no more to part 
 ^itfl Jt. jhy 4 cejpjop Qjf h/5 cwiguefts, th^ to give away or alie- 
 ns^te hif <^9n)if)io;if, ^fljer^ it he^y the general ponfent and ap« 
 i^sq^ztAixa- 9/ hi? P^pl^- -^ content obtained, by bribery and 
 cerr.qpijpn c^ il^e rjjfios?, with Ffench inoncy, or Ena;li|h trea- 
 iure^ &c. as the prefent minifierial advocates infinuate, ha* 
 l^p^ 4onp %J^,€.rJyi k t>P jujjjficaiiipn of his condu^ with the 
 i^a^sof thf{ people. ^-Uich approbation has b'eeci often acquired, 
 i), pird^r tp ^ai)£ti/y the ^oii pernicious. ni,earures; but the votei 
 qf thjcjf deputi«^ l^Ct th"^ ffptiments of the people juft the fame, 
 II dpffiinipn tie ^quif^e^ hy thp bipod and treafure of the peo- 
 ple, '\t\f, z. ipJplpery ti9 fport it aw^y wantpniy, or without the 
 153,9ft p^.cflii^g nece^uy Pid oi^r pepplje, as the French, at the 
 I'^Dd of t)f\A cpnfedera^te vyar, run aficir the king's coach, crying 
 o\^'. '* Pififf and I>ria4i Peeue an^l br((^d.? "^ Did Our peop^ 
 complain to parliament of their burden of UKes, and thediftreiTcs 
 
 Sirought on them ^y the war ? Did arty, tut miniilerial agents, 
 J!,cp^ues, and the Freqcli party, or thpfe who were hired here 
 or the purpofe, ever complain of the mifery and diftrefs, they 
 y^tit b*o^g.ht to by tl)« acjditipnal ta;ices, incurred by the war ? 
 J^ay, have not the hireling crew, and minifterial advocates, 
 compjaiped of high wage?, of too m,uch employment, and of 
 \vant of hand? ? Hence they themfeives argue, ilrat there waa 
 BO public ;ni(ery, ^itf^owg thj^ ;i^a.fj^ pf the people, to drive us to 
 
 • My lord Bnlingbrbke ofcferves, The dominions of France were by 
 <|omir.on coofent, on every tre«y, more and more extended ; her bar- 
 i;ier.s, «n ali fides, were more ftren^thened ; thoft of her iwiighbours 
 /i|pre aAd iQore weakened. State of £urope, p. 297. 
 
 any 
 
! ■■■ 
 
 ^ ' ' "V 
 
 jere by 
 |er barT 
 
 ;hbour« 
 
 any 
 
 (m ) 
 
 !;older8, itt^«trae, tnieht pyj «bpat eig^t pence to Uie IK>tn^4 '^ ^ 
 for their t»xes extraordinary, wUch was ^iDpeniated by QtHer^ 
 clrcuoiftaDces. A mighty ja^tter tr«ly ji *^ 
 
 "*' w^r^^i^jw. XI. ItU pretended by mimfterialadvQcateMndthft 
 jprench p^rty here, that humanity ri^uiresf th^ %u^ Jht^Iti **hf ;, 
 peace pn the pre/ent terms, off(rt4 hy the Frtnckf '* vritrtpfrf^ 
 n/ent the ^t^fiw of human hhod. 
 
 If this proves any thine, it proves too mpph } ^7 it proves* 
 that we ought to^turn Quakers in politics, and tp yi^ld^ to o«r 
 «ni;ro^))ip{ eoeniy, whatever his ambition a^cT rapacity P^X 
 cli£late, topreyent tb* effuiwn of the^ Mood of our country'"*®"* 
 Sj^ch polities from ^ old woman, haranguing in a green aprpn 
 ^n4 clofe coif in Gract'cbftrfh-^reet, would be ^ppgruous enough, 
 i^ut to hear.fuch lUiff* from the advocates of a prime minifier^ 
 Cpt at the head of a great kingdom, which is infulted by a rar 
 pkcious and turbulent neighbour, is an objefl of the bigbej| 
 ridicule, fcorn and contempt. 
 
 He, that is the caufe of an unjuft war, is the cri^el caufe of 
 ftll the eiFufion of human blood, which is fpilt in it ; he is the 
 cruel murderer of every perfon that falls by it ; to him all th^ 
 guilt ought to be imputed. To fuffer inroads, invafions, miur- 
 ders and robberies of our countrymen, topafs without potiti<;4 
 |:evengey is the greateil cruelty ; and is the way not only tob^ 
 murdered, and deftroyed, with all the circum(^4nces of inhu- 
 inanity and barbarity, but alfo to be made ilavesof and idola- 
 ters in the final iiTue. Our enemies fight .againft us, animate4 
 as much, with religious fpite, as with rapacious ambition, poli- 
 tical, rancour, and commercial avarice. Not to refiH them wi^i 
 the utmoll fortitude and bravery, till we have put it out of theii^ 
 power to injure us, as far at leaft as poiTible, is to renounce 
 our God, to defert our religion; and to expofe out innocent 
 babes to a mofl: abominable worfhip and deteilable idolatry ; as 
 well as to a moft cruel ilavery and odious exiftence To ipiU 
 our blood, againft the cruel and favage French, is to fight the 
 battles of heaven, of the inteiefts of mankind, of liberty, of 
 humanity. To lay down our arms, juft as allthofe blefTrngs are 
 fecuring, is betraying all thofe interefts, under the fpecious pre- 
 teiice and ridiculous notion of humanity ; and of the prevention 
 of the efTufton of human blood. That is, we muft fuffer bears 
 and wolves, to live at large, and deflroy mankind at pleafure, for 
 fear fome lives might be loft, in fecuring them within their own 
 foxefts and dens. 
 
 The 
 
 ' , >»i|^-,«»i-..''..' 
 
 > See fbove Argum. VII. 
 
.v^. .,..■■; C 21 ) ■ ■■ • ■ 
 
 , .Ihie minifterlal advocates, who contend for an immature and; 
 nnfound peace, know well enough, that this ran/ of thbefFafion 
 cf haman blood, is all W/z, ilarted to abufe the compaflionate 
 unthinking, who have weak heads and tender hearts ; and are 
 pqable to combine a fufficient number of ideas, and relation?, 
 to perceive,' from the refult, that ill-timed humanity, tender- 
 nefs and compaffion, are, in certain cafes, the mod horrid bar- 
 barity and cruelty, as in truth they arc in this cafe. The po- 
 litician mud Xomf times a<5l: the furgeon, regardlefs of the pati- 
 ent's cries, make firee with the lancet, probe, and incifion knife, 
 to prevent greater calamities. 
 
 There is another confideration likewife, namely, by yournot 
 vindicating your rights, and reafluming your trade ; which have 
 been raviftied from you by the hands of rapacious French men, 
 or betrayed by the wicked heaits o^ corr\i^t EngUjhntern yt)u 
 will leave thoufands in the three kingdoms to (larve, or at leaft 
 to walle their lives in a wretched uncomfortable exiftence, for 
 want of the means of exerting themfelves in honed indudry. 
 
 To fum up the whole : Is the leaving your innocent babes 
 expofed to the mod detedable idolatry ; is forfaking God, 
 and your mod holy religion, and expofing them to the ccnt6rnpt 
 of prophane and impious men ; is the expofing your pofte- 
 rify to flavery ; is the fufFering thoufands to live in want and die 
 in didrefs, for fear a few of your countrymen ftiould fall in a 
 jud war ; I aflc are thefe humanity ? Or, is fiich a conduA the 
 T>afed cruelty ? The mod detedable barbarity ? A common ca- 
 pacity can eafily determine. Be not then, my countrymen, de- 
 ceived by the fophidry of wicked and defigning men, who would 
 Sacrifice every thing you enjoy,' toedablifti their own dominion, 
 and to their own caprice, pride, fpirit.of domineering, avarice, 
 and other finider views. '■'"\' 'V'^^'^: '^' ' 
 
 It is certain, no man would join in foch a fydem, but ohe 
 who is allured by prefent intered, conupted by bafe pafiions, 
 or dazzled with pecuniary confiderations. Take away the pro- 
 iit3 of p — ds, pi — ces, off — ccs, p~nf — ns, pr — m — fes, &c. 
 and fee, how many advocates, forfucha fyllem of humanity, 
 will rcm'.m. Whild the m — d— r can make his own panegyric, 
 and i.rgue with 500,000 I. per annum in his hands ready to 
 biafs 500 f — t — rs, and to be didributed as each fliall merit by 
 flavidi fubmifllon to the b //^/vt 's dictates ; it wotfld be no won- 
 der, if he acquired 319 again t 65. In the lid of the p 1 
 
 that fat from 1660 to 167?, by way of didinclion from all 
 
 others, called the penfior p* 1, we fee a m — ^j — r— ty 
 
 gained by a corrupt court, to do its drudgery, and to betray 
 
 their country to Lewis the fourteenth, for much lefs confidera- 
 
 tjiOns, than iho.f mcmioued above. Some condcfcended to the 
 
 > • • * .' . • . bale 
 
bafe task only (or. a dinner at court every day during the feffi- 
 ons. A catalogue of thefe honourable gentlemen, ilubborn pa- 
 triots, and virtuous Hate worthies, I have before me, with a lift 
 of their appointments. Among them I fee my lord foot- 
 man cuts a high figure. If the fame bafenefs, avarice, and. 
 corruption (hould defcend to his poilerity, who would be afto- 
 niflied i Nobilitas fola atque unica virtus fji. But virtue oblite- 
 rates meannefs of birth, and raifes the vulgar to real dignity ; ' 
 whilft bafenefs of heart, that lurks behind a ftar, finks an ex- , 
 alted origin, to theloweft peg of contempt, and fets it beneath 
 the iQvel of the meaneft and worll 0/ the vulgar. ^ 
 
 ■" What can enable villains, fots and cowards, 
 
 ^^ Alas! not all the blood of all the Hoviards. 
 
 r Arifiides fhines in as high an orb as 5o/(?», though one fprunS 
 from Codrusy and the other was a fon of Earth. It is manners 
 make the man. 
 
 But, let thefe things be as they will, it would b^ madnefs, 
 to expofe all to certain deftru£lion, to fave a few ; as it would 
 be folly to hazard :he whole body, to preferve a mortified finger, 
 orto retain a nail or an ear, without which the machine might 
 remain in health and full vigour. I fhall therefore leave this 
 ridiculous argument, that *' uue curht to make an immature peace, 
 ** to prevent the effufion of human blood^'' to monks, mercenaries, 
 women and children, having, I conceive, faid enough, to f a- 
 tisfy the unprejudiced, and men of fenfe. 
 
 Argum. XII. That ixie ought to make peace to free our/elves 
 from continental connexions f and the Girman luar. 
 
 This implies two things, viz. firil, that all continental con- 
 nexions are ruinous ; fecondly, that it was neceffary to preferve 
 thofe, which we had formed, till we had a peace. The asti- 
 continental dodtrine was never thought of, till that weak and 
 contemptible prince, James the firll afcended the Britifh throne ; 
 a fcheme well worthy of fuch a prince a->d fuch a reign. By the 
 firil clafs or fix arguments, thefe gentlemen exaggerate our po- 
 verty and weakneis^ and infinuate, that we even hold our Su- 
 gar Iflands at Frencl\courtefy ; for they affert, that we cannot 
 keep our conquefls ; Whence it is evident, that we cannot keep 
 pur own poflellions, if their firfl argument be true. Surely this 
 is an argument, that continental connexions and alliances are 
 ncccfl'ary to our exiftence. We, are able by our fleet to guard 
 our coafls, preferve our colonies, and protect our continental 
 commerce, or we are not. If we are able, to do all thefe, how 
 comes it to pafs, that we cannot keep our conquefls, fince no- 
 thing but our fleet is neceiTary for their protection ? ii we 
 ^ I • ■ ■ ' • • * •■ .^ -•- cannot 
 
 \t' 
 
 
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 >H 
 
 
'.V 
 
 ''^ffP(*' ' 
 
 ri 
 
 MlAtitUp &^ mqattti, «C6 dtnni^ pt^hx^t •iff dwH*] 
 
 Btft the truth h, ^t ckn j^refenre thcfo by our itttit, provided 
 vire preTerve our ^MthieRtat connexions : bet in Frince has the 
 3^ 6f dividing the peVvrerii'of the condiment by her money, (he 
 Witl g^h a gehelrd afeendanqr, untefs we throw ourfelves into 
 thlb ftale, Am afl^ft her opponents. If we leave her, toeitend 
 Ife^ power and hifloence without cohtronh on the continent, 
 what will betoMe of our trade in all Germany, Holland, Flan- 
 ders, artd It&fy ? Can we fuppofe, if Franco holds thofe powers 
 in CubjeAion, aiird Un^der her cohtroul, that ihe wil! feilf0)!> thea^ 
 to trade with us ? It is abfurdity to imagine it. Thatfhe would 
 have been capable of doing this, we faw clearly in the years 
 1702 arid 1703. What would have been the fate of tlie Em- 
 kit, if tht duke 6f AiarlboDugh had not gained the battfe of 
 BUnMthi'n 1704? It heiif at leafl to guefs, whit woul(i 
 have been the confequence, if Britifh troops and treafdi^s ha^ 
 beed vt^ilhdrawh frOm that alliande. When this defection hip. 
 pehed M I712, thepot^er of the confederates mouldered avva^J 
 ind tiMe to nOthii\g. All allow, that \^e were the foul' of thtt 
 confedet'acy. 
 
 Can tlie Dutch fland before the power of Frartce, Without oU# 
 tididance? Can this poiTibly be, when, in the late war, thd 
 Putcb, the Empire and the Englifh united, were conflantly dd« 
 fek'ted hi Flanders, and Bergin-op-xovm was taken, in fight of 
 all their united force ? If the Frettth Were ntafters of the DutcH 
 failors, and could command all the ports of Germany by her 
 ^oWeif At bind, what would their fleet fdon be? It \% ekfy to 
 perceive, fince WO haVe feen it onte triumph in thechattnfcl ^cjc 
 the uAitfed fquadrdns of the Englifli and Dutch'. '' i 
 
 if we examine, how the French came b^ the dcOrbitftitt 
 poWei' they ehjoyed, when iri the zenith of^ their infolence, 
 cruelty, pride, power, and fplendor, we (hall find, it was Ow- 
 ing to our negleA of conttilental connexions with . oiir hatur^ 
 tmc's, and to oar uniting and confpiring with Francis iii hdr 
 views of conqueft. My lord Bolingl/roke * obferves, *' England 
 *' engaged to a£l; a part in the French confpiricy, a^nft the 
 " peace and liberties of Europe : nay, agairift her oWn peace 
 ** and her ovVn liberty : I m^iltion it with the utmoft regi-et and 
 ** indignation. She was a bubble, and a bubble''s part i3 
 ** ei|ually Wicked and impolitic, p. 2S2. Charles II. expofed 
 ** the ten provinces of the Netherlands to (henieityofFfaned, 
 
 abetted he)* defigns on the continent, that fhe might abett 
 
 hisdeiigns on. his own kingdom, p. 28^3, 2815. WhateVc^ 
 
 
 * 'See his Hiftory 'of Europe, Vdl. I. 
 
 «» his 
 
 111 ••- 
 
ber 
 
 h4 
 tU 
 act 
 
 nd 
 
 ■Ted 
 
 ** ihisedt^tlft iheint, ier^tr/in it is, his coftdaft eftabliSted'tlit 
 
 *• fupcr^rity of Frahct in Europe, p. "285. England was 
 
 '^ r<ow priTately favourable to the interefts of France s and :h« 
 * Ten Provinces were in a way to be fubdued, p. 296. /ilvo 
 <* iniquity of the councils vof .England, not only hindered th« 
 growth of France from be:ng ftopped in-time, but nurfed it 
 up into ftrength almcft infuperAble by any future confedera- 
 cy, p. 298. The court of EngUind, in the reign of Charles 
 the fecond, had fubmitted to abet the ufurpations of France, 
 and the king of England had (looped to be her penfioner. 
 Vol. II. p 3. But the crime was not national : on the 
 contrary the nation cried out loudly againil it, even whilfi 
 it was committiiig, p. 4. * England had been either an 
 idle fpe£tator of all* that palTed on the continent,, or a 
 Taiht and .uncertain ally, againft France, or a warm and fure 
 ally of her fide, or a partial mediator between her and ths 
 poWtfrs confederated in their common defence. By this he 
 acquired fuch exorbitant power, as gave him at laft welU 
 grouhdeH hopes of acquiring the Spanifh monarchy for his 
 ramily, p. 12, 13. By this the reduAionof her power was 
 become a difficiUt task, p. 15. Before the revolution, the 
 general inteieft of Europe had been too much negleA^d by 
 us ; and JJanary, under the umbrage of frerogati've, had been- 
 well nigh edabliihed among us, p. 115. At the end of the 
 confederate war, we ought to have reduced France, and 
 flrengthened her neighbours much more than we did : We 
 ought to have reduced her power, for generations to 
 come. p. 119. The folly of the neighbours of Lewis the 
 fourteenth fufTered htm» to form a formidable frontier. She 
 might have been obliged, at the treaty of Utrecht, to have 
 demoHfhed her fortreiTes, and to have facrificed them to her 
 own immediate relief,' and to the future fecurity of herneigh- 
 hours, p. 123." 
 
 'Again, the* fame author obferves, in his ftate of the nation, 
 Aat *• France was left too powerful at the treaty of Utrecht : 
 '* From the treaty of Weftphalia, and from the Pyrenean to 
 the acceflion of king William, the poiver and ambition of 
 France had grown up together, and were become exorbi- 
 tant, p. 327. No efforts had been made fufficient to reduce* 
 fcarce any fufficient to refift her ponuir. No mealnres had 
 been concerted, no preparations had been made, to difap- 
 point her ambition , in that great objeft the acquifition of the 
 Span! fh monarchy to the houfe of Bourbon. From the re- 
 volution this alarm was taken, which iliould have been 
 
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 taken fooner. The fpirit of our court wai chtneed, tho» 
 ''* eyes of our people were opened, and all men faw now ne- 
 " Ctfftty it was, to preferve the fuccciEon of the Spanifh mo- 
 *f •oarchy to the houle of Auftria ; inftead of fuffering it to fall 
 '* ihto that of Bourbon, which was excluded from it by the moft 
 " folemn engagements, p. 328. The frontier of France hat 
 *' been the great fupport of her power, as wife men faw eigh- 
 " ty years ago; it is now more compa6l than ever by the ac- 
 ••* qumiion of Lorain, p. 384. The court of Vienna has over- 
 *' loaded her allies for more than half a century paft— Some 
 conclude from hence, that luf /hould negkd the inttrtjisof the 
 houfe of Jufiria ; and ftiould be regardl/s of ell thatfajfn en 
 the conti.ient for time to come. But/urely fuch conclu/ions art 
 
 'vetyfalfe. It was our negleft of the general intereft of 
 
 Europe from 1 660 to 1 688, thdt gave to France the meant 
 of raifing an exorbitant power. The prindfle o/fj^jtinr tht 
 powers on the continent will continue, as long as the divifion 
 of power and property, in Europe, continues the fame. We 
 are indeed an ifland : but if a fuperior ponuir gi<ves lanu t» 
 the contintKtt I apprehend, it will give it tous.—0\ir fore'-' 
 fathers were jealous of the power of the houfe of Auftria.^' 
 The exorbitant power of the t )ranches of that of Bour- 
 bon give us the fame caufe of a^prchenfion now ; for this 
 reafon we ought to aiTift the former againft the latter, p. 416, 
 417, 418.* A wife prince bears no regard to other ftates, 
 but what arifcs from the coincidence and repugnancy of their 
 i'everal intereds ; and this regard mull vary, as thefe interefts 
 will do, p. ^20." !..;., i 
 
 To the fame purport too lord B — thdbferves: ** That we 
 can never recur too often to this point ; that whoever knows 
 the hiftory of this^eovernment, can judge of its interefts and 
 its dangers, muft know, that it ^as been and ought to be, 
 the conflant principle of politics, by which this nation mull: 
 be ever governed, to keep down the power of the houfe of 
 Bourbon. That if fhe now acquires ever fo little addition to 
 it, in its confequences, the religion, trade, liberty and in* 
 dependency of this nation will ioevitably be undone.— That 
 to prevent this power from encreafe, nve muft fupport feme 
 great power on the continent, capable tO (land for a time till 
 confederacies may be fo-med againft her, p. 106 f ." 
 Again: '* Neither this nation, nor any other, can ftand a- 
 1one, and without allies. By gaining power at land the Ro- 
 mans deftvoyed the Carthaginians. A little acceflion of 
 
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 ^'* Fortllisfame reafon we oirght now to affift'the Jcing of Pruffia as 
 
 far a« w& are >iblc. f Faction dcccdted. 
 
 
 
 • * 
 
 it 
 it 
 
 «( 
 
 (I 
 
 
 «( 
 
 «l 
 
 <* 
 
 power 
 
iflia as 
 
 sower 
 
 '* power to France muft put her in a ccnMtion, to compel tht 
 " nubi.le cille£ied maritime ponver of Europe to eonttHd nuitb us, 
 *' It is certain, France inay reduce half her armies, and cn- 
 " ploy her expence in fleets ^Experience proves, tiiat we may 
 " be invaded i— we muft be mad t'len, to confide entirely ia 
 <* our naval force, when the reft o' Europe fhall be reduced to 
 *' a dread of, or dependance on France, which lies within 
 ** three hours fail of our coafts, an4 only ten of our capital. 
 
 <i 
 
 ^r- 
 
 ^e have cited the fentiraents of two great politicians, with 
 regard to continental connexions, wliich are diametrically oppo* 
 fite to the do£tnne of our prefent minifterial advocates, and 
 French party. We have no reafon to fulped the fincerity Or abi- 
 lities of either ; efpecially as the maxims of the firft are a re- 
 proach upon his own treacherous condu£^, and as the laft was 
 cfteemed an oracle by the anti continentalifts, when he oppofed 
 the timorous, putillanimous adminiftration of IV^Ipi/e. 
 
 But, if a nation can ftand by itfelf, and preferve a refpeftable 
 figure, why dOes France feek confederacies, buy neutralities, 
 liire troops, purchafe allies, fubfidize all the powers of Europe, 
 ice. in order to fupport her meafures, and rife fuperior toher 
 natural enemies ; if we are inferior to France in men, as the 
 French party here aver, how' much more necefTary to us, to 
 fupply our natural defefls by thefe arts, which the French prac- 
 tice with all their power ? Our public credit hinders us more 
 than equal to the French in money affairs ;' and our fertility in 
 natural riches fets us fuperior. The lands of England, with 
 the fame culture, produce above a third more than thofe of 
 France, as we learn from their writers in hufbandry, and as we 
 obferved from our long refidence there. Hence we have more 
 men to fpare, relatively confidered, for the arts of fuperiluity 
 and war ; and our fuperior credit and ricl^s enable U!» to hire 
 more from our neighbours. But, if we renounce all continental 
 expenees and connexions, how is this to be done ? 
 . We have feen above, that France acquired alt her exorbitant 
 power by our negle6ting our natural allies on the continent, thro' 
 the wickednefs and corruption of our princes and their mini- 
 fters. We loft the opportunity of pulling down this fame exor- 
 bitant power, by the wickednefs, treachery and corruption of 
 queen Ann's minifters. And it feem^ that we (ball lofe another 
 otrporitunity of demolifliing the fame power, through the — — 
 of^the of the third. 
 
 If all the nations in Europe were equal in power ; if we 
 had no foreign commerce on the continent, nor any colonies or 
 fettlements to proted, and all Europe was of one religionv it 
 would be necefTary to form alliances with the continent. But 
 
 £ 2 how 
 
 m 
 
 1^: 
 
how much more, ns things ftand at prefent ? The Citrtbaginiant. 
 negleded to i\x^^%rx.t\\c Sannitts againd the Romans, and fell 
 vkilima to the Roman power. We cannot prefervc our religion^ 
 oar liberties, our commerce, nor the balance of power, withotu 
 continental connexions. He, who will not fee tiiis, mud have 
 foinething tli^ to darken his underftanding, befidet truth and ^ 
 tegard to the welfare of Old England. 
 
 It was faid by a Roman ttatefman, that there was no abfur*- 
 dity, but what fome antient philofopher had defended. With 
 equal truth, ^e may fay, that there is no foolery in politics, but 
 what fome modern ftatefmen and politicians have adopted. If 
 a weak prince, fuch as James the fird, take a whim into his 
 liiead that is ridiculous : or a corrupt miniAer infufe fgch an otte, 
 all things run to wreck, and ruin m the ilate. If a prince from 
 ^ natural cowardice ; from a miftaken humanity ; from a wrong 
 biafs given to him by a preceptor; from ridiculous notions infufed 
 
 ' into him by his miniHer or favourite, who is under foreign in- 
 fluence ; from a hatred to bufmefs, and a love of pleafure t 
 from a heavy, gloomy, and ina£live temper ; I fay, if a prince, 
 from any or either of thefe fhould take it into his head, that 
 this kingdom is to avoid all continental connexions, as this ifle 
 is feparated by the fea ; and that we might fee all Europe, from 
 S Igrodi: to the Pillars cf Hereuksy involved in blood and 
 flaughter, without any otlier emQtion than thofe arifmg from 
 C'ofppafnon for the fufTerers ; in fuch circum(lance&, and under 
 the influence of fuch a prince, we could not expedl to enjoy our 
 liberties long. We know the conlequence-of fu"h conduft in 
 Charles the fecond's reign, and the exorbitant power to which 
 it raifed France. 
 
 Thus, from the weaknefs of a prince who cannot fee, or from 
 the corruption, by foreign influence, of a minider who blinds 
 him, and raifes a duft by the falflioods he infufes, the artifices 
 
 ' he employs, and the pecuniary influences he directs ; the bafeft 
 meafures may be adopted, a kingdom may be ruined, a ptlnce 
 become the fcorn of foreigners, and contempt of his own fub- 
 jefl.s and yet know nothing of the matter, ynder fuch a prince, 
 cppofitlon to infamous and ruiqous politics will be called ambi- 
 tion, difloyalty and faction ; and patriotifm will be denomin^* 
 ted turbplency and difponteni. '^l 
 
 
 XIII. Miniftenal advocates, and the French party 
 argue. That ivf ouoht to maiepca e, ^ecarjl the ttrms the Tre.v(h 
 ha've afftredt are fnftj, advantageous and honour 'hie. We fl)all 
 obferve a few things, with rei;ard to each of the epithets be- 
 flowed pn the prehmiaaries^^^^^ ^^.^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ c,crn^:t>. 
 
b«. 
 
 As 
 
 f »9) 
 
 As to the fafety of thit pctcc, wherein doei ir eonflftf la ft 
 in our colonici or filherict in North Americe } Thcfe are aa 
 much cxpofed to be harrafled* by. the ceffion of Lwtfiaru to our 
 cnemiei, as they were before the war. This the minitterial acU 
 vocatet themielvei acknowledge. By the Laktiy by the^O«- 
 bachi by the Ohio^ we may be invaded iuft as eafily as before; 
 - The lndian$^ by French artifices, may be incited againft in ; 
 nay, forced into a war with us, by their intrigues and boftili< 
 ties, as they were before this pfefent war began. Our coafts of 
 Newfoundland may be infulted, as they were before the war, 
 Our Sugar Ifle:, in the Weft Indies, have no more fafety than 
 before the war began. Nor hiis our trade any more fecurity than 
 it acquired by the treaty of Aix. 
 
 But fuppofe, as foon as we have evacuated all our conquefts, 
 France fhould march an army into Wefiphalia^ and feize the ter- 
 ritories of our allies again, what ftiali we have left for all our 
 ccnquefts ? What fecurity have we. that this (hall not be done ? 
 Will you fay, the king of France's ro^a/ ikordf Your reply 
 would be laughed to fcorn. Will you fay, the imbecility of 
 the French ? We afk of you then, how you came to advance 
 the firft fix arguments, fetting forth the ftrength and refolution 
 of France, our impotence, want oflkSands, want of troops, in- 
 ability to raife the lupplies, and to rettin our conquefls, &c.? We 
 are well fatisfied, that the peace, we ihall make with Prance, i) 
 fo far from bringing either fafety or liecurity to us, or our allies, 
 that, on the contrary, it is !n*ue only with a view to break- it, as 
 foon as France and Spaiit can revive their naval force Thefe 
 men cannot urge, tha; their weaknefs will prevent fuch a rup. 
 ti;rei fince they urge, that we are unable to contend any longer 
 with them, or to vindicate onrcomquefts, France is ftill in fuch 
 political' health and vigour. Here thefe difputants are entangled 
 in a dilemma, and perplexed with the fnares of a contradiftion. 
 But what is this one ? The whole fyftem is one mafs, one chaos . 
 of abfurdity and contradiction ; where the jarring elements 
 ftruggle againft, and combate with each other. What a blelTed 
 ftate of fafety we are in \ This fafety we have purchafed at. the 
 expence of ninety millions. 
 
 By the fixth article of the treaty of Utrecht, the French re- 
 nounce all advantages in trade, above what other nations en- 
 joy ; and the Spaniards engage, that we fhall enjoy all the pri- 
 vileges, which are granted to the moft favoured nation. It i« 
 well known, that this article is broke through by collufion be- 
 tween the two crowns ; and that the French have a trade in this 
 illicit way, which amounts to not lefs than two millions fterling 
 per annum ? Whilft, at the fame time, we are harraiTed and 
 plundered by gUarda (oftas \ and have our jQiips coniifcated, if 
 
 - ■ - . , - t^^ey 
 
 a 
 
 l! K 
 
 l'i;i5 
 
I 
 
 I 
 
 r; *; 
 
 - (30) 
 
 they find aiiy /s»^Won board, though cut in Jamaica, or any 
 dollars, though received in the fame iJland. What fecurity 
 have ve obtained againft thefe illicit and cruel pratSUcet ? None 
 at all. 
 
 To mend the matter, we have engaged to denolifh our for- 
 treffes zt Honduras t have renounced our allies ihn, Mu/^uitos, 
 have expofed our logwood trade, worth idc.ooc 1. per annum, 
 to be ravifhcd from u; every moment by fhe Spamiardsj and have 
 hung o \r fafety pn the roja/ ivord, of a king, who had but juft 
 before b<-oke it, by giving cur ambafTador aiTurances of peace, 
 whiift he was meditating and preparing for a war, in the bafeft 
 and moft treacherous manner. This is the fafety we have prO" 
 cured by this glorious peace ! Indignation where art thou ? Hail 
 thou loft thy fire ? Or doft thou now rife and glow, with roll- 
 ing, uncovered eye-balls, and flaming cheeks, in the face of 
 every one who reads my fad tale ? 
 
 Secondly, We Ihall next enquiry make, concerning the ad» 
 vant^es we (hajl receive. As to the Cod-Afhery, we have gi- 
 ven up *.o them the very he(t in all the American feas, viz. at 
 5/. Pierre and Micijuclon, where one man may annually catch as 
 many fiih as will fell for 3000 1. We have Canad^ ceded tc us, 
 and the French are left on%e Miffiffippi to enjoy the prohts. 
 This the ininiilerial advocates have unawares conf'cfred by im- 
 |>lication. Senegal is left expofed to Goree fort, and hence it 
 ic likely will Toon be worth nothing. Flouda is a country of 
 little ufe to the Spaniards, and will be of as little to us. But 
 obferve, Augaftine did give refuge to our runaway negroes, and 
 we received theirs. This exchange will be now prevented, a 
 mighty acquifition ! What pity it is, the panegyrilh of our able 
 minifter could not have found out ten or a dozen more fuch ad- 
 vantages ? Wnat a figure he «ouId h?. e cnt hereafter in hiftory ? 
 As it is a fandy foil, why had he not told us, we might bree4 
 rabbits there, and carry tiie furs to a foreign masket ? 
 
 But when we fet 300,000 1. a year charge of kjcping Canada, 
 the cefTion oi Louifiana, of the illes ofSt. Pierre and Micquelon, 
 with the filhery there, againii Senegal, and the bare country of 
 Can::da, every man, skilled in thefe matiers, muft allow, when 
 ihtGr^n<id s are put againlt St. Lucia %o fertile in horfes, that, 
 ijiftcad of gaining, we are lofcrs, bsfides our ninety millions 
 expence. 1 '■. : 
 
 Bui. if we were in fuch a weak condition, as reprefented in 
 the firil h% aguments and the French fo powerful and ilrong, 
 is it not ^ contradidlion, to fuppofe the French would grant us a 
 fafey adnjanicgcoui &nA honiufaljl>i pt'dct} Can we find any fuch 
 examples of their generofity in hiftory ? They could have car- 
 ried on ihe war Longer, but they were fo moderate, humane, 
 
 and 
 
1 
 
 d in 
 
 us a 
 
 fuch 
 
 car- 
 
 lane. 
 
 and 
 
 ■ C31 ) 
 
 and generous, forfooth I that they made important .facrifices of. 
 large countries of forefts i^onh about twelve pence a fquare 
 miloy a;td gave us up Canada, provided they might have the 
 trade ; and all this, that we might ^njoy the bleffings of peace. 
 Good-^natured creatures ! what a love they have for Englifli 
 heretics i But, is there a man in his fenfes, upon the face of 
 the earth, who believes, they would have made peace, if they 
 could have carvied on the war any longer, without greai lofs r 
 If fo. what neceflity of furrendering our conquefts ? Here then 
 is a contradi£lion, in fuppofing the French Itronger than we, 
 and yet that they fhould grant us an honourable peace. It is 
 pity, a column was not erened, over'againii: the monument, with 
 the preliminary articles deeply engraven on the die of the pede* 
 fial to perpetuate the glory of the gre.vi genius, who accom- 
 
 Elifhed the arduous work ? and gained io aiany advantages to 
 is country, by his great abilities in negotiation ! What would 
 that, in Blenheim Park, be to fuch an inicripcion I I am fo 
 Igrear an admirer of the minifter, that I promiTe to fubfcnbe 
 handfomely to fuch a propofal, if his grateful Scots fhall fet 
 fuch a fchem'? on foot for the polts, places, and penfions he 
 bellows on them, , r ; . .\ 
 
 Let the merit or demerit.of a certain great man be what they 
 will, we conceive'ie who is wicked enou^Th to betray his coun- 
 try fecretly, is impudent enough to jurtify his conduft openly,, 
 provided he can keep the temptation ox bribe he hac receivid 
 fecret. How can the minifter, who gains approbation of hiS 
 meafures, by pecuniary confiderations, ever expeft the appro- 
 bation of pofterity ? But this is a glory, fuch minifters never 
 concern themfelves about. They are callous to principles of 
 dignity, honour, reputation, virtue, and pritriotifm. Tl.ey feek 
 only to gratify their prefent paffiors and inclinations ; fuci> as? 
 ipride, avarice, ambition, luxury, lull or revenge ; regardlefi of 
 future fame, or of what figure they may make in hiltory ; and 
 whether thev appear as Mortimers, Gaveftons, Spencers, Dud- 
 leys, C'fs, Buckinghan:.s, Cliffords, Harleys, Bolingbrokes ; 
 or" as Hallifax's, Somers's, Godolphins, Marlboroughs, Sunder- 
 Jands, Cragj;;s's, Pelhams, or Pitts. 
 
 Wicked niiniftcrs never trouble themfelves about the glory of 
 their condufl, but whether they can gain a majority in the 
 houfe. Not confidering or caring, how little juftification arifes 
 from fuch approbation with the people. No one will fay , that 
 the penfion parliament were good patriots, that the meafures of 
 the miriifters and prince which they approved were right. Nay, 
 they debauched the prince by their grofs flatteries, ihcir perni- 
 cious conceffions, and fulfome compliments. They led our re- 
 ligion aa.d liberties to the bfinlc of a precipiCti; fo that it was 
 "' '' " alnioft 
 
BHi 
 
 idmoft am'raclei i3iey were fmd on tKe verge of nitfr; I)« 
 fliot the people lin general damn all (he minifters ineafuresi? Are 
 all blind but he and his party ? The anrWer is eafy. 
 
 Thus, at laft, We have gene through a chaos of arguv,'" ,t, 
 a mafs of heterogeneous principles, diametrically oppoike to 
 cikch other, and as repugnant as the firil principles of the ani* 
 vferfe, before thev ivere called into order by Alir"ghty Power. 
 What muft the defigns of thofe men be, whofe partizans are 
 driven to fuch ihifts to deceive the people, ind "ipport their 
 caufe ? Trrth is uniform, and the fame, but error is infinite. 
 She requires no arciftees or difguifes to fupport her; but falfhuod 
 fiands in need of both, varies continually, and muft be repug- 
 liant to herfelf. She is conftantly doubling aad fhifting, and 
 never fleady in her opinions I As flie is cOnftantly at war virith 
 truth, fo flie is ftJU oppofing herfelf at particular turt.j. Th*y 
 who embrace falfe maxims, and Would havet^c^n adopted by 
 others, mull difguife their principles and views ; but they will, 
 in a long courfe of argument, betray themfelves, in fpite oi all 
 their Hrtifices. When they pret*?nd one thing and defign ano- 
 ther, they muft catch themfelves in the long run. This we have 
 fully proved in the above examination. Thus the difputants 
 above, whofe principles we have examined, pretend they have 
 the int«refts of England in view ; but it is mrnifcft, from the re- 
 pugnancy as well as the weaknefs of their arguments, that they 
 have not truth in view, hut the intercft;} of France, orfomefmj- 
 iter ends to anfwer which fupport her defigns. 
 
 ■r<: .-•*:«? 
 
 1 1 3 
 'II 
 
 I Argum. XI V^. Having gone through all the arguments, 
 we propofcd, we intend to make a few Remarks^ and con- 
 clude. 
 
 Let us fuppofe, that this Review was fent to every county, 
 and borough town in the kingdom, that deputes members to 
 parliament ; and that> in confequence thertof, they were to 
 addrefs their fe/eral reprefcntativcs, according to the following 
 form, mutiitismutcn.'iis, viz. 
 
 ''■*,"■ ■,' ■■ ■' ■' 4 ' ' ■'•■'',•, ^' 
 
 To Peter Viaf^mnn an^ Paul Fenjimsr, Efqs. tO be 
 ^' left at the Lobby of the Houfe of Commons, 
 
 Ijondoii. 
 
 . Gentlemen, , - ' • 
 
 HAving done you the honour of eleding you our reprefen- 
 tatives in parliament, and confidering you as our dele- 
 gates, attornies, and iervants, whom we have a right to order, 
 dired, and command, to execute fuch hfufinefi, as we have to 
 tranfad in the fenate, wc take this firft opportunity, to remon- 
 
 ftratc 
 
J)9 
 
 r. ' i. 
 a) 
 
 ^au tovyou;' tHat WKereas his majefty has been plpsved r^oit 
 j^racioufly to communicate to yoi^^-to us, and to alt the g9p(l 
 people of England, the preliminary articles of peace, which , 
 he hath entered into, with the French (ting, and the king of 
 Spain; as it (houM feem, with a defign, that we fhould exa' 
 mine and deU berate on them, and give our opinion of thein ; 
 and, in confequence thereof, reuonftrate to, addrefs, p.d in- 
 Itrufl you, with refped to your conduct relative thereto : And 
 whereas, after a mature and deliberate examination of the 
 preliminary articles of peace aforefaid, we do humbly con- 
 ceive, that they are neither yij/^^ advnntagtous, nor banourabte 
 10 this nation ; nor adequate to what, we might juilly expe£fc 
 from the vaft fuccelTes and expences of the war ; becaufe, by the 
 fajd preliminaries, a grant of the liberty of iifliing on the banks of 
 Newfoundland, &c. is made to the French, which ij^ prohit^ited 
 by an a£l of parliament of the tench of king William the thifd. 
 and the yielding up of which, in defiance of the faid afl, by 
 a former miniftry, \vas declared high treafon, by a vote of the 
 firft parliament of George the firfl; ; as betraying to the French 
 .a valuable part of our rights and privileges, and our Icminar/ 
 of failors. And whereas likewife, by the f^id preliminaries, 
 that vaft tiaft of fertile country, lying weft of the Miffiffippi, 
 callt^d by the French LouiJia>ta, is ceded to them, thqugh thjB 
 dominion thereof of right belongs to the crown of Great Bri- 
 tain, by difcovery, priority of pofleffion and conqueft ; by 
 which ceiTion, the back frontiers of our colonies will be always 
 rendered infecure, and fubje£t to the ravages of the F;ench, 
 and the Indians excited by their fiy intrigues. And further- 
 more, wherras, by the faid preliminaries, the French Car/©^^ 
 Sugar in»nds, and the Ewvannah^ which we have conquered 
 at a great expence of the blood and treafure of this nation, are 
 to be reftored to the enemy ; and the fortifications in the bay of 
 Hotiduras, which fecurc our cutting logwood ; an important 
 trade, necefTary to our <u;o»//fff manufaftures, are to be demo- 
 lifhed, and this valuable branch of commerce fubmitted to the 
 caprice ancl treachery of the king of Spain. Ani! finally, 
 whereas we conceive, from the faid preliminaries, that no care 
 has been taken of the interefts of the king of PrufSa, which 
 have been facriiiced to the ungrateful emprefs queen, in direct 
 violation of our folemn treaties, and to the great diflionour of 
 the nation. All which conduft tends to raiie the naval power 
 -of France, to deprefs that of England, and to deprive us of fe- 
 veral important branches of trade and commerce, on which qw 
 fecurity and our exiftence depend. For thefe reafons, we think 
 we owe it, as a duty to God, our king, our country, our allies, 
 and oar po(\crity, to give you cur inllr unions at fucb an impor- 
 
 F tanc 
 
 li'i- 
 
 
( 34. ) ; 
 
 tant crifis, «nd in fo interefling an affair. We do therefore, t^ 
 this remonftrance, not only acquaint you with our fentinkent^ 
 but we do likewife order, direft, and coiniuand you, ourdepd^ 
 ties to, and fenrants in parliament, as hr as roffibly in yoo lief, 
 to forward and promote, an addrefs of your noufe to hit ma^- 
 jefty, fetting forth i that it is necefTary to the fecurlty of the re- 
 ]igion» liberties, and commerce of his people, to the prcferv^u 
 tion of his crown and dignity, and to the retrieving of tbie ho- 
 nour of the nation, that our rights and conquefts, made, ac- 
 quired and obtained in Africa and liorih Jmerica, and the Weft 
 JnJies, be retained, and preferred, and the interells of the king 
 of PrviTia, fo far taken care of, as is required by trea^ ; he 
 , being the bulwark of the Proteilant religion in the empire, a- 
 gainfl the prefent Popifh league formed to deilroy it. And sat 
 <)o alfo dire£t and command you, to fignify to our moft graci- 
 ous fovereign, that we will mod chearTuUy contribute to what- 
 ever taxes are neceiTary, to carry on a war, till our implara-- 
 ble enemies fhall agree to guaranty to us, and leave us in ^he 
 peaceable pofTeflion of all oui rights and privileges, and of all 
 * the countries and conquefts above Ipecified, and to renounce 
 all right, title and claim to the fame. As you conform dr 
 not, to thefe inihudlions, you may expe£l our future appro- 
 bation or refentment. ,. 
 
 
 Given under our hands and feals at the Guildh&ll of Soroygff 
 true Erglijht in the County of Re/elution, NOv. 36. 
 176Z. . H „.\, ,,_ -:; .., . ..-. , ^^ . . ^' .. 
 
 Ordered to be feated* with the feal of our corporation. 
 
 Signed, Mayor. « 
 
 . • : , John True-Blue. ", 
 
 V ' • , ' ..'.::.■•.,■/<; Aldermen. t f •>'<'<f >> ^. 1 
 
 v., • ''•'.' V\.:' Timothy Stanch, ''.v ■ ':' 
 
 " '^' John Bold, ' .'■; • 
 
 Thomas Antigallicus, -^ »- 
 
 William Diefirft, ' . > 
 
 Henry Lovefur, . ' - *' ^«^ ;• ' 
 
 Richard CodfiOi,'--— '" 
 
 ■ ' ^ Simon Sweetman. ' . '^■' * 
 
 On the behalf of the whole corporation. -^ W ' • 
 
 ' . ' ;■■■ ■»■» " . :J .. 
 
 I have fuch a good opinion of the knowledge, and of tire 
 tinderftanding5 of my countrymen, as to think, nay fo fanguine 
 as to believe, that if a petition to this purport was to be pt-#- 
 fenced to every corporation in England (of Scotland I fay bo- 
 thing) with this Review annexed, and the members w«<w 10 
 
 read 
 
 ..t ■ 
 
 UU h 
 
 '.'S\ 
 
'i 
 
 • (35 1 ^ ■■ 
 
 MtnA (hen, and ccitfDlt of their fpirit, tenor aAd pui'port ; ftmfc 
 that then, they tvere to be left entirely to their iBclinationa, imvl 
 hintfkd by any coFrupt iilfluence, that nine tenths of the M 
 fvmgiu, fittest and tounties would, on mature confidttratiotti 
 readily, chearfully» and eagerly fign fuch an appUeation to 
 their Fepiiefentativei in parhament. Bat, that the conduA of 
 the hoafe of coinnion9 may deykte from the feofe of the pcOf, 
 j^, and the true intereft c^ the n — tioo, is manifeft from tbo 
 famous Ktnt'fb petition to that houfe, and the influence it had 
 (HI the condu6c thereof, and the affairs of the nation in the 
 fequel. • ' > 
 
 . XV. Rem. II We moft clearly perceive, that a feaftble oW 
 jfc6Uon may be made to us here. Viz.. In your abftrvationi ui 
 bevey you applaud Mr Pitt, and inveigh agamfi and eondemni ' 
 thi c9Hdu8 <if fi*y L — d B—te; though the VhriyinTViA of 
 Mr. P— ttV is the htijis of my L— d B— te'i preliminaries^ 
 therefore, to exiulpufe the first, and calumniate toe i,AST, 
 favours more of partiality and fail ion y than of candour and 
 patriotifm. ~ 
 
 If there were nothing more implied in the premifes, than 
 what is laid down, we fhould readily concur, that the jurgu« 
 ment is jiift and concluiive ; but the premifes are not rightly. 
 nor fully jUated, and therefore we cannot admit the concluiion^ - 
 We muft fugged, that from the beginning to the end of the 
 negotiation, Mr. P— tt knew of the family-compaft, and ne- 
 ver had any defign at all to make peace, nor any expedlitiort 
 of procuring peace, oy the negotiation with France. He could 
 not help obferving, their ihufiing about the Epochs, Dunkirk^ 
 Gtr-mmr war, important facriiices, &c. and hence would have 
 had itre confidence in the f^ncerity of the French, if he had 
 keen ignorant of the family -compa£l. 
 
 The alFeut of Mr. P — tt, to the furrendering of the Cod-* , 
 fifhery, could noc have been obtained, till about the twentv- 
 ahh or twenty futh of June ; after he had declared againft it. 
 It ts maBifell, the t9fnily<compa£l was concluded before the 
 itfbeothof July *. Now here were but fourteen days from 
 tjie ""^j thf French were acquainted with our conditions, ta 
 the ciane rhc private memorial relating to Spain was delivered i 
 at v^cti time, it is manifeil, France and Spain knew each 
 others mind, and were ading in concert. Hence it is clear, 
 the family -compart was formed and agreed on long before, 
 tho perhaps not executed till the Hth of Auguft. It U certain, it 
 
 * See French Metnor!V, p. 29 and 33, relating to the Spaniffi 
 •fair. 
 
 . , ' ~ F 2 muft 
 
 i!' I. 
 
 ^\'h 
 
■t 
 
 
 
 mnft have been fettled before the Britilh memorial of the feven-» 
 tcenth of June was drawn up. If fo, why might noc Mr. P-ct' 
 have intcHigence of it, as well as gain fuch intelligence after ? 
 His enemies in thee — -— 1 laboured to gain as much for the 
 French, as poflible, that he might lofe as much honour by the 
 peace, as he reaped by the war. He oppofed the giving op, the 
 fifliery, be (Kckled, he agreed, he knew what was on the car- 
 pet, he knew what he might fafely do, and he knew what was 
 neceflary for him to do, to avoid the odium and clamour his 
 enemie« would have raifed againft him, as being the caufe of the 
 continuance of the war, and of the augmentation of the taxes, if 
 he had a£ted otherwife. Thus he thought he might fafely 
 agree to what, hfe was fare, the French would not accept ; 
 and was the lefs fanguine in contending foi' what, he knew, 
 we ought to retain ; namtly, all our American conquefts ; as 
 he knew the French never defigned any peace, unlcfs we 
 would refign all our acquifttions, and grant them a pafTage 
 through our colonies to Cana.-fa, 
 
 But, though Mr. P— tt knew, from the beginning of the ne- 
 jgotiation, the French had no dcfign to make peace ; and, con- 
 fcqucntly, that he could expcft none, yet, for various obvious 
 reafons, fome of which we have fuggefted, he was obliged to 
 difTemble his knowledge, and to make femblance of an inclina- 
 tion to peace, as well as to carry on the negotiation, in fuch 
 manner, as if he knew nothing of the French and Spanifh de- 
 iigns. His coldnefs towards the peace, and his fhynefs to the 
 French minifter, which muft have flowed from a knowledge 
 of their intentions, make the French complain in feveral places 
 of his averilon to peace, of the infinccritv of the Britiih court, 
 and that he never had any defign to make peace, all which are 
 indications, that Mr. P— tt knew their intention. Upon this 
 account they ^fTcitt to exprefs a great hatred and animoiity 
 to him. As Mr. P — tt favv the French chicanery about the 
 Epochs, &c. and knewof thefamily-compaft, and the defigns 
 of France and Spain, before he joined in any concclfions, he 
 was certain, how far he might rdvance, uitliout being caught; 
 and hence formed a plan and fyftem by which he might attain 
 the char after of moderation, as to himfcl/ and country, avoid 
 the reproaches of his enemies here at home, who envied his 
 glory, and waited to entrap and enfnare him ; and yet preferve 
 to his country all the advantages obtained by the war, and ac- 
 quire more by the continuance of hollilities. 
 
 This poiicy is a mafter piece, a llroke of genius : and this 
 being admitted, all Mr. Pitt's conduft appears congruous and 
 unifornx. Take away this fuppofiiior, it h all incompatible 
 and ab ford, the r<;femblance of working Awi/c/f's web, and 
 
 unravelling 
 
1 
 
 ac< 
 
 f 37 ) . V .: 
 
 unravelling and deftroying witl> one hand, what he wrought 
 with the other. How am we fuppofe, that he who had la- 
 boured to gain fuch advantages for his country in war* would 
 be guilty 01 treafon, by furrendering the: Newfoundland ^- 
 ihery, in defiance of an a£l of parliament, when his predecef' ^ 
 fori had been impeached for the fame conceflion ? How can - 
 we imagine* that he could freely cede the French Louifiana, 
 that they might have an opportunity, to repeat their inroads' 
 and devallattons on the back frontiers of our colonies ; when' 
 the objeA of the war was the defence and fecurity of thofe co- 
 lonies ? Or, how can we imaeine, that he would freely confent 
 and agree to the furrender of the French Carribee Sugar Iflands,' 
 we had conquered, when the Britifh dominions purchafe, «t 
 leaft, fifteen thoufand hogiheads of fugar, value joo,ooo 1. an- 
 nually of the French, to fupply their own confumption ? And 
 the more efpecially fo, as we were at ninety millions extraor- 
 dinary expence, to make thefe acquifltions ; and had a right 
 tb retain thofe conquells by way of indemnity ? How too is it ' 
 poffible, that our patriot could freely give up thofe bulky trades, 
 Fijh znA Sugary which are the foul of navigation ; andthelofs 
 of which, would To deprefs the French nevy, and the retention 
 of Which would fo exalt our own ? Befides he would have re- 
 signed thofe expcnfive and important conquells, for baubles, trifles 
 and rattles, in comparifon of thofe capital objc^s, Fijh, Utrtb 
 Amtrica^ and the French Sugar lijands ; and have left us in a 
 worfe condition than we were in before the war ; having add- 
 ed feventy millions to our national debt, and gained only fome 
 trifles, clogged with burdens which render then; v/orfe than no« 
 thing ; or given equivalents for them, viz. Louifianot St, Pierre^ 
 and Micqmelont Sec. 
 
 Did ever Mr. P — tt difcover the leaft tinge of avarice or 
 corruption ? How then can we fuppofe, that he would freely 
 confent to blalt all his glories, and deprive his country of all 
 the advantages, that would have refuJted from our retention of 
 cur conquefls ? It is impoffible, tha: he c any honefl fenfibli; 
 man in the three kingdoms couid have concurred in fuch mea> 
 fures. We muft therefore necf Harily conclude, that hurning 
 envy on one hand, and baft avarice on :he other, confpired, to 
 force him into an acquiefceoce with mearures, which he knew, 
 he might comply wirb, and not endanger his country's welfare, 
 becaufe he knew the French would not accept them. 
 
 Upon the whole, we join with the Frc-.ch in their memorial, 
 and are firmly pcriuaded, that h^r. P- tt hau jin averfion to 
 peace from the beginning iid nc er h. d any defign, to make 
 peace on any fuch difhoi durable coadittcns, as are fpecified in 
 an^ of the Britifli oietBoriau : wc fball coatiaue of this opinion, 
 ■ • till 
 
 . ■ "If 
 
 ';i 
 
 ■ IJ 
 
I 
 
 Vi 
 
 til) be or fonif 9f\ hie friQnds dcflarc, that he dcfued and ii^'., 
 tepjdod tp hfive flrock up a pca/^e upon the con4|tipn«,,^ i^- 
 
 aWf i|>cciljip4". ' ;■•«•••:■; '■ V ,:.-''J' 
 
 llQ^exer, <h^ V*f» ,»a»pait«il' ty pblig^f ine to cotif^i?, that 
 if a pea;:« h«4 b'co Cjc^cluded upoa the terms contained ia fbe 
 Biifiin Ultitf(4ft^m, k lyould ^ave been A) far frpiu doiag honour 
 ta thoi/5 whpi peppofed and contended for them, had the dir<<^oiB 
 of ^^irj at thflf^tuQ^, or by whofe Jidyice they were drawn vp, 
 tjia;; i( svoukihav^;^afnped, aad perpatuated an indelible marjc of- 
 iniamy ofi jtlufif conj^u^t and tDcmory ; .as the VUimatuift yield.' 
 «d up tp Fr;^)}ce |he three capi;^ article*, upon which th^ 4e* 
 ^j;eman of the Ifrench tiaVal power^ a^d the augmc^tatiofi 4>f 
 0||r own dep^odi^d;. namely, tW Cod Fijbiry^ Loui/ianai which 
 fxpoiW.cmr Np^tH American territotie»> and the bul^y trade 
 9f the^r^i^ct^ ^f^<^ ^/^if ; allthere&ofouracqul^tions, and 
 the poinds inAflca i)n being baubles, when put in competition 
 
 *, XVi. )?(rw„ Ijl./But asMr. t^tt has been ftigmatiztd a» 
 in apol|ate fnon^ his friends and party ; in order to render th« 
 shove rearpi^H^sjf/ith regard to. his intentions in his negotia- 
 tipps qC pe|LCif» the more probable ; and to juUify fo great a 
 Ifknd to his country from the opprobrium call on him by his 
 cnemie^, an^ the enviers of his glory and fuccefs, which have. 
 Lecn a reproach, and contrail to their own unfortunate, fool- 
 iih, Qr trpac)ijefou^ management ; wo intend to trace the prpgreGt 
 of his political c6ndud>, and to make feme reBefUons on it. 
 
 Before |^r. ^-tt entered into the adminiftration and into power, 
 t*herc was an oppofition compofecl of real Tn-ies and Jocoh'tes in- 
 cited by prin/ciple; of pretended fcries^ aftuated by particular 
 views; of ijifcon^ented ^'/{>/;;f .', chagrined by difregard r and of 
 ftfxt of no principle; tJiat isofiwcv, who were ready to jrfpoure any 
 principle, pr party, as their private* intereA {j^ould dire^, or as 
 llipuld comporft and coincide with their felfilh views. Thefc 
 were Jed by Mr. P-— tt, who dire<3ed their clamour and voci- 
 feration, to raiiie a flame, in the fame manner as the pipeman 
 (>f a fire-engine does to extinguin% on£. The admin iftration, 
 at that time, w^s compofed of real Wl/iiS, friends to the Pro- 
 icHaLTit ju:cjji.a and their coi4>itry^ direded by principle ; of 
 pretended /?'^/^j guided by tlieir particular views; and of w^/f 
 of no principle, that is of men, who were ready to coincide 
 with any principle or party, as their private interefts fliould in« 
 fjigatc ; alj ading under a Wk:^<, or parhattentury king, who 
 ;nany years had been inaljolizrii, into timid and cautious hiea- 
 iurcs, incompatible with the dignity of the crown of Great Bri- 
 
 th 
 
 XR 
 
 t^tn, 
 
Is^i 
 
 •:. X.'. 
 
 ta)n, ivirA tTiefe cl^citinM Hcftrted fiomithiiMr 'ht1M%/in^ve 
 Ktid fr0v/ntatlt/e. Thi« -cond \i& Mr." P— tt diC^ptof ed of. Mitt 
 thought <iibdf» vigorous ttie^tfures becoming, and 'w&iild p^dvi 
 more advanteveobs to the ftatu ; and therefor* he could not 
 agree with therti. --y'^ '• .^ • .; .- -ou 
 
 The attack of the French fifh (hips, th^y jttd|;ed moiOd 1w¥« 
 
 firoted ' a preventative meafiire ; but they, «>ere ^ecelvdd, Md 
 ed into a war. T^iey were aftpnifhed, amazed, confounded; 
 astiihordas atidjmfiUantmous fobh jgeneVi^Iy 'f(t(i, when in- 
 volved in iuy diintalt affairs. They feemed'diHrilQ;^ ftndcolit 
 fafed, when they found thenifelves on the briiik 6f a prttipice^ 
 and knew not which courfe to-take, or way to t\irh. The tUfhl 
 fiefs of BraLdocky and the cowardice ofBytig feefti'td to aoghitnt 
 their confoiion, and to imply either weaknefs of treachery, <tf 
 both in t le mtnifters. This raifed an univertkl chmoilr ainMmi 
 all parties : among the Jacobites, to raife difaff^^ion iind diP- 
 content, with defign to (hake the government, slnd to get theMi 
 felves in play, in order to promote the inttreft of their friend Oil 
 the other fide the water : among 'the Whigi, b^caufc thif 
 thought either weak or wicked men were in power. The ad' 
 mini ftrattoh funk into exceeding great contempt, and the hift- 
 tion into great dread and defpondenty. Th« j^eople were foir 
 an alternarivc, and turned their c)'cs to Mr. P— tt, from wHbfft 
 integrity and great abilities, they hoped for' better fuccefs ; atid 
 alljparties called upon him to take the helm^ 
 
 The king himfelf feems to have beeri fufpiclous of the abilir 
 ties of his nrinifiers, from their ill fuccefs j and his majcfty at 
 iaft cohfented, to receive Mr. P— tt into his courifels. Thni 
 he was, as it were, forced not adopted into the adm}hiftrati«ini 
 and leaped over the fence into the fold, inftead of entering by 
 the wicket. Though Mr. P—tt profefftd himrelf a Toty, iitTL 
 led that party, he was certainly a Whig in'difguif(t, fer the crP- 
 terion of a Whig conduft is, to reduce dnd dlmin'ijh the power njf 
 Franccy and of a Tory, /o cjjift and augment the fOiver of that 
 kingdom^ as far as podible : becaufe, upon that power, thfc 
 Tories depend for the introdudlion of their favourite prioce, 
 who lives on the other fide the water. He iikewifc hated and 
 abhorred the Walpolean timidity and pufillanimity, and the di- 
 fcnfive andpre'ventati'Ve(y(\cm of that timorous minifter, which 
 had always direfted our ccunfels, even from the year 1775: 
 for Walfde had left his fpirit and cloak beliind him, after he had 
 lotl liis power, and quitted his poft; nay, after he had quittie^ 
 life. His pupil was thoroughly tinged with his principles ; and 
 perhaps will never free hin^fclf from the fmatch, any more 
 than a (linking caik can be cleanfed from the taint, with which 
 it is imbued, 
 
 . . - Mr. 
 
 lllil* 
 
 ^iSi, 
 
■il 
 
 3' 
 
 
 (+0) 
 
 • Mr. P->(t faw Ao way of fetting afidt th!s weak timoroitf 
 .JBiniftry, whofe conduft he detefted, fighing over the pi' Aitu- 
 led honour, difgracei, and misfortunes of his country, but by 
 lietting himielf at the head of the Tories, or ^p^fite party, 
 and by joining in crying down the condu^ of this timorouiadr 
 miniftration.' The ill iuccefs of this miniftry, in carrying on 
 the ^ar, carried his fdieme into execution, and exalted it to ' 
 perfeflion. 
 
 When he entered into the adminillration, by degrees, under 
 various pretences well founded, he embraced the continental 
 fyftem, and the tr(ie old Whig fcheme, followed by all the 
 friends of the revolution, and Proteftant fucceflion, ever ilnce 
 the abdication of James the fecond ; and the only fyftem by 
 which the int:refts of this kingdom can be fupported. By the 
 folidity of hii^ reafons, he brought the btft and honefteftof his 
 old friends the Tories, to join in his fentiments, and in fup- 
 |)orting his meafures } who perhaps were only Whigs in dif. 
 guife ; and thefe were joined by fome affe£led Tories, who were 
 men of no principle, and ready to fall in with any party, which 
 wouI4 advance their inteieft. Having obtained power, he pur. 
 iiied the moft judicious, refined, ariful, and politic meafures. 
 He allured the enemy, to exhauft their troops and treafures ia 
 combating windmills in Germany, whilil our forces were mak- 
 ing fubftantial and glorious conqueils in every quarter of the 
 globe ; and demoli(hing the French navy, commerce and na- 
 vigation all over the world. Thus we may truly fay, that 
 England conquered North America in Germany, as well as 
 Goree, Senegal, the French Sugar Iflands, Pondicherry, and 
 their other Baft-Indian fettlements. , .^i - /;,^ ^ u 
 
 Now, let us refledt a little on the natural cohfequences, which 
 snuft arife from this conduct. The Jacobites and red hot Tories 
 «xpe£led, that when he came into power, he would betray the 
 interefts of England to France, advance her power and deprefs 
 our own, in'order that flie might be the better able to promote 
 the interefts of the pretender ; and that he would take them in- 
 to place and power ; and give them opportunity to co-operate 
 with France in the fame glorious work. But, inltead of this, 
 he adopted the true Britifh fyftem, and entered plumply into 
 continental meafures and connexions ; and hence joined with 
 the king of P^uflia, to oppofe the power and views of the 
 French, who had formed a PopiOi league, to opprefs thePro> 
 teftant religion in the empire, to deflroy the balance of power 
 in Europe, and to ruin our commerce in Germany. In oppo* 
 £tion to all the principles of gratitude, honour and probity, 
 the emprsfs-queen joined her antient foe France, which had 
 but a few years before labouied to ftrip her of her dominioni, 
 
 and 
 
.and had it not been for our affiftance, and the ^lacahte tempet 
 of ' s king of Prujie, through our mediation. France would 
 certainly have efiefled her purpofe. Though to our mt)ney, to 
 our troops, \o our mediation with thekine of PruJ^'a, and his 
 placability, this wicked queen was indebted for all her dignities ; 
 yet fhe turned this dignityi thi; money, this generoiity, and alt 
 the power (he acquired chereby, aeainft her benefadtors an!d 
 natural ally, and joined in union wtth her hereditary and na- 
 tural enemy. She not only united with the French agaiiift us, 
 1)ut (he likcwife incited the Popifli princes of the empire to unite 
 with her in the French PopiOi league, and to carry the French 
 Tchemc into execution. • * . . .. ^ .,,, r.^j.^. 
 
 All this ingratitude this wicked queen was guilty of» In oppo« 
 iition to her moft folemn oaths, by which (lie fwore to obieryo 
 the treaties of Brejtdu and t>refdrn. Such is the fpirit of Po- 
 pery, and the honefty and gratitude of Popifh princes, whofa 
 confciencei are under the diredlion of Romilh priefts, and de- 
 luded by the moft vile and abominable fuperftition that ever 
 curfed mankind. Nothing facred among men can hold them» 
 when it comes in competition with the interefts of thei| abfurd 
 religion and ridiculous idolatry. 
 
 But Mr. P — tt, by fending troops to Germany, and aiOiftlng 
 our allies with fubfidies, broke all the meafures of the French 
 fcheme and Popi(h league ; of the enemies of England abroad | 
 and of uifi Jacobites and Tories at home ; and extended our 
 conquellis of the French territories^ till we became vlfldrs over 
 them, in every quarter of the earth. * 
 
 Hence the Jacobites and Tories, being entirely difappointed 
 in their defigns of raidng * power of France, aod of fup- 
 porting the interefts of the ^ 'ender^ they poured out fuch 4i 
 torrent of Scurrility and illiber«l abufe upon him, that the likd 
 was (carce ever known ; unlefs in the infamous four lail years 
 of the reign of queen Ann, when the great, duke of Marlbo-i 
 fough experienced the fame fate» together with his patriot 
 coadjutors. ' 
 
 ' This behaviour to Mr. P — 't was the efFeft of their refent- 
 ;nent for his difappointing all h.. friends, as they phrafed it. On 
 the other hand, the Whigs were fufpicious of him, envied his 
 fuccefs, which was a reproach upon their own weal: conduA $ 
 hated him for his 2reat abilities, which eclipfed theirs j an J. 
 loathed him for t}- jcans he employed to get into power, tho' 
 hie adopted thei; toat-ncntal f)'(tem. ran their lengths, and fol- 
 lowed their Ger»;;a. "cheme. And hence the Whigs too open, 
 ed the fluices of T '. ngfgate againft him, and out-did the To- 
 ries. And hence he was finely buiFeted, and between thefe 
 thieves cruelly crucified. However Tiey hoped, that his bold 
 
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 tftd fplrited measures would fail, and ruin hii popularity and 
 intefeft, in the long-run, both with prince and people. In 
 thefe infamous hopes they were defeated, and were diftrefled 
 with our fuccefle$ to a degree of madneft. They fickened 
 without conqueils, triumphs, and glories; 'becaufe acquired 
 under the aufpices of the man they hated ; for fupplanting them 
 in their power, and extinguifliing their reputation by the blaze 
 of his glory. 
 
 At lail, thtiy took hold of a fpinted propofal of his, to cla- 
 mour aeainft him, as a hot-headed minifter ; that would inake 
 the nation odious, ruin his country, and injure theSpanifii mer- 
 chants, by prompting the king, to fend an armed fleet to d6- 
 nand fatisfaAion of Spain for her depredations, which, ifre- 
 fufed, the admiral was immediately to make reprizals', and de- 
 clare war. 
 
 , ;^. This was the moft judicious meafure that could be purfued : 
 yet hence, by artifices, they found means, with a young king, 
 to rob him firfl of his influence, and by thaf to kick him out of 
 liiscounfelt and the adminiftration. This pretence of the impro- 
 priety of fending a fleet to Spain, to demand a categorical an- 
 fwer, was a pretence embraced only to render him odious, and 
 veil calculated to afFe£t a cowardly fet of JVaipoleanSf whofe 
 iyflem was, to take kicking rather than engage in fighting : 
 however, the fame meafure was adopted in I718, and in 1726, 
 h'j fending out three fleets on the fame errand ; viz. one to 
 T< rto-bello, another to Spain, and a third to the Baltic. Thefe 
 fleets anfwered the defign in 1726, and proves thejudnefs of 
 the meafure advifed by Mr. P — tt ; which, in all probability, 
 would have fo difconcerted the houfe of Bourioti, by catching 
 Spain, before flie was prepared, and her treafures returned 
 liome, as to have prevented a Spanifli war, and to have oblig- 
 ed the French to have complied with the terms propofed in our 
 XBemprial of July i;, 1761. 2ut if it had not done this, it 
 snuft have thrown into our hands a mafs of treafure, that would 
 have fpirited us in carrying; on the war, and we might have 
 fordy diftrefled the Spaniard by bombarding her towns, 
 and plundering her coafts. It would have been better for the 
 nation, to have paid the Spanifli merchants their lofles, than 
 to have k>fl the opportunity. But ihin-jawed «»<zf^, pale-faced 
 timidity f zxidi coivftrdice vjxih her trembling hands and knock- 
 ing knees, had diffufed their poifons and their terrors into -our 
 c- ■ cils. 
 
 Thus Mr. P— tt, having difappolnted and difirufted the Jaco- 
 bites ai)d Tories, and the French party, by excluding them from 
 oiHce and power ; and by traverfing and difappointing all their 
 views and expectations, raifed the fpleen of many of his party 
 
 .of 
 
I 
 
 (43) 
 
 .■*ii". .tfffi 
 
 of AO principle^ for not letting them into pods aed placet; 
 roazed the envy and hatred of the Whigs in their former admi- 
 nifiration, hy the wifdom of his counfels and fuccefs, which re- 
 proached thnrweaknefs, or wickednefa, and difgufted many 
 pretended Whigs, men of no principle, who were dif^Iaced to 
 make rpom fqrfome of hi» friends ; I a(k, as this was the tzh, 
 can we wonder that the floodgates of fcurrility, flander, ca- 
 lumny and reproach wfcre opened upon him, and poured put all 
 their filth in order to overwhelm him. Befides.vice and cowardice 
 as naturally hate virtue, and fortitude, as owls and bats do the 
 light of the fun. fiUt.it is apparent, that his eminent wiidom 
 and integrity; and the great fuccefs of our arms under, his ad- 
 miniftration, together with his popularity, have been the fource 
 of the fcurrility vented againft him. Such have been the princi* 
 pies of Mr, P— tt's condoft, and their confequences. 
 
 We cannot help obferving here, the parity and difparity be> 
 tween Mr. P — tt, and fome other miniflers his predeceflbrs. My 
 lord Marlborough and Godolphin were bred in High Church 
 principles, came into th|, miniilry as Tories, aded as enemies to 
 x*'rance, as friends to thtir country, and were turned out at 
 Whigs. Lord Harley and Bolingbroke were bred Biflenters^ 
 went into the miniilry as Tories, a£led as friends to France and 
 enemies to their country, and went out as Jacobites andtrditorso 
 Mr. Pitt came into the adminiftration as a Tory, aded as an e- 
 nemy to France, and as a true Englifhman, and friend to hit 
 countr/, but difcarded by the artifices of his enemies, who hat- 
 ed his fupeiior merit : and after the lofs of his power was pur- 
 fued with the fame fcurrility and bafenefs as attended my lord 
 Marlborough and his coadjutors at their exit; Such is the fate 
 of great and good men. No wonder, for they mult be always 
 hated by thofe who are their cohtrfiji. 
 
 XVII. Rem. IV. As we have feeii above one of the moft ex- 
 traordinary mafs of arguments, and chaos of contradiftions*. 
 that ever were advanced in polemics ; the next remark' we fhall 
 make will be with regard to the fource of this heap of repug<^ 
 nancy and inconfiftency, in which we fliall enquire from whenc» 
 it arofe. People never tell lies, nor write in vindication of faU 
 fhood i people never mifreprefent, nor put falfe gloffes upon 
 things; nor ufe arts to miflead and deceive, but to anfwer fome 
 ends, and private views. No body lies to the public fo^ lyingV 
 fal^e : that would be to (lake character and reputation againft 
 nothing; the foolifheil bet a man can make. 
 
 The miniflerial adv.ocates pretend, that the ptefent gentlenvu 
 in the adminiftrauon are Tories, bead, that they are greater fa- - 
 ' vourers of the crown, >ad more fupple fervajui. ta the king;. 
 •■.'.■.f ■'. ■ . G 2 " ' ■ thaa 
 
 <• 
 
••■ y • ( 44 );'^ •'•.•.'■' ^ ■ ' 
 
 tliin their predeceflbrs the Whigs were Ito tke hte kint 'sfticl lo 
 his father. That tHofe princes were held, a^ it were, itt chfcitis by 
 'tlheir fervants the Whigs, their min'ifters ; but that the TijHc%, 
 'l^e inioifters of his prefcnt majefty, will give full (cope fo tBe 
 exehionof his prerogative, and emkircipair biim frotmtlielASttd* 
 i<ge, in which the late Mr. P— tt ittd the Wh?^s held hldi, and 
 his i^racibus progenitors. 
 
 Wie know noi what thefe minifterial advocates mean, by giv- 
 ing fcbpe to the king to enjoy all 'bis prerogatives, to tbe fiA! 
 extent; and not tb cramp him in the exerdfe t>f bis fbyal 
 power and dignities, as his royal grandl^ather of gra^biis Me- 
 mory was. Theftatute //t' /r/ro^a/i/v/i fpccines the ktnfg^s prie- 
 Tbgaiives, which are cftablilhed by law. The king^s'prerogli- 
 'tiVe extends no farther, than doing what tl^e law allows attd 
 permits him, for the good of his fabje£b; Where Oar kings 
 'biive been perverfe, and have adted contrary to laW, and the 
 inclinations of their people, oar hiftory hifbnns as, that the 
 con fequences, have been very fatal to their peace, theirlioiibur^ 
 . and their reputation ; tjiatithas rqiried thcmwhilft ii4ii)ttg, arid 
 ^ainped everlaftirig ignominy ahd reproich on their niembribs 
 .yheii dead ; however grofs flatterers nave endeavoured by fcan- 
 dalous arts. J^o embalrti their memory, and mitigate their ibamle. 
 •Their remembrance is had in det'eftition by ajl 'wi'fi- Mtid £;i>dJ 
 'taini however they may be admired by fools ; or ktiave!) may 
 piretend to jreverence them for virtaes, which 'may have been 
 * ohly advantageous to thcmfelves. 
 
 , ^ut Aotwithftandihg this profcflion of their great regard for 
 fbyal prerogative, and complaiht, "that it is thelpirit of Whig- 
 ''^l^ifm, tomake a, pageant of royalty, and lead it in chains ; yet 
 the late Mr. Ptlhcm has been, lUgm^rized,' as contending, that 
 the late king had a right t)f making peace and war ; and that he 
 might by his regal power conclude the peace of Aij;. But have 
 the Tories forgotten, the great clamours they made about the 
 power given to the late kings, to vifit their German dbininiohs 
 bnce, .perhaps, in two years ; about votes of credit ; the difpb- 
 ial'of polls and places ; of the feptennial bill ; of the increafe 
 of t|ie prerogatives of the crown by exciie and cuftom-houfe 
 laws, &c. ? But now they are become, all at once, advocates 
 for the extenfion of the king's prerogative, by whicli, I neither 
 ; underftand, what they mean, nor, 1 believe, do they thcm- 
 felves. " The criterion of ». Whig adminiUration, my lord 
 B— th fays, is, to ri:fift and reduce the fo^tr of France \9Xl^ 
 of a Tory adminiftration, dirci^ly or »ndireftly, toajjifiy en-, 
 courage and juffort the interefis of France. Thefe men, he 
 obferves, from their attachment to the intereft of one man. 
 
 4c 
 
 
 ^d one family, io contempt of the national intereft, were 
 
 • >. ' ' ' «* obliged 
 
« 
 if 
 
 (as) 
 
 ^ obliged to iSSSi the ambiticd, fupport the power, ^iftfiilt •: 
 '* (he views of France, by whofe power alone, they coujd 
 ** hope, to brint; their point to bear *. — Tbefe men too, ha •. 
 '* fays, in order to bring their, point to bear, will laboar tO 
 '* revive the falfe opinioi^, that the principles of their fa&ipa 
 " are not to be apprehended ; it iit fays he, the confiant fmhl^c 
 topic of djfceutft tuitb yacobitest that tbtre it not a yacehitt 
 iri England i but it av^ls nothing for a inah, to deny ^e - 
 name, whilft he purfaes the diing." Hence it is manifeft, - 
 that the Tories and Jacobites are lifted nnder one babner m , 
 their hearts and words; and that they are but two worjs* 
 or naines, for one and the fame thing. 
 
 In order to fupport this afTertidn, I Ihall cite the words of a' 
 very late French autuor, who gives an account of our parties ia 
 the following manner: <' The opponents, fays he, to themeafures 
 of the court of Charles theiecoad, were, t^y way of reproach 
 and derifion, called Wliigs, and the courtiers Tone)). Thefe 
 kft bad /caret anyfljare in tbt revolution^ for the WhigS w^ 
 the principal aAors in that fcene. The interefts of thofe two 
 parties are too oppofite ever to produce a coalition; for t^ 
 principle of the Whigs was, to oblige the prince upon ^e 
 throne, to conform to the fundamental laws of. the confti^u- 
 tion; and to render ele£lions to parliament free, according 
 to the unanimous defire of the nation. 
 *' Queen Ann, he continues, turned out the Whigs, bec^iqfe 
 they were friends to'the Z>8fr^, had refolved to dftbroni'Pbi- 
 lip king of Sfiain, and to oblige the French to erafe their bar- 
 rier, or fortified towns in the Netherlands. She was willmg 
 to reduce the power of France, but not to crufli it ; to gratify 
 the pride of the houfe Of Auftria, and the Dutch ; and hence 
 fhe turned out the Whigs, and took the Tories into her mi* 
 niftry, who foon concluded a peace. 
 *V The Hanover family fucceeded queen Ann, wha were 
 «* fully fatisfied the Tories had little efteem for them, though 
 ** they found the Whigs the minority. The only view of the 
 «* Whigt is, to fupport the Hanover fucceffion, and to prefervd 
 <* pubuc credit. They are now in the adminiftration, and ^e« 
 " clare openly againft the Tories, who have adopted the ap« 
 pellation of the country party, whilft the Whigs are called the 
 court party. The Whigs are warm and imprudent, and thijalc 
 it meritorious, to entertain an inveterate hatred to France ; 
 and will always join every turbulent, reftlefs power aeainft 
 ** France, that (hall have an inclination to attack her. Nay, 
 « if Great Britain was able, (he would ^t once fall upon iu, 
 
 ^ri. •• ^A :«-Page^. of Faajon 'deteaed. ^'^^ " •• % 
 
 
 '<« 
 *t 
 t* 
 <i 
 '<( 
 «•• 
 «< 
 s< 
 
 •< 
 «< 
 
 4t 
 
 <« 
 
 I ; 
 
 ■:.^..* 
 
(46) 
 
 ** IB order to deftroy our maritime force. But we ihould fjxt 
 *' if we conceived th; Whig party was fo obfequious.to tbe 
 ptince, 
 
 «» 
 
 .•■^ 
 
 « 
 
 €* 
 
 as to coincide with all his views for the aggrandize- 
 !•. mcnt of Hanz'ver" 
 ^!li I'artber, he obfcrves : " We dare affcrt it, that it is a mif- 
 "'* fortune for the Englifh nation, to have the Whigs at the 
 ** helm, becaufe they are always for making war with France; 
 " whereas the Tories- are for preferving peace with that kiQg- 
 '( dom. Thefe Tories may be ranked under three claiTes : iirft, 
 *V Thofe who have no more love for the Hanover fuccefliQn.than 
 ** for the Stuarts ; fecondly, Thofe who join with the profeiTed 
 Jacobites ; and thirdly, The Jacobites, who have th^ courage 
 and refolation to acknowledge and profefs their fcntimentii. 
 Ti^e vienus of thi/e f'Jbree cl({ffis art the fame, and unite in one 
 point, though only the third dafs lias courage enough to 
 ' ^* avow their defigns. The Whigs love war; but if ever the 
 * ** Tories fliould gain the afcendant, thefe l<*Ji wvigld concern 
 . '* themfelves very little about the affairs of the continent; Uut 
 , '<* would apply tliemfelves to the reduiftion of the taxes ; which 
 *' injure their trade by the inhancement of labour ; which re* 
 '< dii£iion would in the iflue ruin the public funds.— Though 
 .*' the natiof\ h jealous of its public credit, a frep Tory parlia- 
 'S^\ ment would certainly cancel all the national debts, eale the 
 " trade of the kingdom, and ruin the Whigs. iThe court p^r- 
 :y (or Whigs) have nothing but intereft at heart ; the coun- 
 try party are all patriots, but cowards, without refolutioacr 
 firmnefs. ;.'■ 
 
 *' The emprefs- queen and the Hates of Holland fve reduced 
 *' and weak : and hence his moft chriitian majefly would have 
 ** nothing to fear from his neighbours, if he reduced his 
 ** troops to one hundred thoufand men ; tliis may be prudently 
 done, as foon as hehasvaifed a navy capable of coping 
 with the .maritime power of Great Britain ; which would 
 foon prevent their chicanery concerning our trade to Gmnui.^ 
 and our territories in l^orth America^ Sit. If onr naval power 
 was grea^r,' the Britifh nation would foon be afraid of ino« 
 lefting us, left we fliould place the pretender on the throne, 
 who would foon cancel all the national debts. Great Britain 
 is weak, but covers its imbecility under the mask of a con- 
 fident outfide, which hint our minider ought to make a^propfcr 
 ufe of: but Lewis the fourteenth ^as a mat^h for all the 
 powers of Europe, and conquered many provinces from the 
 houfe of Auftria, and laft of all the kingdom of Spain and 
 the Indies." 
 
 This account of our French writer feems to be a pretty juft 
 defcription of our Whigs and 'J'orics, and of ihc fpirit by which 
 
 thfiy 
 
 
 4i 
 «< 
 «< 
 
 u 
 
 «( 
 
 % 
 
 « 
 
 «i 
 
 <4. 
 
'^± 
 
 ( 4? 
 
 ) 
 
 tliey were a^u^ted, from the reftoration to tlie year 1712. But 
 fince tkat epoch, the Prench attack 'd the Englifh at the ifland 
 of St. Lucia, and expelled them from their fettlements there : ' 
 this wa» never refented ; hence fince 1722, Whiggifh timidity 
 has almoft been as coaduciveto the advantement of the power 
 of France, as Tory trtachery was from 1660 to the accemonof 
 the Hanover family. 
 
 As the miniilerial advocates declare, that the gentlemen in 
 the prefent aJminiftration are all Tories, and male it a point 
 to enlarge the king's prerogative, I will take it for granted, that 
 it is true. But, as from the resolution to the Hanover fuccef- 
 fion, they laboured to cramp the power of our princes, unlcfs at 
 the beginning of queen Ann's reign, w^ they made their 
 court to her, and, at the end, when they were flatterine her. 
 in order to deprive her of all power ; ixA a^ ever fince the ac- 
 cefllon of the Brunfwick family to the throne, they have, as far 
 as in them lay, oppofed the power of the princes of thiit houfe, 
 and haveiftickled to limit it, how can they boaft', with a good 
 grace, of their complaifance to the crown, and its prerogatives ? 
 If they were enemies to the two late kings from principle, where 
 is their merit with the prefent ? If /rom their not being taken 
 into places of profit and power, where their patriotifmt If they 
 deny they a£led from principle, they were the bafeft of profii" 
 gates, and the moft contemptible, ambitious and avaricious 
 wretches ; who oppofed the interefts of their country and the 
 government, and the eafe and peace of their prince, from pri- 
 vate views' only. If they ai^ed from principle, what fort of 
 l(^alty muft their prefent pllfeflions be ? And wchat has his pre- 
 fent majefty to expert from them ? 
 
 G^or^r the firft, and George the fecond governed by their mr- 
 nillerj, and the advice of their privy council, with the confent 
 <)f parliament, and the general approbation of the people ; none 
 excepted but Tories, profefTed Jacobites, and fome difcontented 
 Whigs, who thought their adminiftration too timid and irrefo-> 
 lute. But as they paid a 'due reverence to the laws, and governed 
 accord'.ng to the principles of the conftitution, they were lovei 
 and efteemed by their people, though their condu£l with refpeft 
 to fome foreign powers was not the moil politic. This gave the 
 people peace, and a flouriHiing trade^ though it rendered both 
 France and Spain infdlcnt and refradlory. 
 
 Georcc the third governs by his minifter, and the advice of 
 his privy council, and the confent of parliament. How far 
 his government hath met with the approbation of the people be- 
 comes not nie to determine ; the thing i& recent, I leave every 
 one to judge. 
 
 But 
 
'..•■-■■.;■:'■■■■ . • (4S) 
 
 \ But the minifteri ''f George the firft and fecond were accufed 
 ^t having indulged the. arbitrary views of thofe princes, con- 
 trary to the interefls of the people, and for indulging and ex- 
 tending the power of the crown. If thii were true, tney were 
 traitors to their country. 
 
 > But, if thefe are the true characters of the minifters of the two 
 ctafles of fovereignx ; how as fervaats Of the crown aid favour- 
 ers of the prerogative, can the minifters of George the third 
 plead any merit with their mailer above the minifters of George 
 the firft and fecond, though they may with the jptople f 
 
 However, if the minivers of George the third (honld excite 
 or indulge their mafte in aiiy arbitrary views or extenfion of hit 
 prerogative, which is v sntrary to law, and contrary to the intf • 
 refts of his people, they milft be traitors to their country, and 
 Enemies to the conftitution. But even then, how tan they plead 
 any merit with prince or people any more than the minifters pf 
 George the firftand fecond ? according to themfelves ? ''i* - '. 
 But it is (aid, that the minifters and council of George the £rft 
 and fecond both, indui^d their arbitrary views, and held them 
 and their prerogative in chains ; which they call Whiggifm, 
 and which is a contradiflion. However, if fo, which clafs of 
 minifters victi} moft in the interefts of the power of the prince, 
 and which moft in thofe of the people, I fliall leave to the reader 
 to judge. They who boaft, that they will indulge and promjpt 
 the prince in the exertion of extraoi-dinary power, under the 
 notion of prerogative, which may difguft the people, are in fai^ 
 •neaaies to both prince and people whatever they may pretend. 
 Qur hiftory abundantly connrms ti^. 
 
 Vi.If the prefent adminiftration be compofed of Tories, as the 
 tttiniftertal advocates declare; and that his majefty's fervant* 
 near lus perfon are men of that ftamp; I (hall not difpute it, 
 Imt argue from the premifes, as if they were true ; and draw 
 fbme confequences from thence. 
 
 In the firft place, I muft infift, that a Toty cannot be i I6yat 
 fttbje£lto a parliamentary king, anymore than darknefs can 
 1>e light, or lowering winter, glittering fummer. In truth, the/ 
 are contradiAions, oppofites in nature. The Tories, it is true 
 allow, that there may be a king dijurt, and a king defa£io. "Bxit 
 ^hey believe, that they are bound in confcience to fupport the 
 interefts of a king ^/tfyV/, againft a VXn^defaSlo^ whenever they 
 can difcern any profpeA of fuccefs ; and that it is their duty to 
 endeavour by all means, even at the hazard of their lives and 
 fortunes to maintain his title, and U vindicate his rights and in- 
 terefts, when convenient opportunity offers. Thefe are their 
 principles in pro confcitnria, their internal fentimcnts and feel- 
 ings whatever they may pretend. ' • - 
 
 W 
 
loyal 
 Ifs can 
 1, they 
 is true 
 But 
 [rt the 
 r they 
 uty to 
 ]s and 
 id in- 
 theif 
 feel- 
 
 i( 
 
 (49) ; 
 
 If two perfoDi wen let before them, one a parliameatailr 
 kixig, »Qd the other a kiog by hereditary right, or divine right, 
 as they phrafe it, and excluded by the Jaws ; aQ,d it was If tc to 
 a Tory's option to ele£l one of them ; can we be %t a lo(s to ^e- 
 ^ermine ojA whorn his choice would fall? Though undfr ope» 
 his liberties and properties, and religion would be fecurp ; and 
 .under the other, they were to be left to the good pleafitre and 
 caprice of a Popiih king ? Did we not fee, in Charles the fe- 
 cond's reign, twenty-four biOiops, out of twenty-fix, vote for 
 a PopiCli fucceffor, to protefl the pure and reformed doArine^ 
 of the iphurch of England I 
 
 Torycifm is a complex term, «nd includes a certain fet of 
 political principles, relative ^o the government of this king- 
 dom, and excludes another fet of principles relative to the 
 fame government. The Tories believe a divine, ipdefeafible 
 liereditary right in princes : if fo, how is it pofliblc, that a 
 Tory ihould be a loyal fubjeft to a parliamentary king, to th^ 
 exclufion of the right heir 7 For an a£l of parliament, which 
 excludes a king tie jure, muK defeat what they hold ind(;fea- 
 fible. They argue, that a king by divine right is a king made 
 by God» and is the Lord's anoin^d, whom no one can oppofd 
 without incurring the guilt and fin of rebellion, and without 
 oppoiing God's ordinance : and that no earthly right or power 
 can defeat a heavenly one. Hence a Tory fnuft think l^iipfelf 
 bound in conference, to defeat the right of a parliamentary 
 king; that is, to be guilty of rebellion {Recording to our laws. 
 How then is it poiTible, that a Tory fhould be a good and loyi4 
 fubje£i, in his heart, and fromi principle, to a parliamentary 
 king, though he be a king ^e faQo ? His in,w,ard fentin^ents 
 and feelings muft be always repugnant to fuch a king, and 
 lience cannot adnut ^y duty or obligation, or aUegi^ce ; not 
 bind him to any affection or loyalty. 
 
 If it be faid, that a reputed Tory may be a loyal, gpod ^nd 
 aJFeftionate fubjefl to a parliamentary king, and renounce and 
 abjure all afFeaion, duty and allegiance to a king /ur^ <//<z;iVf0* 
 or by divine hereditary right ; then I afTert, that he is no Tory, 
 and that he paiTes under a wrong (denomination, aqd is really 
 a Whig. But to argue, that a Tory can be an affe^iioriate, du- 
 tiful and loyal fubjedl to a parliamentary king in his heart, in 
 bppofition to a king, whofe title is jure tUvino, and by birth 
 and from hereditary right, is a coatradiflion in terms. A Tory 
 does not believe a parliamentary king, to be a king in reality* 
 or a king, to whom he owes allegiance. 
 
 It is therefore itupidity in the miniilerial advocates, to tell us, 
 that the prefent adminiftration is in the hands of Tories, and 
 that they are all good and laithful fubje£ls, and dutiful and af'- 
 
 H fe£tionate 
 
. , ■ ( JO ) ... 
 
 fcAion&te fervants to king George the third, for we have de^ 
 xnonftrated, that^ it is impoflible and a contradiftion. No man 
 can ferve two mailers, for he mud cleave to one and rejeA the 
 t)ther, or hold with one and defpife the other. A man cannot 
 ferve buth God and mammon. To be congruous, they fhould 
 declare, that the prefent gentlemen in the adminiilration were 
 formerly, pretended Tories, but in reality honeft and true 
 Whigs in their hearts ; or elfe, that they are regenerated, and have 
 changed their footy principles ; and abhor the king^ar/ divino, 
 they were vront to adore : and that they believe his prefent ma- 
 jefty king George the third is their true and lawful fovereign, 
 to whom only they owe alleeiance and fealty : and that no o- 
 ther perfon has any right, tide, or juil claim to the fovereign- 
 ty, to the title of a king, or royal dignity of thefe realms. 
 I^ow we conceive, that the mafs of contradiflion, we have 
 above examined, under thirteen articles or heads of argument, 
 can be the production only of Toryi/m in the adminiilration ; 
 iince the principles of this doArine are nothing but one fyftem 
 of abfurdity and nonfenfe. 
 
 As Tory principles are a collcftion of abfurdities and non- 
 fenfe, that would, as Bolingiroke obferve?, fhock the under' 
 Handing of a Samoicdcf or Hottentot ; it is no wonder, that 
 fuch an inconfiilent and abfurd mafs of arguments fhould be 
 Advanced in defence of a Tory peace, that fo completely fa- 
 vours the power, and tht interells of France. Can we expe6l 
 congruity, and common fenfe, in difputation with a fet of 
 people, whofe principles both of government and religion, 
 ivould aftoniih a Hottentot, or Caffer, on account of their mon- 
 ilrous abfurdity ? As well might you expe£l grapes from thorns, 
 and figs from thifiles. To deny toleration, to expeA uniformi- 
 ty in principles of religion, or that all men fhould have the fame 
 reverence, for indifferent ceremonies in religion, are things as 
 abfurd, as the doArines of hereditary and divine right, paifive 
 obedience, and non>refi/lance. 
 
 But, BOW the Tories are gotten into power, they pretend, 
 that they defire only, that the king may enjoy his prerogatives, 
 as well as the people their rights. They fay, that Whig prin- 
 ciples would deprive him of this privilege, and make him a 
 (lave, who is refolved to make all others free. May we not 
 doubt of our freedom, if Tory principles prevail ? that is, prin- 
 ciples which indulge and flatter the extenflon of arbitrary will 
 and power, the principles of pafTive obedience, non-refiftance, 
 and divine right of kingfliip ? Can a king, afling agreeable to 
 fuch prerogatives, be any thing but a tyrant ? Or a people, in 
 fcibjc«^ion to fuch a prince, be any thing but ilaves ? How then 
 
 can 
 
• (so 
 
 can thefe ftapid creatures talk of freedom, among apsople, un- 
 der the government of fuch a prerogative king i Their argu- 
 ments and their dodlrinei are equally abfurd : one is (hocking, 
 the other ridiculous. 
 
 But fometimes the Tories, with their ufual propriety and con. 
 gruity, labour to n\ake u& believe, that when each are in pow> 
 er, the condu£t of the Whigs and Tories, with regard to prero- 
 gative, is juft the fame : that the Whigs in power a£l upon Tory 
 principles, and favour the arbitrary views of the prince regnant ; 
 and that the Tories, when out of power, a£l upon Whig princi- 
 ples, and oppofe the power of the crown, and (tickle for the 
 rights and privileges of the people. Hence they infinuate, that 
 the di(Ference between the two parties is but nominal ; and that 
 all the Whigs contend for is power and profit for themfelves, 
 without any more regard to the interefts of the people than the 
 Tories entertain. That hence the Whigs by artifice have made 
 the people their dupes, and have cheated and deceived them. 
 
 In anfwer to this, we (hall obferve, that if to fupport the in- 
 terefts and dedgns of Toryifm, the Tories have occa(ional|/ 
 adopted and embraced the principles and interefts of Whig- 
 gifm ; ,and if, on the other hand, the Whigs have fometimes, 
 in anfwrr to Tories, argued on Tory principles, and played off 
 the artillery of their own doctrines and principles againft them ; 
 I afk, in this cafe, whether, that the conduct of either or both 
 proves, that Toryifm and Whiggifm are the fame ; or that either 
 party has renounced its principles \ And whether, that their 
 principles are not ftill fpecifically diftindl ? To deny this would 
 be to afTert, that there is no fuch thing, as a Tory or a Whig^ 
 whilft thofe writers are railing at one, and applauding the condudt 
 and principles of the other \ and recommending the Tories to 
 the prince, by way of preference, as men beft adapted, to make 
 dutiful and obedient fervants, and loyal and faithful fubjefls, by 
 the paiTivenefs of their principles, and thence by blind fubmif- 
 fion to his will. How much the good people of England ought 
 to admire them, for attachment to their interefts, and for 
 the fupport they will afford to their liberties ! How ! they muft 
 glow with joy to fee fuch a fet of patriots in power ! 
 
 The principles of the Tories were the fame, as it appeared 
 afterwards, though they clogged the a6l of fettlcment, with a 
 load of claufes, reflraining the fovereign power, and reducing 
 a Britifh kinjg to a mere pageant of ftate, and to the limited au- 
 thority of a king of Sweden, or of a king of Poland. But what 
 did they mean by this ? Only favour to their own views and de- 
 figns ; and thereby to acquire means to reinftate their own idol 
 and favourite family, in unlimited fovereign power. Can they 
 be fuch fools, as to imagine the people cannot fee this-? If they 
 
 Ha are 
 
 *\.\ 
 
( 52 ) 
 are fo weak, they are at great political cnthuHails at the IVhite" 
 •feldians are religious. ■ "''^ , 
 
 I have aiurays underHood, that Tory principlei tvAToryVm 
 hnjiote, axtzjusili'vinum, or a divine, hereditary, indefeaiible 
 right in kihgs ; paitive obedience, and non-refiftance, with re- 
 fpeA to the exertion of the royal power ; and an opinion of pre- 
 rogative of CDbrfe inconfiftent with liberty and our conftitution. 
 In church, I have always looked on Toryifm to be a rigid at- 
 tachment to uniformity in ceremonies, church-government, doc- 
 trinis and difciplitle, and to the propriety of fubfcriptiona and 
 creeds : Hkewife, at the fame time, to bear a mortal hatred to 
 toleration and diflenters ; and to have a better opinion of and 
 grekter difbofition to Pbpery, than to Calvinifm and the doc- 
 trines of foreign Protcl^ants of Calviniftical perfuafion. Thcfe 
 I take to be the diftinguifhing principles of the Torieft, however 
 in certaih particular circUmflanCes they may have devrated from 
 them, and a£led contrary to their own character, in the fame 
 manner as Ihby have churged the Whigs ^o have done. Surely 
 theToriies, Who are under the influence of fuch a blind, abfurd 
 and ridiculd'iis fet of principles and politics, can never i)e any 
 very great votaries to the A/a )»oa;^r fucceflion, whatever they may 
 pretend, to lihfwer finifter v.ews and defigns. Such a fet of 
 meA, with fu'ch principle:, null be always either a fet of knave«» 
 or df fbols, or & mixture of both. 
 
 Their pretehtes ^f obedience to the king is a fliam ; for as 
 the king a£ls by the advice of his minillers ; the obedience they 
 inculcate towards his commands, is only recommending obedi- 
 ence and fubmidion to their own diflates, under fthe notion of 
 loyalty to the prince. Hence it appears, that a Tory is a man 
 of boundlefs ambition, pride, and lufl; of dominion ; and all 
 that he means by obedience to the king, is obedience to him- 
 fclf, and by the extenfion of prerogative, only the enlargement 
 of the circle of his own power. Though it is impoflible to 
 comprehend whilt is unlimited, yet perhaps this may be, what 
 the Tories mean by prerogative. Upon all thefe accounts, it 
 is irhpoflible, that they fhould keep faith with, or obferve any 
 treaties with foreign powers, that tend to diminifh and reduce 
 the power of France. 
 
 Can we then wonder, to fee the king of Pruflia renounced, 
 knd left in the lurch, and to ftruggle alone againft the Popifh 
 league in Germany ? Can we wonder to read, in the French 
 memorial, the following decla/ations of the kings of Great Bri- 
 tain and of France ? viz. The king of France declares, ♦« That 
 ** he will rather facrificc the power that God has given him, 
 *' than conclude any thing with his enemies, that may be con- 
 " trary to '\v engJigemenis he has contraftcd, apd that good 
 
 ♦« faith 
 
 ' 
 
rench 
 Bri- 
 
 "hat 
 
 1. 
 
 Icon. 
 
 rood 
 
 fAUh 
 
 ( 53 ) 
 " faith in which he glories, " p. 44. The king of' tnf^tn^, 
 on the other hand, declares, ** That after the fouclufi^n of the 
 •* feparate feact^ be mill never iejift from giving conftant Jueetur 
 " to the king «/^ Proffia, tuitb ejfficaey and good faith^^ p. 55. 
 Now, whether the ^ood faith of the king of France, or of ths 
 king of Great Britain, is mod to be relied on, under a Tor/ 
 adnliniftration, the world will eafily judge from (h^ prclijBii- 
 naries. - -v- a' ■ .'^i>.x:-'* 
 
 It feems* that Britifh faith in the yekr 1 762 made as gloif- 
 ous a figure, as fhe did in the year 17 12, juft half a century 
 before. Every good Engliihm&n will certainly wifh» it may 
 never make a worfe appearance in Europe than it does at pre- 
 fent ; and delire, that it inay always make as much bettchr is 
 our power and ftrength will admit. We fee feveral refpeJlablc 
 names in the prea/hble to the treaty of London in 1756, ittd 
 fche fame at the head of the preliminaries in 1 762. I'he figure 
 they make there for integrity ^ %xA good faith will never befbt- 
 gotten, as long as hijiory preferves her memorials. 
 
 fiut, it fhoufd be observed by the curious reader, that the 
 cmprefs^queen is a natural ally of France ; and that the king 
 of PruJJiat being a Proteftant, is a power with whom we have 
 no interefting connexions; for Prvffsa is at a [great diftance 
 from tis, and we want no txoo^i from, allies wx, nor connexions 
 nuithf the continent. We are mutts fubftantives, and cah iland 
 'by otirfelves. What is Portugal to us ? Portugal is on the Cv>n- 
 tynent; but we want no connexions with the continent. We 
 ini^htfee Portugal a deluge of blood, and one fcene of carnagie* 
 'lit'ithout any other emotions, intereft or concern, but what might 
 arife from compaiTion to their fuiferings, as being fellow crea- 
 tures •. What a fine fyftem of politics imported firft from Scot- 
 land, in the reign of James the firft, and at length adopted by 
 a S— ts m — n-— fter for the welfare of Britain I 
 
 Now, let the reader judge, which is the chafteft nymphs Bri- 
 ti(h/fl//i&, dr French /j/7i&. Whether that our faith ftinks over 
 Europe, or French faith. He will be able to judge, without 
 the wifdbm of Solomon. By the end of the war, perhaps we 
 niay make as glorious a figure for good faith, as we did at the 
 peace of Utrecht. 
 
 Before! conclude, I cannot help obferving a notable difl^erence, 
 between the condud of the French, . nd that of the Englifli, in 
 point of good faith. When the French break their treaties with 
 their friends, it is to ferve thetnfelves. But whenever the Ehglifii 
 do it, it is to ferve their enemits. When the French violate their 
 
 ♦ See the Confiderations on the German war, where this argumept 
 Is advanced, 
 
 ' "* faith. 
 
 ^jMi 
 
( 54) 
 
 Hiih, U h generally with their natural enemies ; whenrver the 
 Engliih afe guilty of fuch breach, it is generally with their na- 
 tur4tl friend* ind allies. I am forry, that the times have been 
 fo corrupt, (hat J have no motive to bellow a better panegyric 
 on our national faith formerly. If the French facrifice their ho- 
 nour, it is to promote^ their political interefts ; if we facrifice 
 ours, it is with intent to deflroy our national interefts, and thofe 
 of our allies. We can never exped it otherwife under a Tory 
 . adminiftration. From which, good Lord deliver us. Amn, 
 
 tx 
 
 v, XVIII. Rem. V. When we confider the family-compaft, 
 'the coalition of the houfe of Auflria v/ith that of Bourbon, the 
 propofed intermarriages between the Spaniih branch of the laA 
 houfe, and the houfe of Aufttioy and the dominions and territories 
 the parties are to be fettled in, &c. When we take a view of the 
 Popifh league in Germany againft our religion, and of the great 
 (defedion of late years of many princes of the empire from the 
 Proteflaut dodrine ; when we ruminate on the ingratitude and 
 |»afenefs of the emprefs-queeo, and upon the motives of h^r 
 condud. When we compare all thefe things with the joke the 
 French politicians make of the balance of power, with the 
 fcliemes they have formed to bring the houfe of Auftria into 
 their fyftem, to ruin the Z)A/r/&, to defiroy the balance of pow- 
 er, to poflefs themfelves of the territories of feveral pett/ 
 princes, and to make a partition of Europe according to their 
 own good pleafure among themfelves, and their allies ; and 
 how the Engliih Tories coincide with their views, and co-ope- 
 rate with their meafures. When we examine, how the king of 
 ^uftia has been forfaken, deceived, betrayed, and his interefts 
 n^^eded and defpifed ; how anti continental fyftems have been 
 ^preached ug with all the enthufiafm of falfhood, or of ftupidi- 
 ly ; or, at leaft, of party zeal and blindnefs. When we confi- 
 der, that the prefent adminiftration avows themfelves to be To- 
 ries, and that we cannot conftftently confider the views of that 
 fpecies of politicians, but as leading to the Pr— t — nd— r. 
 , "When we rcfleft, how much the interefts and defigns of Fran'"'; 
 ^are favoured^^and the Engliih injured, by the prefent Tory 
 peace, and furrender of ail our important conquefts. And final- 
 ^jld^wjllgn we contemplate, how the Swedes, Danes, and many 
 ^Pf ir^cesjof, tJti^ Empire, fwayed by French money, or by bigot- 
 MUt .te'ftpQ'"ife;and negleft their true interefts ; we think every 
 good Epgli(hn^n, upon fuch a retrofpc£t, muft fhudder with 
 horror fprjiljjk CQtifequences, with regard to our religion, our li- 
 berties, our king, our commerce, and our independency. 
 
 As we l^ave betrayed all the powers of Europe, that we have 
 «l!ied with, excepting France and Portugal i and as we hawe 
 rl; ... "Ot 
 
. (55 ) 
 
 not one ally kft, that will aid us, unlefs it be for oar mohty: 
 As the Tories have always deceived and betrayed our fricndt» 
 to raife the power of France, and to favour the interefts of the 
 Pretender dire£l1y ; and, on the other hand, as the Whigs have 
 abufed and deceived them, through weaknefs, envy, and timi- 
 dity. As we have run ourfelves ninety millions more in debt, 
 without putting it out of the power of our inveterate enemy to ' 
 injure us ; have only irritated him without crufhinghim, when 
 our foot was on his neck. I fay, as this is the true ftate of our cafe» .' 
 we mu'l foon expe£l the enemy will attack us with advantage, 
 and deftroy us, without mercy. Into fuch a deplorable fitua- 
 tion, have the bafe envy, and jealoufy of the Whigs, and their , 
 hatred to one great and good man^ together with the treachery 
 of the Tories, brought us. ; !f...l' .;/ 
 
 XIX. Rem. VI. The advocates for the prefent minifter de- 
 clare the government to be in the hands of the Tories, and that 
 in the two laft reigns, thofe Tories were under a profcription» 
 and excluded from all places of honour, truft, and profit, which 
 drove them into rebellion. Now, as we have proved above, 
 that a Tory cannot polTtbly be a loyal fubje£l or friend to a par- 
 liamentary king, or to the Proteilant fucceilion in the houfe of 
 Hanover, whilft they believe there is a right heir in a lineal de- 
 fcent ; it is aftonifhing, that the prefent miniller fhoold fufFer hie. 
 advocates to make fuch declarations of the principles of thofe 
 in power, aiid about the perfon of the k — g. Bat, if the To- 
 ries, in the two laft reigns, were profcribed from offices under 
 the government, did not our kings do right, fince thofe wife- 
 acres are fo honeft as to declare, that their loyalty was fo luke- 
 warm, as to fufFer them to run into rebellion, becaufe they were 
 excluded from the emoluments of government ; and hence^i 
 that they muft have been bribed by office even to the external 
 appearance of loyalty ? Does fuch condufl agree with the doc- 
 trines of paffive obedience and non- refinance, or with the re- 
 verence they now profefs for the prerogative ; or with a princi', 
 pie of loyalty and afFeftion for the Hanover family ? '*^' 
 
 If, in the two laft reigns, the Tories would have faithfully 
 and zealoufly have ferved the Hanover princes, in cafe they 
 had been admitted into place, power, and profit, where were 
 their principles ? Where was their afFeftion for the Sfart race, 
 and for their country ? Or, where was their integrity, chat they 
 could forfake thefirft and renounce the laft, and h'^nce (hew, 
 that they did Bot pofTefs one patriotal virtue ? Would they have 
 abandoned all the Tory principles, they had fucked in with 
 their religion, and their pap, if they had been obliged with- 
 places ? Could they have divefted themfslves of all the preju- 
 dices 
 
 ■ / 
 
IV- 
 
 f S6 ) 
 
 dices and bigotry of education, and have underwent a thor 
 roug)^ poUUcal regeneraiion merely by the powerfgl argument 
 pf a lucrative place? Credat Judaus Apella^ non ego. Wc 
 know their political bigotry, blindnefs and enthufia(ni too well, 
 to believe any converiion could have been wrought on them> 
 They wo^ld have peen glad to have been taken into fervice, 
 tha; they ought have more eafily betrayed their Rafter. It 
 is a more difficult task to convert a bigot in politics, than in 
 religion* 
 
 But, lu the conduA of the Tories, in the two lafl reigns, by 
 pppofing the prince on the throne, was abfoliiitely and diagie- 
 trically oppofite, to their principles of pafllve obedience, non- 
 reiL^ance, and reverence for royal prerogative ; it is manifeft, 
 that they did not believe,' the two laft kings had any right to the 
 crown, and confequently, that they did not owe any fealty or 
 allegiance to them. If this were not the cafe, how could they 
 oppofe thofe princes, and take up arms againft them confident 
 ivith their principle^ ? However, the minifterial writers con- 
 tend, that the Tories would have appeared loyal fubjefls to the 
 princes of the houfe of Hanover, if they had been permitted to 
 neer the government ; though thereby they muft have a£ied di- 
 re6Uy contrary to their principles, and have been guilty of fup- 
 porting an ufurper againfl the Lord's anointed. What honelt men 
 $hefe writers reprefent them to be ! 
 
 Notwithftandine thefe vvNjriters fuggcft, and the Tories avow 
 themfelves to be luch prevaricators and r — g— es, we will not 
 believe them to be fuch great r — f— Is, as they contend, that 
 they are ; for, if they had gotten into the adminiflration, we 
 are well fatisfied, that they would have proved true to their 
 Ileal Tory principles,and have managed fo, as foon to have kick- 
 ed their Hanoverian mailer out, and to have introduced their 
 Popifli idol, to defend the pure Calviniilical dodlrines of the 
 church .of England with the fame zeal, as his father did before 
 his abdication. It is impofiible for a thinking man to believe, 
 that their principles would have permitted them, to have re- 
 nounced the Stuart family, or hung fo loofely about them, as 
 CO have admitted of zealous allegiance to the houfe of Hano- 
 ver, whatever they may pretend. We muft pay them th? com- 
 pliment to believe, they are too honefi, and toojitady to a£i J'mcb 
 a:t inconfijltnt fart. Therefore, we muft conclude, that a Tory^ 
 and, at the fame time, a loyal fubjed to a Hanoverian, and 
 Brunfwick king, would be a greater monfter, than Afric ever 
 bore : 
 
 JVIff Juha tflius gemrat, konum arida nfttriX' Hor. 
 
 ' • From 
 
 y.i 
 
'"-r* 
 
 ->< « 
 
 (57 ) 
 
 ' t^'com thefe refl&Alons andobfervatiotis, it appears, ttsat tntf 
 declarations of the roinifterial advocates amount virtually ta 
 tliia ; thst the prefenc adminiliration is in the hands of men, 
 Whofe principles conllitute them implacable en— ro—- es to hiv 
 prefent m— j— fty and his family. I am ^hd^ they have 
 Made the confeflion. We know the better how to guard u* 
 gainft their dark defigns, and wicked intrigues anci mnchina^ 
 ttons. W« thank them for their hoiiell deciatations ; but w^ 
 cannot admire either their prudence, or their policy. Such. 
 profefHons one would think Ihould make their patrons blu(h» 
 ,v/hacsvsr their dedgns .may be. 
 
 r'^To have afled prudently, thefe writers fliould have followed^ 
 the example of the Jacobites and Tories in the reign of king 
 William the third ; who when they got into the admini(lration« 
 and poir«fl4id themfelves of places of power» and trulis of con<* 
 fequence,' declared there was not a Jacobite iathe nation; on 
 the contrary, that all thofe who were reproached with thofe 
 odious appellations, wire loyal and afie^ionate fubjefls to hii 
 Dutch majedy. However, notwithllanding all this pretended 
 aifeAion, and outward appearance of loyaltv, thefe netymin, ' 
 at the fame time, were forming a fcheme to aifafiinate that- 
 
 ?rince» and for introducing their old Popilh king to the thrcna* 
 'he prefent race of Tories more open and more honed declara 
 what they are without difguife, give us warning, and hcnceleave 
 us to guefs what they are at, and to |>repare a g'xard againit 
 them. 
 
 "KX. Rem. Vlt. I (hall now draw towards a conclusion wlik 
 telling a (lory, which I lately found in fome manufcript me-*' 
 moirs of the kingdom of Hungary, written in Latin; and which" 
 from its difparity to any thing, which has happened in the pre^*' 
 fent times, cannot be applied, even as a oontrary; and henc8 
 not, fo much as fuggefted, to b« libellous, even by Ton//, who» 
 through the aflldance of iaiU'a/emiicSf In the reigns of Charletf 
 the fecond, and his brother, drew poifou and treafon Out o( 
 every innocent difcourfe, and converted iimple relations of hi- 
 ilorical fa£ls into feditious libels by their venomous breath. 
 
 But, if this were the cafe then, temptra mutantur, the times 
 are altered. Our prefent miniders have clear heads, clean 
 hands, and honeft hearts, and will not give direiflions to certain r 
 lawyers, or dare, like the libeller, who wrote the names of thi|n 
 principal inhabitants of his parifti, to all the fins in the M^Mi^ 
 Duty of Man i to convert an innocent (lory into an infamoHf . 
 libelf by changing the H«ff;<7r/<<7^ into J?/i^/{^ names. 
 
 'i- 
 
 Who dratKs a character ^ don not titfame, 
 Ht mahtt tbt liht It 'who fuf flies the narrM 
 
 ■ * . ' 
 
 C" 
 
 tot 
 
 •■.'♦■. 
 
 •c. 
 
 •4 
 
 ^C 
 
,^/ 
 
 •*' 
 
 (S8) 
 
 . But how is It poflibic to fupply an apt name> unlefs there be 
 t fitnilitude of chara£lers ? Iffy, how a libel, unlefs itbefuch)*^ 
 to fpeatc truth, and fcourge vice? GoeJ fame is the reward of 
 virtue ; iaJ, the punifhment of vice. Now rewards and pa-^ 
 Bi(hmenes are the hinges, the poles on which all government' 
 turns, both human and divine. Would you rob virtue of heff: '•■ 
 ftrms ? And cafe vice of her terrors ? Tell roe not of the ma-r 
 giftrate's oifice ; his, ends with, a Angle a£t ; a bad reputation is^ 
 a conftant puniihment. The objeflion implies, the chaiUfe-* 
 meat of the^magiftrate is ineiFeitual, and inferior to the con* . 
 ftant reproach of the world. Wicked men are afraid of thofe.- 
 reproaches, they are nettled with them. They are alwayi ^urig 
 i^th the charge of their old crimes, or prefent vice's. V/hat! 
 a contradiction is man I that he cannot bear, to hear him^' 
 fclf charged with the guilt of thofie vices, which he ddres coi\-' 
 ftantly to pra£tife. .. , . . r:i 
 
 ftn<fn 
 
 Video tntliora proboquty 
 
 Et deteriora fequor. 
 
 
 As the punifliment, which the magiftrate inftiCts,' is foon tt- ■: 
 ver, and a conftant dread of reproach attends the guilty, tode*- 
 bar reproaching men with their crimes, is to take away one^ 
 curb on vice, nay a principal one; and to rob virtue of one of ' 
 the chief partis ef her armour, with wiiich &e combats tho/ 
 nonfter. If a good name be. an incitement to virtuii, s^ badj 
 fame is a reftraint on vice. Not to publiih a man's wickfidtt; 
 nefs is to expofe the innocent to his fnares. fiut, according 
 tafome, the bare relating a crime, a man has been giiiltyiON 
 is a libel ; fuch corrupt mean fools have been found in the law* ? 
 to fcreen the guilty great from the puntihment of reproach : c 
 but all hat b<Kn otfered under the fpecious pretext ofproteAing . 
 the innocent ; ; whereas innocence foon cures the bite of flaoder : 
 by her own balm, and has in herfelf her own confolatiott uader : 
 re{)roach. . Thus much by way of prdude ; we come sowtQ ,- 
 the ftory. 
 
 In the kingdom of Hungary there lived two great lords* s 
 whofe eftates were parted only by the river Drave. The name i 
 of one was count Qrandarotjkft and the name of the other was 
 Bulla finjiy. Count Grandurotjky had been a miner for many > 
 'years^ and had, by his fuccefs, very much enlarged his eQ;4te» i 
 his intereft, and his power; which rend<;red him extremely T 
 v^n, infolent and turbulent towards his neighbours. Count* 
 Bvlhfinjky was advifed by his ftewards and tenants, in chief, X»:\_ 
 try his luck in mining likewiie ; in order, K» be in a concyiti()n». \| 
 to proted his neighbours, and to oppofe by his riches any un- 
 juft attempt, Grandnrotjky might make oa his properj^, hf^ 
 
 fetting 
 
 f '* ' 
 
 ■^ 
 
 i; ■ 
 
 :%•• 
 

 J -". 
 
 fetting up 9ay pretended title, and going to law with him, for 
 any part of his eftate, as the count had done with fome of hisr 
 neiniboun, which had proved their ruin. 
 
 under the ftewardihip of one yulpokinjkyt he .began finking a 
 miHt, which, througn the unskilfulnefs of the fieward and 
 bailifFf, was very injudicioufly condu£led, and hence great in- 
 jury accrued to the lands of the count^s tenants. Upon this they- 
 raifed a great claihour againft his officers, and fignified to hinii, 
 that one Pitanowjky would conduA the work to his and their 
 advantace, iftheurlord would pleafe to advance him to the 
 ftewirdmip, and give him the direction of the mine. Th« 
 count was a rood gracious lord to his tenants, purfued their de- 
 iires, and proceeded in finking the mne^ and draining off tlie 
 Waters, with great fuccefs, under the direction of Pitanoiujky^ 
 'who was a very honeft, judicious, skilful man, and had the m* 
 tereft of the count and his tenants more at heart, than any 
 ftcward he had employed for many years before. In purfuing 
 the work, which he carefully examined himfelf, by confulting 
 the various ciunchts, 6ats, veins, marcafites, &c. thro' which 
 he paffed, ho often' fo directed the work, that they came to fine 
 Vf ins of copper, tin, cobalt, calmint, marble, cgal and ftrata , 
 of rich mart, which brought in the expence of mining ahd an 
 overplus ; and very much improved the eftates of his tenants 
 in chief, and the bargains and trades of their under-tenants : 
 hence all feemed mightily delighted with their lord's minings 
 except a few ill-natured envioOs tenants in chief, who mortally 
 hated his fteward Pltam'wjky, and who chofe rather, that their 
 own eftates, and their lord's ftiould be injured, than Pitanoujky 
 fhould enjoy the honour of having advanced the profperity of 
 both. Thtfs, like Samff,n, they chofe to burv themfelves ia 
 the ruin of their enemy. Others were difgufted with paying 
 afmalltax, which the count -had aright to raife on their e- 
 Hates, and which they werp obliged to pay by their tenures, 
 whenever he yi'ent to mining ; not confidering, that the ad- 
 vantages which arofe from &emarl; and the employment of 
 the peafanfs, more than made good the tax they paid. 
 
 lC.with(landing the clamours of weaknefs and wickednefs, 
 Pitano'wjky preyailed on the count to continue the luori. Th& 
 miners proceeded for a confiderable time, cpnftantly meeting 
 .with many advantages,' and obtaining certain prognoftics from 
 the various yfrata they pafied through,' of great fuccefs and 
 riches. By andby old coixnt Bullr*JinJky dies, and the youngr 
 count fucceeds. There was a gentleman in the neighbourhood, 
 who had been employed in working a German mine ; ind iaad 
 lii^Q tniiting very much his ftudy, yet knew very liidc of me- 
 
 . ■ . '. . •'/■■'•%■<.■.:, ■.••■•. ^- ^' •' •! r' 
 
 ■■Jt'/i:■y'l■■^ ' 
 
 t 
 
 '^■' 
 
 t .*■. , 
 
 
»' ":.'•' 
 
 { 60) 
 
 '•'< '• 
 
 tahrgy ; his name was Butsrowflcy, This oitn having gained 
 nn intimacy wiih fome female? in the family, they recommend- ' 
 ed him to the yQung count, as a very skilful miner, and ad. 
 vii'ed htm to cqnfalt him in the. bufmefs of mining, which he 
 did. Tlie new miner (oon^infinuated, that Py/tinewiifjr would 
 ruin him by pur(uing the work, and advifed the cpupt to dif- 
 charge him from his iiewardfhip, and turn him out of his fisr- 
 vice as a great knave. He followed his counfel ; and then was 
 prevailed on by him, (o give off the work, for fear of e)c- 
 
 . pence ; juft as, in the opiuion of all experienced miners, they 
 were within a few fathom of a vc'ry rich vein of filvtr ear. 
 The count loft all his e;(pe^cc. became the pity of the moft hO- 
 neil of h.s tenants, and the freer of. the neighbourhood.— «- 
 Eveiy one afciibed his conduft to the intrigues of Grandantsky 
 %vith I utoroiKsky, and did not doubt, but a large fum was paid 
 to the / Jl for his own ufe, and to diftribute among the te- 
 nants, in order to induce 0ȣ to picvail on the count to blovr 
 vp ihe Pit, dcftioy the xyorks, and cede the eftate, on which 
 tiity mined, to Gi<,ndar tslj \ and to procure the <ipprobatiotn 
 of the 4-/' ;• to fuch an excraordinaiy meafu^C;, 
 
 „; The cOiiiequenco wai, Grandantsky gat Butcnowsiy to turn 
 evidence againit count B^hifinsky^ and then commenced an ac- 
 
 ,rii<n agaiiirt him, on the behaU of one Siuartikay^ the coufin pf 
 p.utufoixsly, who laid a claim to count Btflljiisky''% eftate. 
 The fyit was cattied on wi h great warmth and vigour, and in 
 the iiVue ludoptity was ouiled, And Siuarts/tay held the eftatp, 
 ^f. n imi ni^dur, ijr.ui.ar-i/iiy Poor Builjinksliy retired to a 
 li.tltfcoc, a.rtd crab orch.a a, on the other fide of the Danuhe, 
 jived obicare, and fed hogs, by which he procured a wretched 
 . jtveiiliooJ. Bu(o-ir.-ii,-i/:y obtained tor h'mfeif- the ftewardfhip of 
 
 , the manor, and the grant of a large wood and common for 
 
 hiaiiiif and his heiri, as the v/ages of his perjury and trea- 
 
 Ciitry. But he lived aiid died hated by all the tenants, who 
 
 giicyed for the loi's of tiieir gracfious lord, count BulLfns/iyf 
 
 .ftnd iV^'^r^d a CiUel tyranny under the aythorit^ pjf 5,*-. 
 
 I fh'ill ccrcluHo my account K^f this Tory-farce of argument, 
 &s pih-^r f.i'CCi are cosicJuded, with a tag of rhin>e, which was 
 »ut ino "Jy hands, ^ f^w days agO, m manuCgript, b/ my 
 ba>^k<"cller. \t follows: ; . 
 
 :> r,,i..f- 
 
 '* '".^/|>-V^,«;r;.-.'s arms, eaah, air, and feas diRurb, 
 
 4«,nc^-, f^utJtr, rc?r, ^nd tl.«ll=r through the orb i 
 
 < ( 
 
 .,v.^.'vii 
 
 ■:,:vvi •;,:•» ^: 
 
 Vk^ 
 

 ( 6i ) 
 
 Like fmall beer bottled, open with t craxk. 
 
 Smoke, foam» hot prove, they ftietigth and fpirit ladl 9 
 
 The groaning mountains and the laboring earaiy 
 
 Only produce a//' Mo«/r*8 pi'th: • 
 
 For bully -like Britannia fpeods her fires, 
 
 Sneaks off, and with a (hameful peace retires; 
 
 inft like the candle's glow, her glories fink. 
 Haze for awhile, and finiih in a STINK. 
 
 * Parturiunt montes nafcetur ridlctilut must 
 
 ... _ Hon. de Arte roctidt^ 
 
 ; F 1 N I 5. 
 
 rnt, 
 I my 
 
 \^<i 
 
 »^ - Advertifement to the R£Ai>£ii. 
 
 TH E Publiflier could not prevail on the noble author' to 
 corre£)^he prefs, but the firil employed feme other per- 
 fon, who has remarked the following Errata. 
 
 Part I. IntrodufUon. 
 
 ■':'^j\- 
 
 Page 2. line 3. (or principles, md tke prindplts ; 1. 21. for have tU wet, 
 r« have met, and dele » r ; 1. 37. for dcfired, r. defiredi p. 3. 1. 41. for ft'«- 
 bky r. able ; p. 6. 1. 42. for lent, r.fent ; p. 8. 1. 36. for adice, r. adviei { 
 p. 17. 1. 34. iot probity, r., propr'ie^ ; p* 17. laft line favc one, tor y 
 then, r. if when; p. 19^ laft line fa ve two, ior importance, t, invoice % . 
 p. 21. 1. 3. for thii a f,oliJh, t, thi: is Afoolijh', p. 24. 1. 39. forfamapf' 
 temia, r.fama pttntiie ; p. 26. for Part II. r. Part the I. for ifjg. r . Jlrg. 
 II. p. 29. 1. 5. for aJfeSs them as 6 millions, r. affeSs them as much as 6 
 millions ; p. 31. U 8. for that of Newfoundland, r. that the trade of Nevffomid-< 
 land; p. 32. in the note, I. 7. for mamifaffures, r. mamfaSurtrs ; p. 32. 
 1. 15. for falacious, r. fallacious, p. 34. for I9 taking, r.vnlejithgftakey, 
 I. zt. for at ports, r. as ports ; p. 36. note, r.for that author i p, 37. 1. 31. ' 
 for as, r. all which ; p. 40. 1. 35. r. late union } p. 41. K 38. r. the powers % 
 ]. 59. r. the internal ; 1. 41. for her power, r. the power ; p. 43. 1. 5. dele 
 frenchified ; p. 44. 1. i. r. to be made ; p. 45. 1. 23. r. If we retain y p. 47. 
 1. 4. iot found, t.formd. , , , , 
 
 PART II. 
 
 P. 3. I. 00. r. nwifcr his porter ; p. 4. 1. 25 
 too formidable ; j.. 6.1. 32. for was their no, r. 
 ;Iea«; p. lo. t. that accurfcd ; p. 13. 1. 3^ 
 
 ^ was there no , 
 
 > . . .* 
 
 men enow ; p.j. f. 41. 
 p. 7. 1. 23. 
 
 r. Juccefs was i p. 1$. 
 36. r. no conqueHs ; p. 18. 1. 2. for by a caption, t. by a renunciation ; p, 
 20. I. 15. for artnot, r. thiy are nttt, as; p. 23. 1. 5. for cuts, r.cut; 1. 14. 
 forfpruttg, r.Jprang; p. 25. 1. 17. for Af , r. Lewis XIV. p. 27. I. 25. for 
 crt\7» hinders, r. cjfJ/V nnJ<« ; p. 3f. I. 16. for P-t^s, t. P-tt ; p. 39. 1. z. , 
 for preventative, r. preventive j p. 42, 1. 35. iot Spaniard, r. SJ^afn j p. 43. 
 1. 2. for thdr f-irmtr , r, the former j ij. 43. 1. 26. r. wax difcarded j I. 33. r. 
 majfei and chaos's i p. 4H. 1. i. r. <»•« acc^/Jj ; p. 49. I, u, r.l'oryifm. Thb 
 r^Jider will eafiiy correft Oiher miftakes hjmfeif. 
 
 '•' i'-'y- 
 
 I *.