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A N E N T 
 
 THE 
 
 NORTH AMERICAN 
 
 CONTINENT. 
 
 "What is that hath been ? the same thing sliall bo , . 
 
 LONDON: 
 WILLIAM RIDGWAY, 109, PICCADILLY, W. 
 
 MARCH. 
 lS(3i. 
 
 Prion Sixpence. 
 
.1 
 
ANENT 
 THE NOIITH AMEJfKJAN CONTINENT. 
 
 TffiiKE years j.o-,) ., u,,.at IJrpiihlip fluuriHlif.d across 
 the Atlantic, whose citizens ilatt<"rc,l tliciiisclvcs that 
 the iiiiioteeiith century A^•ouI.I witness the anial-uma- 
 tion under one g-overnnient of the divers rams in- 
 hrdjitnio. their continc^nt -from the ivx reo-ions to 
 the Istlnnus of l^nianni. " "" 
 
 TJn-ee months h.ter a ])rovincial (h-sturbance in the 
 harbour of Cliarleston disi)..]led their dreams of em- 
 pire; yet they mio-Jit as well have believed tliat their 
 descendants would g-overn the tidal How of the ocean, 
 as that their hemisphere would not be su])jected tJ 
 Nature's laws. 
 
 History teaches that both lloman and Carlovin- 
 g'lan enipn-es Mere dismembered in consequence of 
 the mabdity of their central g-overnments to exercise 
 a beneficial sway over inereashig populations, en- 
 lightened by civilisation, and determined to localize 
 the supreme direction of their affairs. 
 
 liefore many years have elapsed the North 
 American Continent will l)e occupied !»v a oroup of 
 Commonwealths, every one possessing- its a,itonomv, 
 and capable of defending, its territory ag-ainst home 
 
 or foreig-n ag'gressors. 
 
 
4 
 
 It would be a putriotic jiolioy on the part of 
 nntive Amfricins, Caiiadiniis^ and Mexicans, to 
 facilitate the formation, in GeooTapliical Divisions, of 
 as many States as the intc^rests of their citizens 
 mipht require ; and, whilst reservino- to eacli its 
 complete independence in reg-ard to political economy, 
 to form one confederation, with uniftrin currency, 
 comnion customs union, postal, telegTajdiic, steam- 
 boat and railroad connnunication, banking* and 
 commercial i^'ivileg-es. 
 
 The rig'ht to hold property, and to 1)(^ naturalized 
 in the various Divisions, should be secured to natives 
 desirous of chan<»'ini>- their domiciles. 
 
 There is still time for such friendly arrang'cments 
 between the two sections of th(^ late United States, 
 but the eleventh hour has struck; and, were the 
 present Americans wise in their g-eneration, they 
 would avail themselves of the opportunity, and not 
 run the risk (jf seeino- their Continent divided into 
 as many hostile republics, as is that of South 
 America. 
 
 The leading' maritime PoAvers of Europe oug*ht to 
 remove whatever obstacles the Americans find in- 
 superable towards the attainment of these objects ; 
 and, to begin with, they should take an active ])art 
 in settling- the questions at issue between the 
 American bellig'erents, a speedy solution to which 
 can alone pi*event the annihilation, for thirty years 
 to come, of their respective sources of prosperity, a 
 
r) 
 
 result na (Iftrimriitn] to tlx? interests of the Old 
 "World as to those of the New. 
 
 In the United States no one has the eourao-o to 
 ])roclaini openly that the Union ean ne\er he re- 
 stored -that Noi-th and South should sepai-ate into 
 two divisions, and that a third suhdivision, if ve- 
 (juired, should he allowed to take place for the sake 
 of restoring- poaee, 
 
 In the Confederate States, the Goverinnent, in- 
 stead of using- all the energ'ies of the p.'oplo to de- 
 fend its natural frontiej-s, and to reconquer those 
 portions of its territory invaded hy the Northern 
 army, is strug-g-ling- to maintain a nominal suzerainty 
 over the country to the west of the Mississipj)i, 
 which, for extent and si)arseness of poi)ulation, may 
 be most aptly compared with r)00,000 square miles 
 of Australian plains, where the traveller falls in with 
 one or two shepherd flirms on a forenoon ride. 
 
 The truth is that the Northern and Southern 
 governments are both striving- to attain an imperial 
 future for their respective sections ; the former for a 
 country peopled by freemen and f)lack serfs, the 
 latter for one inhabited by ^^•hite men and Neo-ro 
 slaves. The lot of the unfortunate Blacks is indeed 
 deserving- of commiseration ; for, under either sys- 
 tem, they are to be employed as " hewers of wood 
 and drawers of water'' to their pale-fiiced country- 
 men, in stEcula sceculorifm. 
 
 When we emancipated our West Indian Neg-roes 
 the masters were few, the slaves were many! the 
 

 
 islands smnll, the ilcots mid s()ldi(,'rv of Euo-jjiiid 
 \voi'(\ nt Imiid, if rcrinircd, to protect tlif l)laok 
 people ill tlicir iif'w l\-:io(|uir('(l rii^-lits, and the 
 rcsnlt \\as a disastrons failnre to the mora) and 
 social intcirsts of all concci'iicd. None of tlios(! 
 conditions e.xist in respect to sLnerv on the North 
 -American continent. IVom Chesapeake Bay, in a, 
 direct line to the confhu'iice of the liio Puercos Avitli 
 the Kio Grande, from the sonth-eastward of that line 
 to the shores of the McAican Gulf and the Atlantic 
 Ocean, the soil is principally ada])te(l for the lahour of 
 the African race alone, w liile \\ ithin these limits is 
 contained an area snfHciently laro-o to employ in its 
 cultivation fifty millions of that class. As the 
 Avhite Jind coloured American races have heretofore 
 increased in relative proportions, we may assume 
 that they will do so in future, and that senseless 
 aholition liOAvls, from A\hicliever side of the ocean 
 they proceed, will not improve the lot of our 
 swarthy fellow creatures, hut rather make their 
 latter condition u orse than their first. 
 
 At Richmond and Washino-ton, in Tennessee and 
 Virginia, the civil and militai'v authorities are too 
 seriously occui)ied to have leisure or inclination for 
 projecting' any jvlan for the extrication of their de- 
 luded countrviiien out of the slouo-h of ruin and 
 mis(i'}- into which the manceu\res of unscrupulous 
 politicians have ])lunged them, and in which the 
 interests of speculators, stockjobbers, army con- 
 tractors, blockade-runners, and unprincipled adven- 
 
s 
 
 inrovH, fho Pwoopiiio-s of cvm- cVunn, rri\\\\\'i> iluit 
 they sliould roiiKiiii. Xor is it to hv expected tliiil 
 any iiiiliieiitial Ixxly of men, in citliei- ilie l^dernl 
 or ('onfedenite States, will d-)re to advocate the 
 eanse of'])eaeefuI separation, and tlins incur tlie yen- 
 <;vance of despotic (»overinnents, wlio emplov flieii 
 nrnied leo-ions to crush political and military oppi.- 
 nents indiserimiiiateJv. 
 
 Besides the moral, tluMV ir; a material aspect of 
 the Amerioan question, 
 
 Avenerahle ex-lVesid<Mit of the United States, at 
 the time of a naval expedition to the ]']astern seas, 
 hiid down the doctrine that the Americans were 
 morally justified in forcing- the barharian nations to 
 op<'n their ports, for the purpose of supph ing* civi- 
 lised nations with such commodities as the former 
 possessed in superabundance, and the latter stood in 
 n(>ed of. How, therefore, can the Nortliern pr^\ ent 
 the Southern section of the late United States from 
 supplying' the nations of the Avorld with cotton ? 
 
 Moreover, the g-reatest consumers of cotton o<oods 
 are the middling-, but especially the lower, classes 
 in every country ; the bulk of cotton cloth uv.uh is 
 of the inferior descriptions, and the cotton required 
 for tliis is of the loAver qualities. The principal cus- 
 tomers can only l)uy larg-ely ^vdien cloth is to be had 
 cheap ', consequently, the consumption has been 
 g-reatly aflected by the rise in ])rices which scarcity 
 of the raw material has produced during- the last 
 two years. 
 
 Ten million hundred weig-hts of raw cotton is re- 
 
8 
 
 fjuiiYMl to knej) thr mills in Great Britain workiiij^* 
 t'ull time. One and a quarter pountls of Uj)Isin(l or 
 Surat cotton is required to produce one pound of 
 cotton yarn. The cost of manufacture amounts to 
 from three to fourpence per ])ound for every pound 
 of yarn. In consequence of the iluctuations in the 
 prices of I'aw cotton, the diilerence between the cost 
 and the price at which the yarn sells constitutes the 
 only profit which the spinner can dejiend on. The 
 profit of the power-loom weaver depends on the price 
 he has to pay for the yarn, but g'enerally the w ealthy 
 sj)inner, weaver, and printer, when combined under 
 one association, procure a sale for their manufacture, 
 at one time in the form of yarn, at another in that 
 of cloths, whether unbleached, bleached, or printed ; 
 and the profits made on the cloths are often not 
 larger than would have been made by the sale of 
 the yarns. 
 
 Fifty thousand bales, or two hundred thousand 
 hundred \\eig*hts of raw cotton, will every week be 
 required to keej) the mills working* full time, on 
 account of new mills and additions made to those 
 previously existing* since the cotton famine com- 
 menced ', and the following tables will convince the 
 most sceptical of the improbability of a return of 
 pros})erity to Lancashire until there is enough of 
 American cotton to supply not only ourselves but 
 the world at large; considering that, besides the 
 quantity required for our own consumption, there 
 ought to be two to three million cwts. always in 
 stock at Liverpool. 
 

 
 TABLE A. 
 
 Total lin])orts of Cotton into Oreat ]iritaiii during tlio follow- 
 ing yours approximately, in cwU. 
 
 ISO]. ]s(;2. mv3. 
 
 From i:nitcd States . . 7,30(».00() 100,000 100.000 
 
 „ iiulia 8,300,000 3,r,0(),()()0 3,900,0(K) 
 
 „ Other quartera . . 000,000 1,100,000 2,0(X),000 
 
 Cwts. 
 
 11,200,000 1,700,000 0,000,000 
 
 TABLE B. 
 
 Trices of Cotton, Tarn, and Cloth, during the following years, 
 in Liverpool and Manchester. 
 ISGl. ISGl. 
 Cotton, raw, mid. Upland 7(1. 2GiL 
 
 }t 
 
 fair Surat 
 40 Mule yarn 
 30 Water twist 
 
 } 
 
 7. 
 
 0(. 
 
 12d. 
 
 22(7. 
 
 28<?. 
 
 per pound. 
 
 Printer, Cotton cloth, Gs. sterling 12.?. sterling, per piece of 
 
 29 yards, weighing 1 pounds. 
 
 With these fig'ures under our eyes, we cannot 
 unreservedly' accept the assurance that the mills 
 will have sufficient cotton for four days and a half 
 
 ft. 
 
 l)er week diu-ing- the present^ and for six da}'s per 
 week throuo-hout next year. 
 
 Great Britain cannot he rendered independent of 
 America for cotton for ten years to come; and, even 
 if India should replace America in this respect, it is 
 not in our power to prevent the collapse which will 
 take place there, and in other quarters, so soon as 
 
10 
 
 the American war is ended; as cotton A\ill be i^'rown 
 to as great nn exif^nt in tlie Southern Confederacy 
 hereafter as heretofore. 
 
 The States of Alabama and of Mississippi, in 1800, 
 produced tog-ether as nnich cotton as tlie whole 
 amount of American cotton imported into Great 
 Britain, on an averag-e, during- cacli of tJie tln-ee 
 previous years. These States, A^ hicli possess milHons 
 of acres of virg-in soil, if peopled with a suflicient 
 number of Neg-roes, either working- as slaves or on 
 General Banks' new system, would produce as much 
 cotton as the whole world cnn use ; and this alone 
 will g-ive some idea of the supplies that may ag-ain be 
 forthcoming- from the American Continent. 
 
 But the protraction of this war does not benefit 
 any kind of honest hidustry on either side of the 
 Atlantic. The shiphuilding- interest is exposed to 
 disag-reeable uncertainties, to which the cases pend- 
 ing- before the Law Courts sufticiently testify: and no 
 trade is favourably aftected, except the manufacture 
 of cannon, firearms, shot, shell, and other miniitions 
 of war; and it is lamentabh.* that colossal fortunes 
 should be made, in a Christian land, by furnishino- 
 weapons to enable thirty millions of our race to de- 
 stroy one another amidst the horrors of q\\\\ war. 
 
 Under these deplorable circumstances, it is well to 
 remember that there does not, and cannot, exist on 
 the American Continent any moral force adequate 
 to arrest the march of events. Even sup])osino' that 
 the Northern and Southern g-o^ernments desired to 
 
11 
 
 terminate hostilities, upon whose behalf could the 
 former acknowledg-e the latter, or what authority 
 would the latter })ossess to nccept terms at the hands 
 of the former ? The people can o-rant the requisite 
 authority, but the respective Governments are power- 
 less to lead them, even were they inclined to make 
 the essay. To reason with them in their present 
 choleric condition would be as profitless as to 
 harang-ue the inmates of Bedlam ; whilst as for 
 waithig- until they are likely to become reasonable 
 hearers, the time would be as ])rofitably spent watch- 
 ing- for the waters to ascend, instead of descending-, 
 the Falls of Niao-ara. 
 
 The sole means for restoring- peace to the American 
 people consists in the simultaneous " llecog-nition of 
 the Government at llichmond, as representing- the 
 Southern Confederacy,'' by France, Great Britain, 
 Spain, Portug-al, and Mexico. The sooner this 
 ste}) is taken, the sooner the war will be terminated j 
 and until it be taken the war will not be ended. 
 
 In conclusion, the principal objections liitlierto 
 advanced ag'ainst Becog'uition may be, witliout diffi- 
 culty, successfully ansuered. 
 
 1. From all quarters ^\e hear that public opinion 
 demands the maintenance of the strictest neutrahty. 
 But this policy has displeased botli l)ellig'erents and 
 may, at times, l)e justly reg-nrded by each as one- 
 sided. After all, what is "public opinion" but a 
 convenient term for '^public feeling-," obeying- an im- 
 
12 
 
 pulse g-enerally derived from a party view of a 
 popular question, g'uided by the ministry of the day ? 
 2. Althouo-h foreig-n nations oug-ht not to assist 
 either bellig-erent with material force, yet they are 
 bound to accept the conclusions arrived at by such 
 States in the Southern Confederacy as have hofia 
 Jide totally emancipated themselves from, and re- 
 pudiate the sway of, the Government at Yv'ashing-ton. 
 Has any eminent American or European statesman 
 or lawyer satisfactorily disproved the rig-ht of seces- 
 sion, claimed by certain States which were formerly 
 members of the Federal Union? Will any one deny 
 the rig-ht of the g-reater or of the minor German 
 Powers to decline remaining- members of the German 
 Confederation? And will any one undertake to 
 prove that the States of Alabama or Pennsylvania, 
 of Massachusetts or South Carohna, are not as truly 
 sovereig-n, independent States as Hanover or Hesse 
 Cassel ? 
 
 3. The simple act of Eecog'nition by the two great 
 Maritime Powers of Europe, even if they acted 
 without the others, would bring- to the surilice, both 
 in North and South, the g-iant peace parties, who 
 would force their respective Governments to con- 
 clude an armistice, to appoint deleg-ates, and to 
 nominate commissioners for settling- the terms of 
 separation, whereby ample territory could be secured, 
 both to the United States and to the Southern C^on- 
 federacy. 
 
 4. No one can now affect ig-norance as to what 
 
13 
 
 States form, and what constitutes the frontiers of, 
 the Southern Confederacy; but if any person desires 
 such information, let him study the bulletin of the 
 French Moniteur, or the leading- articles of the 
 London morning* and evening* daily press. 
 
 5. Is it probable that the Northern States would, 
 at the same time, carry on a war ag*ainst Great 
 Britain, France and the Southern Confederacy? 
 And is it not nearly certain that, peace being" once 
 re-established among* them, the Americans, like the 
 Europeans after 1815, will have had enoug-h of war 
 for one g*eneration at least? But supposing* that 
 they did declare war, how long* would Philadelphia, 
 New York, and Boston bear being* blockaded ? How 
 many American vessels would run throug-h an 
 auxiliary blockading* squadron, plying* between Hali- 
 fax, Bermuda, and the Bahamas? How^ many 
 American privateers would be found in the Eastern 
 Seas, or in the Pacific Ocean, if Great Britain and 
 France declared that their officers would, if captured, 
 be liable to transportation for life, and their crews to 
 hard labour, seeing that privateering*, buccaneering* 
 and piracy are equall}' opposed to the spirit of modern 
 civilisation? If Great Britain has £120,000,000 
 sterling* at all times afloat on the waters, there is at 
 least the hall' of this sum invested in cotton ma- 
 chinery, and an equal amount when profitably em- 
 plo^ed in the manufacturing* trade can give employ- 
 ment to half a million operatives. Surely the enabling* 
 our cotton operatives to earn fair and remunerative 
 
14 
 
 wag'es is as important as doing* so for tlie crews of the 
 vessels carrying* the aforesaid merchandise j and the 
 vested interests of the millowners have as legitimate a 
 claim to protection as those of the owners of eitlier 
 ships or cai'g'oes. 
 
 0. Should the Northern States desire to annex 
 Canada, it will enable the Canadians, with our as- 
 sistance, to reg'ulate their south-eastern frontier at 
 the expense of the States of Mahie, New Hamp- 
 shire, and Vermont, besides securing- for them, what 
 they have been too long* deprived of, the harbour 
 and town of Portland. Moreover, one of the pri- 
 mary effects of a blockade would be to cause the 
 Great Western Lake States to detach themselves 
 from the United States, and either declare them- 
 selves Secessionists or crave for permission to form 
 part of Canada. Should the Canadians, however, 
 decline to assist in their own defence, why should 
 they be prevented establishing' themseh^es under 
 whatever form of g'overnment they may prefer? 
 
 7. There is only one sensible scheme for abolish- 
 ing* slavery on the North American continent^ and 
 that is to satisfy the slave proprietors that it is their 
 best interest to prepare the NegTo race to support 
 a well dig'ested system of g'radual emancipation j 
 and, combined with this, to circumscribe the limits 
 of the territory on a\ Inch slavery exists. This can 
 best be done by enabling' the Southern Confederacy 
 to take its place as an independent nation among-st 
 t\: ) powers of the world. What has made slavery 
 
( 
 
 u 
 
 • 
 
 15 
 
 flourisli ill the Southern States liitherto has been 
 the aid and protection afforded it by the cupidity of 
 the Nortliern States. AVhat will most speedily 
 ensure its extinction, are the conflicting- interests 
 of the slave owners and of their non-slave owning- 
 fellow citizens, tog-ether with the influence exercised 
 upon the Confederacy by surrounding- nations, which 
 are liostile to, and do not tolerate, this peculiar in- 
 stitution. 
 
 Finally, when a mansion is on fire, all friendly 
 neig-hbours aid in exting-uishing- the frames. Eng-- 
 land has some oblig-ations unfulfilled to the descend- 
 ants of her earliest colonists, and to those of the 
 African race ^n horn she transplanted to their soil ; 
 and there is no i)lan other than Kecog-nition by which 
 our American kinsfolk can be extricated from their 
 mournful condition, and their fair broad land become 
 ag-ain " a joy of many g-enerations." 
 
 TJIK i:nj). 
 
PAMPHLETS 
 
 ON 
 
 THE AMERICAN QUESTION. 
 
 ANENT THE UNITED STATES and the CONFE- 
 DEBATE STATES. 
 
 RECOGNITION OF the SOUTHEEN CONFEDERACY. 
 
 REFUTATION of FALLACIOUS ARGUMENTS anent 
 THE AMERICAN QUESTION. 
 
 JEFFERSON DAVIS, REPUDIATION, and SLAVERY, 
 by the Hon. R. J. Walker. 
 
 AMERICAN FINANCES and RESOURCES, by the Hon. 
 R. J. Walker. 
 
 DESTRUCTION op the AMERICAN CARRYING 
 TRADE, by Fred. M. Edge. 
 
 ENGLAND'S DANGER and her SAFETY, by Fred. M. 
 Edge. 
 
 LECTURES ON the AMERICAN DISRUPTION, by 
 Alex. J. Beresford Hope. 
 
 RECOGNITION, by F. W. Gibbs, C.B. 
 
 THE FOREIGN ENLISTMENT ACT, by F. W. Gibbs, 
 C.B. 
 
 THE FLAG OF TRUCE, by A White Republican. 
 
 THE WOES OF WAR, by A Southern Ladt.