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A View of Col. Johiis(,n"s Kug^.-uit with the Sava-cs (commundcd by Tcci

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1 Col. Johnson heroically dolVndinii; hiinsrit' jiiiain.st he attack of an Indian Chief.

2 The American Infantry firing upon a hodv of the oieniy on the left.
?f A dismounted Dra2;oon personally eni^ai:,ed \Nilh ok; of the t-nenjy.
4 TliL' cavidry pursuing the retreating savages across the hills.

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7 Tl>e savaijps, pursuLM] b]
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1 Col, Johpson heroically defending himself against the atj

2 The American Infantry firing upon a body of the tnemy

3 A dismounted Dragoon personally engaged with otte of tl

4 The cavalry pursuing the retreating savages across the h3

TT'- ■ -■■■K^T-

HISTORY

iii!:0c,i-:

. ^ ,••

or THE '

INDIAN WARS:

TO WHICH 13 PREFIXED A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA BY COLUMBUS,

Aim OF THE

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS AT PLYMOUTH,

WITH THEIR MOST REMARKABLE

ENGAGEMENTS WITH THE INDIANS

IN NEW ENGLAND,

PROM THEIR FmST LANDING, IN 1C20, UNTIL THE DEATH OF KING PHILIP, IN 1C70. ^

BY HENRY TRUMBULL.

TO WHICH IS HOW ADDED

A HISTORICAL ACCOUNT OF THE SUFFERINGS OF THE INHABIT-
ANTS OF THE FRONTIER SETTLEMENTS BY THE
SAVAGES, DURING THE FRENCH AND
REVOLUTIONARY WARS;

'AND ALSO THE

PARTICTJLARS OP EVERY IMPORTANT ENGAGEMENT WITH

THE INDIANS, IN THE SOUTHERN AND WESTERN

STATES AND TERRITORIES, TO THE

PRESENT TIME.

A NEW EDITION,

WITH AN ENTIRE NEW ARRANGEMENT, ESSENTIAL CORRECTIONS,

AND LARGE ADDITIONS.

" My countrymen, these things ought not to bo forgotten ; for the boneflt of our children, and lltase
that follow them, they should be recorded in Hiatory."— FranA/ira.

BOSTpN:

PHILLIPS AND SAMPSON

1846.

*%<

i-C>f '

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1641,

BY GEORGE CLARK,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of Massacnosetts,

T^3

STEREOTYPED BY

GEO. A. & J. CURTIS,

mEW-KNaLAMD TYPE AND STEREOTYPE FOUNDRY, B08TOH.

4- - - -.>s-"^ V.'

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Page.

Discovery of America by Columbus, 3

Conquest of Mexico by Cortez, ^.. 11

Conquest of Peru by Pizarro, 23

Destruction of the tribe of Indians called the Natches, 34

INDIAN WARS IN NEW ENGLAND. .

CHAPTER I. .. -

Commencement of Hostilities with the Natives — Destruction of the
Pequots, and Death of Sasacus, their Chief— Battle between the
Mohegans, under Uncas, and the Narragansetts, under Miantinomi,
in which the latter is slain — Peace between the Narragansetts and
the English ■ 47

. , , ' CHAPTER II. .

Treaty of Peace with Philip, the celebrated Chief of the Nipnet Tribe —
Treacherous Conduct of Philip, and War with him and the Narra-
gansetts — Great Battle near Mount Hope, in which the Indians are
defeated, 63

CHAPTER III. ' '

Philip's War, continued — Hostilities commenced by the Indians border-
ing on the river Merrimack, 75

■ty

IV CONTENTS.

CHAPTEK IV.

Coutiauatioa of ihe War with Philip— Battle with the Narragansetts,
under the command of their Queen, who is taken prisoner — Philip
slain by a son of Uncas — Hostilities of the Indians on the river
Kennebeck, in which a great Battle is fought, and the Indians totally
defeated, which was followed by a Treaty of Peace, 86

CHAPTER V.

Invasion of New York and New England, and the Destruction of Sche-
nectady by the French and Indians 07

.... CHAPTER VI.

Massacre oithe Inhabitants of Deer field, and Captivity of the Rev.
John Williams and Family, by the Savages-r-Continuation of Indian
Hostilities, 103

V; CHAPTER VII.

Remarks relative to the State, Customs, and ludicrous Opinions of the
Natives in New England, when first visited by our Forefathers, and
their rapid Depopulation since that period, Ill

CHAPTER VIII. : s-

Remarks on, the Indian Customs and Mode of Warfare, and the Change ^ ,,
that took place in consequence of their Intercourse with the French ; '
with a History of their Attacks on the Frontier Settlements during
the French War — Expedition to Norridgewog, and Death of the Jesuit
Ralle, and a Description of Lovewell's Fight — Brave Defence of the
Fort at Charlestown by Capt. Stevens 117

CHAPTER IX.

Plan for establishing a Military Settlement on the rich Intervals of Coos
— John Kilburn's brave Defence of his Garrison — Massacre of Prison-
ers by the Indians at Fort William Henry — The Village of St. Francis
destroyed by Rigers' Rangers — Quebec taken by Gen. Wolf, . . .136

CONTENTS. IT

CHAPTER X.

Remarks on Indian Hostilities at the commencement of the War of the
Revolution, and Settlement of the New Hampshire Grants in the
Coos country — Battle of Bennington, with its Results — Burning of

Royalton 150

^ , • ..>..,■•■.-■-

•- ' ' CHAPTER XI.

*•

Some Account of the diflerent Tribes of Indians inhabiting the Western
• Country, 165

CHAPTER XII.

Washington's Expedition, and Defeat of Gen. Braddock by the In-
dians, « 185 •«

,...--■ • . ' - :*

CHAPTER XIII.

Adventures of Capt. Daniel Boon, comprising an Account of the Wars
with the Indians on the Ohio, from 1769 to 1782, written by him-
self; 190

CHAPTER XIV.

Expedition of Gen. Harmer, and his Defeat by the Indians — Defeat of
Gen. St. Clair, near the Miami village, 202

CHAPTER XV.

Depredations of Indians on the Frontiers during the years 1791, 1792,
and 1793, , ► . . 215

CHAPTER XVI.

Decisive Battle gained by the American Army, tinder the command of
Gen. Wayne, over the hostile Indians on the river Miamis, . . .231

»**>. -^

> \

VI CONTENTS.

Pagtt.

CHAPTER XVII.

Expedition of Gen. William H. Harrison against the Savages on the
River Wabash— Battle of Tippecanoe, 236

CHAPTER XVIII.

Gen. Harrison's Engagements with the Indians during the late War
with Great Britain — Gallant Defence of Fort Meigs — Attack on Fort
Stephenson — Battle of the Thames — Death of Tecumseh, with
Remarks on his Charuclu, . . 249

CHAPTER XIX.

War with the Creek Nation — Massacre at Fort Mims — Battles of Tal-
lushatches, Tallegada, Antosse — Attack upon Camp Defiance, and
Brilliant Victory at the Bend of the Tallapoosa, 25S

CHAPTER XX.

Seminole War — ^Indian Depredations — Capture of Fort St. Marks —
Execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister — Pensacola taken by General
Jackson, 27S

CHAPTER XXI.

Hostilities with the Indian Tribes on the Northwestern Frontiers,
called Black Hawk's War 289

CHAPTER XXII.

Remarks on the War with the Florida Indians, or Seminoles, with its
Causes — Progress of the War — Osceola's treacherous Capture — ^His
Imprisonment and Death, 305

Pagoi.

} on the
. . .236

ite "War
on Fort
h, with
. . 24f

TO THE PUBLIC.

; of Tal-
ice, and

\Iarks —
General

. 27S

•ontiers,

• • • (wO(«>

vith its
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. . .305

Therk can be no subject more interesting, and more important to be
preserved, than what relates to the settlement of this country, with the
hardships suffered and perils encountered by our forefathers. They
had not only to contend against all the evils attendant upon subduing a
wilderness and guarding against starvation, but to defend themselves
against a numerous savage foe, who were naturally jealous of the
English, and opposed to their getting possession of their country.
Though they at first seemed disposed to treat them as friends, yet most
of the tribes in New England afterwards became their most inveterate
enemies, and a bloody war continued till they were destroyed or driven
from the country. For a period of something like a century and a
half, these wars continued, and formed the most important subjects of
discussion both in private circles and in legislative proceedings ; during
which time a great many extraordinary events took place, that were the
subjects of narrative, which were published in pamphlets, or handed
down from one generation to another by tradition. To preserve all
that is worthy of being recorded, will be found not only interesting to
the reader at the present time, but will be of the utmost importance to
the forming a correct history of our country.

The following work is a compilation from various sources, and, as
now published, forms a pretty correct account of the Indian wars, from
the first settlement of the country to the present time. Mr. Trumbull
prepared, as it is understood, from papers left by his ancestors, a history
of these wars, from the landing of the pilgrims to the death of King
Philip; with some account of the savage barbarities committed on our
eastern and western frontiers. This, as far as it goes, is probably as
correct and authentic an account of these events as can be expected to

VIU

TO THE PUBLIC.

be obtained at the present day. He printed several largr. -jijii/ns,
which were sold throughout the country, and became universally known
as " Trumbull's Indian Wars." The popularity of the work induced
its enlargement, and additions were made from such materials as could
be easily found, which swelled the bulk without much improving its
value. Subsequently the copyright passed into the hands of Mr. George
Clark, who, as a publisher, made the most of his bargain, by printing
and supplying the market with a cheap and popular book. Still to
increase the size, additions were made, from time to time, of such ma-
terials as could be easily obtained to enlarge the volume, by inserting
public documents, private letters, and official returns, with all their
details, which were of little interest to the common reader, and of no
value as to history.

It was thought to be too important a work to be continued to be
printed in such an irregular and imperfect manner ; and the subscriber
was solicited by the proprietor to make such alterations and additions
as should be deemed necessary to render it more worthy the public
patronage ; which was undertaken more as a printer and corrector of
the press, than as an author. The task has been attended with con-
siderable labor, and whether well or ill done, must be left to the public
to judge. Many things have been omitted, and others condensed, so as
to make the language more uniform, and the narrative of events more
intelligible to the reader. Nearly one hundred pages have been added,
in which are given the most important cases of suffering by the inhabi-
tants of the frontier settlements, from Indian hostilities, during the
French wars, till the conquest of Canada, as also that of the Revolu-
tionary war; to which has also been added the more recent Indian
hostilities on our western and southern frontiers, with such particulars
of the war with the Seminoles, or Florida Indians, as could be obtained.

The whole has been chronologically arranged and divided into
chapters, with suitable heading to each, and a table of contents pre-
fixed, for the convenience of reference ; and it is confidently believed
that it will be found to be a tolerably correct and faithful historical nar-
rative of the wars with the aborigines of this continent, from the first
discovery by Columbus to the present time.

It will not be improper here to remark, that all the ace ints of
Indian hostilities, horrid barbarities, and savage cruelties, are given on
one side ; for the poor Indian has no advocate, or any one to tell his
story. No one comes forward to plead ia his behalf, and state the
causes that might perhaps justify him for committing these acts.
Horrid acts of cruelty have been committed by civilized nations, when

tl!

TO THE PUBLIC.

lued to be

I subscriber

1 additions

the public

orrector of

1 with con-

I the public

;nsed, so as

vents more

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the inhabi-

'ing the

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particulars

5 obtained.

voided into

itents pre-

y believed

orical nar-

n the first

at war , but these are little thought of, and are suffered to pass off
without notice. That the Indians have received great wrongs from
the hands of the white man, cannot be denied ; and that they should
be actuated by a spirit nf revenge, and retaliate for these wrongs, is
perfectly natural; for they had no other means of getting any redress
for their grievances. By appealing to the white man for justice, they
only courted insult and greater wrongs. Dr. Franklin says, ""We call
ihem savages because their manners differ from ours, which we think
the perfection of civility ; they think the same of theirs. Perhaps, if
we could examine the manners of different nations with impartiality,
we should find no people so rude as to be without any rules of polite-
Tiess, nor any so polite as not to have some remains of rudeness."

When this continent was discovered, it was found to be peopled by
many millions of rational and intelligent beings, who were divided into
nations or tribes, and had their forms of government and their laws,
suitable to their condition ; and many of them had made considerable
advances in what is termed civilization. They no doubt enjoyed as
much happiness as falls to the lot of the inhabitants of any other pan
of the world. But now where are they ? It is true a few remnants of
them still remain ; but it is probable, ere another century passes away,
nothing will be known of them except what may be recorded in history.
These things seem mysterious ; but it would be impious to murmur at
the decrees of fate. There are changes constantly going on, not only
in the human family, but in the natural world. The injustice done to
the original inhabitants of this country, by driving them from where
the Great Spirit had placed them and given them an inheritance, can-
not be atoned for by man, but must be left to the decision of a higher
tribunal than can be found on earth. Much has been said, and many
plans have been proposed, to better their condition, by endeavoring to
induce them to adopt some more certain plan of getting a living than
by hunting; but in general this has only tended to make their condi-
tion worse ; for it seems evident that they must exist in their natura^
state, or dwindle and waste away, becoming miserable and degradec*.
outcasts.

The present policy of our government is to locate all that remain of
the Indian tribes in our neighborhood beyond the Mississippi. But
how long will they be suffered to remain there unmolested ? The cur-
rent of emigration to the West will soon come in contact with them.
Their lands will be wanted by the white man ; and the same difficul-
ties will again take place, and the same tragic scenes be again enacted
as heretofore. Besides, they will have numerous tribes between them

TO THE PUBLIC.

and the Pacific Ocean, who will naturally join with them in defending
themselves against the encroachments of the wkite people. This will
form a sort of new era in the history of Indian warfare ; and no perma-
nent peace can be looked for until the whole Indian race shall be
exterminated.

It cannot be expected that an impartial history of the aborigines of
America can be written during the present age. Our prejudices are so
firmly fixed by the relations we have heard from our childhood of
savage cruelties, that it is difficult to divest ourselves of them. The
popular feeling is averse to doing them justice. But it is to be hoped
that when time shall have worn away these prejudices, some future
historian will rise up and do them ample justice, by giving to the world
a correct and impartial history of their rise and fall. The subject is a
noble one, and the materials abundant for such an undertaking. They
have produced many great men and heroes, who would not suffer in
comparison with those of other times who have been celebrated in
history. Their perceptions in regard to moral principle, their strict
regard to truth, and freedom from hypocrisy and dis«imulation, place
them in many respects above 'hose nations who possess the advantages
of civilization. For the present, all we can do is to reoord the passing
events of the day, and preserve whatever is worthy of being handed
down to posterity as characteristic of this peculiar people.

E. G. House.

Boston, May 15, 1S41.

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USB.

DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS.

To the avarice of mankind, and the enterprise of the
Portuguese, we owe the present abundance of the gold,
the silver, the precious stones, the silks and the rich
manufactures. To that same avarice we owe the dis-
covery of the New World, the idea of whose very exis-
tence was for a long while held so absurd, that the love
of gain itself could not prompt men to the undertaking,
though the boldest navigator of all ages offered to risk
his life and reputation in the attempt.

Christoval Colon, or, as he is commonly called, Chris-
topher Columbus, to whom the high honor of this most
important of discoveries is due, is generally held to have
been a Genoese, though this has been disputed, and it has
been alleged, on very plausible grounds, that he was an
Englishman. Be that as it ma^, he was a navigator
skilful and enterprising beyond his age, and a brave com-
mander. Yet, at the age of forty, he was very little
known to his compatriots. The idea of fmding a new
terrestrial hemisphere does not appear to have occurred
to him, but, judging from the spherical form of the earth,
he thought it practicable to reach the East-Indies by
sailing directly west from Europe, an opinion that is evi-
dently correct, supposing that our continent did not bar
his progress. It seems singular that this idea never oc-
curred to any one before him, and still more so that the
most enlightened men of the age treated his proposals
with contempt. As his means were small and the ex-
penses of his enterprise must necessarily be great, he
first submitted his views to the government of Genoa, in
hope to obtain the requisite aid, but they were rejected
as altogether chimerical. He next offered his service as
an explorer of unknown regions to the court of Portugal ;

I ' I

DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS.

but though that nation was then distinguished above all
others by its spirit of enterprise, and the reigning king,
John the second, was a wise and sagacious prince, the
prejudice of his counsellors, to whom the project of Co-
lumbus was referred, defeated his views in that quarter
also. His next application was to Ferdinand and Isa-
bella, reigning sovereigns of Castile and Arragon, but
they were too much occupied in wresting the kingdom
of Grenada from the Moors, to give his plans the con-
sideration due to their importance. About the same
time, he sent his brother Bartholomew to England, to
solicit the assistance of Henry the seventh. ^ That mean
prince, though he rejected the proposals of the Genoese,
determined to profit by them, and despatched an expedi-
tion on his own sole account, on the track Columbus
had marked out. The courage of its commanders fail-
ed them, and they returned to England as they went.

Columbus passed many years in fruitless applications
to the Court of Ferdinand and Isabella, but at last,
Grenada being conquered and the war with the Moors
at an end, Isabella had leisure to attend to Columbus.
Possessed of a mind of no common order, she was not slow
to see that his project was at once reasonable and of the
highest importance, a^ she openly avowed herself his
patroness. Her husband, a cautious and narrow mind-
ed, though sagacious prince, would not commit himself.
All the aid he lent the adventurer was the sanction of his
name. It is with a woman, therefore, that the world
finder must divide the fame of his discovery.

Three vessels, two of them not larger than our ordi-
nary fishing smacks, were thought sutticientfor this im-
portant expedition. Expense, had long been the sole
obstacle to the success of the adventurer's solicitations,
yet the whole cost of his armament when equipped, and
furnished with a twelvemonth's provision, was no more
than 17,600 dollars. It must be remembered, however,
that the value of the dollar was much greater then than
it is now.

Columbus sailed from Palos, in Andalusia, on the 3d
of August, 1492. He made the Canary Islands, and
then stretched boldly westward into an unknown ocean,

DISCOVERT BY COLUJTBUS.

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in latitude 28" north. From various causes', and among
others a violent tempest, he made slow progress. His
men were not free from the ignorance of the age, and a
spirit of discontent nrose among them which it required
all his courage and prudence to restrain. Their ter-
rors at last rose to the lieight of mutiny, and they talked
of throwing their admiral overboard, so that he was com
pelled to compromise with them. He promised to aban-
don his enterprise and return home if they did not dis-
cover land within three days. He could now make this
promise without much danger of frustrating his main
object, for from the quantities of wood and weeds on the
surface of the sea, from flocks of land birds, from a
carved piece of wood that was picked up and from other
appearances, he was assured that the shore was at hand.

On the night of the 23d of October a light was dis-
covered from the mast head of the foremost vessel. The
despondence of the crew was now changed to rapture.
In the morning they landed at an island of surpassing
beauty and abounding with inhabitants of a race wholly
unknown to them. Both sexes went entirely naked, their
ma!nners were kind and gentle, and they received the
Spaniards with joy and homage, taking them for celes-
tial visitants. Al.as ! had thev believed the white race
fiends from hell, the treatment they afterwjirds received
from them would almost have justified the supposition.

Columbus named the island San Salvador. It was
one of the cluster since generally called the Bahamas,
and is 3° 30' more southerly of Gommorra, that one of
the Canaries at which he took leave of Europe. Colum-
bus did not tarry long — he had not come in quest of
islands, and he was not satisfied. His discovery only
served to confirm him in his original opmion, and he
firmly believed that the land before him was one of the
East-India islands. Sailing southward, he soon discov-
ered the islands of St. Mary of the conception, Ferdi-
nand and Isabella. He next made out Cuba and anoth-
er large island, which he called Espagnola, and it is still
known as Hispaniola, St. Domingo and Hayti. Here
he built a fort and left a small colony, after which he
returned to Spain, taking with him several of the natives*

DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS.

. I

of the newly found islands. On his course he discov-
ered the Carribee Islands.

After having been seven months and eleven days ab-
sent, Columbus arrived at the port of Palos on the 15ih
of March, 1493. Gre^t rejoicings were had on his arri-
val, for, from the sight of a few articles of gold he had
brought from America the most extravagant ideas of the
wealth of the new lands were entertained. The highest
honors were paid to the intrepid mariner. The king and
queen issued letters patent confirming to him and his heirs
all the high privileges which had been agreed on, in case
of his success before his departure, and his family were
enrolled among the proudest nobility of Spain.

Still neither the Spaniards nor any other European
nation entertained the least doubt that the lands Colum-
bus had found were parts of India, for at that time the
extent of India was unknown. For this reason it was
that Ferdinand and Isabella gave them the name of
*' Indies " in the instrument by which they ratified their
agreement with Columbus, and on this account they still
erroneously bear that name, and all the aborigines of
the new world are called Indians.

The success of Columbus had its natural effect. The
whole enterprise of Spain was roused. No time was lost,
no expense was spared, in equipping a fleet to accompa-
ny the great mariner back to the lands he had made
known. A fleet of seventeen vessels was fitted out with-
in six months and manned with fifteen hundred men,
among whom many of the noble and the distinguished of
Spain did not disdain to enroll themselves. It was one
of the popular opinions of the day that the new found land
was either the Ophir of Solomon or the Cipango of Marco
Polo. Ferdinand himself caught the prevailing enthu-
siasm of the day and was desirous of securing his part of
the golden harvest expected to be reaped in the new world.
He applied to the Pope to be invested with a right in the
lands discovered, or to be discovered. A shew of a relig-
ious motive was necessary, and he made his zeal to con-
vert the natives to the Catholic faith the basis of his hypo-
critical plea ; not without the desired effect.

';><

DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS.

3 disceV'

days ab-
the 15th
his arri-
i he had
as of the
i highest
king and
his heirs
I, in case
lily were

luropean
Colum-
time the
1 it was
lame of
ied their
hey still
nnes of

t. The

vas lost,

compa-

made

ut with-

;d men,

shed of

vas one

nd land

Marco

enthu-

part of

world.

in the

a relig-

to con-

3 hypo-

I
^1

The reigning pope, Alexander the fourth, was one of
the vilest of men and cared as little for the conversion of
the heathen as F'erdinand. But he had the interest of
his own family at heart and the friendship of the Spanish
monarch was of no little importance to him. He was
himself a native of Arragon. His favor and pontifical
sanction only were asked, and these involved neither ex
pense nor risk. He therefore made no difficulty in he-
stowing upon Ferdinand and Isabella " all the countries
inhabited by infidels which they had discovered." Yet
it was necessary to prevent this grant from interfering
with one of the same character that he had made not long
before to the crown of Portugal. He therefore decreed
that an imaginary meridian line one hundred miles to the
westward of the Azores should be the boundary between
the parties. All lands eastward of this notable boundary
he conferred on the Portuguese ; all westward upon the
Spaniards.

Columbus sailed on his second voyage of discovery from
Cadiz, on the 25th of September 1493. On his arrival
at Hispaniola he had the mortification to learn that all the
colonists he had left there had been put to death by the
natives, a just punishment for their lawless ravages, ty-
ranny and cruelties. Nevertheless, he was not discour-
aged. He laid out the plan of a large city on a plain
near a capacious bay, to which he gave the name of Isa-
bella his royal patroness and appointed his brother Diego
to preside over it, as deputy Governor. He then, on
the 24th of April 1494, set sail with a ship and two other
small vessels in quest of new discoveries. He touched at
many small islands on the coast of Cuba, and also at the
great and fertile island Jamaica, which he found in-
habited by a bold, warlike and ferocious race, since call-
ed the Caraibs, or Caribees, radically distinct from the
natives of Hispaniola, of whom they were the terror and
the scourge. He then returned to Hispaniola.

During his absence the Spaniards, insolent and exult-
ing in the consciousness of superior power, had oppress
ed and abused the innocent and gentle natives in the
most wanton manner. Scarcely an injury can be con
ceived that was not inflicted on them. These abuses, as

DISCQVfllLY BY COLUMPUS.

11! it

I ■

U:1

freely bestowed as they were little deserved, had at last
roused the timid natives to insubordination and ven-
geance. It was now a question whether the foreigners
or the rightful owners of the soil should be masters of
the island. Columbus determined on war. He attack-
ed the natives in the night, while they were assembled in
the middle of an extensive plain, and completely routed
them, without the loss of a man. It has before been
hinted that this race of savages were not warlike by dis-
position or habit. The thunder of the Spanish cannon,
being strange was also appalling to them, and the charge
of the cavalry was still more so. It is common for all
nations who are unacquainted with the horse to suppose
him to be a rational creature, or at least that he and his
rider are parts of one and the same animal. It was so
with the natives of Hispaniola. Their undisciplined
masses could ill withstand the real shock Jind the super-
stitious terror of the charge of a mounted squadron
sheathed in steel from top to toe on whom their lances
and arrows made not the least impression. The Span-
iards had yet other and no less dreadful allies. These
were bloodhounds whose ferocity notliing could quell,
who fastened upon and tore them limb from limb. Un-
der such circumstances it is not wonderful that a vast
multitude of Indians were defeated by a small band of
trained soldiers. They fled ; great numbers were slain
and many more were consigned to galling and hopeless
slavery.

The character of Columbus stands very high and we
think deservedly so in the estimation of mankind. He
is justly venerated a« a man whose courage, fortitude and
perseverance ;io dangers, obstacles or sufferings could
shake, and was undoubtedly a sincere and pious Chris-
tian after the manner of his sect and times. Nor was he
less distinguished for his private virtues and amiability
of character. His severity to the natives of the New
World admits of much extenuation. The Indians were
not christians, and to the unchristian christian world of
the fifteenth century it seemed of little consequence what
sufferings might be inflicted on any men without the pale
of the church. The distressed state of the Spanish

c
t

t
ti

DISCOVERY BY COLUMBUS.

d at last
nd ven-
reigncrs
stcrs of
! attack-
nblod in
^ routed
jro been
3 by dis-
cannon,
3 charge
11 for all
suppose
! and his
t was so
iciplined
e super-
quadron
r lances
le Span-
These
d quell,

it a vast
band of
re slain
lopeless

and we
He

ude and
could
Chris-
was he
liability
le New
is were
orld of
ce what
he pale
panish

colony, too, pleads in favor of Columbus. Unaccus-
tomed to labour, and strangers to the deadly climate of
the West-Indies, great numbers of the colonists fell vic-
tims to disease, hardship and exposure. The rest were
rapidly declining, and such had been the injuries inflict-
ed by them on the natives, that no kindness on their part
could have re-established confidence and friendship. It
may be said, too, that Columbus treated the unhappy
savages with less inhumanity than his successors in the
career of discovery and conquest. Still, these matters
are but extenuation, not justification of his conduct,
which ought ever to be viewed with abhorrence. It is
painful to detract from the character of acknowledged
and surpassing merit, yet it is the duty of the annalist to
make truth the guiding star of his course, no matter
who suffers. If Columbus had not formed a specific
design to wage an offensive war against the natives pre-
vious to his second depjirture from Spain, and conse-
quently before he was aware of the destruction of his
people whom he had left in Ilispaniola, it is yet certain
that the idea of being involved in hostilities with the
simple Indians had entered his mind. The fact, that he
carried a large number of fierce and powerful blood-
hounds with him proves it.

He had found the natives peaceable and friendly, and
had, therefore no reason to apprehend that they would
commence hostilities. The cavalry he took with him.
as they were feared and reverenced by the Indians, were
quite sufficient for the security of the colony, supposing
that friendship with them had been an object. But it
WHS inconsistent with the viev/s of the Spaniards to treat
them as a free people. Lust of gold was the, grand in-
centive of the settlers, and as some of the natives were
decorated with golden ornaments, and it was supposed
that the mountains of the island abounded with the pre-
cious metals, great expectations had been formed by the
patrons of Columbus and the nation at large. His in-
terest and his ambition urged him to fulfil those expecta-
tions as far as possible. Gold could not be obtained
without the aid of the Indians, who were so indolent
from constitution, habit and climate that nothing but

DISCOVEttY BY COLUMBUS.

actufJ compulsion could induce lliem to labour. To
avoid the mortification of failure, therefore, and to secure
farther support, Columbus deliberately devoted a harm-
less race of men to slaughter and slavery. Such as sur-
vived the massacre of their first dreadful defeat, and re-
tained their liberty, fled to the mountains and inaccessi-
bh) fastnesses of the island, which not atfording them an
adequate maintenance, they were obliged to purchas"
food of their cruel invaders with gold. The tribute im-
posed on them was rigorously exacted. The wretched
remains of this once free and happy people reduced from
plenty to starvation, from freedom to miserable, labori-
ous and hopeless slavery, gave themselves up to despair
and perished miserably. Such was their invincible re-
pugnance to labour, that thousands hung and otherwise
destroyed themselves to avoid it. In less than half a
century, a population of three millions had dwindled to
a mere handful. These are historical facts, and yet Co-
lumbus is extolled for his humanity !

Columbus and his companions seem to have discover-
ed two distinct races of men in the West-Indies. The
natives of Ilispaniola, Cuba, the Bahamas, &c. are
described as having been black, small of stature, feeble
of body and mind, kind, humane, hospitable, excessive-
ly indolent, averse to exertion, whether physical or men
tal and in no wise addicted to, or fitted for war. Thc.r
scourge and terror, the other race, since called the Ca-
raibs or Carribees inhabited Jamaica, the Carribee and
many other islands. They were a cruel, fierce and war-
like people, and carried death and desolation wherever
they went. They were by no means indolent : their
canoes visited all parts of the West-Indian Archipelago
and they were no strangers to the main land of North
and South America. They did not submit tamely to the
aggressions of their invaders, but met them boldly and
struck them blow for blow, till they became nearly ex-
tinct. A small remnant of them still survives ®n the
island of St. Vincent, but so amalgamated with the ne-
groes that their national character and physiognomy are
almost entirely obliterated. Yet they have not lost the
spirit and bravery of their ancestors. It is not a centu-

diJ
foi
in
th(

wl]

edi
tlu

ICl

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

ibour. To
id to secure
ed a harm-
uch as sur-
al, and rc-
1 inaccessi-
ig tlicin an
> j>urclia£"
I'ibute ini-
■• wretched
uccd from
le, labori-
to despair
incible re-
otherwise
lan half a
vindled to
id yet Co-

discover-
?s. The
&c. are
re, feeble
xcessive-
1 or men
. Thc.i-
the Ca-
ibee and
md vvar-
vherever
t : their
lipelago
f North
y to the
dly and
arly ex-
en the
the ne-
my are
ost the
centu-

ry since they maintained themselves against ail the forces
that could be detached from the other British West In-
dia islands against them. Their cause was just, for they
fouglit for the lands of their inh< ritance, and after a pro-
tracted struggle, the aiithorities made peace with
them.

Many tales are told of the ferocity of the Caraibs,
which, as they come from their enemies must he receiv-
ed \\ ith due allowance. Still no doubt remains but that
they were a cruel people, much like our North Amer-
ican Indians, from whom no doubt they sprung. In one
remarkable particular they differed from the other aborig-
ines. They flattened the heads of their infants, while the
skull was yet soft and plastic, between two boards, so
that in manhood the forehead was flattened and depress-
ed to an extraordinary degree. It is related of some of
them that they could look perpendicularly upwards with-
out throwing their heads back in the least. The same
absurd practice prevails among the Flat Heads and oth-
er tribes on the Columbia River to this day.

THE CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

We presume only to give a brief abstract of the most
important Indian war that ever took place. The facts
attending the subversion of the powerful empire of Mex-
ico, are too many and two well known to need that we
should dwell upon them.

Diego Velasquez conquered Cuba in the year 1511,
and, as well as others of the Spaniards subject to his
nuthoiity, entertained the idea of making further discov-
v/ries to the westward. With the aid of Francisco Her-
nandez Cordova, a wealthy planter, he fitted out three
email vessels on board of which a hundred and ten men
embarked and sailed from St. Jago de Cuba on the 8th
of February 1517. Standing directly west, they made
land in twenty-one days, which proved to be the coast of
Yucatan. They found tRe natives dressed in cotton
garments, dwelling in houses of stone and otherwise
f exliibitmg tokens of (for the age) high civilization.

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

' I,

nil '•'}!

They attacked the Spaniards with great bravery and
wounded fifteen of them by the first flight of their arrows,
b:\t were in their turn so astounded by the fire arms, that
they fled in the utmost dismay.

Cordova took two prisoners and continued along the
coast to Campeachy, where, stopping to water at the
mouth of a river at Potonchan, he was again furiously
attacked by the natives and forty seven of his party were
killed and only one of the whole body escaped unhurt.
After this fatal repulse nothing remained for them but
to return to Cuba.

But they had discovered a populous and rich country,
which was sufficient to re-awaken the cupidity of tlie
Spaniards. Velasquez fitted out four ships, with two
hundred and forty men and gave the command to Juan dc
Grijalva. They landed at Potonchan and defeated the
Indians, who, however, fought with desperate valour.
As the Spaniards sailed along the coast they had ample
leisure to admire the beauty of the country, the villages
and the cities. They gave the land the name of New
Spain. Landing at Tabasco, they learned through the
captives taken in the former expedition that they were in
the dominion of a powerful prince named Montezuma.
They made a very satisfactory survey of the coast, and
then returned to Cuba afl:er an absence of about six
months.

On his return Grijalva found an expedition fitted out
for the conquest of Mexico, the command of which was
ultimately given to Hernando Cortez, a Castilian of
noble blood and unquestionable military abilities. They
soon set sail. The fleet consisted of eleven small ves-
sels, on board of which were six hundred and seventeen
men, thirteen of whom only were armed with musquets,
Thirty-two others carried cross-bows and the rest were
armed with swords and spears. They had also sixteen
horses, fourteen small field pieces. With this small
force Cortez set out to make war on the monarch of
dominions more extended than Spain itself Religious
fanaticism urged his soldiers on. " Let us follow the
cross," said they, " for under that sign we shall con
quer."

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

ry and
arrows,
ns, that

ong the
■ at the
iriously
ty were
unhurt,
em hut

country,
r of th.e
vith two
Juan dc
ated the

valour,
d ample
villages

of New
)ugh the

were in
itezAima.
ast, and
hout six

ittcd out
liich was
ilian of
They
nail ves-
ventecn
usquets,
est were
sixteen
is small
arch of
cligious
How the
lall con

At Tabasco the Natives gave Cortez battle, but were
oeaten in several engagements with great slaughter.
These disasters, together with the terror of the horses
and fire arms, broke their spirit. They sued for peace,
paid tribute to Cortez and acknowledged the king of
Spain as their sovereign.

At Tabasco, deputies from the governors (under
Montezuma) of two provinces waited on Cortez to know
his intentions jaid to offer him assistance. The wily
Spaniard assured them that he came in perfect friend-
ship, as an ambassador from a powerful monarch, upon
business of such importance as could only be entrusted
to Montezuma himself. He therefore desired to be
conducted to his presence. The Mexicans were much
embarrassed, neither daring to ofiend Cortez by refusal,
nor conduct the Spaniards to their king who had a sove-
reign dread of them. They endeavored to temporize
with the invaders and to conciliate them with rich gifta.
which, however, only inflamed their cupidity.

In eight days an answer was received from the Indian
King, accompanied by presents of great value to render
It palateable. The purport of Montezuma's message
was, that though he sent the Sprniards these tokens of
his regard, he would not allow them to approach his
. capital, or even to remain in his dominions. But Cor-
tez adhered to his original views, and a second message
was despatched to Montezuma, reiterating his proposal.
This prince, though the fiercest and most warlike who
ever sat on the Mexican throne, with a vast extent of
territory, millions of hardy subjects and very considera-
ble revenues, was seized with a fit of irresolution, in
which his people participated. It arose from an an-
cient tradition that the empire was to be ruined by a
race of men from the east. Nevertheless Montezuma
linally made up his mind to order the strangers to leave
his dominions immediately.

In the meanwhile mutiny broke out in the Spanish
camp. After raising Cortez to the command, Velas-
' qucz had become jealous of him, and had used all en-
deavors to make him unpopular in the army. His ad-
herents, on receiving the final orders of Montezuma,

' '**''vl

COimVEST OF MEXICO.

1 1 ;

"?i

;•■ ii

made choice of Diego de Ordaz to remonstrate with
Cortez on the imprudence of attempting the conquest
of a mighty empire with so small a force. Accordingly
he gave orders to his troops to re-cmbark, which was
so little to the liking of the majority of his troops, who
were not in the interests of Velasquez, that they revolt-
ed. The chief, therefore, feigning to yield to their
wishes, which were in fact his own, rescinded his or-
ders, and prepared for his career of conquest. To this;
effect he established a form of government, and magis-
trates and officers were appointed without any regard
to the authority of Veksquez. Cortez himself resigned
his command, and was reinvested with it, by the suf-
frage of the troops, so that he no longer looked up to
the governor of Cuba as the source of his authority.
His next step was to arrest the most factious of the par-
tizans of Velasquez and to throw them into irons. He
was afterwards reconciled to them and they proved faith-
ful to his interest.

Soon after the inhabitants of the province of Zam-
poalla offered to rebel against Montezuma, of whose
tyranny and cruelty they were weary, and to assist Cor-
tez. The cacique of t^uibislan followed their example,
as did also the Totonaques, a fierce tribe of mountain-
This advantage was counterbalanced by discon-

eers.

tents and conspiracies in the Spanish camp, to which
Cortez put an end in a most desperate manner. He
caused his ships to be broken up, and thus left his fol-
lowers no choice but to conquer or die.

Cortez marched from Zampoalla on the 16th of Au-
gust, with five hundred men, fifteen horse and six field
pieces. The cacique of Zampoalla furnished him with
provisions and with two hundred men to carry them.
On his arrival at Tlascala, the fierce inhabitants of that
province, who had long maintained their independence
against the sovereigns of Mexico, attacked him, but
being worsted with great loss in several battles, they
treated for peace and agreed to assist the Spaniards
against Mexico. They joined the ranks of Cortez to
the number of six thousand, and the united forces ad-
vanced to Cholula, a place considered holy by the Mexi

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

rate with
conquest
corclingly
hich was
►ops, who
cy revolt-
to their
;d his or-
To this
id magis-
ny regard
f resigned
r the suf-
ked up to
authority.
)f the par-
ous. He
>ved faith-

of Zam-
of whose
ssist Cor-

example,
nouniain-
►y discon-

to which
iner. He

ft his fol-

h of Au-
six field
him with
ry them.
its of that
pendence
him, but
les, they
Ipaniards
>)rtez to
orces ad-
he Mexi

cans and the sanctuary of their gods. Here Montezu-
ma had given orders that the invaders should be well
received, with what object the reader will presently see.

It was presently discovered that the inhabitants had
entered into a conspiracy to cut the Spaniards off; upon
which Cortez drew up his forces and attacked them
sword in hand, while the Tlascalans pressed them in the
rear. The massacre lasted two days, during which
every enormity was committed. Six thousand of the
Cholulans perished, before Cortez agreed to pardon the
remainder.

From Cholula, Cortez marched directly to Mexico,
where he was received with great distinction. First
came out a thousand men in garments of cotton and
wearing plumes to salute him and announce the ap
proach of Montezuma. Then appeared two hundred
more, clad in uniform. After these approached an as-
semblage of richly dressed nobles, in the midst of whom
was the king borne in a litter on the shoulders of four
of his principal subjects, with all the paraphernalia of
regal splendour. Before him marched three officers
with golden rods, which when they lifted, the people
bowed their heads and hid their faces, as unworthy to
look at so great a monarch. Cortez dismounted, and
Montezuma alighted to greet him, while his attendants
spread cotton cloths in the street that his feet might not
touch the ground. However, nothing material passed.
The king conducted Cortez and his allies to the quar-
ters destined for them, which was a large building sur-
rounded by a stone wall ; a very defensible position,
which the Spaniards lost no time in fc rtifying.

Mexico is situated in a large plain surrounded by
mountains, and built on the shore and some small islands
in a lake. The access to the city was by artificial
causeways or streets, which were of great length. One
was a mile and a half long, another three miles and a
third six miles. In each of these causeways there were
openings through which the water flowed, and covered
with timber which could easily be removed. The tem-
ples of the gods and the houses of the nobility were of
great magnitude, but the common people lived in mere

■ »:

I ^

> W

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

huts, regularly ranged on the banks of the canals which
passed through the city. The market was so spacious
that forty or fifty thousand people carried on trafiic in
it. The whole city was estimated to contain sixty thou-
sand inhabitants. Every thing gave token of a high
state of civilization, and yet, strange to relate, all this
splendour was achieved by a people who were stran-
gers to the use of iron and who had no domestic ani-
mals.

In the mean while a Mexican army had marched to
subdue the Indians, who had thrown off the yoke of
Montezuma and the Spanish garrison which Cortez had
left behind him had sallied out to the assistance of their
allies. Though the Mexicans were defeated, Escalante,
the Spanish commander, and seven of his men were
killed. Another v/as taken alive and beheaded and his
head was sent round to the different cities to shew the
Mexicans that their invaders were not immortal, as they
had believed. From this and other causes, Cortez re
solved to get Montezuma into his power as a hostage
for the peaceable behaviour of his subjects. At his
usual hour of visiting the king, he took with him ten of
his soldiers, and thirty more followed, as if by mere
carelessness. On meeting, he reproached Montezuma
bitterly with the late conduct of his army, and finally,
compelled him to go with them to their quarters. A
tsmult broke out antong tho people at this flagrant in-
sult, and the king was obliged to appease them by de-
claring that he went with his captors by his own free
will and consent.

Though he was received and treated with respect,
the king was closely watched. The general and seven
of the officers of his army were given up to the Span-
iards to appease their resentment, who tried them by a
court-martial and sentenced them to be burnt alive, for
doing their duty as brave men and loyal subjects. The
Mexicans looked on and saw them die without attempt-
ing to rescue them. Cortez took other measures to in-
sure his safety, and built two brigantines whfch gave
him the command of the lake. All this was done in the
name and with the enforced sanction of Montezuma.

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

Is which
spacious
trafdc in
cty thou-
f a high
all this
re stran-
istic aiii-

rched to
yoke of
irtez had
5 of their
scalante,
en were
I and his
shew the
, as they
ortez re
hostage
At his
n ten of
>y mere
atezuma
I finally,
ers. A
jrant in-
1 by de-
>wn free

respect,
id seven
3 Span-
3m bv a
ive, for
The
ttempt-
s to in-
h gave
c in the
una.

Encouraged by the king's tame submission, Cortcz
urged him to declare himself a vassal of the king' of
Castile, and he was base enough to comply. The chief
men of the empire were assembled, and in a set speech,
but with tears and groans, he declared his submission
But to allay the indignation of the people, Cortez pro
claimed that his master had no intention to dethrone the
king, or to alter the laws of the empire. The present
made by Montezuma on this occasion, together with all
the gold and silver the invaders had received from him
and his subjects at other times, was melted down and
amounted to six hundred pesos, exclusive of jewels and
ornaments of gold and silver. About half of this treas
ure was divided among the soldiery.

The spirit of resistance among the Mexicans was at
last roused by an attempt on the part of Cortez to con-
vert them forcibly to the christian faith. From that mo-
ment they harbored the idea of revenge. An event occur-
red which seemed for a time to favor their designs. Ve-
lasquez fitted out an expedition to supplant Cortez, He
despatched Pamphilo de Narvaez to Mexico with eighty
horse, eight hundred foot, of whom eighty were musket-
eers, a hundred and twenty cross-bowmen and 12 pieces
of cannon. He landed in safety, interested the natives
in his favor and even contrived to establish a secret cor-
respondence with Montezuma, who regarded him as a
deliverer. Cortcz proposed terms of compromise, but
they were rejected with scorn. Cortcz then marched
against Narvaez with two hundred and fifty men. He at-
tacked the position of Narvaez in the dead of the night,
obtained a complete victory and in the morning the new
comers laid down their arms. Narvaez himself was taken
and thrown into fetters. The prisoners, however, were
treated with kindness, and such was the address of Cortez
that almost all of them were induced to join his standard.

But during the absence of Cortez, the Mexicans rose
upon the Spanish garrison in the capital, killed and woun-
ded several of them, destroyed their magazine of provis-
ions and burned the two brigantincs. The danger of their
monarch no longer restrained them, for their fury was
roused to the utmost pitch by an unprovoked massacre of

4fi

CONQUEST OP MEXICO.

t ■

I i

a great number of their people, perpetrated by the Span-
iards at a religious festival. AH cried aloud for ven-
geance. Cortez immediately made haste towards the
city with his troops and two thousand Tlascalans and
arrived just in time to save the garrison from destruction.
Nevertheless, the natives attacked a considerable body
of the Spaniards in the market-place and defeated them
with some loss. The next day they assaulted the Span-
ish quarters in great numbers, in the most heroic man-
ner. Though the artillery mowed them down like grass,
though every blow of sword and lance fell with deadly
effect on their naked bodies, the utmost efforts of the
invaders were scarcely sufficient to withstand them, and
they only retired when it was too dark to fight any longer.
The next day Cortez made a rally, and the whole day
was spent in mortal combat in the streets. Vast num
bers of the natives fell and a part of the city was burned.
On the other hand the Spaniards were dreadfully an-
noyed by showers of stones and arrows from the house
tops, and were finally compelled to retire with a loss of
twelve killed and sixty wounded. Another sally met
with the same success and the general himself was
slightly wounded.

Finding that he had underrated the Mexicans, and
that he could no longer maintain himself in their capital,
Cortez bethought himself that he might make use of
Montezuma to overawe his subjects. On the morrow,
when the Indians advanced to renew the attack, he pro-
duced the captive king, clad in the robes of royalty,
upon the battlements. At the sight of their sovereign,
the weapons dropped from the hands of the Indians
But the discourse he addressed to them, though intend-
ed to sooth and persuade them to peace, only served to
exasperate. They poured in such a volley of stones
and arrows in the transport of their indignation, that be-
fore the Spaniards had time to withdraw rv defend the
unhappy prince, he was struck by two aarts, and by a
stone in the temple. Then, struck with horror at their
ovs'n violence, they fled. The wounds of the king prov-
ed mortal.

Ilf, ;■' 'iii

'»

'i»i

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

the Span-

for ven-

•wards the
alans and
jstruction.
able body
ated them
the Span*
iroic man-
like grass,
ith deadly
rts of the
them, and
ny longer.
A'hole day
/^ast num
IS burned.
dfuUy an-
the house
a loss of
sally met
iself was

;ans, and
r capital,
:e use of
morrow,
, he pro-
royalty,
Dvereign,
Indians
1 intend-
erved to
f stones
that be-
fend the
md by a
at their
ng prov-

Cortez now saw that a retreat was necessary, but this
was not easj . The Indians seized a high tower that
overlooked tne Spanish quarters and thence so annoyed
the Spaniards, that it was found necessary to storm it.
Thrice were they repulsed, and it was only when Cor-
tez headed his troops in person that the Mexicans were
dislodged. A dreadful carnage ensued, the natives de-
fending themselves to the last with heroic valor. Two
young nobles resolved to sacrifice themselves, so that
they might rid their native land of its arch enemy
They approached Cortez in attitudes of submission,
seized him and endeavored to drag him with themselves,
from the summit. In the very act of falling, the Span-
ish leader shook them off, and the gallant youths were
dashed to pieces. The tower being destroyed, the
Spaniards prepared to retreat.

They marched out upon the shortest of the causeways
before mentioned in the dead of the night. They had
prepared a portable bridge, by which to cross the tra-
verse cuts in it and placed it across the first interstice.
While they were crossing, the Mexicans hemmed them
in and attacked them on every side. The bridge by
some means became fast wedged where it was placed.
All Mexico SAvarmed to the slaughter. Fresh warriors
instantly filled the place of the fallen. Weary of car-
nage, the Spaniards gave way before the multitude, and
the confusion was soon universal. Horse and foot offi-
cers and soldiers,
in mortal struggle

Cortez, with a few followers, forced his way over the
two remaining breaches in the causeway, for the bodies
of the slain served him for a bridge. Having formed his
men on the main land, he returned to the assistance of
the main body, and finally succeeded in effecting their
retreat and his own. But less than half of his army sur-
vived the horrors of that dreadful night. Velasquez de
Leon, the second in command, perished. All the artil-
lery ammunition and baggage and the greater part of
the horses were lost. Two thousand of the Tlascalan
allies were also slain.

friends and enemies were intermingled

CONQUEST OP MEXICO

:..(

•♦ I

As the Spaniards retreated toward Tlascala, swarma
of the natives hung upon them and harrassed them at
every step, and thirst and famine threatened to finish
what the sword had begun. At tlie pass of Otumba
they came upon the grand Mexican army drawn up in
countless myriads to oppose their passage. Cortez
alone of the whole Spanish army did not despair at the
sight. He recollected that the great banner of the em-
pire was always carried by the general, and that its fall
was considered by the Mexicans decisive of the fate of
the day. Without hesitation he led his men to the
charge, aiming wholly at the sacred flag. After a des-
perate conflict he slew the Indian general with his own
hand, the banner fell and the countless host of natives
fled in dismay. On the next day the Spaniards enter-
ed the Tlascalan territories, where they were received
with the greatest kindness, for hatred of Mexico was
deeply rooted in the hearts of the Tlascalans.

It is inconsistent with the plan of this volume to re
late how Cortez quelled mutinies among his own troops
punished some disaffected native tribes and won thelovv^
and confidence of others, or how he received reinforce-
ments from the Spanish West- Indies. Those who would
have a minute detail of his proceedings must seek it in
histories of greater pretensions than this. Suffice it that
six months after his disastrous retreat he again set out
for Mexico with five hundred and fifty infantry, forty
horse and ten thousand Tlascalans.

Guatimozin, nephew of Montezuma, now filled the
throne. He took every measure that wisdom and cour-
age could suggest to avert the storm that threatened
him, but all in vain. Cortez did not venture directly to
the capital, but spent three mdhths in reducing the neigh-
boring towns and in building vessels upon the lake of
Mexico. The inhabitants of many of them threw off*
their allegiance and joined him. What was of more im-
portance a reinforcement reached him from Hispaniola,
consisting of two hundred men, eighty horses, two heavy
cannon and a considerable supply of arms and ammuni-
tion. He now laid siege to Mexico, cut off" the supplies
of fresh water, and by means of his fleet so straitened

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

, swarmg
them at
to finisli
Otumba
wn up in
Cortez
lir at the
' the em-
at its fall
c fate of
1 to the
er a des-
his own
f natives
ds enter-
received
sico was

ne to re
1 troops
thelovv^
3inforce-
lo would
eek it in
e it that
i set out
y, forty

ed the
id cour-
eatened
ectly to

neigh-
lake of
ew off
ore im-
aniola,
> heavy
nmuni-
iipplies
litened

the Mexicans that the emperor gave orders to attack it.
The natives attempted to board the vessels in canoes,
but were repulsed with immense loss. They vcre more
fortunate in repelling the direct attacks of th. .nvaders.
The natives defended themselves with the most desper-
ate bravery. For more than a month by night and by
day, by land and by water, one furious conflict succeed-
ed another. Several of the Spaniards were slain, all
were worn out by hardship and privation. Disconcerted
at the obstinacy of the natives, Cortez resolved to set'
the fortune of the war on the hazard of one furious as-
sault. It was unsuccessful. His troops forced their
way into the city indeed, but it was only to be driven
out again by the infuriated multitude. The rout was
complete. Cortez himself was dangerously wounded
and nigh being taken. Twenty Spaniards perished in
the conflict and twenty mpre who were taken prisoners
were sacrificed to the Mexican god of war within sight
df their defeated companions.

Nevertheless Cortez persevered, but in a more cau-
tious manner. He advanced slowly upon the Mexicans,
continually gaining ground and keeping what he gained.
Still they defended every inch of the ground, though
great numbers of them fell dail} and the survivors suf-
fered sorely from hunger. To fill up the cup of their
misery a contagious distemper broke out among them.
Guatimozin still scorned all terms of capitulation.

At last the invaders had laid three fourths of the city
in ruins and effected a secure lodgment in the centre of
it. The remaining quarter was hard pressed. Guati-
mozin was taken in an attempt to escape by water. He
appeared before Cortez with great dignity. " I have
done what became a king," said he. "I have defend-
ed my people to the last. Nothing now remains but to
die. Take this dagger (touching the one the Spaniard
wore) plant it in my breast and end a life that can no
longer be of use."

Resistance was now over, and Mexico was fallen,
after a siege of seventy-five days. The Spaniards, how-
ever, were disappointed of the spoil for which they had
contended so fiercely. When his downfall became in-

CONQUEST OF MEXICO.

!ii. ;!iii:

evitable, the Indian emperor had ordered his treasures
, to be thrown into the lake. The Tlascalans carried off
the greater part of the remaining spoil. The sum
divided by the soldiers was so small that they became
highly exasperated against Guatiniozin, who still refus-
ed to discover where he had hidden his treasure. En-
treaties and threats were aliiie wasted upon him. To
pacify his brutal followers the miscreant Cortez put the
unhappy sovereign and his chief favorite to the torture,
which they bore with inflexible fortitude, and finally
stretched them upon a bed of living coals. Overcome
by the extreme agony his felh-w-sufierer turned an im-
ploring eye upon the monarch, as if to ask permission to
reveal all he knew. The royal sufferer understood it
and scornfully asked " Am /on a bed of roses ?" The
reproach was enough — the favorite was siler«t and expir-
ed, liie monarch himself was released and reserved
for other indignities and sufferings.

We have now done with the greatest of Indian wars.
It presents the melancholy spectacle of a powerful
empire subverted, a whole nation decimated and thrown
back from a high state of civilization into barbarism,
and a paradise changed into a don of blight, blood and
desolation — a hell upon earth anu ibi what ? To grati-
fy the lust, avarice, bigotry and ferocity of a handful of
vagabonds, miscreants and bloodhounds. Have mankind
been the gainers by the event. O no !

" Freedom shrieked when Guatimozin fell."

May that bloodiest page in the book of History, the
conquest of Mexico be forever blotted out. Or if man
musi still be benefitted by the accursed record, let it
remain. Let the modern Spaniard blush as he reads
the crimes of his countrymen. Let Cortez live in story,
let his name be remembered, but only to be mentioned
with abhorrence. The vagabond cut-throat who knew
no law but that of the strongest, who acknowledged no
right, who respected no tie, who possessed no virtue or
kindly feeling, the invader, the robber, the murderer by
wholesale, the hypocrite, the monster, may well serve
as a beacon of everlasting infamy to future ages. All

CONQUEST OF PERU.

>'l

treasures
Tried off
rhe sum
' became
ill refus-
re. En-
im. To
z put the
J torture,
id finally
)vercome
jd an im-
fiission to
rstood it

?" The
nd expir-

reserved

ian wars,
powerful
id thrown
irbarism,
(lood and
To grati-
mdful of
mankind

tory, the
r if man
d, let it
e reads

lin story,

lentioned
10 knew

|dged no
drtue or
lerer by
;11 serve
3S. All

his talents, all his fortitude, all his valor ar msuffir
to wipe out the shame of the least of his actions.

Turn we to a brighter picture ; to the heathen and
barbarian Guatimozin, wlio was all that Cortez was not.
A wise statesman, a true patriot, a skilful general and
a heroic warrior. He slew none unjustly, he robbed
none, he invaded none, he oppressed none. Called to
the helm at a stormy crisis, he did not shrink from it,
or spare to oppose his naked breast to the mail clad
Spaniards. His spirit never failed him, not even in tor-
tures at which humanity shudders. The warrior and
patriot king is forgotten, and his atrocious oppressor is
remembered with admiration. Such is human perversity.

THE CONaUEST OF PERU.

In 1524, three extraordinary men lived in Panama, in
New Spain, viz : Francisco Pizarro, Diego de Almagro
and Hernando Luque. Pizarro was a bastard, and in
early life a swine herd, after which he became a soldier.
He was a very brave man, but so ignorant that he could
neither write nor read. Almagro was a foundling, and
a soldier also. He was a man cf intrepid valor, great
activity and likewise of an open and generous character ;
but he lacked the craft and cunning of Pizarro. Luque
was a priest and school-master, and very rich withal.
All of them had heard of a great and rich country on
the shore of the South Sea, and they agreed to attempt
the conquest of it. Pizarro engaged to command the
armament, Almagro offered to conduct the supplies and
reinforcements, and Luque contributed his gold. The
agreement was ratified by a solemn mass, and they en-
tered into a contract to commit rapine and murder in the
name of the Prince of Peace.

Small were the means with which this great enter-
prize was undertaken. Pizarro set sail in a small ves-
sel, with only a hundred and twelve men. Contrary
winds kept him beating about seventy-two days, during
which his scanty band suffered much from hunger,
faiigue and frequent rencontres with the natives. He

CONQUEST OF PERU.

'lllii

.it"*

was at last obliged to retire to Chuchama, where he was
overtaken by Alinagro, with seventy men, who had suf-
fered as much, and from the same causes, as the follow-
ers of Pizurro. Ahnagro himself had lost .an eye, in a
contest with the natives. After the meeting, Almagro
returned to Panama to recruit, hut with all his exertions,
he could only raise eighty men. With this small rein-
forcement the adventurers landed at Tacamez, on the
coast of Quito, where they found the natives clad in
cotton, and adorned with trinkets of gold and silver.
They dared not,' however, with their small force, invade
so populous a country, and retired to the island of Gallo.
Here an order from the governor of Panama reached
them ; commanding the expedition to return. So much
had the private men suffered, that they were very wil-
ling to obey. Pizarro drew a line in the sand with his
sword, and having declared that all who wished to leave
him w ere permitted to do so, found himself left with only
thirteen soldiers.

This small band established themselves in the island
of Gorgona, till at last they were joined by a small rein-
forcement from Panama. They then stood to the south
east, and in twenty days touched on the coast of Peru.
At Tumbez, a place of some note, they first obtained
an idea of the magnificence of the Peruvian empire.
They beheld a thickly peopled country, well cultivated,
the natives decently clothed, and farther advanced in
civilization than the inhabitants of Mexico. They had
even domestic animals. But what chiefly attracted their
eyes, was the profusion of gold and silver. Not only
were the people decorated with these metals, but even
their common culinary utensils were formed of them.

Pizarro ranged along the coast, keeping up a peacea-
ble intercourse with the natives, for he was not strong
enough to attack them, lie procured some of their
Lamas, or tame cattle, some vessels of gold and silver
and twD young men, who, he intended should serve him
as interpreters, and so returned to Panama, after an ab-
sence of about three years. Hence he repaired to Spain,
where he had the address to secure the favor of the
court Luque was nominated bishop of the country ^o

tl
ai
nl

U9' iwniw """"Wii-

CONQUEST OF PERU.

here he was
ho had suf-
the follow-
in eye, in a
g, Almagro
is exertions,
small rein-
nez, on the
vcs clad in
and silver.
)rce, invade
nd of Gallo.
tna reached
So much
•e very wil-
nd with his
led to leave
(ft with only

II the island

small rein-

o the south

t of Peru.

St obtained

an empire.

cultivated,

vanced in

They had

acted their

Not only

, but even

f them.

a peacea-

Inot strong

le of their

and silver

serve him

fter an ab-

to Spain,

^or of the

jountry^lo

be conquered, Almagro only obtained the command of
Tumbez, and Pizarro was appointed Governor and
Captain-Ccneral, with supreme civil and military au
thority. In return, he engaged to raise two hundred
and fiftv men, and to provide ships, arms and all things
necessary for the conquest of Peru.

Small as the number of men he had engaged to raise
and supply was, it was with great difficulty that Pizar-
ro got together the half of them ; and that only by the
aid of Cortcz. With these, however, he landed at
Nombro de Dios and marched to Panama, accompanied
by his three brothers. On his arrival, he found Almagro
so exasperated at his conduct, that he refused to act
longer in concert with him, and was endeavoring to get
a new cntcrprize on foot, to thwart and rival him, for he
justly considered that Pizarro had engrossed to himself
till the honors, and had left him but a very humble part
to play. Thus will thieves quarrel for their booty, even
before it is won. The cunning of Pizarro, however,
soon brought about a reconciliation. Nevertheless,
their united endeavors could only equip three small
vessels and a hundred and eighty soldiers, thirty six of
whom were horsemen. Leaving Almagro at Panama,
Pizarro landed his handful of iroops in the north of
Peru in thirteen days, and immediately marched south-
ward. It would be of little avail to recount the wanton
Outrages committed by him and his followers on the
harmless Peruvians. At length, after much suffering,
Ihey reached the province of Coaque, and, having taken
the principal settlement of the natives by surprise, they
found themselves in possession of gold and silver to the
value of thirty thousand pesos and other booty of great
value.

Pizarro hardly met with resistance till he reached the

island of Puna, in the bay of Guyaquil ; where the in-

♦habitants defended themselves so bravely, that it cost

him six months' exertion to reduce them. Thence he

proceeded to Tumbez, where the sickness of his troops

compelled him to remain three months.

■ In the mean while two reinforcements, amounting to-

'^ gether to thirty men, under two leaders of great experi

CONQUEST OF PERU.

efice and reputation, joined him from Nicaragua. With
this accession of strength, he proceeded to the rivei
Piura and there founded St. Michael, the first Spanish
settlement in Peru. As he advanced toward the centre
of the empire, he became better informed concerning its
affairs. At this time the dominions of the Incas extend
ed fifteen hundred miles along the coast of the Pacific ;
while its breadth was much less considerable. The sove-
reigns, called Incas, were reVered as persons of divine
origin, and ruled with despotic sway. Their blood was
deemed too pure to be mingled with that of any other
race and others were treated with respect almost amount-
ing to adoration. Nevertheless, they were of a gentle
and benevolent disposition and ruled for the good of their
subjects. At the first coming of the Spaniards, Iluara
Capoc sat upon the throne. He was distinguished no
less for military talent than for the pacific virtues of his
race. He had subdued the kingdom of Quito, by force
of arms, resided in its capital, and contrary to the cus-
toms of his country, married the daughter of the van
quished monarch. Atahualpa, his son, succeeded to his
throne and his authority j soon to be despoiled of both
by Pizarro.

Nevertheless, his title was disputed by his elder broth-
er Huascar, who solicited the aid of the Spaniards, to
whom this civil broil gave a manifest advantage. Piz-
arro left a small garrison in St. Michael, and marched
against Atahualpa with sixty-two horsemen and a hun-
dred and two infantry, of whom twenty were armed with
cross-bows and three witji muskets. To an envoy of
Atahualpa, who met him with a valuable present, and
an offer of the Inca's friendship, he pretended that he
came as an ambassador from a powerful monarch, to
offer the Peruvian prince aid against the enemies who
disputed his title. These professions, probably, induc-
ed the Peruvians to suffer the invaders to advance with-
out molestation to Caxamalca ; where they took pos-
session of a fort and intrenched themselves. Here too,
the Inca sent them new presents, and renewed his prof
fers of friendship.

tl
o

CONQUEST OF PERU.

jua. With
the rivei
st Spanish
the centre
ccrning its
3as extend
e Pacific ;
The sove-
s of divine
hlood was
' any other
st amount-
)f a gentle
>od of their
rds, Iluara
guished no
•tiics of his
0, by force
to the cus-
3f the van
leded to his
led of both

der broth-

aniards, to

Piz-

marched

md a hun-

irmed with

envoy of

csent, and

3d that ho

onarch, to

mics who

ly, induc-

mce with-

took pos-

Here too,

I his prof

bge.

In Caxamalca Pizarro tookpossession of a large court,
on one side of which was a palace of the Inca, and on
the other a temple of the god of the Peruvians, the
Sun. The whole was surrounded by a strong rampai't
of earth. Thus posted, he despatched Hernando Soto
and his brother Ferdinand to the Inca's camp. Their
embassy brought on a visit from Atahualpa to the mes-
sengers of his wicked invaders. It was an unhappy
courtesy : the splendour of the Inca, and the riches dis-
played by his attendants served greatly to inflame the
worst passions of the ravenous thieves to whom he de-
signed to do honor. From the moment when, on their
return to Caxamalca, they related what they had seen,
Pizarro resolved to get possession of the person of the
unhappy monarch.

He availed himself of a promised visit from Atahual-
pa to execute this treacherous design. . He divided his
cavalry into three squadrons, and formed his infantry in
one body, excepting twenty picked men whom he kept
about his own person. The artillery and the cross-bow
men wtre stationed opposite the avenue by which the
Inca was to approach.

Early on that fatal morning the Peruvian camp was
in motion ; but as the Inca wished to appear in all his
splendor, it was late in the day before he began his
march. At last, he approached. First appeared four
hundred men, and then the monarch, upon a throne
adorned with plumes, and almost covered with plates of
gold and silver and precious stones, carried on the
shoulders of his attendants. Then came the principal
officers of his court and several bands of singers and
dancers, and the whole plain was covered witti the Pe-
ruvian troops, amounting to upwards of thirty thousand
men.

As the Inca drew nigh, the Spanish chaplain, Val-
verde, stepped forward with a crucifix and a breviary,
and explained to him, as well as he was able, the fall of
Adam, the atonement of Christ and the right of the king
of Castile to the New World. In consequence of all
this, ho desired Atahualpa to embrace Christianity, and
Ao acknowledge the spiritual and temporal jurisdiction

CONQUEST OF PERU.

y:!

: I

!'•« :ih.

of the Pope and the king of Castile, promising him the
protection of the Spanish Monarch if he comphed, and
threatening him with war in case of a refusal.

Of course, this strange harrangue was incomprehen-
sible to the Inca, but its arrogance he understood, and
was indignant at it. He replied that his authority was
his by inheritance, and that he could not conceive how
a foreign priest could dispose of what did not belong to
him. He had no inclination, he said, to renounce the
religion of his fathers in order to worship the god of the
Spaniards who was subject to death ; and as to the oth-
er particulars of the priest's discourse, he desired to
know where he had learned such extraordinary things.
*' In this book," said Valverde, offering him his brevi-
ary. The Inca put it to his ear, and then threw it dis
dainfully on the ground. '* It is silent," said he ; '* it
tells me nothing." " To arms. Christians, to arms!"
cried the enraged priest. ** The word of God is insulted.
Avenge the profanation on these impious dogs." Pizar-
ro instantly gave the signal of assault. The music
struck up, the cannon and musketry began to play, and
the horse and infantry charged the Peruvians sword in
hand. The natives fled in the utmost consternation,
without attempting either to annoy the enemy or to de-
fend themselves, so much were they surprised and amaz-
ed. Pizarro, with his chosen band, made directly to-
ward the Inca ; and notwithstanding the resistance of
his nobles, who fell in heaps around him, made him a
prisoner. Dire was the carnage then : it did not cease
till the close of day. More than four thousand Peruvi-
ans were slain ; but not a single Spaniard fell. The
plunder was immense.

At first the captive monarch could scarcely realize
the misery of his condition, but despair was not long in
coming and he sunk into profound dejection. He
had however, discovered the ruling passion of the Span-
iards, the lust of gold. He attempted to bribe them.
The apartment in which he was confined was twenty-
two feet long and sixteen broad. He undertook to fill
it as high as he could reach with vessels of gold, as a ran-
som. Pizarro eagerly accepted this tempting proposal.

CONQUEST OF PERU

y him the
►lied, and

mprehen-
tood, and
ority was
:cive how
belong to
>unce the
^od of the
o the oth-
lesired to
ry things,
his brevi-
•ew it dis
Ihe; " it

arms !'*
3 insulted.
;." Pizar-
'he music

1 play, and
sword in
ernation,
or to de-

and amaz-
irectly to-
stance of
,de him a
not cease
Peruvi-
11. The

y realize
)t long in
n. He
he Span-
be them.
s twenty-
ok to fill
as a ran-
jroposal.

The Inca's subjects obeyed hj^ orders with the utmost
alacrity. The gold was obtained and shared, and each
individual Spaniard was rich. The Inca having fulfilled
his part of the agreement, insisted on having his free-
dom ; but nothing was farther from the thoughts of Piz-
The followers of Almagro insisted upon putting

arro.

the captive king to death, and the tidings of Peruvian
armies assembling in the borders of the empire aroused
his fears and suspicions, and rendered him more willing
to comply with their wishes. Atahualpa inadvertently
contributed to hasten his own fate. He justly admired
the arts of reading aud writing, and long deliberated
with himself whether it was a natural or an acquired
ability. To solve this doubt, he desired one of the
Spanish soldiers to write the name of God on his thumb
nail. This he shewed to several Spaniards, and, to his
amazement, they all returned the same, answer, without
hesitation. When he shewed it to Pizarro, however,
the marauding leader was obliged, with blushes and
confusion, to acknowledge his ignorance. From that
moment Atahualpa despised him, and could not conceal
his contempt. This scorn stung Pizarro to the quick,
and the Inca's fate was sealed.

But to give his abominable proceedings the colouf of
justice, Pizarro determined to try the Inca with all the
formalities of the courts of Spain. He himself and Al-
magro, with two assistants, were the judges. Before
^is unrighteous tribunal the unhappy Inca was charg-
ed with being a bastard and an idolater, with having
usurped the regal power, with having commanded human
eacrifices, with having many concubines, with having
embezzled the royal treasures, and with having incited
his subjects to take up arms against the Spaniards. On
these absurd charges the Court found the Inca guilty,
and sentenced him to be burned aUve. His tears and
entreaties were alike unavailing ; pity never touched
the heart of Pizarro. He ordered the prince to imme-
diate execution, and what added to the bitterness of his
last moments, Valverde offered to console and to con-
tvert him. The most powerful argument he could ad-
I vance, however, was a mitigation of punishment ; but

CONQUEST OF PERU.

that was effectual. The unhappy monarch consented
to receive Christian baptism, and instead of being burn-
ed, was strangled at the stake.

On the death of Atahualpa, Pizarro in«vested one of
nis sons with the ensigns of royalty. The people of
Cuzco, however, acknowledged a brother of the deceas-
ed Inca as their sovereign. But neither of them, pos-
s^ed much authority. Commotions arose in every
quarter, and all Peru became a scene of bloodshed, in-
surrection and disorder, all of which the Spaniards be-
held with pleasure, as it favored their designs. Ambi-
tious men in different parts of the empire aspired to in-
dependent authority, and usurped jurisdiction. The
general who commanded for Atahualpa in duito seized
his master's brother and children, put them to death and
endeavored to establish a kingdom for himself

The report of the riches won by Pizarro drew flocks
of adventurers to his standard from the different Spanish
colonics, so that he was able to march upon Cuzco at
the head of five hundred men, after leaving garrisons
behind him. Large bodies of Peruvians had assembled
to oppose him ; but, as usual, they were defeated with
great loss, while but very few of the Spaniards were
kill^ and wounded. Pizarro gained possession of
Cuzco, and of an immense spoil.

In the mean while Benalcazar, governor of St. Mi-
chael, led a body of Spaniards against the city of Quito,
whei s as report said, an unheard of treasure was de-
posited. Notwithstanding the great distance of that
place from St. Michael, and the difliculty of traversing
a mountainous and woody country, where he was con-
tinually exposed to the attacks of the bravest of the Pe-
ruvians^ his valor and good conduct surmounted every
difficulty, and he entered Quito with his troops — only
to meet with a disappointment. The Indians had now
learned the ruling passion of their invaders, and had car-
ried off their treasures with them.

Dissensions, now that the conquest of Peru was
achieved, broke out among the invaders. Almagro had
been appointed governor, with jurisdiction over two
hundred leagues of territory, stretching beyond the

COIVQUEST OF PERU.

onsented
ng burn-

d one of
icople of
e deceas-
icm, pos-
in every
ishcd, in-
iards be-
Ambi-
rcd to in-
n. The
ito seized
[leath and

evv flocks
t Spanish
Cuzco at
garrisons
issembled
ated with
irds were
jssion of

St. Mi-
of duito,
was de-
of that
raversing
was con-
f the Pe-
ed every
)ps— only
had now
had car-

'eru was
agro had
over two
yond the

southern limits of the province allotted to Pizarro. He
now pretended that Cuzco, the residence of the Incas,
was within his boundaries, and attempted to become
master of it. Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro opposed him.
The dispute was about to be decided by the sword when
Francisco Pizarro arrived and an arrangement took
place. It was agreed that Almagro should attempt the
conquest of Chili, and in case he did not find an estab-
lishment agreeable to his wishes in that province, a suit-
able provision was to be made for him in Peru on his
return. The history of the conquest of that unhappy
empire is now complete — but perhaps a brief account
of the fate of its ruthless invaders may not be unaccept
able to the reader.

The hardy natives of Chili resisted Almagro success-
fully, and besides, many of his followers perished of the
fatigues of the march. In the meanwhile new swarms
of Spaniards poured into Peru, and' in full confidence of
security, scattered themselves over the empire. A small
» force only remained in Cuzco, under Juan and Gonza-
• lez Pizarro and their brother, which the Inca observing,
conceived that the time for vengeance was come. He
set up the banner of war, and all Peru ivas instantly in
arms. Many Spanish settlers were massacred, and sev-
eral detachments were cut off. Two hundred thousand
Indians invested Cuzco, which was feebly defended by
its garrison, during nine months. Another army attack-
ed Lima, and the extinction of the Spanish name in
Peru seemed at hand. While these things were going
on, and just after Juan Pizarro had been slain, Alma-
gro suddenly returned from Chili and entered into ne-
gociations with both parties. These were interrupted
by a sudden attack made on him by the Inca, who was
however defeated, and Almagro reached the gates of
Cuzco, which he entered by surprize, seized the two
Pizarros and established his jurisdiction.

Shortly after the Pizarro party again made head

against him, and were defeated. Had he now put his

enemies to death, as he was advised to do, the contest

would have been ended, but this he had not the heart to

^^ do, and gave Francis Pizarro time to raise forces anew.

CONQUEST OP PERU.

',i -i

'('U', • .

He was also weak enough again to enter into negotia
tions with this arch enemy. While these were in pro-
cess one of the brother prisoners managed to corrupt
sixty of his guards and made his escape with them. The
other was soon after set at liberty by Almagro, and as
soon as this was done, Francis Pizarro threw off all dis-
guise. Treaties were held in scorn and Pizarro march-
ed upon Cuzco with seven hundred men. Battle was
joined. Almagro, being at the time sick, was obliged
to depute the command to a subordinate officer, and de-
feat was the consequence. A large proportion of Al-
magr©'s followers were butchered in cold blood, when
the battle was over. The chief himself was taken, and
rigorously guarded. Cuzco itself was sacked.

Almagro remaining several months in close custody,
his spirit was at last broken. When a sentence of death
was pronounced upon him, he had recourse to the most
abject entreaties to save himself. He reminded the
Pizarros of their former friendship, of his having spared
their lives under great provocation, and conjured them
to spare his age and infirmity. All was unavailing — he
was strangled in prison, a fate he well deserved for his
outrages upon Peru, but not at the hands of the Pi-
zarros. He lefl a natural son, by an Indian woman.

The first intelligence of these transactions was carri-
ed to Spain by some of Almagro's officers, and created
a strong sensation, which Francis Pizarro, who shortly
followed them, could not remove. It was determined
to send a person to Peru, who should settle the distract-
ed state of affairs, and the royal choice fell upon Chris-
toval Vaca de Castro, an eminent, learned and wise
civilian. If he found Pizarro alive, he was to leave him
in possession of his office of governor, taking on himself
that of judge; if dead, he was to be his successor. Be-
fore he arrived however, the governor had parcelled out
the empire among his followers, with small regard to the
claims of the adherents of Almagro, who, therefore, med-
itated revenge. They gathered at Lima, under the au
spices of the young Almagro, and conspired against the
governor's life. Pizarro gave little heed to their cabals.
* As long as every man in Peru loiows that his life is

CONQUEST OF PERU.

) negotia
re in pro-
o corrupt
em. The
), and as
ff all dis-
o march-
lattle was
s obliged
, and de-
al of Al-
od, when
iken, and

custody,
3 of death

the most
nded the
ig spared
red them
iling — he
ed for his
f the Pi-
oir.an.
ms carri-
created

shortly
termined
distract-

)n Chris-
md wise
eave him

1 himself
or. Be-
elled out
ird to the
)re, med-
r the au
ainst the

cabals,
lis life is

entirely in my power," said he, " my life is in no dan-
ger." He was mistaken. At noon-day, on the 26th of
June, nineteen of the most determined conspirators sal-
lied out of Almagro's house in complete armour shout-
ing " Long live the king, and let the tyrant die !" They
gained Pizarro's palace without being observed, and
were mounting the stairs leading to his apartment before
the alarm was given. But no danger could appal the
savage governor. He called for arms and commanded
an officer in attendance to make fast the door. Instead
of doing this, the bewildered functionary ran out and
asked the conspirators where they were going. They
stabbed him to the heart and burst in. Some of those
present sprang from the windows, others attempted to
fly, and a few drew their swords and followed Pizarro
into another apartment. The governor himself defend-
ed the entrance with his sword and target and fought
with the utmost desperation, but in vain. His defend-
ers fell one after another, and after having fought till he
was so weary that he could scarce wield his sword,
Pizarro snared their fate. The assassins then ran into
the street, and waving their bloody weapons, proclaimed
his death. Two hundred of their associates conducted
Almagro in solemn procession through the streets and
compelled the magistrates to acknowledge him as gov-
ernor. The palace of Pizarro and the houses of his
adherents were pillaged.

Such was the death of the conqueror of Peru, a man
in whose character the most partial eye can discern no
one good quality, unless the most savage ferocity be so
considered, and whose leading points were lust of blood,
gold and ambition. The history of the world, probably,
cannot shew a man so utterly wicked and detestable,
not even Hernando Cortez, who had at least religious
fanaticism to palliate his atrocities. As he hved so he
died, a memento of depravity to the very last.

Of the inferior actors in this bloody drama few words
need be said. In a long series of rebellions and tur-
moils, which merit as little attention, but for their re-
sults, as the quarrels of wolves, they perished. Almagro
fell in battle against Vaca de Castro. Gonzalo Piz-

'1. 1

THE NATCHES.

Ill ;' ,
1:1 •
'i!

• I

'»

arro, being in likewise defeated and taken in the act of
open rebellion by Gasca, the royal governor who suc-
ceeded to the authority of De Castro, died by the hand
of the executioner, together with his principal followers.
These co-workers in iniquity being swept off, the no less
unjust authority of Spain was firmly established, and the
rightful lords of the soil, the feeble bodied and minded
aborigines of Peru, have ever since groaned under the
yoke of the stranger, as they probably will do for cen-
turies to come.

THE NATCIIES.

LiTTE is known of this interesting people. In tne
early part of the eighteenth century their principal set-
tlement ^was near Natches on the Mississippi, then a
French military post, and commanded by Monsieur de
Chopart. Their chief was called the Grand Sun. His
brother, called the Stung Serpent, was a famous war-
rior, and both were very friendly disposed toward the
whites till the cruel injustice and oppression of De
Chopart forced the tribe into a war. The affair hap-
pened in 1729.

The French commander had determined to build a
village, and no spot appeared to him so fit for his pur-
pose, as the principal seat of the Natches, called by them
White Apple, which he peremptorily required them to
vacate. Grand Sun answered that it was their inheri-
tance, and he therefore thought it but reasonable that
they should still retain it. The fiefy Frenchman assur-
ed him that, unless he complied, he should have cause
for repentance ; upon which the chief retired, saying
that he would take the advice of his counsellors.

The council resolved to lay before De Chopart a rep
resentation of the hardship of the case, should they
lose the harvests on which they mainly relied for sub-
sistence. Vehement abuse and a reiterated command to ,
depart instantly was the answer they received. The
Natches, justly indignant at such treatment, then enter-
ed into a conspiracy to destroy thoir invaders and to

THE NATCHES.

le act of
vho suc-
the Iiand
►llowers.
e no less
and the
minded
ider the
for cen-

In tne

)al set-
then a
ieur de
1. His
IS war-
ird the
of De
ir hap-

>uild a
s pur-
^them
em to
nheri-
} that
issur-
cause
aying

I rep
they
sub-

nd to
The*

iter-

d to

\-4

temporize in order to gain time. To this end they of-
fered to pay tribute to the commandant, on condition
that he would suffer them to remain till they could gath-
er their harvest, which offer was readily accepted. In
the mean while, messages were sent to the Suns, or
chiefs of the other branches of the tribe, inviting them to
assist in the massacre of the French, and appointing a
day. Accordingly, the slaughter took place and the
French perished, to the number of seven hundred,
though not for want of sufficient warning.

A woman who was much attached to the whites, and
had learned the secret of the conspiracy, gave timely in-
formation to the commandant, who was, however, so
engrossed by his own arrogance and folly that he paid
no regard to her. He even threatened to punish any of
his own people if they gave credit to such reports, and
actually put seven of them in irons. To fill the meas-
ure of his presumption, he sent a messenger to the
Grand Sun himself, to ask at what time he intended to
make the attack. Of course, the chief denied having
any hostile intention, and thereby confirmed De Chopart
in his stupid disbelief

The .30th of November, being the Eve of the fete of
St. Andrew and a season of festivity, afforded the
Natches a favourable opportunity to attack. The whites
at Natches were cut off to a man. De Chopart him-
self was slain with a wooden weapon, by a person con-
sidered the meanest in the tribe, according to the direc-
tion of the chiefs, who despised him so much for his
military incapacity that they held him unworthy to die
a warrior's death or by a warrior's hand.

It had been the intention of the chiefs to drive the
French entirely out of Louisiana ; but the refusal of
several of the tribes to join in the conspiracy hindered
the accomplishment of their design. They were even un-
able to secure themselves against a terrible retaliation.
The people of New-Orleans, together with about fifteen
hundred Choctaws, took the field against them, and
encamped before the fort at Natches, then in possession
of the Grand Sun. A treaty of peace was concluded
between the parties, of which the terms wore very hon-

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.

,.1

,i;:;,l

' I:',

orable to the Natches ; but these, being probably ap
prehensivc of some intended treachery, broke up their
camp in the night, crossed the Mississippi^ and settled
about a hundred and eighty miles above the Red River,
where they built a fort and remained unmolested nearly
a year, the colony not having force sufficient to attack
them. However, troops were sent over from France
and they were invested in their fort. In two desperate
sallies which they made, they were signally repulsed and
most of them slain. The French then opened a mortar
battery upon them. The third shell fired bursting in
the midst of the fort occasioned great consternation
among the survivors, and they capitulated. They were
taken to New-Orleans, where an infection broke out
among them. What became of the men is not known ?
they were probably put to death. The women and chil
dren were employed as slaves on i]^e royal plantations
till it was found convenient to send them to St. Domin-
go, where they were sold, and thus the Natches became
extinct.

In regarding the fate of this unfortunate tribe but one
cause for satisfaction presents itself, namely, that our
pilgrim fathers cannot justly be reproached for maltreat-
ment of the aborigines by either Spaniard or French-
men. If they warred on and oppressed the natives on
slight pretences, and sold prisoners of war into slavery,
we have at least the poor consolation, that others havo
practised the same enormities, on a larger scale.

Little more can be ssid of the Natches but that they
are supposed to have been much farther advanced in
civilization than any tribe north of Mexico. They had
permanent dwellings, an organized priesthood and gov-
ernment, some ideaoftherightsof property and depended
mainly on agriculture for subsistence. When this is
said all is said.

i
]

•i^'iB

ably ap
up their
i settled
J River,
[1 nearly
attack

France
3sperate
Ised and

mortar
sting in
3rnation
ey were
oke out
inown !
id chil
itations
Domin-
becarae

3Ut one
lat our
iltreat-
'rench-
ives on
lavery,
s havo

it they
3ed in
3y had
igov-
ended
this is

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS

It is a singular fact, that a search for gold was one if
not the chief of the motives of all the early adventurers
who persued carreer of discovery in both North and
South America, with almost the only exception of the
pilgrims, as they are called. We have it on record that
the precious metal was supposed to exist on the ice-bound
shore of Davis' Straits, and that a cargo of yellow sand
was carried to England for chemical analyzation. Ex-
ploration was, however, carried on with by no means so
much zeal in the climes which presented little hope of a
golden reward, as in the more inviting regions of the
South. A nobler motive than lust of gain was required
to people the comparatively sterile shores of New-Eng-
land. From the time that Cabot found the way to North
America (in 1497) till a century after, few attempts were
made to explore, much less to colonize. Sir Francis
Drake, indeed, (knighted for deeds for which he ought to
have been hanged) gained some knowledge of the west and
eastt.n shores of the Northern half of the New World ;
but his object was plunder not knowledge. Sir Walter
Raleigh was the first navigator who made a decided
attempt at exploration, who gave the land a name and
settled a colony.

• Colonization, as a system, was at that time no part of
the concern of the English government. The lands which
only, it was held, the English had a right to settle, afford-
ed no prospect of great and immediate gain. An incentive
for emigration was found, however in the then existing
political state of things. England had just thrown off the
yoke of Rome; but the discipline of the Roman Church
was not at the same time abandoned. The spirit of re-
ligion and of fanaticism were both wide awake'. A dis-
sent from the Anglican church was held as great an of-
fence as an adherence to that of Rome, and was punisha-
ble bylaw. ThiS|0f course, was a very serious annoyance;
nay, an intolerable oppression, by various sects then call-
ed into existence by the awakened spirit of inquiry.

Among these sects was one which differed less from the
Episcopal Church than the others, and were accordingly

Ai:^ ii

if'i'i

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.

¥■

^- 'i

persecuted more as we uniformly find that a slight dif-
Icrencc between friends kindleth a greater fire than a total
difference between strangers. These were the Puritan,
who refused to comply with the forms of Episcopacy,
though ihey professed its spirit.

In the year of our Lord IGIO, a small congregation of
these harmless, but persecuted sectaries, being the flock
of a Mr. Robinson, emigrated to Holland and settled at
Leyden, in order that they might worship God accord-
ing to the dictates of their own consciences. Here they
continued todwell about 10 years ; but did not find their
expectations wholly realized. The ecclesiastical laws of
the land, indeed, neither sanctioned nor condemned them,
or any other Christian sect, but then they made no con-
verts. The Dutch gave them a hospitable reception and
treated them with much kindness and respect, but could
by no means be prevailed onto conform to their mode of
worship or renounce their own principles, which the Eng-
lish conceived to be incompatible with the Christian
character. The little sect, therefore, fell fast into decay.
Within the ten years of their residence in Holland, they
lost half their number from deaths and returns to Eng-
land. Thei/ worldly affiiirs, too, did not prosper; for
all of which reason the remaining few determined to
seek a country where their own belief should be para-
mount, and where the prospect of their children would bo-
better. Ne v-Engl5nd was the Canaan they proposed to
settle tiiemselves in, and they found no difficulty in pro-
curing a royal grant of a large tract of land.

Here, whatever their descendants may have done after
them, th^y did not expect to amass wealth or intend to
drive out the natives ; but to live unmolested, by honest
industry, and to cultivate justice and friendship with the
Indians. After a day or two set apart for solemn
humiliation before God and religious exercises, it was
resolved that a part of the congregation should sail to
America, whither, if they found the prospect favorable,
the rest should soon follow them.

They purchased two small ships and repaired to Ply-
mouth, in England, whence it was proposed to set forth.
On the fifth of August 1620, they were affectionately

S
ll

M •

LANDING OP OUR FOREFATHERS.

)fDi

(1(

iidetl to the holy protection oi uivine I'rovidencc
and took leave of the Old World

commci

by their pious pastor

forever.

For twenty days their voyaging was as favorable as
could be expected ; but on the twenty-first a tremend
ous gale threatened them with destruction. It lasted
three days, every moment of whicli they loolv( d for in
stant death. Nevertheless the vessels did not part
company, but when the tempest was over, one of them
was so shattered as to be deemed incapa!)le of making
the voyage. She was therefore a!)andoned by her pas-
sengers, who were received on board the other

After a passa^^e of more than three months, on the me-
morable 10th of Nov. lC20,they,to their great joy made
Cape Cod, where they landed without difficulty the next
day. Although, if it may be said without profanity, the
prospect before them presented little to be thankful for,
they did not fail to return thanks for their safe arrival.
Their situation was nevertheless deplorable. Winter was
sitting in : they were on a hi' ik, inhospitable and per-
haps hostile shore, and how ung wilderness before them,
and no friend to receive, or house to shelter them.

Having found a harbour where their ship might ride
in safety, ten of the most resolute of the party set out
♦o explore the country, and discover, if they could, a
Jinitable spot for a settlement. They had not proceeded
'nore than a league into the woods when they met a
party of five Indians, the first of any the company had
jver looked upon. They were clad in skins and armed
with bows and arrows. Though the English made signs
of friendship, the natives fled in the utmost consterna-
tion as soon as they perceived them. They had good
reason for their fears : the crew of an English ship had
carried two of their fellows forcibly into slavery two or
three years before.

On the approach of night the little party encamped,
or Father bivouacked ; not forgetting to set a strict
watch. In the morning they resumed their march,follow-
ing the tracts of the Indians aforesaid, in hopes of com-
ing to their village and of procuring a supply of fresh
provisions, which the party much needed, after so long

:. Jil

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.

Til .*■ '(.

a voyage. They did not succeed in this, but about noon
they arrived at a space of cleared ground with several
little hillocks, which they supposed to be graves, which,
liowever were not. There was also a great quantity of
stubble, several planks and a small earthen pot, all of
which appeared to be signs of recent habitation. A lit-
tle farther on they found more of the abovesaid hillocks,
and, opening them, found that they contained something
more savory than dead bodies, namely, considerable
quantities of maize, or Indian corn. It was the first
they had ever seen, and appeared to them a curiosity.
Some of them, after tasting were for leaving it as it was,
as worthless, but on the whole they concluded to take
it to their ship.

On finding their way back, which they had some dif-
ficulty in doing, they were received with much satisfac-
tion. They shewed the grain and recommended the
place where they had found it, as suitable for a winter
habitation. In pursuance of this advice, the whole com-
pany proceeded to the spot on the twenty-fifth. They
called it New Plymouth, in remembrance of the port
from which they had sailed, and concluded to abide
there for the winter. The first care, being a matter of
necessity, was to erect a ftvv temporary huts ; the next
was to erect themselves into a body politic, by a solemn
combination. This took place on the tenth of Decem-
ber. They prescribed to themselves such a government
and laws as they judged right and equitable, and bound
themselves to it by the following instrument.

*' In the name of God, amen. We, whose names
are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sove-
reign, King James, by the grace of God, King of Great
Britain, France and Ireland, and defender of the faith,
&c. having undertaken for the glory of God, advance-
ment of the Christian faith, and the honor of our
king and countr} , a voyage to plant the first colony in
the north parts of America, do by these presents sol-
emnly and mutually, in the presence of God, and one
another, covenant and combine ourselves together into
a civil body politic, for our own convenience and the
preservation and support of the ends aforesaid ; and

of
e^
sr

t}
c<

■n

LANT>Ilfa OF OUR FOREFATHERS.

I one
into

dthe
and

I-'

by virtue hereof, do enact, constitute and frame such
just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and
officers, from time to time, as shall be thought most
meet and convenient for the general good of the colo-
ny, unto which we promise all due submission and
obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunto sub-
scribed our names, at New Plymouth, on the 10th day
of December, A. D. 1620."

John Carver,
William Bradford,
Edward Winslow,
William Brewster,
Isaac Allerton,
Miles Standish,
Joseph Fletcher,
John Goodman,
Samuel Fuller,
Christopher Martin,
WiUiam White,
Richard Warren,
John Howland,
Stephen Hopkins,
Digery Priest,
Thomas Williams,
Gilbert Winslow,
Edmund Morgeson,
Peter Brown,

John Alden,
John Turner,
Francis Eaton,
James Chilton,
John Craxton,
John Billington,
Richard Bitteridge,
George Soule,
Edward Tilley,
John TilFey,
Thomas Rogers,
Thomas Tinker,
John Ridgdale,
Edward Fuller,
Richard Clarke,
Richard Gardiner,
John Allerton,
Thomas English,
Edward Leister.

John Carver was then elected governor for one year
by ballot.

On the nineteenth of December, Mrs. Susannah, wife
of Mr. William White, was delivered of the first child
ever born of white parents in New-England. These
small matters have been considered of some importance
on account of the circumstances in which they happen-
ed ; and therefore it is that they are mentioned.

On the twenty-third of the same month a second par-
ty of thirteen persons was despatched in quest of dis-
coveries.

As they were making the circuit of the deep bay of
Cape Cod, they discovered a largo party of natives on
sWre, employed in cutting up a fish like a grampus.

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LAZTDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.

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They immediately put on shore, hut were no sooner
discovered hy the Indians than the latter fled, with pre-
cipitation and alarm. The English took possession of the
fish, and resolved to encamp near it for the night. They
had hardly discovered that their acquisition was excellent
food and set about erecting a temporary shelter, when
they were saluted with a shower of arrows. Receiving
so unceremonious an attack they were about to flee to
their boat when their leader. Governor Carver, a man
of much courage and experience exhorted them to shew
a firm front, and maintain their ground, as a precipitate
flight was almost certain to be their destruction. He
also despatched two or three for the arms, which had
imprudently been left in the boat, and the whole body
then moved slowly toward the shore, in close order. If
too hard pushed, the governor directed them to face
about and fire upon the savages. Perceiving the Eng-
lish retiring, the Indians took courage and vigorously
assailed them with clubs, stones, hatchets, Slc. upon
which the formei obeyed their orders and three or four
of the Indians fell. Utterly disconcerted by so (to them)
amazing a repulse, and at the extraordinary wounds of
their brethren, they gave a yell that might have been
heard three miles and fled in every direction. This was
perhaps the first time the report of a gun had been heard
in New-England.

The English immediately returned to Plymouth with-
out having made any important discoveries, and as it
was not thought probable that any would be made dur-
ing that season, the whole company concluded to re-
main where they were till spring. The winter proved
uncommonly long and severe, and the hardships and suf-
ferings of the pilgrims were great. The clams and shell
fish they picked up on the sea shore were their staple
article of subsistence. Little accustomed to such a
mode of life, many of them perished, and it would have
gone hard with the few survivors had the natives attack-
ed them. Two circumstances prevented this. A year
or two before an epidemic, supposed to have been the
small pox, had fearfully thinned their numbers, and be-
sides they had had terrible proof of the efficacy of fire

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS

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arms. Though they were daily seen, not one of them
ventured within gun-shot of the settlement, till, on the
twentieth day of March following, the English were not
a little surprised at seeing a single native walk boldly
into the middle of their village and at hearing him ad-
dress them in broken English. They learned from him
that he came from the eastern shore, where he had had
intercourse with certain fishermen, from whom he had
acquired some words of English. He gave them other
information of more importance, concerning the state
of the country, the number of the natives, &c. They
now learned that they were living on the lands of a chief
named 'Massasoit, whose village was at a great distance.

Samoset, for so was this Indian named, was dismiss
ed with presents and friendly assurances. The next
day he returned with his chief Massasoit and a number
of his followers. He was a very robust, middle aged
man, of grave countenance and spare of speech. He
wore beads around his neck and smoked tobacco and
his If ' \nd his face were painted and oiled.* During
his V ..'; he evinced much fear and trembling, but no
lack of good faith. Nevertheless a treaty was conclud-
ed with nim, and it was agreed that the English and
Indians should live amicably together. Whatever pro-
visions the Indians were willing to part with, were to
be fairly paid for by the whites, and as long as Massa-
soit lived, the conditions were faithfully fulfilled on both
sides. The chief seems to have been a most estimable
man. Though he had been brave and successful in war
he was ever the advocate of peace. He was just, hu-
mane and beneficent ; true to his word and in every re-
spect an honest man. His territories were large and
his power and influence great. His death was regret
ted alike by whites and Indians.

In the spring of 1621, the English made their first
plantations. About two months after Governor Carver
died ; a great loss to the colony. His wife followed
him to the grave in a few weeks. Mr; William Brad-
ford was appointed to fulfil the vacancy occasioned by
the death of Governor Carver.

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fli LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHEES. '

New-Engiand from this time began to be rapidly
peopled by the Europeans. So great was the emigra
tion from the mother country, that in less than six years
from the time that the first adventurers landed at New
Plymouth, there were seven considerable townfl^ built
and settled in Massachusetts. ' - ■ ' .-■.'■>■.

In the summer of 1627,Mr. Endicott,oneof the orig-
inal planters, was sent over to begin the plantation at
Naumkeag, (now Salem.) The June following about
200 persons, furnished with four ministers, now came
over and joined Mr. Endicott's colony ; and the next
year they formed themselves into a regular church.
This was the first church gathered in Massachusetts,
and the second in New-England. The church at Ply-
mouth had been gathered eight years before. In 1629,
a large embarkation was projected by the company in
England. At the request of a number of res-
pectable gentlemen, most of whom afterwards came
over to New-England, the general consent of the com-
pany was'obtained, that the government should be trans-
ferred and settled in Massachusetts.

In 1630, seventeen ships from different ports in Eng-
land, arrived at Massachusetts, with more than 1500
passengers, among whom were many persons of dis-
tinction. Incredible were the hardships they endured.
Reduced to a scanty pittance of provisions, and that of
a kind to which they hiad not been accustomed, numbers
sickened and died, so that before the end of the year
they had lost 200 of their number. About this time
settlements were made at Charlestown, Medford, Bos-
ton, Dorchester, Cambridge and Roxbury.

In the years 1632 and 1633, great additions were
made to the colony. Such was the rage for emigration
to New-England, that the King and counsel thought fit
to issue an order February 7, 1633, to prevent it. The
order, however was not strictly obeyed.

In 1635,the foundation of a new colony was laid in
Connecticut, adjoining this state. Of this river and the
country adjacent Lord Say and Lord Brook were the
proprietors ; and at the mouth of it a fort by their di-
rection was built, which in honor to them was called

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LA^rDINO OF OUR FOREFATHERS.

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Saybrook fort. New-Haven was settled soon after the
building of this fort, as was a number of other towns
of considerable note in Connecticut. Some difficulty
arising among those who first settled at New Plymouth,
a part of the inhabitants, to prevent any serious conse-
quences, removed to a pleasant and fertile island to the
south west of Cape Cod, now called Rhode Island,
while others settled at Providence, Warwick, Taunton,
&/C. Thus it was that in the course of a few years a
great part of N. England, which so late was an unculti-
vated forest, resounding with yells of savages and beasts
of prey, became the place of abode of our persecuted
forefathers.

But this newly settled country was not to be acquired
without bloodshed. The natives, although they at first
appeared harmless and well disposed toward the new
settlers, from the rapid increase and two frequent aggres-
sion of the latter, jealousy of the former was excited,
which they soon began more openly to manifest as will
appear by what follows.

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INDIAN WARS IN NEW ENGLAND

CHAP. I.

COMMENCEMENT OF HOSTILITIES WITH THE NATIVES.— DF.
STRUCTION OF THE PEQUOTS, AND DEATH OF SASACU3,
THEIR CHIEF— BATTLE BETWEEN THE MOHEGANS, UNDER
UNCAS, AND THE NARRAGANSETS, UNDER MIANTINOMI, IN
WHICH THE LATTER IS SLAIN— PEACE BETWEEN THE NAR-
RAGANSETS AND THE ENGLISH.

There was a tribe of Indians, inhabiting the borders
of Connecticut river from its mou ' lO within a few
miles of Hartford, called Pequots, fierce, cruel, and
warlike, and the inveterate enemies of the whites ;
never failing to improve every opportunity to exercise
toward them the most wanton acts of barbarity. In
June, 1634«, they treacherously murdered Capt. Stone
and Capt. Norton, who had been long in the habit of
visiting them occasionally to trade. In August, 1635,
they inhumanly murdered a Mr. Weeks and his whole
family, consisting of a wife and six children, and soon
after murdered the wife and children of a Mr. Williams,
residing near Hartford. Finding, however, that, by
their unprovoked acts of barbarity, they had enkindled
the resentment of the English, who, aroused to a sense
of their danger, were making preparations to extermi-
nate this cruel tribe, the Pequots despatched messen-
gers with gifts to the governor of the colonies, the Hon.
Josiah Winslow. He being, however, inflexible in his
determination to revenge the death of his friends, dis-
missed these messengers without any answer. ' The
Pequots, finding the English resolute and determmed,
and fearing the consequences of their resentment, the
second time despatched messengers with a large quan-
tity of wampum as a present to the governor and coun-
cil ; with whom the latter had a considerable conference,
and at length concluded a peace on the following terras.

ARTICLES. > . .

I. The Pequots shall deliver up to the English those
of their tribe guilty of the d£ath of their countrymen.

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INDIAN WARS.

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II. The Pcquots shall relinquish to the English all
their right and title to lands lying within the colony of
Connecticut.

III. The English, if disposed to trade with .he
Pequots, shall be treated as friends.

To these articles the Pequots readily agreed, and
promised faithfully to adhere, and at the same time
expressed a desire to make peac^ with the Narragansett
Indians, with whom they were then at war.

Soon after the conclusion of peace with the Pequots,
the English, to put their fair promises to the test, sent
a small boat into the river, on the borders of which they
resided, with the pretence of trade ; but so great was
the treachery of the natives, that, after succeeding by
fair promises in enticing the crew of the boat on shore,
they were inhumanly murdered.

The Pequots, despairing of again deceiving the E
lish in the manner they had lately done, now threw off the
mask of friendship, and avowing themselves the natural
enemies of the English, commenced open hostilities,
and barbarously murdering all that were so unfortunate
as to fall into their hands. A few families were at this
time settled at or near Weathersfield, Ct. the whole of
whom were carried away captives. Two girls, daugh-
ters of Mr. Gibbons of Hartford, were in the most
brutal manner put to death. After gashing their flesh
with their knives, the Indians filled their wounds with
hot embers, in the mean time mim.icking their dying
groans.

The Pequots, encouraged by the trifling resistance
made by the English to their wanton acts of barbarity,
on the 20th of June, 1636, besieged fort Saybrook, in
which there were about twenty men stationed. The
Indians numbered about one hundred and fifty. They
surrounded and furiously attacked the fort at mid-
night, yelling and mimicking the dying groans of such
as had fallen victims to their barbarity , but the Eng-
lish, being fortunately provided with a piece or two
of cannbn, caused their savage enemies to groan in
reality, who, after receiving two or three deadly iireii

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INDIAN WARS.

from the besieged, retreated, leaving behind them dead,
or mortally wounded, about twenty of their number.
The English sustained no loss in the attack.

The governor and council of Massachusetts colony,
alarmed jft the bold and daring conduct of the Pequots,
on the 20th of August despatched Capt. Endicot of
Salem with ninety men to avenge these murders, unless
they should consent to deliver up the murderers, and
make reparation for the injuries the English had sus-
tained. Capt. Endicot was directed to proceed first to
Block Island, then inhabited by the Fequots, put the
men to the sword, and take possession of the island ;
the women and children to be spared. Thence he was
to proceed to the Pequot country, demand the murder-
ers of the English, a thousand fathom of wampum, and
a number of their children as hostages.

Capt. Endicot sailed from Boston on the morning of
the 20th. When he arrived at Block Island, about
sixty Indians appeared on the shore, and opposed his
landing. His men soon, however, effected a landing,
and after a little skirmishing drove the Indians into the
wood, where they could not be found.

The English continued two or three days on the
island, in which time they destroyed one hundred wig-
wams and about fifty canoes, when they proceeded to
the Pequot country. When they arrived in Pequot
harbor, Capt. Endicot acquainted the enemy with his
designs and determination to avenge the cruelties
practised upon his countrymen. In a few moments,
nearly five hundred of the enemy collected on the shores ;
but as soon as they were made acquainted with the
hostile views of the English, they hastily withdrew, and
secreted themselves in the swamps and ledges inacces-
sible to the ttoops. Capt. Endicot landed his men on
both sides the harbor, burnt their wigwams and destroyed
their canoes, killed an Indian or two, and returned to
Boston. Enough, indeed, had been done to exaspe-
rate, but nothing to subdue a warlike enemy.

Sasacus, chief of the Pequots, and his captains, were
men of great and independent spirits. They had con-

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INDIAN WARS.

quered and governed the nations around them without
control. They viewed the English as strangers and
mere intruders, who had no right to the country, nor to
control its original proprietors ; as independent princes
and sovereigns, they had made settlements in Connecti-
cut without their consent, and brought home the Indian
kings whom they had conquered, and restored them
their authority and lands. They had built a fort, and
were making a settlement without their approbation, in
their very neighborhood. Indeed, they had now pro-
ceeded to attack and ravage the country. The Pequots
in consequence breathed nothing but war and revenge :
they were determined to extirpate or drive all the Eng-
lish from New England. For this purpose they con-
ceived the plan of uniting the Indians generally against
them. They spared no art nor pains to make peace
with the Narragansets, and to engage them in the war
against the English ; to whom they represented that
they were bad men, and the natural enemies of the
natives, and who also were foreigners, overspreading
the country, and depriving the original inhabitants of
their ancient rights and possessions ; that unless effect-
ual means were immediately provided to prevent it,
they would soon dispossess the original proprietors, and
become the lords of the continent. They insisted that
by a general combination they co^M either destroy or
drive them from the country ; that there would be no
necessity to come to open battle ; that by killing their
cattle, firing their houses, laying ambushes on their
roads, in their fields, and wherever <hey could surprise
and destroy them, they might accomplish their object .
they represented that if the English should effect the
destruction of the Pequots, they would soon destroy
the Narragansets. So just and politic were these
representations, that nothing but i;hat thirst for revenge
which inflames the savage heart could have resisted
their influence ; indeed it is said that for some time the
Narragansets hesitated.

The governor of the colonies, to prevent a union
between these savage nations, and to strengthen the

INDIAN WARS.

peace between the Narraganset Indians and the colo-
nies, despatched a messenger to invite Miantinomi,
their chief sachem, to Boston. The invitation was
accepted, and while at Boston, with the governor and
council, he entered into a treaty, the substance of
which was as follows : That there should be a firm
peace maintained between the English and Narragan-
sets ; and that the latter should not harbor the enemies
of the English, but deliver up to them such fugitives
as should resort to them for safety. The English were
to give them notice when they went out against the
Pequots, and the Narragansets were to furnish them
with guides.

. In February, 1637, the English in Connecticut
colony represented to the governor their desire to pro-
secute more effectually the war with the Pequots, who
yet continued to exercise towards them the most wanton
acts of barbarity. They represented that on the 10th
January a boat containing three of their countrymen
was attacked by the enemy when proceeding down the
river ; thut the English for some time bravely defended
themselves, but were overpowered by numbers ; that
the Indians, when they had succeeded in capturing the
boat's crew, ripped them up from the bottom of their
bellies to their throats, and in like manner split them
down their backs, and, thus mangled, hung them upon
the trees by the river-side. They represented that the
affairs of Connecticut colony at this moment wore a
most gloomy aspect ; that they had sustained great
losses in cattle and goods the preceding year, but were
still' more unfortunate the present ; that they could
neither hunt, fish, or cultivate their fields, nor travel at
home or abroad, but at the peril of their lives ; that
they were obliged to keep a constant watch by night
and day — to go armed to their daily labors and to the
houses of public worship. And although desirous to
prosecute the war more effectually with the common
enemy, they were not in a situation to do it, and there-
fore humbly prayed for assistance.

The report o^ the horrid and unprovoked cruelties

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INDIAN WARS.

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of the Peqnots, practised upon the defenceless inhabi-
tants of Connecticut colony, roused the other colonies
to the most spirited exertions. Massachusetts deter-
mined to send two hundred and Plymouth forty men to
assist their unfortunate brethren in prosecuting the war.
Capt. Patrick with forty men was sent before the other
troops, in order that he might be enabled seasonably to
form a junction with those in Connecticut, who, not-
withstanding their weak and distressed state, engaged
to furnish ninety men.

On Wednesday, the 10th of May, the Connecticut
troops proceeded to fort Saybrook. These consisted
of ninety Englishmen and seventy Mohegans and river
Indians, the latter commanded by Uncas, sachem of
the Mohegans, and the former by Capt. John Mason,
who was accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Stone of Hart-
ford, as chaplain. The Mohegans, being detached
from the English, on their way to Saybrook, fell in
with a considerable body of the enemy, whom they
defeated. They killed twenty-two, and took eighteen
of them prisoners.

Among the prisoners there was one who was recog-
nised as a perfidious villain ; he had lived in the fort
some time before, and well understood their language.
He remained attached to their interest until the com-
mencement of hostilities with the Pequots, when he
deserted from the fort and joined the enemy, whom he
served as a guide, and through whose instigation many
of the English had been captured and put to death.
Uncas and his men insisted upon executing him accord-
ing to the custom of their ancestors, and the English,
in the circumstances in which they were, did not judge
it prudefit to interfere. . The Indians enkindled a fire,
near which they confined the prisoner to a stake, in
which situation he remained until his skin became
parched with the heat. The Mohegans then violently
tore him limb from limb, and barbarously cutting his
flesh in pieces, handed it round from one to another,
eating it, while they sung and danced round the fire in
a manner peculiar to savages. The bones, and such

IlfDIAN WARS.

parts of the unfortunate captive as were not consumed
in this dreadful repast, were conunitted to the flames
and consumed to ashes.

On the 19th, Capt. Mason and his men proceeded to
Narraganset Bay, where they safely arrived on the 21;st.
He marched immediately to the plantation of Canoni-
cus, a Narraganset sachem, and acquainted him with
his designs, despatching a- messenger to Miantinomi, to
inform him likewise of their expedition. The next day
Miantinomi, with his chief counsellors, met the Eng-
lish. Capt. Mason informed him that the cause of his
entering his country with an armed force was to revenge
the injuries Avhich the Pequots had done to the English,
and desireaa free passage to thoir forts, which they
intended to attack. After a solemn consultation, in
the Indian manner, Miantinomi observed, ''that he
highly approved of the expedition, and wouid sen* < men
to assist the English, but that they were tor itiv in
number to fight the enemy ; that the Pf»auoLS were
great warriors, and rather slighted the E;igi\sh."

Capt. Mason landed his men and marched to the
plantation of Miantinomi, which, by previous agree-
ment, was to be the place of general rendezvous. In
the evening, an Indian runner arrived with information
that Capt. Patrick, with the men under Lis command,
had arrived at the plantation of Roger Williams, in
Providence, and was desirous that Capt. Mason should
postpone his march until such time as he could join him.
Capt. Mason, after mature deliberation, determined,
however, not to wait his arrivul, although a junction
was considered important. His men had been detained
much longer than was agreeable to their wishes, and
the Mohegans, apparently, were impatient for battle.
The little army, therefore, consisting of ninety English-
men, sixty Mohegan and river Indians, and about two
hundred Narragansets, commenced their march on the
24th, and in the evening of that day reached Nihantick,
which bounded on the country of the Pequots. Nihan-
tick was the seat of a Narraganset sachem, who seemed
displeased with the expedition, and would not suffer the

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INDIAN WARS.

English to enter his fort. Capt. Mason, suspecting the
treachery of this fellow, placed a sentinel at night at
the entrance of the fort, determined that, as he could
not be permitted to enter, no one should come out to
advise the enemy of his approach.

On the morning of the 25th, Capt. Mason was joined
by an additional number of Narragansets and a few
Nihanticks. They formed a circle, and brandishing their
scalping-knives, made protestations how gallantly they
would fight, and what numbers they would kill. Capt.
Mason had now under his command near five hundred
Indians, in addition to his former force, with whom he
early resumed his march for the head-quarters of his
enemy. The day proved uncommonly warm, and the
men, through excessive heat and want of provisions,
were only enabled by night to reach Paucatuck river ;
where the Narragansets began to manifest great fear,
and to inquire of Capt. Mason his real design. He
assured them it was to attack the Pequots in their fort ;
at which they appeared greatly surprised^ and exhibited
a disposition to quit the English and return home.

Wequash, a Pequot sachem, who had revolted from
Sasacus, was the principal guide of the English, and
he ^proved faithful. He gave such information respect-
ing the distance of the forts of the enemy from each
other, and the distance they were then from that of the
chief, sachem, as induced Capt. 3Iason to determine
to attack the latter, which his guide represented as
situated at the head of Mistick river. He found his
men so much fatigued by their march through a pathless
wilderness, with their provisions, arms, and ammunition,
that his resolution appeared absolutely necessary. The
little army, accordingly, on the morning of the 26th,
proceeded directly for Mistick, and. at sundown pene-
trated a thick swamp, and, imagining that they could
not be far distant from the fort, they pitched their little
camp between two large rocks, now known by the
name of Porter's Rocks, situated in Groton. The
sentinels, who were considerably advanced in front of
the main body of the English, distinctly h^ard the

INDIAN WARS.

enemy singing and dancing through the night at their
fort.

The important day was approaching when the exist-
ence of Connecticut was to be determined by the sword,
in a single action ; and to be decided by the valor of
less than a hundred brave men. About two hours
before dav, the men were aroused from their slumbers
by their officers, and after commending themselves and
their cause to the Almighty, proceeded with all possible
despatch for the enemy's fort. When within a few
rods of it, Capt. Mason sent for Uncas and Wequash,
desiring them in their Indian manner to harangue and
prepare their men for combat. They replied, that their
men were much afraid, and could not be prevailed on to
advance any farther. " Go, then," said Capt. Mason,
"and request them not to retire, but to surround the fort
at any distance they please, and see what courage Eng-
lishmen can display ! " The day was now dawfjing, and
no time was to be lost. The fort was soon in view.
The soldiers pressed forward, animated by the reflec-
tion that it was not for themselves alone that they were
to fight, but for their parents, wives, children, and
countrymen ! As they approached the fort within a
short distance, they were discovered by a Pequot senti-
nel, who roared out, Owanux ! Owanux ! (English-
men, Englishmen.) The troops pressed on, and as the
Indians were rallying, poured in upon them the con-
tents of their muskets, and instantly hastening to the
principal entrance of the fort, rushed in, sword in hand.
An important moment this ; for, notwithstanding the
blaze and thunder of the fire-arms, the Pequots made a
powerful resistance. Sheltered by their wigwams, and
rallied oy their sachems and squaws, they defended
tlicmselves, and, in some instances, attacked the Eng-
lish with a resolution that would have done honor to
the Romans. After a bloody and desperate conflict of
near two hours, in which hundreds of the Indians were
slain, and many of the English killed and wounded,
victory still hung in suspense. In this critical state of
the action, Capt. Mason had recourse to a successful

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INDIAN WARS.

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expedient. Rushing into a wigwam within the fort, he
seized a brand of fire, and in the mean time crying out
to his men, '' We must burn them \" communicated it
to the mats with which the wigwams were covered, by
which means the whole fort was soon wrapt in flames.
As the fire increased, the Enghsh retired and formed a
circle round the fort. The Mohegans and Narragan-
sets, who remained idle spectators to the bloody carnage,
mustered courage suflicient to form another circle in
the rear of them. The enemy were now in a deplorable
situation. Death inevitably was their portion. Sally-
ing forth from their burning cells, they were shot or
cut in pieces by the English ; many, perceiving it
impossible to escape the vigilance of the troops, threw
themselves voluntarily into the flames.

The violence of the flames, the reflection of the light,
the clashing and roar of arms, the shrieks and yells of
the savages in the fort, and the shouting of the friendly
Indians without, produced an awful scene. In less
than two hours from the commencement of the bloody
action, the English completed their work. Eighty
wigwams were burnt, and upwards of eight hundred
Indians destroyed. Parents and children, the sanup
and squaw, the aged and the young, perished in pro-
miscuous ruin ! The loss of the English was compara-
tively small, not exceeding twenty-five killed and
wounded. -^

After the termination of this severe engagement, as
the English were proceeding to evnbark on board their
vessels, which, fortunately for them, at this moment
arrived in the harbor, they were attacked in the rear by
about three hundred of the enemy, who had been de-
spatched from a neighboring fort to assist their brethren.
The English gav ^ them so warm a reception that they
soon gave way and fell back to the field of action ;
where, viewing for a few moments with apparent marks
of surprise and horror the shocking scene which it pre-Q
sented, they stamped, bellowed, and wiCh savage rage
tore their hair from their heads ; and then with a hide-
ous yell pursued the English, as if with determination to

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INDIAN WARS.

avenge the deaths of their friends, even at the expense
of their lives. They pursued them nearly six miles,
sometimes shooting at a distance from^behind the rocks
and trees, uxv^^ sometimes pressed hard upon them,
hazarding tht^aselves in open field. The English killed
numbers of them, but sustained no loss on their part.
When a Poquot fell, the Mohegans would cry out, run
and fetch his head. The enemy, finding at length that
they discharged arrows in vain, and that the English
appeared to be well stocked with ammunition, gave
over the pursuit.

In less than three weeks from the time the English
embarked at Say brook, th£y returned, with the excep-
tion of the few killed and wounded, in safety to their
respective habitations. Few enterprises were ever,
perhaps, achieved with more personal bravery ; in few
have so great a proportion of the cflfective men of a
whole colony or nation been put to so great and imme-
diate danger ; in {^vi have a people been so deeply and
immediately iiiierested as were the English inhabitants
of Connecticut at this important crisis. In these
respects, even the great armaments and battles of
Europe are comparatively of little importance ;*^and it
ought never to be forgotten, that through the bravery
and unconquerable resolution of less than one hundred
men, Connecticut was once saved, and the most warlike
tribe of Indians in New Enghind completely extermi-
nated.

The few Pequots who now remained alive, conceiv-
ing it unsafe to inhabit a country so exposed to invasion,
removed far to the westward, among whom was Sasacus,
their principal sachem. On the 25th June, the Con-
necticut troops, under Capt. Mason, together with a
company from Massachusetts, commanded by Capt.
Stoughton, were sent in pursuit of them. They pro-
ceeded westward, and on the 27th fell in with and
defeated a considerable body, and took about fiftv of
them prisoners, among whom were two sachems, whose
lives were offered them on condition of their serving as
gttides. ,

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INDIAN WARS.

The English on their march frequently fell in with
small detached parties of the enemy, whom they cap-
tured or destroyed ; but could not obtain any informa-
tion relative to the main body, commanded by Sasacus.
Finding that the two sachem prisoners would not give
them the information required, on the 29th they be-
headed them at a place called Menunkatuck, (now
Guilford,) from which circumstance the place still bears
the name of Sachem's Head. The English on the 30th
arrived at duinnipaik, (now New Haven,) where they
were informed by a friendly Pequot that the enemy
were encamped in a swamp, a few miles to the west-
ward. The troops pushed forward, and on the suc-
ceeding day arrived at the border of the swamp, where
they found a thicket so extremely boggy as to render
it inaccessible to any one but the natives. The Eng-
lish, therefore, thought it most advisable to surround
the swamp, and annoy the enemy as opportunity pre-
sented. The Indians, after a few skirmishes, requested
a parley, which being granted, Thomas Stanton, inter-
preter to the English, was sent to treat with them. He
was authorized to offer life to such as had not shed the
blood of the English ; upon which, the sachem of the
place, together with about three hundred of his tribe,
Ct*ine out, and producing satisfactory proof of their
innocence, were permitted to retire ; but the Pequots
boldly declared, that they had both shed and drank the
blood of Englishmen, and would not upon such terms
accept of life, but would fight it out. The English,
unwilling to brook the threats and insulting language
of the Pequots, attempted to devise means of attacking
the whole body of them without further delay. The
officers were, however, divided in opinion as to the
mode. Some were for setting fire to the swamp ;
others for cutting their way through with hatchets ;
and others for surrounding it with a palisado. Neither
of these plans were, however, adopted. As night
approached, the English cut through a part of the
swamp, by which means its circumference was con-
siderably lessened, and they finabled so completely to

'ij\ '

INDIAN WARS.

surround the enemy as to prevent their escaping during
the night. Early the ensuing morning, the Indians,
perceiving themselves completely hemmed in by the
English, made a violent attempt to break through their
lines ; they were, however, driven back with great loss.
They next attempted to force the line formed by the
Connecticut troops, but here they met with a much
warmer reception. The contest now became close and
severe. The Indians, who were about six hundred in
number, appeared determined not to yield but at the
expense of their lives. One of the most resolute of
them walked boldly up to Capt. Mason with an uplifted
tomahawk, and, when about to give the fatal stroke,
received a blow from the cutlass of the latter, which
severed the head of the savage from his body. The
enemy soon after made another attempt to break through
the lines of the English, in which, after a violent strug-
gle, they finally succeeded. About sixty of their
bravest warriors escaped ; the remainder were killed
or taken prisoners. The loss of the English was eleven
killed and twenty wounded.

The prisoners taken wer.c divided among the troops,
some of whom were retained by them as servants, and
the remainder were sent to the West Indies and sold to
planters. The prisoners reported that the whole tribe
of Pequots was now nearly exterminated ; that in dif-
ferent engagements there had been upwards of two
thousand of them killed, and one thousand captured,
among whom were thirteen sachems ; and thjit six yet
survived, of whom one was Sasacus, who had iled, with
a fragment of his tribe, to a country bordering on the
Hudson river, inhabited by the Mohawks.

After the swamp fight, the Pequots became so weak
and scattered, that the Mohegar\s and Narragansets
daily destroyed them, and presented their scalps to the
English. The few that fled with Sasacus to the west-
ward were totally destroyed by the Mohawks. The
scalp of Sasacus was in the fall of 1638 presented to
the governor and council of Massachusetts.

Soon after the extermination of the Pequots, the

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INDIAN WARS,

Narragansets, the most numerous tribe in New Eng-
land, being displeased with the small power with which
they were vested, and the respect which the English
uniformly manifested for Uncas, appeared disposed to
break their treaty of friendship. Miantinomi, without
consulting the English according to agreement, with-
out proclaiming war, or ' giving Uncas the least infor-
mation, raised an army of one thousand men, and
inarched against him. The spies of Uncas discovered
the army at some distance, and gave him intelligence.
He was unprepared, but rallying about five hundred
of his bravest men, he told them they must by no means
suffer Miantinomi to enter their town, but must go and
give him battle on his way. The Mohegans, having
marched three or four miles, met the enemy upon an
extensive plain. When the armies had advanced within
fair bowshot of each other, Uncas had recourse to
stratagem, with which he had previously acquainted
his warriors. He desired a parley, which being granted,
both armies halted in the face of each other. Uncas,
gallantly advancing in front of his men, addressed Mi-
antinomi to this effect : " You have a number of stout
men with you, so have I with me. It is a great pity
that so many brave warriors should be killed in conse-
quence of a misunderstanding between us two. Come,
like a brave man, as you profess to be, and let us decide
the dispute alone. If you kill me, my men shall be
yours ; but if I kill you, your men shall be mine."
*' No," replied Miantinomi ; " iiiy men came to fight,
and they shall fight." Upon which, Uncas falling
instantly to the ground, his men discharged a shower of
arrows, and rushing upon them in the most furious
manner, with a hideous yell, put them to flight.

The Mohegans pursued the enemy with the same
fttry and eagerness with which they commenced the
action. The Narragansets were driven down rocks
and precipices, and chased like a doe by the huntsman.
Many of them, to escape from their pursuers, plunged
into a river from rocks of near sixty feet in height.
Among others, Miantinomi was hard pushed ; some

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IliDIAN WARS.

of the most forvard of the Mohegans, coming up with
him, twirled him about, and so impeded his flight, thai
Uncas, their sachem, might alone have the honor of
taking him. Uncas was a man of great bodily strength,
— he rushed forward like a lion greedy of his prey,
seized Miantinomi by the shoulder, and, giving the
Indian whoop, called up his men who were behind to
his assistance. The victory was complete. About
fifty of the Narragansets were killed, and a much
greater number wounded and taken prisoners. Among
the latter was a brother of Miantinomi, rfnd two of the
sons of Canonicus, whom Uncas conducted in triumph
to Mohegan. A few days after, Uncas conducted Mi-
antinomi back to the spot where he was taken, for the
purpose of putting him to death. At the instant they
arrived on the ground, an Indian, who was ordered to
march in the rear for the purpose, sunk a hatchet in
his head, and despatched him at a single stroke. He
was probably unacquainted with his fate, nor knew by
what means he fell. Uncas cut out a large piece of
his shoulder, which he devoured with savage triumph,
declaring, in the mean time, that it was the sweetest
meat he ever eat, — it made his heart strong. The
Mohegans buried Miantinomi at tiie place of his exe-
cution, and erected upon his grave a pillar of stones.
This memorable event gave the place the name of
Sachem's Plains, which are situated in the eastern
corner of Norwich.

The Narragansets became greatly enraged at the
death of their sachem, and sought means to destroy
Uncas, whose country they in small parties frequently
invaded, and, by lying in umbush, cut off a number
of his most valuable warriors. As Uncas was the
avowed friend of the English, and had in many in-
stances signalized himself as such, they conceived it
their duty to afford him all the protection possible.
They despatched messengers to acquaint the Narragan-
sets with their determination, should they continue to
molest and disturb the repose of the Mohegans. The
messengers of the English met with quite an unfavora-

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ble reception ; to whom one of the Narraganset
sachems declared, that he would kill every Englishman
or Mohegan that came within his reach ; that whoever
began the war, he would continue it ; and that nothing
should satisfy him but the head of Uncas. . i » . ,

The English, irritated at the provoking language of
the Narragansets, now determined not only to protect
Uncas, but to invade their country with an army of
three hundred men ; first to propose a peace on their
own terms, but if rejected, to attack and destroy them.
For this purpose Massachusetts was to furnish one
hundred and ninety, and Plymouth and Connecticut
fifty-five men each.

The Narragansets, learning that an army was about
to enter the heart of their country, and fearful of the
consequences, despatched several of their men to sue
for peace on such terms as the English should be
pleased to grant. The governor and council demanded
that they should restore to Uncas all the captives and
canoes which they had taken from him, and pledge
themselves to maintain perpetual peace with the Eng-
lish and their allies, and to the former to pay an annual
tribute of two thousand fathoms of wampum. These
indeed were hard terms, against which the Narragan-
sets strongly remonstrated ; but, aware that the Eng-
lish had already a considerable force collected for the
purpose of invading their country, they at length
thought it most prudent to acquiesce.

During the war between the Narragansets and
Uncas, the former once besieged the fort of the latter,
until his provisions were nearly exhausted, and he
found that his men must soon perish, either by famine
or the tomahawk, unless speedily relieved. In this
crisis, he found means of communicating an account
of his situation to the English scouts, who had been
despatched from the fort in Say brook to reconnoitre
the enemy. Uncas represented the danger to which
the English would be exposed, if the Narragansets
should succeed in destroying the Mohegans. It was
at this critical juncture that the greatest portion of the

the

INDIAN WARS.

English troops in Connecticut were employed on an
expedition abroad. A Mr. Thomas Leffingwell, how-
ever, a bold and enterprising man, on learning the
situation of Uncas, loaded a canoe with provisions, and
under cover of the night paddled from Saybrook into
the river Thames, and had the address to get the whole
into the fort. The enemy soon after, discovering that
Uncas had received supplies, raised the siege. For
this piece of service, Uncas presented Mr. Leffingwell
with a deed of a very large tract of land, now compris-

ing the whole town of Norwich.

CHAP. II.

TREATY OF PEACE WITH PHILIP, THE CELEBRATED CHIEF OF
THE NIPNET TRIBE.— TREACHEROUS CONDUCT OF PHILIP, AND
WAR WITH HIM AND THE NARRAGANSETS— GREAT BATTLE
NEAR MOUNT HOPE, IN WHICH THE INDIANS ARE DEFEATED.

The English in New England now enjoyed a peace
until the year 1671, when they again took up arms to
revenge the death of one of their countrymen, who had
been inhumanly murdered by an Indian belonging to
the Nipnet tribe, of which the celebrated Philip, of
Mount Hope, now Bristol, Rhode Island, was sachem.
It was thought the most prudent step by the governor
and council, first to send to Phihp and acquaint him
with the cause of their resentment, and the course
which they were determined to pursue in * case he
refused to deliver into their hands the murderer.
Philip, being sent for and appearing before the court,
affected to be much dissatisfied with the conduct of the
accused, ussuring them that no pains should be spared
to bring him to justice ; and more fully to confirm
his friendship for the English, expressed a wish that
what he was about to make might be committed to

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INDIAN WARS.

paper, that he and his council might thereunto affix
their signatures. The governor and council, in com-
pliance with the request, drew up the following, which,
after being signed by Philip and his chief men, was
presented to the governor by Philip, in confirmation of
his friendly assurances.

" Whereas my father, my brother, and myself have
uniformly submitted to the good and wholesome laws
of his majesty the king of England, and have ever
respected his faithful subjects, the English, as our
friends and brothers, and being still anxious to brighten
the chain of friendship between us, we do now embrace
this opportunity to pledge ourselves that we will spare
no pains in seeking out and bringing to justice such of
our tribe as shall hereafter commit any outrage against
them ; and to remove all suspicion, we voluntarily
agree to deliver up to them all the fire-arms which
they have heretofore kindly presented us with, until
such time as they can safely repose confidence in us ;
and for the true performance of these our sacred pro-
mises, we have hereunto set our hands.

, . V - Chief sachem.

Philip's X mark

) •*;

In the presence of the
Governor and Council.

Chief men.
Porkanoket's X mark.
Uncombo's X mark.
Samkama's X mark.
Wocokom's X mark."

Notwithstanding the fair promises of Philip, it was
soon discovered by the English that he was playing a
deep game — that he was artfully enticing his red
brethren throughout the whole of New England to
rise en masse against them, and drive them out of the
country, The Narragansets, for this purpose, had
engaged to raise four thousand fighting men. The
spring of 1672 was the time agreed upon, on which the

fraud blow was to be given. The evil intentions of
*hilip were first discovered and communicated to the
F»»glish by a friendly Indian of the Narraganset tribe.

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KING PHILIP

INDIAN WARS.

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Fortunately for them, this Indian had been taken into
favor by the Rev. Mr. Elliot, by whom he had been
taught to read and w^rite, and became much attached
to the English. The governor, upon receiving the
important information relative to the hostile views of
Philip, ordered a military watch to be kept up in all
the English settlements within the three colonies ; by
some of whom it was soon discovered that the report
of their Indian friend was too well founded, as the
Indians of different tribes were daily seen flocking in
great numbers to the head-quarters of Philip ; previ-
ously sending their wives and children to the Narra-
ganset country, which they had ever done previous to
the commencement of hostilities.

The inhabitants of Swanzey, a small settlement
adjoining Mount Hope, the head-quarters of Philip,
were the first who felt the effects of this war. Philip,
encouraged by the numbers who were daily enlisting
under his banners, and despairing to discover a cause
tliat could justify him in commencing hostilities against
his " friends and brothers," as he had termed them,
resolved to provoke them to a Vvar, by killing their
cattle, firing their barns, &c. This plan had the
desired effect, as the inhabitants, determined to save
their property or perish in the attempt, fired upon the
Indians ; this was deemed cause sufficient by the latter
to commence their bloody work. The war-whoop was
immediately sounded, and the Indians commenced an
indiscriminate murder of the defenceless inhabitants of
Swanzey, sparing not infants at the breast ; but three
of seventy-eight persons which the town contained made
their escape. Messengers were despatched with the
melancholy tidings of this bloody affair to the governor,
whov by and with the advice and consent of the coun-
cil, despatched a company of militia, with all possible
speed, to the relief of the distressed inhabitants residing
near the head-quarters of Philip. As soon as they
could be raised, three companies were despatched,
under the command of Captains Henchman, Prentice,
and Church, who arrived in the neighborhood of Swan-

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INDIAN WARS.

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zey on the 28th June, where they were joined by four
more companies from Plymouth colony. It was found
that the Indians had pillaged and set fire to the village,
and with their booty had retired to Mount Hope. A
company of cavalry were sent, under the command of
Capt. Prentice, to reconnoitre them ; but before they
arrived at a convenient place for this purpose, they
were ambushed and fired upon by the enemy, who
killed six of their number and wounded ten. The
report of their guns alarming the remaining companies
of the English, they hastened to the relief of the cav-
alry, who, at this moment, were completely surrounded
by about six hundred Indians, between whom and the
English a warm contest now ensued. The savages
fought desperately, and more than once nearly suc-
ceeded in overpowering the English ; but, very fortu-
nately for the latter, when nearly despairing of victory,
a fresh company of militia from Boston arrived. They
flanked the enemy on the right and left, and, exposing
them to two fires, soon overpowered and drove them to
seek shelter in an adjoining wood, inaccessible to the
English. In this severe engagement, the English had
forty-two killed, and seventy-three wounded, many of
them mortally. The loss of the enemy was supposed
to be much greater.

On the 30th, Maj. Savage, who had been appointed
commander in chief of the combined English forces,
arrived with an additional company of cavalry, who,
with the remaining companies, the following day com-
menced their march for Mount Hope, the head-quarters
of Philip. On their way, the EngHsh were aff*ected
with a scene truly distressing. The savages, not con-
tent with bathing their tomahawks in the blood of the
defenceless inhabitants of Svvanzey, had, it was dis-
covered, in many instances, detached their limbs from
their mangled bodies, and, affixing them to poles, they
were extended in the air ! among which were discov-
ered the heads of several infant children ; the whole
of which, by order of Maj. lavage, were collected and
buried. /

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INDIAN WARS.

The English arrived at Mount Hope about sunset ;
but the enemy, receiving information of their approach,
had deserted their wigwams and retire^ into a neigh-
boring wood. Maj. Savage, to pursue the enemy with
success, divided his men into companies, which he
ordered to march in different directions, stationing forty
at Mount Hope. On the 4th of July, those under the
command of Capts. Church and Henchman fell in
with a body of the enemy, to the number of two hun-
dred, whom they attacked. Victory for a considerable
length of time appeared in favor of the savages ; but,
very fortunately for the former, being commanded by
bold and resolute officers, they defended themselves in
a heroic manner until relieved by a company of cavalry,
commanded by Capt. Prentice. The Indians now,
finding the fire of the English too warm for them, fled
in every direction, leaving thirty of their number dead,
and about sixty severely wounded on the field of action.
In this engagement, the English had seven killed and
thirty-two wounded, five of whom survived the action
but a few hours.

This action, so far from daunting the bold and reso-
lute Capt. Church, seemed to inspire him with addi-
tional bravery. Unwilling that any of the enemy should
escape, he boldly led his men into an almost impene-
trable forest, into which those who had survived the
action had fled. The Indians, perceiving the English
approaching, concealed themselves from their view by
lying flat on their bellies, in which situation they
remained concealed until the English had advanced
within a few rods of them, when each, unperceived, fix-
ing upon his man, discharged a shower of arrows among
them. This unexpected check threw the English into
confusion, which the Indians perceiving, they rushed
furiously upon them with their knives and tomahawks,
shouting horribly. Their cavalry being unable to
afford them assistance, the English were now in a very
disagreeable situation ; the trees being so very large
as to render it difficult to use their fire-arms with any
eil'ect, and they were soon so encompassed by the

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INDIAN WARS.

savages as to render almost every effort to defend them-
selves useless. Of sixty-four who entered the swamp
only seventeen ^scaped, among whom, fortunately, was
their valuable leader, Capt. Church.

The English, finding that they could neither bring
the enemy to action in open field, or engage with any
chance of success in the forest where thoy were lodged,
returned home, with the exception of three companies,
who were stationed by Maj. Savage near the borders
of the swamp into which it was suspected that Philip
with a number of his tribe had fled. This swamp was
two miles in length, and to the English inaccessible.
Philip had been watching the motion of his enemies,
and seeing a great part march off, conjectured that
their object was to obtain 'reinforcement. Impressed
with this belief, he resolved to improve the opportunity
to escape with a few chosen men by water, which he
with little difficulty effected the succ^^eding night, tak-
ing advantage of a lo;v tide. The enemy were, soon
after their escape, discovered and pursued by the
inhabitants of Rehobeth, accompanied by a party of
the Mohegans, who had volunteered their services
against Philip.

The Rehobeth militia came up with the rear of the
enemy about sunset, and killed twelve of them, without
sustaining any loss on their part ; night preventing
their engaging the whole force of Philip ; but early
the next morning they continued the pursuit. The
Indians had, however, fled with such precipitancy that
it was found impossible to overtake them. They bent
their course to the westward, exhorting those tribes
through which they passed to take up arms against the
English.

The united colonies now became greatly alarmed at
the hostile views and rapid strides of Philip. The
general court was constantly in session, and endeavor-
ing to plan means to cut him off before he should have
an opportunity to corrupt the minds of too many of his
countrymen.

"While the court was thus deliberating, information

! 'Ill

INDIAN WARS.

was received that Philip had arrived in the neighbor-
hood of Brookfield, about sixty-five miles from Boston,
and a number of its inhabitants had been inhumanly
butchered by hip adherents. Orders were immediately
issued for the raising of ten companies of foot and
horse, to be despatched to the relief of the unfortunate
mhabitants of Brookfield ; but before they could reach
that place, Philip and his party had entered the town
and put to death almost every inhabitant which it con-
tained ; the few that escaped having taken the precau-
tion to assemble together in one house, which they
strongly fortified. This was furiously attacked by the
savages, and several times set on fire, and the besieged
were on the point of surrendering, when Maj. Willard
happily arrived to their relief Between the English
and Indians a desperate engagement ensued ; the for-
mer, by the express command of their officers, gave no
quarter, but in a very heroic manner rushed upon the
savages with clubbed muskets. The action co Uinued
until near sunset, when the Indians that remained alive
sought shelter in the neighboring woods. In this
engagement the English had twenty-three killed and
seventy-two wounded. The enemy's loss was two
hundred and seventeen killed, and between two and
three hundred wounded ; who, by way of retaliation
for their barbarity exercised towards the defenceless
inhabitants of Brookfield, wer3 i.!imediately put to
death.

The governor and council, o.i lerd/ilng the fate of
the unfortunate inhabitants of FrookfieH, despatched
a reinforcement of three compp^^ios of ca ?]ry to Maj.
Willard, and ordered the like i.umbei t;. be sent him
from Hartford, in Connecticut colony ; with m hich he
was directed to pursue Philip with fire and sword to
whatever part of the country ho should resort.

It being discovered that a part of Philip's forces had
fled to Hatfield, two companies of English, under the
command of Capts. Lathrop and Beers, were sent in
pursuit of them, and within about three miU's of Hat-
field, overtook and attacked them ; but the force of

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INDIAN WARS.

the English being greatly inferior to that of the enemy,
the former were defeated and driven back to the main
body ; which enabled the enemy, who had in the late
engagement been detached from their main body, to
join Pfiihp. On the 13th September, information was
received by Maj. Willard, that the enemy had success-
fully attacked and defeated the troops under the com-
mand of Capt. Lathrop ; that they were ambushed and
unexpectedly surrounded by a thousand of the enemy,
to whom they all fell a sacrifice except three. The
defeat of Capt. Lathrop took place in the neighborhood
of Deerfield ; for the defence of which there Was an
English garrison, whom the Indians were about to
attack, when Maj. Willard happily arrived ; at his ap-
proach they fled.

On the 10th October following, a party of Philip's
Indians successfully assaulted the town of Springfield,
which they pillaged and set fire to, killing about forty
of the inhabitants. On the 14th, they assaulted the
town of Hatfield, in which two companies, under the
command of Capts. Mosley and Appleton, were sta-
tioned. The enemy continued the attack about tv/o
hours, when, finding the fire of the English too warm
for them, they fled, leaving a number of their party
dead behind them.

Philip, now finding himself closely pursued by a
large and formidable body of the English, deemed it
prudent to bend his course towards his old place of
residence ; there to remain till the ensuing spring.
But the commissioners of the united colonies, duly
reflecting on the deplorable situation of f heir defenceless
brethren throughout the country ; aware that there
were then a much greater number of their savage ene-
mies embodied than at any former period, who, if suf-
fered peaceably to retire into winter quarters, might
prove too powerful for them the spring ensuing, resolved
to attack the whole force under Philip in their winter
encampment ; for which purpose every Englishman
capable of bearing arms was commanded by proclama-
tion of the ffovernor to hold himself in readiness to

INDIAN WARS.

march at the shortest notice. The 10th of December
was the day appointed by the commissioners on wfeich
the decisive blow was to be given. Six companies
were immediately to be raised in Massachusetts, con-
sisiing in the whole of five hundred and twenty-seven
men, to the command of which were appointed Capts.
Mosely, Gardner, Davenport, Oliver, and Johnson.
Five companies were raised in Connecticut, consisting
of four hundred and fifty men, to the command of
which were appointed Capts. Seely, Mason, Gallop,
Watts, and Marshall ; two companies in Plymouth,
of one hundred and fifty men, who were commanded by
Capts. Rice and Gorham. Three majors, of the three
respective divisions, were also appointed, to wif : Maj.
Appleton, of Massachusetts ; Maj. Treat, of Connec-
ticut ; and Maj. Bradford, of Plymouth. The whole
force, consisting of one thousand one hundred and
twenty-seven men, was commanded by Maj. Gen.
Winslow, late governor of the colonies.

On the 7th of December, the combined forces com-
menced their march for the head-quarters of the enemy.
At this inclement season, it was with the utmost diffi-
culty tliat the troops were enabled to penetrate through
a wild and pathless wood. On the morning of the 9th,
having travelled all the preceding night, they arrived at
the border of an extensive sv/amp, in which they were
informed bytluur guides th<- enemy was encamped to
the number of four thousand. The English, after par-
taking of a little refreshment, formed for battle. Capt.
Moselj and Capt. Davenport led the van, and Mfij.
Appleton and Capt. Oliver brought up the rear of the
Massachusetts forces ; Gen. Winslow, with the Ply-
mouth troops, formed the centre ; the Connecticut
troops, under the command of their respective captains,
together with about two hundred of the Mohegans,
commanded by Oneco, the son of Uncas, brought up
the rear.

It was soon discovered by an Indian, sent for the
purpose, that in the centre of the svvamp they had built
a very strong fort, of rjo wise a construction, that it

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INDIAN WARS.

was with difficulty more than one person could enter it
at a time. About ten o'clock, A. M., the English,
with the sound of trumpet, entered the swamp, and
when within about fifty rods of the fort were met and
attacked by thp enemy. The Indians, in the usual
manner, shouting and howling like beasts of prey,
commenced with savage fury ; but with a hideous noi-se
the English were not intimidated ; charging them with
unequalled bravery, the enemy were soon glad to seek
shelter within the walls of their fort. The English,
having closely pressed upon the enemy as they retreat-
ed, found themselves in a very disagreeable situation ;
exposed to the fire of the Indians, who were covered
by a liTgh breastwork, they were not even enabled to
act oii the defensive. At this critical juncture, the
^lion-hearted Oneco, with the assent of Con. Winslow,
ijillu'ed to scale the walls of the fort, which being ap-
pii>ved of b} the EJnglish commanders, Oneco, with
about sixty picked men, in an instant ascended to the
top of ihe fort, where, having a fair chance of the ene-
V'ly, they hurled their tomahuvvks and discharged their
arrows with such success among them, as in a very
short time to throw them into the utmost confusion.
Those who attempted to escape from the fort were
instantly cut in pieces by the troops without. The
enemy, finding tiiemselves thus hemmed in and at-
tacked on all sides, in the most abject terms begged
for quarter, which was denied them by the English.
A great proporlion of the troops being now mounted
on the walls of the fort, they 'lad nothing to do but
load and firo, the enemy being penned up and huddled
together in such a manner that there was scarcely a
shot losi. This bloody contest was of near six hours*
continuance, when the I^'iaglish,, perceiving the fort
filled with nought but dead or s .rh as were mortally
wounded, closed the bloody conflict.

The scene of action at this instant was indeed such
as could not fail to shock the stoutest heart. The
huge logs of which the fort was constructed were
completely crimsoned with the blood of the enemy,

INDIAN WARS.

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while the surrounding woods resounded with the dying
groans of the wounded. The number of slain of the
enemy in this severe engagement could not be ascer-
tained ; it was, however, immense. Of four thousand,
supposed to have been present at the commencement
of the action, not two hundred escaped ! among whom,
unfortunately, was the treacherous Philip.

After the close of this desperate action, the troops,
having destroyed all in their power, left the enemy's
ground, and carrying about three hundred wounded
men, marched back to the distance of sixteen miles, to
head-quarters. The night proved cold and stormy, the
snow fell deep, and it was not until midnight or after
that the troops were enabled to reach their place of
destination. Many of the wounded, who probably
otherwise might have recovered, perished with the cold

and inconvenience of a march so fatiguing.

Althouffh the destruction of so

great

a number of

the enemy was considered of the greatest importance
to the English, yet it proved a conquest dearly bought.
It was obtained at the expense of the lives of a great
number of privates, and a great proportion of their
most valuable officers ; among whom were the Capts.
Davenport, Gardner, Johnson, Seely, and Marshall.

The courage displayed during the action by every
part of the army ; the invincible heroism of the offi-
cers ; the firmness and resolution of the soldiers when
they saw their captains falling before them ; and the
hardships endured before and after the engagement, are
hardly credible, and rarely find a parallel in ancient or
modern ages. The cold the day preceding the action
was extreme, and in the night the snow fell so deep as
to render it extremely difficult for tho army to move
the day succeeding. Four hundred of the soldiers
were so completely frozen as to be unfit for duty !
The Connecticut uoops were the most disabled, having
endured a tedious march, without halting, from Ston
ington to the place of public rendezvous. They sus-
tained, too, a much greater loss in the action, in pro-
portion to their numbers, than the troops of the other

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INDIAN WARS.

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colonies. The bold and intrepid Oapt. Mason, who
received a fatal wound in the action, of which he died
in about three months after, was the first after the
Mohegans tj9 mount the walls of the fort, nor did the
troops under his command fail to follow the noble
example. On enumerating the number of slain and
wounded, it was found as follows :

Of the Companies commanded by

Captains Mosely,
OHver,

10 killed
20 "

, 40 w

oun

Gardner,

^ Johnson,

Davenport,
Gallop,
Seely,
Watts,

28
32
19

19
43
50
33

Mason,

Marshall,

Gorham,

Sachem Oneco,

Total,

299

513

The loss ot tne troops from Connecticut was so
great that Maj. Treat considered it absolutely neces-
sary to return immediately home. Such of the wounded
as were not able to travel were put on board a vessel
and conveyed to Stonington. The troops on their
return killed and captured about thirty of the enemy.

The Massachusetts and Plymouth forces kept the
field the greater part of the winter. They ranged the
country, took a number of prisoners, destroyed about
three thousand wigwams, but achieved nothing very
brilliant or decisive.

INDIAN WARS. 76

' 1

; CHAP. III. J

PHILIP'S WAR CONTINUED.— HOSTILITIES COMMENCED BY THE
INDIANS BORDERING ON THE RIVER MERRIMACK.

The Nipnet and Narraganset tribes being by the
late action nearly exterminated, the few who survived,
by the direction of Philip, fled in small parties to
different parts of the country, improving every oppor-
tunity that presented to revenge the untimely fate of
their brethren. On the 10th February, 1678, about
one hundred of them surprised the inhabitants of Lan-
caster, a part of whom, as a place of greater safety,
had the day previous resorted to the dwelling of the
Rev. Mr. Rowland ; this, however, being constructed
of dry logs, was set on fire by the Indians, which the
unfortunate English within being unable to extinguish,
they fell victims to the devouring flames. On the
21st, the enemy attacked the inhabitants of Medfield,
twelve of whom they killed, and the remainder made
captive.

On the 3d March, the Indians still continuing their
depredations, two companies of cavalry, under the
command of Capts. Pierce and Watkins, were ordered
out for the purpose of affording protection to the
defenceless inhabitants of towns most exposed to their
incursions. On the 5th, they marched to Patuxet,
near where there was a considerable body of Indians
encamped, whom, on the morning of the 6th, they fell
in with and attacked. The enemy at first appeared
but few in number, but these wore only employed to
decoy the English, who on a sudden found themselves
surrounded by near five hundred Indians ; they with
their tomahawks and scalping-knives rushed furiously
upon them, threatening them with instant destruction.
The English acted on the defensive, and though sur-
rounded by five times their number, fought with their
usual spirit, and were resolved to sell their lives at as

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dear a rate as possible. They were very soon, liow-
ever, compelled to yield to the superior force of their
savage enemies. Only five escaped. Though this
victory was of considerable importance to the savages,
it cost a number of their bravest warriors, ninety-three
of whom were the next day found dead on the field of
action. There were in this engagement aboui. twenty
friendly Indians with the English, who fought like
desperadoes. One of them, observing Capt. Pierce
unable to stand, in consequence of the many wounds
he had received, for nearly two hours bravely defended
him ; when, perceiving his own imminent danger, and
that he could afford the captain no farther assistance,
by blacking his face as the enemy Iiad done, he es-
caped unnoticed.

On the 25th March, a party of Indians attacked and
burnt the towns of Weymouth and Warwick, killing a
great number of the inhabitants. On the 10th of April
following, they pillaged and burnt Rehobeth and Pro-
vidence.

On the 1st of May, a company of English and one
hundred and fifty Moiiegans, under the command of
Capt. Gedrge Dennison, were sent in pursuit of a body
of the enemy, -^ommanded by a son of Miantinomi. On
the 8th of May, <hey met w ith and attacked them near
Groton. The Indians appeared determined on victory
or death, displaying an unusual degree of courage, but
the English and Mohegans proved too strong for them ;
after destroying a greater part with their muskets and
tomahawks, they drove the remainder into a neighbor-
ing river, where they soon perished.

On the 23d, Cononchet, sachem of the few scattered
remains of the Narragansets, proposed to his council
that the lands bordering on Connecticut river, not
inhabited by the English, should be planted by them
with corn, for their future subsistence ; which being
approved of by the latter, two hundred of the Narra
gansets wero despatched for that purpose. The gover-
nor, being apprized of their intentions, sent three com-
panies of cavalry to intercept them. About one hun-

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INDIAN WARS.

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dred of the Mohegans, under the command of Oneco,
accompanied the English. The enemy were com-
manded by Cononchet in person, who first proceeded
to Seekonk to procure seed-corn. It was in the
neighborhood of this place that they were first engaged
by the English and Mohegans. With becoming
bravery, the enemy for a long time withstood the
attack ; but, being poorly provided with weapons,
were at length overpowered and compelled to yield to
the superior force of their enemies. In the midst of
the action, Cononchet, being fearful of the issue,
deserted his men, and attempted to seek shelter in a
neighboring wood ; but being re nrnised by the Mo-
hegan^, they pursued him. C chct, perceiving
himself nearly overtaken by his pinsuers, to facilitate
his flight, first threw away his blanket, then his silver-
laced coat, with which he had been presented by the
English a few weeks previous ; but finding that he
could not escape from his pursuers by flight, he
plunged into a river, where he was even followed by
half a dozen resohite Mohegans, who laid hold of him,
forced him under water, and there held him until
drowned. The loss of the English and Mohegans in
this engagement was twelve killed and twenty-one
wounded ; that of ihe enemy was forty-three killed,
and about eighty wounded.

The inhabitants of New London, Norwich, and
Stonington, having frequently discovered a number of
the enemy lurking about in small bodies in the adja-
cent woods, by joint agreement voluntarily enlisted
themselves, to the number of three hundred, under the
command of Maj. Palmer, and Capts. Dennison and
Avery, who, with the assistance of the Mohegans and
a few friendly Narragansets, in three expeditions
destroyed nearly one thousand of the enemy.

On the 8th of June, the Indians assaulted and burnt
Bridgewater, a small settlement in the colony of Mas-
sachusetts. Forty of its inhabitants fell victims to
savage barbarity.

The governor and council of Massachusetts colony,

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INDIAN WARil.

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aWare of the danger to which many of the inland set
tlements were exposed, by frequent incursions of the
enemy, and finding it extremely difficult to raise a
sufficient force to oppose them in the many parts to
which the fragments of the broken tribes had resorted,
adopted the policy of sending among them as spies
such Indians as were friendly and could be depended
upon ; which plan had its desired effect. These Indi-
ans, representing the force of the English much greater
than it really was, and warning the enemy of danger
which did not exist, deterred them from acting in many
instances on the offensive. One of the friendly Indi-
ans, returning to Boston on the 10th of July, reported
that a large body of Indians were embodied in a wood
near Lancaster, which village they intended to attack
and burn in a few days ; that they had been encour-
aged to continue the war with the English by French-
men from the great lake, who had supplied them with
fire-arms and ammunition.

On the receipt of this important information, the
governor despatched three companies of cavalry, under
command of Maj. Savage, for the defence of Lancas-
ter, who, by mistaking the road, unfortunately fell into
an ambush of about three hundred and fitly Indians, by
whom they were instantly surrounded. The English
exhibited great presence of mind, and repelled the
attack of the enemy in a very heroic manner. The
savages, being, however, well provided with fire-arms,
soon gained a complete victory over the English,
whose loss in this unfortunate engagement was fifly-
four. Th6 number of killed and wounded of the ene-
my could not be ascertained, as they remained masters
of the field of action. ^ *^ i**^ '^f ? i^^* I *; rst^ m s

' On the 15th, a severe engagement took place be-
tween a company of English cavalry and about three

"^ hundred of the enemy near Groton. The latter were

* not perceived by the former until they were within a
f«w paces of them, the Indians having concealed them-
selves in the bushes, when suddenly issuing forth with

* a hideous yell, the cavalry were thrown into confusion ;

INDIAN WARS.

but instantly forming and charging the enemy with
great spirit, they fled in every direction. The cavalry,
in attempting to pursue them, were once more am-
bushed. The contest now became close and severe.
The Indians, having succeeded in decoying the English
into a thick wood, attacked them with fury and success.
The commander of the English being killed, every man
sought his own safety. Of ninety-five, of which the
company was composed, but twelve escaped. The
loss of the enemy was supposed to be much greater.

On the 12th of August, a party of Indians entered
the town of Westfield, killed and took a number of the
inhabitants prisoners, and burnt several houses. Three
of them soon after made their appearance at a house
near said town, and fired at a man at his door, who
fell. They ran towards him, and one of them, stooping
to scalp him, was assaulted by the mun's wife with
a stroke from a hatchet, which went so completely into
his body that with three different efforts she could not
disengage it, and the Indian made oflT with it sticking
in him. A second also made an attempt, when she, by
a well-directed blow with a stick she had found, laid
him on the ground. The third then ran, and as soon
as the other had recovered his feet, he followed the
example ; on which the woman took her husband in
her arms and carried him into the house, when he soon
recovered. ^ .

' On the 17th, a party of Indians commenced an
attack on Northampton, but there being a number of
soldiers stationed there, the enemy was repulsed.

On the 2(>th, a number of the inhabitants of Spring-
field were attacked by a party of Indians, as they were
returning from divine service. Although the former
were provided with fire-arms, the enemy succeeded in
making prisoners of two women and several children,
whom they soon after tomahawked and scalped ; in
which situation they were the next day found by a
party of English sent out in pursuit of the enemy.
One of the unfortunate women, although shockingly
mangled, was found still alive, and so far recovered as

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INDIAN WARS.

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to be able to speak. She gave the following account of
the fate of her unfortunate companions : that they were
first severoly bound with cords, and the Indians soon
after built a fire, regaling themselves with what they
had previously stolen from the English ; that soon
after a warm dispute arose between them relative to
the prisoners, each claiming, the women for their
squaws ; that they at length proceeded to blows, and
after beating each other for some time with clubs, it
was agreed by both parties, to prevent further alterca-
tion, that the women should be put to death, which,
as she supposes, they immediately carried into execu-
tion. The unfortunate narrator received a severe blow
on the head, which brought her senseless to the ground,
and while in this situation was scalped and left for
dead by her savage enemies.

The inhabitants of Sudbury, with a company of
soldiers, commanded by Lieut. Jacobs, of Marlbo-
rough, alarmed at the near approach of the enemy, who
to the number of about two hundred were encamped
near that place, resolved to attack them at night;
accordingly, on the 6th September, they marched
within view of them, and at night, as they lay extended
around a large fire, approached them unperceived
within gunshot, when they gave them the contents of
their muskets. Many of those that remained unhurt,
being suddenly aroused from their slumbers by the
yells of their wounded brethren, and imagining that
they were completely surrounded by the English, whom
the darkness of the night prevented their seeing, threw
themselves into the fire which they had enkindled, and
there perished ; but few, if any, escaped. In this attack
the English sustained no loss.

On the 25th, a considerable body of the enemy
attacked the inhabitants of Marlborough, many of
whom they killed. A company of English, which had
been ordered from Concord for the defence of this
place, was cut off by the savages and totally destroyed.
Two other companies, despatched from Boston for the
like purpose, met with the same fate. It appeared

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INDIAN WARS.

that the governor, on learning the situation of the
unfortunate inhabitants of 3Iarlborough, despatched to
their rehef two companies, under the c#minand of
Capts. Wadsworth and Smith, who, before they arrived
at the place of destination, were informed that the
savages had left Marlborough and proceeded to Sud-
bury, twelve miles distant, which induced the English
to alter their course and proceed immediately for the
latter place. Of this it appeared that the enemy had
been apprized by their runners, and had laid a plan to
cut them off ere they should reach Sudbury, which
they in the following manner completely effected.

Learnins the course which the

English

would take,

they, within a few rods thereof, stationed fifty or sixty
of their number In an open field, who were ordered to
retreat into a neighboring thicket as soon as discovered
and pursued by the English. In this place the
remainder of the Indians, to the number of about three
hundred, concealed themselves by lying prostrate on
their bellies. The English, on their arrival, espying
the Indijms in the field, and presuming them to be but
few in number, pursued and attacked them, who very
soon retreated to the fatal spot where their treacherous
brethren lay concealed, and prepared to give their pur-
suers a warm, if not a fatal reception. Here they were
closely pursued by the English, wJio too late discovered
the fatal snare which had been laid for them. , In an
instant they were completely surrounded and attacked
on all sides by the savages. The English for several
hours bravely defended themselves, but at length were
borne down by numbers far superior to their own.
Thus fell the brave Capt. Wadsworth and Capt.
Smith, as well as most of the troops under their com-
mand.

The Indians bordering on the river Merrimack, feel-
ing themselves injured by the continued encroach-
ments of the English, once more resumed the bloody
tomahawk, which had been buried for a number of
years. On the 1st of November, they, in a considera-
ble body, entered the villages of Chelmsford and Wo-

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INDIAN WARS.

burn, and, taking advantage of their weak state, indis-
criminately put to death every inhabitant they con-
tained, sparing not the infant at the breast. On the
9th, they burnt the house of a Mr. Ezra Eames, near
Concord, killed his wife, threw her body into the
flames, and made captives of his children. On the
15th, they took prisoner a young woman, sixteen years
of age, who, by the family with whom she resided, had
been placed on a hill in the neighborhood of their
dwelling, to watch the motions of the enemy. The
account which the young woman gave of her capture
and escape was as follows : That on the morning of
her capture, the family having been informed that a
party of Indians had the day previous been discovered
in a neighboring wood, she, by their request, ascended
a hill near the house, to watch their motions, and
alarm the family if seen approaching ; that about noon
she discovered a number of them ascending the hill in
great haste. She immediately attempted to evade
them by retiring into a thicket, but the Indians, who,
it appeared, had before observed her, found her after a
few moments* search, and compelled her to accompany
them to their settlement, about forty miles distant.
It was here they gave her to understand she must
remain and become their squaw, and dress and cook
their victuals. She remained with them about three
weeks, during which time they made several expedi-
tions against the English, and returned with a great
number of human scalps. On the night of the 6th
December, they returned with six horses, which they
had stolen from the English, which having turned into
a small enclosure, they set out on a new expedition.
She viewed this as a favorable opportunity to escape ;
to effect which, she caught and mounted one of the
horses, and making use of a strip of bark for a bridle,
she penetrated a wild and pathless wood, and arrived
at Concord at seven o'clock the morning succeeding,
having travelled all the preceding night, to evade the
pursuit of the enemy ! In like manner did one of the
children of Mr. Eames escape from the Indians,

INDIAN WARS.

although but ten years of age ; he travelled sixty miles
through an uninhabited wood, subsisting on acorns.

On the 12th December, a party of Indians attacked
and killed several of the inhabitants of Bradford. The
governor of Massachusetts colony, for the protection
of the defenceless inhabitants bordering on the Merri-
mack, ordered the raising and equipping of four com-
panies of cavalry, to the command of which were
appointed Capts. Sill, Holyoke, Cutler, and Prentice.

On the 23d, the troops proceeded foi* the borders of
the Merrimack, and on the 26th fell in with a con-
siderable body of the enemy, whom they engaged and
completely defeated. On the 4th of January, 1679,
Capt. Prentice, detached from the main body, fell in
with and engaged about one hundred of the enemy in
the neighborhood of Amherst, whom he likewise de-
feated, but with considerable loss on his part.

On the 6th, a son of the brave Capt. Holyoke, of
Springfield, receiving information that a number of the
enemy, in small bodies, were skulking about in the
woods bordering on that town, with twenty resolute
young men marched out to attack them. Falling in
with a considerable body of them, an engagement
ensued, which, though severe, terminated at length in
favor of the English. The Indians, being furnished
with muskets, were unwilling to give ground, and
would probably have remained masters of the field of
action, had not the English received a reinforcement,
which put them to flight. The loss of the English in
the engagement was five killed and nine wounded, and
that of the enemy twenty-three killed, and between
thirty and forty wounded.

The savages were no longer confined to any particu-
lar tribe or place, but in parties of from fifty to one
hundred were scattered all over the thinly inhabited
parts of New England. A considerable body of them
were yet in the neighborhood of Hadley, Deerfield, and
Northampton, where Ihey were continually committing
their wanton acts of barbarity. Several of the towns
above mentioned, duly reflecting on the danger to

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which they and their families were exposed, formed
themselves into several companies, and made choice of
their commanders. On the 4fth February, receiving
information that there were near two hundred Indians
embodied in a swamp in the neighborhood of Deerfield,
the above force marched to attack them. Arriving
within view about daybreak, they discovered them in a
profound sleep, stretched out upon the ground aVound
their fire. The cavalry immediately dismounted, and,
after forming, approached within pistol-shot before they
were discovered by the enemy ; who, being suddenly
aroused from sleep, and astonished at the unexpected
appearance of so many of their enemies, fell an easy prey
to the English, who, without the loss of a man, killed
one hundred and twenty of them ; the remainder, as
the only means of escape, plunged into a river, where
probably many of them perished. *»

Although the English achieved this action without
any loss on their part, they were on their return un-
happily ambushed by about four hundred of the enemy.
The English, having expended all their ammunition in
the late engagement, and being much fatigued, were
now in turn likely to fall an easy prey to their ene-
mies, who, with their bloody knives and tomahawks,
for the space of an hour, attacked them with the
greatest success. Not one of the English, it is proba-
ble, would have survived this bold and unexpected
attack of the enemy, had it not been for the presence
of mind of their brave commander, Capt. Holyoke,
who, by a stratagem, succeeded in saving a party
of them. Capt. Holyoke had his horse killed under
him, and at one time was attacked by five of the
enemy, whom he beat off with his cutlass. The loss
of the English in this unfortunate action was fifty-one
killed and eighty-four wounded ; many of the latter
survived the action but a few days. The defeat and
destruction of the English in this engagement was
much to be lamented, as among the slain were the
heads of several families, who had volunteered their
services in defence of their infant settlement.

INDIAN WARS.

On the 10th, several hundreds of the enemy, en-
couraged by their late success, appeared before Hat-
field, and fired several dwelling-houses without the
fortifications of the town. The inhabitants of Iladley
being seasonably apprized of the situation of their
brethren of Hatfield, a number of them volunteered
their services and marched to their relief The Indi-
ans, as they were accustomed to do on the approach
of the English, lay flat on their bellies until the latter
had advanced to within bowshot, when, partly rising,
they discharged a shower of arrows among them, which
wounded several of the English ; but they, having
wisely reserved their fire, now in turn levelled their
pieces with the best effect, before the savages had time
to recover their legs. About thirty of the enemy
were instantly despatched, and the remainder were
dispersed.

On the 15th February, the governor of Massachu-
setts colony receiving information that the Indians
were collecting in great numbers, under the immediate
direction of Philip, near Brookfield, he despatched
Capt. Henchman with fifty men to dislodge them. He,
proceeding to Hadley, was joined by a company of
cavalry from Hartford. On the 20th, they discovered
and attacked a party near Lancaster, of whom they
killed fifty, and took between fifty and sixty of their
squaws and children prisoners. Capt. Ilencbi/mn, on
his way to Brookfield, discovered the dead l-.^iies of
several of his countrymen, half consumed by fire, who,
it appeared, had a few days previous fallen victims to
the wanton barbarity of the savages.
Ti As the scattered remains of the Indians were ha-
rassed and driven at the time from place to place by
the English, a number of them resorted to the western
country, then inhabited by the Mohawks ; but the lat-
ter, being on friendly terms with the English and
Dutch, who were settling among them, were unwilling
to harbor their enemies, and consequently attacked a
considerable body of them on the 5th March. The
engagement was a severe one. The fugitive Indians,

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INDIAN WARS.

being provided with fire-arms, repelled the attack of
the Mohawks with a becoming spirit, but were at
length overpowered and completely defeated. The
loss on both sides was very great. ;

On the 20th, the Indians took a Mr. Willet prisoner^
near Swanzey, and after cutting off his nose and ears,
set him at liberty. On the 22d, a negro man, who had
been for several months a prisoner among the savages,
escaped from them and returned to the English, to
whom he gave the following information : That the
enemy were concerting a plan to attack Taunton and
the villages adjacent ; that for this purpose there were
then embodied near Worcester one thousand of them,
at the head of whom was Philip, and near one hundred
of them were furnished with fire-arms ; that a few
days previous to his escape, a scouting party arrived
and brought in with them two prisoners of war and
three human scalps. To frustrate the intention of the
enemy, the governor of Massachusetts colony de-
spatched three companies of cavalry for the defence of
Taunton, -.u. .s.v.. t „.. . • '. ■ ; ;- .;k .:_v!/4 ^iU'tn

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CHAP. IV.

CONTINUATION OF THE WAR WITH PHILIP.— BATTLE WITH THE
NARRAGANSETS, UNDER THE COMMAND OF THEIR QUEEN,
WHO WAS TAKEN PRISONER.— PHILIP SLAIN BY A SON OF
UNCAS.— HOSTILITIES OF THE INDIANS OfN THE RIVER KEN-
NEBECK, IN WHICH A GREAT BATTLE IS FOUGHT AND THE
INDIANS TOTALLY DEFEATED, WHICH WAS FOLLOWED BY A
TREATY OF PEACE.

The English of Connecticut colony, although but
little troubled with the enemy since the destruction of
the Pequots, were not unwilling to afford their brethren
all the assistance possible in a protracted and bloody
war with the common enemy. They accordingly fur-

INDIAN WARS.

fiished three companies of cavalry, who, under the
command of the experienced Maj. Talcott, on the 5th
April, proceeded to the westward in search of the ene-
my. On the llth, they fell in with and defeated a
considerable body of them. Apparently by the special
direction of Divine Providence, Maj. Talcott arrived
in the neighborhood of Hadley in time to preserve the
town, and save its inhabitants from total destruction.
The savages, to the number of five hundred, were on
the eve of commencing an attack, when they were met
by the major with the troops under his command.
This unexpected relief animating the few inhabitants
which the town contained, they hastened to the as-
sistance of the cavalry, who were at this moment
seriously engaged with the whole body of the enemy*
The savages having gained some signal advantages,
victory, for a considerable time, appeared likely to
decide in their favor. Fortunately for the inhabitaqts
of Hadley, they had, for their defence, a few weeks
previous, procured from Boston an eight-pound can-
non, which, at this critical period, loaded by the
women, and being mounted, was by them conveyed to
the English, which, being charged with small shot,
nails, &.C., was by the latter discharged wilh the best
effect upon the enemy, who immediately fled in every
direction. Thus it was that the English, in a great
measure, owed the preservation of their lives to the
unexampled heroism of a few women.

The governor and council of the united colonies,
taking under serious consideration the miraculous
escape of the inhabitants of Hadley from total destruc-
tion, and the recent success of the arms of the English
in various parts of the country, appointed the 27th day
of August, 1697, to be observed throughout the colo-
nies as a day of public Thanksgiving and Praise to
Almighty God. It may be well to observe, that this
was the commencement of an annual cOstom of our
forefathers, which to the present day is so religiously
observed by their descendants throughout the New
England states. -^ v^t^" *ji»fi*w^»<iipi\ "^'O

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" On tlio 3cl Scplomber, the Connecticut troops, under
*,ho command of Maj. Talcott and Capts. Dcnnison
and Ncwbnry, proceeded to Narraganset in quest of
the enemy, who, to tlie number of about three hundred,
had been discovered in a piece of wood. The English
were accompanied hy their faithful friend Oncco, witli
one liundred Mohegans under his command. In the
evening of tlie 5th, they discovered tlie savages en-
camped at the foot of a steep hill, on which Maj.
Talcott made arrangements for an attack. The Mo-
hegans were ordered by a circuitous route to gain the
summit, to prevent the flight of the enemy. Two
companies of cavalry were ordered to flank them on
the right and left, while Maj. Talcott, with a company
•of foot, siationed himself in the rear. Having thus
disposed of his forces, a signal was given by him for
the Mohegans to commence the attack, which they
did with much spirit, accompanied with such savage
yells, that, had the enemy been renowned for their
valor, they must have been to the highest degree
appalled at so unexpected an attack. After contending
for a few moments with the Mohegans, the enemy were
attacked on the right and left by the cavalry, who
with their cutlasses mcide great havoc among them ;
they were, however, unwilling to give ground until
they had lost nearly one half their number, when they
attempted a flight to a swamp in their rear ; but here
they were met by Maj. Talcott, with the company of
foot, who gave them such a warm reception that they
once more fell back upon the Mohegans, by whom they
were soon overpowered, and would have been totally
destroyed had not Maj. Talcott humanely interfered in
their behalf, and made prisoners the few Uiat. remained
alive. Among the latter wjis the leader, a squaw, who
was called the Queen of Narraganset ; and also an
active young fellow who begged to be delivered into
the hands of the Mohegans, that they might put him
to death in their own way, and sacrifice him to their
cruel genius of revenge, in which they so much

delightedl'

INDIAN WARS.

Lii

The English, although naturally averse to acts of
savage barbarity, were not in this instance unwilling to
comply with the unnatural request of the prisoner, as
it appeared that he had in the presence of the Mohe-
gans cxultingly boasted of having killed nineteen Eng-
lish with his gun since the commencement of the war,
and after loading it for the twentieth, (there being no
more of the latter within reach,) he levelled it at a Mo-
hegan, whom he killed, which completing his number,
he was willing to die by their hands. The Mohegans
accordingly began to prepare for the tragical event.
Forming themselves into a circle, admitting as many
of the English as were disposed to witness their savage
proceedings, the prisoner was placed in the centre ;
when one of the Mohegans, who in the late engage-
ment had lost a son, with a knife cut off the prisoner's
ears, then his nose, and then the fingers of each
hand, and after the relapse of a few moments dug out
his eyes and filled their sockets with hot embers !
Although the few English present were overcome with
a view of a scene so shocking to humanity, yet the
prisoner, so far from bewailing his fate, seemed to sur-
pass his tormentors in expressions of joy ! When
nearly exhausted with the loss of blood, and unable to
stand, his executioner closed the tragical scene by
beating out his brains with a tomahawk !

The few Indians that now remained in the neighbor-
hood of Plymouth colony, being in a state of starva-
tion, surrendered themselves prisoners to the English ;
one of whom, being recognised as the person who
had, a few diys previous, inhumanly murdered the
daughter of a Mr. Clarke, was, by order of the gover-
nor, publicly executed. The remainder were retained
and treated as prisoners, who served as guides. Twen-
ty more of the enemy were on the succeeding day sur-
prised and taken prisoners by the English.

The troops under the command of Maj. Bradford,
and Capts. Mosely and Brattle, on the 15th Septem-
ber surprised and took one hundred and fifty of the
enemy prisoners, near Pautuxet, among whom was the

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INDIAN WARS.

squaw of the celebrated Philip ; and on the day suc-
ceeding, learning that the enemy in considerable bodies
were roving about in the woods near Dedham, Maj.
Bradford despatched Capt. Brattle with fifty men to
attack them ; who, the day following, fell in with and
enffaffcd about one hundred of them. As hatchets were
the only weapons with which they were provided, they
made but a feeble defence, and were soon overpowered
by the English, who took seventy-four of them prison-
ers ; the remainder having fallen in the action. The
above party was commanded by a blood-thirsty sachem,
called Pompham, renowned for his bodily strength,
which exceeded that of any of his countrymen ever
met with. He bravely defended himself to the last.
Being wounded in the breast, and unable to stand, he
seized one of the soldiers while in the act of despatch-
ing him with the butt of his gun, whom he would have
strangled, had he not been fortunately rescued by one
of his comrades.

A general famine now prevailed among the enemy,
in consequence of being deprived of an opportunity to
plant their lands. Numbers were daily compelled by
hunger to surrender themselves prisoners to the Eng-
lish, among whom was a Nipnet sachem, accompanied
by one hundred and eighty of his tribe."

On the 12th of October, Capt. Church, with fifty
soldiers and a few friendly Indians under his command,
defeated a party of the enemy near Providence ; and
on the day following, conducted by Indian guides,
discovered a considerable body of the enemy encamped
in a swamp near Pomfret. A friendly Indian, at first
espying them, commanded them to surrender ; but the
enemy did not appear disposed to obey. Being shel-
tered by large trees, they first discharged their arrows
among the English, and then with a terrible yell
attacked them with their long knives and tomahawks.
The English, meeting with a much warmer reception
than what they expected, gave ground, but being ral-
lied by their old and experienced commander, Capt.
Church, they rushed upon them with such impetuosity

INDIAN WARS.

fifty
[and,
and
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iped
first
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that the enemy were thrown into confusion and dis-
lodged from their coverts. The EngHsh had seven men
killed and fourteen wounded ; among the latter wai?
their brave commander, who received an arrow through
his left arm. The loss of the enemy was thirty-twp
killed, and between sixty and seventy wounded.

On the 20th, information was forwarded to the
governor and council, that the famous Philip, who had
been for a long time skulking about in the woods near
Mount Hope, much disheartened by the ill success of
his countrymen, was the morning preceding discovered
in a swamp near that place, attended by about ninety
Seaconet Indians ; on hearing wliich, the brave Capt.
Church, with his little band of invincibles, were im-
mediately despatched in pursuit of him. Capt. Church
was accompanied as usual by a number of Mohegans,
and a few friendly Seaconet Indians. On the 27th,
they arrived in the neighborhood of the swamp, near
the border of which he stationed several of the Mohe-
gans and a few friendly Seaconet Indians to intercept
Philip in case he should attempt an escape. Capt.
Church, at the head of his little band, now, with un-
conquerable resolution, plunged into the swamp, and
wading nearly to his waist in water, discovered the
enemy. The Indians were nearly one hundred strong,
but, being unexpectedly attacked, they made no re-
sistance, but fled in every direction. The inaccessible
state of the swamp, however, prevented the English
from pursuing them with success. Their dependence
was now upon their friends stationed without. Nor
did it appear that those faithful fellows suffered so
good an opportunity to pass unimproved. The reports
of their muskets convinced Capt. Church that they
were doing their duty, in confirmation of which he was
very soon after presented with the head of King Philip.

Philip, it appeared, in attempting to fly from his
pursuers, was recognised by one of the English, who
had been stationed with the Mohegans to intercept
him, and at whom he levelled his piece, but the pri-
ming being unfortunately wet, and preventing the dis-

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INDIAN WARS.

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charge, the cunning sachem would have escaped had
not one of the brave sons of Uncas, at ^his instant,
given him the contents of his musket. The ball went
directly through his heart. Thus fell, by the hands of
a faithful 3Iohegan, the famous Philip ; who was the
projector and instigator of a war, which not only
proved the cause of his own destruction, but that of
nearly all his tribe — one of the most numerous of any
inhabiting New England.

It was at this important instant that the English
were made witnesses of a remarkable instance of sav-
age customs. Oneco, on learning that Philip hhd fal-
len by the hand of one of his tribe, urged that, agreea-
bly to their custom, he had an undoubted right to tlxj
body, and a right to feast himself with a piece of it !
The English not objecting, he deliberately drew his
long knife from the girdle, and cut a piece of flesh
from the bleeding body of Philip, of about one pound
weight, which he broiled and eat ; in the mean time
declaring that he had not for many moons eaten any-
thing with so good an appetite ! The head of Philip
was severed from his body, and sent by Capt. Church
to Boston, to be presented to the governor and coun-
cil, as a valuable trophy. ^ f ,

The few hostile Indians that now remained within
the united colonies, conscious that, if so fortunate as
to evade the vigilance of the English, they must soon
fall victims to the prevailing famine, fled with their
families far to the westward. The English were dis-
posed rather to facilitate than prevent their flight.
Having been for a number of years enga^d in a
destructive and bloody war with them, they were wil-
ling that the few who remained alive should escape to
a country so frfr distant that there was no probability
of their returning to reassume the bloodv tomahawk.
Impressed with these ideas, and that the enemy was
completely exterminated, they were about to bury the
hatchet and turn their attention to agricultural pur-
suits ; \>hen by an express they were informed that the
natives in the eastern part of the country, (province

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INDIAN WARS.

of Maine,) had unprovokedly attacked and killed a
considerable number of the English in that quarter.

To quench the flames which appeared to be enkin-
dling in the east, the governor despatched four compa-
nies of cavalry to the relief of the unfortunate inhabi-
tants. The enemy, who were of the Kennebeck and
xVmoscoggin tribes, first attacked with unprecedented
fury the defenceless inhabitants settled on Kennebeck
river, the most of whom were destroyed or dispersed
by them.

On the 2d of November, about seven hundred of the
enemy attacked, with their accustomed fury, the in-
habitants of Newchewannick, an English settlement,
situated a few miles from the mouth of the river Ken-
nebeck. Before they had fully accomplished their hel-
lish purpose, they were surprised by the troops sent
from Boston, with whom a most bloody engagement
ensued. The Indians, encouraged by their numbers,
repelled the attack of the English in so heroic a man-
ner, that the latter were very soon thrown into drsorder,
and driven out of town, where they again formed,
faced about, and in turn charged the enemy with
unconquerable resolution. The contest now became
close and severe. The savages, with their terrific
yQlls, dexterously hurled their tomahawks among the
English, while the latter, with as much dexterity,
attacked and mowed them down with their cutlasses.
Each were apparently determined on victory or death.
The English, at one moment, unable to withstand the
impetuosity of the savages, would give ground ; at
the next, the latter, hard pushed by the cavalry,
would fall back. Thus, for the space of two hours,
did victory appear balancing between the two con-
tending parties. The field of action was covered
with the slain, while the adjacent woods resounded
with shrieks and groans of the wounded. At this
critical juncture, the English, when on the very point
of surrendering, were providentially preserved by a
stratagem. In the heat of the action, Maj. Bradford
despatched a company of cavalry by a circuitous route

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INDIAN WARS.

to attack the enemy ; suspecting this to be a reinforce-
ment of the EngHsh, they fled in every direction, leav-
ing the Enghsh masters of the field. Thus, after two
hours* hard fighting, did the EngHsh obtain a victory
at the expense of the Hves of more than half their num-
ber. Their killed and wounded amounted to ninety-
nine. The loss of the enemy was not ascertained ; it
was, however, probably three times greater than that
of the English.

The day succeeding this bloody engagement, a lieu-
tenant, with twelve men, was sent by the commander
to the place of action to bury the dead. When within
a few rods, they were suddenly attacked by about one
hundred of the enemy, who had laid in ambush. The
lieutenant ordered his men to reserve their fire until
they could discharge with the best effect upon the ene-
my, by whom they were soon surrounded and furiously
attacked on all sides ; the savages yelling horribly,
and brandishing their long knives i.i the air, yet crim-
soned with the blood of their countrymen. The brave
little band, however, remained firm and undaunted,
and, as the savages approached them, each taking pro-
per aim, discharged with so good effect upon them,
that the Indians, amazed at the instantaneous destruc-
tion of so many of their comrades, fled in every direc-
tion. The English sustained no loss. ^

On the 5lh, the enemy successfully attacked the
inhabitants of the village of Casco, thirty of whom
they killed, and made prisoners ihe family of a Mr.
Bracket, who, on the 7th, made their escape, in the
following manner : The Indians, on returning to their
wigwams, learning that a detached party of their
brethren had attacked with success and plundered th6
village of Arowsick, to enjoy a share of the spoil,
hastened to join them, leaving the prisoners in the care
of tvvo old men and three squaws. Mr. Bracket,
whose family consisted of himself, wife, three small
children, and a negro lad, viewed this a favorable
opportunity to escape ; to effect which, he requested
the lad to attempt an escape by flight, which he, being

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INDIAN WARS.

uncommonly active, easily effected. The plan of Mr.
Bracket had now its desired effect ; as the old men,
pursuing the negro, left him and his family guarded
only by tlirec squaws, whom, (being intoxicated,) he
soon despatched, and returned the day following, with
his family, to Casco, where the negro lad had arrived
some hours before.

On the 15th, the Indians attacked the dwelling-
houses of a Capt. Bonithon and Maj. Philips, situated
on the east side of Casco river. Having seasonable
notice of tlie hostile views of the enemy, the family of
the former, as a place of greater safety, had resorted to
the house of the latter a few moments previous to the
attack. The savages first communicated fire to the
house of Capt. Bonithon, and next proceeded furiously
to attack the dwelling of Maj. Philips, in which there
were about twenty persons, by whom it was most gal-
lantly defended. The enemy had their leader and a
number of their party killed by the fire of the English.
Despairing of taking the house by assault, they adopted
a new plan of communicating fire thereto. They pro-
cured a carriage, on which they erected a stage, in
front of which was a barricade, rendered bullet proof,
to which poles were attached nearly twenty feet in
length, and to the ends were affixed every kind of com-
bustible, such as birch rinds, straw, pitch pine, &/C.
The Indians were sheltered by the barricade from the
fire of the English, while thev approached the walls
of the house with their carriage. The English were
now on the eve of despairing, when fortunately one of
the wheels being brought in contact with a rock, the
carriage was turned completely round, which exposed
the whole body of Indians to their fire. This unex-
pected opportunity was improved with the greatest
advantage by the English, who, with a few rounds,
soon dispersed the enemy with no inconsiderable loss.
■' The day following, the Indians set fire to the house
of a Mr. Wakely, whom, with his whole family, they
murdered. A company of the English, apprized of
their dangerous situation, marched to their relief, but

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INDIAN WARS.

arrived too late to afford assistance. Tliey found the
house reduced to ashes, and the mangled bodies of the
unfortunate family half consumed by fire.

The savages, emboldened by their late success, on
the 20th attacked a small settlement on the Piscataqua
river, and succeeded in murdering a part, and carrying
away the remainder of the inhabitants into captivity.
As an instance of their wonted barbarity, it should be
here mentioned, that after tomahawking and scalping
one of the unfortunate women of the above place, they
bound to her dead body her little infant ; in which
situation it was the succeeding day discovered by the
English, attempting to draw nourishment from its
mother's breast.

The governor and council of the united colonies,
conceiving it their duty, if possible, to put a final stop
to the ravages of the enemy in the east, and to prevent
the further effusion of innocent blood, despatched Maj.
Wallis and Maj. Bradford, with six companies under
their command, to destroy, root and branch, the com-
mon enemy. On the 1st December, they arrived in
the neighborhood of Kennebeck, near where they were
informed the main body of the enemy were encamped.
On the morning of the 5d, about the break of day,
they fell in with and attacked them. The enemy, who
were about eight hundred strong, appeared disposed to
maintain their ground. They fought with all the fury
of savages, and even assailed the English from the
tops of lofty trees, which they ascended for the pur-
pose. They were in possession of but few fire-arms,
but hurled their tomahawks with inconceivable exact-
ness, and checked the progress of the cavalry with long
spears. Victory for a long time remained doubtful.
The ground being covered with snow, greatly retarded
the progress of the troops, who probably would have
met with a defeat had not a fresh company of infantry
arrived in time to change the fortune of the day
These, having remained inactive, as a body of reserve,
the commander found himself under the necessity of
calling to his aid. The enemy, disheartened at th©

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INDIAN WARS.

unexpected arrival of the English, fled with precipi-
tancy to the woods. But very few of tlicin, however,
escaped ; more than two hundred of whom remained
dead on the field of action, and double that number
were mortally wounded. The loss of the English was
fifty-fivb killed and ninety-five wounded. This en-
gagement, which proved a decisive one, was of the
greatest importance to the English. The great and
arduous work was now completed. The few remain-
ing Indians that inhabited the eastern country now
expressed a desire to bury the bloody hatchet, and
make peace with the English. Their request was
cheerfully complied with, and they continued ever after
the faithful friends of the English.

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CHAP. V.

1' i

INVASION OF NEW YORK AND NEW ENGLAND, AND THE DE-
STRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY BY THE FRENCH AND INDIANS.

In the year IGOO, the Mohawks having made seve-
ral successful expeditions against the Canadians, the
Count Frontenac, to raise the depressed sjiirits of the
latter, despatched several, parties of French and Indi-
ans to attack the frontier settlements of'New York and
New England. A detachment of nearly five hundred
French and Indians, under the command of Messieurs
P. Aillebout, De Waulet, and Le Wayne, were de-
spatched from Montreal for this purpose. They were
furnished with everything necodsary for a winter cam-
paign. After a march of twenty-two days, they, on
the 8th February, reached Schenectady. They had
on their march been so reduced as to harbor thoughts
of surrendering themselves prisoners of war to tho
English ; but their spies, having been several days ijj

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INDIAN WARS.

the village, entirely unsuspected, represented in such
strong terms the defenceless state of the inhabitants, as
determined them to make an immediate attack. They
found the gates open and unguarded, which they
entered about eleven o'clock at night ; and the better
to effect their hellish purpose, divided their maifi body
into several parties of six or seven men each. The
inhabitants were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed
until the enemy had broken open their doors, and with
uplifted tomahawks were surrounding their beds. Be-
fore they had time to rise, the savages began the per-
petration of the most inhuman barbarities. No lan-
guage can express the cruelties which were committed.
In less than one hour, two hundred of the unfortunate
inhabitants were slain, and the whole village wrapt in
flames. A detail of the cruelties committed by ijie
barbarians cannot be read without horror. They rav-
ished, rifled, murdered and mutilated the inhabitants
without distinction of age or sex ; without any other
provocation or excitement than brutal lust and wanton-
ness of barbarity. Pregnant women were ripped open,
and their infants cast into the fire or dashed against
the posts of the doors. Such monsters of barbarity
ought certainly to be excluded from all the privileges
of human nature, and hunted down as wild beasts,
without pity or cessation. A very few of the inhabi-
tants escaped, who in their shirts fled to Albany in a
severe and stormy night. Twenty-five of the fugitives
in their flight perished with the cold. After destroy-
ing the inhabitants, the enemy killed all the horses and
cattle they could find, with the exception of about
thirty of the former, which they loaded with their plun-
der and drove off.

When the news of this horrid massacre reached
Albany, a universal fear and consternation seized the
inhabitants. The country became panic-struck, and
many entertained thoughts of destroying the town and
abandoning that part of the country to the enemy.

A second party of the enemy, which Count Fronte-
Oac had detached from the main body at the Three

INDIAN WARS.

Riviif:, under the command of Sieur Hartel, an officer
of distinguished character in Canada, on the 18th Feb-
ruary fell upon Salmon Falls, a plantation on the river
which divides New Hampshire from the province of
Maine. This party consisted of about seventy men,
more than half of whom were Indians. They com-
menced the attack at break of day, in three different
places, and although the inhabitants were surprised,
yet they flew to arms and defended themselves with a
bravery that even their enemies applauded ; but they
were finally overpowered by number;^, when forty-three
of them, consisting of men, women, and children, fell
victims to savage barbarity.

The depredations of the French and Indians filled
the people of the western country with fear and alarm.
The assembly of New York conceived it necessary to
make every exertion to prevent the settlement of the
French at Albany. It was resolved that two compa-
nies, of one hundred men each, should be raised and
sent forward for that purpose. For the defence of the
frontier towns in New England, it was ordered that a
constant watch should be kept in several towns ; that
an males above the age of eighteen and under sixty
years should be kept in readiness to march at the
shortest notice. On the 20th March, at a meeting of
commissioners from New York and New England, a
plan was proposed and adopted for invading Canada.
Eight hundred men were ordered to be raised for the
purpose, and the quotas of several colonies were fixec,
and general rules adopted for the management of the
army. ■ ■'" -^ ''"^ '--'^ '' -■' ■ ^ ' = ■ ''• ' ■■■ ^

A small vessel was sent express to England, the
beginning of April, carrying a representation of the
exposed state of the colonies and the necessity of the
reduction of Canada. A petition was also forwarded
to the king for a supply of arms and ammunition, and
a number of frigates to attack the enemy by water,
while the colonial troops made an invasion by land.
John Winthrop, Esq., was appointed major general
and Commander in chief of the land army, and ar-

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INDIAN WARS.

rived, with the troops under his command, near the
falls at the head of Wood Creek, early in August.

When the army arrived at the place appointed for
the rendezvous of the Indians from the Five Nations,
who had engaged to assist the English, instead of
meeting with that powerful body which they expected,
and which tho Indians had promised, there were no
more tht.n seventy warriors from the Mohawks and
Oneida i. When the general had advanced about one
hundred miles, he found that there were not canoes
sufficient to transport one half of the English across,
the lake. Upon representing to the Indians that it
was impossible for the army to cross into Canada with-
out a greater number, they replied that it was then too
late in the season to make canoes, as the bark would
not peel. In short, they artfully evaded every propo-
sal, and finally told the general and his officers that
they looked too high, advising them only to attack
Chambly, and the out settlements on this side of the
St. Lawrence. Thus did these Indians, who a few
years before had so harassed all the French and Indi-
ans in Canada, exhibit the greatest proof of cowardice.
The English, finding it impossible to cross the lafPe
with advantage, returned to Albany. Thus the expe-
dition unfortunately failed.

In the year 1693, Count Frontenac, finding that he
could not accomplish a peace with the Mohawks, who,
of all the Indians, had been by far the most destructive
to the settlements in Canada, determined on their
destruction. He collected an army of about seven
hundred French and Indians, and, having supplied
them with everything necessary for a winter campaign,
senl them against the Mohawk castles. They com-
menced their march from Montreal on the 15th Janu-
ary, 1693. After enduring incredible hardships, they
fell in with the first castle about the 10th February.
The Mohawks, unprepared for an attack, had not any
idea of the approach of the Canadians.

The enemy killed and captured about fifty of the
Mohawks at this castle, and then proceeded for the

♦ -t"

INDIAN WARS.

101

second, at which they were equally successful. A
great part of the Mohawks were at Schenectady, and
the remainder thought themselves perfectly secure.
When the enemy arrived at the third castle, they
found about eighty warriors collected at a war-dance,
as they designed the next day to go upon an expedition
against their enemies. A conflict ensued, in which the
Canadians, after losing about thirty men, were victo-
rious, and the third castle was taken. The Canadians
in their descent took near three hundred prisoners,
principally women and children. The brave Col.
Schuyler of Albany, receiving information of the
approach of the enemy, at the head of a party of the
volunteers, consisting of about four hundred English
and Dutch, pursued them. On the 25th February,
he was joined by about three hundred Indians, whom
he found lodged in a fortified camp. The Canadians
made three successive sallies upon (he colonel, and
were as often repulsed. He kept his ground, w^aiting
for provisions and a reinforcement from Albany. The
enemy at length, taking advantage of a violent snow-
storm, escaped and marched to Canada. The day fol-
lowing, Capt. Simsf with a reinforcement artd supply
of provisions, arrived from Albany, and the next day
the colonel reassumed the pursuit ; but the Canadians,
luckily finding a cake of ice across the north branch
of Hudson river, made their escape ; they were, how-
ever, so closely pursued by the English and Dutch
that they could not prevent the escape of most of their
prisoners, all of whom, with the exception of nine or
ten, returned in safety to their country. Col. Schuy-
ler lost twelve of his party, and had nineteen wounded.
A ccording to the report of the captives, the enemy lost
fifty men, five of whom were French officers, and two
Indian guides, and about seventy wounded. On their
return, the Mohawks found more than forty dead
bodies of the enemy, which, after they had scalped, so
great was their hunger, they devoured.

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CHAP. VI.

MASSACRE OF THE INIIABFTANTS OF DEERFIELD, AND CAPTI-
VITY OF THE REV. JOHN WILLIAIMS AND FAMILY, BY THE
SAVAGES.— CONTINUATION OF INDIAN HOSTILITIES.

On the 19th February, 1703, a hirge body of Indi-
ans from the frontiers made an attack on Deerfield.
They entered the town about midnight, and com-
menced an indiscriminate butchery of the defenceless
inhabitants. Among others, they attacked the house
of the llev. Mr. Vv^illiams, pastor of the parish. The
following are the particulars of this melancholy trans-
action, as related by Mr. Williams.

" They came to my liouse in the beginning of the
onset, and, by their violent endeavors to break open
doors and windows with axes and hatchets, awaked me
out of sleep ; on which I leaped out of bed, and run-
ning towards the door, perceived the enemy making
their entrance into the house. I called to awaken two
soldiers in the chamber, and returned towards my bed-
side for my arms. The enemy immediately broke
into the room, I judge to the number of twenty, with
painted faces and hideous acclamations. I reached up
my hands to the bed-tester for my pistol, uttering a
short petition to God for everlasting mercy for me and
mine, on account of the merits of our blessed Re-
deemer. Taking down my pistol, I cocked it, and put
it to the breast of the first Indian who came up ; but
my pistol missing fire, I was seized by three Indians,
who disarmed me, and bound me naked, as I was in
my shirt, and so I stood for the space of an hour.
While binding me, they told me that I was to be car-
ried to Q,uebec. My pistol missing fire was the occa-
sion of my life's being preserved, since which I have
also found it profitable to be crossed in my own will.
The judgment of God did not long slumber against
one of the three which took me, who was a captain,

IPTDIAN WARS.

103

for by sunrise he received a mortal shot from my next
neighbor's house ; who opposed so great a number of
French and Indians as ihree hundred, and yet were no
more tlian seven men in an ungarrisoned house.

*' I cannot rehite the distressing' rare I had for my
def f wife, who had laif) in but • few weeks before, and
for my poor children, iaaiily, and cliristian neighbors.
The enemy fell to rifling lh(; house, and entered in
great numbers into every room of the house. I begged
of God to remember mercy in the midst of judgment ;
that he would so far restrain their wrath as to prevent
their murdering us ; that we might have grace to glo-
rify his name, whether in life or death ; and, as I was
able, committed our state to God. The enemies who
entered the house were all of them Indians and Mac-
quas, exulting over me awhile, holding up hatchets
over my head, threatening to burn all I had ; but yet
God, beyond all expectation, made us in great mea-
sure to be pitied ; for though some were so cruel and
barbarous as to take and carry to the door two of my
children, and murder them, as also a negro woman,
yet they let me put on my clothes, keeping me bound
with a cord on one arm till I put on my clothes to the
other, and then changing my cord, they let me dress
myself, and then pinioned me again ; and gave liberty
to my dear wife to dress herself and our children.
About fin hour after sunrise, we were all carried out
of the house for a march, and saw many of my neigh-
bors' houses in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one
house excepted, to be taken. Who can tell what sor-
row pierced our souls when we saw ourselves carried
from God's sanctuary, to go into a strange land, ex-
posed to so many trials ? the journey being at least
three hundred miles we were to travel ; the snow up to
the knees, and we never inured to such hardships and
fatigues ; the place we were to be carried to, a popish
country. Upon my parting from ''the town, they fired
my house and barn. We were carried over the river
to the foot of the mountain, about a mile from my
house, where we found a great number of our christian

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INDJAN WARS

neighbors, men, women, and children, to the number
of one hundred, nineteen of whom were afterwards
murdered by the way, and starved to death near Coos,
in a time of great scarcity or famine which the savages
underwent there. When we came to the foot of the
mountain, they took away our shoes, and gave us in
the room of them Indian shoes, to prepare us for our
travel. Vv'^hilst we were there, the English beat out a
company that remained in the town, and pursued them
to tiie river, killing and woundijig many of them ; but
the body of the arn)y being alarmed, they repulsed those
few English that pursued them. After this, we went
up to the mountain, and saw the smoke of the fires in
the town, and beheld the awful desolation of Deer-
field ; and before we marched any farther, they killed
a sucking child of the English. There were slain by
the enemy, of the inhabitants of the town, to the num-
ber of thirty-eight, besides nine of the neighboring
towns.

" When we came to our lodging-place the first
night, they dug away the snow and made some wig-
wams ; cut down some of the small branches of spruce
trees to fie down on, and gave the prisoners somewhat
to eat ; but we had but little appetite. I was pinioned
and bound down that night, and so I was every night
whilst I was with the army. Some of the enemy, who
brought drink from the town, fell to drinking, and in
their drunken fit they killed my negro man — the only
dead j^erson I eirtier saw at the town or on the way.
In the night an Englishman made his escape. In the
morning I was called for, and ordered by the general
to tell the English, that if any more made their escape,
they would burn the rest of the prisoners. He that
took me was unwilling to let me speak with any of the
prisoners as we marched ; but early on the second
day, he being appointed to the rear guard, I was put
into the hands of my other master, who permitted mo
to speak to my wife, when I overtook her, and to walk
with her, to help her on her journey." .. . . V\

After a fatiguing journey of ten or twelve days, the

INDIAN WARS.

105

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Indians reached their village with their prisoners,
whom they held in captivit;^, enduring almost incredi-
ble hardships, until the 25th of October following ;
wiien an ambassador from Boston, Samuel Appleton,
Esq., arrived, who had been despatched to redeem such
as had survived. They took passage at Quebec, and,
to the number of fifiy-sevcn, arrived in safety at Boston
on the 21st of November.

The Indians continued their depredations upon the
defenceless inhabitants on the frontiers until the year
1725, when a treaty of peace was signed between com-
missioners appointed by the general court at Boston,
and the chiefs of the hostile Indian tribes. A long
peace followed, and the Indians generally manifested
a disposition to remain on friendly terms with the Eng-
lish, and it was supposed that they never would again
be disposed to hostilities, had they not been under the
immediate influence of French interest;

War was declared between France and England in
March, 1744. The first year of the war, no Indians
made their appearance in this part of the country.
They had found by experience, that to maintain an
open trade with the English was greatly to their inte-
rest, and consequently at first entered into the war
with reluctance.

The first mischief done by them in this part of the
country, in the course of the war, was in July, 1745 ;
when a few Indians came to a place called the Great
Meadow, about sixteen miles above Fort Dummer, on
Connecticut river. Two of them captured William
Phipps as he was hoeing his corn.

Octoljer 11th, the fort at the Great Meadow was
attacked by a large party of French and Indians.
The attack was bold and furious, but without success.
No lives were lost. Nehemiah Howe was taken cap-
tive and carried to Quebec, where he soon died. The
enemy, on their return, met one David Rugg, with
another person, passing down Connecticut river in a
canoe. Rugg was killed and scalped, but the other
with some difficulty made his escape.

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INDIAN WARS

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' On the 22d of 'the sameinonth, a large party of the
enemy came to the Upper Ashwolot, with a design to
have taken the fort by surprise, but being discovered
by a person who was providentially at that time at a
little distance from the garrison, they were discon-
certed. An action, however, ensued, which continued
for some time. The enemy finally withdrew. In this
action, John Bui lard was killed, Nathan Blake cap-
tured, and the wife of Daniel M'Kinne, being out of
the fort, was overtaken and stabbed. Before the ene-
my retired, they burnt several buildings, which was
supposed to have been done not so much for the sake
of mischief as to conceal their dead, there being many
human bones afterwards found among the ashes.

August 3d, a body of the enemy appeared at Num-
ber Four. Suspicions of their approach were excited
by the howling of dogs. A scout, being sent out from
the fort, had proceeded but a few rods before they
were fired upon. Ebenezer Phillips was killed, and
the remainder made their escape to the fort. The
enemy surrounded the garrison, and endeavored for
three days to take it, but, finding their efforts ineffec-
tual, withdrew, after having burnt several buildings,
and killed all the cattle, horses, &c., they could find.

August 11th, Benjamin Wright, of Northfield, rid-
ing in the woods, was fired on, mortally wounded, and
died in a few hours after.

In the month of August, M. Rigaud De Vaudreuil
marched from Crown Point, with about eight hundred
French and Indians, and invested fort Massachusetts
on the 20th. The garrison, at this time, consisted of
only twenty-two effective men, under the command of
sergeant, afterwards Lieut. Col. John Hawks.

Notwithstanding the inferiority of his force, the
brave sergeant rejected the proposals of the French
commander, and resolved to defend the place to the
last extremity. For twenty-eight hours, with small
arms only, and a scanty supply of ammunition, he
resisted the efforts of the enemy, and kept them at a
respectful distance. Habituated to sharp shooting, the

INDIAN W^R^.

garrison singled out the assailants whenever they ex-
posed themselves, and brought them down at long
shot. Instances occurred in which the enemy were
thus killed at the extraordinary distance of sixty rpds ;
and tliey often fell when they supposed themselves in
perfect security. Having at length expended most of
his ammunition, the brave commander reluctantly con-
sented to submit, and a capitulation was agreed upon,
by which the garrison was to remain prisoners of war
until exchanged or redeemed, to be humanely treated,
and none to be delivered to. the Indians. Vaudreuil,
however, the next day, in violation of the articles of
capitulation, delivered one half of the captives ii^ the
hands of the irritated Indians, by whom a sick man
was immediately murdered ; but the others were treat-
ed with humanity, carried to Crown Point, thence to
Canada, and afterwards redeemed. Hawks lost but
one man during the siege, but the enemy, according to
information afterwards obtained, had forty-seven killed
or badly wounded.

Immediately after the capture of the fort, a party of
about fifty Indians went for the purpose of committing
depredations upon Deerfield. They came first upon a
hill at the southwest corner of the south meadow,
where they discovered ten or twelve men and children
at work, in a situation in which they might all with
ease be made prisoners. Had they succeeded in their
design, which was to obtain prisoners rather than
scalps, it is probable that events would not have been
so disastrous as they proved. They were disconcerted
by the following circumstance : Mr. Eleazer Hawks
was out that morning a fowling, and was providentially
at the foot of the hill when the enemy came down ;
who, seeing him, supposed they were discovered, and
immediately fired upon him, killed, and scalped him.
This gave an alarm to the people in the meadow, some
of whom were but a few rods distant. The enemy
were now sensible that what they did must be done
with despatch. Accordingly, they rushed into the
meadow, fired on Simeon Amsden, a lad, beheaded, and

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INDIAN WARS.

scalped him. Messrs. Samuel Allen, John Sadler,
and Adonijah Gillet, ran a few rods and made a stand
under the bank of the river, where they were attacked
with fury, and fought a little time with great bravery ;
they were, however, soon overpowered with numbers.
Allen and Gillet fell. Sadler, finding himself alone,
ran across the river and made his escape, amidst a
shower of balls. While this was passing, Oliver
Amsden was pursued a few rods, overtaken, and
stabbed, after having his hands and fingers cut in
pieces by endeavoring to defend himself against the
knives of the enemy. At the same time, three chil-
dren,^y the name of Allen, were pursued. Eunice,
one of the three, was struck down with a tomahawk,
which was sunk into her head ; but by reason of the
haste in which the enemy retreated, she was left un-
scalped, and afterwards recovered. Caleb Allen, of
Deerfield, made his escape ; and Samuel was taken
captive, who was the only prisoner taken at this time.

This lad, after a year and nine months, was redeem-
ed. Col. Hawks, who was sent to Canada for the
purpose of redeeming captives, inquiring for the lad,
was informed, that he was unwilling to be seen, and
that he expressed great dissatisfaction on hearing of
his arrival. When he was brought into the presence
of Col. Hawks, he was unwilling ' to know him,
although he was his uncle, and had always been
acquainted with him in Deerfield. Neither would he
speak in the English tongue ; not that he had forgot-
ten it, but to express his unwillingness to return. He
made use of various arts that he might not be ex-
changed ; and finally could not be obtained but by
threats, and was brought off* by force. In this we see
the surprising power of habit. This youth had lost his
affection for his country and friends in the course of
one year and nine months, and had become so attached
to the Indians, and their mode of living, as to consider
it the happiest life. This appears the more surprising,
when we consider that he fared extremely hard, and
was reduced almost to a skeleton.

INDIA

N wAs.

109

In the various attacks upon small parties by sur-
prise, the enemy had generally been successful ; but
scouting parties, under brave and cautious officers,
sometimes turned the scales against them. A gallant
case of this kind occurred about this time. Capt.
Humphrey Hobbs, with forty men, was ordered from
Charlestown, through the woods, to fort Shirley, in
Heath, one of the posts on the * Massachusetts line.
The march was made without nterruption until Hobbs
arrived at what is now Marlborough, in Vermont,
about twelve miles northwest of fort Dummer, where
he halted, on the 26th of June, to give his men an
opportunity to refresh themselves. A large body of
Indians, under a resolute chief by the name of Sackett,
a half-breed, discovered Hobbs' trail, and made a
rapid march to cut him off. Without being apprized
of the pursuit of the enemy, Hobbs had circumspectly
posted a guard on his trail, and his men' were regaling
themselves at their packs, on a low piece of ground,
covered with alders, intermixed with large trees, and
watered by a rivulet. The enemy soon came up, and
drove in the guard, which first apprized Hobbs of their
proximity. Without the least knowledge of their
strength, he instantly formed for action, each man
selecting his tree for a cover. Confident of victory,
from their superiority of numbers, the enemy rushed
up, and received Hobbs* well-directed fire, which cut
down a number, and checked their impetuosity. Co-
vering themselves, also, with trees and brush, the
action became warm, and a severe conflict ensued
between sharp shooters. The two commanders had
been known to each other in time of peace, and both
bore the character of intrepidity. Sackett, who could
speak English, in a stentorian voice frequently called
upon Hobbs to surrender, and threatened, in case of
refusal, to rush in and sacrifice his men with the
tomahawk. Hobbs, in a voice which shook the forest,
as often returned a defiance, and urged his enemy to
put his threats in execution. The action continued
with undaunted resolution, and not unfrequently the

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enemy approached Hobbs' line, but were driven back
to their first position by the fatal fire of his sharp-
sighted marksmen ; and thus about four hours elapsed
without either side giving up an inch of their original
ground. At length, finding Hobbs determined on
death or victory, and that his own men had suffered
severely, Sackett ordered a retreat, carrying off* his
dead and wounded, and leaving his antagonist to con-
tinue his march without further molestation.

This battle was oftfen mentioned by the old people
of the vicinity with great exultation, as exhibiting a
masterpiece of persevering bravery. Sackett's num-
ber has not been accurately given, but it is pretty cer-
tainly ascertained that they were at least four to one
of the English.

August 29th, about two hundred of the enemy made
their appearance at fort Massachusetts, which was
then under the command of Capt. Ephraim Williams.
A scout was first fired upon, which drew out Capt.
WilliamS) with about thirty men. An attack began,
which continued for some time, but finding the enemy
numerous, Capt. Williams fought upon the retreat till
he had again recovered the fort. The enemy soon
withdrew, and with what loss was unknown. In this
action one Abbot was killed, and Lieut. Howley and
Ezekiel Wells were wounded, but recovered.

This is the last instance of mischief done by the
enemy in the western frontiers in what is called the
first French war. Peace, however, was not finally
settled with the Indians until October, 1749, when a
treaty was held at Falmouth, by commissioners from
the general court and the chiefs of the Indian tribes,
by whom a former treaty, with some additions, was
Renewed. , - ^ '

From this important period, which being the 15th
day of October, 1749, ought the peace and prosperity
of the now flourishing states of New England to re
ceive their date. It was at this period that her hardy
sons quit the sanguinary field, and exchanged their
implements of death for such as were better calculated

IND'IAN WARS.

Ill

for the cultivation and tillage of their farms. The
forests, with which they were encompassed, no longer
abounded with fierce and untutored savages ; the In-
dian death-song and war-whoop were no longer heard ;
the greater part of the Indians that survived the many
bloody engagements had sought peace and retirement
far westward ;• and the prisoners which the English
had captured were liberated, on condition of resorting
to and remaining with them. They proved faithful to
their promise. They took possession of the country
bounding on the greA lakes, and in possession of which
their descendants remain to the present day ; a de-
scription of whose manners and customs will be found
in a succeeding chapter.

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CHAP. VII.

REMARKS RELATIVE TO THE STATE, CUSTOMS, AND LUDICROUS
OPINIONS OF THE NATIVES IN NEW ENGLAND WHEN FIRST
VISITED BY OUR FOREFATHERS, AND THEIR RAPID DEPOPUl
LATION SINCE THAT PERIOD.

* We cannot even hazard a conjecture respecting the
Indian population of New England at the time of its
first settlement by the English. Capt. Smith, in a
voyage to this coast in 1614, supposed that on the
Massachusetts islands there were about three thousand
Indians. All accounts agree that the sea-coast and
neighboring islands were thickly inhabited.

Three years before the arrival of the Plymouth colo-
ny, a very mortal sickness, supposed to have been the
plague or yellow fever, raged with great violence
among those in the eastern parts of New England.
Whole towns were depopulated. The living were not
able to bury the dead ; and their bones were found

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INDIAN WARS.

lying above ground many years after. The Massachu-
setts Indians are said to have been reduced from thirty
thousand to three hundred fighting men. In 1633,
the small pox swept off great numbers in Massachu-

In 1763, on the island of Nantucket, in the space of
four months, the Indians were reduced by a mortal
sickness from three hundred and twenty to eighty-five
souls. The hand of Providence is notable in these
surprising instances of mortality among the Indians to
make room for the whites. Comparatively few have
perished by wars, and the descendants of the few that
were not driven to the westward by the English, waste
and moulder away, and in a manner unaccountably
disappear. , u

ikie number in the state of Connecticut in 1774 was
one thousand three hundred and sixty-three. The
principal part of their population in this state is at
Mohegan, in the bounty of New London. These are
the descendants of the Mohegans, of whom frequent
mention is made in the foregoing pages as being very
serviceable, under the command of Uncas, to the Eng-
lish in their many engagements with the natives. The
Mohegans have ever exhibited great reverence for the
descendants of their royal sachem. After the death of
Uncas, his body, by his request, was conveyed to Nor-
wich, and there interred in the neighborhood of one of
his forts. This spot was selected by him previous to
his death, and it was his dying request that the whole
family of Uncas should there be buried ; a request
which has been strictly complied with by the Mohe-
gans, who, although the distance is seven miles from
their own burying-ground, have and continue to de-
posite there the descendants of their revered sachem.

The number of Indians in Rhode Island in 1783
was only five hundred and twenty-five. More than
half these lived in Charlestown, in the county of
Washington. In 1774 their number was one thousand
four hundred and eighty -two ; so that in nine years the
decrease was nine hundred and fifty-seven. We have

INDIAN WARS.

113

not been able to ascertain the exact state of the Indian
population of Massachusetts and New Hampshire.
In 1784, there was a tribe of about forty Indians at
Norridgewalk, in the province of Maine, with : le
few other scattering remains of tribes in other parts,
and a number of towns thinly inhabited near Cape
Cod.

When the English first arrived in America, the In-
dians had no times or places set apart for religious
worship. The first settlers in New England were at
great pains to introduce among them the habits of
civilized life, and to instruct them in the christian
religion. A few years* intercourse with them induced
them to establish several good and natural regula-
tions.

The Rev. Mr. Elliot, of Roxbury, near Boston,
who has been styled the great Indian apostle, with
much labor learned the Natic dialect: He published
•an Indian grammar, and preached in Indian to several
tribes, and in 1664 translated the Bible and several
religious books into the Indian language. He relates
several pertinent queries of the Indians respecting the
christian religion ; amc(ng others. Whether Jesus
Christ, the mediator or interpreter, could understand
prayer in the Indian language '* If the father be bad
and the child good, why should God in the second
commandment be offended with the child ? How the
Indians came to differ so much from the English in the
knowledge of God and Jest'S Christ, since they all
sprung from one Father ? Mr. Elliot was indefatigable
in liis labors, and travelled through all parts of Massa-
chusetts and Plymouth colonies, as far as Cape Cod.
The colony had such a veneration for him, that in an
act of the general assembly, relating to the Indians,
they expressed themselves thus : — *' By the advice of
the said magistrates and of Mr. Elliot."

Concerning the religion of the untaught natives of
New England, who once held to a plurality of deities,
after the arrival of the English they supposed there
were only three, because they saw people of three

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114

INDIAN WARS.

kinds of complexion^ viz. English, negroes, and them-
selves.

It was a notion pretty generally prevailing among
them, that it was not the same God that made them
who made us, but that they were created after the
white people ; and it is probable they supposed their
god gained some special skill by seeing the white peo-
ple made, and so made them better ; for it is certain
they looked upon themselves, and their methods of liv-
ing, which they say their god ^expressly prescribed for
them, as vastly preferable to the white people and their
methods.

With regard to a future state of existence, many of
them imagined that the chichung, that is, the shadow
or what survived the body, would at death go south
ward, and, in an unknown but curious place, would
enjoy some kind of happiness, such as hunting, feast
ing, dancing, and the like. And what they supposed
would contribute much to their happiness was, that*
they should there never be weary of those entertain-
ments.

The natives of New England believed not only in a
plurality of gods, who made and governed the several
nations of the world, but they made deities o" every-
thing they imagined to be great and powerful, benefi-
cial or hurtful to mankind ; yet they conceived an
almighty being, whom they called Kichtau, who at
first, according to their tradition, made a man and
woman out of stone, but, upon some dislike, destroyed
them again, and then made another couple out of a
tree, from whom descended all the nations of the earth ;
but how they came to be scattered and dispersed into
countries so remote from one another, they could not
tell. They believed their supreme god to be a good
being, and paid a sort of acknowledgment to him for
plenty, victory, and other benefits.

The immortality of the soul was universally believed
among them. When good men died, they said their
souls went to Kichtau, where they met with their
friends, and enjoyed all manner of pleasures ; when

INDIAN WAHd.

the wicked died, they went to Kichtau also, bi were
commanded to walk away, and so wander about in
restless discontent and darkness forever.

The natives of New England in general were quick
of apprehension, ingenious, and when pleased nothing
could exceed their courtesy and friendship. Gravity
and eloquence distinguished them in council, address
and bravery in war. They were not more easily pro-
voked than the English, but when once they received
an injury, it was never forgotten. In anger, they were
not like the English, talkative and boisterous, but sul-
len and revengeful. The men declined all labor, and
spent their time in hunting, fishing, shooting, and war-
like exercise. They imposed all the drudgery upon
their women, who gathered and brought home their
wood, and planted, dressed, and gathered their corn.
When they travelled, the women carried their chil-
dren, packs, and provisions, and submitted-^atiently to
such treatment. This ungenerous usage of their hus-
bands they repaid with smiles and good humor.

The clothing of the natives was the skins of wild
beasts. The men threw a mantle of skins over them,
and wore a small flap, which was termed Indian
breeches. The women were much more modest.
They wore a coat of skins, girt about their loins,
which reached down to their hams, which they never
put off in company. If the husband chose to dispose
of his wife's beaver petticoat, she could not be per-
suaded to part with it un^il he had provided her
another of some sort. In the winter, their blankets of
skins, which hung loose in summer, were tied or wrap-
ped more closely about them. The old men in the
severe seasons also wore a sort of trowsers made of
skins and fastened to their girdles, and on their feet
they wore moccasons made of moose leather, and their
chiefs or sachems wore on their heads a cap decorated
with feathers.

Their houses or wigwams were at best but misera-
ble cells. They were constructed generally like ar-
bors, or small young trees bent and twisted togetlier,

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116

INDIAN WARS.

and so curiously covered with mats or hark that they
were tolerably dry and warm. They made their fires
in the centre of the house, and there was an opening at
the top which emitted the smoke. For the conve-
nience of wood and water, these huts were commonly
erected in groves, near some river, brook, or living
spring. When either failed, the family removed to
another place.

• They lived in a poor, low manner. Their food was
coarse and simple, without any kind of seasoning, hav-
ing neither spice, salt, or bread. Their food was
principally the entrails of moose, deer, bears, and alL
kinds of wild beasts and fowls. Of fish and snakes
they were extremely fond. They had strong stomachs,
and no kind of food came amiss. They had no set
meals« but, like all other wild creatures, ate when they
were hungry and could find anything to satisfy the
cravings of nature. They had but little food from
the earth except what it spontaneously produced. In- ■
dian corn, beans, and squashes were the only eatables
for which the natives of New England labored.

Their household furniture was of but small value.'
Their beds were composed of mats or skins. They
had neither chairs or stools, but commonly sat upon
the ground, with their elbows upon their knees. A
few wooden and stone vessels and instruments served
all the purposes of domestic life. Their knife was a
sharp stone, shell, or kind of reed, which they sharp-
ened in such a manner as to cut their hair, make their
bows and arrows, &c. They made their axes of stone,
which they shaped somewhat similar to our axes, but
with the difference of their being made with a neck
instead of an eye, and fastened with a withe, like a
blacksmith's chisel.

The manner of the courtship and marriage of the
natives manifested the impurity of their morals. When
a young Indian wished for marriage, he presented the
girl with whom he was enamored with bracelets,
belts, and chains of wampum. If she received his
presents, they cohabited together for a time upon trial.

■f.

INDIAN WARS.

117

If they pleased each other, they joined in marriage ;
but if, after a few weeks, they were not suited, the
man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl, and sought
another mistress, and she another lover. In this man-
ner they courted until two met who were agreeable to
each other.

The natives of New England, although they con-
sisted of a gr at number of different nations and clans,
appear to have spoken the same language. From
Piscataqua to Connecticut, it was so nearly the same
that the different tribes could converse tolerably to-
gether. The Mohcgan or Pequot language was es-
sentially that of all the Indians in New England.
The word Mohegan is a corruption of Muhhekaneew
in the singular, or of Muhhekaheek in the plural num-
ber. The Penobscots bordering on Nova Scotia, the
Indians of St. Francis in Canada, the Delawares in
Pennsylvania, the Shawnese on the Ohio, and the
Chippewas at the westward of lake Huron, all now
speak the same radical language.

1 s

CHAP. VIII. *

REMARKS ON THE INDIAN CUSTOMS AND MODE OF WARFARE,
AND THE CHANGE THAT TOOK PLACE IN CONSEQUENCE OF
THEIR INTERCOURSE WITH THE FRENCH, WITH A HISTORY
OF THEIR ATTACKS ON THE FRONTIER SETTLEMENTS DU-
RING THE FRENCH WAR— EXPEDITION TO NORRIDGEWOG,
AND DEATH OF THE JESUIT RALLE, AND A DESCRIPTION OF
LOVEWELL'S FIGHT.— BRAVE DEFENCE OE THE FORT AT
CHARLESTOWN, BY CAPT. STEVENS. ..,_:.

After the destruction of Philip and those tribes of
Indians who joined him in his wars against the Eng-
lish, the inhabitants of the New England colonies were
in a great measure relieved from the terrors and vexa-
tions which they had for so long a time suffered from

118

INDIAN WARS.

?: li

the hoslilities which had existed with the Indians from
the time they first landed at Plymouth. The remnants
of those tribes which had been subdued, fled to the fai
west and to Canada. Those who had been friendly to
the English remained, and had a portion of their lands
assigned them, that they might exist upon, with cer-
tain privileges of hunting fishing, peeling bark, &c. ;
but the change that took place in their habits and
mode of life in consequence of their intercourse with
the English, has proved about as destructive to th^m
as their wars. At the present time, there are a few
miserable remnants of them remaining in different
parts of the country.

The French having possession of the Canadas and
Nova Scotia, gave them great advantages in getting a
complete control over the Indian tribes on all the fron-
tiers of the north and east. They pursued a very
different course toward them from that of the English.
Instead of destroying them, they adopted the plan of
conciliating and improving their condition. Missiona-
ries were sent out from France by the Jesuits, who
adopted their manner of living, and established them-
selves at the various posts throughout the country ;
introducing among them the Roman Catholic religion,
which they readily embraced, it being more congenial
to their ideas of worship than any other that they had
a knowledge of. All the Indian tribes in Canada and
Nova Scotia, at the present time, strictly conform to
the Catholic faith, and have their churches and priests.
One of their sachems, being asked why they were so
strongly attached to the French, from whom they could
not expect to receive so much benefit as from the Eng-
lish, gravely answered, " Because the French have
taught us to "^ray to God, which the EngUsh never
did." * <^

• It was the policy of the French government, in the
settlement of the Canadas, to gain an ascendency and
control over all the Indian tribes, in order to make
them subservient to their plans, in aiding them in their
conquests, and in enabling them to keep possession of

-TTT

INDIAN WARS.

119

the country. For this purpose, they not only converted
them to their rehgion, but those who came out to set-
tle in the country were not permitted to bring women
with them ; in order that they might be induced to
form a closer alliance, by taking to themselves Indian
wives. From this cause many of the French Canadi-
ans are of a mixed blood.

The great plan of the French was to establish a line
of posts from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to the
mouth of the Mississippi ; by which means, with the
aid of the savage tribes, they would have been able to
control the destinies of North America, and have
placed the English colonics in a very uncertain posi-
tion ; and would also have given them the whole of the
fur trade, which was a very important object. This
would probably have been effected, had the government
of France given that aid to the plan that was expected.
The colonies were sensible of their danger, and the
English government was finally induced to take mea-
sures for the conquest of Canada.

When t'le French first settled in <his country, they
commenced an extensive traffic with the Indians, and
supplied them with fire-arms, ammunition, and other
weapons of war ; and also introduced among them a
better system than they had before known, fty organ-
izing them into companies and smaller parties, under
proper officers ; which caused an entire change in their
mode of warfare. This made them a much more for-
midable enemy than they had before been, with their
bows and tomahawks, and their irregular manner of
attack. In their later wars, they were generally led
by French officers, who had a complete control over
them ; and a liberal price being paid them for prison-
ers and scalps, this, with their natural savage ferocity,
made them so sanguinary and desperate in their at-
tacks on the inhabitants of the frontier towns, that it
struck a general terror throughout the country. Be-
sides, they were taught by their priests that the Eng-
lish were heretics, and to destroy them was a religious
duty. _^_^^ ^ . . . > .

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INDIAN WARS.

The head-quarters of the savage tribes who con-
tinued the war against the Enghsh was at Montreal
and its vicinity. A large establishment of them had
been collected on the St. Francis, a river that empties
into the St. Lawrence a few miles below Montreal,
who were called the St. Francis Indians. They were
composed of the fragments of the different tribes, who
had fled to the French for protection, from New Eng-
land, and still retained their hatred to the English, and
thirst for revenge. The Cahnawaghas, a numerous
and warlike tribe, which had ahvjiys been at war with
the English, were also established near Montreal.
There were other tribes to the i.^yrth and west of
* Montreal, and between there ana Quebec ; which
enabled the French to assemble, at short notice, any
number of Indian warriors they might wish, to carry
on the war against the English.

The great extent of frontier, from the Penobscot
river to the Hudson, made it impossible to establish
any formidable means of defence against the inroads
and frequent attacks made by the French and Indians
upon the inhabitants of our scattered settlements.
There were, it is true, several forts, at what were con-
sidered the most exposed situations ; but these were
so far apart that they formed no barrier to the incur-
sions of the enemy, who would conceal themselves in
the woods till a favorable opportunity offered, when,
they would fall upon the defenceless settlements, de-
stroy them, murder or make prisoners the inhabitants,
committing the most savage barbarities, and retreat,
before a force could be collected sufficient to oppose
them. In many places there were block-houses, and
also dwelling-houses, which were generally built 'of
logs and surrounded with palisadoes, and being a safe
defence against musket balls, afforded a protection to
the inhabitants who fled to them in case of alarm.

The expeditions against our frontiers were planned
and fitted out at Montreal, and were composed of a
portion of French Canadians, v. ith as many of the
Indian warriors as were deemed necessary to effect

ill!:

INDIAN WAKS.

121

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their savage atrocities. They were well armed, and
under the command of (istinguished French officers,
who were acquainted with the country, and the mode
of warfare best calculated to insure success to their
sanguinary and horrid incursions. They had also the
.advantage of the knowledge of those Indians who
had fled from New England, acting as their guides,
and who were well acquainted with all the best routes
thiiough what was then a vast wilderness, between
Canada and the frontier settlements o'f Massachusetts
and New Hampshire, and with all the rivers and lakes
that were more or less navigable for their light, birch-
bark canoes. These canoes were easily carried round
the rapids, and from one stream to another, which
afforded great facilities in their expeditions. By send-
ing out small parties of these Indians, they could at
all times get information of the situation of the whole
extent of the frontier, and form their plans accord-
ingly.

There were two main routes which were in most
cases taken in these expeditions. One was by passing
up the river St. Francis to lake Memphremagog,
where they could strike upon and go down the Con-
necticut or the Merrimack rivers, or pass on» farther
east to other streams emptying into the Atlantic.
They would often, when the main body arrived at lake
Memphremagog, divide themselves into smaller par-
ties, and take different routes, falling upon several
places near the same time, and uniting again on their
retreat. The other was by going up lake Champlain,
which was then in possession of the French, and either
passing up Onion river and down White river to the
Connecticut, or else Otter Creek, and then down other
streams to the same river, more to the south. Either
would bring them near the English settlements on the
northwest frontier of Massachusetts and New Hamp-
shire. By one or the other of these routes, the enemy
were in the habit of making frequent attacks on these
settlements, the inhabitants of which were made to
suffer very severely from their barbarities.

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122

INDIAN WARS.

Several fortifications and other means of defence
were erected, to guard against these incursions of the
enemy, and to protect the inhabitants, as far as the
nature of their defenceless situation would admit ; but
with all that could be done, it gave- them very
little security against their foes, so long as they pos-
sessed the advantages above described ; for the enemy
could fall upon them at such place and at any timo
they chose, commit their savage barbarities with im-
punity, and make good their retreat, with little moles-
tation. To pursue them was useless, for it is believed
there never has been an instance, where the Indians
have had a few hours the start, that they have ever been
overtaken. In some few cases they have, by being
vigorously pursued, been compelled to leave their
' plunder and prisoners behind ; though the latter were
generally killed and their scalps taken, for which they
were paid a liberal reward.

Deerfield and Northf\eld were for many years the
frontier towns on the valley of the Connecticut ; a few
houses had been built, however, at Greenfield. A
strong fort was erected on the west bank of Connecticut
river, about six miles above Northfield, furnished with*
a garrison, and named Fort Dummer; and soon after
some families settled in the vicinity — the first settle-
ment made in Vermont. This afforded some protec-
tion to the towns on the river below, but those to the
east and west were in a defenceless state, and suffered
great hardships.

To defend the inhabitants on the western frontiers
from the frequent incursions made by the enemy from
Crown Point, a fort was erected in the town of Adams,
which was named Fort Massachusetts. Several other
small fortifications were established between Fort
Dummer and Hoosac. These works were erected
and garrisoned by Massachusetts colony, and afforded
some protection to the suffering settlers ; notwith-
standing which, however, frequent attacks were made
upon them by the savages, and many prisoners and
scalps were taken, and much property destroyed.

INDIAN WARS.

123

One of the most important forts erected on the fron-
tier was that at Number Four, so called from its being
the fourth town on the river in New Hampshire, above
Massachusetts Vine, and since named Charlestown.
This is the first town on the river above Bellows*
Falls, and formed a sort of connecting link between
the settlements below and the extensive valley of the
Connecticut above, which was called the Coos coun-
try. At this place the enemy, in their expeditions
against that part of the frontier, had heretofore made
a rendezvous, from which to mal^c their attacks on the
settlements, and from which they could retreat in
canoes up the river, or take such other route as they
chose on their return to Canada.

For many years previous to the conquest of Canada
by the united forces of England and the New Eng-
land colonies, the inroads of the French and Indians
upon our frontier settlements were frequent and san-
guinary. Very few seasons passed vvithout the com-
mission of some acts of the most savage barbarity.
The defenceless state of the settlements on the fron-
tiers made the inhabitants liable, iit all times, not
only to suffer by the tomahawk and scalping-knife, the
destruction of their property, the carrying off their
dearest friends as captives to Canada ; but were kept
in continual fear and alarm, never laying their heads
on their pillows at night to sleep without the appre-
hension of being waked by the yells of the savage foe.

Some account of these sufferings have been given
in a former chapter, and a detail of all the particulars
of every case would, we believe, be unimportant at the
present day ; but to keep^ up a connection in the his-
torical events of the times, we shall give some of the
most important and interesting descriptions of such as
are thought worthy of being preserved.

One of the expeditions sent out from Canada de-
scended the Merrimack river, and made an attack on
Andover, Haverhill, and other places in that vicinity ;
burnt and destroyed much property, and took a num-
ber of prisoners j but apprehending they were pursued

M. *'

If:

124

INDIAN WARS.

by a large force, in their hurry suffered the prisoners
to escape ; but a party of them soon after made an-
other attack on Haverhill, burnt nine houses, and
killed and captured about forty of the inhabitants.
Among the prisoners was Mrs. Hannah Dustan, who
had recently lain in, and her infant and nurse. Her
children had escaped from the house on the first
approach of the Indians, and their father, who was at
labor in his field, came to their assistance, and by
placing himself in their rear, receiving and returning
the fire of the enemy, conducted them to a place of
safety. A small party carried off* Mrs. Dustan, the
nurse, and the infant ; the latter they soon despatched ;
and afler several days of tedious travelling, they ar-
rived at an island situated at the junction of the Con-
toocook and Merrimack rivers, where the prisoners
were compelled to run the gauntlet, according to the
Indian custom. The party now consisted of an Indian
family of two men, three women, and seven children,
besides an English lad who had been with them some
time.

At night, the whole retired to rest, without a watch,
and a little before day, Mrs. Dustan arose from her
couch, and, finding the Indians in a sound sleep,
waked the nurse and boy, whom she engaged to aid
her, and seizing the hatchets, fell resolutely upon the
Indians, and despatched all excepting a boy and an old
woman, who escaped, after being severely wounded.
Taking oflT the scalps, and embarking in a canoe, they
paddled down the river, and at length arrived safely at
Haverhill. A reward of fifty pounds was granted to
the heroine by the general court of Massachusetts, and
many valuable presents were made to her by individu-
als. The brave act was the topic of conversation
throughout the country.

The usual route of the Indians, on their way to the
frontiers of New Hampshire, was by the way of Win-
nipiseogee lake. The distance from Cochecho falls,
in the town of Dover, to the southeast bay of that
lake, is about thirty miles. In one of their incursions,

INDIAN WARS.

125

they made their first appearance at Dover, where they
surprised and killed Joseph Ham, and took three of
his children ; the rest of the family escaped to the
garrison. Their next onset was at Lamprey river,
where they killed .iaron Rawlins and one of his chil-
dren, taking his wife and three children captive.

His brother Samuel also lived about half a mile
distant on the same river. It seems the Indian scout
consisted of eighteen, who probably had been recon-
noitring some time, and intended to have destroyed
both the families, and for that purpose divided, and
nine went to each house ; but the party that went to
Samuel Rawlins*, beating in the windows, and finding
the family gone, immediately joined their companions,
who were engaged at Aaron's. His wife went out at
the door, which perhaps in some degree hastened their
assault upon the house, and was immediately seized,
and one or two of her children who followed her.
Her husband, being alarmed, secured the door before
they could enter, and with his eldest daughter, about
twelve years old, stood upon his defence, repeatedly
firing wherever they attempted to enter, and at the,
same time calling earnestly to his neighbors for help ;
but the people in the several garrisoned houses near,
apprehending, from the noise and incessant firing, the
number of the enemy to be greater than it was, and
expecting every moment to be attacked themselves, did
not venture to come to his assistance. Having for
some time bravely withstood such unequal force, he
was at last killed by their random shots through the
house, which they then broke open, and killed his
daughter. They scalped him, and cut off his daugh-
ter's head, either through haste, or probably being
enraged against her on account of the assistance she
had afforded her father in their defence, which evi-
dently appeared by her hands being soiled with powder.
His wife and two children, a son and daughter, they
carried to Canada. The woman was redeemed in a
few years. The son was adopted by the Indians, and
lived with them all his days. He came to Penacook,

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INDIAN WARS.

with the Indians, after the peace, and expressed to
some people, with whom he conversed, much resent-
ment against his uncle Samuel Rawlins, on supposing
he had detained from his mother some property left by
his father, but manifested no desire of returning to
Newmarket again. The daughter married with a
Frenchman, and, when she was near sixty years old,
returned with her husband to her native place, in
expectation of recovering the patrimony she conceived
was left at the death of her father ; but the estate hav-
ing been sold, they were disappointed, and after a year
or two went back to Canada.

Within the town of Dover were many families of
Cluakers ; who, scruplitig the lawfulness of war, could
not be persuaded to use any means for their defence ;
though equally exposed with their neighbors to an
enemy who made no distinction between them. One
of these people, Ebenezer Downs, was taken by the
Indians, and grossly insulted and abused by them,
because he refused to dance, as the other prisoners
did, for the diversion of their savage captors. Another
of them, John Hanson, who lived on the outside of the
town, in a remote situation, could not be persuaded to
remove to a garrison, though he had a large family of
children. A party of thirteen Indians, called French
Mohawks, had marked his house for their prey, and
lay several days in ambush, waiting for an opportunity
to assault it. While Hanson with his eldest daughter
were gone to attend the weekly meeting of Friends,
and his two eldest sons were at work in a meadow at
some distance, the Indians entered the house, killed
and scalped two small children, and took his wife, with
her infant of fourteen days old, her nurse, two daugh-
ters and a son, and, after rifling the house, carried
them off. This was done so suddenly and secretly
that the first person who discovered it was the eldest
daughter, at her return from the meeting before her
father. Seeing the two children dead at the door, she
gave a shriek of distress, which was distinctly heard
by her mother, then in the hands of the enemy among

IKPIAN WARS.

127

the bushes, and by her brothers in the meadow. The
people being alarmed, went in pursuit ; but the Indians,
cautiously avoiding all paths, went off with their cap-
tives undiscovered. The woman, though of a tender
constitution, had a firm and vigorous mind, and passed
through the various hardships of an Indian captivity
with much resolution and patience. When her milk
failed, she supported her infant with water, which she
warmed in her mouth and dropped on her breast, until
the squaws taught her to beat the kernel of walnuts
and boil it with bruised corn, which proved a nourish-
ing food for her babe. They were all sold to the
French, in Canada. Hanson went the next spring and
redeemed his wife, the three younger children, and the
nurse, but he could not obtain the elder daughter, of
seventeen years old, though he saw and conversed with
Iwjr. After this disaster had befallen his family, Han-
son removed the remainder of ti.em to the house of his
brother, who, though of the same religious persuasion,
yet had a number of lusty sons, and always kept his
lire-arms in good order, for the purpose of shooting
game.

These and other insolences of the enemy being daily
perpetrated on the frontiers, caused the governments to
resolve on an expedition to Norridgewog. The cap-
tains Moulton and Harman, both of York, each at the
head of a company of one hundred men, executed their
orders with great address. They completely invested
and surprised that village ; killed the obnoxious Jesuit,
with about eighty of his Indians ; recovered three cap-
tives ; destroyed the chapel, and brought away the plate
and furniture of the altar, and the devotional flag, as
trophies of their victory. When the attack commenced,
the noise and tumult gave Father Rasles notice of the
danger his converts were in. Not intimidated, he went
out to meet the assailants, in hopes to draw all thjeir
attention to himself and secure his flock, at the peril of
his own life. He was not disappointed. As soon as
he appeared, the English set up a shout, which was
followed by a shower of shot, and he fell near a cross

I ,

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12S

INDIAN WARS.-

fl!','i

niilt

which he had erected in the middle of the village, and
with him seven Indians, who had accompanied him to
shelter him with their own bodies. The Indians, in
the greatest consternation at his death, iinmediately
took to flight, and crossed the river, some by fording, and
others swimming. The enemy pursued them until they
entered far into the woods ; and then returned, and pil-
laged and burnt the church and the wigwams. Ralle
was then in the sixty-eighth year of his age, and had
resided in his mission at Norridgewog twenty-six years ;
having before spent six years in travelling among the
Indian nations, in the interior parts of America.

Sebastian Rasles, or Ralle, was of a respectable
family in Franche-Compte, and was born about the
year 1657. Being appointed a missionary from the
society of Jesuits to the Indians of North America, he
embarked at Rochelle, in France, on the 23d of July,
1689, and arrived at Quebec in October following.
He immediately applied himself to learning the lan-
guage of the Jlbnakis ; and went to reside in their
village, containing two hundred inhabitants, and situ-
ated about three leagues from Cluebec, in the midst of
a forest. Among the various tribes of Indians ho
passed the rest of his life, conforming to their customs,
living upon their unpalatable food, in irregular and
uncertain supplies, taking long journeys through a rug-
ged wilderness, without shelter or comfortable repose
by night, and with incessant fatigue by day. He is
said to have been a man of superior sense and profound
learning, and particularly skilled in I^atin, which he
wrote with classic purity.

The success of the forces at Norridgewog, and the
large premium offered for scalps, having induced sev-
eral volunteer companies to go out, they visited, one
after another, several of the Indian villages, but found
them deserted. The fate of Norridgewog had struck
such a terror into the enemy, that they did not think
themselves safe at any of their former places of abode,
and occupied them as resting places only, when they
were scouting or hunting. . , ,..,,, , t-., f .i i«

INDIAN \tARS.

129

One of these volunteer companies, under the com-
mand of Captain John Lovevvell, of Dunstable, was
greatly distinguished, first by their success, and after-
wards by their misfortunes. This company consisted
of thirty. At their first excursion to the northward of
Winnipiseogee lake, they discovered an Indian wig-
wam, in which were a man and a boy. They killed
and scalped the man, and brought the boy alive to Bos-
ton, where ihey received the reward promised by law,
and a handsome gratuity besides.

By thi& success, his company was augmented to sev-
enty. Tney marched again, and visiting the place
where they had killed the Indian, found his body as
they had left it two months before. Their provision
falling short, thirty of them were dismissed by lot and
returned. The remaining forty continued their march
till they discovered a track, which they followed till
they saw a smoke, just before sunset, by which they
judged that the enemy were encamped for the night.
They kept themselves concealed till after midnight,
when they silently advanced, and discovered ten Indians
asleep, r . und a fire, by the side of a frozen pond. Love-
well now determined to make sure work ; and placing
his men conveniently, ordered a part of them to fire,
five at once, as quick after each other as possible, and
another part to reserve their fire : he gave the signal by
firing his own gun, which killed two of them ; the men
firing according to order, killed five more on the spot ;
the other three starting up from their sleep, two of them
were immediately shot dead by the reserve. The other,
though wounded, attempte'd to escape by crossing the
pond, but was seized by a dog and held fast till they
lulled him. Thus in a few minutes the whole company
was destroyed, and that attempt against the frontiers of
New Hampshire prevented ; for these Indians were
marching from Canada, well furnished with new guns and
plenty of ammunition ; they had also a number of spare
blankets, moccasons and snow-shoes, for the accommo-
dation of the prisoners whom they expected to take,
and were within two days' march of the frontiers. The

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INDIAN WARS.

rii'

pond where this exploit was performed is at the head
of a branch of Salmonfall river, in the township of
Wakefield, and has ever since borne the name of Love-
well's Pond. The action is spoken of by elderly peo-
ple, at this distance of time, with an air of exultation ;
and considering the extreme difficulty of finding and
attacking Indians in the woods, and the judicious man-
ner in which they were so completely surprised, it was
a capital exploit.

The brave company, with the ten scalps stretched on
hoops, and elevated on poles, entered Dover in triumph,
and proceeded thence to Boston ; where they received
the bounty of one hundred pounds for each, out of the
public treasury.

Encouraged by this success, Lovewell marched a
third time ; intending to attack the villages of Pequaw-
ket, on the upper part of the river Saco, which had
been the residence of a formidable tribe, and which they
still occasionally inhabited. His company at this time
consisted cf forty-six, including a chaplain and surgeon.
Two of them proving lame, returned ; another falling
sick, they halted and built a stockade fort on the west
side of great Ossipee pond ^ partly for the accommo-
dation of the sick man, and partly for a place of retreat
in case of any misfortune. Here the surgeon was left
with the^ick man, and eight of the company for a guard.
The number was now reduced to thirty-four. Pursu-
ing their march to the northward, they came to a pond,
about twenty-two miles distant from the fort, and en-
camped by the side of it. Early the next morning,
while at their devotions, they heard the report of a gun,
and discovered a single Indian, standing on a point of
land, v/hich runs into the pond, more than a mile dis-
tant. They had been alarmed the preceding night by
noises round their camp, which they imagined were
made by Indians, and this opinion was now strength-
ened. They suspected that the Indian was placed there
to decoy them, and that a body of the enemy was in
their front. A consultation being held, they determined
to march forward, and, by encompassing the pond, to

li I,,'

INDIAN WARS.

131

gain the place where the Indian stood ; and that they
might be ready for action, they disencumbered them-
selves of their packs, and left them without a guard at

the northeast end of the pond, m a pitcn-pine piam,
where the trees were thin, and the brakes, at that time
of the year, small. It happened that Lovewell's march
had crossed a carrying-place, by which two parties of
Indians, consisting of forty-one men, commanded by
Paugus and Wahwa, who had been scouting down
Saco river, were returning to the lower village of Pe-
quawket, distant about a mile and a half irom this
pond. Having fallen on his track, they followed it till
they came to the packs, which they removed ; and
counting them, found the number of his men to be less
than their own. They therefore placed themselves in
ambush, to attack them on their return. The Indian
who stood on the point, and was returning to the village
by another path, met them, and received their fire, which
he returned, and wounded Lovewell and another with
small shot. Lieutenant Wymnn firing again, killed
himj and they took his scalp. Jijeeing no other enemy,
ihey returned to the place where they had left their
packs, and while they were looking for them, the In-
dians rose and ran toward them with a horrid yelling.
A smart firing commenced on both sides, it being now
about ten o'clock. Captain Lovewell and eight more
were killed on the spot. Lieut. Farwell and two others
were wounded. Several of the Indians fell ; but, being
superior in number, they endeavored to suriound the
party, who, perceiving their intention, retreatec' ; hoping
to be sheltered by a point of roclis which ran into the
pond, and a few large pine trees standing on a sandy
beach. In this forlorn place, they took their station.
On their right was the mouth of a brook, at that time
unfordable ; on their left was the rocky point ; their
front was partly covered by a deep bog and partly un-
covered, and the pond was in their rear. The enemy
galled them in front and fiank, and had them so com-
pletely in their power, that had they made a prudent
use of theif advantage, the whole company must either

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132

INDIAN WARS.

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have been killed, or obliged to surrender at discretion ;
being destitute of a mouthful of sustenance, and an
esteape being impracticable. Under the conduct of
Lieut. Wyman, they kept up their fire, and showed a
resolute countenance, all the remainder of the day ;
during which, their chaplain, Jonathan Frye, Ensign
Robbins, and one more, were mortally wounded. The
Indians invited them to surrender, by holding up ropes
to them, and endeavored to intimidate them with their
hideous yells ; but they determined to die rather than
yield ; and by their well-directed fire the number of
the savages was thinned, and their cries became fainter,
till, just before night, they quitted their advantageous
ground, carrying off their killed and wounded, and
leaving the dead bodies of Lovewell and his men un-
scalped.

The shattered remnant of this brave company col-
lected themselves together, found three of their num-
ber unable to move from the spot, eleven wounded but
able to march, and nine who had received no hurt. It
was melancholy to leave their dying companions behind,
but there was no possibiUty of removing them. One
of them, Ensign Robbins, desired them to lay his gun
by him charged, that, if the Indians should return before
his death, he might be able to kill one more. After the
rising of the moon, they quitted the fatal spot, and
directed their march toward the fort, where the surgeon
and guard had been left. To their great surprise, they
found it deserted. In the beginning of the action, one
man (whose name has not been thought worthy to be
transmitted to posterity) quitted the field, and fled to
the fort ; where, in the style of Job's messenger, he
informed them of LovewelTs death, and the defeat of
the whole company ; upon which they made the best of
their way home, leaving a quantity of bread and pork,
which was a seasonable rejiof to the retreating survi-
vors. From this place, they endeavored to get home.
Lieutenant Farwell and the chaplain who had the
journal of the march in his pocket, and one more, per-
ished in the woods, for want of dressing for their wounds

k.^

INDIAN WARS.

133

The others, after enduring the most severe hardships,
came in one after another, and were not only received
with joy, but were recompensed for their valor and
sufferings ; and a generous provision was made for the
widows and children of the slain.

The fort at Charlestown, which had been abandoned
during the winter previous to March, 1747, was then
re-occupied by thirty men, and placed under the com-
mand of Captain Stevens, who had been its former
commander ; and scarcely had he commenced his usual
duties, when it was invested by a large body of French
aftd Indians, under the command of Mons. Debeline.

On first arriving before the place, the enemy, secreting
themselves, lay some time before they were discovered
by the garrison ; nor was their proximity conjectured
until the dogs in the fort indicated something singular
in their conduct. Suspicions being thus raised, the
gate of the fort was cautiously opened, the garrison
put on the alert, and no one allowed to go at a distance.
At length one of the men, desirous of ascertaining the
ground of the suspicions, ventured out about twenty
rods, discharged his musket, and sent forward his dogs.
Believing they were discovered, a party of the enemy,
concealed behind a log, rose, fired, and slightly wounded
the man, who, bv a rapid retreat to the fort, saved his
life. The whofe body of the enemy now rose from
their covert, and with horrid yells poured a general
fire on the fort ; but their resolution was not equal to
an attempt to carry it by storm.

The fort being constructed of combustible materials,
the enemy believed it possible to set it on fire, and
thereby compel the garrison to surrender without further
opposition. To effect this, the neighboring fences and
a log hut, about forty rods to windward, were soon set
on fire, and as the wind was brisk, the flames approached
and covered the fort with a dense body of smoke, through
which was heard the terrifying yell of the savages, and a
constant roar of musketry, and the balls like hail show-
ered upon the fort.

Undaunted, the brave littl© garrison resolved to de-

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134

INDIAN WARS.

N. I

fend their post to the last extremity, and a novel scheme
was adopted to extinguish the approaching flames, which
now began to threaten destruction. By great exertions,
no less than eleven passages, or subterranean galleries,
were carried under the parapet, of such a depth, that
men standing in them on the exterior of the fort were
completely protected from the shot of the enemy.
Buckets of water from a well within were handed to
the men, who kept the parapet constantly moistened.
Several hundred barrels were thus expended, and the
fort rendered perfectly secure from the approaching
flames. In the mean time, a brisk fire was continued
upon the enemy, when they could be distinguished
through the smoke. Thus baflled in his plan, Debeline
resolved to ctirry the place by other means ; a sort of
mantelet was prepared, and loaded with dry fagots,
set on fire, and forced towards the fort ; flaming arrows
were also tried ; but his efforts to fire the place proved
abortive. ^ ■* .

On the second day, Debeline proposed a cessation
of hostilities, until sumise the next morning, with
which Stevens complied, and in the morning, before the
time had expired, Debeline approached with fifty men,
under a flag, which he planted within twenty rods of
the fort. A parley was then agreed on, and Stevens
admitted a lieutenant and two men into the fort as hos-
tages, and the same number were sent out to Debeline,
who demanded that the garrison should lay down their
arms, pack up their provisions in blankets, surrender
the fort, and be conducted prisoners to Montreal ; and
Stevens- was requested to meet him without the fort,
and give an answer. Stevens accordingly met the
French commander, but before he had time to return
his answer. Monsieur threatened that if the terms w^ro
rejected, the fort should be stormed, and in case any of
his men should be killed, the garrison should be put to
the sword. Stevens coolly replied, that as he had been
intrusted by his government with the command of the
fort, he should hearken to no terms until he was satis-
fied that he could no longer defend it ; and added, that

(

INDIAN WARS.

135

it was but a poor inducement to surrender, if all were
to be put to the sword for killing one of his men, when
it was probable he had already despatched several.
Debeline replied, " Do as you please — I am resolved
to have the fort, or die ; go and see if your men dare
fight any longer, and give me a quick answer." Ste-
vens returned to the fort, and foutid his men unanimously
determined to defend the place or die in the attempt.
This resolution was communicated to the French
commander about noon ; the hostages were exchanged,
and the firing was renewed, with a shout from the In-
dians, and it continued until day-light tlie next morning,
when Stevens was familiarly saluted with "good morn-
ing,** from the enemy, when a proposition was made for
a cessation of arms for two hours. Soon after two
Indians approached with a flag, and promised, if Stevens
would sell them provisions, they would leave the place
without further efforts. I»n reply, they were told that
five bOshels of corn would be given for each captive in
Canpd5\, for whom they should give hostages, to remain
unti! ':• ^ captives should be delivered. Debeline, con
vincc'

Debeline,
■it he could not operate upon the fears of his
or eain possession of the place without an

short time ; then

enem> ,

assault, continued a distant fire a

reluctantly withdrew from the fort.

In the attack, which continued three days, Stevens
states that thousands of balls were poured upon the fort,
yet not a man of the garrison was killed, and only two
wounded. When the intelligence of this brave defence
was received at Boston, Commodore Sir Charles
Knowles, who happened to be at that station, was so
highly gratified at the conduct of Stevens, that he sent
him an elegant sword ; and Number Four, when incor-
por^ated into a town in 1753, was called after the com-
modore's name, Charlestown.

^' li

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136

INDIAM WAR»,

li'i

i f

CHAP. IX.

PLAN FOR ESTABLISHING A MILITARY SETTLEMENT ON THE
RICH INTERVALS OF COOS.— JOHN KILBURN'S BRAVE DEFENCE
OF HIS GARRISON— MASSACRE OF PRISONERS BY THE INDIANS
AT FORT WILLIAM HENRY.— THE VILLAGE OF ST. FRANCIS
DESTROYED BY ROGERS' RANGERS.— QUEBEC TAKEN BY GEN.
WOLF.

During the cessation of hostilities which took place
after the treaty of peace with the Indians, in 1749,
measures were taken for extending settlements up Con-
necticut river, and towns were granted on both banks
not long after. A plan was. also proposed for estab-
. lishing a military settlement on the rich intervals at
Coos. A road was to be cut out to that place, two
towns laid out, one on each side of the river, opposite
to each other, (now Newbury and Haverhill,) and
stockades, with lodgments for two hundred men, in each
township to be erected, enclosing a space of fifteen
acres ; in the centre of which was to be a citadel, con-
taining the public buildings, and granaries sufficient to
receive the inhabitants and movable effects, in case of
necessity. Courts of justice were to be established,
and other civil privileges granted to the people ; and
they were to be under strict military discipline.

A large number of people engaged in the enterprise ;
and in the spring of 1752 a party was sent up to view
Coos meadows, and lay out the proposed townships.
The movements were noticed by the Indians, and a
party of the St. Francis tribe was deputed to remon-
strate against the project. They came to Charlestown,
and informed Capt. Stevens, that if the English en-
croached on the lands, which they pretended to claim,
they should resist by force. This determination was
communicated to the governor of New Hampshire, and
the scheme was laid aside. -^

INDIAN WARS.

137

The savage nations in the French interest were al-
ways ready, on the first appearance of a rupture, to
take up the hatchet. It was the policy of the French
government to encourage their depredations on the
frontiers of the English colonies, to which they had a
native antipathy. By this means, the French could
make their enemies pay the whole expense of a war ;
for all the supplies which they afibrded to the Indians
were amply compensated by the ransom of captives.
In these later wars, therefore, we find the savages more
dexterous in taking captives, and more tender of them
when taken, than in former wars ; which were carried
on with circumstances of greater cruelty.

No sooner had the alarm of hostilities, which com-
menced between the English and French in the west-
ern part of Virginia, spread through the continent, than
the Indians renewed their attacks on the frontiers of
New Hampshire. A party of them made an assault on .
a family at Bakerstown, on^emigewasset river, where
they killed a woman, and took several captives. Within
three days, they killed a man and a woman at Stevens-
town, in the Same neighborhood ; upon which the settle-
ments were broken up, and the people retired to the
lower towns for safety, and the government was obliged
to post soldiers in the deserted places. After a few
days more, they broke into t!ie house of James Johnson,
at Number Four, early in the morning, before any of
the family were awake, and took him, with his wife and
three children, her sister Miriam Willard, and two men,
Peter Laboree and Ebenezer Farnsworth. The sur-
prise was complete and bloodless, and they carried
them off undisturbed. The next day, Johnson's wife
was delivered of a daughter, who from the circumstance
of its birth was named Captive. The Indians halted
one day, on the woman's account, and the next day
resumeditheir march, carrying her on a litter, which they
made for the purpose, and afterwards put her on horse-
back. On their march, they were distressed for pro-
vision, and killed the horse for food. The infant was
nourished by sucking pieces of its flesh. When they

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138

INDIAN WARS.

arrived at Montreal, Johnson obtained a parole, of two
months, to return and solicit the means of redemption.
He applied to the assembly of New Hampshire, and
after some delay obtained one hundred and fifty pounds
sterling. But the season was so far advanced, and the
winter proved so severe, that he did not reach Canada
till the spring. He was then charged with breaking his
parole ; a great part of his money was taken from him
by violence, and he was shut up with his family in
prison, where they took the small-pox, which they hap-
pily survived. After eighteen months, the woman, with
her sister and two daughters, w'ere sent in a cartel ship
to England, and thence returned to Boston. Johnson
was kept in prison three years, and then, with his son,
returned and met his wife in Boston, where he had the
singular ill fortune to be suspected of designs unfriendly
lo his country, and was again imprisoned ; but no
evidence being produced against him, hfc was libe-
rated. His eldest daughter was retained in a Canadian
nunnery. .^i

Soon after this, a party from St. Francis made several
attacks upon the western frontier of New Hampshire,
and committed many savage acts at Keene, Walpole,
and other places in that vicinity. They afterwards,
being joined by other Indians, made an assault on the
garrison of John Kilburn, in which were himself, John
Peak, two boys, and some women ; who bravely de-
fended the house, and obliged the enemy to retire, with
considerable loss. , .:

The defence of Kilburn*s garrison was one of the
most heroic and successful efforts of personal courage
<and valor recorded in the annals of Indian warftire.
The number of Indians was about two hundred, against
whom, John Kilburn, his son John, in his eightee.ith
year, John Peak and his son, and the wife and daughter
of Kilburn, were obliged to contend for their lives.
The leader of the Indians, named Philip, was well
acquainted with Kilburn, and having approached near
the garrison, and secured himself ohind a tree, called
•out to those in the house to su' fv. ^der. " Old John,

the
♦age

INDIAN WARS.

139

young John," said he, " I know you ; come out here ;
we give you good quarter." " Quarter !" vociferated
Kilburn, with a voice of thunder; "you black rascals,
be gone, or we '11 quarter you." The Indians soon
rushed forward to the attack, but were repulsed by
Kilburn and his men, who were aided by the females
in running bullets and in loading their guns, of which
they had several in the house. All the afternoon, one,
incessant firing was kept up till near sundown, when
the Indians began to disappear ; and as the sun sunk
behind the western hills, the sound of the guns and the
cry of the war-whoop died away in silence. Peak, by
an imprudent exposure before the por -!^. e, received
a ball in his hip, which, for want of surgical aid, proved
fatal on the fifih day. ', . ,

The New Hampshire soldiers had become so noted
for hardy courage and agility, so habituated to fatigue
and danger, and so well acquainted with the Indian
mode of warfare, that, by the express desire of Lord
Loudon, three ranging companies were formed of them.
They were eminently useful in scouring the woods,
procuring intelligence, and skirmishing with detached
parties of the enemy. These companies were after-
wards formed into one body, and were called Rogers*
Rangers, Maj. Robert Rogers being appointed to the
command, and in which John Stark, afterwards the
hero of Bennington, was captain. He had been taken
by the Indians, and was for some time a prisoner among
them, but had fortunately made his escape.

Maj. Rogers was an officer of daring courage, and
indefatigable in the execution of all enterprises entrusted
to him. He adopted the plan of advancing against the
enemy in two columns of single files, parallel to each
other, within hailing distance ; by which means they
were in little danger from ambuscades, or from attacks
in front, or on either flank. This plan has since been
generally practised by our commanders, in their wars
with the Indians ; and had Gen. Braddock adopted it,
agreeably to Washington's advice, he would most pro-*
bably have saved his army.

1 1

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INDIAIf WARS.

i^'lx

This corps of rangers were of great service in the
defence of our frontiers against the French and Indians,
and their daring exploits were the common theme of
conversation at that time throughout the country. Many
who served in it were afterwards c.mmissioned, and
became distinguished officers in the continental army
of the revolution. ,_

During the absence of Lord Loudon, who had been
sent with a large force against Louisburg, the main
body of Canadians and Indians, under the command
of Montcalm, made an attack on fort William Henry,
commanded by Col. Monroe, a. British officer. Gen.
Webb at this time lay at fort Edward, with the main
army, consisting principally of provincial troops. The
force under Col. Monroe consisted of two thousand
and two hundred regulars and provincials ; four hun-
dred and forty-nine of whom were posted in the fort,
and the remainder in a fortified camp, on the eminence
where fort George was subsequently built. The siege,
which was continued for six days, was vigorously
pressed, and Monroe defended his fort and fortified
camp with spirit ; but having burst many of his guns
and mortars, and expended most of his ammunition,
he was compelled to surrender. A capitulation was
signed on the ninth, by which the troops were allowed
to retain their arms, and were to be escorted to fort
Edward.

Soon after the capitulation was signed, a detachment
of the French army took possession of Monroe's works.
About the same time the Indians rushed over the para-
pets, and began to plunder such small articles as they
could seize with impunity, and at length commenced
their depredations on the officers' baggage. To prevent
the Indians from becoming intoxicated, the whole of
the remaining liquor, both in the fort and camp, was
stove. Col. Monroe, perceiving their conduct, gave
orders for marching about midnight, and at the time
assigned the troops were drawn up and put in motion ;
but being informed that a large body of savages were
on the road for the purpose of intercepting the march,

•e

INDIAN WARS.

gave orders for the troops to return to camp, where
they continued without shelter till morning ; the Indians
in the mean time hovering about the lines, indicating
their savage designs.

Early the next morning, the troops were ordered to
prepare for the march ; but it was observed that the
Indians indicated more ferocity than in the preceding
night, each carrying a tomahawk, or other weapon of
death, in his hand ; and they continued to plunder the
baggage of the officers. Col. Monroe complained of'
a breach of the articles of capitulation, but to no effect.
He was told by the French officers, that the savages
might be appeased by giving up the private property of
the troops ; to which he consented, and the plan was
generally adopted. But the blood-thirsty tigers were not
so easily glutted. They soon seized the officers* hats,
guns, and swords, and violently forced off their clothing,
in some instances not sparing even their shirts, and this
was soon followed by a scene which beggars descrip-
tion. They rushed upon the sick and wounded, whom
they butchered and scalped, in the presence of the
troops; the negroes, mulattoes and friendly Indians
were next dragged from the ranks, and shared the same
fate ; one of the latter they burnt to death. At length,
with great difficulty, the troops left the entrenched
camp, but without the promised escort, and had barely
cleared it, when the rear of the column was attacked,
and many killed and scalped, without discrimination.
Monroe then brought the troops to a halt, but in great
confusion. As soon as the men in front perceived the
danger in the rear, they pressed forward until they
reached a French guard at La Corne's camp, followed
by the savages, who continued their murders by stab-
bing, tomahawking, and scalping all within Jieir power.
The women accompanying the troops, unable to resist,
were seized, their throats cut, their bodies ripped open,
and their bowels torn out and thrown in their faces ;
the children were taken by the heels, and their brains
dashed out against rocks and trees ; and it is stated
that many of the savages drank the hearts' blood of

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INDIAN WARS.

theii" victims, as it flowed reeking from the horrid
wounds.

Protection was now demanded from the French
guard, but it was refused, and the unfortunate troops
were told that they must scattei in the woods, and seek
their own safety. Finding no alternative, they rushed
desperately through the savages, attempting to escape
by flight, but being pursued, many were tomahawked,
while others were so fortunate as to outstrip their pur-
suers, and* to reach fort Edward, but in a horrible
plight, after secreting themselves through the following
night in the thick woods and swamps, stripped even to
nudity. Col. Monroe, and several of his officers and
men, were carried back to the French camp, where
they remained until an escort was furnished them to
fort Edward. * •

During these horrid transactions, the French troops
remained idle spectators of the scene. La Corne, who
had great influence among the savages, probably fore-
seeing the massacre, immediately after the capitulation
was signed, sent for Col. Frye, commanding the Mas-
sachusetts regiment, and informed him that he well
remembered the humanity he had shown to his country-
men in Nova Scotia ; that he should embrace the present
opportunity to express his gratitude, and reward his
humanity ; and that neither he nor any of the Massa-
chusetts troops should receive insult or injury from the
Indians. But during the whole transaction, he kept at
a distance, nor did he send a party to afford the prom-
ised protection, or use his influence to moderate the
vengeance of the Indians.

On receiving intelligence of the capitulation. Gen.
Webb ordered five hundred men to meet the French
escort, and conduct the captured troops into his camp ;
but to his surprise, instead of meeting the escort,
the captives were discovered flying through the woods
singly or in small parties, in the greatest distress and
consternation ; many exhibiting the horrid cuts of the
knife and tomahawk, and some in a stale of delirium,
and nearly exhausted.

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INDIAN WARS.

143

The individual exploits of several of the captives
may not be uninteresting. In the confusion consequent
upon the attack upon the defenceless troops, an Indian
chief seized Col. Frye, plundered and stripped him of
his clothes, even to his shirt, and then led him into the
woods, in a direction and manner which left no doubt
as to the design of the ferocious chief. ' Arriving at a
secluded spot, where the colonel expected to meet his
fate, he determined to make one effort for his life, and
roused by desperation, with no other arms than those
nature gave him, he sprang upon the savage, overpow-
ered and killed him on the spot, and fleeing rapidly into
a thick wood, he eluded the search of the other Indians.
After wandering in \ jious directions for several days,
subsisting wholly on whortleberries, he reached fort
Edward, and joined his suffering companions.

Capty John Burk, of Frye's regiment, was seized,
and, after a violent struggle, stripped of the whole of
his clothes, and afterwards escaped into the woods.
Straying in various directions, he was overtaken by
darkness in the margin of a morass, and unable to direct
his course, lay down in the thick grass and passed the
night, covered only by the damp vapor of the swamp.
The next day he renewed his march, and fortunately
arrived safelv at fort Edward.

At the time Col. Monroe consented to the delivery
of the private baggage to the Indians, as has been
related, Lieut. Selah Barnard, another of Frye's offi-
cers, having with him a Lmall trunk containing his
effects, resolutely determined not to part with it, unless
by force. The trunk soon attracted the attention of
the savages, and two stout fellows approaching to seize
it, the lieutenant, springing upon it, threatened them
with instant death if they persisted in their design, and
for some time held the trunk from their grasp. At
length, others coming up, he was seized by each arm
by two savages, plundered, and led off, as he supposed,
to be butchered. Being athletic, and remarkably
nervous in his arms, rousing his whole strength, he
sent them in different directions, and by a rapid flight

INDIAN WARS.

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if i
m

rejoined his fellow-sufierers. The savages retumeJ
and took possession of the trunk, and submitted to his
escape ; and he reached fort Edward without further
misfortune.

Capt. Jonathan Carver, of the same regiment, after
being 'stripped of his clothes, broke from the savages
and regained a body of his companions. In attempting
afterwards to escape through the woods, he wns again
seized, and led off towards a swamp by two Indians ;
an English gentleman happening to pass by, one of the
Indians relinquished his hold, and seized the gentle-
man, who, proving too strong, threw him upon the
ground, on which the other Indian flew to the assist-
ance of his comrade, and the captain, seizing the oppor-
tunity, escaped, and after two or three days arrived at
fort Edward.

The number that fell in the massacre has not been
accurately ascertained. Dr. Belknap says the New
Hampshire regiment lost eighty out of two hundred ;
but these, being in the rear, suffered more severely than
other regiments. Captain Carver estimates the whole
loss at fiflecn hundred ; but this is evidently an exag-
geration. In a letter from a gentleman in Albany,
inserted in the London Magazine for 1757, the number
is much diminished. From a comparison of all the
accounts that have reached us, it is probable that the
whole number massacred and carried off by the savages
was less than three hundred.

Afler Gen. Amherst had taken command of the Eng-
lish and provincial forces, they were eminently success-
ful, and had taken from the French all their strong
works on lake Champlain. The capture of these
important posts immediately relieved the frontiers of
New England from incursions from the western quar-
ter ; and a general joy spread through the long distressed
colDnies. Crown Point had been in the possession of
the French for nearly thirty years, and from that place
predatory parties had issued, and involved the frontiers
of Massachusetts and New Hampshire in blood and
slaughter ; and numerous were the prisoners who had

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INPIAN WARS.

145

there suffered the disgraceful and cruel treatment of
the savages. One other post from which the colonies
of New Hampshire and Massachusetts had suffered
similar cruelties, still remained in the hands of the
enemy. This was the village of St. Francis, situated
at the mouth of the river of that name, between Mont-
real and Q,uebec. From its easy communication with
the upper part of Connecticut river, this place had long
been a focus of murder and devastation, and many a cap-
tive had there suffered barbarities intolerable, and the
place was loaded with the plunder of the English colo-
nies. Gen. Amherst now resolved to put an end to
these barbarities, by destroying the place. Maj. Rogera,
who had so ably and frequently distingi ishcd himself
as a partisan during the war, was selected for ♦he ardu-
ous service, with his hardy rangers and a detachmert of
regular troops.

To prevent a discovery of the expedition, it wa&
kept profoundly secret from the army ; and in the pi >
ceding day's orders, Rogers had been destinec *ft the
command of a party to march in a different d rec tion,
while he had private orders to proceed directly to St.
Francis.

In pursuance of his orders, Maj. Rogers left Crown
Point in the evening, on board of whale-boats, and
proceeded down the lake, on his adventurous expedi-
tion. The distance to Missisquc bay was not far short
of one hundred miles, and as parties of the enemy
were often on the lake, the greatest circumspection was
required to avoid a discovery. The fifth day after his
departure, being encamped on the ea«< -Uore, a keg of
gunpowder accidentally took fire, and wounded Capt.
Williams and several men, whom P^-ogers sent back,
with part of the detachment, to Crown Point, which
reduced his number to one hundred and forty-two,
including officers. Pursuing his voyage, Rogers arrived
at Missisque bay on the twentieth, without discovery,
where he secreted his boats, and provisions sufficient
for his men on their return, under the bank of a creek,
overhung with brush, and left two trusty Indians to

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INDIAN WARS.

watch them, with orders, should the boats be discov-
ered by the enemy, to follow his trail, and give him the
information.

The country between the bay and St. Francis village
was covered with woods, and intersected by swamps
and rivulets ; but, notwithstanding these impediments,
Rogers pressed his march with considerable expedition.
The second day after quitting the boats, the two Indians,
who had been left to watch them, came up with Rogers,
and informed him that four hundred French and In-
dians had discovered and taken possession of the boats,
and that two hundred were in rapid pursuit on his trail.
The intelligence was embarrassing, and the circum-
stances of the detachment critical. But, fertile in
resources, Rogers devised means to overcome his
difficulties, and to prosecute his expedition. Lieut.
M'Mullen and ten men were detached, with orders to
proceed through the woods to Crown Point, to inform
Gen. Amherst of the misfortune, and to request him to
forward provisions from Charlestown, up the Connec-
ticut, to the mouth of Great Ammonoosuc river, near
Coos intervals, by which route Rogers proposed to
return, after the destruction of the Indian village, as
ordered. He then renewed his march, resolving to out-
strip his pursuers ; but was much retarded by the
sunken nature of the country, which in many places
was covered with water mid-leg deep, and often a
spruce bog, in which it became necessary to prepare a
sort of hammock, from the boughs of trees, to enable
the men to repose at night ; and this, after a hard day's
march, continued from early dawn until darkness com-
menced.

The tenth day after leaving the bay, Rogers struck
St. Francis river, about fifteen miles above the village,
and with some difficulty forded it, where the water was
five feet, and running in a rapid current. The ground
now being firm, the march was pressed with celerity,
and on the fourth of October, at eight in the evening,
Rogers came within sight of the village, halted, and
directed his men to refresh themselves, while he, with

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INDIAN WARS.

147

Lieut. Turner and Ensign Avery, reconnoitred the
place. The Indians were found in a high frolic or
dance, and appeared to entertain no apprehensions of
an enemy in the vicinity. Returning to his men about
two o'clock in the morning, Rogers marched them
within five hundred yards of the village, lightened them
of their packs, and prepared for the attack. It was
now about three o'clock, and an hour after, the Indians
broke up their dance, and retired to their cabins for
repose, and all was calm in the village. About half an
hour before sunrising, the troops advanced in three
divisions, and made simultaneous attacks in as many
directions. The Indians were completely surprised,
and incapable of much resistance. Well acquainted
with the Indian mode of attack on similar occasions,
the rangers dealt death and destruction in all directions,
and with unsparing hands. Nor was it possible to dis-
tinguish age or sex, and an indiscriminate butchery
followed in the true savage style. Many were killed
in their cabins ; others, attempting to fly, were shot or
knocked on the head, and few escaped. At sunrise the
scene was truly horrible, and but for the sight of six or
seven hundred of the scalps of their countrymen, sus-
pended upon poles, and waving in the air, the trophies
of the former cruelty of the Indians, the assailants
would have been excited to pity. This horrid spectacle
added new vigor, and sympathy for the sufferers found
no place in the breasts of the rangers, and in too many
instances they continued to despatch women and chil-
dren indiscriminately ; and a general conflagration of
the cabins ended the scene, about seven o'clock in the
morning. Out of about three hundred inhabitants of
the pjace, two hundred were killed ; twenty women and
children captured, and five English prisoners, residing
in the village, set free ; but most of the women and
children were soon liberated.

The village appeared to have been in a very flourishing
condition. Many of the cabins were well furnished, and
the church was handsomely adorned with plate, and the
whole place had been enriched by the 'scalps and plunder

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148

INDIAN WARS.

taken from the English in the various wars. Two
hundred guineas were found in money, and a silver
image, weighing ten pounds, besides a large quantity
of wampum, clothing, and some provisions.

On assembling his troops, Rogers found Capt.
Ogden and six privates wounded, and one Stockbridge
Indian killed ; and after an hour's rest, to refresh his
men and collect the provisions remaining in the village,
he commenced his march up the St. Francis, and by
Memphremagog lake, for Coos, on Connecticut river.
The detachment continued in a body eight days, at
the expiration of which the provisions were entirely
expended, and Rogers found it necessary to divide
into several parties, that the men might more easily
procure subsistence by hunting, giving them orders to
assemble at the junction of the great Ammonoosuc and
Connecticut rivers, where he expected to find provi-
sions forwarded by order of Gen. Amherst. >

Two days after separating, a party under Ensign
Avery was overtaken by the pursuing Indians, and
seven captured, but two fortunately escaped. Another
party of about twenty, under Lieutenants Dunbar and
Turner, was attacked, and the prmcipal part killed or
taken, including the two officers. The party under
Rogers, after several days of fatiguing march, and in a
state of starvation, reached Coos meadows, where he
entertained little doubts of meeting with ample supplies
of provisions. But here he was disappointed. Pro-
visions had been sent to that place by Amherst's orders,
under an officer and party of men from Charlestown,
but after remaining several days without meeting
Rogers, or gaining intelligence of his party, they had
returned down the river, only a few hours before Ro-
gers arrived at the place, and their fires were found
still burning where they had encamped.

Reduced to this deplorable situation, and little or no
game to be found in the woods, Rogers had recourse
to ground-nuts and lily roots, which were collected,
boiled to a mucilaginous consistence resembUng soup,
and dealt out to the men, and this was found to pre-

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INDIAN WARS.

149

serve life ; but a future supply was precarious, and little
prospect remained of reaching Charlestown before they
should famish. Rogers at length contrived to construct
a raft of dry pines, on which he, with Capt. Ogden,
one ranger and a aptive boy, embarked and floated
down the Connecticut, leaving Lieut. Grant in com-
mand of the remaining party. At White river falls,
the raft was unfortunately lost, and a new one- con-
structed by the slow process of burning down trees,
and separating them into logs of a proper length.
With much difficulty the raft was conducted over Wa-
terqueechy falls ; and after meeting many other embar-
rassments, and passing other rapids, they arrived near
Charlestown, where they were relieved by some people
who were out from that place cutting timber, and con-
ducted to the town. Canoes loaded with provisions
were immediately sent Up the river for the relief of the
other sufferers, who arrived at various points on the
river in a starving condition, after having lost many in
the woods. A few reached Crown Point, subsisting
wholly on roots and game procured on the route.

After collecting his scattered survivors at Charles-
town, Rogers marched for Crown Point, where he ar-
rived the first of December, and joined Gen. Amherst's
army. The whole loss of the detachment, after leaving
the ruins of St. Francis, was three officers and forty-six
non-commissioned officers and privates. In relating
their individual sufferings, one of the rangers stated that
the party to which he was i^ttached, having expended
the last morsel of food, was on the point of starvation,
when fortunately an owl was discovered perched upon a
tree. Instantly the bird was brought down by the eager
shot of several of the men; dissected, and distributed by
the well-known method of " Who shall have this ?"
He shared a leg, which he devoured without cooking;
and by this refreshment the party were enabled to con-
tinue the march, and at length arrived without the loss
of a man. ' " ' ' '■:■ ' '

During the operations of Amherst at lake Champlain,
Gen. Wolf, with about eight thousand men, sailed from

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150

INDIAN WARS.

Loiiisourg, under Admirals Saunders and Holmes, and
landed near (Quebec ; and after many difHcuIties thrown
in his way, and a stjvere repulse at Montmorency, he by
a daring movement gained the plains of Abraham, in
the vicinity of duebec, and brought Montcalm to a
general action, in which the French were decisively
defeated, and both commanders killed ; and a few days
subsequently (Quebec surrendered to the British arms.
The joy spread over the colonies, at the conquest of
Canada, is hardly to be described. From the com-
mencement of King William's war, in 1689, with the
exception of a few short intervals, to this event, the
frontier people of the English northern provinces were
doomed to destruction, captivity, and slaughter. Re-
lieved from their embarrassments, they re-occupied their
plantations, arid new ones were commenced, and popu-
lation began to spread. , , - .

,! •■■

, '• \

•«;

CHAP. X.

REMARKS ON INDIAN HOSTILITIES AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF
THE WuAl OF THE REVOLUTION, AND SETTLEMENT OF THE
NEW HAMPSHIRE GRANTS IN THE COOS COUNTRY.— BATTLE OF
BENNINGTON, WITH ITS RESULTS.— BURNING OF ROY ALTON.

After the conquest of Canada by the English, in
which the New England colonies were activel/ en-
gaged, and in which they bore a large proportion of the
burthen, Indian depredations and attacks on our fron-
tiers ceased. The inhabitants were relieved from the
distresses and. horrors of a savage warfare, in which
they had suflered almost incredible hardships, from the
first settlement of the country. The enterprising set-
tlers could now push their fortunes into the wilderness,
fell the trees, and establish themselves wherever they
thought it would most conduce to their comfort and

INDIAN WARS.

151

prosperity, and where they could pursue their labors in
peace. The anxious mother could now lay her head
upon her pillow and take her rest, without the fear of
being disturbed by the war-whoop of the savage, and
was relieved from that dreadful apprehension of danger,
which caused her, when awakened by the whistling of
the winds through the forest, to hug her infant closer
to her breast.

Emigrations now took place rapidly into the wilder-
ness, in every direction. The hardy sons of NevV
England penetrated the forests, and formed settlements
on all the best lands on the streams to the north and
west of the old settlements, which had before been pre-
vented by the hostilities of the savage tribes. Many
new towns had been granted, and the most liberal terms
offered for their settlement. The wilderness now lite-

rally blossomed as the rose ; and where, a short time
before, they were only inhabited l>y the savage beast
of prey, or the more savage Indian, w ere now becoming
the abode of industry, civilization, and prosperity. At
no period of our existence as a nation has the increase
of population and accumulation of wealth been more
rapid, than what took place between the peace of 1763
and the commencement of the war of the revolution.

The most extensive and important settlements that
were made at this time were in the great valley of Con-
necticut river, above Charlestown, then called the Upper
Coos, which had been till now unoccupied, in conse-
quence of its having been the principal thoroughfare of
the French and Indians, in their attacks upon the fron-
tiers of Massachusetts, and New Hampshire; but in the
•various military expeditions through the country our
people had discovered the richness of the soil, and a
strong desire was felt to get possession of the land. The
governor of New Hampshire had previously caused a
survey of Connecticut river to be made, for sixty miles,
and three lines of townships on each side to be laid out.
By procuring the signatures of a certain number of peti-
tionee's for these townships, grants were readily obtained,
on very easy conditions, which were nothing more than

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INDIAN WARS.

.1' ;!i

to have a certain number of settlers in each town in a
given time ; and the expense to each was only the char-
ter fee, which was but half a dollar ; and this entitled
the original proprietors to three hundred and forty acres
of land.

These easy terms induced a great number from Mas-
sachusetts and Connecticut to become settlers, and the
river towns were soon taken up by their most industri-
ous and enterprising sons. New Hampshire claimed
the jurisdiction as far as to within twenty miles of the
Hudson river, from thence westerly to lake Champlain,
and then northerly to the forty-fifth degree of latitude.
This was disputed by New York, who pretended to
claim as far east as Connecticut river. This dispute,
however, rather facilitated than otherwise the settlement
of the country. Both parties continued to give grants
of the lands, and to encourage their settlement ; and the
dispute was never finally put at rest till the territory
was by act of Congress admitted into the Union as an
independent state, under the name of Vermont. All
those towns that lie between Connecticut river and the
Green mountains were for many years known only by
the name of the New Hampshire Grants, and acknow-
ledged no other jurisdiction but of that colony.

These settlements continued to prosper and increase
in population for several years, and nothing took place
which in the least tended to retard this prosperity, until
the commencement of the revolutionary struggle be-
tween the colonies and the mother country. This event
produced anew order of things throughout the country.
The inhabitants of these parts generally took sides with
the colonies, and were very active and zealous in the
cause of independence. Many of them, however, and
among these some of the most respectable and wealthy,
were opposed to the separation from EimLiMid. They
were willing to agree not to take part (Whither side,
and to remain neutral ; but this, under the popular feel-
ings of the times, could not be permitted ; for the prin-
ciple adopted by the patriotic party was, " Whogver is
not for us is against us." Those v^o adhered to the

INPIAN WARS.

153

mi-
ls

Lbe

royal cause were stigmatized by the name of tories, and
those on the other side styled themselves whigs ; and
bitter were the f< elings of animosity between the two
parties.

The tories were deprived of their arms, and many of
them were thrown into prison ; tarring and feathering
were in some cases introduced, and their suffering, with
that of their families, was very great. They were finally
driven from the cotmtry, and took refuge in Canada,
where they were protected by the British, and furnished
with the means of subsistence. Their feelings were, of
course, very bitter against the whigs, whom they consi-
dered the cause of all their sufierings ; and threats were
made that, with the assistance of the Canada Indians^^
they should overrun the Coos settlements, and take am-
ple revenge for their injuries, by despoiling the country..
These threats were often received and circulated througli.
the settlements, which kept the inhabitants in a constant!
state of alarm; but- the country was now too thickly
inhabited, and too formidable, to make such a». attempt,,
with any chance of success, without a large force, which
could not at that time be spared.

The refugees, who were now in Canada,, were, how-
ever, formed into a regimewt, and the command: given to
Col. John Peters, a gentleman who had been conspicu-
ous among the settlers of the Coos country, and from
which he had been driven on account of his political
principles. This regiment was well officered and armed,
to act as a partisan corps, and it was intended that it
should co-operate with the Indians^ in excursions into,
the Coos settlements, whenever a suitable opportunity
should occur. After events, however, frustrated all'
these plans, and their services proved to be of very little
use to the cause of the English, more than to keep the-
scattered jjfittlements in a constant state of alarm,, by
their threBjj^f revenge.

The sitqpion of the whole country was at this time

very peculiar. The declaration of independence had'

dissolved all allegiance to England, and there had not

been time in some sections of the country to establishi

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154

INDIAN WARS.

Kill

K! ■ :Mii

any permanent form of government. This was particu-
larly the case with the New Hampshire Grants ; for
their territorial jurisdiction was in dispute, and they were
under the necessity of forming a temporary system of
government for the time being. For this purpose a
general committee was appointed, and other committees
were chosen by the people in diiferent sections, who
were styled committees of safety, to whom was in-
trusted the whole management of public affairs. Their
authority was absolute, and their decrees and acts were
the only law of the land. Though some of their acts
were rather arbitrary and severe, particularly towards
the tories, and from which there was no appeal, yet their
-orders were readily obeyed by the people. They not
•only took effectual measures to protect their own fron-
ttier, but provided large supplies for the government, and
'furnished more recruits for the army than any other
'Section of the country of the same number of inhabitants.
As an evidence of this, one fact will be given : that
•Whenllie late pension law was passed by Congress, there
were very few men among them, who where old enough
to bear arms in the continental army, but what were
entitled to a pension.

Ifothing of much importance took place in these parts,
until Gen. 'Burgoyne took command of the English army
in Canada, and commenced his march to overrun and
conquer the tiolonies. He was accompanied by the
•refugees and a large body of Indians, who were to act,
as circumstances required, in scouring the country and
pllundering the inhabitants. After he had taken Ticon-
deroga, a p^lan was formed, at the request of the tories,
to detach a 'large force from his regulars, who, with the
refugees and Indians, were to proceed to the Coos coun-
try, to pflunder and destroy it ; and so sanguine were
they cff -success, that a list of the head^£ families in
the principal towns was made out, and fiMKed for each
officer who was to have any command, wiBi each one's
doom marked against his name, of those that were to
%e saved, and tiiose that were to be attacked and plun-
^red. ■ ■:■■ ■''■' ' ■'■<l- '■■ ■

INDIAIf WARS.

155

Information of this plan being communicated to the
inhabitants (jf these Settlements, caused great alarm
among them ; and the committee of the New Hampshire
Grants immediately wrote, in the most pressing terms,
to the committee of safety at Exeter, for assistance,
and said that if none should be afforded to them, they
should be obliged to retreat to the New England states
for safety. When the news of this affair reached New
Hampshire, the assembly had finished their spring ses-
sion, and returned home. A summons from the commit-
tee brought them together again ; and in a short session,
of three days only, they took the most eflfectual and
decisive steps for the defence of the country. They
formed the whole militia of the state into two brigades ;
of the first, they gave the command to William Whipple,
and of the second, to John Stark. They ordered one
fourth part of Stark's brigade, and one fourth of three
regiments of the other brigade, to march immediately,
under his command, to stop the progress of the enemy
on our western frontiers. They ordered the militia offi-
cers to take away arms from all persons who scrupled
or refused to assist in defending the country.

The appointment of Stark to this command, with the
same pay as a brigadier in the continental service, was
peculiarly grateful to the people, as well as to himself
In an arrangement of general officers, in the preceding
year. Poor, a junior officer, had been promoted, whilst
he was neglected. He had written on this subject to
Congress, and his letters we»*e laid on the table. He
therefore quitted the army, and retired to his own state.
He was now, by the unanimous voice of his fellow-citi-
zens, invested with a separate, command, and received
orders to repair to Charlestown, on Connecticut river,
there to consult with a committee of New Hampshire
Grants respecting his future operations and the supply
of his men l/jjA provisions ; to take the command of the
militia, and march into the Grants ; to act in conjunc
I tion with the troops of that new state, or any other of
the states, or of the United States, or separately, as it
should appear expedient to him, for the protection of
the people and the annoyance of the enemy.

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INDIAN WARS.

In a few days he proceeded to Charlestown, and as
fast as his men arrived he sent them forward to join the
forces of the new state, under Col. Warner, who had
taken post at Manchester, twenty miles northward of
Bennington. Here Stark joined him, and met with
Gen. Lincoln, who had been sent from Stillwater by
Gen. Schwyler, commander of the northern department,
to conduct the militia to the west side of Hydson's river.
Stark informed him of his orders, and of the danger
which the inhabitants of the Grants apprehended from
the enemy and from their disaffected neighbors ; that
he had consulted with the committee, and it was the
determination of the people, in case he should join the
continental army and leave them exposed, that they
would retire to the east of Connecticut river ; in which
case New Hampshire would be a frontier. He||ierefore
determined to remain on the flank of the enemy, and to
watch their motions. For this purpose he collected his
force at Bennington, and left Warner with his regiment
at Manchester. A report of this determination was
transmitted to Congress, and the orders on which it was
founded were by them disapproved ; but the propriety
of it was evinced by the subsequent facts.

Gen» Burgoyne, with the main body of the British
army, lay at fort Edward. Thence he detached Lieut.
Col. Baum and about fifteen hundred of his German
troops, with the refugees and a large body of Indians,
to pervade the Grants as far as Connecticut river, with
a view to plunder the country. He was to persuade
the people among whom he should pass, that his detach-
ment was the advanced guard of the British army, which
was marching to Boston. He was accompanied by Col.
Skeene, who was well acquainted with the country.

The Indians who preceded this detachment, being
discovered about twelve miles from Bennington, Stark
detached Col. Gregg, with two hundred men, to stop
their march. In the evening of the same day he was
informed that a body of regular troops, with a train of
artillery, was in full march for Bennington. The next
morning he marched with his whole brigade and some

INDIAN WARS.

157

of the militia of the Grants, to support Gregg, who found
himself unable to withstand the superior number of the
enemy. Having proceeded about four miles, he met
Gregg retreating, and the main body of the enemy
pursuing, within half a mile of his rear. When thc}^
discovered Stark's column, they halted in an advan-
tageous position ; and he drew up his men on an emi-
nence in open view, but could not bring them to an
engagement. He then marched back sibout a mile and
encamped, leaving a few men to skirpish with them,
who killed thirty of the enemy and two of the Indian
chiefs. The next day was rainy. Stark kept his posi-
tion, and sent out parties to harass the enemy. Many
of the Indians took this opportunity to desert, because,
as they said, " the woods were full of Yankees."

On the following morning, Stark was joined by a
company of militia from the Grants, and another from
the county of Berkshire, in Massachusetts. His whole
force amounted to about sixteen hundred. He sent Col.
Nichols, with two hundred and fifty men, to the rear of
the enemy's left wing, and Col. Hendrick, with three
hundred, to the rear of their right. He placed three
hundred to oppose their front and draw their attention.
Then, sending Cols. Hubbard and Stickney, with two
hundred to attack the right wing, and one hundred more
to reinforce Nichols in the rear of their left, the attack
began in that quarter precisely at three of the clock in
the afternoon. It was immediately seconded by the
other detachments ; and at the same time Stark him-
self 9dvanced with the main body. The engagement
lasted two hours, at the end of which he forced their
breastworks, took two pieces of brass cannon and a
number of prisoners; the rest retreated. . .

Just at this instant he received intelligence that an-
other body of the enemy was within two miles of him.
This was a reinforcement for which Bauin had sent,
when he first knew the force which he was to oppose.
It was commanded by Col. Breyman. Happily, Wicr-
ner's regiment from Manchester came up with them and
stopped them. Stark rallied his men and renewed tl^B

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INDIAN WARS.

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action ; it was warm and desperate ; he used with
success the cannon which he hjid taken, ami .' i^un-
set obliged the enemy to retreat. He pursueci i^ieii;
till night, and then halted, to prevent his own men from
ITilling each other in the dark. He took from the enemy
two other pieces of cannon, with all their baggage,
wagons, and horses. Two hundred and twenty-six men
were found dead on the field. Their commander, Baum,
was taken, and died of his wounds ; besides whom,
thirty-three officers and above seven hundred privates
were made prisoners. Of Stark's brigade, four offi-
cers and ten privates were killed, and forty-two were
wounded.

In the account of this battle which Stark sent to the
committee of New Hampshire, he said, " Our people be-
haved with the greatest spirit and bravery imaginable.
Had every man been an Alexander, or a Charles of
Sweden, they could not have behaved better." He was
sensible of the advantage of keeping on the flank of the
enemy's main body, and therefore sent for one thousand
men, to replace those whose time had expired, but inti-
mated to the committee that he himself should return
with the brigade. They cordially thanked him " for the
very essential service which he had done to the country,"
but earnestly pressed him to. continue in the command,
and sent him a reinforcement, " assuring the men that
they were to serve under Gen. Stark." This argument
prevailed with the men to march, and with Stark to
remain.

The prisoners taken in this battle were sent to Boston.
The trophies were divided between New Hampshire and
Massachusetts. But Congress heard of this victory by
accident. Having waited some time in expectation of
lettet-s, and none arriving, inquiry was made why Stark
had not written to Congress. He answered that his cor-
respondence with them vvas closed, as they had not
attended to his last letters. They took the hint ; and
though they had but a few days before resolved that the
instructions which hie had received were destructive of
military subordination, and prejudicial to the common

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159

cause, yet they presented their thanks to him, and to the
officers and troops under h^ command, and promoted
him to the rank of brigadier general in the army of the
United States.

This victory gave a severe check to the hopes of the
enemy, and raised the spirits of the people after long
depression. It wholly changed the face of affairs in the
northern department. Instead of disappointment and
retreat, and the loss of men by hard labor and sickness,
we were now convinced, not only that our militia could
fight without being covered by intrenchments, but that
tliey were able, even without artillery, to cope with
regular troops in their intrenchments. The success thus
gained was regarded as a good omen of further advan-
tages. " Let us get them into the woods," was the
language of the whole country.

The inhabitants of the New Hampshire Grants were
relieved by this decisive battle from alT fears of an in-
vasion from any considerable force of the enemy. The
hopes of the tories were now completely blasted, and
their hopes of revenge by overrunning the country were
at an end. But still they Were enabled to keep the
people in a constant state of alarm, by their threats to
bring the savage foe in detached parties among them, to
plunder the settlements, and carry into captivity such of
the leading men among the patriots of the day as they
considered to be the cause of their sufferings, in being
forced to leave the country.

This state of things continued for a considerable length
of time. Small bodies of Indians were frequently known
to be prowling about the settlements, concealing them-
^ielves in the woods during the day-time, and at night
committing depredations by plundering and destroying
property ; but no attack was made upon the inhabitants.
It was well known at the time that their principal object
was to take captive and carry to Canada certain leading
men, who were the most influential and active in main*
taining the cause of independence, for each of whom they
were to receive a large reward. Every man was obliged
to keep himself well armed, and never suflTer himself to

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sleep without a loaded gun standing by his bed ; and
many of those who had rea^n to believe themselves to
be marked as victims for captivity, dared not sleep in
their own houses, but for safety were compelled to
change their place of rest every night, sleeping in barns
and other places of concealment.

No adequate means could be adopted to guard the
inhabitants against these dangers, for they were so
scattered that it would be impossible to collect a num-
ber sufficient to afford protection to such an extensive
frontier, every point of which was equally liable to be
attacked by the enemy. Each one was, therefore,
obliged to depend on himself, with the assistance of his
neighbors, to repel any assault that might be made
upon him by the Indians. The committee of safety
took every means in their power to afford assistance
and protection to the inhabitants. Abrigade of militia
was organized of all who were able to bear arms, and
the officers appointed, residing in the different towns,
who had orders, whenever there should be an alarm,
to muster all the force in their neighborhoods, and
march immediately to the place of danger, and, as the
parties arrived, the senior officer present to take com-
mand, and proceed against the enemy.

Gen. Jacob Bailey, of Newbury, was appointed to
the command — a man of tried courage and long expe-
rience, in whom the people had great confidence.
Frequent attempts were made by the Indian scouts to
take him prisoner, but he eluded all their stratagems
and kept clear of them. On one occasion, his house
was surrounded by a party of Indians in the night, and
0, demaiiri made for him, with a threat, that, if he was
not surrendered, they would burn the house and destroy
all within. His heroic wife answered that he was not
at home ; on which she was told to tell where he was,
or they would commence an immediate attack on the
house. Her answer was, that she knew not where he
was, but she hoped he was where they would^ not find
him ; that she was prepared for their attack, and should
defend the house to the last extremity ; on which they
retired.

INDIAN WARS.

161

No military event of any importance took place in
the towns on the river, witjiin the Grants, during the
remainder of the vvar, though some towns in the neigh-
horhood did not wholly escape the common calamities.
In the month of October, 1780, a party, consisting of
about tiiree hundred refugees and Indians, commanded
by Lieut. Horton, an officer in the British army, made
an incursion into the settlements, and destroyed Roy-
alton, a flourishing town on White river, about twenty
miles from its junction with the Connecticut. They
plundered the inhabitants of everything valuable that
they could carry off, burnt twenty-one houses, with all
their barns and stacks of hay and grain, and took four-
teen men prisoners, most of them heads of families ;
these they carried to Canada, except two, who were
found murdered and scalped in their camp, after their
retreat.

This event caused great alarm throughout the coun-
try, and many speculative^ opinions were formed as to
the reasons why this town should be singled out for
destruction, while others were passed by the enemy
and left unmolested. Subsequently a circumstance
became known; which was supposed to be the cause.
A gentleman had taken up his residence in that town,
who was a land-owner to a considerable extent in that
part of the country, and took great interest in promot-
ing its prosperity. He often gave assistance to the
inhabitants, who were at that time very poor. lie
made it his homo in the fnriiily of a man whom he had
often assisted, and shown many acts of kindness.
When the revolutionary troubles co:nmenccd, this gen-
tleman, not wishing to take a part, was proscribed as a
tory ; and for safety was obliged to conceal himself in
the woods, where he remained till compelled by hunger
to seek some relief, for which he secretly applied to the
man with whom he had resided, begged for food, and
that he would afford him such assistance as would ena,-
ble liim to make his escape. This was promised, and
he was told to hide himself in the barn, while this man
said ho would keep him there concealed till some plan

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INDIAN WARS.

could be devised for his escape. Instead of this, how
ever, this treacherous friend immediately informed
against him to the committee, who sent a guard and
took him prisoner. This gentleman was treated with
great indignity, and suffered many hardships, but
finally made his escape and got safe to Canada.

There was no doubt at the time of this man being
one of the party that attacked Royalton. One thing
is a fact, that the house of his betrayer was the first
that was destroyed, and the owner owed his life to a
remarkable circumstance. Awaking, on the morning
of the attack, a little before daylight, he thought he
heard strange noises, which induced him to believe that
some wild animal had got an^ong his flock. He arose
and went out to see to them, and on returning found
his house on fire and surrounded by the enemy. He
fled to the woods, and was closely pursued by some
Indians, but was enabled i^.o make his escape by secret-
ing himself under a log, a\^d so closely concealed him-
self that some of the enemy evon passed over him.

No correct account has ever before been published
of the measures adopted, and the conduct of those who
turned out and marched against the enemy on this
occasion, though a very false one was printed and cir-
culated by a religious fanatic, who had no means Of
knowing anything more than from hearsay reports,
which reflected with some severity upon those who
were engaged in the expedition, because they did not
pursue and kill every one of the enemy. The follow-
ing particulars are made from the statements of those
who were present and took an active part in the whole
affair ; one of whom was the late Dr. Thomas Bald-
win, who then resided in C 'liaan, about thirty miles
from the scene of action, and who shouldered his gun,
and marched with his neighbors in defence of his coun-
try-

The enemy encamped in a thick wood the night
before the attack, about two miles from the village,
and commenced their depredations at daylight in the
morning. They were divided into parties, and began

INDIAN WARS.

163

their assault upon the inhabitants in different parts of
the village at the same time. Most of the women, with
the children, fled to the woods, and some of the young
men made their escape down the river and gave the
alarm. The senior officer of that section was Col.
John House, who resided at Hanover, twenty-four
miles distant from the scene of action. He received
the news by express in the afternoon, and immediately
sent runners to all the towns in the neighborhood with
the information, and orders for every man able to bear
arms to repair to the place of rendezvous with all pos-
sible haste. He was enabled to march with a conside-
rable force the next morning at daylight, occasionally
being joined by others on the route, and arrived at
Royalton in the afternoon ; but the enemy had left the
place a few hours before, and there was nothing to be
discovered but the burning ruins of the settlement.

The men were mustered and formed into compariios,
and everything arranged for a pursuit of the enomy.
Scouts were sent out to gain information of them, but
they missed their track, and did not return till the next
day. No certain information could be obtained of the
route they had taken, but it was determined to com-
mence the pursuit in such a direction as it was tliought
they would be most likely to fall in with the enemy.
They were fortunate enough to hi* -^pon their trail,
and followed on with all possible hast ^ • but they were
in a thick wood, and the night wa.-^ vo; v dri^-k, so that
their progress was slow. The first diw x 'ery that they
made of the enemy was by being f'A on b^^ their rear
guard, by which a lieutenant wr severely .bounded.
The party was innnediately form'^d in order of battle,
and moved on till they received the fire of the main
body of the Indians, who were formed in a half circle.
The fire was returned with spirit, and a sharp engage-
ment commenced ; but it was soon found that the ene-
my had retreated. It w.is so dark that nothin*'' could
be seen but the flashes from the muskets, from which
the commander discovered that ther(3 was dniifjer of
the parties getting into a position which might cause

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INDIAN WARS'.

them to mistake each other for the enemy ; and it was
with great difficulty that he was enabled to put a stop
to the firing, and to get the men into order, for the
purpose of advancing against the enemy. This being
effected, they pursued them, and on arriving at their
encampment, found that they had left it, and made a
hasty retreat, leaving a great part of their plunder
behind them. Even their camp-kettles were left over
the fire, in which they were cooking their breakfasts.
A council of the officers'was held, whose opinion was,
that to pursue the enemy further would be useless,
and, an arrangement being made that the property
found in the camp should be restored to the owners,
the men were dismissed and returned to their homes.

Two circumstances occurred during the time the
enemy were plundering and burning the village which
are thought worthy of being stated. A Mrs. Handy
had a son, ten years old, taken by the Indians, and she
had the courage to attempt his liberation. To effect
this, she repaired to the head-quarters of the enemy,
in doing which she had to wade across the river. She
sought out the English commander, and, with the feel-
ings of a mother, plead her cause so well that she
effected his release ; but finding there nine other boys
about the same age, and knowing all their mothers,
her feelings of sympathy were too strong to permit her
to leave .theni. She plead for them, one by one, till
she obtained the release of the whole. The com-
mander ordered a fire to be made, by which they could
warm themselves, and gave them some food, telling
her to remain there till the scouts all came m, or they
might be taken again. After they came in, he made
the Indians carry them on their backs across the river,
and they were i\\\ landed safely on the other side.

The other case was as follows : A party of Indians
entered a house where there was a woman somewhat
advanced in pregnancy. One of them seized hold of
her with one hand, and in the other held a large knife
in such a manner that she supposed his aim was to cut
her throat, at which she fainted and fell to the floor.

INDIAN WARS.

165

On recovering, however, she found that all the damage
she had received was the loss of a string of gold beads,
which was round her neck ; but the most remarkable
part of the case was, that when her child was born,
which was a boy, he had perfectly the fierce look and
complexion of the savage. He lived to manhood, and
was a respectable head of a family, but always retained
this singular mark.

CHAP. XI.

SOME ACCOUNT OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES OF INDIANS IN
HABITING THE WESTERN COUNTRY.

i.fcS

Being about to speak of the wars with the savages
in the western country, we shall commence with a
description of their prevailing customs and habits.

They are the deticciidants of those who once inhabit-
ed the sea-coasts, and who were driven by the English
far to the westward ; so that but few of their descend-
ants are now to be found within less than two or three
hundred miles of the sea ; for though many of them
have been instructed in the knowledge of Christianity,
and districts of land have been allotted them in several
of the British colonies, where they have been formed
into sof Joties, it has been found that, in proportion as
they lay by their ancient customs and conform to the
manners of civilized life, they dwindle away, either
because the change is prejudicial to their constitutions,
or because when settled among the English they have
great opportunities of procuring spirituous liquors, of
which both sexes are in general inordinately fond ;
very little care being ever taken to prevent those who
are inclined to take advantage of this in trade from
basely intoxicating them. This has a powerful effect
on their constitutions, and soon proves fatal, producing

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INDIAN WARS.

diseases to which they were formerly strangers. Thus,
where a few years ago there were considerable settle-
ments, their name is almost forgotten ; and those who
still remain have, for the most part, joined themselves
to other nations, in the interior part of the country, on
the banks of the lakes and rivers.

The Indians in Canada, and to the south of it, are
tall and straight beyond the proportion of most other
nations. Their bodies are strong, but, as has been
before observed, this is a strength rather suited to
endure the exercise of the chase than much hard labor.
They have generally supple limbs, and the smallest
degree of df3forinity is rarely seen among them. Their
features are regular, their complexion somewhat of a
co[)pf;r Ci>]or, or reddish brown. Their hair, which is
long, bhick, and lank, is as strong as that of r horse.
They tirefully eradicate the hair from every part of
rl.) hijdy except the head, and they confine that io a
Uii) id jJie top ; wheiice an erroneous idea has much
}i;«v;?;!Qd, tiiat the men of this country are naturally
lestit; t(j of beards, but it is unquestionable that it is
only an artificial deprivation.

They generally wear only a blanket wrapped about
them, or a shirt, both of which they purchase of the
English traders. When the Europeans first came
among them, they found some nations entirely naked,
and others with a coarse cotton cloth, woven by them-
selves, put round the waist; but in the northern parts,
their whole bodies w ere in winter covered with skins.

The Huron Indiuny possess a vci" pleasant and fer-
tile country, on the eastern side of the lake which bears
the same name Half a century ago, they were very
numerous, an<i could raise six or seven hundred war-,
riors ; but Ihey have suifTered ^r<^atly from the attacks
of neighboring tribes. They differ In their manners
from any of the Indian tribes with whicii ihey are sur-
lounded. They build regular houses, which they
cover with bark ; and are considered as the most
wealthy Indians on the continent, having not only
horses, but some black cattle and swine. They like-

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INDIAN WARS.

167

wise raise corn, so that, after providing for their own
wants, they are enabled to barter the remainder with
other tribes. Their country extends one hundred and
fifty miles eastward of the lake, but is narrower in the
contrary direction. The soil is not exceeded by any
in this part of the world. The timber is tall and beau-
tiful ; the woods abound with game^ and abundance of
fish may be obtained from the rivers and lakes; so that,
if it were to be well cultivated, the land would equal
that of any part of the sea-coast of North America.
A missionary, of the order of Carthusian Friars, by
permission of the bishop of Canada, resides among
them, and is by them amply rewarded for his services.

Those tribes of Indians who inhabit the banks of
lakes Champhiin, George, and Ontario, were formerly
called Iroquots, but have since been known by the
name of the Five Mohawk Nations, rnd the Mohawks
of Canada. The former are called Onondagoes, Onei-
das, Senecas, Tuscarories, and Troondocks. These
fought on the side of the English in the contest for ter-
ritory with France. The Cohnawaghas and St. Fran-
cis Indians joined the French.

The knowledge which we have of the Indians fur-
ther to the southwest, beyond forty-five degrees north
latitude, is chiefly obtained from that worthy provincial
officer, Maj. Carver, who travelled into those parts in
the year 1776; whose placid manners and artless sin-
cerity could not fail of recommending I im to men
whom nature alone had inst«'ucted. He visited twelve
nations of Indians, among which the following appear
to be the most considerable: the Chippeways, who dwell
to the southward of lake Superior, and the Ottawas ;
the VVinnebagoes, to the west of lake Michigan, who,
with the Saukies and Otignanmies, occupy the whole
extent of country from the lake to the Mississippi,
below forty-two degrees north latitude, where the Wis-
consin river discharges itself The Nandowesse, the
most numerous and extended Indian nation, inhabit the
country to the west of the* river Mississippi, on the
borders of Louisiana.

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INDIAN WARS

The Indians in general are strangers to the passion
of jealousy, and the most profligate of their young men
very rarely attempt the virtue of married women ; nor
do such often put themselves in the way of solicitation,
although the Indian women in general are amorous,
and before marriage not less esteemed for gratifying
their passions. It appears to have been a very preva-
lent custom with the Indians of this country, 4)efore
they became acquainted with the Europeans, to com-
pliment strangers with their wives ; and the custom
still prevails, not only among the lower rank, but even
among the chiefs themselves, who consider such an
ofler as the greatest proof of courtesy they can give a
stranger.

The men are remarkable for their indolence, on
which thfey even seem to value themselves, saying that
labor would degrade them, and belongs solely to the
women, while they are formed only for war, hunting,
and fishing, to form their canoes and build their
houses. But they frequently make the women assist
them in these, besides attending to all domestic affairs
and cultivating the land. They have a method of
lighting up their huts with torches, made of the splin-
ters cut from the pine or birch tree.

The Indians have generally astonishing patience and
equanimity of mind, with the command of every pas-
sion except revenge. They bear the most sudden and
unexpected misfortune with calmness and composure,
without uttering a word, or the least change of coun-
tenance. Even a prisoner, who knows not whether he
may not in a few hours be put fo the most cruel death,
seems entirely unconcerned, Jind eats and drinks with
as much cheerfulness as those into whose hands he has
fallen. Their resolution and courage under sickness
and pain are really astonishing. Even when under the
shocking torture to which prisoners are frequently
exposed, they will not only make themselves cheerful,
but provoke and irritate their tormentors by the most
severe reproaches.

They are graceful in their deportment upon serious

and

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INDIAN WARS.

169

occasions, observant of those in company, respectful to
the old, of a temper cool and deliberate, by which they
are never in haste to speak before they have well
thought of the matter, and sure that the person who
spoke before them has finished all that he had to say*
In their public councils, every man is heard in his
turn, according to his years, his wisdom, or as his ser-
vices to his country have ranked him. Not a whisper
nor a murmur is heard from the rest while he speaks ;
no indecent commendations, no ill-timed applause.
The young attend for their instruction ; for here they
learn the history of their nation, are animated by those
who celebrate the warlike actions of their ancestors,
and taught what is the interest of their country, and
how to cultivate and pursue it.

Hospitality is exercised among them with the utmost
generosity and good will. Their houses, their provis-
ions, and even their young women, are presented to a
guest. To those of their own nation they are likewise
very humane and beneficent. If any of them succeed
ill in hunting, if the harvest fails, or his house is burnt,
he feels no other effect of hi^ misfortune than its giving
him an opportunity of experiencing the benevolence
and regard of his countrymen ; who, for that purpose,
have almost everything in common. But to the ene-
mies of his country, or to those who have privately
offended him, the native American is implacable. He
never, indeed, makes use of oaths, or indecent expres-
sions, but cruelly conceals his sentiments till, by
treachery or surprise, he can gratify his revenge. No
length of time is suflicient to allay his resentment ; no
distance of place is great enough to protect the object.
He crosses the steepest mountains, pierces forests, and
traverses the most hideous deserts ; bearing the in-
clemency of the season, the fatigues of the expedition,,
the extremes of hunger and thirst, with patience and
cheerfulness, in hopes of surprising iiis enemy, and
upon him the most shocking barbarities.

exercismg

When these cannot be effected, the revenge is left jis a
legacy transferred from generation to generation, from

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INDIAN WARS.

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father to son, till an opportunity offers of takixig what
they think ample satisfaction. To such extremes do
the Indians push their friendship or their enmity ; and
such indeed is in general the character of all uncivilized
nations. They, however, esteem nothing so unworthy
a man of sense as a peevish temper, and a proneness to
sudden and rash anger.

On the other hand, they are highly sensible oi the
utility and pleasures of friendship ; for each of them,
at a certain age, make choice of some one nearly of the
same standing in life to be their most intimate and
bosom friend. These two enter into mutual engage-
ments, by which they oblige themselves to brave any
danger, and run any risk, to assist and support each
other. This attachment is even carried so far as to
overcome the fear of death, which they consider as only
a temporary separation ; being persuaded that they
shall meet and be united in friendship in the other
world, never to be separated more, and that there
they shall need one another's assistance as well as
here.

It does not appear tiiat there is any Indian nation
that has not some sense cf a Deity, and a kind of
superstitious religion. Their ideas of the nature and
Attributes of God are very obscure, and some of them
absurd ; but they conceive of him as the Great Spirit,
and imagine that his more immediate residence is on
the island of the great lakes. They seem to have som«
idea that there are spirits of a higher order than man ;
and, supposing them to be everywhere present, fre-
quently invoke them, and endeavor to act agreeably to
their desires. They likewise imagine that there is an
evil spirit, who they say is always inclined to mischief,
and bears great sway in the creation. This, indeed, is
the principal object of their devotion. They generally
address him most heartily, beseeching him to do them
!no harm. But supposing the others to be propitious,
and ever inclined to do good, they inireat those spirits
to bestow blessings upon them, and prevent the evil
spirit from hurting them. Maj. Carver relates, that

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INDIAN WARS.

171

one of the most considerable chiefs among the Ottawas,
with whom he remained a night, on attending him to
liis canoe the next morning, with great solemnity, and
in an audible voice, offered up a fervent prayer, as he
entered his canoe, *' that the Great Spirit would favor
him with a prosperous voyage ; that he would give
him an unclouded sky and smooth waters by day, and
that he might lie down by night on a beaver blanket,
enjoying uninterrupted sleep and pleasant dreams ; and
also that he might find continual security under the
great pipe of peace." To procure the protection of
the Good Spirit, they imagine it necessary to distin-
guish themselves, and that they must, above all other
attainments, become good warrior^ expert hunters,
and steady marksmen.

Their priests often persuade the people that they
have revelations of future events, and are authorized to
command them to pursue such and such measures.
They also undertake to unfold the mysteries of reli-
gion, and to solve and interpret all their dreams.
They represent the other world as a place abounding
with an inexhaustible plenty of everything desirable,
where they shall enjoy the most full and exquisite
gratification of their senses. This is doubtless the
motive that induces the Indian to meet death with such
indifference and composure ; none of them being in the
least dismayed at the news that he has but a few hours
or minutes to live ; but with the greatest intrepidity
sees himself upon the brink of being separated from all
terrestrial things, and with great serenity talks to all
around him. Thus a father leaves his dying advice
to his children, and takes a formal leave of all his
friends.

They testify great indifference for the productions
of art : '* It is pretty, I like to look at it;" but express
no curiosity about its construction. Such, however,
is not their behavior when they are told of a person
who distinguishes himself by agility in running ; is
well skilled in hunting ; can take a most exact aim ;
work a canoe along a rapid with great dexterity ; is

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172

INDIAN WARS.

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skilled in all the arts which their stealthy mode of car-
rying on a war is capable of; or is acute in discover-
ing the situation of a country, and can without a guide
pursue his proper course through a vast forest, and
support hunger, thirst, and fatigue with invincible firm-
ness ; — at such a relation their attention is aroused.
They listen to the interesting tale with delight, and
express in the strongest terms their esteem for so great
and so wonderful a man.

They generally bury their dead with great decency,
and deposite in the grave such articles as the deceased
had made the greatest use of and been most attached
to — as his bows and arrows, pipes, tobacco, &c. — that
he may not be in want of anything when he comes to
the other country. The mothers mourn for their chil-
dren a long time, and the neighbors make presents to
the father, and he in return gives them a feast.

Every band has a leader, who bears the name of
sachem or chief warrior, and is chosen for his tried
valor or skill m conducting the war. To him is en-
trusted all military operations ; but his authority does
not extend to civil affairs, that pre-eminence being
given to another, who possesses it by a kind of heredi-
tary claim, and whose assent is necessary to render
valid all conveyances of land, or treaties of whatever
kind, to which he affixes the mark of the tribe or
nation. Though these military and civil chiefs are
considered the heads of the band, and the latter is
usually styled king, yet the American Indians consider
themselves as controlled by neither civil or military
authority. Every individual regards himself as free
and independent, and would never renounce the idea
of liberty ; therefore injunctions, conveyed in the style
of a positive command, would be disregarded and
treated with contempt. Nor do their leaders assume
an ascendency repugnant to these sentiments, but
merely advise what i?» necessary to be done, which is
sufficient to produce the most prompt and effectual
execution, never producing a murmur.
, Their great council is composed of the heads of

INDIAN WARS.

179

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idea

tyle

and

ume

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ual

tribes and families, and of those whose capacity has
raised them to the same degree of consideration
They meet in a house built in each of their towns for
that purpose, and nlso to receive ambassadors, to
deliver them an answer, to sing their traditionary
songs, or to commemorate the dead. In these coun-
cils they propose all such matters as concern the state,
and which have already been digested in the secret
councils, at which none but the head men assist. The
chiefs seldom speak much themselves at these general
meetings, but entrust their sentiments with a person
who is called their speaker or orator, there being one
of this profession in every tribe or town ; and their
manner of speaking is natural and easy, their words
strong and expressive, their style bold, figurative, and
laconic ; whatever is told tending either to the judg-
ment or to rouse the passions.

When any business of consequence is transacted,
ihey appoint a feast upon the occasion, of which almost
the whole nation partakes. Before the entertainment
is ready, the principal person begins with agpong on the
remarkable events of their history, and whatever may
tend to their honor or instruction. The qthers sing in
their turn. They also have dances, chiefly of a martial
kind ; and no solemnity or public business is carried
on without songs and dances.

As the Indians are high-spirited and soon irritated,
the most trifling provocations frequently rouse them to
arms, and prove the occasion of bloodshed and murder.
Their petty private quarrels are often decided this
way, and expeditions undertaken without the know-
ledge or consent of the general council. These private
expeditions are winked at and excused, as a means of
keeping their young men in action, and inuring them to
the exertions of war.

But when war becomes a national aflair, it is entered
upon with great deliberation. They first call an as-
sembly of sachems or chief warriors, to deliberate upon
the affair, and everything relating to it. In this gene-
ral congress, among the northern Indians and Five

^■^\'A

174

INDIAN WARS.

Nations, the women have a voice as well as the men.
When they are assembled, the chief sachem or presi-
dent proposes the affair they have met to consult upon,
and, taking up the tomahawk which lies by him, says,
** Who among you will go and fight against such a
nation ? Who among you will bring captives from
thence to replace our deceased friends, that our wrongs
may be revenged, and our name and honor maintained
as long as the rivers flow, the grass groWs, or the sun
and moon shall endure ?" Then one of the principal
warriors, rising, harangues the whole assembly, and
afterwards, addressing himself to the young men,
inquires who will go with him and fight their enemies;
when they generally rise, one after another, and fall
in behind him, while he walks round the circle, till he
is joined by a sufficient number.

On such occasions they usually have a deer, or some
other beast, roasted whole ; and each of them, as they
consent to go to war, cuts off a piece and eats, saying,
" Thus will I devour our enemies ;** mentioning the
nation they^re going to attack. The ceremony being
performed, The dance commences, and they sing their
war-song, which has relation to their intended expedi-
tion and conquest, or to their own skill, courage, and
dexterity in fighting, and the manner in which they will
vanquish their enemies. Their expressions are strong
and pathetic, and are accompanied with a tone that
inspires terror.

Such is the influence of their women in these con-
sultations, that the issue depends much upon them.
If any one of them, in conjunction with the chiefs, has
a mind to excite one who does not immediately depend
upon them to take an active part in the war, she pre-
sents, by the hands of some trusty young warrior, a
string of wampum to the person whose help she soli-
cits, which seldom fails of producing the desired effect.
But when they solicit an offensive or defensive alliance
with a whole nation, they send an embassy with a large
belt of wampum and a bloody hatchet, inviting them to
come and drink the blood of their enemies.

INDIAN WARS.

175

The wampum used on these and other occasions,
before their acquaintance with Europeans, was only
small shells, which they picked up by the sea-coasts
and on the banks of the lakes. It now consists princi-
pally of a kind of cylindrical beads, made of white and
black shells, which are esteemed among them as silver
and gold are among us. The black they think the
most valuable. Both of them are their greatest riches
and ornaments, answering all the ends of money among
us. They have the art of stringing, twisting, and
interweaving them into their belts, collars, blankets,
&c., in ten thousand different sizes, forms, and figures,
so as not only to be ornaments for every part of dress,
but expressive of all their important transactions.
They die the wampum of various colors and shades ;
and so they are made significant of almost anything
they please. By these their records are kept, and
their thoughts communicated to one another, as ours
are by writing. Thus the belts that pass from one
nation to another, in all important transactions, arc
carefully preserved in the cabin of their chiefs, and
serve both as a kind of record or history and as a
public treasure. Hence they are never used on trifling
occasions.

The calumet, or pipe of peace, is of no less impor-
tance, nor is it less revered among them. The bowl
is made of a kind of soft red stone, easily wrought and
hollowed out ; the stem is of cane or light wood,
painted with different colors, and adorned with the
heads, tails, and feathers of the most beautiful birds,
&c. The use of the calumet is to smoke either
tobacco, or some other herb used instead of it, when
they enter into an alliance or any solemn engagement ;
this being esteemed the most sacred oath that can be
taken, the violation of which is thought to be most
infamous, and deserving severe punishment in the other
life. When they treat of war, the whole pipe and aH
its ornaments are red ; sometimes it is red only on one
side, and by the disposition of the feathers, &c., a per
son acquainted with their customs knows at first sight

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176

INDIAN WARS.

the intentions or desires of the nation which presents
it. Smoking the calumet is also upon some occasions,
and in all treaties, considered as a sacred oath, as a
seal of their decrees, and a pledge of their performance
of them. The size and decorations of their calumets
are commonly proportioned to the importance of the
occasion, to the quality of the persons to whom they
are presented, and to the esteem and regard they have
for them.

Another instrument of great importance among them
is the tomahawk. This is an ancient weapon, used hy
them in war before they were taught tlie use of iron or
steel ; sikice which, hatchets have been substituted in
the room of them ; but it retains its use and impor-
tance in pubhc transactions, and, like the pipe, is very
significant. This instrument is formed in some re-
spects like a hatchet, having a long handle ; the head,
which is a round knob of solid wood, calculated to
knock a man down, has on the other side a point bend-
ing a little toward the handle ; and near the centre,
where the handle pierces the head, another point pro-
jects forward, of considerable length, which serves to
thrust with, like a spear. The tomahawk is also
ornamented with painting and feathers, disposed and
variegated in many significant forms, according to the
occasion and end for which they are used ; and on it
are kept a kind of journal of their marches and most
important occurrences in a kind of hieroglyphics.
When the council is called to deliberate on war, the
tomahawk is colored red ; and when the council sits it
is laid down by the chief, and if war be concluded
upon, the captain of the young warriors takes it up,
and, holding it in his hand, dances and sings the war-
song. When the council is over, this, or some other
one of the same kind, is sent by the hands of the same
warrior to every tribe concerned ; who with it presents
a belt of wampum, and delivers his message, throwing
a tomahawk on the ground, which is taken up by one
of the most expert warriors, if they choose to join ; if
not, it is returned with a belt of their wampum, suited
to the occasion.

INDIAN WARS.

177

Its

led

Each nation or tribe has its distinct ensign, gene-
rally consisting of some beast, bird, or fish. Thus the
Five Nations have the bear, otter, wolf, tortoise, and
eagle. By these names the tribes are generally distin-
guished, and the shapes of these animals are pricked
and painted on several parts of their bodies. Gene-
rally, when they march through the woods, at every
encampment they cut the figure of their arms on the
trees, especially when they have had a successful cam-
paign, that travellers may know they have been there ;
recording also in their way the number of prisoners
and scalps they have taken.

Their military appearance is very odd and terrible.
They cut off all their hair, except a spot on the crown
of their head, and pluck out their eyebrows. The lock
left upon the head is divided into several parcels, each
of which is stiffened and intermixed with beads and
feathers of various shapes and colors, the whole twisted
and connected together. They paint themselves with
a red pigment down to the eyebrows, which they sprin-
kle over with white down. The gristle of their ears
are slit almost quite round, and hung with ornaments
that have generally the figure of some bird or beast
drawn upon them. Their noses are likewise bored and
hung with beads, and their faces painted with various
colors. On their breasts is a gorget or medal of brass,
copper, or some other metal ; and by *a string which
goes round their necks is suspended that horrid wea-
pon called the scalping-knife.

Thus equipped, they march forth, singing their war-
song till they lose sight of their village ; and are gene-
rally followed by their women, who assist them in car-
rying their baggage, whether by land or water, but
commonly return before they proceed to action.

They have in most cases one commander for ten
men ; and if the number amount to one hundred, a
general is appointed over the others, not for the pur-
pose of command, but to give his opinion. They have
no stated rules of discipline, or fixed methods of carry-
ing on a war, but make their attacks in as many dif-

!, li^

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178

INDIAN WARS.

ferent ways as there are occasions, but generally in
flying parties equipped for that purpose.

The weapons used by those who trade with the Eng-
lish and French are commonly a firelock, a hatchet,
and a scalping-knife ; but the others use bows, toma-
hawks, and pikes. As the commander in chief governs
only by advice, and can neither reward nor punish,
every private may return home when he pleases, with-
out assigning any reason for it ; or any number may
leave the main body and carry on a private expedition,
in whatever manner they please, without being called
to account for their conduct.

When they return from a successful campaign, they
contrive their march so as not to approach their village
till towards the evening. They then send two or three
forward to acquaint their chief and the whole village
with the most material circumstances of their cam-
paign. At daylight the next morning, they give the
prisoners new clothes, paint their faces with various
colors, and put into their hands a white staff, tasselled
round with the tails of deer. This being done, the war-
captain sets up a cry, and gives as many yells as he
has taken prisoners and scalps, and the whole village
assemble at the water-side. As soon as the warriors
appear, four or five of their young men, well clothed,
get into a canoe, if they come by water, or, otherwise,
march by land ; the two first, carrying a calumet, go
out singing to search the prisoners, whom they lead in
triumph to the cabin where they are to receive their
doom. The owner of this cabin has the power of de-
termining their fate, though it is often left to some
woman who has lost a husband, brother, or son, in the
war ; and when this is the case, she generally adopts
him in the place of the deceased. The prisoner has
victuals immediately given him, and while he is at his
repast a consultation is held ; and if it be resolved to
save his life, two young men untie him, and take him
by the hands, leading him to the cabin of the person
into whose family he is to be adopted, and there he is
received with all imaginable marks of kindness. He

INDIAN WARS.

179

is treated as a friend, as a brother, or as a husband,
and they soon love him with the same tenderness as if
he stood in the place of one of their friends. In short,
he has no other marks of captivity except his not being,
suifercd to return to his own nation ; for his attempt-
ing this would be punished with certain death.

But if the sentence be death, how different their con-
duct. These people, who behave with such disinter-
ested affection to each other, with such tenderness to
those whom they adopt, here show that they are truly
savages. The dreadful sentence is no sooner passed,
than the whole village set up the death-cry, and, as if
there were no medium oetween the most generous
friendship and the most inhuman cruelty, the execution
of him whom they had just before deliberated upon
admitting into their tribe, is no longer deferred than
whilst they can make the necessary preparations for
rioting in the most diabolical cruelty. They first strip
him, and fixing two posts in the ground, fasten to them
two pieces from one to the other — one about two feet
from the ground, the other about five or six feet higher
— then, obliging the unhappy victim to mount upon the
lower cross-piece, they tie his legs to it a little asun-
der. His hands are extended and tied to the angles
formed by the upper piece. In this posture, they burn
him all over the body, sometimes first daubing him
with pitc. . The whole village, men, women, and
children, assemble round him, every one torturing him
in what manner they please ; each striving to exceed
the other in cruelty, as long as he has life. But if
none of the bystanders are inclined to lengthen out his
torments, he is either shot to death, or enclosed with
dry bark, to which they-set fire )• they then leave him
on the frame, and in the evening run from cabin to
cabin, superstitiously striking, with small twigs, the
furniture, walls, and roofs, to prevent his spirit from

remaining there to take

vengeance

for the evils com-

mitted on his body. The remainder of the day and
the night following are spent in rejoicing.

This is the most usual method of murdering their

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180

INDIAN WARS.

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prisoners ; but sometimes they fasten them to a single
stake, and build a fire around them. At other times,
they cruelly mangle their limbs, cut off their fingers
and toes joint by joint, and scnetimes scald them to
death.

What is most extraordinary, if the sufferer be an
Indian, there seems, during the whole time of his exe-
cution, a contest between him and his tormentors,
which shall outdo the other, they inflicting the most
horrid pains, or he in enduring them. Not a groan,
nor a sigh, nor a distortion of countenance, escapes
him in the midst of his tornjents. It is even said that
he recounts his own exploits, informs them what cruel-
tie^ he has inflicted upon their countrymen, and threat-
ens with the revenge that will attend his death ; that
he even reproaches them for their ignorance of the
art of tormenting ; points out methods of more exqui-
site torture, and more sensible parts of the body to be
• afflicted.

The scalps, those dreadful proofs of the barbarity of
these Indians, are valued and hung up in their houses
as the trophies of their bravery ; and they have certain
days when the young men gain a new name or title of
honor, according to the qualities of the persons to
whom these scalps belonged. This name they think a
sufficient reward for the dangers and fatigues of many
campaigns, as it renders them respected by their coun-
trymen, and terrible to their enemies.

In the American Revolution, Britain had the inhu-
manity to reward these sons of barbarity for depreda-
tions committed upon those who were struggling in the
cause of liberty. The widow's wail, the virgin's shriek,
and the infant's treqjibling cry, were music in their
ears. In, cold blood they sunk their cruel tomahawks
into the defenceless head of a Miss M'Kray, a beauti-
ful girl, who was that very day to have been married.
The particulars of the inhuman transaction fo!low :
Previous to the war between America and Great Brit-
- ain, a British officer, by the name of Jones, an accom-
plished young man, resided near fort Edward. His

INDIAN WARS.

181

visits thither became more frequent, when he found
himself irresistibly drawn by charms of native wortii
and beauty. Miss M'Kray, whose memory is dear to
humanity and true affection, was the object of his pere-
grinations. Mr. Jones had not taken the precaution
necessary in hazardous love, but had manifested to the
lady, by his constant attention, undisscmhlcd and ingen-
uous demeanor, that ardent affection which a suscepti-
ble heart compelled her implicitly to return. In this
mutual interchange of passions, they suffered them-
selves to be transported on the ocean of imagination,
till the unwelcome necessity of a separation cut off
every springing hope. The war between Great Brit-
ain and America commenced. A removal from this
happy spot was in consequence suggested to 3Ir. Jones
as indispensable. Nothing could alleviate their mutual
horror but duty ; nothing could allay their reciprocal
grief, so as to render a separate corporeal existence
tolerable, but solemn vows, with ideas of a future
meeting. Mr. Jones repaired to Canada, where all
intercourse with the Provincials was prohibited. De-
spair, which presented itself in aggravated colors when
Gen. Burgoyne's expedition through the States was
fixed, succeeded to his former hopes. The British
army being encamped about three miles from the fort,
a descent was daily projected. Here 3Ir. Jones could
not but recognise the spot on which rested all his joys.
He figured to his mind the dread which his hostile
approach must raise in the breast of her whom, of all
others, he thought it his highest interest to protect. In
spite of arrest and commands to the contrary, he found
means secretly to convey a letter, entreating her not to
leave the town with the family, assuring her that, as
soon as the fort should surrender, he would convey her
to an asylum where they might peaceably consummate
the nuptial ceremony. Far from discrediting him who
could not deceive her, she heroically refused to follow
the flying villagers. The remonstrances of a father,
or the tearful entreaties of a mother and numerous
friends, could not avail ! It was enough that her lover

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182

INDIAN WARS.

was hor friend. Sl»e considered herself protected by
the love and voluntary assurances of her youthful hero.
With the society of a servant-maid, she impatiently
waited the desired conveyance. Mr. Jones, finding
the difficulty into which he was brought, at length, for
want of better convoy, hired a party of twelve Indians
to carry a letter to Miss M'Kray, with his own horse,
for the purpose of carrying her to the place appointed.
They set off, fired with tiie anticipation of their pro-
mised premium, which was to consist of a quantity of
spirits, on condition that they brought her off in safety,
which to an Indian was the most cogent stimulus the
young lover could have named. Having arrived in
view of her window, they sagaciously held up the let-
ter, to prevent the fears and apprehensions which a
savage knows he must excite in the sight of tenderness
and sensibility. Her faith and expectations enabled
her to divine the business of these ferocious missiona-
ries, while her frightened maid uttered nought but
shrieks and cries. They arrived, and, by their signs,
convinced her from whom they had their instructions.
If a doubt could remain, it was removed by the letter ;
— it was from her lover. A lock of his hair, which it
contained, presented his manly figure to her gloomy
fancy.

Here, reader, guess what must have been her ec-
stasy. She, indeed, resolved to brave even the most
horrid aspect which might appear between her and
him, whom she considered already hers, without a
sigh. She did not for a moment hesitate to follow the
wishes of her lover, and took her journey with these
bloody messengers, expecting very soon to be shielded
in the arms of legitimate affection. A short distance
only then seemed to separate two of the happiest of
mortals. Alas ! how soon are the most brilliant pic-
tures of felicity defaced by the burning hand of afflic-
tion and wo !

Having risen the hill, at about equal distance from
the camp and her former home, a second party of Indi-
ans, having heard of the captivating offer made by Mr.

li-
[r.

INDIAN WARS.

183

Jones, dctermliiecl to avail themselves of the opportu-
nity. The reward was the great ohject. A clashing
of real and assumed rights was soon followed by a
furious and bloody engagement, in which several were
killed on each side. The commander of the first
party, perceiving that nought but the lady's death
could appease the fury of either, with a tomahawk
deliberately knocked her from her horse, and mangled
her scalp from her beautiful temples, which he exult-
ingly bore as a trophy of zeal to the expectant and
anxious lover ! It was with the utmost ditticulty that
Mr. Jones could be kept from total delirium. His
horror and indignation could not be appeased. His
remorse for luiving risked his most valuable treasure in
the hands of savages drove him almost to madness.
When the particulars of this melancholy event reached
Gen. Burgoyne, lu! ordered the survivors of both these
parties to immediate execution.

Many persons suppose that the idea that the Ameri-
can Indians are descended from the ancient Jews is a
novel one. This is not the fact. Many writ'^rs* have
suggested this opinion. Among others, James Adair,
Esq., who had resided among the North American
Indians forty years, and paid particular attention to
thoir language, laws, customs, manners, dress, ceremo-
nies, &c., and whose account of them was published in
London, in 1775, seems to have been fully conviniced
of the fact himself; and if his arguments do not con-
vince others, they will at least stagger their incredu-
lity. The following extract from the contents of his
• work will show the course he takes to establish his
opinion.

"Observations and arguments in proof of the Ameri-
can Indians being descended from the Jews.

1. Their division into tribes.

2. Their worship of Jehovah.

3. Their notion of a theocracy.

4. Their belief in the ministration of angels.

5. Their language and dialects.

'^ii

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184

INDIAN WARS.

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6. Their manner of counting time.

7. Their prophets and high priests:

8. Their festivals, fasts, and rehgious rites.

9. Their daily sacrifice.

10.

11.

12.

13.

Their ablutions and anointings.

Their laws of uncleanness.
Their abstinence from unclean things.
Their marriages, divorces, and punishment of
adultery.

1 i. Their several punishments.
V 15. Their cities of refuge.

16. Their purifications and ceremonies preparatory
to war.

1% Their ornaments.

18. Their manner of curing the sick.

19. Their burial of the dead.

20. Their mourning for their dead.

21. Their raising seed to a departed brother.

22. Their choice of name adapted to their circum-
stances and the times.

23. Their own traditions, the accounts of our Eng-
lish writers, and the testimonies which the Spanish and
other authors have given concerning the primitive
inhabitants of Peru and Mexico."

Under each of these heads the author gives us such
facts as a forty years* residence among them, at a time
when their manners, customs, &c., had not been
greatly corrupted or changed b}j intercourse with Eu-
ropeans, had enabled him to collect ; and he assures
us they are " neither disfigured by fable nor prejudice.".
The rest of his work is taken up with accounts of the
diff*erent nations among whom he had been, with occa-
sional reflections on their laws, &c.

The following list of names of the various Indian
nations in North America, in 1794, with the number
of their fighting men, was obtained by a gentleman,
Mr. Benjamin Hawkins, employed in a treaty then
made with them.

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INDIAN WARS.

185

The Choctaws or Flat Heads, 4500; Natches, 150;
Chickasaws, 750 ; Cherokees, 2500 ; Catabas, 150 ;
Piantas, a wandering tribe, 800 ; Kisquororas, 600 ;
Hankashaws, 250 ; Oughtenons, 400 ; Kikapous, 505 ;
Delawares, 300 ; Shawnese, 300 ; Miamies, 800 ;
Upper Creeks, Middle Creeks, and Lower Creeks,
4000 ; Cowitas, 7000 ; Alabamas, 600 ; Akinsaws,
200 ; Ansaus, 1000 ; Padomas, 600 ; white and frec-
kled Pianis, 4000; Cauzes, 1600; Osages, 600;
Grand Saux; 1000 ; Missouri, 3000 ; Saux of the
wood, 1800 ; Biances, or white Indians with beard,
1500; Asinbols, 1500; Christian Cauzes, 3000;
Ouiscousas, 500 ; Mascotins, 500 ; Lakes, 400 ; Mu-
herouake^, 230 ; Folle Avoines or Wildoats, 350 ;
Puans, 700 ; Powatamig, 550 ; Missagues, a wander-
ing tribe, 2000 ; Otabas, 900 ; Chiewas, 5000 ; Wi-
andots, 300; Six Nations, 1500; Round Heads,
3500 ; Algoquins, 2000 ; Nepisians, 400 ; Chalsas,
130 ; Amitestes, 550 ; Muckniacks, 700 ; Abinaguis,
350 ; Consway Hurins, 200. Total, 58,780.

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CHAP. XII.

■' ' w

WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION, AND DEFEAT OF GEN. BRADDOCK

BY THE INDIANS.

inroads on our western frontiers along the Ohio.
Dinwiddie, of V'

In 1753, the French and Indians began to make

Gov.
irginia, was very desirous to get a let-
ter of remonstrance to their commander in chief He
had applied to several young gentlemen of his acquain
tance, but they were all so deficient in courage that
they could not be prevailed on, for love or money, to
venture out among the savages. Our beloved Wash-
ington, happening to hear of it, instantly waited on his

■iHt

186

INDIAN WARS.

S' m

excellency, and offered his services, but not without
being terribly afraid lest his want of a beard should go
against him. However, the governor was so charmed
with his modesty and manly air, that he never asked
him a syllable about his age, but, after thanking him
for his offer, calling him *'a noble youth," and insisting
on his taking a glass of wine with him, slipped a com-
mission into his hand. The next day, he set out on his
expedition, which was, from start to pole, disagreeable
and dangerous. Soaking rains, chilling blasts, roaring
floods, pathless woods, and mountains clad in snows,
opposed his course, — but opposed in vain. The glori-
ous ambition to serve his country rendered him supe-
rior to all difficulties.

Returning homeward, he was waylaid and shot at
by a French Indian, and though the copper-colored
ruffian was not fifteen steps distant when he fired at
him, yet not even so much as the smell of lead passed
on the clothes of our young hero. On his return to
Virginia, it was found that he had executed his negoti-
ations, both with the French and Indians, with such
fidelity and judgment, that he received the heartiest
thanks of the governor and council for the very impor-
tant services he had done his country.

He was now (in the twentieth year of his age) ap-
pointed major and adjutant general of the Virginia
forces. Soon after this, the Indians continuing their
encroachments, orders were given by the English gov-
ernment for the colonies to arm and unite m one con-

the

lead, and raised a regi-

federacy. Virginia took

ment of four hundred men, at the head of which was

placed Washington.

With this handful of brave fellows. Col. Washing-
ton, not yet twenty-throe years of age, boldly pushed
out into the Indian coui -y, and there, for a considera-
ble time, maintained the war against three times their
number of French and Indians. At the Red Stones
he came up with a strong party of the enemy, whom
he engaged and effectually defeated, after having killed
and taken thirty-one men. From his prisoners he ob-

sl
u|
tl

such

gov-

con-

regi-

was

INDIAN WARS.

187

taincd undoubted intelligence that the French forces
oil the Ohio consisted of upwards of a thousand regu-
lars and many hundreds of Indians. But, notwith-
standing this disheartening advice, he still pressed on
undauntedly against the enemy, and at a place called
llic Little Meadows built a fort, which he called Fort
Necessity. Here he waited, hourly and anxiously
looking for succors from New York and Pennsylva-
nia ; but in vain. No one came to his assistance.
Not long after this, his small force, now reduced to
three hundred men, were attacked by an army of eleven
hundred French and Indians. Never did the true Vir-
ginian valor shine more gloriously than on this trying
occasion.

To see three hundred young fellows, commanded by
a smooth-faced boy, all unaccustomed to the terrors of
war, far from home, and from all hopes of help, shut
up in a dreary wilderness, and surrounded by four
times their number of savage foes, and yet, without
sign of fear, without thought of surrender, preparing
for mortal combtit ! Scarcely since the days of Leoni-
das and his three hundred deathless Spartans had the
sun beheld its equal. With hideous whoops and yells,
the enemy came on like a host of tigers. The woods
and rocks, and tall tree-tops, (as the Indians, climbing
to the tops of the trees, poured down their bullets into
the fort,) were in one continued blaze and crash of fire-
arms. Nor were our young warriors idle, but, ani-
mated by their gallant chief, plied their rifles with
such spirit that their little fort resembled a volcano in
lull blast, roaring and discharging thick sheets of
liquid fire among their foes. For three hours, envel-
oped in smoke and flame, they sustained the attack of
the enemv's whole force, and laid two hundred of them
dead on the spot. Discouraged by such desperate
resistance, the French general, the Count de Villiers,
sent in a flag to Washington, extolling his gallantry to
the skies, and ofl*ering him the most honorable terms.
It was stipulated that Col. Washington and his little
band of heroes should march away, with all the honors

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188

INDIAN WARS.

of war, and carry with them their military stores and
baggage.

In the spring of 1755, Washington, while busied in
the highest military operations, was summoned to
attend Gen. Braddock, who, in the month of Febru-
ary, had arrived at Alexandria with two thousand
British troops. The assembly of Virginia had ap-
pointed eight hundred provincials to join him. The
object of this army was to march through the country,
by the way of Will's Creek, to fort Duquesne, (now
Pittsburgh or fort Pitt.) As no person was so well
acquainted with the frontier country as Washington,
and none stood so high in military fame, it was thought
he would be infinitely serviceable to Gen. Braddock.
At the request of the governor and council, he cheer-
fully quitted his own command to act as volunteer aid-
de-camp to that very imprudent and unfortunate gene-
ral. The army, near three thousand strong, marched
from Alexandria, and proceeded unmolested within a
few miles of fori Pitt.

On the morning of the 9th of July, when they had
arrived within seven miles of fort Duquesne, the pro-
vincial scouts discovered a large party of French and
Indians lying in ambush. Washington, with his usual
modesty, observed to Gen. Braddock what sort of ene-
my he had now to deal with — an enemy who would
not, like the Europeans, come forward to a fair con-
test in the field, but, concealed behind rocks and trees,
carry on a deadly warfare with their rifles. He con-
cluded with begging that Gen. Braddock would grant
him the honor to let him place himself at the head of
the Virginia riflemen, and fight them in their own way.
And it was generally thought that our young hero and
his eight hundred hearts of hickory would very easily
have beaten them ; for they were not superior to the
force which, with only three hundred, he had handled
so roughly twelve months before. But Gen. Brad-
dock, who had all along treated the American ofl^cers
and soldiers with infinite contempt, instead of following
this truly salutary advice, swelled and reddened with

con-
trees,
con-
grant
lad of
way.
ro and
easily
\o the
indled
Irad-
icers
)wing
with

INDIAN WARS.

189

most unmanly rage. "High times, by G — d!" he
exclaimed, strutting to and fro, with arms akimbo,
"I'gh times! when a young buckskin can teach a
British general how to fight !'* Washington withdrew,
biting his lips with grief and indignation, to think what
numbers of brave fellows would draw short breath that
day, through the pride and obstinacy of their comman-
der. The troops were ordered to form and advance in
columns through the woods. In a little time the ruin
which Washington had predicted ensued. This poor
devoted army, pushed on by their haughty general, fell
into the fatal snare which was laid for them. All at
once a thousand rifles began the work of death. The
ground was instantly covered with the dying and dead.
The British troops, thus slaughtered by hundreds, and
by an enemy whom tjiey could not see, were thrown
irrecoverably into panic and confusion ; and in a few
minutes their general, with twelve hundred of his brave
but unfortunate countrymen, were killed.

Poor Gen. Braddock closed the tragedy with great
decency. He was mortally wounded in the beginning
of the action, and Washington had him placed in a
cart, ready for retreat. Close on the left, where the
weight of the French and Indian fire principally fell,
Washington, at the head of his Virginia riflemen, who
were dressed in blue, sustained the shock. At «very
discharge of their rifles the wounded general cried out,
*' O, my brave Virginia blues ! would to God I could
live to reward you for such gallantry." But he died.
Washington caused him to be buried in the road, and
to save him from discovery and the scalping-knife
ordered the wagons on their retreat to drive over his
grave.

Amidst all this fearful consternation and carnage,
with all the uproar and horrors of a rout, rendered
still more dreadful by the groans of the dying, the
screams of the wounded, the piercing shrieks of the
women, and the yells of the furious assaulting savages,
Washington, calm and self-collected, rallied his faithful
riflemen, led them on to the charge, killed numbers of

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INDIAN WARS.

the enemy who were rushing with tomtnhawks, checked
their pursuit, and brought off the shattered remains of
the British army.

With regard to our beloved Washington, we cannot
but here mention two extraordinary speeches that were
uttered about him at this time, and which, as things
have turned out, look a great deal like prophecies. A
famous Indian warrior, who assisted in the defeat of
Braddock, was often heard to say, that Washington
was not born to be killed by a bullet ; *' for," he con
tinned, " I had seventeen fair fires at him with my rifle,
and after all I could not bring him to the ground."
And, indeed, whoever considers that a good rifle, lev-
elled by a sure marksman, hardly ever misses its aim,
will readily enough conclude, with this unlettered sav-
age, that some invisible hand must have turned aside
the bullets.

The Rev. Mr. Davis, in a sermon occasioned by
Gen. Braddock*s defeat, has these remarkable words :
** I beg leave to point the attention of the public to that
heroic youth. Col. George Washington, whoi:^ I can-
not but hope Providence has preserved for some great
service to his country."

CHAP. XIII.

ADVENTURES OF CAPT. DANIEL BOON, COMPRISING AN ACCOUNT
OF THE WARS WITH THE INDIANS ON THE OHIO, FROM 1769 TO
1782 ; WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.

It was on the first of May, 1769, that I resigned
my domestic happiness, and left my family and peace-
able habitation on the Yadkin river, in North Carolina,
to wander through the wilderness of America, in quest
of the country of Kentucky, in company with John

INDIAN WARS.

191

Finley, John Stuart, Joseph Holden, James Monay,
and William Cool.

On the 7th June, after travelling in a western direc-
tion, we found ourselves on Red river, where John
Finley had formerly been trading with the Indians, and
from the top of an eminence saw with pleasure the
beautiful level of Kentucky. For ^ome time we had
experienced the most uncomfortable weather. We
now encamped, made a shelter to defend us from the
inclement season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre
the country. Weibund abundance of wild beasts in
this vast forest. The buffaloes were more numerous
than cattle on our settlements, browsing on the leaves
of the cane, or cropping the herbage on these exten-
sive plains. We saw hundreds in a drove, and the
numbers around the salt springs were amazing. In
this forest, the habitation of beasts of every Ameri-
can kind, we hunted with great success until De-
cember.

On the 22d December, John Stuart and I had a
pleasing ramble ; but fortune changed the day at the
close of it. We passed through a great forest, in
which stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossoms,
others rich with fruits. Nature was here a series of
wonders, and a fund of delight. Here she displayed
her ingenuity and* industry in a variety of flowers and
fruits, beautifully colored, elegantly shaped, and
charmingly flavored ; and we were favored with num-
berless animals presenting themselves perpetually to
our view. In the decline of the day, near Kentucky
river, as we ascended the brow of a small hill, a num-
ber of Indians rushed out of a cane-brake and made us
prisoners. The Indians plundered us and kept us in
confinement seven days. During this time we discov-
ered no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made
them less suspicious ; but in the dead of night, as we
lay by a large fire, in a thick cane-brake, when sleep
had locked up their senses, my situation not disposing
me to rest, I gently awoke my companion. We seized
this favorable opportunity and departed, directing our

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192

INDIAN WARS.

course toward the old camp ; but we foui^ J it plundered,
and our company destroyed or dispersed.

About this time, as my brother with another adven-
turer, who came to explore the country shortly after
us, were wandering through the forest, they accident-
ally found our camp. Notwithstanding our unfortu-
nate circumstances, and our dangerous situation, sur-
rounded by hostile savages, our meeting fortunately
in the wilderness gave us the most sensible satisfac-
tion.

Soon after this, my companion in captivity, John
Stuart, was killed by the savages, and the man who
came with my brother, while on a private excursion,
was soon after attacked and killed by the wolves.
We were now in a dangerous and helpless situation,
exposed daily to perils and death, among savages and
wild beasts, not a white man in the country but our-
selves.

Although many hundred miles from our families, in
the howling wilderness, we did not continue in a state
of indolence, but hunted every day, and prepared a
little cottage to defend us from the winter.

On the 1st of May, 1770, my brother returned home
for a new recruit of horses and ammunition ; leaving me
alone, without bread, salt, or sugar, or even a horse or
a dog. I passed a few days uncomfortably. The idea
of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety oil my
account, would have disposed me to melancholy if I
had further indulged the thought.

One day, I undertook a tour through the country,
when the diversity and beauties of nature I met with,
in this charming season, expelled every gloomy thought.
Just at the close of the day the gentle gales ceased ; a
profound calm ensued ; not a breath shook the tremu-
lous leaf. I had gained the summit of a commanding
ridge, and looking around with astonishing delight,
beheld the ample plains and beauteous tracts below.
On one hand I surveyed the famous Ohio, rolling in
silent dignity, and marking the western boundary of
Kentucky with inconceivable grandeur. At a vast

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INDIAN WARS.

193

distance I beheld the mountains hft their venerable
brows and penetrate the clouds. All things were still.
I kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water, and
feasted on the loin of a buck which I had killed a few
hours before. The shades of night soon overspread
the hemisphere, and the earth seemed to gasp after the
hovering moisture. At a distance I frequently heard
the hideous yells of savages. My excursion had
fatigued my body and amused my mind. I laid me
down to sleep, and awoke not until the sun had chased
away the night. I continued this tour, and in a few
days explored a considerable part of the country, each
day equally pleasing as the first ; after which, I re-
turned to my old camp, which had not been disturbed
in my absence. I did not confine my lodging to it,
but often reposed in thick cane-brakes, to avoid the
savages, who, I believe, frequently visited my camp,
but, fortunately for me, in my absence. No populous
city, with all its varieties of commerce and stately
structures, could afford such pleasure to my mind
as the beauties of nature which I found in this country.

Until the 27th of July, I spent my time in an unin-
terrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, when my brother,
to my great felicity, met me, according to appointment,
at our old camp. Soon after, we left the place and
proceeded to Cumberland river, reconnoitring that
part of the country, and giving names to the different
rivers.

In March, 1771, I returned home to my family,
being determined to bring them as soon as possible, at
the risk of my life and fortune, to reside in Kentucky,
which I esteemed a second paradise.

On my return I found my family in happy circum-
stances. I sold my farm on the Yadkin, and what
goods we could not carry with us, and on the 25th of
September, 1773, we took leave of our friends, and
proceeded on our journey to Kentucky, in company with
five more families, and forty men that joined us in
Powel's valley, which is one hundred and fifty miles
from the new-settled parts of Kentucky. But this

■ vm

194

INDIAN WARS.

promising beginning was soon overcast with a cloud
of adversity.

On the 10th of October, the rear of our company
was attacked by a party of Indians, who killed six,
and wounded one man. Of these, my oldest son was
one that fell in the action. Though we repulsed the
enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle and
brought us into extreme difficulty. We returned forty
miles to the settlement on Clench river. We had
passed over two mountains, Powel's and Waldcn*s,
and were approaching Cumberland mountain, when
this adverse fortune overtook us. These mountains
are in the wilderness, in passing from the old settle-
ment in Virginia to Kentucky ; are ranged in a
southwest and northeast direction ; are of great length
and breadth, and not far distant from each other.
Over them, nature hath formed passes less difficult
than might be expected from the view of such huge
piles. The aspect of these cliffs is so wild and hor-
rid, that it is impossible to behold them without terror.

Until the 6th of June, 1774, I remained with my
family on the Clench, when myself and another per-
son were solicited by Gov. Dunmore, of Virginia, to
conduct a number of surveyors to the falls of Ohio.
This was a tour of eight hundred miles, and took sixty-
two days.

On my return, Gov. Dunmore gave me the command
of three garrisons, during the campaign against the
Shawanese. In March, 1775, at the solicitation of a
number of gentlemen of North Carolina, I attended
their treaty, at Wataga, with the Cherokee Indians, to
purchase the lands on the south side of Kentucky river.
After this, I undertook to mark out a road in the best
passage from the settlements through the wilderness
to Kentucky.

Having collected a number of enterprising men,
well armed, I soon began this work. We proceeded
until we came within fifteen miles of where Boons-
borough now stands, where the Indians attacked us,
and killed two and wounded two more of our party.

INDIAN WARS.

195

en,

us,
ty.

This was on the 22d of March, 1775. Tw^o days
afler, we were again attacked by them, when wc had
two more killed and three wounded. After this we
proceeded on to Kentucky river without opposition.

On the 1st of April, we began to erect the fort of
Boonsborough, at a salt lick, sixty yards from the river,
on the south side. On the 4th, the Indians killed one
of our men. On the 14th of June, having completed
the fort, I returned to my family on the Clench, whom
I soon after removed to the fort. My wife and
daughter were supposed to be the first white women
that ever stood on the banks of Kentucky river.

On the 24th of December, the Indians killed one of
our men and wounded another ; and on the 15th of
July, 1776, they took my daughter prisoner. I imme-
diately pursued them with eight men, and on the 16th
overtook and engaged them. I killed two of them, and
recovered my daughter.

The Indians, having divided themselves into several
parties, attacked in one day all our infant settlements
and forts, doing a great deal of damage. The hus-
bandmen were ambushed, and unexpectely attacked,
while toiling in the field. They continued this kind
of warfare until the 15th of April, 1777, when nearly
one hundred of them attacked the village of Boons-
borough, and killed a number of its inhabitants. On
the 16th, Col. Logan's fort was attacked by two hun-
dred Indians. There were only thirteen men in the
fort, of whom the enemy killed two and wounded
one.

On the 20th of August, Col. Bowman arrived with
one hundred men from Virginia, with which additional
force we had almost daily skirmishes with the Indians,
who began now to learn the superiority of the ** long
knife." They termed us the Virginians, being out-
generaled in almost every action. Our affairs began
now to wear a better aspect, the Indians no longer dar-
ing to face us in open field, but sought private oppor-
tunities to destroy us.

On the 7th of February, 1778, while on a hunting

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196

INDIAN WARS.

excursion alone, I met a party of one hundred and two
Indians and two Frenchmen, marching to attack
Boonsborough. They pursued and took me prisoner,
and conveyed me to Old Chilicothe, the principal
Indian town on the Sciota river, where we arrived on
the 18th of February, after an uncomfoi table journey.
On the 10th of March, I was conducted to Detroit,
and while there was treated with great humanity by
Gov. Hamilton, the British commander at that port,
and intendant for Indian affairs.

The Indians had such an affection for me that they
refused one hundred pounds sterling, offered them by
the governor, if they would consent to leave me with
him, that he might be enabled to liberate me on my
parole. Several English gentlemen then at Detroit,
sensible of my adverse fortune, and touched with sym-
pathy, generously offered to supply my wants, which I
declined with many thanks, adding, that I never ex-
pected it would be in my power to recompense such
unmerited generosity.

On the 10th of April, the Indians returned with me
to Old Chilicothe, where we arrived on the 25th.
This was a long and fatiguing march, although through
an exceedingly fertile country, remarkable for springs
and streams of water. At Chilicothe, I spent my
time as comfortably as I could expect ; was adopted,
according to their custom, into a family, where I be-
came a son, and had a great share in the affection of
my new parents, brothers, sisters, and friends. I was
exceedingly familiar and friendly with them, always
appearing as cheerful and contented as possible, and
they put great confidence in me. I often went a hunt-
ing with them, and frequently gained their applause
for my activity at our shooting-matches. I was care-
ful not to exceed many of them in shooting, for no
people are more envious than they in this sport. I
could observe in their countenances and gestures the
greatest expressions of joy when they exceeded me, and
when the reverse happened, of envy. The Shawanese
king took great notice of me, and treated me with pro-

IlfDIAN WARS.

197

found respect and entire friendship, often entrusting
me to hunt at my Uberty. I frequently returned with
the spoils of the woods, and as often presented sonic
of what I had taken to him, expressive of duty to my
sovereign. My food and lodging was in common with
them ; not so good, indeed, as I could desire, but neces-
sity made everything acceptable.

I now began to meditate an escape, and carefully
avoided giving suspicion. I continued at Chilicothc
until the first day of June, when I was taken to the
salt springs east of the Sciota, and there employed ten
days in the manufacturing of salt. During this time,
T hunted with my Indian masters, and found the land,
for a great extent about this river, to exceed the soil
of Kentucky.

On my return to Chilicothe, one hundred and fifty of
the choicest Indian warriors were ready to march
against Boonsborough. They were painted and armed
in a frightful manner. This alarmed me, and I deter-
mined to escape.

On the 18th of June, before sunrise, I went off
secretly, and reached Boonsborough on the 20th, a
journey of one hundred and sixty miles, during which
I had only one meal. I found our fortress in a bad
state, but we immediately repaired our fiankst gates,
and posterns, and formed double bastions, which we
completed in ten days. One of my fellow-prisoners
escaped after me, and brought advice that, on account
of my flight, the Indians had put off their expedition
for three weeks.

About the first of August, I set out with nineteen
men to surprise Point-Creek Town, on Sciota, within
four miles of which we fell in with forty Indians,
going against Boonsborough. We attacked them, and
they soon gave way, without any loss on our part.
The enemy had one killed and tw o wounded. We
took three horses and all their baggage. The Indians
having evacuated their town, and gone, altogether,
against Boonsborough, we returned, passed them on
the 6th, and on the 7th arrived safe at Boonsborough.

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198

INDIAN WARS.

On the 9th, the Indian army, consisting of four hun-
dred and forty-four men, under the command of Capt.
Duquesne, and eleven other Frenchmen and their own
chiefs, arrived, and summoned the fort to surrender. I
requested two days' consideration, which was granted.
During this we brought in through the posterns all the
horses and other cattle we could collect. .

On the 9th, in the evening, I informed their com-
mander that we were determined to defend the fort
while a man was living. They then proposed a treaty ;
they would withdraw. The treaty was held within
sixty yards of the fort, as we suspected the savages.
The articles were agreed to and signed ; when the
Indians told us it was their custom for two Indians to
shake hands with every white man in the treaty, as an
evidence of friendship. We agreed to this also. They
immediately grappled us to take us prisoners, but we
cleared ourselves of them, though surrounded by hun-
drsdsj and gained the fort safe, except one man, who
was wounded by a heavy fire from the enemy.

The savages now began to undermine the fort,
beginning at the water mark of Kentucky river, which
is sixty yards from the fort ; this we discovered by the
water being muddy by the clay. We countermined
them by cutting a trench across their subterraneous
passage. The enemy discovering this by the clay we
threw out of the fort, desisted. On the 20th of Au-
gust, they raised the siege, during which we had two
men killed and four wounded. We lost a number of
cattle. The loss of the enemy was thirty-seven killed,
and a much larger number wounded. We picked up
one hundred and twenty-five pounds of their bullets,
besides what stuck in the logs of the fort.

In July, 1779, during my absence. Col. Bowman,
with one hundred and sixty men, went against the
Shawanese of Old Chilicothe. He arrived undiscov-
ered. A battle ensued, which lasted until ten in the
morning, when Col. Bowman retreated thirty miles.
The Indians collected all their strength and pursued
him, when another engagement ensued for two hours,

INDIAN WARS.

199

not to Col. Bowman's advantage. Col. Ilarrod pro-
posed to mount a number of horses, and break the
enemy's line, who at this time fought with remarkable
fury. This desperate measure had a happy effect,
and the savages fled on all sides. > In these two
engagements we had nine men killed and one wounded.
Enemy's loss uncertain. Only two scalps were taken.

June 23d, 17S0, five hundred Indians and Cana-
dians, under Col. Bird, attacked Riddle and Martin's
station, on the forks of Licking river, with six piecps
of artillery. They took all the inhabitants captives,
and killed one man and two women, loading the others
with the hdavy baggage, and such as failed in the jour-
ney were tomahawked.

The hostile disposition of the savages caused Gen.
Clark, the commandant at the falls of Ohio, to march
with his regimcnj: and the armed foice of the country
against Peccaway, the principal town of the Shawa-
nese, on a branch of the Great Miami, which he at-
tacked with great success, took seventy scalps, and
reduced the town to ashes, with the loss of seventeen
men.

About this time, I returned to Kentucky with my
family ; for, during my captivity, my wife, thinking me
killed by the Indians, had transported my family and
goods on horses through the wilderness, amidst many
dangers, to her father's house in North Carolina.

On tlile 6th of October, 1780, soon after my settling
again at Boonsborough, I wont with my brother to the
Blue Licks, and on our return he was shot by a party
of Indians, who followed me by the scent of a dog,
wliich I shot and escaped. The severity of the winter
caused great distress in Kentucky, the enemy during
the summer having destroyed most of the corn. The
inhabitants lived chiefly on buflalo's flesh.

In the spring of 1782, the Indians harassed us. In
May they killed and scalped a woman and her two
daughters near Ashton's station, and took a negro pris-
oner. Capt. Ashton pursued them with twenty-five
men, and in an engagement, which lasted two hours,

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INDIAN WARS.

his party were obliged to retreat, having eight killed,
and four mortally wounded. Their brave commander
fell in the action.

August 18th, two boys were carried off from Major
Hoy's station. Capt. Holden pursued the enemy with
seventeen men, who were also defeated, with the loss
of seven killed and two wounded. Our affairs became
more and more alarming. The savages infested the
country, and destroyed the whites as opportunity pre-
sented. In a field near Lexington an Indian shot a
man, and, running to scalp him, was himself shot from
the fort, and fell dead upon the ground. All the
Indian nations were now united against us.

August 15th, five hundred Indians and Canadians
came against Briat's station, five miles from Lexing-
ton. They assaulted the fort and all the cattle round
it ; but, being repulsed, they retired the third day,
having about eighty killed ; their wounded uncertain.
The garrison had four killed and nine wounded.

August 18th, Colonels Todd and Trigg, Maj. Har-
land and myself, speedily collected one hundred and
seventy-six men, well armed, and pursued the savages.
They had marched beyond the Blue Licks, to a re-
markable bend of the main fork of Licking river, about
forty-three miles from Lexington, where we overtook
them on the 19th. The savages, observing us, gave
way, and we, being ignorant of their numbers, passed
the river. When they saw our proceedings, having
greatly the advantage in situation, they formed their
line of battle from one end of the Licking to the other,
about a mile from the Blue Licks. The engagement
was close and warm for about fifteen minutes, when
we, being overpowered by numbers, were obliged to
retreat, with the loss of sixty-seven men, seven of
whom were taken prisoners. The brave and much
lamented Cols. Todd and Trigg, Maj. Harland, and my
second son, were among the dead. We were after-
wards informed that the Indians, on numbering their
dead, finding that they had four more killed than we,
four of our people tliey had taken were given up to

INDIAN WARS.

201

their young warriors, to be put to death after their bar-
barous manner.

On our retreat we were met by Col. Logan, who
was hastening to join us with a number of well-armed
men. This powerful assistance we wanted on the day
of battle. The enemy said one mere fire from us
would have made them give way.

I cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene without
great sorrow. A zeal for the defence of their country
led these heroes to the scene of action, though with a
few men, to attack a powerful army of experienced
warriors. When we gave way, they pursued us with
the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread
destruction. The river was difficult to cross, and many
were killed in the flight, some just entering the river,
some in the water, and others after crossing, in ascend-
ing the cliffs. Some escaped on horsebac]|^ a few on
foot ; and, being dispersed everywhere, in a few hours
brought the melancholy news of this unfortunate battle
to Lexington. Many widows were now made. The
reader may guess what sorrow filled the hearts of the
inhabitants, exceeding anything that I am able to
describe. Being reinforced, we returned to bury the
dead, and found their bodies strewed everywhere, cut
and mangled in a dreadful manner. This mournful
scene exhibited a horror almost unparalleled : some
torn and eaten by wild beasts ; those in the river eaten
by fishes ; all in such a putrid condition that no one
could be distinguished from the other.

When Gen. Clark, at the falls of the Ohio, heard of
our disaster, he ordered an expedition to pursue the.
savages. We overtook them within two miles of
their town, and we should have obtained a great vic-
tory had not some of them met us, when about two
hundred poles from their camp. The savages fled in
the utmost disorder, and evacuated all their towns.
We burned to ashes Old Chilicothe, Peccaway, New
Chilicothe, and Wills Town, entirely destroyed their
corn and other fruits, and spread desolation through
their country. We took seven prisoners and fifteen

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202

INDIAN WARS.

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scalps, and lost only four men, two of whom were
accidentally killed by ourselves. This campaign
damped the enemy, yet they made secret incursions.

In October, a party attacked Crab Orchard, and
one of them, being a good way before the others, boldly
entered a housejiin which were only a woman and her
children, and a negro man. The savage used no vio-
lence, but attempted to carry off the negro, who,
happily, proved too strong for him, and threw him on
the ground, and in the struggle the woman cut off his
head with an axe, whilst her little daughter shut the
door. The savages instantly came up and applied
their tomahawks to the door, when the mother putting
an old rusty gun-barrel through the crevices, the sav-
ages immediately went off.

From that time, till the happy return of peace
between ihe United States and Great Britain, the
Indians aid us no mischief Soon after this, the
Indians desired peace.

Two darling sons and a brother I have lost by sav-
age hands, which have also taken from me forty valu-
able horses and abundance of cattle. Many dark and
sleepless nights have I spent, separated from the cheer-
ful society of men, scorched by the summer's sun and
pinched by the winter's cold, an instrument ordained
to settle the wilderness.

l^. - it'

* .It'i liV.

CHAP. XIV.

EXPEDITION OF GENERAL HARMER, AND HIS DEFEAT BY THE
INDIANS.— DEFEAT OF GENERAL ST. CLAIR, NEAR THE MIAMI
VILLAGE.

Although a peace was at length happily effected
between the two contending parties, Great Britain and
America, in 1785, yet the savages, who had been

I were
npaign
ons.
d, and
boldly
nd her
no vio-
, who,
him on
off his
[lilt the
applied
putting
lie sav-

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is, the

by sav-

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rk and

cheer-

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dained

JY THE

MIAMI

fected

in and

been

INDIAN WARS.

203

persuaded to take a part with the former, were
unwilling to bury the bloody hatchet. They had not
sufficiently bathed that destructive weapon in the blood
of Americans. Without any pretext whatever, they
continued to exercise towards them the most wanton
acts of barbarity. '

It appeare4 from respectable evidence, that from
the year 1783, until the month of October, 1790, the
time the United States commenced offensive operations
against the Indians, that on the Ohio, and the fron-
tiers on the south side, they killed, wounded, and took
prisoners fifteen hundred men, women, and children,
besides carrying off upwards of two thousand horses,
and other property to the amount of fifty thousand
dollars.

The particulars of many of the instances of bar-
barity exercised upon the prisoners, of different ages
and sexes, although supported by indisputable evi-
dence, are of too shocking a nature to be presented to
the public. It is sufficient here to observe, that the
scalping-knife and tomahawk were the mildest instru-
ments of death ; that in some cases torture by fire, and
other execrable means, were used.

But the outrages which were committed upon the
frontier inhabitants were not the only injuries that
were sustained. Repeated attacks upon detachments
of the troops of the United States were at different
times made. The following, from its peculiar enormity,
deserves recital. In April, 1790, Major Doughty, in
the service of the United States, was ordered to the
friendly Chickasaws, on public business. He per-
formed his duty in a boat, having with him a party of
fifteen men. While ascending the Tennessee river, he
was met by a party of Indians, in four canoes, con-
sisting principally of Shawanese and outcast Chero-
kees. They approached under a white flag, the well-
known emblem of peace. They came on board the
major's boat, received his presents, continued with him
nearly an hour, and then departed in the most friendly
manner. But they had scarcely cleared his oars,

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INDIAN WARS.

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before they poured in a fire upon his crew, which
was returned as soon as circumstances would permit ;
and a most unequal combat was sustained for several
hours, when they abandoned their design, but not
until they had killed and wounded eleven out of fifteen
of the boat's crew.

All overtures of peace failing, and the depredations
still continuing, an attempt at coercion became indis-
pensable. Accordingly, on the 30th of September,
1790, the President, with the consent and advice of
the Congress of the United States, despatched Gen.
Harmer, with three hundred federal troops, and eleven
hundred and thirty-three militia, under his command,
to their principal villages.

The troops, after seventeen days' march from Miami,
reached the Great Miami village, without any other
molestation than that of having a number of their
pack-horses stolen. On their arrival, they found the
village deserted, and all the village buildings in flames,
set on fire by the Indians. After a short tarry, they
proceeded to the neighboring villages without molesta-
tion, and destroyed five of them, and a large quantity
of corn, which they found buried in different places,
and very large quantities of vegetables of every kind.

The first opposition that was met with, a party of
about one hundred and fifty Kentucky militia, and
eighty regular troops, all under the command of Col.
Harding, of Kentucky, were detached from the main
body, lying in the Great Miami village, to pursue the
trail of a party of Indians, which had that day been
discovered. After a pursuit of about six miles, they
came up with and were attacked on surprise by a
large body of Indians, who were concealed in the
thickets on every side of a large plain \ and on the
first onset, the militia, without exchanging a single
shot, made a mo'^* precipitate retreat, and left the
regular troops lo stand the whole charge of the
Indians. The conflict was short and bloody. The
troops were soon overpowered by numbers, and all fell
except two or three officers and two or three privates.

*«'^t

INDIAN WARS.

205

afler defending themselves at their bayonet-points with
the greatest possible obstinacy. Ensign Hartshorn
was one of the officers who providentially escaped,
and his escape appeared to depend more on a lucky
circumstance of falling over a log in his retreat, and
by that means screening himself from the eyes of his
pursuers, than from any other circumstance. Capt.
Armstrong, who commanded the party, likewise made
his escape by plunging himself into a pond or swamp,
up to his neck, within two hundred yards of the field
of action, where he remained the whole night, a spec-
tator to the horrid scenes of the war-dance, performed
over the dead and wounded bodies of the poor soldiers
that had fallen the preceding day, where their shrieks,
mixed with the horrid yells of the savages, rendered
his situation shocking.

After this, some few skirmishes succeeded, but noth-
ing materia], until the second capital action, which
happened two days after the army icift Miami village.
At ten miles' distance from the town, the general
ordered a halt, and detached from four to five hundred
militia, and about sixty regular soldiers, under the com-
mand of Major Wileys and Col. Harding, who were
ordered to march back to the town. On their first
entrance, there appeared a small body of Indians, who
immediately fled at the first onset, and by that means
decoyed the whole body of the militia, by making
their flight in different directions, and encouraging the
militia to pursue. By this stiatagem the few regular
troops were left alone, and the Indians had effected
their design, for the moment they found the small hand-
ful of regular troops detached from the main body of
the militia, they commenced the attack with their
whole force, executing the flying parties that had
divided the militia ; and, although they soon found
some part of the militia returning, pursued their object
of routing and destroying the troops, as the only sure
plan of success, which, afler a most bloody conflict,
was effected.

Nothing could exceed the intrepidity of the savages

I- I,

206

INDIAN WARS.

in.

fj-i ».^-

t m

on this occasion. The militia they appeared to
despise, and with all the iindauntedness conceivable
threw down their guns, and rushed upon the bayonets
of the regular soldiers. A number of them fell, but
being so far superior in numbers, the regulars were
soon overpowered ; for while the poor soldier had his
bayonet in one Indian, two more would sink their tom-
ahawks in his head. The defeat of the troops was
complete. The dead and wounded were left on the
field of action, in possession of the savages.

The regular troops, except nine, including two com-
missioned officers, were* killed. Among the slain was
Major Wileys, and a number of brave and valuable
soldiers. The Indians, it appeared, from some cause,
did not think it prudent to pursue their successes
from the field of action, as most of the troops that
were not killed or badly wounded made their escape,
which they could not have effected had the enemy
pursued with their usual fury. Whole number killed,
one hundred and eighty-three ; wounded, thirty-one.

In the fall of 1791, Gen. St. Clair took command
of the western army, and marched against the Indians,
who had assembled in great force on the Miami river.
He met with a total defeat. The particulars of the
fight, which was very sanguinary, will be given in his
own words, which is taken from his letter to the secre-
tary of war.

" Yesterday, the remains of the army under my com-
mand got back to this place, (Fort Washington ;) and
I have now the painful task to give an* account of a
warm and as unfortunate an action as almost any that
has been fought, as every corps was engaged and
worsted, except the first regiment ', this had been
detached upon a service that I had the honor to inform
you of in my last despatch, and had not joined me.

"On the 3d inst., the army had reached a creek
about twelve yards wide, running to the southward of
west, which I believed to have been the river St. Mary,
that empties into the Miami of the lake ; arrived at the
village about four o'clock in the afternoon, having

INDIAN WARS.

201

marched near nine miles, and were immediately
encamped upon a very commanding piece of ground, in
two lines, having the above-mentioned creek in front.
The right wing, v mposed of Butler, Clark, and Pat-
terson's battalions, commanded by Major General
Butler, formed the first line ; and the left wing, con-
sisting of Bedinger and Gaither's battalions, and the
second regiment, commanded by Col. Drake, formed
the second line, with an interval between them of
about seventy yards, which was all the ground would
allow.

" The right flank was pretty well secured by the
creek, a steep bank, and Faulkener's corps. Some
of the cavalry, and their piquets, covered the left flank.
The militia were sent over the creek, and advanced
about a quarter of a mile, and encamped in the same
order.

" There were a few Indians who appeared on the
opposite side of the creek, but fled with the utmost
precipitation on the advance of the militia. At this
place, which I judged to be about fifteen miles from
the Miami village, I had determined to throw up a
slight work, the plan of which was concerted that
evening with Major Ferguson, wherein to have depo-
sited, the men's knapsacks, and everything else that
was not of absolute necessity, and to have moved on to
attack the enemy as soon as the first regiment came
up ; but they did not permit me to execute either, for
on the 4th, about half an hour before sunrise, and
when the men had just been dismissed from parade,
(for it was a constant practice to have them all under
arms a considerable time before daylight,) an attack
was made upon the militia, who gave way in a very
little time, and rushed into camp through Major But-
ler's battalion, which, together with part of Clark's,
they threw into considerable disorder, and which, not-
withstanding the exertions of both the^e officers, was
never altogether remedied. The Indians followed
close at their heels ; the fire, however, of tho front
line checked them, but almost instantaneously a very

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206

INDIAN WARS.

mM ':

rf.

heavy attack began upon that Hne, and in a few min-
utes it was extended to the second likewise. The
great weight of it was directed against the centre of
each, where the artillery was placed, and from which
the men were repeatedly driven with great slaughter.
Finding no great effect from the fire, and a confusion
beginning to spread from the great number of men who
were falling in all quarters, it became necessary to try
what could be done with the bayonet.

" Lieut. Drake was accordingly ordered to charge
with a part of the second line, and to turn the left
flunk of the enemy. This was executed with great
spirit, and at first promised much success. The Indi-
ans instantly gave way, and were driven back three or
four hundred yards, but for want of a suflicient num-
ber of riflemen to pursue this advantage, they soon
returned, and the iioops were obliged to give back in
their turn. At this moment they had entered our camp
by the left flank, having pursued the troops that were
posted there.

"Another charge was made here by the second
regiment, Butler and Clark's battalions, with equal
effect, and it was repeated severa! times, and always
with succr?!s ; but in all of them many men were lost,
and particularly the ofl[icers, which, among raw troops,
was a loss altogether irremediable. In that I just
spoke of, made by the second regiment and Butler's
battalion. Major Butler was dangerously wounded,
and every officer of the second regiment fell, except
three, one of which, Capt. Greaton, was shot through
the body. Our artillery being now silenced, and
all the officers killed, except Capt. Ford, who was
badly wounded, more than half of the army fallen,
being cut off* from the road, it became necessary to
attempt the regaining it and to make a retreat if pos-
sible. To this purpose the remains of the army was
formed, as well as circumstances would admit, towards
the right of the encampment, from which, by the way
of the second line, another charge was made upon the
enemy, as if with the design to turn their right ffank,

•iSi'ii'-j

IVM AN WABS.

209

^. T lis was effected,

niilit , crjtercd it, fol-

lark ^ ch his battalion

but it was in iact to g: i tlw
and as soon as it was open
lowed by the troops ; Maj.
covering the cear.

" The retreat in these circuni&iances was, you may
be sure, a precipitate one. It was, in fact, a flight.
The camp and artillery were abandoned ; but that was
unavoidable, as not a horse was left alive to have
drawn it off*, had it otherwise been practicable. But
the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the
greatest part of the men threw away their arms and
accoutrements, even after the pursuit, which con-
tinued, about four miles, had ceased.

" I found the road strewed with them for many
miles, but was not able to remedy it, for, having had all
my horses killed, and being mounted upon one that
could not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get
forward myself; and the orders I sent forward, either
to halt the front, or prevent the men from parting with
their arms, were unattended to.

" The rout continued quite to fort Jeff*erson,
twenty-nine miles, which was reached a little after
sunset. The action began about half an hour before
sunrise, and the retreat was attempted at half past
nine o'clock.

** I have not yet been able to get the returns of the
killed and wounded, but Major General Butler, Lieut.
Colonel Oldham of the militia. Majors Ferguson,
Hunt, and Clark, are among the former.

" I have now, sir, ffnished my melancholy tale ; a
tale that will be felt, sensibly felt, by every one that
has sympathy for private distress, or for public misfor-
tune. I have nothing, sir, to lay to the charge of the
troops but their want of discipline, which, from the
short time they had been in service, it was impossible
they should have acquired, and which rendered it diffi-
cult, when they were thrown into confusion, to reduce
them again to order, and is one reason why the loss
has fallen so heavily upon the officers, who did every-
thing in their power to efl*ect it. Neither were my

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210

IlfDIAN WARS.

own exertions wanting ; but worn down with illness,
and suffering under a painful disease, unable either to
mount or dismount a horse without assistance, they
were not so great as they otherwise would, or perhaps
ought to have been.

" We were overpowered by numbers ; but it is no
more than justice to observe, that, though coiiiposed
of so many diflerent species of troops, the utmost har-
mony prevailed through the whole army during the
campaign.

" At fort Jefferson, I found the first regiment,
which had returned from the service they had been sent
upon, without either overtaking the deserters or meet-
ing the convoy of provisions. I am not certain, sir,
whether I ought to consider the absence of this regi-
ment from the field of action as fortunate or other-
wise. I incline to think it was fortunate ; for I very
much doubt whether, had it been in the action, the for-
tune of the day had been returned, and if it had not,
the triumph of the enemy would have been more com-
plete, and the country would have been destitute of
means of defence.

" Taking a view of the situation of our broken
troops at fort -Jefferson, and that there was no provi-
sions in the fort, I called on the field-officers for their
advice what it was proper further to be done ; and it
was their unanimous opinion, that the addition of the
first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put the
army on so respectable a footing as it was in the morn-
ing, because a great part of it was now unarmed ; that
it had been found unequal to the enemy, and should
they come on, which was probable, would be found so
again ; that the troops could not be thrown into the
fort, because it was too small, and there was no pro-
vision in it ; that provisions were known to be upon
the road, at the distance of one, or, at most, two
marches ; that therefore it would be proper to move,
without loss of time, to meet the provisions, when the
men might have the sooner an opportunity of some
refreshment, and that a proper detachment might be

INDIAN WARS.

211

sent back with it, to have it safely deposited in the
fort.

** This advice was accepted, and the army was put
in motion again at ten o'clock, and marched all night,
and the succeeding day met with a quantity of flour.
Part of it was distributed immediately, part taken back
to supply the army on the march to fort Hamilton, and
the remainder, about fifty horse-loads, sent forward to
fort Jefferson."

The defeat of Gen. St. Clair took place within three
miles of the Miami village. The loss on this occasion
was about six hundred killed and wounded, (said to be
nearly equal to Braddock's defeat,) with seven pieces
of artillery and all the stores. General St. Clair had
about eleven hundred men ; had reason to expect an
attack, and kept his men under arms all night, drawn
up in a square. The attack commenced about dawn
of day on all the lines, but principally on the rear line,
which was composed of the militia.* The Indians gave
one fire and rushed on, tomahawk in hand. The
militia gave way to the centre, and before the artillery
could be brought into action, the matrosses were all
killed and it fell into the hands of the enemy. It was
retaken, but was useless for want of men to manage
the pieces. The action was continued obstinately
until nine o'clock, when the troops gave way. St.
Clair rallied his men, and brought them off in tolerable
order, with most of the wounded, to fort Jefferson,
thirty miles in the rear cf the action. The enemy
pursued five miles.

Few officers of distinction escaped, except Gen. St.
Clair, who had many narrow escapes. Eight balls
passed through his clothes. The attack was conducted
with astonishing intrepidity on the part of the Indians.
In a few moments the general's tent was surrounded.
However, he ,was rescued by a party of regular
soldiers, who repelled the enemy with fixed bayonets.
There was a party of the Chickasaw nation on their
way to join Gen. St. Clair, but did not arrive in sea-
son. There was but one fellow only of that nation

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INDIAN WARS.

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in the action, who killed and scalped eleven of the
enemy with his own hands, and engaging with the
twelfth, he fell, greatly lamented by the Americans.

Maj. Gen. Butler was wounded, and carried to a
convenient place to have his wounds dressed ; but an
Indian, having discovered the place to which he was
conveyed, broke through the troops who attended him,
and tomahawked and scalped the general before he
was killed by the soldiers.

Agreeably to the statement of the Indians, they killed
six hundred and fifty of the American troops, and took
seven pieces of cannon, two hundred oxen, and a
great number of horses, but no prisoners, and their loss
was only fifty-six warriors killed. They stated that
they were four thousand strong, and were commanded
by one of the Missassago Indians, who had been in the
British service in the late war ; that he planned and
conducted the attack, which was even contrary to the
opinion of a majority of the chiefs ; and that after the
Americans began to retreat, he told the Indians they
had killed enough, and that it was proper to give over
the pursuit, and return and enjoy the booty they had
taken. He was six feet in height, about forty-five
years of age, of a very sour and morose countenance,
and apparently very crafty and subtle. His dress was
the Indian hose and moccasons, a blue petticoat that
came half way down his thighs, and European waist
coat and surtout. His head was bound with an Indian
cap that came half way down his back, and almost
entirely filled with plain silver broaches, to the number
of more than two hundred. He had two ear-rings to
each ear. The upper part of each was formed of three
silver medals about the size of a dollar ; the lower
part was formed of quarters of dollars, and fell more
than twelve inches from his ears ; one from each ear
over his breast, the others over his back. He had three
very large nose jewels of silver that were curiously
pointed. ''^ h<- :ti.- •■'* ^t-^--^,--' ^:--.4 ^-vfU,

The party of friendly Chickasaws, who were on their
way to join the American troops, arrived at fort Jef-

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INDIAN WARS.

213

ferson two days after the bloody action. They were
commanded by Piomingo, or the Mountain Leader.
On their way they discovered that the troops had been
defeated, and saw one of the enemy, who, mistaking
Piomingo's party for some of his comrades, made up
to them. He perceived his mistake, but too late to
retreat. He was accosted by Piomingo with " Rascal,
you have been killing white men !" Fie endeavored to
excuse himself, but Piomingo ordered two of his war-
riors to expand his arms, and a third, an old man (for,
says Piomingo, " none of my young men shall dis-
grace themselves so much as to kill a wretch like
thee") to shoot him through the heart, which was
accordingly executed. They afterwards took off his
scalp.

During St. Clair's bloody engagement, Adjutant
Bulgess received two wounds, the second of which
proved mortal. After the receipt of the first, he con-
tinued to fight with distinguished gallantry ; the second
unfortunately stopped his progress. Faint with the
loss of blood, he fell. A woman who attended him,
and was particularly attached to him, raised him up,
and while supporting him in her arms, received a ball
in her breast, which put an immediate end to her
existence !

Soon after Ensign Wilson (a much-lamented youth)
fell, one of the savages attempted to take off his
scalp, which Colonel Drake perceiving, he hastened to
the spot, and with his 3word stabbed the Indian
through the body.

A few weeks after the defeat of the troops under
Gen. St. Clair, Gen. Scott despatched from the men
under his command two spies two reconnoitre the
enemy, who, when they arrived at the distance of a
few miles from the fatal spot where the bloody action
was fought, discovered a large party of Indians,
diverting and enjoying themselves with the plunder
they had taken, riding the bullocks, &c., and appeared
to be mostly drunk. The men returned and commu-
nicated the important information to Gen. Scott, who

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• t

214

INDIAN WARS.

iim,:f,

mi,

felii

immediately divided his troops into three divisions, and
advanced on the enemy by surprise. The contest was
short, but victorious on the part of the American
troops. Two hundred of the enemy were killed on
the spot, all the cannon and stores in their possession
retaken, and the remainder of the savage body put to
flight. General Scott, losing but six men, returned to
head quarters in triumph, with most of the cattle,
stores, &c.

Gen. Scott gave the following affecting account of
the appearance of the field on which the bloody action
between the American troops under Gen. St. Clair and
the savages was fought. '* The place had a very
melancholy appearance. Nearly in the space of three
hundred and fifty yards lay three hundred skull-bones,
which were buried by my men while on the ground ;
from thence, about five miles on, the road through the
woods was strewed with skeletons, muskets, &c."

On the 29th of July, 1794, Maj. M'Mahon marched
with eighty riflemen, under the command of Capt.
Hartshorn, and fifty dragoons, under the command of
Capt. Taylor, for fort Recovery, as an escort to three
hundred pack-horses, loaded with flour for the gar-
rison. On the morning following, after they had
deposited their loading, and were preparing to set out
on their return, they were attacked by an army of
twelve hundred Indians. Capt. Hartshorn, who had
advanced with the riflemen about a quarter of a mile
into the woods, immediately took post on a very strong,
commanding piece of ground near the garrison, and
with unparalleled bravery maintained the unequal fight
till Major M'Mahon, who had put himself at the head
of the cavalry, was killed, as was Capt. Taylor and
Cornet Terry, and many of the men wounded. The
enemy now put their force against Capt. Hartshorn,
and in the moment when they were pushing to cut off*
his communication with the garrison, Lieut. Drake and
Ensign Dodd sallied out at the head of twenty brave
fellows, who turned out voluntarily on the occasion,
and joined him after beating the enemy at the point

INDIAN WARS.

215

of the bayonet At this instant, the brave Captain
Hartshorn received a shot, which broke his thigh.
Lieut. ►Craig was killed, and Lieut. Marks taken pris-
onef: Lieut. Drake now ordered a retreat, and on
endeavoring to hold the enemy in check so as to give
the men time to save Capt. Hartshorn, he received
a shot in the groin. The enemy now pressed so, hard
as to compel the men to leave their captain.

Great numbers of the Indians must have been killed,
as they came forward in solid columns up to the very
muzzles of the guns. Lieut. Mitchel, who was with
Capt. Hartshorn, but whom he had detached with a
few active men to the flank of the enemy, was now
missing ; and while their companions in the fort were
deploring their fate, and had given them up as lost,
they saw him and Lieut. Marks rushing through the
thick of the enemy at opposite directions, and although
numbers of guns were fired at them, they got in safely.
Lieut. Mitchel lost every man of his party except
three, and Lieut. Marks got off by knocking down the
Indian who took him.

The Indians were observed to carry off great num
hers of killed and wounded on pack-horses. The loss
of the Americans was twenty-three killed, and about
forty wounded. The party commanded by Capt.
Hartshorn brought in ten scalps of the enemy.

■'Mj

I'm

' :: Hf.

CHAP. XV.

DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS ON THE FRONTIERS DURING

■Vlv

THE YEARS 1791, 1792, AND 1793.

On the 19th of December, 1791, as two men and
three boys were fishing on Floyd's fork of Salt river,
they were suddenly attacked by a party of Indians, who»

t i

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p *

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216

INDIAN WARS.

killed the two men and made prisoners of the bo^rf
Soon after, they liberated one of the lads, first present
ing him with a tomahawk, which they desired him to
carry to his friends, and inform them what had become
of his companions.

About) the 20th, a party of Indians attacked the
house of a Mr. Chcnoweth, situated near the mouth
of the Wabash. They killed and scalped two of his
children, and tomahawked and scalped his wife, whom
they left for dead. Mr. Chenoweth, wno had his arm
broken by the fire of the savages, with the remainder
of the family, made their escape. A sick daughter,
who was confined to her chamber, and who during
the bloody affray had been forgotten by her father,
remained ignorant of the horrid massacr'^ until the suc-
ceeding day, when, no one of the family coming to her
assistance, she succeeded in crawling down stairs,
where she was inexpressibly shocked at the sight of a
beloved parent stretched upon the floor almost lifeless,
and at the side of whom lay the mangled bodies of
her dear brothers. Fortunately, her unhappy father
returned the succeeding day to the house, and con-
veyed the two surviving members of his family to the
house of a friend, where they finally recovered.

On the 24th, a party of Indians attacked the dwel-
ling-house of a Mr. John Merrill, in Nelson county,
Kentucky. Mr. Merrill, who was first alarmed by the
barking of his dog, hastened to the door to discover
the cause, on opening which, he received the fire of
the Indians, which broke his right leg and arm. The
Indians now attempted to enter the house, but were
prevented by the door being immediately closed and
secured by Mrs. Merrill and her daughter. The Indi-
ans succeeded in hewing away a part of the door,
through which passage one of them attempted to enter,
but the heroic mother, in the midst of her screaming
children and groaning husband, seized an axe and gave
the ruflitin a fatal blow, after which she hauled him
through the passage into the house. The others,
unconscious of the fate of their companion, supposing

con-
the

»sing

INDIAN WARS.

217

that they had now nearly succeeded in their object,
rushed forward, four of whom Mrs. Merrill in like
manner despatched before the others discovered their
mistake. The remaining Indians, after retiring a few
moments, returned and renewed their efforts to enter
the house. Despairing of succeeding at the door, they
got on the top of the house and attempted to descend
the chimney ; to prevent which Mr. Merrill directed his
little son to empty upon the fire the contents of a
feather bed, which had the desired effect, as the smoke
and heat caused thereby soon brought down, rather
unexpectedly, two of the enemy. Mr. Merrill, exert-
ing every faculty at this critical moment, seized a bil-
let of wood, with which he soon despatched the half-
smothered Indians, while, in the mean time, his heroic
wife was busily engaged in defending the door against
the efforts of the only remaining one, whom she so
severely wounded with an axe that he was soon glad
to retire.

A prisoner who escaped from the enemy soon after
the transaction, informed that the wounded savage
above mentioned was the only one of the party that
escaped, which consisted of eight ; that on his return,
being asked by the prisoner " What news ?" he
answered, " Bad news for poor Indian. 3Ie lose a son,
me lose a brother ; the squaws have taken the breech
clout, and fight worse than the ' long knives !*"

Copy of a letter from a gentleman residing at the
westward, to a friend in New York, dated 3Iarietta,
Feb. 1, 1792.

"Our prospects are much ch ,ged. Instead of
peace and friendship with our Indian neighbors, a hoi'-
rid savage war stares us in the face. The Indians,
instead .of being humbled by the destruction of the
Shawnee towns, and brought to beg for peace, appear
to be determined on a general war, in which our set-
tlements are already involved. On the evening of the
2d inst., they fell on a settlement about forty miles up
the Muskingum, surprised a block-house, killed four-
teen persons, and carried off three others. Whatnum-

't ,

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INDIAN WARS.

Biiii tk

l.:'t .«■

ber of Indians were concerned in this mischief, or from
what tribe, we know not ; except it be by those Indians
who till lately used to visit our settlements every day,
who have withdrawn themselves entirely from ou. sight
ever since the expedition against the Shawanese ; and
there is little reason to doubt that the Delawares and
Wyandots, as well as others, have had a hand in the
business.

"It is impossible for me to give a just idea of the
distress into which this event has thrown the inhabi-
tants, especially those of the out settlements. For my
own part, I have for some time been of opinion that the
spring would open with a general attack on the fron-
tiers, in which event I did not expect we should
escape, unless government should timely send troops
for our protection, which we were in hopes would be
the case. But it seems the enemy are determii\ed to
take advantage of our defenceless situation. I con-
sider this event as the forerunner of other attacks of a
more serious nature, and which may involve us in com-
plete ruin, unless prevented by the government imme-
diately taking measures for our protection. To their
protection I conceive we always had an indisputable
claim, which claim, if possible, is increased by the
circumstances that have brought us under the resent-
ment of the Indians, and at least in some measure
produced the mischief that we are fallen into."

Copy of a letter from a gentleman in Kentucky to
his friend in Philadelphia, dated March 3, 1792.

" As to the Indians, they have been troublesome all
winter. Since October last, sixty persons have been
liilled within the limits of this district, besides a nuni-
"ber destroyed on the Ohio, among whom is our old
acquaintance Mr. John May, late of Botetoute, whose
exit deserves notice, because he was actuated by mo-
tives of humanity. The affair is thus related by a
captive who has lately made his escape from the
Indians, and who was a spectator and an unwilling
-instrument in the tragedy.

" Mr. May, in descending the Great Kenhawa and

INDIAN WARS.

219

Ohio, about the 20th of February last, discovered on
tlie western shore of the latter, near the mouth of the
Sciota, a white man, who with a plaintive voice was
calling, " For God's sake, come and take a poor pris-
oner on board, who is endeavoring to escape from the
savages." This had the desired effect. Mr. May
ordered the boat Towards the shore, but did not dis-
cover his mistake until the Indians rose up from their
ambush, shot him dead, and wounded some others of
the passengers on board, who immediately endeavored
to make off, but being told in the English tongue they
should have goid quarters, surrendered without resist-
ance. The Indians, however, on boarding the boat,
massacred all without discrimination. Two days after,
the same party attempted to decoy three large boats
ashore, that were coming down from fort Pitt, but
luckily they were discovered in time, and our people
sheered off. The enemy, being prepared, manned
their boats with about thirty warriors, and gave chase.
The crew of two of the boats, fearing they might be
overtaken, quitted them, and went on board the best
sailer, where they threw overboard all their horses, and
some heavy articles, and plied all their oars to effect
their escape. The Indians also exerted themselves
in the pursuit, keeping on a steady course for about
twenty miles, notwithstanding twenty-four well-armed
white men were on board the American boat, with one
of our colonels of militia.

" Thus, for want of a little resolution and skill, a
favorable opportunity was lost to destroy a number of
the vile enemies of the human race. The Indians, on
their return, took possession of the two boats that were
abandoned, and found in them seventeen horses, five
thousand dollars' worth of merchandise, and conside-
rable property belonging to the emigrants.

" Fort M'Intosh, on the Ohio, was a short time
since attacked by a party of the Indians. They
secreted themselves near the fort, and succeeded in
killing the sentinel on duty. They then rushed into the
fort, and discharged their pieces at those within. One

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INDIAN WARS.

Ill

I "

dMi

i'r i:.

man only was wounded, who, in endeavoring to escape,
was tomahawked by an Indian. One ball just grazed
the temple of Capt. Forbes, who commanded the
guard, and four others struck a log above his head, the
splinters and bits of which cut his face. The garrison
consisted of twenty men, and ther§ were forty of the
enemy.

" Thus we find that Indian treaties do not secure
our country from the depredations of the savages.
Our last hope now is, that the President of the Unitefl
States will, ere long, adopt such measures as will
prove the efficiency of the federal government to pro-
tect the citizens of the United States, however remotely
situated from the seat of government."

Copy of a letter from a gentleman in South Caro-
lina, to a friend in New York, dated Charleston, Aug.
6, 1792.

" An express arrived from Gen. Pickens and Col.
Anderson, which brings advices to the governor, stat-
ing that a general Indian war on the western frontiers
of the southern states seems inevitable ; that, by intel-
ligence from the country of the Creeks, all the tribes
except the Custawas are determined for war, urged by
Galphin, the successor of M'Gillivray, and that they
have already commenced hostilities within the Carolina
line, a party of them having killed and scalped a man
on Tugaloo. We hear that the governor has ordered
one third of the militia in the upper districts to be
drafted, and held in readiness for immediate service,
should the savages make further depredations on the
frontiers.

" Yesterday evening, a gentleman arrived here from
Augusta, who informed us that six of the Creek towns,
with a number of the Cherokees, had declared war
against the United States, and were actually marching,
under the command of Bowls and Galphin, to attack
the frontiers^ * if - . ,;,;?*

" On the 22d ult., the Indians, thirty-seven in num-
ber, came to the house of Mr. Richard Thresher, in
Augusta, and fired upon and killed him, two children^

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INDIAN WARS.

221

num-
er, in
Idrcn^

and a negro woman. Mrs. Thresher, to avoid if pos-
sible the fate with which she was threatened, fled with
an infant of about five or six weeks old in her arms,
and leaped into the river. The Indians pursued, shot
her through each thigh and right breast, stabbed her
iu the left breast with a knife, cut her left arm nearly
off, and .then scalped her. In this horrid situation she
remained until the neighbors could assemble in suffi-
cient numbers to cross the river and pursue the Indi-
ans. As the first canoe was crossing, she had strength
enough to call for assistance. They went, found her
hanging by a bush in water nearly up to her chin, her
infant at the bottom of the river a few yards from her.
She lived twenty-four hours, and when informed by
her physician that it was impossible for her to survive
much longer, she, with a fortitude that is rarely to be
met with, called her friends around her, and in a calm
but pathetic manner gave her Hand to each one, wish-
ing them a better fate than had befallen herself and
family ; and after her speech had failed, as neigh-
bors were continually coming in, she continued to give
her hand until about five minutes before she resigned
her breath, which was without a groan.

" Mrs. Thresher was about twenty-five years of age,
of a respectable family and elegant person, and pos-
sessed an uncommon education.

" On Thursday the 24th, two men were killed in
Franklin, and forty horses carried off*; and the people
on the frontiers have retreated into forts, without arms
or ammunition. At one meeting of near forty persons
they could muster only five old muskets ; and to
heighten the horror of their condition, the Indians
were momentarily expected. .

"As similar murders were daily committed, it called
up the spirit of nine hundred gallant fellows, who
marched last week against the savages, determined to
revenge the cruelties perpetrated on the infant, the
mother, and the defenceless.

" To see the country all in jorts, breaking up, leav
ing their farms, their corn, and their houses burnt up,

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t i.

222'

INDIAN WARS.

is truly distressing. At this time, nearly half the
country are in forts.

" Capt. Kenton, with about thirty-five men, who
went up the Ohio, in order to intercept the Indians,
who took Morgan's station, fell in with a trail of a
party of Indians on the waters of Point Creek, com-
ing in to the settlement. He followed them,»apd at
night, observing he was near them, sent forwa,rd some
spies to discover their fires. Unluckily the spies fell
in with their camp, and before they discovered it the
Indians were alarmed by a dog, which flew out at the
spies, upon which the Indians fired on them. The spies
returned the fire. Upon hearing the firing, the whole
of the party came up, and the Indians retreated, leav-
ing their baggage, among which was a quantity of
powder, lead, and blankets. Kenton had one man
killed. It is supposed, two Indians were killed and
carried off, from some discoveries that were made next
morning."

Copy of a letter from fort Washington, dated April
20, 1792.

*' On Tuesday morning, the 6th inst., Maj. Adair,
with one hundred and twenty volunteers from Ken-
tucky, having charge of a large number of pack-
horses, laden with provisions, destined for the ad-
vanced posts, was most daringly attacked by nearly an
equal party of Indians, although under cover of fort
St. Clair ; notwithstanding which, and that our people
fought desperately, the Indians drove them into the
fort, and carried off" all their provisions and horses,
both pack and cavalry, save about twenty killed and
four wounded, and stripped the camp of everything,
carrying the whole off* with the most audacious insult
and triumph. But as soon as the party were re-sup-
plied with ammunition from the garrison, they sallied
forth, but too late to recover the booty which the
Indians had made. The courage and daring spirit of
these savages were particularly conspicuous on this
occasion, as they fought almost under the guns of the
fort. Our loss was one captain and ten privates

Rait;
ilia

INDiA^ WARS.

2t3

1 and

killed, and some wounded, besides horses and provi-
sions, estimated at fifteen thousand dollars. Two of
tiie enemy were found dead a short distance from the
field of action. If these Indians had writers among
them, what honorable testimony and eulogy might
they not give of the noble spirit and heroic bravery of
the native American character, rather than depreciate
it as the Europeans do. Two of our men have lately
made their escape from the Miami villages, and arrived
here, who give an account of a mock fight, lately
exhibited by the Indians assembled there, to divert
the squaws and children. It was in ridicule of Gen.
St. Clair's disposition of his troops on the 4th of
November last, and of his flight before the Indians,
who pursued him and his army, while others plundered
his camp. They have given out that they mean to
celebrate this event annually by a like sham fight, and
a great dance, to be called Gen. St. Clair's fight and
dance. It is to be hoped we yet shall have an oppor-
tunity to retaliate, and to teach our enemy to amuse
themselves at our expense in a less ludicrous manner.
It seems that Gen. St. Clair's field of action was on
a branch of the Wabash, twenty-four leagues from
the Miami towns, which are now inhabited by the
hostile Indians.

" A letter from a correspondent, on whose veracity
we can rely, in the territoiy of the United States,
south of the river Ohio, dated the 17th ult., states that
everything wears a gloomy aspect on the western fron-
tiers ; that about the last of December, the Chero-
kees sent in peace talkers to Gov. Blount, which were
only intended to facilitate the commission of further
depredations by them, when the guards from our out-
posts were withdrawn ; that from the 16th to the 26th
of January, the Indians killed and wouiided nineteen
persons in Cumberland, among whom was Edwin
Shelby, brother to the governor of Kentucky; that
four of the Chickamogga towns, and the Upper Creeks,
have declared war ; that the Creeks have killed a
family in the county of Georgia , that ^he barbarity

't\

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;; :fS|

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22i,

IND»AN WAin

exercised by them in this massacre was enough to
make human nature shadder at the bare recital : — thev
butchered them Hke so many dogs, caught their blood
and bowels, exposed them to view, and then gave the
Jvhole to a tame bear to devour ; that the Cherokees
had killed two Creeks, v/cunded several, and taken
two prisoners ; that the Creoks threaten to retaliate,
and cut them all off; that the inhabitants of the terri-
tory are waiting with impatience for the general gov
ernment to afford them succor and protection ; that
treaties with the savages will avail nothing, as what
promise they make to-day they will not hesitate to
break to-morrow."

Copy of a letter from Mr. John Corbly, a Baptist
minister, to his friend "in Philadelphia, dated Muddy
Creek, Penn., Sept. 1, 1792.

" The following are the particulars of the destruc-
tion of my unfortunate family by the savages. On the
10th of May last, being my appointment to preach at
one of my meeting-houses, about a mile from my dwel-
ling-house, I set out with my loving wife and five chil-
dren for public worship. Not suspecting any danger,
I walked behind a few rods, with my Bible in my
hand, meditating. As I was thus employed, on a sud-
den I was greatly alarmed by the frightful shrieks of
my dear family before me. I immediately ran to their
relief with all possible speed, vainly hunting a club as
I ran. When within a few yards of them, my poor
wife, observing me, cried out to me to make my
escape. At this instant, an Indian ran up to shoot
me. I had to strip, and by so doing outran him.
My wife Tiad an infant in her arms, which the Indians
killed and scalped ; afler which they struck my wife
several times, but not bringing her to the ground, the
Indian who attempted to shoot me approached her and
shot her through the body ; after which they scalped
her ! My little son, about six years old, they de-
spatched by sinking their hatchets into his brains !
My little daughter, four years old, they in like manner
tomahawked and scalped ! My eldest daughter at-

gov

INEIAN WARS.

225

tempted an escape by concealing herself in a hollow tree
about six rods from the fatal scene of action. Observ-
ing the Indians retiring, as she supposed, she delib-
erately crept from the place of her concealment, when
one of the Indians, who yet remained on the ground,
espying her, ran up to her and with his tomahawk
kn#cked her down and scalped her. But, blessed be
God, she yet survives, as does her little sister, whom
the savages in like manner tomahawked and scalped.
Thoy are mangled to a shocking degree, but the
doctors think there are some hopes of their recovery.

*' When I supposed the Indians gone, I returned to
see what had become of my unfortunate family, whom,
alas, I found in the situation above described. No
one, my dear friend, can form a true conception of my
feelings at this moment. A view of a scene so shock-
ing to humanity quite overcame me ; I fainted, and
was unconsciously borne off by a friend, who at that
moment arrived to my relief.

" Thus, dear sir, have I given you a faithful though
a short narrative of the fatal catastrophe ; amidst which
my life is spared, but for what purpose the Great
Jehovah best knows. Oh, may I spend it to the praise
and glory of his grace, who worketh all things after
the counsel of his own will. The government of the
world and the church is in his hands. I conclude with
v/ishing you every blessing, and subscribe myself your
affectionate though afflicted friend and unworthy
brother in the gospel ministry.'*

On the 27th September, 1792, as five gentlemen
were on their way to Detroit, at a place called the
Burdle, on lake Erie, they were suddenly attacked by
four Mahagon or Delaware Indians, armed with mus-
kets and tomahawks, who fired on them and killed Mr.
Taller and Mr. Barclay. They thfen rushed on with
their tomahawks. One attacked Mr. Arnold, who,
after a smart struggle, in which he received several
wounds in his head, disengaged himself, and having a
musket at the instant presented him by Mr. Stewart,
snapped at the Indian, who immediately thereupon,

■ill

INDIAN WARS.

,1'

i 1

III ,

1 If'

I < >J

■il

El- I

with the three others, fled to the woods. As soon as
they had disappeared, Mr. Arnold and his companions
hastened to the shore of the lake, in which they
launched their batteau, but when about thirty rods
from the shore they were hailed by Mr. Van Alstyiie,
who during the bloody contest had secreted himself in
the bushes. He begged of his companions to retA-n
and take him in. Mr. Van Alstyne, it was supposed,
misunderstanding his friend, proceeded directly up the
lake, to the very spot where the Indians were then
assembled, who with their tomahawks instantly des-
patched him ; after which they followed the two sur-
vivors, in an old canoe, two or three miles down the
lake, but being unable to overtake them, discontinued
the pursuit.

Copy of a letter from a gentleman in Marietta to his
friend in Washington, dated March 4, 1793.

" About two weeks since two brothers by the name
of Johnson, one twelve and the other nine years of age,
were playing on the western bank of Short Creek, about
twelve miles from this, skipping stones on the water.
At a distance they discovered two men, who ap-
peared to be settlers, being dressed with coats and hats.
These men, to amuse and deceive the children, engaged
in the same sport, advancing towards the boys, till
by degrees they got so near that the children discov-
ered them to be Indians ; but it was then too late to
make their escape. The Indians seized, and carried
them six miles into the woods, where they made a fire
and took up their lodgings for the night. Their rifles
and tomahawks they rested against a tree, and then
laid down, each Indian with a boy on his arm. The
children, as may be supposed, kept awake. The
eldest began to move, and finding his Indian sound
asleep, by degrees disengaged himself and went to
the fire, which had then got low, and stirred it up ;
the Indian not waking, he whispered to his brother,
who likewise crept away, and both of them went to the
fire.

" The oldest boy then observed to his brother, * I

INDIAW WARS.

221

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think we can kill these Indians and get rid of them.*
The youngest agreed to the proposal of attempting it.
The oldest then took one of the rifles, and placing the
muzzle, which he rested on a small stick that he found
for the purpose, close to the head of one of the Indians,
and committing the execution of this part of the busi-
ness to his brother, ordered him to pull the trigger at
the moment he saw him strike the other Indian with one
of the tomahawks. The oldest gave the signal. The
youngest pulled the trigger. The rifle shot away the
lower part of the Indian's face, and left him senseless.
He then told his brother to lay on, for he had done the
deed for his ; after which he snatched up the gun and
ran. The boy with the tomahawk gave the stroke with
the wrong end. The Indian started on his seat. The
boy found the mistake, and turning the tomahawk in
his hand, gave him another blow, which brought him to
the ground. He repeated his strokes until he had
despatched him, and then made the best of his way after
his brother. When the boys had found the path which
they recollected to have travelled the day before, the
oldest fixed his hat on a bush as a directory to find the
scene of action the next day. The tomahawked Indian
was found near the place where the boys had left him.
The other was not there, but was tracked by his blood,
and although so weakened by his wounds that he
could not raise his rifle to fire at the pursuers, they
suffered him to escape, but it is supposed he must have
died of his wounds. These two Indians were sent out
to reconnoitre the best place for an attack, which was
to have been made by a party of warriors waiting in the
neighborhood."

Copy of a letter from Col. Robertson to Gen. Wash-
ington, dated Nashville, Feb. 1, 1793.

" Sir — By accounts received from the Chickasaw
nation of Indians, we are informed that, at a grand
council of their warriors, it was unanimously deter-
mined to commence active operations against the
whites. The Cherokees they expect will join them.
The white inhabitants in this quarter are drawing

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INDIAN WAKS.

together, and are doing everything possible for their
defence ; but I fear without some timely assistance we
shall all fall a sacrifice to the wanton barbarity of our
savage foes, who we expect are now on their way to
this place to the number of one thousand. Major Hall
and his eldest son fell a sacrifice to their fury two
days ago near Bedoloe's Lick. They have killed
about twenty-four persons in the course of a few
months in this settlement, besides a great number more
who were near it.

"From Burke county we learn that on the 11th
instant two men, a woman, and her infant daughter,
were scalped at William's swamp, on the Ogechee
river, by a party of Indians. The little girl, to detpr
them from their cruel design, held out a bottle of honey,
telling them it was rum, begging them in the mean
time to spare her life. They told her they did not
want rum, but her hair ! They knocked her down and
scalped her, but we are happy to learn tl:* t she is in a
fair way of recovery. ^

"By a letter from Kentucky I am i> rned that
the Indians have done more mischief in that state
the present year, than for at least four years past.
Scarcely a boat can pass below Limestone but what is
attacked by them. Six or seven have been captured,
some with very valuable lading. By a prisoner who
escaped from them a short time since, we are informed
that the Indians have procured a boat, or rather a kind
of floating battery, with the sides built high and ren-
dered bullet proof This boat is situated near the
mouth of the Great Miami. They a few days since
captured a boat in which were a Capt. Ashley and his
family. A son of the captain having been very spirited
in the opposition, the savages immediately put him to
death, cut out his heart and broiled it, which they
afterwards devoured in the presence of the unhappy
father, who has since made his escape." <, >. ;

Copy of a letter from Gen. Clark to the governor
of the state of Georgia, dated Long Creek, September
24th, 1793. ,. . .

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INDIAN WARS.

229

. " Sir — I had certain information that a man was
killed on the 14th, near Greensboroiigh, by a party of
six or seven Indians, and that, on the 16th, Col. Bar-
ber, with a small party, was waylaid by about fifty or
sixty Indians, by whom three of his party were killed.
This, together with a variety of other accounts equally
alarming, determined me to raise what men I could in
the course of twenty-four hours, and march with them
to protect the frontiers ; in which space of time I col-
lected one hundred and sixty-four men, chiefly volun-
teers, and proceeded to the place where Col. Barber
had been attacked, where I found the bodies of the
three men mentioned above, mangled in a shocking
manner, and after I had buried them, proceeded on
the trail of the murderers as far as the south fork of
the Oakmulgee, where, finding I had no chance of
overtaking them, I left it and went up said river until
I met with a fresh trail of Indians coming towards our
frontier settlements. I immediately turned and fol-
lowed this trail until the morning of the 21st, when I
came up with them. They had just crossed a brancli
called Jack's Creek, through a thick cane-brake, and
were encamped and cooking on an eminence. My
force then consisted of one hundred and thirty men,
thirty having been sent back on account of their
horses having been tired and lost. I drew up my men
in three divisions, the right commanded by Col. Free-
man and Maj. Clark, who were ordered to surround
and charge the Indians, which they did with such dex-
terity and spirit that they immediately drove them
from their encampment back into the cane-brake,
where, finding it impossible for them to escape, they
obstinately returned our fire until half past four
o'clock, when they ceased, except now and then a
shot. .,

" During the latter part of the action, they seized
every opportunity of escaping by small parties, leaving
the rest to shift for themselves. About sunset, I
thought it most advisable to draw off, as the men had
suffered for want of provisions nearly two days, and

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INDIAN WARS.

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for want of water during the action, but more particu-
larly to take care of the wounded, which amounted to
eleven ; and six killed. From every circumstance, I
am certain there were not less than twenty-five Indi-
ans killed, and probably double that number wounded.
In short, they were totally defeated, with the loss of
their provisions, clothing, &c., consisting of the fol-
lowing articles : — four muskets, thirty-two brass ket-
tles, and one hundred large packs, containing blan-
kets, match-coats, boots, moccasons, tomahawks,
pipes, upwards of one hundred halters and bridles,
&c., from all of which t judge their number was fully
equal to ours. Col. Freeman and Maj. Clark distin-
guished themselves, and from the spirit and bravery
with which the whole of my little party acted during
the action, I do not believe that, had we met them in
the open woods, we should have been more than five
minutes in destroying them all.

" While I was on this excursion, two skirmishes
happened near Greensborough, in one of which one
man was wounded, and in the other six stands of
arms were lost, being guarded by only two men, while
the rest of the party were gathering fodder."

Copy of a letter from an officer in the service of the
United States to his friend in New York, dated Buf-
falo Creek, Sept. 27, 1793. . *'^

" I left fort Franklin the 3d inst., and arrived here
the 11th in the evening, at the house of Mr. Winney,
who informed me that upwards of four thousand hos
tile Indians were now assembled at the Miami vil
lages, and that their number was daily increasing.
Capt Powell, and several other gentlemen of the
British army, dined with me yesterday, and from their
conversation I am perfectly convinced that the Indi-
ans are supported by the British in the war against us.
Indeed, Capt. Powell told me that all the intentions
of the Indians were well known to them, and the Indi-
ans were their allies, and of course they must support
them. He also informed me that ten scouts of the
hostile Indians were then out to strike on the fron

INDIAN WARS.

231

tiers, and they would soon attack the Six Nations.
Some of the chiefs of the hostile Indians passed here
about five days ago, on their way to Canada, but
what their business is I cannot learn.**

-* •

CHAP. XVI.

DECISIVE BATTLE GAINED BY THE AMERICAN ARMY, UNDER THE
COMMAND OF GENERAL WAYNE, OVER THE HOSTILE INDIANS
ON THE RIVER MIAMIS.

After the defeat of two armies, and the great
sufferings of the inhabitants, by the Indians, as related
in the preceding chjipter, our government came to the
determination to adopt more effective measures for the
protection of the western frontiers. Gen. Anthony
Wayne was appointed to the command of the forces
raised for that purpose, and ordered to proceed against
the hostile Indians, who had assembled in great force
on the river Miamis. He gained a decisive victory
over them, which put an end to their depredations for
several years. The particulars of the battle are related
in the following official despatch from him to the
secretary of war.

" It is with infinite pleasure that I announce to you
the brilliant success of the federal army under my
command, in a general action with the combined force
of the hostile Indians, and a considerable number of
the volunteers and militia of Detroit, on the 20th of
August, 1794, on the banks of the Miamis, in the
vicinity of the British post and garrisgn at the foot of
the rapids.

" The army advanced to Roach de Bout on the 15th,
and on the 19th we were employed in making a tempo-
rary post for the recept.on of our stores and baggage,

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INDIAN WARS.

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and in rcconnoitering the position of the enemy, who
were encamped behind a thick bushy wood and the
British fort.

" At eight o'clock on the morning of the 20th, the
army again advanced in columns, agreeably to the
standing order of the march : the legion on the right,
its right flank covered by the Miamis ; one brigade of
mounted volunteers on the left, under Brig. Gen. Todd,
and the other in the rear, under Brig. Gen. Barbee. A
select battalion of mounted volunteers moved in front
of the legion, commanded by Major Price, who was
directed to keep sufficiently advanced, and to give
timely notice for the troops to form in case of action, it
being yet undetermined whether the Indians would
decide for peace or war.

" After advancing about five miles, Major Price's
corps received so severe a fire from the enemy, who
were secreted in the woods and high grass, as to com-
pel them to retreat.

" The legion was immediately formed in two lines,
principally in a close, thick wood, which extended for
miles on our left, and for a very considerable distance
in front, the ground being covered with old fallen
timber, probably occasioned by a tornado, which ren-
dered it impracticable for the cavalry to act with effect,
and afforded the enemy the most favorable covert for
their mode of warfare. The savages were formed in
three lines, within supporting distance of each oiher,
and extending for near two miles at right angles
with the river. I soon discovered, from the weight of
the fire and extent of their lines, that the enemy were in
full force in front, in possession of their favorite ground,
and endeavoring to turn our lefl flank. I therefore
gave orders for the second line to advance to support
the first, and directed Major General Scott to gain and
turn the right flank of the savages, with the whole
of the mounted volunteers, by a circuitous route. At
♦he same time I ordered the front line to advance and
charge with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from
their covert at the point of the bayonet, and when up

INDIAN WARS.

233

igles

to deliver a close and well-directed fire on their backs,
followed by a brisk charge, so as not to give them time
to load again or to form their lines. I also ordered
Capt. M. Campbell, who commanded the legionary
cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the
river, which aflbrded a favorable field for that corps
to act in. All these orders were obeyed with spirit
and promptitude ; but such was the impetuosity of the
charge by the first line of infantry, that the Indians and
Canadian militia and volunteers were driven from all
their f*overts in so short a time, that, although every
possibi exertion was used by the oflicers of the second
line of the legion, and by Gens. Scott, Wood, and
Barbee of the mounted volunteers, to gain their proper
positions, but part of each could get up in season to
participate in the action, the enemy being driven in the
course of one hour more than two miles through the
thick woods already mentioned, by less than one half
their number.

" From every account the enemy amounted to two
thousand combatants. The troops actually engaged
against them were short of nine hundred. This
horde of savages, with .their allies, abandoned them-
selves to flight and dispersed with terror and dismay,
leaving our victorious army in full and quiet possession
of the field of battle, which terminated under the influ-
ence of the guns of the British garrison.

*' The bravery and conduct of every oflScer belonging
to the army, from the generals down to the ensigns,
merit my approbation.

" Lieut. Covington, upon whom the command of the
cavalry devolved, (Capt. Campbell being killed,) cut
down two savages with his own hand, and Lieut. Webb
one in turning the enemy's left flank.

*' The wounds received by Captains Slough, Prior,
Van Renselaer, and Rawlins, and Lieuts. M' Kenny
and Smith, bear honorable testimony of their bravery
and conduct. In fact, every officer and soldier who
had an opportunity to come into action, displayed that
true bravery which always ensures success. And

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INDIAN WARS.

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here permit me to declare that I never discovered
more true spirit and anxiety for action than appeared
to pervade the whole of the mounted volunteers, and
I am well persuaded that had the enemy maintained
their favorite ground for one half hour longer they
would have felt most severly the prowess of that
corps.

" But v.liilst I pay this just tribute to the living, I
1 ust not neglect the gallant dead, among whom we
have to lament the early death of those worthy and
brave officers, Capt. Campbell and Lieut. Towles, who
fell in the first charge.

*' The loss of the enemy was more than double to
that of the federal army. The woods were strewed for
a considerable distance with dead bodies of Indians
and their white auxiliaries, the latter armed with
British muskets and ^"yonets. We remained three
days and nights on th.. /anks of the Miamis in front of
the field of battle, during which time all the houses and
•cornfields were consumed and destroyed for a conside-
rable distance above and below the garrison, among
which were the houses, stores, and property of Col.
M'Kee, the British Indian agpnt, and principal stimu-
lator of the war now existing between the United
States and the savages.

" The army returned to head quarters on the 27th,
by easy marches, laying waste the villages and corn-
fields for about fifty miles on each side of the Miamis.
It is not improbable that the enemy may make one
desperate action against the army, as it is said a rein-
forcement was hourly expected at fort Miamis from
Niagara, as well as numerous tribes of Indians living
on the margins and islands of the lakes. This is an
event rather to be wished for than dreaded whilst the
army remains in force ; their numbers will only tend to
confuse the savages, and the victory will be the more
complete and decisive, and which may eventually
ensure a permanent and happy peace. Total killed,
thirty-eight ; wounded, one hundred and one."

The following circumstances, which took place pre-

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INDIAN WARS.

235

vious to and^ during Gen. Wayne's engagement, are
worthy of record.

At the instant Capt. Campbell was attempting to
turn the left flank of the enemy, three of them plunged
into the river. Two friendly negroes being on the
opposite side, and observing the Indians making for the
shore, they placed themselves on the bank behind a
log, and as soon as the Indians approached within shot,
one of the negroes fired and killed one of the Indians ;
the other two got hold of him to drag him out, when
the other negro fired and* killed another ; the remaining
Indian got hold of both the dead to pull them ashore,
when the negro who killed the first, having again
reloaded, fired and killed the third, and they all floated
down the river.

Another circumstance is also related, viz. A
soldier, soon after the conclusion of the action, pro-
ceeding some distancr^ from the camp, met an Indian ;
they attacked each other, the soldier with his bayonet,
and the Indian with his tomahawk. Some of the
soldiers passing by that way two days after, found
them both dead, the soldier with his bayonet in the
body of the Indian, and the Indian with his tomahawk
in the soldier's head.

The following circumstances took place previous to
the action. A Mr. Wells, who, when very young,
was taken prisoner by the Indians, and had resided
several years among them, had made his escape, and
was employed by Gen. Wryne as a spy. The
day before the action he was taken by the Indians,
who determined to put him to death. Finding it
impo^ible to escape, he informed them that Gen.
Wayne had not five hundred men under his command,
and did not expect an attack. On hearing this, the
Indians attacked Gen. Wayne, with a confidence
inspired by their supposed superiority of numbers, and
were repulsed, aa before mentioned. After the action.
Major Campbell, in whose custody the Indians had left
Wells, inquired his motives for deceiving them ; he
answered, " For the good of my country " For this

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INDIAN WAR8.

heroic action he was unfeehngly delivered to the In
dians, in whose hands it is supposed he experienced
every torture that savage barbarity could invent or
inflict. The circumstances respecting Mr. Wells were
related to Gen. Wayne by a British drummer who
deserted from the fort.

A council of Indians was held a few days after their
defeat by Gen. Wayne, in which British agents en-
deavored to persuade them to risk another action ; but
this they refused to do, expressing a willingness to bury
the bloody hatchet and return to their homes. Their
loss they declared to be two hundred, and that their
whole force at the commencement of the action amount
ed to fifteen hundred Indians and eighty Canadians.
The body of the collector of Niagara was found among
the slain.

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CHAP. XVII.

EXPEDITION OF GEN. WILLIAM H. HARRISON AGAINST THE SAV
AGES ON THE WABASH— BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE.

We should have been extremely happy to have
closed the list of savage barbarities with the last
charter ; but, after a cessation of hostilities on their
part of more than sixteen years, we find them once
more collecting in a formidable body on our frontiers,
and (instigated by a blood-thirsty savage of the Shaw-
anee tribe, termed *' the Prophet") commencing an
ur.provoked attack on the American troops stationed
there.

The conduct of the Wabash Indians becoming sus-
picious to our government, in consequence of their
many thievish excursions and hasty preparations for
an offensive attack, Gen. Harrison, who was governor

INDIAN WARS.

237

of the Northwestern Territory, with two thousand
men, (three hundred and fifty regulars, and the re-
mainder militia,) were ordered to proceed from the
neighborhood of Vincennes to the line, and demand of
the Prophet the object of his real intentions. The
troops commenced their march on the 26th September,
and nothing important occurred till their arrival on
the line, where they remained near a month, and built
p, strong fort, which, in honor of the commander in
chief, was called fort Harrison. The Indians, in a
friendly manner, almost every day visited the camp,
and held councils with the governor, but would not
accede to his terms, which were, that their leader, the
Prophet, should give up the property stolen from the
Americans, and send all their warriors to their differ-
ent tribes ; the governor, therefore, determined on
attacking him. On the 29th of October, 1811, the
troops took up their line of march for the Prophet's
town, where they arrived on the 6th November.
When within about half a mile of the town, the troops
formed the line of battle,' which the Indians perceiv
ing, they sent three of their chiefs with a flag of truce,
begging that their lives might be spared, pledging
themselves that they would not take up the tomahawk
against the troops, and that, if they would encamp
near the town, in the morning they would come to
such terms as the governor should propose. This
lulled the troops into security, and they encamped
about half a mile back of the town. Ffteen minutes
before five o'clock the next morning, the savages com-
menced a furious attack on the left flank of the troops,
but not a single gun was fired by the sentinels or the
guard in that direction, nor did they make the least
resistance, but abandoned their post and fled into
camp, and the first notice which the troops of that
flank had of the danger was from the yells of the sav-
ages within a short distance of the line; but even
under those circumstances, the men were pot wanting
to themselves or the occasion. Such of them as were
awake, or were easily awakened, seized their arms

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and took their stations ; others, who were more tardy,
had to contend with the enemy in the very doors of
their tents. The storm first fell upon Capt. Barton's
company of the 4th U. S. regiment and Capt. Geiger's
company of mounted riflemen, which formed the left
angle of the rear line. The fire upon these was
excessively severe, and they suflered severely before
relief could be brought to them. Some few Indians
passed into the encampment near the angle, and one
or two penetrjited to some distance before they were*
killed.

Under all these discouraging circumstances, the
troops, nineteen twentieths of whom had never been in
action before, behaved in a manner that can never be
too much applauded. They took their places without
noise, and with less confusion than could have been
expected from veterans placed in a similar situation.
As soon, as Gen. Harrison could mount his horse, he
rode to the angle that was attacked. He found that
Barton's company had suffered severely, and the left
of Geiger's entirely broken. He immediately ordered
Cook's company aiud the late Capt. Wentworth's,
under Lieut. Peters, to be brought up from the centre
of the rear line, where the ground was much more
defensible, and formed across the angle in support of
Barton's and Geiger's. His attention was there en-
gaged by a heavy firing upon the left of the front line,
where were stationed the small company of the U. S.
riflemen, (then, however, armed with muskets,) and
the companies of Baen, Snelling, and Prescott, of
the 4th regiment. He found Maj. Daviess forming
the dragoons in the rear of those companies, and,
understanding that the heaviest part of the enemy's
fire proceeded from some trees about fifteen or twenty
paces in front of those companies, he directed the
major to dislodge them with a part of his dragoons.
Unfortunately, the major's gallantry determined him to
execute the order with a smaller force than was suffi-
cient, which enabled the enemy to avoid him in front,
and attack his flanks. He was mortally wounded, and

INDIAN WARS.

239

fiis party driven back. The Indians were, however,
immediately and gallantly dislodged from their advan
tageous position by Capt. Snelling, at the head of his
company. In the course of a few minutes after the
commencement of the attack, the fire extended along
the left flank and part of the rear line. Upon Spen
cer's mounted riflemen, a|id the right of Warwick*
company, which was posted on the right of the rear
line, it was excessively severe. Capt. Spencer and
his first and second lieutenants were killed, and Capt.
Warwick was mortally wounded. These companies,
however, still bravely maintained their posts ; but
Spencer's had suffered so severely, and having origi-
nally 100 much ground to occupy, the commander
reinforced him with Robb's company of riflemen,
which had l)een driven, or by mistake, ordered from
their position on the eft flank towards the centre of
the camp, and fille(' ihe vacancy that had been occu-
pied by Rob' with Presr »tt's company of the 4th
U. S. regimeil. His great object was to keep the lines
entire, to prevent the enemy froia breaking into the
camp until daylight, which would enable them to make
a general and effectual charge. With this view, ho
had reinforced every part of the line that had suffered
much, and as soon as the approach of morning discov-
ered itself, he withdrew from the front line Snelling's,
Poesy's, (under Lieut. Albright,) and Scott's compa-
nies, and from the rear line Wilson's and Norris'
companies, and drew them upon the left flank ; at the
same iime ordeufi^ Cook's and Baen's companies, the
fo^^ier from the rear and the latter from the front line,
to reinforce the right flank, foreseeing that at these
points the enemy would make their last efforts. Maj.
Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not knowing
his intentions precisely, had taken the command of
these companies, and had charged the enemy before
he had formed the body of dragoons, with which he
meant to support the infantry. A small detachment of
these were ready, and proved amply sufficient for the
purpose ; the Indians were thrown into confusion, and

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driven by the infantry at the point of the bayonet, and
the dragoons pursued and forced them into a marsh,
where they could not be followed. Capt. Cook and
Lieut. Larrabee had marched their companies to the
right flank, formed them under the fire of the enemy,
and, being then joined by the riflemen of that flank,
they charged the Indians, killed a number, and put
the rest to a precipitate flight.

The action was maintained with the greatest obsti-
racy and perseverance by both parties. The Indians
manifested a ferocity quite uncommon even with them.
To their savage fury our troops opposed that cool and
deliberate valor which is characteristic of the christian
soldier.

Capt. Spencer was wounded in the head. He
exhorted his men to fight valiantly. He was shot
through the thighs, and fell, still continuing to encour-
age them. He was raised up, and received a ball
through his body, which put an immediate end to his
existence. Capt. Warwick was shot immediately
through the body. Being taken to the surgery to be
dressed, as soon as it was over, (being a man of great
bodily vigor, and still able to walk,) he insisted upon
going back to head his company, although it was evi-
dent he had but a few hours to live.

There were one hundred and eighty-eight of the
troops killed and wounded. It is supposed the enemy
were about seven hundred strong, and that they had
lost about four hundred in the engagement. The day
succeeding the action, the troops set ^e to the town,
and destroyed everything valuable, and the morning
ensuing struck their tenets and commenced their
march for Vincennes, where they arrived in safety,
after a most fatiguing campaign of fifty-five days, and
marching the distance of three hundred and twenty
miles. '■ .■■ • • , - ■ ,' > - . - i^;> -K'^

The victory gained by Gen. Harrison at Tippecanoe
was justly deemed of the greatest importance to the
country. President Madison, in his message to Con-
gress soon after, says : —

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INDIAN WARS.

241

" Congress will see with satisfaction the dauntless
spirit and fortitude victoriously displayed by every
description of the troops engaged, as well as the col-
lected firmness which distinguished their commander,
on an occasion requiring the utmost exertion of valor
and discipline. It may reasonably be expected that
the good effects of a critical defeat and dispersion of
a combination of savages, which appears to have been
spreading to a greater extent, will be experienced, not
only in the cessation of the murders and depredations
committed on our frontier, but in the prevention of
any hostile incursions otherwise to have been appre-
hended."

Copy of a letter from Gen. Harrison to the secre-
tary of war, dated Vincennes, Dec. 14, 1811.

" Sir — I have the honor to inform you that two prin-
cipal chiefs of the Kickapoos of the prairie arrived
here, bearing a flag, on the evening before last. They
informed that they came in consequence of a message
from the chief of that part of the Kickapoos which had
joined the Prophet, requiring them to do so, and that
the said chief is to be here in a day or two. The
account which they gave of the late confederacy under
the Prophet is as follows : —

" The Prophet, with his Shawanees, is at a small
Huron village, about twelve miles from his former
residence, on this side the Wabash, where also are
twelve or fifteen Hurons. The Kickapoos are en-
camped near the Tippecanoe. The Powtawsiomies
have scattered i^nd gone to different villages of that
tribe. The Winnebagoes had all set out on their
return to their own country, excepting one chief and
nine men, who remained at their former village. The
latter had attended Tecumseh in his tour to the south-
ward, and had only returned to the Prophet's town
the day before the action. The Prophet had sent a
message to the Kickapoos of the prairie, to request
that he might be permitted to retire to their town.
This was positively refused, and a warning sent to
him not to come there. He then sent to request that

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INDIAN WARS.

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fonr of his men might attend the Kickapoo chief here.
This was also refused.

" These chiefs say, on the whole, that all the tribes
who lost warriors in the late action attribute ^uu:
misfortunes to the Prophet alone ; that they constaiiiiy
reproach him with their misfortunes, and threaten him
with death ; that they are all desirous of making their
peace with the United States ; that the Prophet's fol-
lowers were fully impressed with a belief that they
could defeat us with ease ; that it was their intention
to have attacked us at fort Harrison if we had •« gone
higher ; that the attack made on our sentinels at fort
Harrison was intended to shut the door against the
accommodation ; that the Winnebagoes had forty war-
riors killed in the action, and the Kickapoos eleven,
and ten wounded ; that they have never heard how
many Pottawatomies and other tribes were killed ;
that the Pottawatomie chief left by me on the battle-
ground is since dead of his wounds, but that he faith-
fully delivered my speech to the different tribes, and
warmly urged them to abandon the Prophet, and sub-
mit to my terms.

" I cannot say how much of the above may be
depended on. I believe, however, that the statement
made by the chief is generally correct, particularly
with regard to the present disposition of the Indians.
It is certain that our frontiers have never enjoyed more
profound tranquillity than at this time. Before the
expedition, not a fortnight passed over without some
vexatious depredation being committed. The Kicka-
poo chiefs certainly tell an untruth when they say
that there were but eleven of this tribe killed and ten
wounded. It is impossible to believe that fewer were
wounded than killed. They acknowledge, however,
that the Indians have never sustained so severe a
defeat since their acquaintance with the white peo-
ple." ' ''''■''[ ■' "' :^'(' "> '"

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INDIAN ffARiS.

243

CHAP. XVIII.

,1, :

GEN. HARRISON'S ENGAGEMENTS WITH THE INDIANS DURING THE
LATE WAR WITH GREAT BRITAIN— GALLANT DEFENCE OF FOllT
MEIGS.— ATTACK ON FORT STEPHENSON.— BATTLE OF THE
THAMES.— DEATH OF TECUMSEH.

In the course of the late war which prevailed
between America and Great Britain, the latter having
engaged many of the savages in her cause, Gen.
Harrison (who was appointed to the cominand of the
volunteers and drafted militia of Ohio, &c.) held a
council with a number of Indian chiefs who had pro-
fessed neutral sentiments, to whom he made three
propositions : *' to take up arms in behalf of the United
States — to remove within the lines and remain neutral
— or, to go to the enemy and seek their protection."
After a short consultation, many of them accepted the
first, and made preparations to accompany him in the
invasion of Canada.

After the surrender of Detroit to the British forces
under Gen. Brock, the whole northwestern frontier
became exposed to the inroads of the enemy. Gen
Brock having been killed at the battle of Q,ueenston,
the command of the British army devolved upon Gen.
Proctor, who had under him a large body of regular
troops, with all the savages friendly to the English,
who had joined him in great numbers, and were com-
manded by the famous Tocumseh. Their head quarters
were established at Maiden ; and frequent attacks were
made by them upon the settlements on the frontiers of
Ohio and Indiana.

Our government at this time adopted the most effi-
cient measures in their power, not only to defend the
frontier inhabitants from their savage enemies, but to
recover what had been lost, by carrying the war into
the enemy's country. Large bodies of volunteers were
raised by the western states, who were ordered, with

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the drafted militia, immediately to join the western
army, which was placed under the command of Gen
Wm. H. Harrison.

The first of September, 1812, a considerable body
of British and Indians proceeded from fort Maiden to
lay waste the frontiers of Ohio. A principal object
appears to have been the capture of fort Wayne.
They burnt several valuable buildings, and killed many
of the inhabitants ; among whom was a brother of
Gov. Meigs.

On the 8th of November, a detachment of seven
hundred men, commanded by Col. Campbell, left
Franklinton, on an expedition against the Miami In-
dians, residing at the head of the Wabash. On the
17th December, they reached one of their villages,
killed eight warriors, and took thirty-six prisoners.
They set fire to the village, and encamped a few
miles therefrom. A little before the break of day, they
were attacked by the exasperated savages in their
camp, shouting and yelling horribly.

The Americans sustained the attack until day-
light, when the Indians were charged and dispersed,
with the loss of thirty-five killed. The loss of the
American troops was eight killed and twenty-nine
wounded.

On the 14th of January, 1813, Col. Lewis was des
patched to attack a large body of Indians encamped
near the river Raisin. On the 18th the attack com-
menced. On the first onset the savages raised their
accustomed yell, but the noise was drowned in the
returning shouts of their dauntless assailants. They
advanced boldly to the charge and drove them in all
directions. On the first fire sixteen of the Indians fell.
About forty were killed. Col. Lewis' party lost twelve
killed and fifty-two wounded. t . f^

On the 18th, Gen. Winchester proceeded with a
reinforcement of eight hundred men to the village of
Frenchtown. On the 22d, they were attacked by a
combined force of the enemy under the command of
Tecumseh and Proctor. The American troops were

INDIAN WARS.

246

in a moment ready for the reception of the enemy.
The right wing sustained the attack for about thirty
minutes, when, overpowered by numbers, they retreated
over the river, and were met by a large body of Indians.
The troops, finding their retreat cut off, resolved to sell
their liv^s as dear as possible, and fought with despera-
tion ; but few of these brave fellows, however, escaped
the tomahawk. The left wing with equal bravery
maintained their ground within their pickets. The
Indians and regulars made three different charges
upon them, but the troops, with the most determined
bravery and presence of mind, reserved their fire until
the enemy advanced within point blank shot ; they
then opened a most galling fire upon them, and mowed
down their ranks until they were compelled to retreat
in confusion. The Americans lost nearly four hundred
men, in killed, wounded, and missing. The courage
of brave men was never more severely tested. The
party that sought a retreat at the commencement of the
action were closely pursued, surrounded, and literally
cut to pieces by the savages. Not one escaped the
scalping-knife !

On the 30th of January, Gen. Harrison despatched
Capt. Lamor, Doctor M'Keenhan, and a Frenchman
with a flag of truce to Maiden. They encamped the
first night near the rapids, and hoisted the white flag ;
but this was not respected. The Indians fired upon
them while asleep, killed Lamor, wounded Doctor
M'Keenhan, and took him and the Frenchman pris-
oners.

Gen. Harrison, receiving information that a large
body of Indians were collected on Presque Isle, near
the Miami, on the 9th of February proceeded with a
detachment to attack them. The et my fled on the
approach of the troops, who pursued them almost to
thci river Raisin, but without being able to overtake
them. Such was their desire to come up with the
foe that they marched sixty miles in twenty-four
hours.

The hostile Indians continued to make inroads into

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the settlements, and committed many murders. 'An
event took place, however, that served in some meas-
ure to check the audacity of the Indians. As Col.
Ball, with a small squadron, was descending the
Sandusky, the foremost of his party were fired upon by
a band of eighteen or twenty Indians, who ha<J placed
themselves in ambush for the purpose of intercepting
the mail-carrier. The colonel instantly charged upon
them, and drove them from their hiding-place. The
ground was favorable for cavalry, and the savages,
finding neither mercy nor the possibility of escape,
whooped and shouted horribly, and fought desperately,
till they were all, to a man, cut to pieces. Col. Ball
was twice dismounted, and opposed in personal contest
to an Indian of gigantic stature. It was a desperate
and doubtful struggle ; life was at stake ; both exerted
to the utmost. An officer rode up and rescued the
colonel, by shooting the Indian through the head. Not
an Indian after this ventured to cross the Sandusky in
quest of plunder.

If the massacre of the river Raisin filled the West
with sorrow, it also awakened there a sense of indig-
nation and outrage, of which the effects were after-
wards seen. Its immediate influence was prejudicial
to the objects of the campaign. Winchester's own
movement had been not only without the knowledge or
consent of Harrison, but contrary to his views and
plans for the conduct of the campaign. When he
heai J that the movement had been made, he and those
about him felt that it was to the last degree imprudent,
and looked for nothing less from it than the certain and
inevitable destruction of the left wing of the army,
which had thus thrown itself into the very jaws of the
enemy, and away from the possibility of succor. On
the evening of the 16th, being at Upper Sandusky, he
received from Col. Perkins, at Lower Sandusky, intelli-
gence, for the first time, that Winchester, having arrived
at the Rapids, meditated some unknown movement
against the enemy. Alarmed at this, and ignorant
what it implied, Gen. Harrison gave orders for the

INDIAN W4RS.

247

advance of troops and artillery, and hastened to Lower
Sandusky himself. Here he was met by information
from the Rapids of the march of Col. Lewis to French-
town. Fresh troops were immediately put in motion,
by forced marches, for the Rapids ; to which point ho
himself pushed with the utmost speed. All the dis-
posable troops at the Rapids, and others as they came
in, were ordered on with anxious expedition ; but they
were met on the road by the fugitives from the field of
battle, and nothing remained but to protect them and
the houseless people of Frenchtown. In short, all
possible efforts were made to protect Winchester from
the apprehended consequences of his own ill-advised
acts.

After this, in expectation of an attack on the position
at the Rapids, the army foil back to the portage, to
admit of an expected reinforcement under Gen. Left-
wich ; on the arrival of which, the position at the
Rapids, on the east bank of the Miami, was resumed,
and strongly fortified, as the winter quarters of the
army. It was called Camp Meigs, in honor of the
governor of Ohio.

This position, being attacked by the British, became
the scene of a brilliant triumph to the arms of the
United States. So soon as it became known that the
attack was contemplated. Gen. Harrison, having made
arrangements for strong reinforcements to follow him,
repaired to Camp Meigs, to conduct the defence of it in
person. The enemy made his appearance on the 26th
of April ; consisting of a numerous force, British and
Indians, commanded by Gen. Proctor ; who, having
ascended on the north side of the Miami in boats,
landed at old fort Miami, and proceeded to construct
three powerful batteries directly opposite the American
camp. Meanwhile, our troops had thrown up a breast-
work of earth, twelve feet in height, traversing the
camp in rear of the tents, so that when the batteries of
the enemy were completed and mounted, and his fire
opened, the tents of the Americans, being struck and
removed to the rear of the traverse, were completely

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INDIAN WARS.

sheltered and protected. A severe fire was now kept
up on both sides until the 4th of May, v,hen intelli-
gence reached the camp of the approach of the expected
reinforcements, composed of a brigade of Kentucky
militia under Gen. Green Clay. « )

Gen. Harrison immediately determined to make a
bold effort, by a sortie from the camp, combined with
an attack of the enemy's lines by Gen. Clay, to raise
the siege. Orders accordingly were despatched to
Gen. Clay, requiring him that, instead of forming an
immediate junction with the garrison, he should detach
eight hundred of his men on the opposite side of the
river, where two of the British batteries were, turn and
take the batteries, spike the cannon, destroy the gun-
carriages, and then regain the boats as speedily as pos-
sible ; while the remainder of the brigade should land
and fight their way into the camp, so as to favor a
sortie to be made by the garrison against the third
and only remaining British battery. This plan was
ably conceived, and promised the best results. Gen.
Clay, after detaching Col. Dudley to land on the west
side of the Miami, fought his way safely into the camp.
A part of the garrison also, under Col. (now Gen.)
Miller, consisting in part of regular troops and the
residue militia and Kentucky volunteers, gallantly
assaulted and carried the battei on the eastern bank,
made a number of prisoners, and drove the British and
Indians from their lines.

Meanwhile, Dudley had landed his men, and charged
and carried the two batteries, without the loss of a man.
Unhappily, these gallant citizens were not sufficiently
aware of their exposed situation, and of the necessity
of retreating to their boats, in punctual observance of
their orders, so soon as they should have destroyed the
enemy's artillery. Instead of this, they were, without
due consideration, drawn into a fight with some strag-
gling Indians, and so detained until Proctor had time
to interpose a strong force between them and the means
of retreat. The result was the destruction rcither than
defeat of the detachment, for three fourths of it were

INDIAN WARS.

249

ere

made captives or slain. The British arms were again
dishonored by giving up the prisoners to be massacred
by the Indians. Dudley and many of his companions
were tomahawked at once. Others of the prisoners
were put into fort Miami, for the Indians to stand on
the ramparts and fire into the disarmed crowd. Those
Indians who chose selected their victims, led them to
the gateway, and there, under the eye of Gen. Proctor,
and in the presence of the whole British army^ mur
dered and scalped them. Not until Tecumseh came
up from the batteries did the slaughter cease. " For
shame ! it is a disgrace to kill defenceless prisoners !"
he exclaimed, thus displaying more of humanity than
Pioctor himself.

Unfortunate as this incident was, the events of the
day satisfied Proctor that he could not continue the
siege with any hope of success. He resolved to
retreat, to cover which he sent in a flag of truce, requir-
ing the immediate surrender of the American post and
army, as ** the only means left for saving the latter
from the tomahawks and scalping-knives of the sav-
ages." Considering this base and insolent message
unworthy of any serious notice, Gen. Harrison simply
admonished Proctor not to repeat it ; with which
manly and decided answer. Proctor, being perforce
content, hastily broke up his camp, and retreated in
disgrace and confusion towards Maiden.

In May follovvipg, however. Proctor, thinking to
surprise fort Meigs, made a second attack upon it with
a large force of British regulars and Canadians, and
several thousand Indians under Tecumseh, but was
again obliged to retreat in disgrace.

On the first day of August Gen. Proctor appeared
wiih five hundred regulars, and about eight hundred
Indians of the most ferocious kind, before fort Ste-
phenson, twenty miles above the mouth of the river
Sandusky. There were not more than one hundred
and thirty-three effective men in the garrison, and the
works covered one acre of ground ; it was a mere out-
post of little importance ; and Gen. Harrison, acting

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INDIAN WARS.

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with the unanimous advice of his council of war, had
sent orders to Major Croghan, who commanded the
garrison, to evacuate the fort, and make good his
retreat to head quarters, provided the enemy should
approach the place with artillery, and a retreat be
practicable. But the first step taken by Proctor was
to isolate the fort by a cordon of Indians, thus leaving
to Major Croghan no choice but between resistance
and submission. A messenger was sent to demand the
surrender of the fort. He was met by Ensign Shipp,
to whom the messenger observed that Gen. Proctor
had a considerable body of regular troops, and a great
many Indians, whom it was impossible to control, and
if the fort was takeh by force, he must expect that the
mildest instruments made use of would be the tomahawk
and scalping-knife ! Shipp replied, that it was the
commander's intention to defend the garrison or be
buried in it, and that they might do their worst. The
messenger, startled at the reply of Shipp, again
addressed him : " You are a fine young man. I pity
your situation. For God's sake surrender, and prevent
the dreadful slaughter which must inevitably follow
resistance!" The gallant Shipp turned from him with
indignatioii, and A\as immediately seized by a frightful-
looking savage, who attempted to wrest his sword from
him, but the ensign was fortunately too quick for him,
and buried the blade to the hilt in his body, and suc-
•ceeded in reaching the fort in safetv. The attack now
commenced. About four P. M. all the enemy's guns
were concentrated against the northwestern angle of
the fort, for the purpose of making a breach. To
counteract the effect of their fire, the commander
caused that point to be strengthened by means of bags
of flour, sand, and other materials, in such a manner
that the balls of the enemy did but little injury. But
the enemy, supposing that their fire had sufficiently shat-
tered the pickets, advanced to the number of six hundred
to storm the place, the Indians shouting in their usual
manner. As soon as the ditch was pretty well filled
with the copper-colored assailants, the commander of

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INDIAN WARS.

251

the fort ordered a six-pounder, which had been maskeo
in tlie block-house, to be discharged. It had been
loaded with a double charge of musket-balls and slugs.
The piece completely raked the ditch from end to end.
The yell of the savages was at this instant horrible.
The first fire levelled the one half in death ; the second
and third either killed or wounded all except eleven,
who were covered by the dead bodies. The Ameri-
cans had but one killed, and seven slightly wounded.
Early the ensuing morning the few regulars and In-
dians that survived retreated down the river, abandon-
ing all their baggage.

The time was now at hand when Gen. Harrison and
his army were to reach the full completion of all the
contemplated objects of the expedition.

Among the earliest recommendations of Gen. Har-
rison to the government the year before, and immedi-
ately after he commenced operations, had been that of
constructing and equipping a naval armament on the
lakes. In one letter he says, "Admitting that Maiden
and Detroit are both taken, Mackinaw and St. Joseph
will both remain in the hands of the enemy until we
can create a force capable of contending with the ves-
sels which the British have in lake Michigan," «Slc.
And again, in another letter, — " Should any offensive
operation be suspended until spring, it is my decided
opinion that the cheapest and most effectual plan will
be to obtain command of lake Erie. This being once
effected, every difficulty will be removed. An army
of four thousand men, landed on the north side of the
lake, below Maiden, will reduce that place, retake
Detroit, and, with the aid of the fleet, proceed down
the lake to co-operate with the army from Niagara."
These sagacious instructions, being repeatedly and
strenuously urged by him, and reinforced also from
other quarters, were adopted and acted upon by the
government. Commodore Perry was commissioned
to build, equip, and command the contemplated fleet ;
and, on the lOth of September, with an inferior force,

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INDIAN WARS.

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he met the er<;uy, and gained the brilliant victory of
Lake Eric.

Meanwhile, Jol. Richard M. Johnson, then a mem-
ber of Congress from Kentucky, had devised the
organization of two regiments of mounted militia,
which he was authorized by the government to raise,
as well for service against the Indians, as to co-ope-
rate with Harrison. Col. Johnson crossed the country
of Lower Sandusky, where he received orders from
the war department to proceed to Kaskaskia, to ope-
rate in that quarter ; but; by the interference of Har
risen, and at the urgent request of Col. Johnson, —
who said, for himself and his men, that the first object
of their hearts was to accompany Harrison to Detroit
and Canada, and to partake in the danger and honor
of that expedition, under an officer in whom they had
confidence, and who had approved himself "to be
wise, prudent, and brave," — the orders of the depart-
ment were countermanded, and Col. Johnson attained
his wish.

Gen. Harrison now prepared to stfike the great
blow. Aided by the energetic efforts of Gov. Meigs,
of Ohio, and Gov. Shelby, of Kentucky, he had ready
on the southern shore of lake Erie, by the middle of
September, a competent force, destined for the imme-
diate invasion of Canada. Between the 16th and the
2iih of September, the artillery, military stores, pro-
visions, and troops, were gradually embarked, and on
the 27th the whole army proceeded to the Canada
shore. " Remember the river Raisin," said Gen.
Harrison, in his address to the troops, " but remember
it only whilst victory is suspended. The revenge of a
soldier cannot be gratified on a fallen enemy." The
army landed in high spirits ; but the enemy had aban-
doned his strong-hold, and retreated to Sandwich,
after dismantling Maiden, burning the barracks and
navy-yard, and stripping the adjacent country of horses
and cattle. Gen. Harrison encamped that night on
the ruins of Maiden.

On the 2d of October, arrangements were made for

INDIAN WARS.

353

pursuing the retreating enemy up the Thames. The
army was put in motion on the morning of the 4ith.
Gen. Harrison accompanied Col. Johnson, and was
followed by Gov. Shelby with the infantry. Having
passed the ground where the enemy had encamped the
night before, the general directed the advance (>f Col.
Johnson's regiment to accelerate their march, for the
purpose of ascertaining the distance of the enemy.

The troops had now advanced within three miles of
(he Moravian town, and within one mile of the enemy.
Across a narrow strip of land, near an Indian village,
the enemy were drawn up in a line of battle, to prevent
the advance of the American troops. The British
troops amounted to six hundred, the Indians to more
than twelve hundred. About one hundred and fifty
regulars, under Col. Ball, were ordered to advance
and amuse the enemy, and, should a favorable oppor-
tunity present, to seize his cannon. A small party of
friendly Indians were directed to move under the bank.
The regiment of Col. Johnson was drawn up in close
column, with its right a few yards distant from the
road. Gen. Desha's division covered the left of John-
son's regiment. Gen. Cass and Commodore Perry
volunteered as aids to Gen. Harrison.

On the 5th, the enemy was discovered in a position
skilfully chosen, in relation as well to local circum-
stances as to the character of his troops. A narrow
strip of dry land, flanked by the river Thames on the
left and by a swamp on the right, was occupied by his
regular infantry and artillery, while on the right flank
lay Tecumseh and his followers, on the eastern mar-
gin of the swamp. JJut, notwithstanding the judicious
choice of the ground. Proctor had committed the error
of forming his infantry in open order. Availing him-
self of this fact, and aware that troops so disposed
could not resist a charge of mounted men, he directed
Col. Johnson to dash through the enemy's line in
column. The movement was made with brilliant suc-
cess. The mounted men charged wit-h promptitude
and vigor, broke through the line of the enemy, formed

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INDIAN WARS.

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in the rear, and assailed the broken line with a success
seldom equalled, for nearly the whole of the British
regular force was either killed, wounded, or taken.

On the left the contest was much more serious.
Col. Johnson's regiment, being there stationed, re-
ceived a galling fire from the Indians, who seemed not
disposed to give ground. The colonel gallantly led
his men into the midst of them, and was personally
attacked by a chief, whom he despatched with his cut-
lass at the moment the former was aiming a blow at
him with his tomahawk. The savages, finding the fire
of the troops too warm for them, fled across the hills
and attempted to seek shelter in a piece of woods on
the left, where they were closely pursued by the cav-
alry. At the margin of the wood Tecumseh stationed
himself, armed with a spear, tomahawk, &c., endea-
voring to rally and persuade his men to return to the
attack. At this point a considerable body of Indians
had collected ; but this brave savage saw that the for-
tune of the day Was against him, and the battle was
lost. Proctor had cowardly fled from the field, and
left him and his warriors alone to sustain themselves
against a far superior force ; and he knew that there
was no chance of contending with any hope of success.
He therefore stood, like a true hero, disdaining to fly,
and was, with many of his -bravest warriors around
him, shot down by the Kentucky riflemen. It has
been published to the world, and by many believed,
that this distinguished warrior was killed by a pistol-
shot from Col. Johnson ; but this is undoubtedly a
mistake, which probably originated from the circum-
stance of the colonel's having killed a chief by whom
he was attacked, as has before been related. That he
fell by a rifle-shot, there can be no doubt ; but by
whom fired, it was not certainly known, or probably
never can be satisfactorily proved. No less than six
of the riflemen and twenty-two Indians fell within
twenty-five yards of the spot where Tecumseh was
killed;

The Indians contmued a brisk fire f-om the margin

INDIAN WARS.

255

of the wood until a fresli regiment was called into
action to oppose them. A company of cavalry having
crossed the hills and gained the rear of the savages, the
rout became general. They fought bravely, and sus-
tained a heavy loss in killed and wounded. The death
of their leader, Tecumseh, was an irreparable loss to
them.

Tecumseh was the most extraordinary Indian that
has ever appeared in history. He was by birth a
Shawanese, and would have been a great man in any
age or nation. Independent of the most consummate
courage and skill as a warrior, and all the character-
istic acuteness of his race, he was endowed by nature
with the attributes of mind necessary for great political
combinations. His acute understanding, very early in
life, informed him that his countrymen had lost their
importance ; that they v/ere gradually yielding to the
whites, who were acquiring an imposing influence over
them. Instigated by these considerations, and, per-
haps, by his natural ferocity and attachment to war, he
became a decided enemy to the whites, and imbibed an
invincible determination (he surrendered it with his
life) to regain for his country the proud independence
he supposed she had lost. For a number of years he
was foremost in every act of hostility committed
against those he conceived the oppressors of his coun-
trymen, and was equally remarkable for intrepidity as
skill, in many combats that took place under his banner.
Aware, at length, of the extent, number, and power of
the United States, he became fully convinced of the
futility of any csinglo nation of red men attempting to
cope with them. He formed, therefore, the grand
scheme of uniting all the tribes east of the Mississippi
into hostility against th<^ United States. This was a
field worthy of his great and enterprising genius. He
commenced in the year 1809 ; and in the execution of
his project he displayed an unequalled adroitness, elo-
quence, and courage. He insinuated himself into
every tribe from Michilimackinack to Georgia, and
was invariably successful in his attempts to bring them

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INDIAN WARS.

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over to his views. He played upon all their feelings,
but principally upon their superstition, and sometimes
assumed the character of a prophet, and carried with
him a red stick, to which he attached certain mystical
properties, and the acceptance of which was considered
as the joining of his party ; hence the name of Red
Sticks applied to all Indians hostile to the United
States. Unfortunately for Tecumseh, but happily for
the United States, was it, that, before his plan had
become matured, before his arrangements for general
hostility were perfected, before, in fact, he had brought
into the field any of his forces, his brother made a pre-
mature attack upon the forces of the United States
under the command of Gen. Harrison, in the summer
of 1811, at Tippecanoe, in which he suffered a signal
defeat.

This disaster marred the prospects of the gallant
Tecumseh. His own soul was unshaken ; but it
damped the ardor of his associates ; and although
many continued firm in their warlike attitude, nor
shrunk from a contest that had commenced with defeat,
all the efibrts of Tecumseh were unavailing to supply
the links thus broken in his chain of operations. The
war against England, declared soon after this event by
the United States, opened new views to the talents of
Tecumseh. His merits were duly appreciated by the
British government, and they made him a brigadier
general in their service. At the head of his formidable
warriors, he more than once turned the scale of victory
against the Americans, and laid down His life for the
cause he had espoused.

Tecumseh had fought during the first year of the war
under Gen. Brock, to whom he gave great praise, not
only for his bravery, but for his kindness and gentle-
manly treatment to him and the warriors under his
command. They had been remarkably successful in
all their operations during the campaigns in which they
fought together. But in Gen. Proctor he had no con-
fidence, and they never agreed in the plans that were
adopted in prosecuting the war. A few days before

re
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" INDIAN WARS.

257

the last battle, in a talk he had with him at a council,
he expressed in the strongest manner his entire disap-
probation of all his measures. Being in company with
some British officers, he was asked his opinion of Gen.
Brock, in comparison with the merits of their present
general. He answered — " Gen. Brock very bravo
man, great general. He say, Tecumseh, come, icc
go. Gen. Proctor say, Tecumseh, you go. Proctor
no Brock."

The day after the battle, the American troops took
possession of the Moravian towns, where they found
great quantities of such provisions as were very accept-
able to the troops. Among the trophies of the day,
captured from the British, were six brass field-pieces
that liad been surrendered by Hull, on two of which
was the motto — " Surrendered by Burgoyne at Sara-
toga," The town was found deserted, and so panic-
struck were some of the squaws in their flight, that
they are said to have thrown their papooses into the
river, to prevent their being butchered by the Ameri-
cans ! The Indians wlio inhabited this town had been
very active in committing depredations upon the fron-
tiers, massacring the inhabitants, &c., for which
reason the town was destroyed by the troops previous
to their leaving it.

Soon after the return of Gen. Harrison to Detroit,
the Otnwas, Chippewas, Pottawatomies, Miamis, and
Kickaj^oo'?, proposed a suspension of hostilities, and
agrepo to " take hold of the same tomahawk with the
Ai ic. icans, utid to strike all who were or might be
viv hues of '-Lc United States." They otTered their
nomen and children as hostages. Walk-in-the-water,
a disiinguished clnef who had taken an active part in
the late engagement, waited upon the general in person
to implore peace. The white flag which he bore in
his hand attracted a great crowd, who were struck
with admiration at the firmness with which this distin
guished warrior passed through the ranks of the
American trov^j.s, whom he so gallantly opposed but a
few days before ; yet his adverse fortune was calcu-
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INDIAN WARS.

lated to depress his spirits and produce humility. Al-
most all the other chiefs had been killed, or had sur-
rendered themselves prisoners, and he was without the
means of living or resisting.

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CHAP. XIX.

WAR WITH THE CREEK NATION. —MASS ACRE AT FORT MIMS.—
BATTLES OF TALLUSHATCHES, TALLEDAGA, ANTOSSE— ATTACK
UPON CAMP DEFIANCE. AND BRILLIANT VICTORY AT THE BEND
OF THE TALLAPOOSA.

The enemy, apparently disposed to enlist the sav-
ages in the war at its commencement, despatched mes-
sengers to several of the Indian tribes in the Missis-
sippi Territory, distinguished by the names of Creeks,
Choctaws, and Chickasaws, to persuade them to take a
part with them in their contest with the United States.
The most friendly relations had subsisted between
these tribes and the United States for many years ;
and the latter, dictated by a generous policy, had been
successful in their endeavors to introduce among them
the improvements of civilized society. But so ardent
is the propensity of tne Indian character for war, that
many were induced to commit the most wanton and
unprovoked acts of barbarity upon the Americans.

The most experienced and well-disposed chiefs,
aware of the evils a war with the United States must
produce upon the tribes, made use of their best endeav
ors to suppress their acts of cruelty ; but those deter-
mined on war were not disposed to listen to the dictates
of discretion or wisdom, and commenced open hostilities
against the United States by one of the most bloody
massacres recorded in Indian history. The particulars

INDIAN WARS.

259

of the bloody transaction are copied from a letter of
Judge Toulman, dated September 7th, 1813.

" The dreadful catastrophe which we have been
some time anticipating has at length taken place. The
Indians have broken in upon us, in numbers and fury
unexampled. Our settlement is ovenun, and our
country, I fear, is on the eve of being depopulated.
The accounts which we received led us to expect an
attack about the full moon of August ; and it was
known at Pensacola, when the ammunition was given to
the Indians, who were to be the leaders of the respec-
tive parties destined to attack the different parts of our
settlement. The attempt made to deprive them of
their ammunition, issued by the Spaniards on the recom-
mendation of a British general, on their way from Pen-
sacola, and in which it was said the Indians lost more
than twenty men, although only one third of our peo
pie stood their ground, it is highly probable, in some
measure, retarded their operations; and the steady
succession of rain contributed to produce the same
effect. Had their attempt been conducted with more
judgment and supported with more vigor, there would
have been an end, for a time, of Indian v/arfare. In
consequence of the delay, our citizens began to grow
careless and confident ; and several families who
had removed from Tensaw to fort Stoddert, returned
again, and fell a sacrifice to the merciless savages.

" A few days before the attack, some negroes of Mr.
M'Girt, who lived in that part of the Creek territory
which is inhabited by half-breeds, had been sent up ihe
Alabama to his plantation for corn ; three of them were
taken by a party of Indians. One escaped and brought
down news of the approach of the Indians. The officer
gave but little credit to him ; but they made some
further preparation to receive the enemy. On the next
day Mr. James Cornels, a half-breed, and some white
men, who had been out on the late battle-ground, and
discovered the trail of a considerable body of Indians
going towards Mr. M'Girt's, came to the fort and
informed the commanding officer of the discovery.

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INDIAN WARS.

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Though their report did not appear to receive full
credit, it occasioned great exertions ; and on Saturday
and Sunday considerable work was done to pujt the
fort in a state of defence. On Sunday morning three
negroes were sent out to attend the cattle, who soon
returned with an account that they had seen twenty
Indians. Scouts were sent out to ascertain||the truth
of the report. They returned and declared -tney could
see no signs of Indians. One of the negroes belonging
to Mr. Randon was whipped for bringing what they
deemed a false report. He was sent out again on
Monday, and saw a body of Indians approaching ;
but, afraid of being whipped, he did not return to Mims
but to Pierce's fort ; but before his story could be
communicated, the attack was made. The command-
ing office?, called upon Mr. Fletcher, who owned
another of the negroes, to whip him also. He believed
the boy, and resisted two or three applications ; but at
length they had him actually brought out for the pur-
pose, when the Indians appeared in view of the fort.
Tiie gate was open. The Indians had to come through
an open field one hundred and fifty yards wide before
they could reach the fort, and yet they were within
thirty steps of the fort, at eleven o'clock in the morning,
before they were noticed. The sentry then gave the
cry of Indians!' and they immediately set up a most
terrible war-whoop, and rushed into the gate with
inconceivable rapidity, and got within it before the
people of the fort had an opportunity of shutting it.
jT-iis decided their fate. Major Beasely was shot
through the body near the gate. He called to the men
to take care of the ammunition and retreat to the
house. He went himself to a kitchen, where it is sup
posed he must have been burnt.

* There was a large body of Indians, though the}
probably did not exceed four hundred. Our people
seemed to sustain the attack with undaunted spirit
They took possession of the port-holes in the othei
lines of the fort, and fired on the Indians who remainedl
in the field. Some of the Indians got on the block

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INDIAN WARS.

261

house, at one of the corners ; but, after much firing
upon the people, they were dislodged. They suc-
ceeded, however, in setting fire to a house near the
pickets, from which it communicated to the kitchen, *
and from thence to the main dwelling-house. They
attempted to do it by burning arrows, but failed.
When the people in the fort saw the Indians retained
full possession of the outer court, and the gate con-
tinued, open, that their men fell very fast, and that
(heir houses were in flames, they began to despond.
Some determined to cut their way through the pickets
and escape. Of the whole number of white men and
half-breeds in the fort, it is supposed that not more than
twenty-five or thirty escaped, and of these many were
wounded. The rest, and almost all the women and
children, fell a sacrifice either to the shot of the Indians
or the flames. The battle terminated about an hour
before sunset.

" The women and children took refuge in an upper
story of the dwelling-house ; and it is said that the
Indians, when the buildings were in flames, danced
around them with savage delight. The helpless vic-
tims perished in the flames. It is also reported that,
when the buildings were burning, and the few who
remained were exposed to the fire of the enemy, they
collected many of the guns of the deceased and threw
both them and the remaining stock of ammunition into
the flames, to prevent their becoming subservient, in the
hands of the Indians, to the destruction of their fellow-
citizens. Surely this was an instance of determined
resolution and benevolent foresight, of which there are
not many examples.

" But notwithstanding the bravery of our fellow-
citizens, the Indians carried all before them, and
murdered the armed and the helpless without discrim-
ination. Our loss is seven commissioned officers, and
about one hundred non-commissioned officers and pri-
vates, of the first regiment of the Mississippi territory
volunteers. There were about twenty-four families of
men, women, and children in the fort, of whom almost

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INDIAN WARS.

all have perished, amounting to one hundred and sixtj
souls. I reckon, however, among them about six
families of half-breeds and seven Indians. There
were also about one hundred negroes, of whom a
large proportion were killed. The half-breeds have
uniformly done themselves honor, and those who sur>
vive will afford great assistance in the prosecution of
the war."

On the first of November, Gen. Jackson, receiving
mformation that a considerable number of hostile
Creeks were embodied at Tallushatches, detached
Gen. John Coffee with a number of men to attack and
destroy the place, which he completely effected.

The following is an extract from Gen. Coffee's
official report to Gen. Jackson of the expedition.

" Pursuant to your order of the 2d, I detached from
my brigade of cavalry and mounted riflemen nine hun-
dred men and officers, and proceeded directly to the
Tallushatches towns, crossing Coosey river at the Fish-
darn ford, three or four miles above this place. I
arrived within one and a half miles of the town on the
morning of the 3d, at which place I divided my detach-
ment into two columns : the right, composed of the cav-
alry, commanded by Col. Allcorn, to cross over a large
creek that lay between us and the towns ; the left
column was of the mounted riflemen, under the com-
mand of Col. Cannon, with whom I marched my-
self Col. Allcorn was ordered to march up on the
right and encircle one half of the towns, and at the
same time the left would form half a circle on the left,
and unite the head of the columns in front of the town ;
all of which was performed as I could wish. When
I arrived within half a mile of the town, the drums of
the enemy began to beat, mingled with their savage
yells, preparing for action. It was an hour after sun-
rise when the action was brought on by Capt. Ham-
mond and Lieut. Patterson's companies, who had
gone on within the circle of alignment for the pur-
pose of drawing out the enemy from their buildings,
which had the most happy effect. As soon as Capt.

irrDIAN WARS.

263

Hammond exhibited his front in view of the town
(which stood in wood-land) and gave a few scattering
shot, the enemy formed and made a violent charge on
him ; he gave way as they advanced, until they met
our right column, which gave them a general fire and
then charged. This changed the direction of the charge
completely. The enemy retreated, firing until they got
around and in their buildings, where they made all the
resistance that an overpowered soldiery possibly could
do ; they fought as long as one existed. But their des-
truction was very soon completed ; our men rushed up
to the doors of the houses, and in a few minutes killed
the last warrior of them. The enemy fought with
savage fury, and met death with all its liorrors without
shrinking or complaining ; not one asked to be spared,
but fought as long as they could stand or sit. In con-
sequence of their flying to their houses and mixing with
the families, our men, in killing the males, without
intention killed and wounded a few of the squaws and
children, which was regretted by every officer and sol-
dier of the detachment, but it could not be avoided.

'* The number of the enemy killed was one hundred
and eighty-six that were counted, and a number of
others that were killed in the woods and not found. I
think the calculation a reasonable one to say two hun-
dred of them were killed, and eighty-four prisoners of
women and children were taken. Not one of the war-
riors escaped to carry the news, a circumstance hitherto
unknown.

" I lost five men killed and forty "wounded, none
mortally, the greater part slightly, a number with ar-
rows ; two of the men killed was with arrows. This
appears to form a very principal part of the enemy's
arms for warfare ; every man having a bow with a
bundle of arrows, which is used after the first fire with
the gun, until a leisure time for loading oflfers."

Gen. Jackson, receiving information on the seventh
of November that a party of friendly Creeks at the fort
at Tallegada were threatened with an attack from a
considerable body of hostile Creeks, marched to their

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264

INDIAN WARS.

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relief in the evening. At four o'clock in the morning
of the 9th, he fell in with the enemy within a quarter of
a mile of the fort, and after a short action succeeded in
dispersing them with great slaughter.

The following is an extract from the general's official
letter, giving the particulars of the hattle. i;

" At sunrise we came within half a mile of them,
and having formed my men, I moved on in battle order.
The infantry were in three lines ; the militia on the
left, and the* volunteers on the right. The cavalry
formed the extreme wings ; and were ordered to ad-
vance in a curve, keeping their rear connected with the
advance -of their infantry lines, and enclose the enemy
in a circle. The advanced guard, whom i sent forward
to bring on the engagement, met the attack of ihc
enemy with great intrepidity ; and having i>oured upon
thom four or five very gallant rounds, fell back, as they
had been previously ordered, to the main army. The
enemy pursued, and the front line was now ordered to
advance and meet them ; but, owing to some misunder-
standing, a few companies of militia, who composed a
part of it, commenced a retreat. At this moment
a corps of cavalry commanded by Lieut. Dyer, which
I had kept as a reserve, was ordered to dismount and
fill up the vacancy occasioned by the retreat. This
order was executed with a great deal of promptitude
and effect.

" The militia, seeing this, speedily rallied, and the
fire became general along the first line, and on that part
of the wings which was contiguous. The enemy, una-
ble to stand it, began to retreat, but were met at every
turn and pursued in every direction. The right wing
chased them with the most destructive fire to the moun-
tains, a distance of about three miles ; and had I not
been compelled by the faux pas of the militia in the
onset of the battle to dismount my reserve, I believe
not a man of them would have escaped. The victory,
however, was very decisive ; two hundred and ninety
of the enemy were left dead, and there can be no doubt
but many more were killed who were not found.

INDIAN WARS.

265

Wherever they ran they left behind traces of blood ;
and I believe that very few will return to their villages
in as sound a condition as they led them. I was
compelled to return to this place to protect the sicis
and wounded, and get my baggage. In the engage-
ment we lost fifteen killed and fifteen wounded, two of
whom have since died."

On the 11th of November a detachment of the Ten-
nessee militia, under Gen. White, was sent against the
Hillibee towns, for the purpose of punishing the hostile
Creeks in that quarter. Extract uom Gen. White's
oiiicial letter to Major Gen. Cocke, giving an account
of the expedition.

" Under y\)ur order of the 11th November, I imme-
idicly marched with the mounted infantry under the
command of Major Porter, and a few of the Cherokee
Indians under Col. Morgan, with very short rations
only. We continued our march to Little Oakfuskie,
when we fell in with and captured five hostile Creek
warriors, supposed to be spies. Finding no other In-
dians at that place, we burned the town, which con-
sisted of thirty houses. We then proceeded to a town
called Genalga, and burned the same, consisting of
ninety-three houses. Thence we proceeded to Nitty
Chapota, consisting of about twenty five houses, which
I considered it most prudent not to destroy, as it might
possibly be of use at some future period. Thence we
marched to the Hillibee town, consisting of about
twenty houses, adjoining which was Grayston's farm.
Previous to our arrival at that place, I was advised
that a part of the hostile Creeks were assembled there.
Having marched within six or seven miles of it on the
17th, I dismounted a part of the force under my com-
mand, and sent them, under the command of Coh
Burch, with the Cherokees under the command of Col.
Morgan, in advance, to surround the town in the raght,,
and make the attack at daylight on the 18th. Owing
to the darkness of the night, the town was not reached'
until after daylight ; but So complete was the surprise-,
that we succeeded in surrounding the town, and killing

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INDIAN WARS.

and capturing almost, if not entirely, the whole of the
hostile Creeks assembled there, consisting of about
three hundred and ten ; of which number about sixty
warriors were killed on the spot, and the remainder
made prisoners. Before the close of the engagement
my whole force was up and ready for action, had it
become necessary ; but, owing to the want of knowledge
on the part of the Indians of our approach, they were
entirely killed and taken before they could prepare for
any effectual defence. We lost not one drop of blood
in accomplishing this enterprise."

The Georgia militia under Gen. Floyd, on the 29th
November, succeeded in defeating a large body of
hostile Creeks at Antosse. The following is from his
letter to Gen. Pinckney, detailing the particulars of the
battle.

*' Having received information that numbers of the
hostile Indians were assembled at Antosse, a town on
the northern bank of the Tallapoosa, about eighteen
miles from the hickory ground, and twenty above the
iunction of that river with the Coosa, I proceeded to it
with nine hundred and My of the Georgia militia,
accon^nied by between three and four hundred
friendly Indians. Having encamped within nine or ten
miles of the point of destination the preceding evening,
we resumed the march a few minutes before one, on
the morning of the 29th, and at half past six were
formed for action in front of the town.

** Booth's battalion composed the right column,
and marched from its centre. Watson's battalion
composed the left, and marched from its right. Ad-
ams' rifle company, and Merriwether's, under Lieut.
Hendon, were on the flanks. Capt. Thomas' artillery
marched in front of the right column in the road.

" It was my intention to have completely surrounded
the enemy, by applying the right wing of my force on
Canlabee creek, at the mouth of which I was informed
the town stood, and resting the left on the bank below
♦he town ; but to our surprise, as day dawned, we per-
(.ceived a second town, about five hundred yards below

INDIAN WARS.

267

that which we had first viewed and were preparing to
attack. The plan was immediately changed ; three
companies of infantry on the left were wheeled to the
left, into echelon, and were advanced to the low town,
accompanied by Merriwether's rifle company, and
two troops of light dragoons under the command of
Captains Irwin and Steel. „ j

*' The residue of the force approached the upper
town, and the battle soon became general. The In-
dians presented themselves at every point, and fought
with the desperate bravery of real fanatics. The well-
directed fire, however, of the artillery, added to the
charge of the bayonet, soon forced them to take refuge
in the out-houses, thickets, and copses in the rear of
the town ; many, it is believed, concealed themselves
in caves, previously formed, for the purpose of secure
retreat, in the high bluff of the river, which was thickly
covered with reed and brush-wood. The Indians of the
friendly party who accompanied us on the expedition,
were divided into four companies, and placed under
the command of leaders of their own selection. Some
time after the action commenced, our red friends
thronged in disorder in the rear of our lines. The
Cowetas under M'Intosh, and the Tookabatchians
under Mad-Dog's-Son, fell into our flanks, and fought
with an intrepidity worthy of any troops.

" At nine o'clock the enemy were completely driven
from ihe plain, and the houses of both towns wrapped
in flames. As we were then sixty miles from any depot
of provisions, and our five days* rations pretty much
reduced, in the heart of the enemy's country, which in
a few months could have poured from its numerous
towns hosts of its fiercest warriors ; as soon as the
dead and wounded were disposed of, I ordered the place
to be abandoned, and the troops to commence their
march to Chatahouche."

Gen. Floyd was attacked by a large body of hostile
Creeks in his encampment, forty-eight miles west
of Colahoochie, on the 27th January ; but succeeded
m repelling them after a very bloody conflict. The

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269

IIVDIAN WARS.

particulars are contained in a letter of the general to
Maj. Gen. Pinckney, dated on the day of the engage-
ment.

** This morning, at twenty minutes past five o'clock,
'a very large body of hostile Indians made a desperate
attack upon the army under my command. They stole
upon our sentinels, fired on them, and with great
ferocity rushed upon our line. In twenty minutes the
action became general, and our front, right, and left
flanks were closely pressed ; but the brave and gallant
conrduct of the field and line officers, and the firmness
of our men, repelled them at every point.

" The steady firmness and incessant fire of Capt.
Thomas* artillery, and Capt. Adams' riflemen, pre-
served our front lines. Both of these companies suf-
fered greatly. The enemy rushed within thirty yards
of the artillery, and Capt. Broadnax, who commanded
one of the piquet guards, maintained his post with
great bravery, until the enemy gained his rear, and
then cut his way through them to the army. On this
occasion, Timpoche Barnard, a half-breed, at the
head of the Uchies, distinguished himself, and contrib-
uted to the retreat of the piquet guard ; the other
friendly Indians took refuge within our lines, and re-
mained inactive, with the exception of a few who joined
our ranks. As soon as it became light enough to dis-
tinguish objects, I ordered Majors Watson and Free-
man's battalions to wheel at right angles with Majors
Booth and Cleveland's battalions, which formed the
right wing, to prepare for the charge. Capt. Duke
Hamilton's cavalry, which had reached me but the day
before, was ordered to form the rear of the right wing,
to act as circumstances should dictate. The order for
the charge was promptly obeyed, and the enemy fled
in every direction before the bayonet. The signal was
given for the charge of the cavalry, who pursued and
sabred fifteen of the enemy, and left thirty-seven dead
on the field. From the efltision of blood, and the
number of head-dresses and war«clubs found in various

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269

f51

directions, their loss must have been considerable, inde-
pendent of their wounded.

" I directed the friendly Indians, with Merriwether
and Ford's rifle companies, accompanied by Capt.
Hamilton's troops, to pursue them through Can-
lebec swamp, where they were trailed by their blood,
but they succeeded in overtaking but one of the
wounded."' '

On the 14th January, Gen. Jackson, having been
reinforced by about eight hundred volunteers, com-
menced his march in quest of the enemy upon the Tal-
lapoosa river. The objects and particulars of the
expedition are disclosed in the following extract of a
letter from him to Maj. Gen. Pinckney, dated Fort
Sirother, Jan. 29.

*' I had the honor of informing you in a letter of the
31st ult., forwarded by Mr. M'Caudles, of an excursion
I contemplated making still further into the enemy's
country, with the new raised volunteers from Tennes-
see. I had ordered those troops to form a junction
with me on the 10th instant ; but they did not arrive
until the 14th. Their number, including officers, was
about eight hundred.

" The motives which influenced me to penetrate still
farther into the enemy's country with this force, were
many and urgent. The term of service of the new
raised volunteers was short, and a considerable part of
it was expired ; they were expensive to the govern-
ment, and were full of ardor to meet the enemy. The
ill efl*ects of keeping soldiers of this description long
stationary and idle, I had been made to feel but too
sensibly already. Other causes concurred to make
such a movement not only justiflable, but absolutely
necessary.

** I took up the line of march on the 17th inst., and
on the night of the 18ih encamped at Tallegada fort,
where I was joined by between two and three hundred
friendly Indians, sixty-five of whom were Cherokees,
the balance Creeks. I was informed that an attack
was intended soon to be made by nine hundred of the

270

INDIAN WARS.

enemy. I resolved to lose no time in meeting this
force, which was understood to have been collected from
New Yorkcau, Oakfuskie, and Ufauley towns, and
were concentrated in the bend of the Tallapoosa, near
the mouth of the creek called Emuckfau, on an island
below New Yorkcau.

" On the morning of the 21st, I marched from Eno-
tachopee, as direct as I could for the bend of the Tal-
lapoosa, and about two o'clock P. M. my spies, having
discovered two of the enemy, endeavored to catch them,
but failed. In the evening, I fell in upon a large trail,
which led to a new road, much beaten and lately trav-
elled. Knowing that I must have arrived within the
neighborhood of a strong force, and it being late in the
day, I determined to encamp, and reconnoitre the
country in the night. I chose the best site the country
would admit, encamped in a hollow square, sent out
my spies and pickets, doubled my sentinels, and made
the necessary arrangements before dark for a night
attack. At about ten o'clock at night, one of the
pickets fired at three of the enemy, and killed one, but
he was not found uritil the next day. At eleven
o'clock, the spies whom I had sent out returned
with the information that there was a large en-
canipment of Indian^ at the distance of about three
miles, who, from their whooping and dancing, seemed
to be apprized of our approach. One of these spies, an
Indian in whom I had great confidence, assured me
that they were carrying off their women and children,
and that the warriors would either make their escape,
or attack me before day. Being prepared at all points,
nothing remained to be done but await their approach,
if they meditated an attack, or to be in readiness, if
they did not, to pursue and attack them at daylight.
While we were in this state of readiness, the enemy,
about six o'clock in the morning, commenced a vigor-
ous attack on my lefl flank, which was vigorously met.
The action continued to rage on my lefl flank, and on
the lefl of my rear, for about half an hour. The brave
Gen. Coffee, with Col. Sittler, the adjutant general,

INDIAN WARS.

271

and Col. Carroll, the inspector general, at the moment
the firing commenced, mounted their horses, and re-
paired to the line, encouraging and animating the men
to the performance of thegr duty. As soon as it became
light enough to pursue, the left wing, having sustained
the heat of action, and being somewhat weakened, was
reinforced by Capt. Ferrill's coiiiptiny of infantry, and
was ordered and led on to the charge by Gen. Coffee,
who was well supported by Col. Higgins and the
inspector general, and by all the otiicers and privates
who composed that line. The enemy was completely
routed at every point, and the friendly Indians joining
in the pursuit, they were chased about two miles with
great slaughter.

" The chase being over, I immediately detached
Gen. Coffee, with four hundred men and all the Indian
force, to burn their encampment ; but it was said by
some to be fortified. I ordered him, in that event, not
to attack it, until the artillery could be sent forward
to reduce it. On viewing the encampment and its
strength, the general thought it most prudent to return
to my encampment, and guard the artillery thither.
The wisdom of this step was soon discovered. In
half an hour afler his return to camp, a considerable
force of the enemy made its appearance on my right
flank, and commenced a brisk fire on a party of men
who had been on a picket guard the night before, and
were then in search of the Indians they had fired upon,
some of whom they believed had been killed. Gen.
Coffee immediately requested me to let him take two
hundred men and turn their left flank, which I accord-
ingly ordered ; but, through some mistake which I did
not then observe, not more than fifty-four followed
him, among whom were the old volunteer officers.
With these, however, he immediately commenced an
attack on the lefl fiank of the enemy ; at which time I
ordered two hundred of the friendly Indians to fall in
upon the right flank of the enemy, and co-operate with
the general. This order was promptly obeyed, and
at the moment of the execution what I expected was

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INDIAN WARS.

realized. The enemy had intended to attack on the
right, as a feint, and expecting me to direct all my
attention thither, meant to attack me again with their
main force on the Icfl flank, v^hich they hoped to find
weakened and in disorder ; but they were disappointed.
I had ordered the lefl flank to remain firm to its place,
and the moment the alarm gun was heard in that
quarter, I repaired thither, and ordered Capt. Ferrill,
with part of my reserve, to support it. The whole
line met the approach of the enemy with astonishing
intrepidity, and having given a few fires, they forthwith
charged with great vigor. The effect was immediate
and inevitable. The enemy fled with precipitation,
and were pursued to a considerable distance by the left
flank and the friendly Indians, with a galling and
destructive fire. Col. Carroll, who ordered the charge,
led on the pursuit, and Col. Higgins and his regiment
again distinguished themselves.

'* In the mean time. Gen. Coffee was contending
with a superior force of the enemy. The Indians
whom I had ordered to his support, and who had set
out for the purpose, hearing the firing on the lefl, had
returned to that quarter, and when the enemy were
routed there, entered into the chase. That being now
over, I forthwith ordered Jim Fife, who was one of
the principal commanders of the friendly Creeks, with
one hundred of his warriors, to execute my first order.
As soon as he reached Gen. Coffee, the charge was
made and the enemy routed. They were pursued
about three miles, and forty-five of them slain, who
were found. Gen. Coffee was wounded in the body,
and his aid-de-camp, A. Donaldson, killed, together
with three others. .,,.4-^

** I had indeed hoped to have met the enemy there,
but having met and beat them a little sooner, I did not
think it necessary or prudent to proceed any further.
I commenced my return march at half past ten on the
twenty-third, and was fortunate enough to reach
Enotachopco before night, having passed without
interruption a dangerous defile, occasioned by a

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INDIAN WARS.

273

hurricane. I again fortified my camp, and having
another defile to pass in the morning, across a deep
creek and between two hills, which I had viewed with
attention as I passed on, and where I expected I
might be attacked, I determined to pass it at another
point, and gave directions to my guide and fatigue men
accordingly. My expectation of an attack in the
morning was increased by the signs of the night, and
with it my caution. Before I removed the wounded
from the interior of my camp, I had my front and rear
guards formed, as well as my right and left columns,
and moved off my centre in regular order, leading down
a handsome ridge to Enotachopco creek, at a point
where it was clear of reed, except immediately on its
margin.

" The front guard had passed with part of the flank
columns, the wounded were over, and the artillery in
the act of entering the creek, when an alarm* gun was
heard in the rear. I heard it without surprise, and even
with pleasure, calculating with the utmost confidence
on the firmness of my troops, from the manner in which
I had seen them act on the twenty-second. I had
placed Col. Carroll at the head of the centre column of
the rear guard ; its right column was commanded by
Col. Stump. Having chosen the ground, I expected
there to have entirely cut off the enemy, by wheeling (he
right and left columns on their pivots, recrossing the
creek above and below, and falling in npon their flanks
and rear. But, to my astonishment and mortification,
when the word was given by Col. Carroll to halt and
form, and a few guns had been fired, I beheld the right
and left columns of the rear guard precipitately give
way. This shamoful retreat was disastrous in the
extreme ; it drew along with it the greater part of the
centre column, leaving not more than twenty-five men,
who, being formed by Col. Carroll, maintained their
ground as long as it was possible to maintain it ; and it
brought consternation and confusion into the centre of
the army, a consternation which was not easily re-
moved, and a confusion which could not soon be

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INDIAN WARS.

restored to order. There was then lefl to repulse
the enemy the few who remained of the rear guard,
the artillery company, and Capt. RusseH's company
of spies. They, however, realized and exceeded my
highest expectations. Lieut. Armstrong, who com-
manded the artillery company, ordered them to form
and advance to the top of the hill, while he and a few
others dragged up the six-pounder. Never was more
bravery displayed than on this occasion. Amid the
most galling fire from the enemy, more than ten times
their number, they ascended the hill, and maintained
their position until their piece was hauled up, when,
having levelled it, they poured upon the enemy a fire
of grape, reloaded and fired again, charged, and
repulsed them. , .• ,w. *•;;,)

" The enemy "were pursued for more than two miles,
who fled in consternation, throwing away their packs,
and leaving twenty-six of their warriors dead on the
field. This last defeat was decisive, and we were no
more disturbed by their yells.

" In these several engagements, our loss was twenty
killed and seventy-five wounded, four of whom have
since died. The loss of the enemy cannot be accu-
rately ascertained ; one hundred and eighty of their
warriors were found dead ; but this must fall consid'-
erably short of the number really killed. Their
wounded can only be guessed at."

Gen. Jackson, determined on the extermination of
the Creeks for their atrocious conduct, on the 10th of
March, 1814, penetrated as far as the bend of the Tal-
lapoosa, where a most decisive victory was obtained,
and the destruction of the nation nearly accomplished.
The following is an extract from Gen. Jackson's
account of tbc brilliant achievement, in a letter to
Gov. Blount, dated Fort Williams, March 31, 1814.

*' I took up the line of march fnpm this place on the
morning of the 2ist instant, and having opened a pas-
sage of fifly-two and a half miles over the ridges which
divide the waters of the two rivers, I reached the bend
of the .Tallapoosa, three miles beyond where I had the

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INDIAN WARS.

275

engagement of the 22d of January, and at the southern
extremity of New Yorkcau, on the morning of the
27th. • ^"*

' " Early on the morning of the 27th, having encamped
the preceding night at tne distance of five miles from
them, I detailed Gen. Coffee, with the mounted men
and nearly the whole of the Indian force, to cross tiie
river at a ford about three miles below their encamp-
ment, and to surround the bend in such a manner that
none of them should escape by attempting to cross the
river. With the musketry and rifles I kept up a
galling fire wherever the enemy showed themselves
behind their works, or ventured to approach them.
This was continued with occasional intermissions for
about two hours, when a detachment under Col. Mor-
gan crossed over to the peninsula in canoes, and set
fire to a few of their buildings there situated.

" Having maintained for a few minutes a very obsti-
nate contest, musket to musket, through the port-holes,
in which many of the balls were wedded to the bay-
onets of the muskets, our troops succeeded in gaining
possession of the opposite side of the works. The
event could no longer be doubtful. The enemy, al-
though many of them fought to the last with that kind
of bravery which desperation inspires, were at length
entirely routed and cut to pieces.

" Both officers and men, who had the best opportu-
nities of judging, believe the loss of the enemy in
killed not far short of eight hundred. Among the
dead was found their famous prophet Monahell. Two
other prophets were also killed ; leaving no others, as
I can learn, on the Tallapoosa. I lament that two or
three women and children were killed by accident. I
do not know the exact number of prisoners taken, but
it must exceed three hundred ; all women and children
' except three.

* "The battle may be said to have continued with

• severity for about five hours ; but the firing and slaugh-
^ ter continued until it was suspended by the darkness
^of the night. The next mommg it was resumed, and

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INDIAN WARS.

sixteen of the enemy slain, who had concealed them-
selves under the banks. Our loss was twenty-six
white men killed, and one hundred and seven wounded ;
Cherokees, eighteen killed and thirty-six wounded ;
friendly Creeks, five killed and eleven wounded."

The brilliant and decisive victoHes obtained by Gen.
Jackson and his brave men over the Creeks, induced
many of those who survived to surrender and sue for
peace. A few of them, however, otherwised disposed,
fled towards Pensacola, before the arrival of the gene-
ral at Tallapoosa. Many of the runaway negroes, who
were captured at fort Mims, were restored to their
masters, and an unfortunate white female captive, Polly
Jones, who, with her two children, had been taken
prisoners by the Indians, were released and restored to
their friends. The Tallapoosa and Tostahatchee kings
were taken prisoners, as was Peter M'(^uin, a distin-
guished chief, but he unfortunately afterwards made
his escape. Hillinhagee, their great prophet, fled with
the fugitives towards Pensacola. Weatherford, their
speaker, and who through the war had been one of the
most active and enterprising chiefs, conceiving it in
vain any longer to resist, and being informed that Gen.
Jackson intended, if he could take him, to put him to
death, was advised by his friends, as his warriors
were almost all slain, as his country was ruined, and
his escape almost impracticable, to surrender himself
to the general ; that it was useless to attempt further
resistance ; and this was the only means by which his
life could be saved. Weatherford determined so to do,
and presented himself to Gen. Jackson at his quarters,
by whom it was demanded of him who he was and how
he came there. He replied, ** My name is Weather-
ford, one of the chiefs of the Red Sticks. I have
fought you till my warriors are all slain. If I had
warriors I would fight you still ; but I have none.
My country is overrun, and my soldiers are fallen.
Here I aih, in your power ; do with me as you please ;
only recollect that I am a soldier!" The patriotic
speech of this distinguished chief had its desired effect.

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IlfDIAM WARS.

277

Gen. Jackson declined to consider him even as a
prisoner of war. Weatherford, although as bold and
intrepid as a lion, had been many times defeated by
his enemies.

Gen. Jackson, aflcr having made known to the
surviving Creeks the terms upon which he was author-
ized to make peace, in the latter part of April with-
drew his forces from the Creek country. The terms
offered them were — That the United States were to
retain as much of the conquered territory as would
indemnify them for the expenses of the war, and as a
retribution for the injuries sustained by their citizens,
and such of the Creeks as had remained on friendly
terms with them during the war. The United States
were to establish whatever military posts and trading-
houses they should think proper, and to have the
free navigation of the rivers and water-courses
throughout the Creek country. The Creeks were
to surrender their prophets, and other chiefs who
remained, or who should thereafter prove hostile to
the interest and welfare of the States. The Tallisee
king, of whom we have made frequent mention, and
who was supposed to have been killed in one of Gen.
Floyd's engagements with the Creeks, surrendered
himself a prisoner to the Americans. He was upwards
of a hundred years of age, with a head as white
as snow, and had been regarded by the enemy as a
very great prophet. The friendly Creeks viewed him
as their most inveterate enemy, and although nearly
bent double with age, they were anxious to put him to
death, and would have done so had it not been for thi
interposition of the American officers.

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278

INDIAN WARS.

--: . . ;,■ . ;.^? ■■•:.,

CHAP. XX. i

SEMINOLE WAR.— INDIAN DEPREDATIONS.— CAPTURE OF FORT ST.
MARKS.— EXECUTION OF ARBUTHNOT AHD AMBRISTER— PENSA-
COLA TAKEN BY GEN. JACKSON. r -'..'. -

111'

«■? = ?

i. '

The Creek war happily terminating in the spring of
1814, and a treaty of peace having been mutually con-
cluded upon between the surviving chiefs of that nation
and commissioners appointed on the part of the United
States, but httle opposition was then apprehended from
the fugitives who liad fled towards Pensacola, and who
remained hostile to the interest of the Americans.
But, contrary to the expectations of our government, it
was soon after discovered that these Indians had
sought refuge among the different savage tribes living
within and on the borders of the Floridas, denominated
Seminole Indians, who, it was suspected, cherished
feelings of hostility to the United States. This fact
litiving been ascertained, the executive department of
the government deemed it necessary, for the security
of the frontier, to establish a line of forts near the
southern boundary'of the United States, and to occupy
these fortifications with portions of the regular forces ;
and by this means peace was maintained with the
Indians until the spring or summer of 1817, when the
regular forces were withdrawn from the posts on the
Giidrgia 'frontier, and concentrated at fort Montgomery,
on the Alabama river, a considerable distance west of
the Georgia Hue. But it seems that about this time

^ a border warfare was commenced between the Semi-
nole Indians and the frontier inhabitants of Georgia.
Many horrid barbarities are said to have been perpe-
trated by the former ; some of which it may not be im-
proper rfbre to mention. The house of a Mr. Garret, re-
siding near the boundary of Wayne county, was attacked

- by a party of Indians during his absence. They shot

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INDIAN WARS.

279

Mrs. Garrett in two places, and then despatched her
by stabbing and scalping. Her two children, one
about three years and the other two months old, were
also murdered, and the eldest scalped. The house was
then plundered of every article of value, and set on
fire ! A boat soon after ascending the Alabama river,
containing thirty men, seven women, and four small
children, was captured by the Indians. Six of the
men escaped, one woman was taken captive, and the
remainder inhumanly butchered. The children were
taken by the leg and their brains dashed out against the
boat!

Duncan M'Krimmon, (a resident of Milledgeville, a
Georgia militia man, stationed at fort Gadsden,) heing
out one morning on a fishing excursion, in attempting
to return, missed his way, and was several days lost in
the surrounding wilderness. After wandering about in
various directions, he was espied and captured by a
party of hostile Indians, headed by the well-known
prophet Francis. The Indians having obtained the
satisfaction they wanted respecting the determination
of government, the position of the American army,
&,c., they began to prepare for the intended sacrifice.
M'Krimmon was bound to a stake, and the ruthless
savages, having shaved his head and reduced his body
to a state of nudity, formed themselves into a circle and
danced round him some hours, yelling most horribly.
The youngest daughter of the prophet, about fifteen
years of age, remained sad and silent the whole time.
She participated not in the general joy, but was evi-
dently, even to the affrighted prisoner, much pained nt
the savage scene she was compelled to witness. When
the burning torches were about to be applied to'^the
fagots which encompassed the prisoner, and the fatal
tomahawk was raised to terminate forever his mortal
existence, Milly Francis, (for that was her name,) like
an angel of mercy, placed herself.between it and death,
resolutely bidding the astonished executioner, if he
thirsted for human blood, to shed hers ; being deter-
mined, she said, not to survive the prisoner's death.

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280

INDIAN WARS.

A momentary pause was produced by this unexpected
occurrence, and she took advantage of the circum-
stance to implore upon her knees the pity of the fero-
cious father, who finally yielded to her wishes ; with
the intention, however, it is suspected, of murdering
them both, if he could not sell M'Krimmon to the Span-
iards, which was luckily effected a few days after at St.
Marks, for seven gallons and a half of rum. As long
as M'Krimmon remained a prisoner, his benefactress
continued to show him acts of kindness. The fortune
of war has since placed her, as we shall hereafter have
occasion to notice, in the power of the white people,
being compelled, with a number of others of her tribe
who were in a starving condition, to surrender them-
selves prisonei's. As soon as this fact was known to
M'Krimmon, in manifestation of a due sense of the
obligation which he owed to the woman who saved his
life at the hazard of her own, he sought her to alleviate
lier misfortune, and to offer her marriage ; but Milly
would not consent to become his wife as a considera-
tion of having saved his life, declaring that she did no
more than her duty, and that her intercessions were
the same as they would ever have been on similar

occasions.

v^n-

' ??■»?**

In the frequent outrages committed upon the fron-
tiers, it was somewhat difficult to determine who were
the first aggressors, or on whom the greatest injuries
were inflicted. Gen. Gaines, however, demanded a
surrender of the Indians who had committed depreda-
tions on the frontier of Georgia. With this demand
they refused to comply, alleging that the first and the
greatest aggressions had been made by the white

men.

t;.'

In consequence of this refusal. Gen. Gaines was
authorized by the secretary of war, at his discretion, to
remove the Indians still remaining on the lands ceded
to the United States by the treaty made with the
Creeks. In so doing, he was told that it might be
proper to retain some of them as hostages, until repa-
ration was mad-e for depredations committed by the

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INDIAN WARS.

281

Indians. In pursuance of this discretionary authority,
Gen. Gaines ordered a detachment of near three hun-
dred men, under the command of Major Twiggs, to
surround and take an Indian village called Fowl
Town, about fourteen miles from fort Scott, and
near the Florida line. This was partially carried into
effect.

From this time the war became more serious. The
Indians in considerable numbers were embodied, and
an open attack was made on fort Scott. Gen. Gaines,
with about six hundred regular soldiers, was confined
to the garrison. In this state of things, information
having been communicated to the war department.
Gen. Jackson was ordered to take the field. He was.
put in command of the regular and military force,
amounting to eighteen hundred men, provided for that
service ; and directed, if he should consider the force
provided insufficient to beat the enemy, (whose force
was estimated by Gen. Gaines at two thousand eight
hundred strong,) to call on the governors of the adjoin-
ing states for such portions of the militia as he might
think requisite. On the receipt of this order. Gen.
Jackson, instead of observing the orders of the depart-
ment of war, by calling on the governor of Tennessee,
then in Nashville, near the place of his residence,
chose to appeal (to use his own expression) to the
patriotism of the West Tennesseans, who had served
under him in the last war. One thousand mounted
gunmen, and two companies of what were called life-
guards, with the utmost alacrity, volunteered their
services from the states of Tennessee and Kentucky,
and repaired to his standard. Officers were appointed
to command this corps by the general himself^ or by
other persons acting under his authority^ Thus or-
ganized, they were mustered into the service of the
United States. .-n -.;,.,,,. .^^ ., ,^,

About the time Gen. Jackson was organizing this
detachment of volunteers in the state of Tennessee, or
previous thereto. Gen. Gaines was likewise employed
in raising forces among the Creek Indians. There

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282

INDIAN WARS.

was this difference in the two cases — Gen. Jackson
raised his army in disregard to positive orders ; Gen.
Gaines, without orders, took upon himself the authority
of raising an army of at least sixteen hundred Creek
Indians, appointing their officers, with a brigadier
general at their head, and likewise mustering this
force iT!to the service of the United States.

It appears that Gen. Jackson advanced into Florida,
with a force of eighteen hundred men, composed of
regulars, volunteers, and the Georgia militia ; and
afterwards, on the 1st day of April, was joined by
Gen. M'Intosh and his brigade of sixteen hundred
Indians, who had been previously organized by Gen.
Gaines. Opposed to whom, it appears, from the
-report of Capt. Young, topographical engineer, and
other evidence, the whole forces of the fugitive
Seminole Indians and runaway negroes, had they all
been embodied, could not have exceeded nine hundred
or one thousand men, and at no time did half that
number present themselves to oppose his march. Of
course, little or no resistance was made, t ^v . .^^ .

The Miskasmusky towns were first taken and des-
troyed. The army marched upon St. Marks, a feeble
Spanish garrison, which surrendered without firing a
gun, and was then occupied as an American post, the
Spanish commandant having first by humble entreaties,
and then by a timid protest, endeavored to avert the
measure. Here Alexander Arbuthnot was found,
taken prisoner, and put in confinement, for the purpose,
•as it was stated by Gen. Jackson, " of collecting
•evidence to establish his guilt;" and here also were
taken two Indian chiefs, one of whom prek^nded to
possess the spirit of prophecy ; they were hung without
trial and without ceremony. Francis, who, by the
entreaties of his daughter, was persuaded to spare the
life of M'Krimmon, a captive, was the prophet a]i>ove
alluded to. ^ »fM

This being done, and St. Marks garrisoned with
American -ttroops, the army pursued their march east-
ward to Suwaney river, on which they found a large

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INDIAN WARS.

283

,f 1

Indian village, which was consumed, and the Indians
and negroes were dispersed ; after which the army re-
turned to St. Marks, bringing with them Robert C.
Ambrister, who had been taken prisoner on their march
to Suwaney.

During the halt of the army for a few days at St.
Marks, a general court martial was called, Arbuthnot
was arraigned, found guifty, sentenced to suffer death,
and hung.

Ambrister was tried in like manner, found guilty,
and sentenced to whipping and confinement. Gen.
Jackson annulled the sentence, and ordered him to be
shot, and this order was executed.

It is stated that Arbuthnot, who was publicly exe-
cuted as a spy, by order of Gen. Jackson, had been a
captain in the British service, was about forty years
of age, of genteel appearance, and met his fate like a
soldier. When the executioner was fixing the rope
around his neck, he desired not to be handled so
roughly ; observed he was a gentleman, and spoke of
his death being avenged. His property he requested
shouM be given to his son. Ambrister (who was
charged with a similar offence, and suffered with Ar-
buthnot) was a young man, not exceeding twenty-five
years. At first he appeared undaunted and quite indif-
ferent as to his fate ; but as death began to look him in
the face, he lost his composure, and died more like a
woman than a man.

The prophet Francis, who was executed a little
before, had in his pocket a commission of brigadier
general, from the British government, supposed to have
been presented him during his late visit to England,
whence he had not long returned. His arrival in that
country was thus announced in one of the English
prints : ** The double sound of a trumpet announced
the approach of the patriot Francis, who fought so
gloriously in our cause of America. He was dressed
in a most splendid suit of red and gold, and by his side
he wore a tomahawk, mounted in gold!" This war-
rior is said to have been the prime mover of the unpro

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INDIAN WARS.

yoked and infernal massacre of the garrison, with the
women, Slc, of fort Mims ; and him also who slaugh-
tered Lieut. Scott and his party. An officer in Gen.
Jackson's army, in writing to his friend, relative to the
surrender of a number of the enemy as prisoners at St.
Marks, thus speaks of the family of Francis : " The
wife and the family of the pr.ophet Francis are among
the prisonerts. Two of his daughters are very interest-
ing young ladies, and speak very good English, as in
fact the whole family do except the mother. The
eldest, when her father was decoyed on board the
American schooner, shortly afler followed, supposing
her to be a British vessel ; before she got alongside,
however, she discovered the deception, pushed of!', and
made her escape. The youngest and most beautiful is
caressed by all the officers, for having saved the life of
the Georgia militia man."

In a communication from the war department
to Gen. Gaines, dated Oct. 30, 1817, he was directed,
that, should the hostile Indians persevere in their
refusal to make reparation for their depredations, it was
the wish of the President that he should not, on that
account, pass the line, and make an attack upon them
within the limits of Florida. In a later communication,
he says : " The state of our negotiation with Spain,
and temper manifested by the principal European pow-
ers, make it impolitic, in the opinion of the President,
to move a force at this time into the Spanish posses-
sions, for the mere purpose of chastising the Seminoles
for depredations which have heretofore been committed
by them." . ,? , t ^ ,. ^v^,.;.

Subsequently, the following order was received by
Gen. Gaines from the war department : " On the
receipt of this letter, should the Seminole Indians still
refuse to make reparations for their outrages and depre-
dations on the citizens of the United States, it is the
wish of the President that you consider yourself at
liberty to march across the Florida line, and to attack
them within its limits, should it be found necessary,
unless they should shelter themselves under a Spanish

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INDIAN WARS.

285

' /:

fort. In the last event, you will immediately notify
this department."

On the 1st of December, 1817, Gen. Gaines in-
formed the secretary of war, in a letter from fort
Scott, which was then the head* quarters, that there
was no ground to calculate upon the future security of
the frontier settlements, and says, — ** It is now my
painful duty to report an affair of a more serious nature
than has heretofore occurred, and which leaves no
doubt of the necessity of an immediate application of
force, and active measures on our part. A large party
of Seminole Indians, on the 30th ult., formed an ambus-
cade upon the Appalachicola river, a mile below the
junction of the Flint and Chatahoochic, attacked one
of our boats ascending near the shore, and killed,
wounded, and took the greater part of the detachment,
consisting of forty men, commanded by Lieut. R.
W. Scott, of the 7th infantry. . There were also on
board, killed or taken, seven women, the wives of sol-
diers. Six men of the detachment only escaped, four
of whom were wounded. They report that the strength
of the current at that point of attack had obliged the
lieutenant to keep his boat near the shore ; that the
' Indians had formed along the bank of the river, and
were not discovered until their fire had commenced ; in
the first volley of which, Lieut. Scott and most of his
valuable men fell." •

In December, 1817, Gen. Jackson received orders
from the secretary of war to take command of the
southern army, and to proceed against the h3stile In-
dians, with all the forces that had been raised for that
purpose, and to bring the war to as speedy a termina-
tion as possible. He proceeded to fort Scott and made
preparations for prosecuting the war with all the energy
in his power. On the 10th of March, 1818, he com-
menced his march, and soon afler passed the line in pur-
suit of the enemy, who had fled into Florida. He met
with very little opposition from them ; they divided
themselves into small parties, and defended themselves
with a desperate courage and boldness seldom before

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286

INDIAN WARS.

known, even in Indian warfare. A few prisoners were
taken, principally women and children ; many Indian
villages were burned, and a large quantity of corn and
other property destroyed.

On the 25th of April the Americans took possession
of fort St. Marks without opposition, in which was
placed n garrison. Gen. Jackson, in a letter to the
secretary of war, gives his reasons for the measure as
follows : "It could not be maintained by the Spanish
force garrisoning it. The Indians and negroes viewed
it as an asylum if driven from the towns, and were pre-
paring to occupy it in this event. It was necessary to
anticipate their movements, independent of the position,
being deemed essential as a depot on which the success
of my future operations measurably depended. In the
spirit of friendship, I, therefore, demanded its surrender
to the army of the United States, until the close of the
Seminole war. The Spanish commandant required
time to reflect ; it was granted, and a negotiation en
sued, and an efifort was made to protract it to an unwar-
rantable length. In the conversation between my aid-
de-camp, Lieut. Gadsden, and the Spanish command-
ant, circumstances transpired convincing him of a dis-
position to favor the Indians, and having taken an active
part in aiding and abetting them in this war. I hes-
itated, therefore, no longer ; and, as I could not be
received in friendship, I entered the fort by violence."

The American army soon after moved on in pursuit
of the enemy, who were able to make very little resist-
ance, destroying their settlements, and taking a few
stragglers prisoners, until they arrived before Pen-
sacola, which was surrendered, and taken possession
of by the American troops. The following extract
of a letter from Gen. Jackson to the secretary of
war, dated Fort Montgomery, June 2d, will acquaint
the reader with his reasons, as therein stated, for having
penetrated so far, and taken forcible possession of Pen-
sacola.

" On the 10th of May my array crossed the river at
the Ochessee village, and after a fatiguing, tedious, and

INDIAN WARS.

287

»»

circuitous inarch of twelve days, misled by the igno-
rance of our pilots, and exposed to the severest priva-
tions, we finally reached and effected a passage over the
Escandria. (Jn my march on the 23d of May, a pro-
test from the governor of Pensacola was delivered to
me by a Spanish officer, remonstrating in warm terms
against my proceedings, and ordering me and my force
instantly to quit the territory of his Catholic Majesty,
with a threat to apply force in the event of a non-com-
pliance. This was so open an indication of a hostile
feeling on his part, after having been early and well
advised of the objects of my operations, that I hesitated
no longer on the measures to be adopted. I marched
for and entered Pensacola with only the show of resist-
ance, on the 24th of May. The governor had previ-
ously fled to the Carlos de Barrancas, where it is said
he resolved upon a most desperate resistance. The
peaceable surrender of the fort at the Barrancas was
denied. I marched for and invested it on the ' evening
of the 25th of May, and on the same night pushed
reconnoitering parties under its very guns. On the
morning of the 26th a military reconnoisance was taken,
and on the same night a lodgment was made, under a
fire from the Spanish garrison, by Capt. Gadsden of
the engineers, aided by Captains Call and Young, on
a commanding position within three hundred and
eighty-five yards of the Spanish works, and a nine-
pounder mounted. A howitzer battery was simultane-
ously established on the capitol, and within seven hun-
dred and fifty yards of the fort. At daylight on the
27th, the Spanish garrison opened their artillery on our
batteries ; a parley was sounded, a flag sent in, and the
surrender of fort Carlos de Barrancas again demand-
ed ; the favorable positions obtained were pointed out,
and the inutility of resistance urged. Anxious to
avoid an open contest, and to save the effusion of
blood, the same terms previously offered were again
tendered. These were rejected, and offensive opera-
tions recommenced. A spirited and well-directed fire
was kept up the greater part of the morning, and at

.■?*"

INDIAN WARS.

intervals during the aflernoon. In the evening a flag
was sent from the Spanish commandant, oflfering to
capitulate, and a suspension of hostilities was granted
until eight o'clock the next day, when articles of ca-
pitulation were signed and agreed to. The terms arc
more favorable than a conquered enemy would have
merited ; but, under the peculiar circumstances' of the
case, my object obtained, there was no motive for
wounding the feelings of those whose military pride or
honor had prompted to the resistance made. The arti-
cles, with but one condition, amount to the complete
cession to the United States of that portion of the
Floridas hitherto under the government of Don Jose
Masot.

'* The Seminole war may now be considered at a
close, tranquillity again restored to the southern frontier
of the United States, and as long as a cordon of mili-
tary posts is maintained along the gulf of Mexico,
America has nothiqg to apprehend from either foreign
or Indian hostilities. Inoeed, sir, to attempt to fortify
or protect an imaginary line, or to suppose that a frontier
on the thirty-first degree of latitude, in a wilderness,
can be secured by a corridor of military posts, whilst the
Spanish authorities were not maintained in the Flori-
das, that the country lay open to the use and excite-
ment of an enemy, is visionary in the extreme. On the
immutable principle, therefore, of self-defence, author-
ized by the law of nature and of nations, have I bot-
tomed all my operations. On the fact that the Spanish
officers had aided and abetted the Indians, and thereby
become a party in hostility against us, do I justify
my occupying the Spanish fortresses. Spain has dis-
regarded the treaties existing with the American gov-
ernment, or had not power to enforce them. The
Indian tribes within her territory, and which she was
.bound to keep at peace, visited our citizens with all the
horrors of savage war. Negro brigades were estab-
lishing themselves when and where they pleased, and
foreign agents were openly and knowingly practising
their intrigues in this neutral territory. The immuta-

--w«

■<tt.

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INDIAN WARS.

289

ble principles of self-defence justified, therefore, the
occupancy of the Floridas, and the same principles
will warrant the American government in holding it
until such time as Spain can guarantee, by an adequate
military force, the maintaining her authority within the
colony."

-! .

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■•^y ■'

CHAP. XXI. ^^

HOSTILITIES WITH THE INDIAN TRIBES ON THE NORTHWESTERN
FRONTIERS, CALLED BLACK HAWK'S WAR.

The Winnebagoes, Menominies, Pottowatamies,
and Sacs and Foxes, were engaged in this border
war with Black Hawk. In order to understand the
causes of this war, it will be necessary for us to recount
some circumstances which occurred in 1823.

This year the United States agent held a treaty,
at Prairie du Chien, with the Sacs, Foxes, Win-
nebagoes, Chippeways, Sioux, Slc, principally to
effect a peace between the Sacs and the other tribes.
The better to effect this object, bounds were set to
each tribe.

The Galena lead mines about the same time attracted
considerable attention, and the avarice of those con-
cerned in them drove several thousand miners into the
country of the W innebagoes, beyond the limits of the
United States. It is supposed this great encroachment
was the cause of the murder of a family, living near
Prairie du Chien, by a party of Winnebagoes, two of
whom were afterwards imprisoned in the jail of Craw-
ford county.

An article in the above-mentioned treaty provided
that any of the five nations concerned in this treaty,

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290

INDIAN WARS.

visiting in the United States, should he protected
from all insults by the garrison. Notwithstanding
this, in the summer of 1827, a party of twenty-four
Chippeways, on a visit to fort Snelling, were fallen
upon by a band of Sioux, who killed and wounded
eight of them. The commandant of the fort cap-
tured four of the Sioux, and delivered them into
the hands of the Chippeways, who immediately shot
them. N '

Red Bird, the Sioux chief, repaired to Prairie du
Chien with three companions, desperate as himself,
about the first of July, and there killed two persons,
wounded a third, and, without taking plunder, retired
to Bad-axe river. Here, soon after, he waylaid two
keel boats that had been conveying some missionaries
to fort Snelling, in one of which two persons were
killed ; the others escaped with little injury.

Not long after. Gen. Atkinson marched into the
Winnebago country, and captured some hostile Win-
nebagoes and Red Bird, who died soon after in
prison.

The Indians who were imprisoned for the murder
at Prairie du Chien, were discharged, and Black
Hawk and two others, who had been imprisoned for
the attack on the boats, before mendonea, were also
discharged.

Very little pains were taken to satisfy the Indians,
or to make the settlers do justice to them. As the
latter in many cases have very little to lose, and much
to gain, if an Indian war be successful, we need not be
surprised that they take so little pains to be first on
conciliating to their red brethren. The gain which
the settlers are sure of in a successful Indian war,
arises from the Indians being obliged to give up their
lands, in which case they are removed from them by
settlers, and they are no longer a frontier, but a thor-
oughfare to one ; and the consequent flocking in of new
settlers raises the vglue of produce as well as of land,
by creating a demand for them. Thus, it is not diffi-

IlfDIAN WARS.

291

cult to see the avaricious on the frontiers have every
inducement to bring about an Indian war.

The foregoing account shows that Black Hawk was
imprisoned on suspicion, perhaps justly ; but this was
not his sole cause of complaint. His friend Red Bird
had died in prison, Indians were executed for murder-
ing whites, but it did not follow whites were treated in
like manner for murdering Indians. These causes had
long been producing a feeling of disaffection among the
northern and western tribes. Hence, it is not singular
that the whites of the frontier of Illinois believed the
Indians, from Canada to Mexico, more hostile than at
any period since the war of 1812.

The Sacs, who had served Great Britain against the
Americans, were the most conspicuous in their enmity.
This band of Sacs rendezvoused at their chief village on
the Mississippi, where they had collected such of their
neighbors as wished to engage in the war.

Gen. Gaines marched to and possessed himself of
this village on the 26th of June. This he did without
opposition, for when the Indians discovered the army,
they fled across the river, and displayed n flag for
parley. Meantime, their associates had abandoned
them, and the Sacs were left to manage affairs in the
best manner they could. They, therefore, made peace
with all due submission, and Gen. Gaines was of
opinion they were as completely humbled as if they
had been chastised in battle, and were less disposed to
disturb the frontier.than if that event had taken place.
Previous to this, he had declared his belief that, what-
ever might be their hostile feeHngs, they would abstain
from the use of tomahawks and fire-arms, except in
self-defence. '*i« -»''>' ^ '•'■' « ^ s-? ><?- f- •

About the same time, a difficulty seems to have
arisen between the Sacs and Menomihies, in which
twenty-eight of the latter had been murdered. Agree-
ably to an article of the treaty before mentioned, the
United States obliged themselves to interpose between
these and other western tribes in cases of trouble.
But these murders were not all the Sacs had done.

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INDIAN WARS.

They had recrossed the Mississippi, and occupied the
country on its east bank, which they had the year
before ceded to the United States. , ,.^

Black Hawk was the alleged leader in both cdses.'
Therefore, Gen. Atkinson set out in an expedition,
hoping to make prisoner of Black Hawk, who was
said to be sole fomentor of all these disturbances. It
was also alleged he had little respect for treaties, and
that he had in former negotiations so far overreached
our commissioners as to make peace on his own terms.
This is the first acknowledgment of this chief's talents
in matters of diplomacy.

Gen. Atkinson was at a place on Rock river, called
Dixon's Ferry, May 15th, when he received news that
a force which had marched to Sycamore Creek, thirty
miles in advance of him, had met with a total defeat.
This force had marched to Sycamore Creek on account
of the great number of murders which had been com-
mitted there. Among the sufferers in that neighbor-
hood were the family of a Mr. Hall, whose fate had
created much sympathy. His two daughters, one
eighteen and the other sixteen, had been carried
into captivity, after bavins^ seen their mother toma
hawked and scalped, and twenty others murdered in
the same way at Indian Creek. These young women
were humanely treated during their captivity, and
afterwards restored to their friends. "^''

The force that marched to Sycamore Creek was
about two hundred and seventy-five strong, under the
command of Maj. Stillman. When the news of this
massacre at Indian Creek arrived, they obtained leave
of Gen. Whitesides to march to the scene of murder.
On Monday, the 14(h of May, they came upon a few
Indians, whether enemies or not it is not probable
they inquired, for theirs was the march of death, there-
fore two of them were shot, and two more captured.
The same day, at evening, when the army had arrived
at a convenient place- to encamp, and were making
some preparations for that purpose, a small band of
Indians was discovered bearing a white flag. One

INDIAN WARS.

293

company of men went out to meet them, but soon dis-
covered they were only a decoy. How they ascer-
tained this fact, we are not informed. Thjs company
of discoverers therefore fell back upon the main body,
which by this time had remounted, and, as strange as it
is true, this misguided band rushed vforward, regardless
of all order, for several miles, till they crossed Syca-
more creek, and were completely in the Indians'
power. What folic vvs equals a similar affair at Paw-
tucket. The Americans had crossed the creek man by
man, as they came to it, and all the Indians had to do
was to wait till a goodly number had come within their
grasp. It was moonlight when the fight began, and
after a few struggles, the whites fled in greater dis-
order, if possible, than they came. The Indians, afler
making the onset with their guns, fell on them with
knives and tomahawks, and had not the night and situ-
ation of the country favored their flight, nearly all the
army must have been cut off.

The Indians were supposed to be nearly two thou-
sand strong, and it was said twelve of them were
killed. Of the whites, only thirteen are reported
killed. Their flight equalled that of Gen. St. Clair's
army. Fourteen hundred men^ immediately after,
marched to the scene of the action to bury the dead,
and their account of the barbarities committed on the
bodies of the slain quite equals anything* before re-
counted. One soldier only escaped disfiguration,
which is not easily accounted for, unless he secreted
himself until all the Indians but one had left the scene
of action ; for he was found side by side with an
Indian, each grasping the other, and both in the arms
of death. The soldier's head was nearly cut off, and
the Indian shot through the body. Here it was sup-
posed the two had exchanged their deadly shafls at the
same moment ; and, from the situation of the Indian, it
was evident he had died in the very act of dealing the
fatal blow upon his adversary.

An idea of the rapidity with which the Indians
convey intelligence of important events, may be

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INDIAN WARS.

had from the fact, that a, runner from Black Hawk
and his allies, bearing the news of this victory to
the Missouri Indians, arrived at Des Moines Rapids
twenty-four hours before the express sent by Gov.
Reynolds.

-The cholera, the following July, raged among the
troops opposed to the Indians so severely, that several
companies were entirely broken up, and many among
them perished, in a manner too revolting to be described.
Of one corps of two hundred and eight men, but nine
were left alive.

Gen. Dodge surprised a party of twelve Indians at
Galena, and cut them off to a man ; the whites scalped
the slain, that they might not be outdone in these, or
any other barbarities, by their foes. ^ ' '; > ^u*

Black Hawk assembled his forces, at a point be-
tween Rock and Ouiscunsin rivers, where he expected
to meet the whites in a general battle. His warriors
amounted to a thousand or more. Gen. Atkinson had
nearly double that number of men, and resolved to meet
him as soon as possible. Great hopes were enter-
tained that, in such an event, a finishing blow would
be put to the war. But Black Hawk was too wary {o
thus expose himself to utter and irretrievable ruin, and
accordingly made good his retreat into an intermin-
able wilderness. >^

Gen. Atkinson made his way to Cashkonong,
through woods, swamps, and d<iiiles, almost impas-
sable, and constantly exposed to the danger of an am-
buscade. On his arrival at this place, he was, appa-.
rently, no nearer his enemy than at^the commencement
of this perilous march. Indeed,\fair, open battle
seemed to be a most unlikely thing to Hivite Black
Hawk, as his numbers were greatly inferior to the
Americans. Therefore no hope of bringing him to
terms seemed left, unless effected by stratagem.

While Gen. Atkinson was making this f-i^Hlesa
march, Gen. Dodge was about forty miles irom fort
Winnebago, foll6wing the trail of Indians, who proved
to be a flying and nearly starved band, capable of

INDIAN WARS.

295

offering little or no resistance. But, as they were
attficked in the evening after, sixteen were butchered ;
the rest escaped. To form some idea of the situation
of these poor Indians, we have only to read the ac-
counts of the American commander to the war depart-
ment, in which he states, that they found many dead, as
they marched along, very much emaciated, and having
died, evidently, of starvation. . '

It became a matter of question to the two com-
manders, where they should seek their enemy. From
the supposition that they might have descended the
Ouisconsin, and so escaped across the Mississippi that
way, Gen. Dodge recommended that a cannon should be
placed on the river to cut themoflf; and Gen. Atkinson
marched for the Blue Mounds, with an army, consist-
ing of regular troops and mounted men, to the number
of sixteen hundred.

Meanwhile Black Hawk, seeing the necessity of
escape, and that it could not be effected with his whole
company, crossed the country, and came to the Missis-
sippi, some way aTjove the mouth of the Ouisconsin.
Here, the better to ensure the escape of his warriors,
he allowed the women and children to descend the river
in boats, many of whom were captured by the whites.
Some of the boats, however, were upset, and the poor
creatures drowned. Those who lived to arrive at
Prairie du Chien were in a most pitiable condition,
many of the children being so nearly famished it was
almost impossible to revive them. And the report goes
on to say, " they were generally received and treated
humanely."

The steamboat Warrior was soon after sent up the
Mississippi, with a small force on board, in hopes they
might somewhere discover the savages. Upon the
arrival of the boat at Prairie du Chien, the last of July,
she was despatched to Wapashaws village, one hundred
and twenty miles higher on the river, to inform the
inhabitants of the approach of the Sacs, and to order
all the friendly Indians down to Prairie dil Chien.
On the return of the steamboat, they met one of the

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INDIAN WARS.

Sioux bands, who told them their enemies were en-
camped on Bad-axe river, to the number of four hun-
dred. The Warrior here stopped to take in some wood
and prepare for action. They discovered the enemy
about four o'clock on the afternoon of August 1st, who,
as they approached, raised a white flag, which being
looked upon as a decoy, no attention was paid to it.
They declined sending a boat on board when or-
dered. , ,

After giving them a few minutes to remove their
women and children, (a piece of courtesy somewhat
rare in our border wars,) the boat fired a six-pounder,
loaded with canister, and followed by a severe fife of
musketry. The battle continued for about an hour,
when she weighed anchor and proceeded to Prairie du
Chien. Twenty-three Indians were killed, and many
wounded. The Americans lost none. Before the
steamboat could return to the battle-field next morning,
Gen. Atkinson and his army had engaged the Indians.
The Warrior joined the contest. The Americans this
day lost eight or nine killed, and seventeen wounded,
whom the Warrior took to Prairie du Chien at night,
and also captives to the number of thirty-six, women
and children. The spot where this battle took place
was about forty miles above Prairie du Chien, on the
north side of the Mississippi, opposite the mouth of the
Iowa. It was very fortunate for the whites that they
were able to co-^operate on land and water at the same
time.

Gen. Atkinson having formed a junction with Gen.'
Dodge, the army crossed the Ouisconsin on the 28th
of July, and soon after discovered the route of the
Indians, who were flying from the scene of action. ^^^

The country through which the army had to march,
was a continual series of mountains, covered entirely
with a thick growth of heavy timber, and much under-
wood. The valleys were so deep as to make them
almost as diflicult to cross ; but nothing could damp
the ardor of the Americans, as they pressed on to over-

INDIAN WARS.

297

or-

take Black Hawk, before he should be able to escape
across the Mississippi. •' ^^ • . » . •./Jrji.

The place where the Indians were overtaken was
very favorable for them, as may be judg ' by their
being able to maintain a battle of more .iian three
hours, in the wretched and nearly famished condition
they were in, and when their whole force only amount-
ed to three hundred warriors. They were discovered
in a deep ravine, at the foot of a precipice, over which
the army had to pass. Notwithstanding the misery of
their condition, nothing but the bayonet's point routed
them. Old logs, high grass, and large trees, covered
them until the charge was made ; and as they were
driven from one covert, they readily found another,
and thus protracted the contest. At length, Gen.
Atkinson disposed his force so as to come upon them
from above, below, and in the centre. No chance now
remained to the Indians, but ta swim the Mississippi,
or elude the vigilance of their enemy by land, who had
nearly encompassed them. Many therefore adventured
to cross the river : but as the slaughter was greatest
there, few escaped. However, a considerable number
succeeded in escaping by land. One hundred and
fifty of them were supposed to have been killed in this
battle.

Black Hawk was among those who escaped, but in
such haste as to leave even his papers behind him, one
of which was a certificate from British ofiicers, that he
had served faithfully, and fought valiantly for them, in
the late war against the United States. The prisoners
taken at this battle stated that at the one which oc-
curred at Ouisconsin, between their army and Gen.
Dodge's, they lost sixty-eight, besides many wounded.

It was now believed the Sacs would be glad to
make peace on any terms. Accordingly, Gen. Atkinson
determined to order Keokuk to demand a surrender of
the remaining principal men of the Hostile party.

From the battle-ground, the co^jpmanders went down
the river to Prairie du Chien, (fort Crawford,) in the

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INDIAN WARS.

Warrior, and the army followed by land. On their
way they killed and captured a few Sacs.

The desperate fortunes of the hostile Indians in-
duced many of their countrymen to volunteer to hunt
them down. One hundred Sioux obtained permission
to seek them, and were followed by a small band of
the same nation ; they overtook the enemy, and killed
about one hundred and twenty. About this time,
Keokuk, the friendly Sac chief, above mentioned,
found a nephew of his had been accused of the murder
of a man named Martin ; he gave him up to be dealt
with according to the proof brought of his crime,
which took place in Warren county, Illinois.

Among those who fought under Black Hawk, were
the several chiefs of the different tribes, who acted as
his counsellors and subalterns. At the last great
battle of that chief on the Mississippi, Neopop, Black
Hawk's second in command, was captured.

Gen. Scott questioned him about the murders which
had been recently committed, of which, and his own
history, he gave the following account.: " I always
belonged to Black Hawk's band. Last summer, I
wient to Maiden ; when I came back, I found, by the
treaty with Gen. Gaines, the Sacs had movfed across
the Mississippi. I remained during the winter with the
Prophet, on Rock river, thirty-five tniles from its
mouth. During the winter, the Prophet sent me
across the river to Black Hawk with a message, to tell
?iim and his band to cross back to his old village and
make corn ; that if the Americans came and told them
to move again, they should shake hands with them.
If the Americans had come and told us to move, we
should have shaken hands and moved peaceably. We
encamped on Syracuse creek. We met some Potto-
watamies, and I made a feast for them. At that time,
I heard there were some Americans (the force under
Major Stilmah) near us. I prepared a white flag to
go and see them, ahd^sent two or three young men on
a hill, to see what they were doing. Before the feast
was finished, I heard my young men were killed. This

INDIAN WARS.

29$'

was at sunset. Some of my young mm an out, wo'
were killed, and the Americans were see. rushing on
to our camp. My young men fired a few guns and the
Americans ran off, and my young men chased them
about six miles."

Neopop farther said his guests, the Pottowatamies
of the village, immediately lefY them, and no Kickapoos
joined them, but those who were originally with Black
Hawk ; but the Winnebagoes joined with them, and
frequently brought in scalps ; that at last, when they
found Black Hawk would be beaten, they joined the
Americans.

It was also stated by some of the warriors, who wei*c*
examined at the same time, that Black Hawk said,
when the steamboat Warrior approached them, that he
pitied the women and children, and began to make
preparations to surrender, and for that purpose sent
out a white flag to meet the boat^ which immediately
fired upon them ; then said he, "I fired too." The
truth .of this will not be questioned, inasmuch as the
facts agree entirely with the account given by the
captain of the Warrior. But for a spirit of revenge,
it is clear much Wood might have been saved.

It is much to be lamented, in most of our border
wars, precipitancy and hot-headedness on the part of
the whites should go unpunished. Until such offend-
ers are properly dealt with for their conduct, much
blood will be unnecessarily shed, and a sense of injus-
tice always felt by our red brethren, whose whole
history goes to show they ne.^er were dealt with as we
should feel obliged to deal with a more powerful and
enlightened foe. But the instances where our army on
the frontier have acted without coolness and judgment,
are comparatively but a small item in the grievances
the Indians have to complain of The conduct of the
white inhabitants on our frontier, almost without
exception, towards these original owners of the soil,
has been outrageous. They have reduced them to a
state of beastly intoxication, as a preparatory measure,
when they wished to make bargains with them, and

i >i

300

INDIAIf WARS.

then overreached and cheated them in every possible
way. Nor is this all. The more desperate class of
adventurers, who hang upon the outskirts ofcivihzation,
like a garment of pestilence, have not scrupled, for the
slightest cause, or no cause at all, to shoot an Indian ;
and both they and the administrators of the laws in
those districts seem to look upon it as little of a crime
as it would be to shoot a partridge or a hare.

It has been mentioned as a matter of much astonish-
ment on the frontier, that several of the peltry mer-
chants will not make use of spirits in bartering with
the Indians ! May their example be followed. « .1

• To return to our account of Black Hawk ; — hunted
like the wild deer of the forest, the old chief, after
many wanderings and much suffering, was at last
captured, and delivered up to Gen. Street at Prairie du
Chien. His companion in his flight and captivity was
the Prophet before alluded to. They showed a proper
sense of self-respect by appearing before the com-
mander in full dress, which consisted of tanned white
deer-skin. One of the Winnebagoes who captured
them delivered a speech on the occasion to Gen.
Street, desiring the fulfilment of the promises made to
those who should capture and bring alive these men
into the hands of the whites.

To this speech the general replied, he wished the
captors and the prisoners to go to Rock Island, where
the President had desired Gen. Scott and the gov-
ernor of Illinois to hold a council. Both the Indians
who had taken these prisoners seemed desirous that
rewards for the deed should be to their tribe, rather
than to them personally.

Eleven chiefs of the Sacs and Foxes, besides Black
Hawk and the Prophet, were sent to Jefferson bar
racks, and there put in irons.

In September, a treaty was made by the United
States with the Winnebagoes, and also with the Sacs
and Foxes. The Winnebagoes ceded all their lands
south of the Ouisconsin and east of the Mississippi,
amounting to one million six hundred thousand acres

INDIAN WARS.

301

of Taluable land. The treaty with the Sacs and
Foxes gave to the government six hundred thousand
acres more, of a quality not inferior to any between
the same parallels of latitude, and abounding with lead
ore.**'' '*•* '**"'• " .''f- *• s' ■•'v ■•■. <«■ '•..•'

For these lands, the United States agreed to the fol-
lowing conditions : to pay an annuity of twenty thousand
dollars for thirty years, to support a gunsmith and
blacksmith, besides some already employed, to pay the
debts of the tribes, and to supply provisions. As a
reward for the fidelity of Keokuk and the friendly
band, to allow a reservation to be made for them, of
forty square miles on the Iowa river, to include Keo-
kuk's principal village. f ^ .

By this same treaty. Black Hawk, his two sons,
the Prophet, Neopop, and five other principal war-
riors of the hostile band, were to remain in the hands
of the whites, as hostages, during the President's pleas-
ure.

A visiter at Jefferson barracks thus speaks of the
captive Indians there : *' We were struck with admi-
ration at the gigantic and symmetrical figures of most
of the warriors, who seemed, as they reclined in native
ease and gracefulness, with their half naked bodies
exposed to view, more like statues from some master
hand, than like beings of a race whom we had charac-
terized as degenerate and debased. They were clad in
leggins and moccasins of buckskin, and wore blankets,
which were disposed around them much like the Ro-
man toga, so as to leave their right arms bare."

Black Hawk and his son were carried to Washing-
ton to visit the President. At different places on his
route, he received many valuable presents, and was
looked upon with great curiosity and interest. They
returned by way of Detroit, and arrived at fort Arm-
strong in August, 1833.

The Indians were at first taciturn and gloomy on
entering their own forests, and on arriving at Rock
Island were much disappointed in not finding some of
their friends, from whom they might obtain intelligence

$02

INDIAN WAfie.

Jlv'l

of their families. A band of Foxes, howev«*, arrived
the next day, who gave the de&ired inleljigence. sfiws*/

Fort Armstrong, Rock Island, in Illinois, was
selected as the most appropriate place for the lib-
eration of Black Hawk and his party. It being the
most central point from the surrounding villages, a
great number of Indians could be assembled at short
notice.

With most of the party it was delightful to return to
old habits and pleasures. But to Black Hawk it was
painful. He was bereft of his greatness, an isolated
man, dependent on the kindness and hospitality of those
whom he once commanded, and to be ranked as a Sac
only^ with Keokuk as his chieftain.

The latter was absent on a buffalo-hunt when Black
Hawk arrived, but about noon the following day the
din and shouting of the Indians announced his ap-
proach. He was seated on one of two large canoes
lashed side by side, and followed by a train of twenty
more, each carrying eight of his companions, who made
the woods re-echo their wild songs. They proceeded
up the river, and encamped on the opposite side from
Black Hawk's camp.

After arranging their toilets, they again commenced
their songs while crossing the river. Keokuk, highly
decorated, was the first to land, and proceeded to
Black Hawk and his party. The old chief was leaning
upon his cane, apparently lost in reflection. They
shook hands, and Keokuk welcomed his fallen chief
with cordiality. Their pipes seemed to make the iriter^
(change of good feeling general. Afler smoking, Keo-
kuk retired, saying he should be at the council of the
liext day.

Accordingly, the next morning Keokuk arrived at
the room in the garrison appointed for the council, fol-
lowed by his train. Here he was to be invested with the
power of the brave old chief with whom he had been for
many years struggling for supremacy. Black Hawk
and \\\s son felt all the humiliation thus publicly heaped
upon th@m ; however, they came into the council and

• i

INDIAN WARS.

30^

Hi-

short

took their seats. Maj. Garland then told them that he
wished all present to understand that the President
looked upon Keokuk as the chief of their nation,
and wished Black Hawk to listen and conform to
his discourse. Black Hawk became completely infu-
riated at this. He rose to speak, but could hardly
articulate.

He said, " I am an old man ; I will not conform to
the counsel of any one. I will act for myself; no one
shall govern me. I am old, my hair is gray. I once
gave counsels to my young men — am I to conform to
others ? I shall soon go to the Great Spirit, where I
shall rest. What I said to our great father in Wash-
ington, I say again ; I will always listen to him. I am
done." It was thfe last effort of expiring independence.
It was explained to him that the President requested
him to listen to Keokuk. He made no reply, but sat
completely absorbed in his own feelings, when Keokuk,
in a suppressed tone, said to him, " Why do you speak
so before the white men t You trembled, you did not
inaan it." He consented, and Keokuk apologized for
him, saying he was old, " and they would not remem-
ber what he had said." After some of the officers had
addressed the chiefs, the council broke up.

In the evening. Major Garland invited the principal
chiefs, with Black Hawk, to his quarters, to ascer-
tain more particularly their feelings towards their fallen
foe.

After the other chiefs had made speeches. Black
Hawk said, in a very calm and dejected manner, — " I
feel that I am an old man ; once I could speak, but now
I have little to say. To-day we met many of our
brothers ; we were glad to see them. I have listened
to what my brothers have said ; their hearts are good ;
the have been like Sacs since I left them ; they have
taken care of my wife and children, who had no wig-
wam. I thank them for it, the Great Spirit knows I
thank them. ' Before the sun gets behind the hills to-
morrow, I shall see them ; I want to see them ; when
[ left them I expected soon to return. I told our great

1 i,-

]'^i

JIJ

304

INDIAN WARS.

father, when in Washington, I would listen to his coun-
sels ; I say so to you. I will listen to the counsel of
Keokuk. I shall soon be far away ; I shall have no
village, no band ; I shall live alone. What I said in
council to any, I wish forgotten. If it has been put
upon paper, I wish a mark to be drawn over it. I did
not mean it. Now we are alone, let us say we will
forget it. Say to our great father and Gov. Cass, that
I will listen to them. Many years ago I met Gov.
Cass in councils, far across the prairies to the rising
sun. His counsels were good. My ears were closed.
I listened to the great father across the great waters.
My father listened to him whose band was large. My
band was once large, now I have no band. I and my
son, and all our party, thank our grtat father for what
he has done. He is old, I am old, we shall soon go to
the Great Spirit, where we shall rest. He sent us
through his great villages. We saw many of white
men, who treated us with kindness. We thank them,
we say to them we thank them. We thank you and
Mr. Sprague for coming with us. Your road was long
and crooked. We never saw so many white men
before. When you were with us we felt as though we
had some friends among them. We felt safe. You
knew them all. When you come upon the Mississippi
again, you shall come to my wigwam. I have none
now. On your road home you pass where my village
once was. No one lives there now ; all are gone. I
give you my hand ; we may never meet again. I ^hall
long remember you. The Great Spirit will be with
you, and your wives and children. Before the sun
rises I shall go to my family. My son will be here to
see you before you go. I will shake hands with my
brothers now, then I am done." The party here sepa-
rated in a cordial and friendly manner.

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/*( '-Mt

INDIAN WARS.

305

CHAP. XXII.

Remarks on the war with the Florida Indians, or sem-

INOLES, with its CAUSES— PROGRESS OF THE WAR.— OS-
CEOLA'S TREACHEROUS CAPTURE.— HIS IMPRISONMENT AND
DEATH.

The capture of Pensacola by Gen. Jackson put an
end to the Seminole war for the tinie. The Indian
warriors'had retired to their various settlements, and
were pursuing their occupations of hunting and culti-
vating their lands without molestation. They contin-
ued in this situation for several years, till a change of
their political relations with the United States gave
rise to new difficulties, which led to a renewal of hos-
tilities ; and a bloody and exterminating war has been
carried on against these sons of the forest, with little
success, to the present time. Every artifice and strat-
agem has been made use of to subdue them or to drive
them from the country, in order that a set of unprinci-
pled and greedy speculators might get possession of
their lands. The resistance of these people has been
the wonder of the world. That a few hundred Indian
warriors could make a successful resistance to as many
thousand regular and welUarmed troops, commanded
by some of our best generals, is the most astonishing
event that has ever occurred in all our Indian warfare.

The Florida war has been the cause of the expendi-
ture of over twenty millions of dollars, (much more than .
the whole territory is worth,) besides the loss of a vast
numer of th*e lives of our citizen soldiers ; and still
there appears little prospect of bringing the war to a
successful termination. In fact, there appears to be no
other way to effect it but by exterminating the whole
Indian race by fire and sword. That this will event
ually be the end, there can be little doubt ; but how
long it will take to effect this object, and what sacri-
fices of life and money will have to be made, time only
can disclose.

I M

306

INDIAN WARS.

n •

East and West Florida were ceded to the United
States by the Spanish government, in 1823, as a set-off
for a claim we had against them for spoliations com-
mitted on our commerce, for five hundred thousand
dollars. Soon afler this took place, a plan was laid to
get rid of the Indians, in order to gain possession of the
lands they owned and occupied. To effect this, it
was necessary to gain the point either by negotiation
and purchase, or by the sword. In September follow-
ing, a council was held with their chiefs, and a treaty
entered into by them, which was signed on the 18th by
several of their principal chiefs. In this treaty it was
agreed, on the part of the Indians, that they would
remove to the westward afler twenty years from that
date. By the same treaty the American government '
secured to the Indians a tract of land in Florida,
containing five millions of acres, for their subsistence
during the time they remained in the territory ; and
agreed to pay them certain annuities, for surrendering
all title to the rest of the Florida country; and the
Indians engaged to confine themselves to the limits of
the territory allotted to them. One article of the treaty
runs as follows — ** The United States will take tjie
Florida^ Indians under their care and patronage, and
will afford them protection against all persons whatso-
ever."

It was doing a great wrong, to say the least of
it, for ( ir government to bind itself to conditions
that it was probable they never intended to fulfil,
or that they could not carry into effect if they were
ever so much disposed to do it. The consequence
was, that the Indians were most shamefully robbed and
plundered by a set of miscreants, who were probably
sent among them, and hovered around their settlement
for that purpose. Every kind of fraud was practised
to cheat them out of their property. Their negroes
and cattle were stolen, carried off, and sold by a
set of land pirates, in defiance to all law and justice.
When appeals were made to the authorities, they
could get no redress^, and the villains were allowed to

INDIAN WAB8.

ao7

escape. One of the chiefs had twenty slaves stolen
from him, worth fifteen thousand dollars, who were
earned to New Orleans and sold. An Indian woman
employed a white man to recover some negroes that
had been (taken from her ; but, instead of giving him a
power of attorney, as she supposed, for the purpose, he
got her signature to a bill of sale of all her negroes.
They Wicre robbed of large sums of money by the
government agents, who got their signatures to re-
ceipts, under pretence that it was necessary to send
them to Washington to get the money due them, aiid
aift^wards refused payment. In some cases, when
their eattle were stolen, they pursued and brought
them hack ; when they were punished for stealing
them, ahliough they showed their own marks on the
cattle. But as the Indian's evidence could not be
received in a court of justice, the white man's oath
would condemn him to the most cruel punishment.

Numerous other such eases might be given from
American writers ; but ^fK)ugh has been stated, we
«hould think, to satisfy any reasonable person that
tb^e Indians were justified in defending themselves
from such outrages. Could it be expected that a
people would quietly submit to suffer so much op-
pression and injustice without retaliating 7 Can it be
thought strange that they should lose all confidence in
the white people, and look upon them as their ene-
mies ? Whether the government suffered all this
spoliation to take place, without even an attempt to
prevent it, with a view to disgust the Indians and in-
cline them to remove to the westward, is not for us to
say ; but after events will enable the reader the better
to judge for himself.

The Florida people were now subjected to retalia-
tion on the part of the Indians, who, finding that they
could obtain no redress, naturally took the law into
their own hands, and loss of life on both sides was the
consequence. Petitions from the Florida white popu-
lation were sent to the government, requesting that the
Indians might be moved west prior to the time stipu-

itf

308

INDIAN WARS.

lated by treaty. Col. Gadsden was appointed com-
missioner to treat with the Indians, and had a meeting
with Micanopah and a few other chiefs, April 8th, 1832.
The chiefs appeared unwilling to agree to the removal,
but were willing to abide by the former treaty. After
many consultations and a delay of a month, their
consent was obtained to comply with the wishes of the
government, and a treaty was made for that purpose.

By this treaty the Indians agreed to remove west
upon b^ing paid a certain sum for the reserved land,
an annuity for a certain number of years, and other
advantages therein stated. The treaty was signed by
Micanopah and fourteen others ; but it was assented
to upon one condition, that the Seminoles were satis-
fied with the lands apportioned to* them west of the
Mississippi. To ascertain thid, seven chiefs were
selected to explore the country, and if they were
satisfied that it was equal to what was represented,
the treaty was to be ratified, otherwise they were not
to be bound by if. These chiefs reported unfavorably ;
and the government having delayed making any appro-
priation of land for the Indians for more than two
years, they became dissatisfied, and the treaty was
pronounced to be " a white man's treaty," which they
did not any longer consider to be binding.

There was another difficulty which caused strong
objections to their removal to the westward. The
Seminole Indians owned a large number of negroes
and many cattle, which they had good reason to believe
would all be taken from them by their new neighbors,
the Creeks and Pawanees, who were too powerful for
them to resist. Therefore, as the first would take
from them all their slaves and the latter all their cattle,
they considered that utter destitution would be the
consequence. An American writer, treating upon this
subject, says : "It was then suggested to them that by
a sale of these negroes before they left Florida, they
would augment their resources, and could go into their
new country without the dread of exciting the cupidity
of the Creeks. But these Indians have always evinced

INDIAN WARS.

309

great reluctance to parting with their slaves ; indeed,
the Indian loves his negro as much as one of his own
children and the sternest necessity alone would drive
him to t: e parting. This recommendation was, there-
fore, viewed with evident alarm, and as the right of
retaining possession of them was guaranteed by the
commissioner, strong doubts were raised of the sincerity
of the pledge. , »

*' The Seminole Indians are poor agriculturists
and husbandmen, and withal too indolent to till the
ground, and, without their negroes, would literally
starve ; besides, should they dispose of them, they
could not be replenished in a new country. Again ;
the opposition of the slaves themselves to being sold to
the whites, would excite all their energies to prevent
emigration, for they dread the idea of being transferred
to sugar and cotton plantations, where they must be
subject to the surveilance of the overseer. The life of
a slave among the Indians, compared with that of ne-
groes under overseers, is one of luxury and ease ; the
demands upon him are very trifling, scarcely ever ex-
ceeding eight or ten bushels from the crop, the remain-
der being applied to his own profit. They live separate,
and often remote from their owners, and enjoy an equal
share of liberty. The negro is also much more provi-
dent and ambitious than his master, and the peculiar
localities of the country eminently facilitate him in fur-
nishing the Indian with rum and tobacco, which gives
him a controlling influence over the latter, and at the
same time affords him an immense profit ; so that it can
be easily imagined that the negroes would in no manner
be benefited by a change."

In October, 1834, a council of Indians was again
summoned by the agent, when a long talk was held
with them, in which many of the chiefs expr^sed them-
selves in the strongest manner against the removal, and
gave their reasons. The agent made several proposals
to them, to which he demanded an immediate answer.
The chiefs retired and held a private council. It is
said that Osceola, (the rising sun,) a distinguished
chief of the Micosukee tribe, urged them strongly to

310

IN]>fAN WARS.

.'I

resist going, and declared that he should consider as
his enemy any one who agreed to go. Osceola had not
signed the treaty, and had from the beginning showed
a determined opposition to any agreement to sell their
lands, or to give up any of their natural rights. '^i^mt{

The next day the council was resumed, and the chiefs
made their replies to the agent, in which they declared
their determination not to go to the west till the expira-
tion of twenty years, and that they should be paid their
annuity agreeably to the first treaty in 1823. Th«
agent made a long talk to them, in which he said, ** I
have told you that you must stard to your bargain.
My talk is still the same. Your father, the President,^-'
who is your friend, will compel you to go. Therefore
be not deluded' by any hope or expectation that you
will be permitted to remain here." The council and
parties separated without coming to any agreement.
The Indians, finding they had nothing to expect but
oppression, laid up large stores of powder and lead,
and prepared themselves for resistance. Six months
elapsed, when they were informed that they were to
hear the last talk of their father, the President, on this
side of the Mississippi. On the 22d of April, the
Indians assembled, and had the following communicaM ^
tion from President Jackson : ^*'

" My Children — I am sorry to have heard that yot^''"
have been listening to bad counsel. You know me, '
and you know that I would not deceive, nor advise you
to do anything that was unjust or injurious. Open your
ears and attend now to what I am going to say to yom^ '
They are the words of a friend, and the words of truthi*^

" The white people are settling around you. The
game has disappeared from your country. Your peo-
ple are poor and hungry. All this you have perceived
for some tii^e. And nearly three years ago you made
an agreement with your fi'iend Col. Gadsden, acting oti
the part of the United States, by which you agreed to
cede your lands in Florida, and to remove and join
your brothers, the Creeks, in the country west of the
Mississippi. You annexed a condition to this agree-^ ''
ment^, that certain chiefs named therein, in whom you

INDIAN WARS.

3il

•)H:

placed confidence, should proceed to the western coun-
try, and examine whether it was suitable to your wants
and habits, and whether the Creeks residing there
were willing to permit you to unite with them as one
people ; and if the persons thus sent were satisfied on
these heads, then the arrangement with Col. Gudsden
was to be in full force. ,, ; <,u ,s ■:^i-^,

" In conformity with these provisions, the chiefs
named by you proceeded to thai country, and having
examined it, and having become satisfied respecting its
character and the favorable disposition of the Creeks,
they entered into an agreement with commissioners on
the part of the United States, by which they signified
their satisfaction on these subjects, and finally ratified
the treaty made with Col. Gadsden.

** I now learn that you refuse to carry into eflfect the
solemn promises thus made by you, and that you have
stated to the officers of the United States, sent among
you, that you will not remove to the western country.

" My Children, I have never deceived, nor will I
ever deceive any of the red people. I tell you that you
must go, and that you will go. Even if you had a
right to stay, how could you live where you now are ?
You have sold all your country. You have nor a piece
as large as a blanket to sit down upon. What is to
support yourselves, your women, and children? The
tract you have ceded will soon be surveyed an<l sold,
and immediately afterwards will be occupied by a
white population. You will soon be in a state of star-
vation. You will commit depredations upon the prop-
erly of our citizens. You will be resisted, punisl^ed,
perhaps killed. Now is it not better peaceably to
remove to a fine, fertile country, occupied by your own
kindred, and where you can raise all the necessaries of
life, and where game is yet abundant ? The annuities
payable to you, and the other stipulations made in
your favor, will make your situation comfortable, and
will enable you to increase and improve. If, thfre-
$)re, you had a right tp stay wlie e you now are, still
every true friend wouldi'advise you fo remove; but you
have no right to stay, and you innsi go, I am very

'jti

312

INDIAN WARS.

desirous that you should go peaceably and voluntarily.
You shall be comfortably taken care of, and kindly
treated on the road, and when you arrive in your new
country, provisions will be issued to you for a year, so
that you can have ample time to provide for your future
support. „.

" But lest some of your rash young men should for-
cibly oppose your arrangements for removal, I have
ordered a large military force to be sent among you.
I have directed the commanding officer, and likewise
the agent, your friend Gen. Thompson, that every
reasonable indulgence be held out to you. But I have
also directed that one third of your people, as provided
for in the treaty, be removed during the present
season. If you listv^n to the voice of friendship and
truth, you will go quietly and voluntarily. But should
you listen to the bad birds that are always flying about
you, and refuse to remove, I have then directed the
commanding officer to remove you by force. This will
be done. I pray the Great Spirit, therefore, to incline
you to do what is right." ^ '. . w .4 ..<« »

The Seminoles became divided among themselves.
Some of the sub-chiefs agreed to remove ; but the prin-
cipal chiefs not only refused to go, but considered all
who agreed to submit as their enemies. One of the
chiefs who had made arrangements to remove was shot
by Osceola, and most of his warriors joined the hostile^
party. The agent undertook to deprive the opposing
chiefs of their rank, and declared that Micanopah was
no longer chief of the Seminoles ; his name, with the
other chiefs who joined with him, were struck out of
the council of the nation. This caused great irritation ;
and the conduct of the agent was disapproved of by the
secretary of war ; but the government took no measures
to remove the difficulty, or to do justice to the injured
party.

In June, 1836, Osceola, the chief of the Micosukees,
came in to complain of the treatment his people had
received from some white men, one having beeg
wounded. He received no redress, and, saying some-
thing offensive to the agent, was thrown into prison.

INDIAN WARS.

313

To obtain his liberty, it is said he signed the treaty ;
but this must be considered only as an Indian strata-
gem. HlB had been imprisoned without cause, and it
may be presumed that he thought himself justified in
escaping by a corresponding fraud on his part. In a
month after this occurrence, some of his tribe murder-
ed a government mail-carrier. This, with the killing
of the friendly chief by Osceola, was the signal for the
commencement of hostilities. The Indians immediately
abandoned all the towns, and concealing their trails,
removed their families to a place of safety, which has
ever since baffled all conjecture, and been a subject of
the greatest astonishment.

The white population of Florida was never very
numerous, and is composed of various descriptions of
people, from all nations. In 1830, there were eighteen
thousand whites, and sixteen thousand slaves, exclusive
of the Indians. The various bands or tribes of Indians
in Florida have been called Seminoles ; but there never
was a tribe or nation of that name ; it is a term for
r inaways or wanderers ; being a compound of the old
Florida Indians, two varieties of Creeks, who quitted
the tribe previous to their removal west of the Missis-
sippi, and negroes who are slaves to the Indians. Th#
whole number of their warriors at the commencement
of the war, was as follows : — The Micosukee Indians,
of which Osceola was principal chief, four hundred ;
Creek and Spanish Indians, eight hundred and fifly ;
negroes, six to seven hundred ; in all about nineteen
hundred.

It is supposed that the hostile Indians retreated to
some portion of the vast swamps which surrounded the
Ouithlacoocheo river. Marauding parties now com-
menced on the part of the Indians, who took summary
vengeance on those who had robbed and maltreated
them. The whole country was under conflagration,
and the whites were compelled to abandon everything,
and seek protection under the forts. Gen. Clinch, who
commanded at fort Brooke, having been reinforced, no
time was lost in preparing two companies to march

40 .

314

INDIAN WARS.

against the enemy. On the 24th of Decemher, 1835,
a force of one hundred men and eight officers, with a
field-piece, under the command of Maj. Dade, com-
menced their march. ; ^

On the morning of the 28th, when it had proceeded
four miles from the encampment of the previous night,
this force was attacked by the Indians, whose first
volley was very destructive, Maj. Dade, with almost
every man of the advanced guard, falling dead. The
Indians were repelled by the troops under Capt. Gard-
ner, upon whom the command then devolved, and the
Americans proceeded to throw up breastworks ; but
before they could raise them high enough for efficient
protection, the Indians attacked them again. The
Americans brought their field-piece into play, but the
breastworks not being high enough, the Indians shot
down every man who attempted to work the gun. All
the officers and more than two thirds of the American
ti'oops had fallen, when the survivors found that all
their ammunition was expended. The Indians, per-
cJeiving this, rushed in, and, with the exception of two
men, who, although severely wounded, contrived to
conceal themselves, and ultimately to 'make their es-
cape, not one of the whole detachment was spared.

The force of the Indians is supposed to have amounted
to from three hundred and fifty to four hundred. The
contest lasted six hours ; and it must be admitted that
nothing could be more gallant than the defence which
was made by the troops against such a superior force.

On the afternoon of the same day, the Americans
had to lament the loss of Gen. Thompson, the Indian
agent at fort King. Imprudently strolling out about
three hundred yards from the fort, he was attacked by
the Indians, who laid in ambush for him, and, with
Lieut. Smith and three other people belonging to the
fort, was shot dead. This party of Indians was headed
by Osceola, who warned Gen. Thompson that the
white men should suffer for their treatment of him.
His peculiar and shrill war-yell was given as the Indian
party retreated, to let the whites know to whom they
were indebted for the massacre. ;

INDIAN WARS.

315

Gen. Clinch having been reinforced at fort Brooke,
where he had two hundred regular troops, with five
hundred volunteers under the command of Gen. Call,
now moved with the whole force of seven hundred men.

On iho 30th of December, as they were passing the
Ouithlacoochee river, the Indians watched their oppor-
tunity, and when a portion only of the troops had gained
th<) opposite side, commenced an attack, which was
vigorously and successfully resisted ; the Indians, in
little iijore than an hour, were beaten off. The battle
was however severe, and the Americans sustained a loss
of sixty-three killed and wounded. The Indian force
is supposeo' to have amounted to seven hundred men.

But independent of these conflicts with the militia
and regulars, the ravages of the Indians over the whole
country are stated to have been most fearful. Women
and children were murdered, and the hearth made
desolate in every portion of the country. In the more
settled parts, near St. A'^qustine, the sugar-cane plan-
tations, with the exp( iisive works attached to them,
were destroyed, and in many cases the slaves who
were on the plantations were either carried off, or,
voluntarily joining the Indians, increased the strength
of the enemy. More than a hundred estates were thus
laid waste, the average loss upon each estate being
computed, independent of the loss of the negroes, at

fiay thousand dollars. ' " " ' '" ' '*!^':

■ On the 13th February, 1836, Gen. Gaines, having
arrived at fort Brooke, reviewed the force, which
amounted to between eleven and twelve hundred men,
and commenced his march to relieve fort King, at
which post he arrived on the 2d February, without
falling in with any of the Indians. The general then
made a detour in pursuit of the Indians. On the
27th, when the force was crossing the Ouithlacoochee
river, it was assailed by the Indians, who retired afler
a skirmish of three quarters of an hour, the Americans*
loss being very trifling. On the 28th, when again
fording the river, the Indians made another attack,
which was continued for nearly four hours, and the
Americans had to lament the loss of Maj. Izard, who

-IS^^

316

IHPIAN WARS-

'-<*
£

was killed, and two other officers were also wounded.
On the 20th, the Indians again attacked, with a force
of at least a thousand men, with a view of forcing the
American troops from the breastwork which they had
thrown up. The Indians, after about two hours' fight-
ing, set fire to the high grass ; but, unfortunately for
them, the wind suddenly changed, and, instead of
burning out the American troops, all their own con-
cealed positions were burnt up and exposed, and they
were compelled to retire. The loss on the Indian side
was not known, but supposed to be heavy ; that on the
part of the Americans amounted to thirty-two killed
and wounded.

On the evening of the 5th of March, the Indian
interpreter came in from the Seminoles, stating that
they wished to hold a council, and did not want any
more fighting. On the 6th, a truce was held, when
Osceola and other chiefs made their appearance, say-
ing that if the Americans would not cross the river,
they would remain on their own side of it, and not
commit any more ravages. This was in fact nothing
but the original proposal of the Indians, that they
should remain upon the land which had been assigned
to them by the treaty of Camp Moultrie. The reply
of Gen. Gaines was, that he was not authorized to
make a treaty with them ; their arms must be given
up, and they must remain on the other side of the river,
until the American government sent them away west
of the Mississippi.

Gen. Gaines, who had heard that Gen. Scott had
been appointed to the command in Florida, now re-
signed that authority to Gen. Clarke, and on the 1 1th
the troops arrived at fort Drane. It hardly need be
observed that the treating with the Indians ended in
nothing. Gen. S ott, having assumed the command,
arrived at fort Drane on the 13th March, 1836. He
had previously to contend with heavy rains and almost
impracticable roads, and was encumbered with a heavy
baggage train. His whole force amounted to nearly
five tliousand men. This he divided into a centre and
^wo wings, so as to scour the whole country, and force

INDIAN WAIU.

317

not

the Indians from their retreat ; but in vain. The
Indians being on the flanks of each division, occasional
skirmishes took place; but when the troops arrived to
where the Indians were supposed to be, not a man was
to be seen, nor could they discover the retreat of their
families. Occasionally the Indians attacked the out-
posts with great vigor, and were bravely repulsed ; but
the whole army of five thousand men did not kill and
capture more than twenty Indians. The swamps ex-
tended over a great surface of ground, here and there
was an island on which the Indians could remain,
while to attack them the troops would have to wade up
to their necks for miles, and as soon as they arrived
the Indians were gone.

The whole of the contest with the Florida Indians has
been nothing more than a sort of petty partisan warfare,
a detail of the particulars of which would be of little
interest to the reader. Frequent skirmishes took place
between the hostile parties, without gaining much
advantage on either side, or doing anything which
tended in the least to bring the war to a close. Gen.
Scott resigned the command, and was succeeded by
Gen. Jessup, of whom much was expected by a vigorous
prosecution of the war ; but he met with as little suc-
cess as his predecessors. Finding there was nothing to
be gained but disgrace by open and honorable warfare,
a plan was adopted to eflfect the purposes of the govern-
ment by a new system ; which was to get into their
power the principal chiefs of the Seminoles by strata
gem. These chiefs had always shown a readiness to
meet their opponents and agree to bury the hatchet,
provided they should be sufliered to remain unmolested
on the lands reserved to them by treaty, and be pro-
tected in their rights, as had been agreed upon by the
government.

.1 Osceola was known to be a brave and sagacious
warrior, and was at this time the principal chief. , He
was viewed as the great master spirit and director of
all the lK)stile bands of Seminole warriors. It was
deemed, therefore, a great achievement by the Ameri-
can general to get him into his power. Gen. Jessup

318

INDIAN WARS.

*■

found means to communicate to the Indians that it was
his wish to have the chiefs come in and hold a talk, in
order to come to some agreement. White flags were
displayed on the fort. On the 20th of October, 1837,
Osceola, accompanied by' other chiefs and a few war-
riors, came in agreeably to the invitation ; he, carrying
a white flag in his hand, and Velying on the honor of
the commanding general, put himself in his power ; but
instead of being received as was expected, they were
immediately surrounded by bayonets, made prisoners,
and confined in the fort. Whether Gen. Jessup was
alone accountable for'this act of treachery, or whether
he acted under orders from the President, is not known ;
but the government having afterwards approved of the
measure, it became their own act.
^i' Osceola was kept there a prisoner for some time,
when he was, by order of the government, conveyed,
under a strong guard, to Sullivan island, in the harbor
of Charleston, S. C«-, rnd conflned in the fort. His
j)roud, independent spirit could not bear the confine-
ment, and he gradually pined away and died in prison.
Thus fell another brave Indian chieftain, though not in
fair fight, but in a manner that will ever be a stigma
upon our national honor. ^.h«r^ snti ' i?

^ Other chiefs were kidnapped in the same treacherous
manner ; but, severe as the loss must have been to the
Indians, it did not appear to discourage them. The
war was still carried on by those who were left, and
indeed is still continued ; for the ranks of the Indians
are said to be filled up by runaway slaves, and some
of the Creek Indians who had not yet quitted Georgia.
On the 24th of December, 1837, a severe battle was
fought between the Indians and the American troops,
at a spot between Pease creek and the Big Cyprus
swamps. On this occasion the Aniericans lost Cols.
Thompson and Gunty, with twenty-eight killed, and
one hundred and eleven wounded.

In all ages and with all nations, civilized or uncivil-
ized, the flag of truce has always been regarded as an
emblem of peace, and a violation of it ought to be held
in detestation by every friend of humanity. It often

i4i

^'t '

INDIAN WARS.

319

has the effect of staying the hand of slaughter, and pre-
venting the shedding of much blood, by giving time for
the passions to cool and for reason to assert its empire.
The Indians in their most savage state hcive had their
tokens, by which it has always been understood that
hostilities were to cease for the time, that negotiation
might commence. When the pipe of peace has been
held out it has always been respected. Even the wild
Aral) never violatt^s his pledge of friendship, when he
eats the bread and salt with the stranger, though he
should be his enemy. The white flag has been adopted
by all christian nations as an emblem of peace, and
the Indians have been taught that it must be held
sacred as such, and never to be violated ; and it is to
be lamented that a nation who profess to be Christians
should be the first to set the example of departing from
a usage of so much importance,, for the purpose of
effecting by decej>tion what they were unable to do by
ooen and honorable warfare.

It has been thought that every invention that inge-
iiuity could contrive had been used for the purpose of
destroying the poor Indians ; but it seems that a new
plan has been adopted, which puts humanity to the
blush, and leaves all other means heretofore adopted
far in the back-ground. Agents have been sent to
Havana, to purchase a large number of blood-hounds ;
these have been brought over at a great expense, and
trained to track and hunt down the Indians. Fortu-
nately, however, for the cause of humanity, the experi-
ment has proved to bean eritire failure. The Spaniards
mjule use of these animals in their conquests of the
Indians in South America ; and it is said that they are
now employed by them in their West India islands to
hunt for runaway slaves, who secrete themselves in the
mountains. * ^ > * ^5 ...... :. ..,...,

if The war in Florida having been continued for so
great a length of time, and been conducted with such
a variety of defeats and successes, with the many nego-
tiations that have taken place, and agreements entered
into, which were declared to have put an end to all fur-
ther difficulties, that the subject has created very Httle

'0^-

320

IKDIAN^ WARS.

interest in the public mind, but has been treated rather
as a matter for ridicule than as requiring any serious
consideration. For the last two years, occasional
accounts have been published in the papers of Indian
murders, with now and then a skirmish, in which two
or three Indians have been killed, and a few squaws
and papooses taken prisoners ; but nothing ha» been*
done that in the least has changed the situation of
affairs. The war has been put an end to so many
times, that the phrase, '* Florida war ended>*' has be-
come a standing joke. Yet it is a matter of the most
Serious nature, and our government is bound in honor,
and for the cause of humanity, to take some decisive
steps to do justice to the Indians, attid bring about a
speedy and honorable termination of all difficulties.

The following extract from the writings of the Gene-
vese Traveller, on the FJorida war, will be the conclu-
sion of our work.

" The war was unrighteous in its commencement,
Mid has been continued lor years under circumstances
the most profligate. There has not been a single
campaign in which the army has not reaped a plentiful
harvest of mortification and disgrace. When brought
into action, both officers and men fought valiantly ;.but
the character of the country, its deep morasses and
swamps, and the ignorance of the troops of Indian war
fare, have uniformly tended to produce the most dis-
astrous defeats, t

'< There is not to be found on the page of history, in
any country, an instance of a scattered remnant of a
tribe, so few in number, defending themselves against
the assaults of a disciplined and pumerous army, with
the same heroism and triumphant results, with those
of the Seminoles in resisting the American troops. In
every campaign the invaders have been at least ten to
one against the invaded. At no period have the In-
dians been able to muster more than six or eight hun-
dred warriors, and it is doubtful whether they have
ever had more than half that number, while the Amer-
ican army, when in the field, has uniformly amounted
to from six lo ten thousand men."