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THE

CANADIAN QUESTION

WILLIAM NORRIS

LATK CAPTVIN CAXADfAS VOLfXTEKES.

Ittontrral :

PkIXTKB by the LoVELL PBINTIHa AND PCBLISHINO COMPAXY.

1875.

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

CHAPTER I.

The Leading Principle op Modern Government.

In the Science of Government, as well as in all otlier sciences^
we find mankind continually at a loss to reconcile tho
different theories with the actual experience of the race. To
do this many shifts have been resorted to, and the first great
fiction, which we find underlying ail others, is what is called
the original compact. This is a supposed agreement said to-
have been made by the people and their first ruler, by which
the people gave up certain rights which they possessed bj'-
nature, in consideration of being protected in those which
they retained ; and in order to enable the ruler to protect
these retained rights he was invested with certain power
— the power and force of the whole community. This
agreement supposes a time anterior to the period of history,
a place not known or heard of, and a degree of knowledge
incompatible with the position of the parties to it. To
answer its purpose as tho foundation of all government
the parties must have known the benefits derivable from
that institution, and, if so, this knowledge must have
been derived from experience. K they had not this
knowledge, then the people received no consideration for the
rights they gave up ; for, if the original compact was the
foundation of government, th;y had no means of compelling
protection, nor no reason to assume benefit from that pro-
tection if they had. Tiien if they knew that that protection
was to be relied on, and that benefit was to be the result of
it, evidently that knowledge must have been ol tained by

MMBMnMH

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

experience, and hence we have government before tlie ori-
ginal compact. Not to speak of this intrinsic objection
there are others more forcible. The annals of the human
Tace give no sign whatever that any thing of the kind ever
happened. The plain where the immense crowd is said to
liave collected and elected the first ruler exists only in the
imagination of the first logician who found it necessary in
order to give symmetry to his theory. If history is to bo
•consulted, it will be found net only is there no trace of an
•original compact, but every thing directly the contrary, and
for the elucidation of a positive science we must be content
with what is known. Indeed the original compact in the
Science of Government may be aptly likened to the primary
Tocks in that of Geolog5^ There may be both a compact and
a primary rock, but we know about as much of the one aa
the other, and we are indebted for both to those men who
think that it is necessary in everything to have a starting
point, and, if they cannot find one, manufacture it.

History furnishes, no doubt, many instances where this
fiction has been used by men belonging to all parties. It
has been, in all ages, the fruitful theme of innovators and
radicals, and has furnished an excuse for thousands of ambi-
tious men, but there is no trace whatsoever of the thing
itself. Mankind has never been found ungoverned, there
is seemingly no existence for humanity without govern-
ment. From the Digger Indian to the Patrician Roman,
government seems a necessity. As there are no means,
therefore, of ascertaining the state of man without govern-
ment, and as we always find him within its influence, we
are bound to consider it from the positive materials at our
command, and to eschew those theoretical surmises which,
however necessary to the airy castles which we build up
an our imaginations, have no place in the solid realities of
life.

The history of mankind is a record of its actions, and
from the review and contemplation of these actions, it is
said, we derive benefit. This depends a good deal upon

THE LEADING PRINCIPLE OP MODERN GOVERNMENT. 5-

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something else. If man is continually progressive, then'
history is of little nse, as the actions of an ignorant age
can be no guide for an enlightened one ; if, however, history
repeats itself, nothing can be more valuable. Experience
goes to prove that man is not continually progressive, but
that periodically he traverses, between the extremes of igno-
rance and intelligence, an immense area. The same causes
which affect the individual man affect also communities.
The characteristics of the individual are the characteristics
of the nation. Men by thousands arc born, arrive at maturity
and become extinct in a period. Perchance some individual
trait keeps some alive in tho memory of survivors, or a toml>
tells to the stranger, for u little time, that such an one ex-
isted, but the common lot is oblivion and extinction. The
same may be said of nations : they come into being, arrive
at maturity, and become extinct in a period, the only uiffer-
ence is the duration of the period. The greatest imagina-
ble stretch of time and the shortest are in comparison witb
eternity equal, hence there is not much difference. Some-
peculiar national characteristic, or a material memento, may^
for a time preserve their memory, but obeying every thing
human they become extinct, and new national life sprii>gs-.
from their remains. No one believes that the physical!
power of the Roman, or the intellectual superiority of the-
Greek, will keep them alive for ever, any more than that
the Pyramids of Egypt, those monuments of dead und; extinct
communities, can endure.

The same causes operate upon the lives of nations, jita
upon those of individuals. Some die of disease, others ofolill
age. Individual man by excess engenders corruption, anell
corruption death. Nations, or man in the aggregate, go>
through the same course. Want begets industry; industrj-,,
wealth ; wealth, luxur}' ; luxury, corruption, and the lattei>
extinction ; but out of extinction generally commences a new-
life. The whole object of nature seems to be reproduction,,
not only in regard to individuals, but to nations.
The same may be said of intelligence. Human knowledge

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

feemstobe subject to tho same fluctuations a.-i every thing
else belonging to man, and may bo divided into epochs
Epochs of intelligence seem to add little to the sum of
their successors. Our epoch has derived little from that,
the last glimmering of which shone so brilliantly on Egypt.
We cannot conclude that that intelligence was confined to
Egypt alone, but probably it died out earlier in other coun-
tries.

Since then nothing seems fixed, but everj'thing in mo-
tion ; since man seems doomed, like Sisypus, to roll his
etone to Ihe top of the mountain onl}- to find that he has lo
commence at the bottom again, and since, above all, human
nature is the same now as it ever was, still governed by tho
same passions and influenced by the same fears, history
must in all cases be beneficial, not as furnishing particular
facts, for as such it is useless, but as presenting those things
which accelerated national greatness, and delayed national
extinction, and elevated or degraded tho race as a whole.

Now, looki.ig at the Science of Government through his-
tory in this light, what seems to be the governing influence ?
The opinions of historians seem unreliable. This one will
say truth and justice, the other corruption. The most im-
partial are biased, and given to hero worship. This ono
M'orships force, that one tact, the other magnificence. Each
one forms an idea or a theorj*, and facts are warped to suit
that idea or theory. Historians claim to be indifieront, but
ideas and theories in civilized communities grow with tho
growth of men, and unconsciously atiect their judgment.
Impartial hi.story is an impossibility, so long as religious
belief is in its present position. History at present is but the
abuse of tho rival sects. As sectarianism is at the present
time jjrevented from doing any thing worse than railing by
public opinion, it seeks to pei'petuate itself by mutual abuse
and rancor. Facts are right and wrong, constitutional a id
unconstitutional, as they sujjport or defeat certain pi-inciples.
The massacre of St. Bartholomew is the disgracj or the
glory of France, as if it were possible t> firm two oi)inion8

■■;a

THE LEADING PRINCIPLE OP MODERN GOVERNMENT.

'4
4

-I

•A

on biich a fact. In the history of Eii^'land more especially
JB this ineradicable prejudice to ho found, more, possibly,
than in that of any other country. Men of the greatest
learning and genius, who have written what they are
pleased to call its history, cannot prevent themselves from
.showing their bias, and coloring all their statements. Mr.
Macaulay writes an imaginative account of the Whig party
tmd an oulogium of its great idol William III, and calls it a
history of England. Dr. Lingard writes a justification of the
Roman Church in England, and calls it the history of Eng-
land, and lawyers such as Blackstone and Hallam, men
I'rom whom impartiality ought to be had, give us their
accounts of the constitution from their respective political
standpoints. According to the one there has been no inter-
ruption in the legitimate lino of sovereigns, while ilallam
has not a word to say derogatory to the conduct of Henry
VIII in regard to the chmch property, or his usurping the
powers of the House of Commons, while the declaration of
indulgence of James II to Roman Catholics and Dissenters
respecting penal laws, which would be a disgrace to the
Sandwich Islands, is deemed an act so unconstitutional as
not to bo atoned for but by the loss of his throne.

The governing principle in England in all ages seems to
have been expediency. To all those who believe that
government is founded upon those great principles, right
and justice, which are popularly supposed to bo absolute,
this statement will appear surprising; but to those who
Imow that these are relative terms so far as governments
consider them, it will appear nothing but a truism. If the
leading facts of English history be examined, even in the
most cursory manner, its truth will be readily discovered.
Judging by what is called strict right, half the sovereigns
of England were usurpers, and the allegiance of the people
was transferred voluntarily, or forcibly secured without
the least scruplC; or as expediency required. To prove
this, it is not necessary to go back further than the
reiga of Henry VIII. There .3 not much English history

wmmmmmmmmmm

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

before this roign. The conflicting interests of families nn(r
Ihction, may, according to Bomo,'consti(ute materials for
history, but the action of the people must, in all eases, bo
its chief ingredient. Besides there ^was no constitution-
alism before this reign— or rather the constitution grew out
of the excesses of this king and his children. It is impos-
sible to suppose a constitution and feudalism existing at tho
same time in the same country, the one is the opposite of
the other, and it is undeniable that it was on feudal princi-
ples the wars of the Edwards were carried on, and also tho
civil wars between York and Lancaster. Parliaments, no
doubt, were summoned by those princes, but it was only for
the purpose of giving color to their usurpations and acting
as the willing instruments of their tyranny. Tho period be-
fore Henry VIII, however, presents move examples of what
is contended for than the time since this reign ; but as it may
be justly said that it belonged to or closely verged on what
are called the dark ages, it would not bo so forcible to
adduce arguments from this time, as from those times that
are esteemed by all more enlightened.

The Reformation was a matter of expediency ; judging it
by the rules of justice, it was unjustifiable. For centuries'
the Roman Church had occupied the first place in the esti-
mation of the people, and in the councils of the sovereign.
A large part of the landed property of the kingdom had been
in its possession, acquired by means then held more sacred
than the acquisition by purchase. Thirty-three mitered
Abbots and Bishops sat in the House of Lords, and had sat
there beyond legal memory. All the essentials of the right
by prescription belonged to the Roman Church, and this kind
of title was the one that then obtained most respect. Indeed
there is no instance, since the Eeformation, of this kind of
right being so well fortified in the possessors as it was in
that Church. Besides owning the great part of the land, the
tenets and principles of the Roman faith were engrafted in
the manners, customs and minds of the King and his people
No sovereign w...^ so much against the new religion af*

THE LEADING PRINCIPLE OF MODERN OOVERNMENT.

(¥

Henry, and the title of Defender of the Faith, still retaino<l
by his 8uccee8orH, proves that if he did not write the dofonso
attributed to him, it was under hihi auspices it was publiHhed-
If right and justice ever combined to secure a system,
surely the Roman sj'stem in Jlngland was founded on them ;
but right and justice were powerless against expediency.
It became expedient that England should become indopen-
.dent, hence the Reformation indefianceof all so-called right.
Religion had little to do in the inauguration of this great
revolution, and from that time this great element of civili-
zation became subservient to that other great idea, national-

In the subsequent reigns of Edward, Mary and Elizabeth,
the people were dragooned from one religion to the other, as.
the expediencies of the sovereigns and the safety of the nation
required. In Mary's reign, in order to satisfy the half-
quenched prejudices of the people, and the bigotry of herself
and her husband, certain rrfen were executed, partly for
treason but more from religious motives, while during the
reign of Elizabeth, the whole peopl'^, manifestly against
right and justice, were forcibly compelled to receive the re-
formed religion. But although this course of treatment wa*
unjust, it was expedient. English independence was in jeo-
pardy, and the fluctuating notions of the masses, at that time
in religion, were not allowed to effect the safety of the State.
There can be no doubt that mankind is indebted for the
blessings flowing from the Reformation to the idea of com-
plete nationality which first began to spread in the fifteenth
century, and which seems to have spread and to have had a.*
much effect on the Continent of Europe as it had in England.
No nationality can be complete, so long as a large portion of
its inhabitants look to a foreign temporal prince in such an
important element as religion, as the supreme head — a ruler
who taught them to believe that the State derived its pow-
ers from him. It was highly desirable and expedient for
national safety and honor that this foreign power in Eng-
land should be abolished, and hence the Reformation, not
because it was right and just.

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

Or the death of Elizabetii another innovation took place
on the ground of expcdiencv. In the reign of Henry VIII,
that monarch was ciiijowered by Act of Parliament to
devise the crown by will, and acting on the power, he be-
queathed it to the line of his younger sister, ignoring that
of the elder, the Queen of Scotland. One would suppose that
right and justice would have enforced this will in favor of the
devisees; but expediency again was the most powerful, and
James of Scotland was made Xing of England. According
to this king, owing, as he said, to his combining in his own
person the rights of every possible claimant that ever wore
the crown, ho obtained it by the special interposition of Provi-
dence ; but even this supreme right was of no avail, as his son
was dethroned and beheaded in the next reign. Again, dur-
ing the reign of Charles II, we find expediency attempting
to set aside right in the Exclusion Bill, and although it then
fuilec! when that expediency became more manifest in the
nexr reign it was completely successful. Historians, as a
general thing, attempt to reconcile the most of the changes
of government in England, with the exception of the
Commonwealth, previous to the revolution of 1688, to their
notions of right as held by their respective parties or
j'eligions, but nearly all agree in ascribing this latter great
event purelj' to expediency. In this instance we see not only
a king but his whole family set aside, contrary to the plainest
rules of right and justice, to answer the pui-pose of expediency
in government. Again, by the Act of ^^etilement, expediency
took the place of right, and, indeed, it would be difficult to
determine what groat act of the English ])eople ha.i not '"ocn
inspired by this groat principle. XotJiing seems to have
been effective in lessening its influence. The revolution of
1G83 was Only successful in one of its objects, the preserva-
tion of the Protestant religion. The arbitrary acts of Wil-
liam were equal, if not greater, than those of James, while
he trebled the expenses of the government; but, notwith-
standing this, in view of the domineering influence of
iiouis lY, it was expodient to keep liim upon the Throne.

•I

THE LEADING PRINCIPLE OF MODERN GOVERNMENT.

^4'

Money or arbitrary power had little weight with the English
peojile against what they thought expedient. Neither had
magnificence, glory, or th»i other passions which animate
and sway a high-spirited people. The sordid ignorant
meanness of the first prinoes of the Houbc of Brunswick,
and the unheard-of corruption of Walpole, had no influence
against that expediency which required the Throne to be
occupied by any one but the Pretender. These inglorious
boors presented a great contrast to their predecessors
William and Anne, but they were borne, and the beneficial
results of all those sacrifices are now being enjoyed.

In reviewing these circumstances it is obvious that there
are two births in the lives of nations, as well as in those of
individuals. The individual is born of the flesh and of the
spirit, and although the birth of body is important, unless
the mind is awakened also, the man is nothing. Millions of
men go through the world without this awakening, and
with nothing but a knowledge just above animal instinct to
guide them. In these the birth of mind has not taken place
at all ; in others it only takes ])lace in a late period in life,
and the usefulness of the man has been nearly entirely lost.
The same thing may be said of nations ; they are all born
again. It is a crowning glory for the English peoj^le that
their nation was the first in the present cycle of civilization
to experience the new birth. The spirit of me Anglo-
Saxon can be best judged bj- this. He did in the year
1642 what the Gaul did not do till 1793, what the Germans
only attempted in 184:7, and what the Spaniards did only so
lute as 1868.

Is it then any wonder, when we see this advancement of
mini in the Englishman, that the same feeling should
not be manifested by his descendants everywhere? Changes
so fundamental in the Government of England, and the
transfers of the loyalty of the people necessitated by »^uch
changes, must of necessity have been observed hy others. No
matter what politicians may have written or divines have
taught about, divine riglit. or even the uninterrupt^^d

THE CANADIAN QUEi-TION.

descent of the crown, or the inviolability of the king'.-*
person, the most obtuse could not fail to see that it was tho
principle of expediency that always succeeded. Hence when
it became expedient, the Americans threw off the connection
with England ; this was contrary to what the Englishmen
thought right and just ; but it was quite agreeable to what
the Americans thought constituted those principles. The
true solution will be found in the fact that American
independence was expedient ; and on this ground that in-
dependence was acknowledged by England.

It has thus been found that the modern principle of
Government in England, which country is Canada's best
example, is expediency ; and that the only judges of that
expediency are the people immediately interested. The
advocates of unconditional loyalty or allegiance under all
circumstances are at the prosent time scarce. The freedom
which has resulted to the English people, and the political
happiness which they enjoy, are the best proof that good has-
resulted ; and the greatness to which England has arisen
is the best proof that government by expediency is right.
Non»j other can ever be adapted to the Anglo-Saxon race, as
government must adapt itself to the growth of a people, and
to the circumstances in which they are placed. This can
be seen to advantage in the growth of the American nation^
and the modifications which their,constitution have undergone.
Among that people we see the seed planted and gradually
growing to maturity under our eyes. No man who saw the
departni'e of the few colonists two hundred and fifty years
ago could predict the mighty nation they have since become.
The lessons of history were not lost upon them, and, through
following these lessons faithfully, have they arrived at their
present position. These lessons were embodied at the out-
set in their constitution. That constitution was as clothing
made of man's size for an infant. The expansion which its
sagacious founders foresaw was allowed for, and though iu
latter days the garment has undergone enlargement and
renovation, still there is every reason to believe that under

THE LEADING PRINCIPLE OF MODERN GOVERNMENT. 13

its folds the United States may grow to that full maturilj
lo which they are approaching. In Canada, also, though to
a much less extent, the same principles of expediency have
been recognized. The Governor and his Council was an
institution once in our land, and according to some of our
best men, Sir John Beverly Robinson for instance, it was
the acme of everything great and good . Long arguments
have been put forward that it was the only kind of govern-
ment possible for colonies ; but the man who advocated such
a government for Canada now would be deemed absurd. It
yielded like all to the potent influence of expediency. Men
Avere found in our country, as well as in all others, who stigma-
tised the change required in our government by the natural
growth of our people in number, wealth and intell'gencc
as radicalism and treason ; but this must be expected. Light
falls first upon the highest hills ; the hillocks and the earth
receive it later. There were men in the country who ob-
jected to confederation. This is another great measure for
which we are indebted to the great principles of which we
have been speaking. As isolated provinces England surely
foresaw that we would fall a prey to the rapacity and
cupidity of the Amoricans, but, as a firmly-united confeder-
acy, such an event was almost impossible. Hence the
expediency of confederation.

As it is then a fact recognized by all judges who have
given this subject any attention that mankind is continu-
ally traversing a great area, which is bounded by the
extremes of ignorance and intelligence, absolute schemes of
government must be impossible, and unconditional alle-
giance a myth. Absolute schemes may be attempted ; but
their fruitlessness will be experienced much more forcibly
in the future than in the past. Progress gives an impetus
to the motion of communities, and any system that would
attempt to arrest that onward motion must be vain and
foolish, and surely destined to perish.

CHAPTER 11.

TiiE People of Canada.

All sudden changes of government, for which the people-
are not prepared, are to be avoided. A people must he edu-
cated to see the benefit arising from any great change
before it should be attempted, otherwise it is more likely to
turn out disastrous than beneficial. Ready-made laws and
systemsofgovernment are never successful. All laws and
systems of government originate and are matured through
successive generations. This is especially the case in re-
gard to English institutions. All English common law is
custom, and all Statute law is condenued public opinion.
The same may be said of Canada ; the task of the legislator
is made light, he has only to embody in his statute the pub-
lic opinion, which has grown ripe for such condensation ;
and the best legislator is he who knows when that time has
arrived. Indeed this is the only safe law-making process
in any part of the world, and constitutions are only a super-
ior class of laws. When this process has materially been
departed from we see nothing but bloodshed and ruin. The
commonwealth of England was manufactured for the time,
but it did not last long. The French revolution of 1793 is
the next attempt at a great sudden change, but the excess
of that terrible period proves beyond a doubt, that a
change from a feudal monarchy to the license of a repub-
lic in a few years is not to be had easily. The present
Spanish Republic is very likely to turn out as much of a
failure. The people, accustomed for centuries to rely on
their priests and nobles, arc incapable of bearing the burden
of liberty; and the result can be easily foreseen — some
strong man will seize on the government, and in the interests
of law and order, and to avoid anarchy, ^-o will be supported.

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

It may be said that the American revolution is an excep-
tion to the principle mentioned, but it is only an apparent
one. The American people, before the revolution, through
their municipal systems, were educated in all the phases of
xelf-government. The different colonies were self-sustain-
ing; and the mere change from the nominal subjection of
England to independence was not much of a strain on the
+;clf-reliant character built up by a new country, common
t^chools, and local self-government.

It then follows that to make any change in governmei\t
of a fundamental nature, the people must be prepared to
receive such change, and capable of sustaining it, after it is
made. The nature, peculiarities, and character of the people
<)f this country, then, would have to be taken into consider-
fition, in view of any change in their present position.

One of the mo.st natural elements of the greatness of a
country is the quality of the race of people that inhabit it ;
its progress and well-being depend upon their character.
That character, when the people are native born, is formed
by the institutions, the soil, and the climate Strangers are
not 80 much affected by these causes, inasmuch as their
character was formed before coming to the place of their
residence. Institutions of a civil kind, however, affect the
foreigner and the native alike ; but the latter much more
than the former ; but religious institutions taking hold of
man so soon as reason commences, and at that time creati'ng
impressions which never can be totally effaced, affect all
men, no matter where they may reside, or in whatever cir-
cumstances they may be placed. These institutions, then,
affect the people of Canada ; and, as the different sects in
the country are nrmerous and various, a short attempt to do-
Hcribe the character formed by the most prominent becomes
necessary, and in this attempt the temporal effects only
of the teaching of the different denominations will be spoken
of. As to the truth or falsity of such teaching a secular
writer has nothing to do, as that part exclusively belongs to
the province of the ecclesiastic.

■m

THE PEOPLE OF CANADA.

There are, in Canada, four prominent denominations of
Christians — the Roman Catholic, the Presbyterian, the Pro-
testant Episcopal, and the Methodist. The character formed
by Roman Catholic teaching is diflftcult to describe minutely,
but the main traits will be sufficient. The great fault seems
to be the absence of self-reliance. It cultivates the heart at
the expense of the brain, and brings out more feeling than
thought. The people, taught to rely on the Church for all
i-eligious instruction, come at hist to consult it on their secu-
lar affairs, and hence they lack that spirit of enterprise
Avhich is the product of personal independence. This Church
forms amiable characteristics, but few forcible traits. Among
its members are to be found, however, men of power and
force, but such are not strict communicants. The tenets of
the Church, at least those which are taught to the laity, are
much more adapted to form female character in perfection
than strong men. It educates the senses by its majestic
music, its gorgeous ceremonies, and its mysterious rites ;
and it aims at subduing men through Gvery avenue save the
reason. The true votaries of thirf Church are apt to be soft,
amiable, good and contemplative. It is not, consequently,
surprising, that so many of its members should prefer total
solitude, as many did in the earlier ages. It is not a system
that makes temporal heroes : if ever one of that faith
appears, it is more than likely that he is animated by fanat-
icism. Indeed it has never formed any great governing
states. It may be said that France, under the first Empire,
was Catholic, but it was only in nsime. A century of phi-
losophy, and the first revolution, had left little Catholicism
in the French armies that connucic^^ j^iiirope. Spa-n also,
i.t one time, may seem an objection ; but the conquests of
that power were chiefly over natioiio of the same tiaith, or
the half-civilized people of America. The Catholic, then, is
amiable, good, ordinarily active and truthful. These qual-
ities are predicated of the general educated laity only. As
to the priests, and those strong exceptional characters which
no system can keep down, they may be included among this

TH£ CANADIAN QUESTION.

people ; but, through force of character and position, they
stand apart. The general body of the people may, and to a
certain extent are, influenced by the latter class ; but the
infusions from which the Catholic laity derive the most
benefit are received from the surrounding Protestants.
Their push, force and assiduity tell, and make the Catholic
of the Province of Ontario quite a different man from his
co-religionisi, of Quebec. If, however, the possession of the
moral virtues be any set-off to the lack of those temporal
qualities which secure opulence and power in this world, the
Catholic, indeed, has the advantage. There are in the
Dominion, 1,492,029 persons who belong to this denomi-
nation.

The eflfects of Presbyterianism are exactly the reverse ot
Catholicism. The teaching of this system seems to bring
out the reasoning powers at the expense of all feeling, but
these reasoning powers are confiv.od to secular subjects in
other countries. In Canada the keen penetrating intellect of
the Presbyterian examines religious matters with the same
exactitude as secular affairs. The system as practiced in
this country makes strong, rugged, resolute,independent men,
fit to do battle with and cowquer all obstacles in their way
to wealth and powe'.-. It is difficult to find any refinement
of feeling as the result of it, simply because the senses are
entirely ignored as a means of obtaining religions impres-
sions. The comfort and prosperity, however, which are the
usual attendants of Presbyterianism, make up to its mem-
bers for the loss of those pleasures derivable from cultivated
feelings, which, never having been known, are not missed.
The ruling traits seemed to be developed by this system of
teaching are practicability, and worldly-mindedness. Protes-
tantism of all kinds gives this advantage over Catholicism.
The great doctrine, that faith alone is sufficient for salvation,
relieves the Protestant from those expiatory works which
are incumbent upon Catholics ; and leaves his hands and his
mind at liberty to secure those worldly advantages which
are to be obtained by men who bend all their energies to the

THE PEOPLE OF CANADA. 19

task. The Presbyterian character is no doubt thf ■ best for
new countries. The resolute courage and determination
which invariably accompany it, soon change forests into
cultivated fields. Some of the greatest characters of modern
times have been the direct fruits of its teachings. Above
all, it furnishes man with those qualities which give him
command of his fellows, and secure his own worldly pros-
perity, and in a strictly temporal view, seems best adapted
to raise the lower classes to comfort by the inculcation of
industry, frugality and piety. The number of persons
belonging to this denomination in the Dominion is about
543,669.

The Protestant Episcopal Church fills a -nedium place
between those extremes. The character formed by its teach-
ing is more equable and refined than that of the Presby-
terian, and more resolute than the Catholic. The church in
general is the asylum for the indifferent. All those wht
aspire to social position, commence their progress by join in g^
it and forming their manners after the model of its members.
Tt makes a good class of citizens of native Canadians^
although the same cannot be saiu of its effects upon its
foreign raembere. Its great lack is vitality. It partakes
too much of the inertness which distinguishes its great
prototype, the Roman Catholic Church, and it never can be
the Church of Canada owing to this defect. On the whole
it creates a character stable and respectable. It has 494,049
members in the Dominion.

The future Church of Canada, from all appearances, is the
Methodist. Continually aggressive, it seizes on all kinds of
material, and, by force of its discipline, fbrms a character
more uniform and steady than all other denominations. No
such extremes are to be found within its ranks, as those
which the Roman Church presents in the educated French
and the uneducated native, or which th6 Protestant Episcopal
presents in the English gentleman and the Irish Protestant.
There may not be any great amount of mental activity
among its members : but the Church is continually adapting

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

itself to the growing intellectual wants of the people, and its
marked success may be seen in the fact that the Episcopal
Church is adopting its rules and proselytising discipline. The
emotional temperament may be in the ascendant, but it is
never allowed to run into fanaticism. The intellectual
power might be cultivated more, and the literal meaning of
the Scriptures followed less, but, notwithstanding these
defects, the Methodist character, by its uniformity and res-
pectability, its enterprise without recklessness, its piety
without fanaticism, its weight without obstinacy, and its
decent hilarity without descending to vulgar debauchor}'^ and
levity, on the one hand, or puritanic asceticism on the other,
is most likely to be the national one in Canada; and to
eventually become in this country, what it is in the United
States, the governing element of the nation. The efforts of
this Church lately, to inculcate a national sentiment and to
cultivate a spirit of independence, are turning large numbers
towards it. It has already given promise of its future career
in Canada by severing all connection with the English Con-
ference, and endeavouring to unite its scattered branches.
It had in 1871, when the census was taken, 367,091 members.
The increase in the members of this Church during the last
ten years is greater than that of any other. During that
time they increased 27 per cent., while the Presbyterians
increased 19 per cent, the Roman Catholics 8.7, and the
Church of England only 6.2.

In this short attempt to show the kind of character arising
from the teachings of the most prominent denominations,
no consideration has been given to the effect which the
municipal institutions of the country, and the government,
have on character ; nor the material modifications which
take pi sice by association and political combinations. One
thing is certain, that every year the animosity which for-
merly existed among those sects is growing less. Tolerance
of each other's opinions and doctrines is observed, more
probably arising from the Common School System of the
country, which educates all sects alike, with the exception

THE PEOPLE OP CANADA.

of the Catholics. Indeed, all the harsher features described
in these sketches of character, as belonging to the different
sects, are smoothed and rounded oflF by the beneficent effects
of Common School education. This School System is so
perfect in Canada that no fear can be felt for the capability
of the present generation of Canadians to sustain any change
which circumstances may force upon them.

As a further means of judging of the character of the
people of the Dominion, a short statement of the different
nationalities or races which make up its population may be
of use. 1082,948 of the people are of French origin, and of
the different races which inhabit the country they are the
least fitted for self-government. The contentment which
desires no change is theirs. They are entirely different
from the present race of French in France. They never
derived any benefit from the numerous revolutions which
have created the political activity of France ; and are a
century behind their countrymen in the Old World. Secure
in the silence and tranquility of their summer woods, and
winter snows, they scarcely heard the thunder of the mighty
conflicts, physical and mental, which convulsed Europe
during the latter end of the eighteenth century ; and it is
astonishing to learn that it is only a few years ago that
feudal tenure of land was abolished among them. A Ithough,
however, the rural French Canadian is backward, the French
inhabitants of the cities are further advanced in politics and
general intelligence than the English-speaking people of the
other Provinces. They have no old country to claim a
divided allegiance, and, as a consequence, everything is duo
to Canada. The rural population also every year is advan-
cing steadily in political knowledge. Large numbers of
these go to the United States every summer, bringing back
and imparting to those who remain, American ideas.

706,369 are of English origin, and form a valuable part of
the population. The national characteristics of the Englishman
are too well known to require any description. 846,414 are of
Irish origin, 549,946 of Scotch origin, and 232,613 of German

THE CANADIAN QUEgTION.

and Dutch origin. The most encouraging fact brought out
by the last CenBUS is that 83 in every 100 of the population
are native-born Canadians, and probably ten more in every
100 were brought to Canada bo young as to regard it as
their native land.

The political institutions of every country, follow to a cer-
tain extent the prevailing religion. In this way, and in no
other, can it be said that the State derives any power
from the church. If the Church and State are, united, poli-
tics and religion are more akin. These were separated,
however, in Upper Canada at an early day, and the politi-
cal institutions of Ontario are, in consequence, more liberal
and approximate, more to those of the United States than
those of any other part of the country. The effect of those
institutions is evidenced every day in the case of the immi-
grants who come to our shores. They come to us from the
monarchical countries of Europe ignorant, rude, and un-
mannerly, depending on their priests and ministers for reli-
gious instruction, and on their landlords and the manufac-
turers for the means of a precarious livelihood, they are
servile, dependent, weak and irresolute. A few years use
to the strengthening influence of our institutions, and they
become completely changed. On their first arrival, with hat
in hand, and stammering speech, they ask for leave to toil
as was their wont ; but having learned what it is to own a
farm of their own, subject to the will and caprice of no one,
having learned tho^r importance as members of a free com-
munity, they ho^ high head, and call no man master.
Where there wc at humility and servility, wo find

a legitimate pride, imple, manly independence. Where

there was almost c. t^J helplessness we find a vigorous
self-reliant spirit, and the mind that formerly bent the knee
to the meretricious advantages of rank sees nothing worthy
of its respect but the majesty of law and the nobility of
liberty and freedom. Owing to this effect of our institutions,
there are very few of the peasant class to be found in Cana-
da. Some of the inhabitants may be poor, but this circum-

THE PKOPLK OF CANADA.

-fltanco bos littlo influence on tlieir independence. A fear-
less enunciation of opinion, and a dr«ad, in many instances a
contempt, for the influence of wealth, are the common char-
acteristics, even of the poorest. The sense of the value of
integrity, knowledge, honesty, and all those other attributes
which ennoble man, no matter in what condition of life he
may be, i^end to sustain the Canadian in his personal rospecti
no matter what privations he may be called upon to en-
dure.

The character of the surface of the country also, no doubt,
has an elevating influence on the people. There is an edu-
cation in broad rivers, boundless prairies, high mountains,
and pathless woods, unknown to the dwellers in tovms and
cities. The mind that revels in the wilds of natui-e can
never be actuated by the meannesses of civilization, be it
never so illiterate. There is an expanding influence in great
things that cannot long be withstood. Little minds cannot
«xi6t in vHstness; they must either increase or become im-
becile, terrified by the weight of their sensations. Solitude
also begets gravity and thought — thought forcing examina-
tion of surroundings, whether of earth, air or vater. Hence the
instinctive sagacity of the backwoodsman. He may never
have seen a letter or a compass ; he may never have seen
the inside of a school house, but the accuracy of his senses
is wonderful, and his mental deductions from sensations no
less so.

The climate of a country, no less than its soil and the
configuration of its surface, also affect strongly the charac-
ter of its inhabitants. In tropical countries, where the
bounties of nature are so plentiful, no exertion to support
life is necessary— -or rather the slightest exertion obtains
iill the necessaries. Tba intense heat of the sun also debili-
tates the human frame, and renders man prone to inaction ;
while natui'e, as if to provide for its own defects, scatters in
wild profusion food which supports life without the effort of
cultivation or thought. The prevailing characteristics of
the inhabitants of tropical climates are indolence and in

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

action, and an imbeciiity of mind and body, as compare(^
with the natives of northern countries, "he non-enterpris-
ing spirit of the Southern States has been ascribed to the
institution of slavery; but it could with more justice
be ascrib'^d to the climate. For a time the infusion
of new biood from the North may revolutionize the
South, but it cannot retain its vitality long. The ener-
vating influence of the climate must in the end be felt;
and, when that time comes, the absence of slavery or of
some coercive system of labor must leave the South in a
worse condition than it is now. Voluntary labor will not
do, as its inducements are not sufficient to overcome the
temptations to enjoy the luxuries which nature voluntarily
dispenses. Such being the case, we can only look for weak-
ness from a tropical country, while we have the opposite
reasons to expect courage, strength and energy from the
north. In a country where nature unaided gives nothing,
exertion of mind and body is one of the conditions of exis-
tence. The mind harassed by the vvants of the body is
kept in a continual state of activity, and even after the&o
wants are fully provided for, the constant habit of thinking
which has been engendered must be exercised on something,
and we have it seeking to ameliorate iti condition by the
reform of every thing old, and the introduction of new con-
veniences. Not only does the northern climate force exer-
tion of m^nd and body, but that acti-'nty is more compati-
ble with comfort. Exertion is the sure source of develop-
ment of all the strong qualities of the mind — or rather the
sourchofthe development of all the physical powers from
which a strong mind naturally proceeds. Besides, the exhi-
lirating atmosphere of a cold climate is much more etfect-
ive in strengthening mind thi.n that of the tropics. Some
writers are disposed to give such effect to this cause as to
ascribe to it the different national traits of the inhab'tants
of Europe. The phlegmatic temperament of the English is
ascribed to his fogs, and the vivacity of the French ind Ita-
lian to their clear sunny skies. However this may be, it

THE PEOl'LE OP CANADA.

will generally be admitted that the activity of the mind
corresponds with the state of the atmosphere, and that that
activity is greatest when the atmosphere is clearest. This
effect of the climate may be seen more clearly in the litera-
ture of the people residing under the tropics, and in north-
ern countries. In the latter thought is strong, terse and defi-
nite, while in the former it is dreamy, imaginative, allego-
rical, and strongly metaphorical. The exaggerations also, so
familiar to eastern literature, and childish distortions, show
mind in a weak state. The Revelations of St. John could
never have been written by the inhabitant of a cold climate,
any more than the Arabian Nights' Entertainments. Indian
mythology, in all its huge deformity, could never have ori-
ginated much less have been tolerated in a cold country. If
the ancient mythology of the Scandinavian nations seem
to contradict this, it raay be said that this mythology sur-
rendered to the first summons of Christianity, and never
re-appeared after that great system was made known to the
people of those nations.

On the whole, the climate of Canada, which is nearly the
same over thfe entire country, is better fitted to generate
those qualities which sustain nations than warmer latitudes,
and to produce Inhabitants superior in mind and body.

The population of the Dominion in 1871, was 3,485,761,
and the addition of territory since will make it probably
about four millions. We have seen of what this population is
composed, what races make it up, and the effects which in-
stitutions, soil and climate have on its character. It only
remains to be said, that this population occupy a territory
as large as all Europe, with inexhaustible resources ; that it
carries on a trade, in proportion to its numbers, larger than
England or the United States, and that it is the fourth mari-
time power in the world.

CHAPTEE III.

The Future.

It is a fact -yell recognized by thinking men, that Canada
cannot rem.iin in her present position ; that the continued
progress going on, even as at present, will force her to be-
come something other than a colony. There are, however,
only three possible states in which she can exist, in her pre-
sent position of a colony of England, annexed to and forming
a part of the United States, or as a separate and independent
nation. Manifestly the first position cannot be maintained.
In the career of all countries, there comes a time when
the colonial position must cease, and when the for.ner colony
becomes absorbed in the mother land, or becomes inde-
pendent. Every known nation at present in being, and
every one ever recognized by history, has at first been a colo-
ny, or has passed through that condition. Indeed, there are
well-known stages in the life of every nation, corresponding
to that of infancy, boyhood and manhood in man. These may
be called the settlement, the colonial position, and the nation,
and these stages can be recognized in the careers or lives of
the nations of ancient as well as modern history. In an-
cient history, the nation the most famous in war, in oratory
and art — the nation which had the most influence or which
had arisen to any great degree of civilization, was Greece.
That this nation wiis once a colony, it is not necessary to
prove. The same may be said of Rome, and nearly all the
other nations of antiquity ; but the precedent which, atpre-
nent, more particularly concerns the inhabitants of this
country, is that of England — the motherland. No more
striking instance of the growth of a nation from a colony
to a first-class power can be found in history than in the
case of Englard. At first the attempt to colonize the Island,

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

was made from Rome, and it is more than probable that
the Romans hiid the foundations of those ^reat institution.-*
which have since been the means of Enghind's greatness. On
the dissolution of the Roman Empire, the colony of Britain
was abandc led, the legions which held the country being re-
quired at home to withstand the incursions of those colonists
or barbarians which came pouring in from the northern na-
tions. The Romans seem to have left the country much in
the same state as they found it, with the exception of the
gathering of the inhabitants into towns, which were the begin-
nings of the great cities which have since arisen. No one
can doubt for a moment that the nations of the Heptarchy
were simply colonies formed by different nations, such as
the Saxons. The process was precisely similar to that which
formed the thirteen colonies out of which the United State"*
sprang. Evidence of this, however, is not so plain or so
positive as that which exists in regard to the colonization of
the United States, owing to the different times in which
these colonizations were made ; but the state of the two
countries being almost identical, the inference is that th>>j
similarity was brought about by the same meai.<s.

That the condition of the two countries was nearly simi-
lar, the most cursory investigation will prove — making al-
lowance for the differen'^e in time and the degree of civiliza-
tion. England was divided into seven independent districts,
or, as the vanity of their half civilized rulers had them called,
nations. These were governed by chiefs, who in process of
time, and owing to the distance between them and the mo-
ther land of Germany, had grown from military chiefs into
civil governors, and at the time of the Union of the
kingdom by Egbert reigned as independent sovereigns.
There is no difFerence between this position and that of the
thirteen colonies of North America at the time of the Revo-
lution, except that which the times in which the two nations
were formed naturally account for. The colonies of America
existed much in the same manner. Owing to the distance
from the mother country, and the imperfect means of com-

THE FUTURE.

munication, the governing influence of England had grown
weak as in the case of Denmark, and the governors of the
different colonies had lost a great part of the power which
they originally possessed ; and, on the breaking out of the
Revolution, it was found that thoir influence could muster
A^ery few men in aid of the rights of the crown.
No greater similarity could possibly exist than in this case ;
but to the man who examines history in the light spoken
of in the first chapter, this will not be surprising, as it is
only in accordance with the great principle that history con-
tinually repeats itself

Not only does the Saxon invasion or colonization of
England show that the nation springs from the colony, as
inevitably as the man does from the boy, but the subsequent
invasion of the Normans proves it more conclusively, inas-
much as the facts having occurred in more modern times
they are more susceptible of proof The colonization of the
Romans was abortive, as it did not tend to its regular re-
sults only incompletely ; the colonization of the Saxons was
•more successful, and the seed planted bj- them grew to ma-
turitj'^, and a nation was the consequence. This nation was
overthrown, and the country was reduced again to the colo-
nial position — at least the Saxon portion of it — by a people
iis alien to the inhabitants as the Saxons were to the ancient
Britons, again showing how the occupation of a common
country amalgamates alien populations, and produces a
nation.

It is not necessary to recount the pretense under which
William the Conqueror entered England. The will of Ed-
ward the Confessor was the only thing that gave his jlaim
to the crown the semblance of right. His own great forci-
ble brain and strong right arm, and the natural superiority
of the Norman race over the Saxon, these, and these alone,
gave him the right to the English crown, a right more
respected then than it isiiow, as public opinion had not then
-the force it at present possesses. There are respectable au-
Ihoiities among English writers, who contend that the word

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

conqueror as applied to William is not to be taken in it»
literal meaning. Their national vanity is such that they
have tried to manufacture a meaning for that word which
will not imply subjugation. They say that the word con-
queror means head feudatory, or the n.an who had the dis-
posal of the lands. The victory at Hastings, however, was
too complete to admit of the word being taken in any other
meaning than the ordinary one. Not only was William a
conqueror as regards England, but the conquest was more
complete than any ever recorded. It is true that the men of
Ke , managed to retain a few of their ancient rights and pri-
vileges ; but all the customs of the country were totally and
radically changed. The surrender of nearly all the lands in the
kingdom into the hands of the king, and the granting again of
such lands on conditions which put beyond belief the theory
of a voluntary surrender, is the best proof of the completeness
of the Norman conquest of England.

The conquerors did not look upon England for many cen-
turies as their country. The incorporation of the Normans
as a part of the English people, required many centuries to
accomplish. The heaviest malediction which a Norman
noble could utter upon himself was " may I become an
Englishman," which goes to prove the wide difference which
existed between the two peoples. However, the principles
which promote the growth of nations fuse different peoples.
When a country takes a position as a nation there is a com-
mon standpoint. Association in government, common in-
terests, and national pride will not allow people in the same
country to remain long divided, and, hence, the Normans
and the Saxons, obeying involuntarily those great principles
of cohesion, obtained more homogeneity, and grew into that
nation which we love, and admire, and honor, under the
appellation of the mother of nations.

It may seenr* ?ite to go over these commonplace events of
history, and Ite so many things which some may deem
nothing bettei n truisms and platitudes ; but it would
seem from the theories which are abroad among the Cana-
dian people, as ifthtir force had been lost long ago.

THE FUTURE. 31

Those same principles which obtained in the formation of
England operated still more forcibly in the case of the
United! States, and are more vital to-day than they ever
weie, when railways and telegraphs bring the most distant
parts of a country close together. There are men in our
country, however, who have lived to an old age beside a
country in which these principles have been constantly and
rapidly operating — men who have seen even in their own
lifetime the greatest power of modern times developed by
their force, who will deny their existence. These are the
men who endeavour to nullify their effect, but they are
too powerful for their puny efforts. They exist, happily,
unquenchable in the human breast, and must go on as
continuously and as certainly as these great physical laws
which govern the transmutations of matter.

If it be then certain that there is no stationary position for
a people, the question arises, will these principles continue
to run their legitimate and natural course in this country, or
is there a prospect of their being diverted from that course ?
It is the opinion of many people that what is called a Federal
Empire will be their result, and that that result ought to be
an object of ambition to the Canadian people. It is diflficult
to define what is meant by this term, a Federal Empire.
Even those who use it most have only a vague and indefinite
idea of its meaning. However, it may be said to be a com-
bination of the different colonies of England and England
itself. Such combination to be held together by the loyalty
and affection which are supposed to exist between them, and
the common rallying point of the Crown. It is denied that
the laws applicable to old countries are not applicable to
new ones, but it is admitted that the colonies and the Mother
Country have different climates, and that different climates
invariably create different interests. These different local
interests, however, are to be committed to the care of local
governments, and the general interests of the whole— which
are supposed to be identical — are to be committed to the
■charge of a Federal Parliament and the Crown.

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

This is wh«»,t is meant, seemingly, by people when
they talk about a Federal Empire ; but the details of this
arrangement are not given. The kind of colonies which are
to be united, whether those having representative institu-
tions only, or Crown colonies, the basis of the representation,
the apportionment of taxes for the support of the Federal
government, and the nature and power of the Executive, are
all indefinite. It must be confessed that the scheme is ex-
ceedingly vague, and, supposing it practicable, the benefits
to be derived from it, as doubtful. It is manifest in the out-
set, that the great dependency of India could never be in-
cluded in such a scheme— the nature of its government, the
character of its people, and the extent of the country, en-
tirely precluding such a possibility ; but, it might be said,
that that dependency and the different Crown colonies could
become the common property of the Federal Government,
that is, England shall give up her exclusive right to the
government of those countries — countries y/hich she acquir-
ed at her own cost, and at the sacrifice of the lives of thou-
sands of her own sons—and allow the people of other states
who, although allied in sentiment, are as alien in customs,
manners and habits as the people of any foreign state, to
participate in the benefits to be derived from them. Is it
reasonable to suppose that England could be induced to do
this ? It is not reasonable or at all probable. There is another
view, however, which may be taken of this part of the
scheme. India and the Crown colonies might be left to Eng-
land alone. Then in that case, she ought to be at the
expense of defending them. Now, the only source of her
embroilment with European Powers is the defence of India,
The aggressions of Kussia in the East give a prospect that,
before many years, England may be called upon to defend
India from that quarter ; as well as upon the West by the
support of Turkey. What interests would the Confederacy
have in such a conflict ? Or by what right could England ask
its aid ?

Again, by what system Avould the basis of representation

THE FUTURE.

in the Federal Parliament be settled ? "Would it be property
or number of inhabitants ? Would vhe representatives be
elected by the people or appointed by the Colonial Govern-
ment ? If by the people, what would be the qualification
of the voters, whether a modified qualification or universal
suifrage. On either system, the people of England would
have the vast majority. If the representatives were
appointed by the Colonial Governments, which would no
doubt be more or less under the influence of the Crown, there
would be simply irresponsible government, as the appointees
of the local governments would be those of the Crown. Add
to this, that the place ot meeting of the Federal Parliament
and the seat of the Federal Government would be in Eng-
land. The principle, under Parliamentary institutions,
which is said to secure the purity of members, is the influ-
ence of public opinion, and the pressure of their consti-
tuents. How is this public opinion in Australia, or Canada,
to influence the conduct of a member of ilio Federal Parlia-
ment in London, exposed, as he necessarily must be, to the
fascinations of court, the hospitalities of society, and the
corrupt influence of ministers. Even patriotism, the ordi-
nary bond which strengthens and upholds a public man
under temptation, is taken away ; tor, in such a wide extent
as that supposed by a Federal empire, the feeling must be
too diluted to have much force. Would it be safe to entrust
Federal taxation to such a body? No doubt the sum to be
contributed by each member of the Federation for the sup-
port of the whole, could be limited ; br't could the limitation
of an individual member bind the action of the whole ? If
there be a Parliament, would it not be supreme, and if
supreme, could it not abrogate all limitations ? The right
to tax Colonies has been given up by England since the
American Eevolution. The effort to enforce that right, in
that instance, turned out so disastrously as to have never
again been attempted. Since then protection has been given
to Coionies without the power of taxing them. This protec-
tion, at present, is no doubt of a questionable kind ; but real

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

protection was given to Canada in 1812, and the expense of
that protection was never asked from us. It would have
been unjust if it were asked, as the war was created by Eng-
land, and Canada was not the cause of it. The protection
extended to us is not from our own acts, but from those of
England ; and, therefore, we have a right to that protection
po long as England thinks it necessary to her prestige or
power to retain us. It is not likely that, under a Federal
empire, any cause for war could come from us any more than
now. Any cause for such a misfortune would no doubt arise
from some injury done to an Imperial interest, and, if this
so-called protection has been given for years without the
right of taxation, would the Canadian people submit to tax-
ation by going through the form of submitting the amount
required, to be voted upon bj' representatives sitting in
London ? It is extremely doubtful ; and it is more than
probable that the first attempt to levy taxes in Canada, to bo
used for Imperial purposes, would be the signal for a war as
fierce, bloody and expensive, as that of the American Eevo-
lution — a war, devastating in the present, but reaching in
its effects to future generations, by the feeling it would gene-
rate. The voice of Canada could not be any more powerful
in a Federal Parliament than it is now. There is no reason
for supposing that the result of the Washington Treaty
would have been different if such a Parliament existed. A
Canadian Commissioner, in such a body, would have been
just as powerless to obtain redress for Fenian grievances as
was Sir John Macdonald. And there is no ground for think-
ing that Canadian representatives, in such a body, could
have prevented the sacrifice of the Canadian fisheries in the
interest of the Imperial Government.

The nature and powers of the Executive in the proposed
Government would be a subject of the greatest ditiiculty. It
may be supposed that the present principles of responsible
government would be continued ; and, if so, the Federal
Cabinet must have a large majority of Englishmen proper.
How would positions of emolument and trust in the different

THE FUTURE. 35

countries be given ? Would such positions be under the
control of the representatives, or would they be given to
the appointees of the local government. The probability is
that there would be a system adopted, similar to that which
obtained in the case of India, and that the Federal Empire
would be a special preserve for the younger sons of the
English aristocrac3^ The system pursued in the present
English House of Commons, with regard to Scotland, might
be followed. All things pertaining to Canada might be car-
ried out according to the will of the majority of its members,
and if that were done, then, as regards Canada, the whole
scheme is unnecessary, as Canada expresses her wishes at
present through a representative government.

It may be asked then, for what purpose, supposing it
practicable, is all this cumbrous, complicated governmental
machinery to be put in motion. The advocates of the sys-
tem do not allege that it will advance the interests of Cana-
da, but simply thrt it will preserve and protect a senti-
ment of attachment to the mother land which is said to
^ixist among them. To listen to what is said on this subject
one would imagine that the sentiment of attachment to
one's country is confined to the inhabitants of the British
isles. No one seema to think of an opposing sentiment that is
springing up, just as natural and just as well placed.

The principles which give rise to patriotism or love of
country exist in Canada as well as in England. Accordino-
to their natural course these principles must increase in
force as the country becomes a source of pride. There is a
love of location which exists in the brute creation, to gratify
which animals have been known to travel, guided by
instinct, hundreds of miles. This same love exists naturally
in man, in a much greater degree, but it is intensified by
his feelings being more sensitive, his attachments more
constant and unchangeable, and his affections more for-
cible. The house he was born in becomes an attraction to
him from that fact alone. From the house this feeling ex-
pands with the growth of the sensations. The paths which

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

are trodden, the playgrounds frequented, the schools attend-
ed, become objects of attachment and regard. The feeling
increases with the growth of the rassions. The trysting place,
the fields through which he meandered entranced and sub-
limated by first love, the house, the scone of his nuptial joys
and sorrows, and the birthplace of his children, are all taken
in, and find a place in his affections which death alone
can remove. Afterwards man's interests come into action.
These carry him in the di-ection of his feelings, and extend
his sentiments beyond the circle of his kindred. Association
and common principles of action, induced by climate and
similar circumstances, create a certain affinity of feeling
that makes countrymen, and the antagonisms and prefer-
ences of states, consolidate all these into that feeling
called patriotism which naturally exists in the bosom of the
savage as well as the man of education, which may in the
latter extend to a love for humanity in general.

This feeling of patriotism does not depend upon nativity.
The mere birth, indeed, has very little to do with it. Gov-
ernments used to claim allegiance on this ground, but the
doctrine is exploded. If a country did nothing for a man but
give hinvbirth, he has little to be thankful for. That country
in which his mind is formed is the one to which he owes alle-
giance, There are men in the dift'erent countries of Europe
who have lived there a lifetime, whose instincts are not
much better than those of the animals they tend. These
men never know real enjoyment. Their labor from morn-
ing till night barely suffices to support existence, not exis-
tence, but that dread of death which keeps them and the
lower animals alike from extinction. For what has such a
man to be thankful ? what is there to give him patriotism?
he owes his country nothing but what she can extort. On the
other hand, the country which shares with the parents the
cares of childhood, which forms the soul and the mind by
her school system, and afterwards by her institutions affords
scope for the development of all the faculties which she has
helped to create, and protects him in the enjoyments derived

THE FUTURE.

.b
^

from thos« faculties, this is the land to which that man la
indebted, for whose welfare and safety ho should be willing
at any moment to give up that life which without its assis-
tance would bo almost valueless.

These causes also tend to make men in Canada who have
laeen born in other countries patriotic, and lessen their love for
their native land. The man who is brought from another coun-
tiy to this in infancy knows no other. His native land may be
more beautiful and worthy, but never having seen any
other than Canada, he is satisfied to give to her his att'ectioa
and love. The man who immigrates in his manhood does so
to better his condition. Although he cannot forget his na-
tive land ho owes as much to Canada. Here by his labor
he has amassrd a competence, and here his mind has been
improved, if not formed. The facilities afforded to every
man have been taken advantage of, and the free institutions
have completed what the schools and his own exertions have
begun. Other causes through life spring up for loving the
land of adoption. More than likely the partner of his toils,
and the solace of his griefs and troubles has been obtained
there. The home makes the country. Xo man feels him-
•self permanently settled in life until he marries. This in-
fluence has a great ettect, and it is increased by the birth of
children. He, no doubt, endeavors to instil into those chil-
dren a knowledge and a love for his native country, but
nature is too strong for him. The tangible — the present is the
source of attraction. He cannot satisfy the desire in their
minds for a country by pointing to one three thousand milea
away, however great it may be in learning and glory. Hence
in time his children grow up with a love for Canada,
and he unconsciously shares their feelings. As he grows old-
er, the feeling which was so strong and frosh in his mind
for his native land gets weaker, and, instead of wishing for
his own land his only desire is for a spot to lay his bones in the
scene of his labors. Hence, interest and sentiment combine
to make Canadians of the people of the different nationalities
which make Canada their home. The national societies which

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

are the result of the old love of course obstruct a good
deal the power of these forces, and keep alive the affection
for the native land, but these societies are not powerful
enough to counteract the natural outflow of the feelings for
Canada. But no one doubts that these societies ought to be
done away with. They are upheld upon one ground, and
that is the assistance they offer to the indigent i airaigrants
of the different nationalities, when they first land upon our
shores. An efficient immigrant agency in every large tow d,
however, would do that duty better. The relief administered
is not in any case extensive, and they are the nreans pro-
bably of making the Government inattentive and less careful
of the wants of the newly arrived immigrant. On the ground
of benevolence, also, these societies exist ; but it is true there is
a feeling of love for the old countries mixed up in them, and
the tenacity of their members in clinging to those old absurd
legends which are laughed at every year is wonderful. It
cannot be because they believe in their truth. A few years
in Canada dissipates any belief which may exist in the
mind relative to these fables. It is more than doubtful if
ever such personages as St. George and St. Patrick ever
existed, not to speak of their famous exploits of killing
dragons and expelling snakes and venomous reptiles —
freaks of the imagination which runs riot in times of ignor-
ance and superstition.

National societies if they did no more harm than preventing
the formation of a Canadian sentiment might be tolerated,
but when they are the means of bringing into the country
the hatreds and prejudices formed in other countries they
are pernicious. This may be said more particularly of
Irish societies. The peace and harmony of the Canadian
people should not be allowed to be disturbed by the feuds of
Ireland. The careful reading of the history of that unhappy
country will make any candid reader doubtful of those
blessings which are said to follow the spread of Christian-
ity. Since the so called conversion of that land from pagan-
ism to the repeal of the penal laws it has been the scene of

THE FUTURE. 39

more slaughter, rapine and injustice than is to be found in
Pagan history. It has been the volcano from which has
flowed for many years streams of hatred and rancor. Edu-
cation and time are the only remedies for the evil ; and no
doubt it will no more be able to stand these influences in
Canada than in the Unites States. The effect of these evils
can be seen in the diff'erent parts of the country. In the un-
settled parts, where schools are scarce and the original immi-
grant is the sole inhabitant, old country prejudices are in the
ascendant, causing a much ruder society than the state
of the country would warrant ; and preventing that mutual
aid among settlers which is the great civilizing force in the
western states. In the old settled parts of Canada religious
differences are scarcely heard of, and if they are, they are
more between the different denominations of Protestants
than between the latter and Catholics. Public opinion,
strongly directed against^ the foreign national societies in
Canada, is the only preventive to their evils. The more
patriotic this public opinion is, the more eflectunl it will be.
As a means of creating and aff'ecting public opinion in this
respect, the formation of Canadian national societies has
been attempted with considerable success.

For these various reasons, the sentiment which requires
a Federal Empire is decreasing every day, while a senti
ment with an oj^posite tendency is increasing. It is not
probable that the inauguration of such an Empire could
affect the natural laws which cause this result. Nationality
lives on local patriotism. Patriotism, in a country scattered
over the globe, is an impossibility. That foul weed commun-
ism grew up in the bosom of France, the most com])act of
all the nations of Europe. Communism saps the foundations
of nationality by destroying local patriotism. If such a sys-
tem could be possible in France, as it is now, how would it
be^with that nation, if it were composed of Corcicas in every
quarter of the globe, as a British Federal Empire must ne-
cessarily be. Piitriotism could not exist, and the nation
would fall to pieces. The bond, consequently, which is to

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

hold together England and her colonies in one empire is
but a rope of sand. The scheme was never recognized by
statesmen as possible. It in the theme of dreamers and
speculators only ; and can only be ranked with that other
beautiful but impracticable dream, the Utopia of Sir
Thomas More.

]

CHAPTER IT.

Absorption of Canada by the United States.

In considering the probability of a country's being
absorbed by one lying coterminous to it, three things have
to be examined : first, the physical boundary which separates
them ; second, the nature, race, and principles, with their
points of resemblance and difference, of the two peo-
P- .', and, thirdly, the character of their institutions and
languages. There are many countries in the world, the inde-
pendence of which is preserved by their physical bound-
aries; and to which they are indebted for their very exist-
ence. It may be said that the greater part of the nations
of Europe have originated in this way. On the breaking up
of the Empire of Charlemagne, from which the main features
of the political geography of Europe may be dated, the divi-
sion of the empire among that monarch's children was made
seemingly according to natural boundaries. The Spanish
peninsula is more noted in this respect than any other.
Surround<^^'1 (ui all sides but one by the sea, and on ih?.t side
separate .< "i France by the Pyrenees mountains, it would
appear tii af ire intended it for a separate national exist-
ence. The . •• -le may be said of Italy. Nothing has been
so instrumental in the unification of that country, as the
protection it has received from nature. Surrounded by
water, except where protected by the Alps, it originally gave
rise to that great race tho Romans, and to theii majestic
language.

Indeed, all nations may be said to be indebted to the con-
format n of the land or to that of their territory for their
existejc . In primitive times, when means of communication
consisted of beasts of burden and man's own locomotive powers

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

only, jjhysical obstacles to intercommunication created isola-
tion, and the peculiar habits, languages and customs of eacb
isolated branch of humanity formed a distinct people or a
nation. The effects of these natural boundaries were abolished
b}' force of arms, in many instances ; but, nevertheless, power
Avas not able to efface those distinguishing traits which
j.iarked out the different communities formed by the natural
conformation of the countries they inhabited. In modern
times, when the idea of nationality has taken such hold on
the peoples, and efforts are being made, by the distinguishing
mark of language, to reform those nations dit <_, inhered by
force of arms, it is found, in almost all instance 'at the
boundary between two languages is also a boundary lu ined by
nature in the physical conformation of the country. Thu'j,
in the case the most recent^ — the annexation of Alsace and
Lorraine to Germany — where the German language ceases,
and the French begins, there rise the Vosges mountains ;
shewing the original natural boundary between the two
nations. The task of reforming the different nationalities
from this reason has been comparatively easy. The different
nations and states of Italy have been consolidated under one
monarch, in half a lifetime, and without any of those great
devastating wars which occur on the amalgamation of a
country b}'^ an alien nation. Garibaldi united Italy with a
mob; Bismarck requires a hostof dis",iplined troops to unit©,
Germany; but the efforts of Germany to re-unite ^ito one
Empire are being, and no doubt will eventually be entirely
successful, from the fact that she has no great physical
obstacles to overcome. Without, however, giving any further
examples, it must be plain that where easy access is possible
from one country to another, the chances of two such nation*
uniting must be far greater than where they are e 3parated
by large ranges of mountains, as in the case of France and
Spain, or a large body of water, as is the case with regard
to England and Ireland, which, from this cause, never will
be really united.
If we examine the boundary between Canada and the

ABSORPTION OP CANADA BY THE UNITED STATES. 43

United States, we find that it is nearly wholly artificial. In
a part of the lino between the two countries, the ^reat lakes
make a good natural boundary ; but this part is so small
compared with the whole length of it, as to be inconsiderable.
Besides, even in this part, the rivers connecting thone lakes
detract from the inaccessibility caused by them. But how-
ever formidable they may be as a natural barrier at the part
where they separate the two countries, the chief part of the
boundary is a mere imaginary line, offering no obstacle
whatever to the unification of the two countries.

The people inhabiting Canada and the United States are
of the same race. The time which has elapsed, however,
since they have been living under different institutions, and
the admixture of the people of many different nationalities
with the original people of the thirteen colonies, have made
many material differences between them. The extent of
the United States also, admitting as it does of continual
movement, prevents that condensation of character which
is to be found in Canada. The superficiality of the American
character is admitted by their best writers. One of them
gives a good picture of their want of continuity by por-
traying a man who laid out a plan for a large house, put the
frame up, enclosed it, and then moved to the Western States,
leaving the house half finished. And this is not an excep-
tional trait, ^but a general one. It would be difiicult to
tell that such a people ever existed, if any dreadful calamity
could by any possibility at present forestall the fate which
time has in store for them. There is nothing in the country
ut present that would last one hundred years. Everything is
done for the present, and the future must take care of itself.
The future may be more substantial ; but that future may
be never reached. The character of the people is just as
flimsy as their works ; weak and shallow, satisfied with the
gaudy and showy ; without any interest in those studies
which form strong traits, it tries to make up in vain-
glorious self-laudation what it lacks in strength. The
qualities of energy, enterprise, and ingenuity, cannot be

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

denied to the American character ; but the source of these
qualities detracts from their merits. The man who exer-
cises his en<^rgy and ingenuity only to find means for th e
gratification of his vices and passions is not worthy of much
admiration. The pursuit of wealth is certainly commend-
able; but the desire for wealth, to the exclusion of every
virtue, and regardless of every other object, is most debasing.
This is the ruling passion in the United States, and to its
gratification is sacrificed what men in all other countries
hold dearer than life. Every public man, not excepting the
higheit, has his price, and if morality be efifocted it is only
done to enhance the value. Hypocrisy is the tribute vice
pays to virtue, and this accounts for so much sham being in
vogue. To a stranger it is a matter of surprise how the
ordinary relations and business of life are carried on. A con-
tract is made, and if done through an agent it is favorable or
unfavorable, according to the price paid the agent. You
vrish to purchase a house, and you consult your dearest friend
as to) the price. The price he names is paid, and you after,
wards learn that he gets the third of it, which is that much over
the value of the house. A lawyer is consulted, and takes
your money to right this wrong, and also takes money from
your opponent to betray you. If the lawyer will not do so,
the judge or the arbitrator to whom the judge refers it will.
If, however, these men turn out an exception, and the case
be large enough, the whole State Legislature can be bribed
to pass a measure annulling the law under which you acted,
but whether it becomes law or not depends on the fact
whether you are wealthy enough to bribe the Governor to
veto it. This is the experience of the English stock-
holders in the Erie Railroad.

To those who have paid for the experience, and who have
no scruple in giving up all notions of honor and honesty,
this system may be well enough, as in the knowledge of the
principle upon which every one acts is a safe guard ; but to
the man of honor, it is simply ruin. Every man tries to
overreach his neighbor, and both endeavor to overreach

ABSORPTION OP CANADA BY THE UNTTED STATES. 45

the State. When the moral sense is destroyed by processes
of this kind, the family relations cannot long remain pure.
The feeling of honor which gives way for pecuniary reasons
in the every day business life, most come in the end to
estimate the most sacred relations at the same money value.
Hence the frequency of divorce, the disruption of families,
and the universal corruption of boarding houses and hotels.
In no other country has an eflFort been made to give public
recognition to prostitution under the title of woman's rights'.

How this state of morality has been brought about is not
the province of the writer to try to ascertain, that it is so in
the cities, the impartial observer must admit. In the coun-
try parts of the older states it is not so bad ; but in the new
states it is the case in town and country. This kind of mor-
ality is not that generated bj- the immoral characters of
other countries who have made the United States their
home. The class which strives to overturn the present
social laws that govern all decent societies is native Ameri-
can. Very few foreigners will be found in the Oneida com-
munity of free lovers. These people are only the few who
openly practise the doctrines they profess. In no other
country could such an association cxif^t, and its existence
is a sufficient indication of the moral atmosphere by which
it is surrounded.

The contrast presented to this state of morality by the
Canadian people is immense. The decent observance of all
the social virtues at least in public and by profession is noto-
rious. The absence of any divorce law from the Statute
Book is not only some proof of this public observance but
also of the general state of the morals of the people. Law is
the result of necessity or rather of the will of the people ; and
if the 8tat« of the people required it in such a democratic
country as Canada, (iuch a will would make itself manifest
by the passing of such a law.

The contrast presented also in the business life of the two
peoples is just as great. The desire to amass money and
wealth is just as great in Canada as in the United States ; but

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

the means employed are not nefarious, and they are always
subordinate to the feeling of commercial honor. From the
dealings of some Canadian merchants with English mer-
•chants this may not be so apparent. It must be remembered ,
however, in judging this, what standard is used. The
English standard of commercial honor is an unusually high
one. In the commercial circles of the United States of the
highest class, the feeling which impels men to meet
obligations may be just as strong ; but the general morality
in this respect is as much below that of Canada as it is be-
low that of England. The general standard in the L^nited
States is limited only by personal safety. All that can be
done within the strict letter of the law is right, while in
Canada the people being more restrained in their general
moral principles carry that restraint into their business, and
are impelled by these principles to meet every engagement.
Hence there are no corners in Canada except those which
are caused and made by Americans. The interests of the
country are never imperilled by the reckless gambling which
seems to be a part of the legitimate business of the United
States. Neither are the "rings" or monopolies which disgrace
that country in vogue. Success never condones swindling,
no matter how large the transaction may be, and the crea-
tion of an artificial stringency in any commodity for the
purpose of enriching the few at the expense of the many is
so much contrary to the general opinion of the country as
to have hardly been attempted. In nothing, however, is
the contrast in the business morality of the two countries so
apparent as in the railway systems. The English " bub-
bles," which a few years ago caused such widespread
misery in that country are the only projects which can be
likened to the railway schemes in the United States. Half
the lines of railway, owing to the system of land grants in
aid of their construction, have been concocted and built for
fraudulent purposes. The cupidity of the English people has
been used and acted upon in the same manner, and the
prospect of dividends to English stockholders, which every

ABSORPTION OF CANADA BY THE UNITED STATES.

year grows more remote, may eventually open the eyes of
admirers of the United States in England to the true nature
•of American enterprise. Indeed, the three great elements
of American business enterprise are almost unknown in
•Canada. Eings, corners, and fraudulent stock are things
which the unsophisticated and " unenterprising" Canadians
at present know nothing about ; and their existence must
always remain a mystery to them so long as the corrupt
legislatures of the United States, based upon universal
suffrage, which give these institutions strength and vitality,
are impossible in their country.

The political institutions of the United States are in a
great measure one of the main sources of the wide-spread
immorality which prevails. The doctrine of universal
suffrage is held by Canadians generally as being responsible
for the most of it ; but the fault or evil lies deeper.
The right lo vote being given to a man without property is
not of itself an evil. Nothing seems more just than that
the man who may be called upon to defend the country
•even with his life should have a voice in the government
of it, although he may be more interested if a part of its
territory be his own individual property. The main ques-
tion, however, is not whether he has property or not, but
whether his mind has been properly formed by education
and religion to exercise the right to vote. Some may infer
intelligence sooner in a man possessed of property than in
one who has none. This inference might hold good in
Europe ; but not in Canada or the United States. Churches
and schools in these countries are as accessible to the poor
as they are to the rich, property consequently as a means
of obtaining education and intelligence cannot have the
same weight in this respect as in Europe. But its posses-
sion ifl said to be prima facie evidence of intelligence. It
xjannot be said, however, that the man who contracts his
mind by concentrating it upon the acquisition of property,
or the man who by continual labor and parsimonious
liabits, renders it sordid is more intelligent an the man

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

whose mind has not been influenced in this way. Neither
can it be said, that the man who obtains his property by
defrauding his fellows is any more intelligf nt than the man
who barely makes his living by adhering strictly to the
rules of probity and honor. The exercise of industry and
sagacity is generally supposed to be the means of acquiring
wealth ; and it may be probable that the man who makea
the most money in this way evinces the most intelligence,
but the race is not always won by the most deserving,
and if wealth alone is to be taken as the only criterion,
the highwayman and the robber are as much entitled
to political privileges, as the man who has through
a lifetime, by the practice of every virtue and the use
of his talents, amassed a fortune. Besides those extreme
cases, there is the great class who obtain wealth without
any exertion of their own, who inherit it. It is likely
that these are men of intelligence, but they may be flsols.
On the whole the property criterion is a very poor test, and
the manhood suffrage of the United States would not be a
bad foundation for government, nor lead to the results which
v.e see flow from it there, if it were prooerly based, as it
should be, on education and religion. As it is the want of
religion and its total separation from public education whieh
creates the evil, it may be proper to consider these sub-
jects.

The educational system of the United States is esteemed
by Americans as the best in the world. Its only object,
however, seems to be the inculcation of secular information,
and it may be said to secure all that can be legitimately
expected when it has secured this result. Education as it is
understood at present consists in learning the means of ac-
quiring knowledge. The learning of these means may have
the effect of disciplining the mind to some extent, but cot
any more than the learning of a trade or business. The
mechanical operation of learning to read is not much
different from that of learning to make a watch, and if the
watchmaker after having obtained his knowledge were to do

ABSORPTION or CA.VADA BY THE UNITED STATES. 49

nothing afterwards at his business, or make no use of his
information, it would be about as sensible as the present
method of education, which seems to be satisfied with ac-
quiring those means of information, which, without being
made use of, has not much more eifoct in training the mind
than the mechanical business necessary to the watchmaker.
However, a great object is obtained if the State place within
the reach of every one the acquisition of these means,
although the chances are just as great that these moans
may be employed for the purpose of destroying the mind
as of benefiting it. In a country where the press is so
free and sul^ject to so little supervision as in the United
States, the danger arising from its abuse is more imminent
than in a country where it is subject to censorship. The
mass of pernicious reading which teems from the American
press cannot help having a deleterious effect on those capable
of reading it, and whose taste has not been formed by any
instruction whatsoever. In other countries this danger
is averted by religion. Education and religion go hand
in hand in forming the mind, and, while education provides
the means of acquiring information, religion, and in some
countries a rigid censorship of the press, provide that these
means shall be made use of in acquiring the proper kind of
information.

These two securities are totally wanting in the United
States. Some religious societies lately, seeing the evils
flowing from indiscriminate reading, have endeavored to
stem the torrent of obscene literature, wh'ch is causing so
much corruption, by enforcing the laws in existence against
such publications, but so long as such efforts are left to the
voluntary action of the moral part of the community
they cannot effect much good. The vast difference which
exists even in such a free country as England and the United
States in this respect is seen in the fact that, while the
American press has been pouring out over the whole country
lately streams of obscenity in what is known as the Beecher
Scandal, the matter would not even be allowed to pass over

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

the telegraphs of England, because a number of females were
operators and might be corrupted.

The reading of the Bible in the public schools of the Uni-
ted States is another attempt to direct aright the tastes of the
people. This practice is causing a good deal of commotion
among the religious denominations. The Roman Catholics
have taken their children away from the public schools
entirely, in consequence of it. The promiscuous use of the
Bible among children is in their opinion a very questionable
practice. Indeed, the reading of that part of it called the
Old Testament must aggravate the evil sought to bo remedied
instead of lessening it. It is not possible that the Old Testa-
ment would have ever been retained as a guide of morals by
Christianity were it not for its necessity as showing the
want of atonement in the scheme of salvation. On this ground
it is valuable, but very few will advocate the putting of such
a book without proper safeguards in the hands of young
children. How good, however, the Bible may be when
attentively studied in the proper spirit, its formal reading,
unaccompanied by any instruction, in the public schools can
have very little effect in promoting good morals.

The religious beliefs of the United States prove the extent
to which even an educated people can go in credulity and fa-
naticism. All manner of belief is rife among them, and all
recognized forms of belief are split up into inimmerable divi-
sions. Under the pretense of freedom of conscience, villains
of every description obtain wealth and position by the forma-
tion of churches and sects. The weakness, the credulity, the
ignorance and the natural piety of the people are traded upon
by men totally unfit for the sacred vocation ; and who by
hypocrisy and deceit spend their whole lives in the indul-
gence of every vice. The extent of imposture, bounded by
Shakerism on the one hand, which would destroy the race, by
celibacy, and Mormonism and Fi-ee Love on the other, which
would also destroy it by excess, is amazing. The Bible,
torn to atoms by a thousand contending sects, is held to be
the supreme guide and rule of faith j and, from this prolific

ABSORPTION OF CANADA BY THE UNITED STATES. 51

-sourco, dlviwion after division and sect after sect have
sprung, until now Beemingly exhausted Spiritualism has
thrown it overboard altogether. Actual communication
with the spirit world, and guidance and admonition from
thence, which seem to be the rule with this latter sect, is
found, however, by experience to be uncertain also, and this
new source of conflict and contention is likely to turn out as
prolific of beliefs as the Bible itself. Amid this spiritual
chaos are the numerous sects of unbelievers. These are
extremely active, but they only jmll down. They shew the
absurdity of every belief without supplying any substitute,
and, as a consequence, thoy add to the vast stream of
immorality.

Such being the position of religion, but little control can
bo had by it over the morals of the people, while it cannot
reach the children at all except by the Sunday school. The
beliefs implanted in children are apt tc wear ; but the
religious instruction of one day in the week is likely to be
obliterated by the secular studies and sports of six. One-
half the people of the country attend no place of worship
whatever. This portion of the population having no moral
guide at all may be said to be indifferent, and are satiyfied
with the morality supplied in the schools.

From all this it can be easily understood how the religion
and education of the United States are not sufficient to
guide the people in the use of their political rights. The
moral principles ought not only be sufficient to withstand
«vil but to do right. Voters are surrounded by all kinds of
temptations. The arts of the briber and log roller are no-
where carried to such perfection, while intimidation either
drives the people from the polls or withstands right.

The vast influx of foreigners also tend to the universal
corruption. Possessed of the franchise long before they
know any thing of the politics of the country, they are
simply instruments in the hands of designing men. This
influx, in comparison with the population, may be deemed

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

small, but, like llie influx of Binall rivers into larger ones,,,
although they make no perceptible ditferenee in the volume
of water, they tinge its color.

One of the ctrongest arguments in favor of universal
FufT'rage is that it remedies its own defects because the exor-
cise of its privileges educates and ennobles the people. The
experience obtained in the United States docs not lead to this
result as yet. Perhaps if ever the time should come when
llie exodus from Europe should cease, its advantages in
this respect may be more apparent ; but at present it may
i>e said with truth to be the source of most of the corrup-
tion which is eating into the heart of the United States,
and which threatens at no distant day to engulf the whole
nation.

The chief difference beiween Canadian and American
in?! utions is in this : the Canadian franchise is a limited
<• restricted to property-holders and house-holders. It may
be that the people of Canada might extend the suffrage
with advantage. The giving of political rights to all tax-
paj'crs might be attended with success, as well as being in
accordance with the dictates of Justice. All consumers are
taxpayers to a certain extent, but some qualification ought
to le exacted as a safeguard for the safety of the State.
The receipt of an income, whether as shewing the benefit
the State derives from the labor of the individual, or the
amount he pays in taxes, might be taken as a qualiticition,
and to this Toight be added the ability to read and write and
ci'bjection to military duty. The oath of allegiance to the
State, which ought to be exacted from o- ery foreigner,
should also be required. These concessions might be made
with advantage, and in all probability will be made before
long, but even then there will and must be a wide d'fforence
between the Canadian Jinstitution and that in the United
States; and even if the manhood suffrage be introduced
into Canada, the moral power of her people is suflScient to
enable them to use it properly and prevent it from becoming
the evil it is in the United States. The ballot is now added

ABSORPTION OF CANADA BY THE UN.'TED STATE>i,

to Canadian institutions. Tho utility of this principle,
as allowing the free exercise of opinion to the voter, is
now unquestionable. It is to be regretted, however, that our
dependent position did not allow us to adopt itjj-ears ago,
instead of having to wait until it was introduced into the
mother country.

Another material difference in the institutions of the
two countries is the nature of their administrations and
governments. The principles upon which Republican
governments are based are that all power is derived from
the people, that that power returns to the people periodically,
and that rulers are continually responsible to the people.
The constitution of the United States is supposed to be
based on these principles; but in some material particulars
it is opposed to some of them. The ruler of the United
States or the president is elected for four years, and during
this time he is not continually responsible to the people.
He is liable to a certain extent by impeachment; but
this, as its punishment is only removal from office, after
being found guilty by the senate, — which, with the power
in the hai ds of the president, is almost impossible —
cannot be said to be much of a security. The cabinet of
the president being the heads of the great departments
are removable only by the president. The susceptibility
of the government to the will of the people as expressed by
their representatives, which is the main characteristic of
the English system of government, is entirely wanting in
that of the United States. This want of power over tho
Executive is said to be made up by the separation whicii
exists betvv'een the Legi^-lature and the Executive — the
duty of the president being -^nfined to the execution of
the laws only ; the yearly session of Congress, and tho
elections to the House of Ilopresentatives being held every
second year, togethtr with the power vested in Congress to
pass a law over the president's veto by a two-thirds vote,
being sufficient control by the people. The experience of
*the presidential term before the present one, however, goes

4
/

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

to prove that a, president opposed to a majority of the repre»-
sentatives may do a great deal of damage to the interests of
the nation without committing any of those serious acts
which would require the extreme measure of his removal
by impeachment ; and that, even when those more serious
acts have been committed, removal by impeachment is not
easily effected. It consequently happens that laws passed
by both Houses of Congress may remain a dead letter for
four years. If the immense patronage, and the influence of
the i^xecutive over the two Houses, be taken into considera-
tion it may easily be supposed how difficult it must be in
many instances to obtain the necessary two-thirds vote to
override the veto of the president. The commotions and
disturbance caused by the conduct of Andrew Johnston
during his incumbency of the office of president are a
sufficient proof of the irresponsible power wielded by a
president, and the damage flowing ^rom the exercise of such
power, even in a limited manner. It follows, therefore, that
the president of the United States is not continually subject
to the will of the people — nay, even more, he may during
his term of office oppose that will in such a manner as to
render i*: almost non-eflective.

The contrast between the Canadian and j^.merican Govern-
ments in this respect is striking, and very unfavorable to the
latter. Under the Canadian system the Executive is con-
tinually under the control of the people, and susceptible to
their will. The Gov rnment of Canada is simply a Commit-
tee of the House of Commons. The policy of this Committee
must always be supported by a majority of the House, and
the influence of the people is so paramount that a majority
of one of their representatives against the Government is
sufficient to cause its resignation. Not only is this the case,
but not one member of the Government can possibly retain
his jjlace but by first submitting his ac ion in becoming a
member of it to the direct vote of his constituents, so that
the .nembers of the Government are not only subject to the
vote of the people's representati^-es but also to the voice of

ABSORPTION OP CANADA BY THE UNITED STATES. i)&

the people themselves. This is the rule, but there are
exceptions. Members of the Upper House or Senate
who are appointed by the Crown, may be members of the
Government, but the defeat of the Government in the Lower
House is as conclusive to them as to the members of the
Lower House. As, therefore, the existence of the Govern-
ment rests almost exclusively with the Lower House, its
strength in that House must be always maintained by
having the largest number of its members there.

When it is understood that the whole policy of the country
initiation, passing, and execution of all laws and in fact the
government of the nation, with the exception of a few pre-
rogatives belonging to the Crown, well and carefully marked
out, are in the hands of the Government, it will easily
be seen how entirely the will of the people continually
rules the country. It is possible that in the intervals
between the sittings of Parliament some acts may be
done by the Government not consonant to the will of
the people, but intervals can never be more than a year^
while the extreme penalty of death for arbitrary acts lone,
even in the name of the Executive, may be inflicted on
ministers by impeachment. The veto power, ich in the
hands of a president of the United States ma_) Jo euch
irreparable damage. i« 'ia the hands of the Canadian Exeon
tive entirely innocuou?,. The policy that every Government
will pursue must be notorious to the Executive before;
they are called to office. The Government must be carried oni
by men having a majority of the people's representatives.
If the Government fail for attempting to pass an obnoxious
measure, or not initiating a required one, the calling to office of
the opponents of the defeated Government, which must be done
if the Government of the country is to be carried on, is au
approval of their policy by the Executive which must alwaj's.
dispense with the veto power. The veto, under the systeuTi
of responsible government, is nearly impossible with respect
to an important measure, otherwise the^Governnient could be
carried on by a minority of the House of Commons ; for if a

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

measure Las passed both Houses, it must be done by a
inajoritj'-, and if such a measure be vetoed it involves the
resignation of the Ministry and the calling to office of their
opponents, that is the minorit3^ This, as a matter of fact, can
be done, but it relegates the question to the actual decision
of the people as the Ministry must goto the countr3\ If the
new Ministry be not supported by the country, the Executive
must submit or create a revolution.

In this respect, consequentlj^ there is a radical difference
in the two systems of government — a difference which seems
fair to suppose to be irreconcileable to Canadians, Other
features of the two governments are antagonistic.

The Executiveof the United States is elected every four
years by the people indirectlj''. This periodical upheaval of
society so frequently, upsets the business of the countiy,
affects the stability of the Government, and engenders ani-
mosities among the people. It also frequently carries with it a
total change in the policy of the country ; and the change in
the policy is usually accompanied hy « change in all govern-
mental officials. These number 60,000. The loss to the public
service by the expulsion of such a number of trained men,
and the employment of an equal number unused to the rou-
tine of office, must be severely felt. Beside the matcrifd loss^
the moral loss must be much greater. This periodical battle
for the spoils of office, which takes place every four years,
under the pretei -e of principle, must eventually tend to the
extinction of pat/iotism, and the degradation of the nation.
As the severity of the contests increa.ses, the men engaged in
them become inferior. The step between George Wash-
ino-ton and U. S. Grant is immense, and the dii^'eronce between
the politics and the politicians of the time of the former
and that of the latter is ju^t as great. Under the system of
responsible government those evils are avoided. It is a misno-
merto call a government a monarchy when only a semblance
of power is attached to the ruler as is the case in Canada — it
is only a semblance of power, for even his prerogatives are
exercised by the ministers. The personal intluence of the

ABSORPTION OF CANADA BY* THE UNITED STATES, 57

ruler may be great ; but this is lessening. Personal loyalty is
not so much in vogue as when the safety of the state and the
security of the people depended on the strength and ability
of the ruler. Loyalty now means devotion to the coun-
try and its institutions, and in a certain extent to the Sover-
eign as personifying thet-e. A king is not necessary to
responsible government. The head officer of the Executive
might be termed governor just as well, the only thing neces-
sary is security that the office shall not become vacant by
death, or otherwise; and this could easily be done by having
the ruler's successor always ready to fill his place, which suc-
cessor might as well be the incumbent of an inferior office
as an eldeist son. Indeed, much better, as the person who
would be capable of filling the next office to that of ruler
would be sure to be a man of ability, while an eldest son
might be a fool or a lunatic. The divinity that hedges a
king is unknown in Sweden. If ever the system be tried
in Canada, independently of any other power, the term gover-
nor or chief magistrate is the onlj^ one that can be used.

The appointment of judges in the United States is another
feature of the government of that countr}'" which presents a
strong contrast to the manner in Avhich the sfime thing is
done in Canada. The judges of the Supreme Coui't of the
United States are appointed by the president with the ap-
probation of the Senate, but the judges of all the inferior
Courts are elected by the people. This system is more re-
pugnant to the people of Canada than any other American
institution. The people can be so little acquainted with the
qualifications necessary for the office of judge, or whether
the person for whom they are asked to vote is possesKed
of these qualifications, that it seems monstrous that they
should be intrusted with this power. Judges should be
entirely independent of popuhir influence. The judge who
owes his position to a clique or party, and whose interest it
is to keep that position; cannot be disinterested in his decisions.
Many judges in the United States spend their first term in
creating friends for the next election. The salaries are also

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

SO Binall, the temptation to make a corrupt use of the office is
very great. The evils arising from an elective judiciary have
heen demonstrated in the State of New York in the case
of the Tammany frauds and the litigation concerning the^
Erie Railroad. The corruption exposed has been the cause
of the removal of two judges fi'om the Bench which they
disgraced.

In civil matters, bad as elective judges are, they might
be tolerated, but in criminal matters the consequences must
be fearful. The contest which arises on the election of a
judge is just as keen as in the election of other officers ; and
it is only reasonable to expect the same scenes of violence
and disorder. As humanity is at present constituted, it is
impossible to suppose that the man elected is indifferent to
the means which are adopted to secure his election. And
hence, his power is likely to be used to screen aggressors on
his own side, and to punish his opponents. To expect com-
plete justice for a prisoner taken up for election rioting
from the man against whom he acted indirectly in commit-
ting the offence, is a stretch rather too far for cradulity. The
days of the old Eomans are long gone by, and the man
who calculates on the usual exercise of the passions is
most likely to be correct. To make matters worse in the
elective system, if that be possible— when the judge has
learned enough of his duties to become efficient, his term
expires, and he gives place to another man who goes
through the same amount of bungling, and who gives rise
to increased litigation by incoi-rect judgments. In this
respect, the Canadian system is superior. The object of that
system is to make the judges as independent as possible.
With this object they are all appointed by the Executive,
and cannot be removed except on the address of both Houses
of Parliament ; and every means is taken to guard them
against all corrupting infiuences. The consequences are
that very few instances of corruption are recorded of the
Canadian Bench, while in the Province of Ontario there i&
no instance of it.

«. »

[

ABSORPTION OP CANADA BY THE UNITED STATES. 69*

* »

The laws of the two countries have the same basis — the
Common Law of England. This has been altered and
added to, to suit the wants and emergencies of new countries.
In Canada a spirit of progress in law has been more mani-
fest than in some of the States. Both countries, however,^
are very far behind. No codification has ever been attempt-
ed in either, (with the exception of the Province of
Quebec,) which says very little for their lawyers and
legislators. In some of the Western and Southern States,
the old English procedure which was abolished in Canada
in 1856 is still in existence. The criminal laws of both
countries are much the same. Instead, however, of pro-
gressing in Canada in this particular, a retrograde move-
ment has lately commenced. The abolition of unusual and
inhuman punishment for criminal offences was a reforma-
tion effected in English law at the close of the last century;
but these punishments continued to be inflicted in the United
States, and to remain in the law with the rules of the Eng-
lish law which the emancipated colonists retained. And
even to this day, although the pillory has been abolished,
the use of the lash for petty offences is still retained in Dele-
ware, Maryland and Virginia. The existence of slavery in
those States until a recent date will account for this.

In Canada, however, this kind of punishment was scarcely
ever known. In the early days of its settlement laws inflict-
ing such punishments may have been on the Statute Book ;
but they were never enforced, and they were subsequently
entirely abolished. On the consolidation of Canadian crimi-
nal law, after .confederation, the friends of progress were
astonished to find the lash rc-introduced. The offence for
which whipping is inflicted is not prevalent, and the re-in-
troduction of the pillory or the rack would not have created
any more surprise. Assaults on children under twelve years
of age with a criminal intent are now punishable by whipping.
"When it is considered that in criminal cases the laws of
evidence have not yet extended to giving the pi-isoner the
right of being examined under oath, it will be seen that

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

this law exposes the best men in the country to the lash
without a chance of vindicating himself, while the offence
may be proven by a child who may be ignorant of the nature
of an oath altogether. In cases, however, where guilt is
proven beyond a doubt, experience both in the army and else-
where has proven that the punishment of the lash, like all
barbarous punishments, defeats its own'end, makes brutes of
human beings, and disgraces the country where it is used.

Religion in the two countries is much in the same position
as respects its relation to the State. There is no establish-
ed church in either country, and the voluntary principle is
the prevailing one. In the United States all religious bodies
are independent except the Roman Catholic — that is, they
possess in themselves full authority for their government.
Very few of the religious bodies in Canada have this power —
the Roman Catholic Church as usual being governed from
Rome, and the other denominations being connected with
the parent churches in England and Scotland. The English
Episcopal Church is said to be independent, but it is only the
other day they received a Primate from England. The Me-
thodist Church, however, has succeeded in becoming indepen-
dent, and will no doubt experience in increased freedom of ac-
tion great benefit. Its vitality and efficiency must be vastly
increased. It only remains to be seen whether it will, by
strongly identilying itself with the country, fulfill the great
destiny evidently in store for this Church in Canada.

The language and chief literature of the two countries
are the same. Among all the means for assimilating two
peoples there is none so effective as the using of the same
language. Contiguity has very little efi'ect so long as the
moral boundary created by a different language has an exis-
tence. When this has no existence thought becomes identi-
cal ; and, when the thought of two countries is shaped by a
common model, separation cannot long continue. English
literature is this common model for the United States and
■Oanada. All the leading minds in both countries have been
formed by it. Canada has lived exclusively on it, owing to

ABSORPTION OF CANADA BY THE UNITED STATES. 61

its backwardness and the impossibility of forming a litera-
ture of its own for the want of that wealth which gives its
possessors the leisure to write or those institutions of learn-
ing which form writers.

In the United States English models have been used in all
the best of American literature. Washington Irving and
Fennimore Cooper have copied Scott ; Saxe is an echo of Tho-
mas Hood ; Prescott has adopted as nearly as he could the
style of Goldsmith's Histories ; while that universal toady,
N. P. Willis, has copied every one. It is true that there iH a
new school of American literature springing up ; but it is
questionable if it will last during the present generation, and
it is certain that it does not deserve to be perpetuated. Wri-
ters such as Mark Twain, Bret Ilarte, Artemus Ward, Josh
Billings and Colonel John Hay are evidently doomed to ex-
tinction during the lives of present living men. When this
burlesque on literature is forgotten, the great monuments of
English thought will again have their effect, and continue to
make the leading minds in Canada and the United States
similar and congenial.

Add to all these moral forces which are imperceptibly
drawing the two countries nearer together, the material
bonds which are being forged every year in the shape of
railways, bridges, tunnels, and business relations. The real
termini of all Canadian railways are American cities.
Detroit and Portland are the termini of the Grand Trunk,
Detroit and Buffalo of the Western, Southern, and Air Line
railways. The Goderich and Brantford railway also ter-
minates at Buffalo. There was a chance that in course of
time the termini of these roads might be in Canada by the
increase of Fort Erie and Windsor ; but this hope is now
entirely out of the question, as the International Bridge at
Buffalo and a projected bridge at Detroit will always con-
l tinue these places as termini of the' railways. Canadian

canals also are more used by the Americans than Canadians,
and from that people is expected the chief part of the tolls
by which they are sustained. And this American business
will be doubled by the enlargement of the Welland Canal

€2

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

now going on. The investment of American capital is also
increasing. The chief part of the lumber operations of the
country is carried on by Americans, while the petroleum
and mining interests have been entirely developed by them.
What with these different connections the smallest fluctua-
tion in gold on Wall street, New York, is felt all over the
country, while Mr. Seward with a stroke of the pen a few
years ago was able to paralyze all Canadian business. The
United States markets in a great measure rule Canada ; and
a large share of her produce is disposed of there, but the
duties imposed on the frontier take the most of the profit out
of the Canadian and place it in the American Treasury.
Many Canadians cannot be made to understand that a great
share of these duties is paid by the consumer, and hence they
attribute the pecuniary loss on their products to the national
boundary and wish for its elfacemeut. These men say that
situated as Ontario is on the groat track between the East and
West, and so contiguous to eastern markets, all she Avaiits
is free access to these markets to become the wealthiest
portion of North America. It is said a Reciprocity Treaty
would answer this objection, but if it would it would increase
a thousandfold the bonds which, in the shape of business
relations, bind Canada to the United States.

On the whole the want of natural boundaries between the
two countries, the common race, nature, and language of
the two peoples, the similarity of their laws and institutions
in substance, with some few striking exceptions, and the
material connections which are being made every day, lead
irresistibly to the inference that, unless something be done to
prevent it, the absorption of Canada by the United States is
only a question of time. Canada is unconsciously sliding
down an inclined plane, the end of which is complete ex-
tinction as a separate nation. Her adoption of a Federal
constitution almost similar to that of the United States
proves this ; and this constitution must approximate every
year closer to its model, as the influence of the great Eepublic,
■which is felt and respected in the most remote quar' ^r of
the globe, must tell with double force on its nearest neighbor.

CHAPTER V.

Independence.

Patriotism is that fooling which promi^ts mon to love
their country bettor than any other portion of the world,
and which gives the desire to see that land honored and
respected among the nations of the earth. It is a feeling
that in all ages has boon highly esteemed among men, and
has no doubt been mainly instrumental in raising man to
his present position of intelligence. The spirit of emula-
tion which this feeling creates tends to make each people
wish to surpass all others, and to place their particular
country above all others, in wai', commerce, glory, and in
the useful arts from which mon derive comfort and hajv
})iness. In obedience to its dictates, millions of mon have
laid down their lives, and no feeling or passion of the race
.--cems to be more ineradicable. Ages of oppression have
no effect on it, indeed tyranny seems to give it life, and it
jiioves and lives by opposition. All the heroes of antiquity
were led by its sacred voice, and there is scarcely an action
in human annals worthy of commemoration that cannot bo
traced to its inspiration. Under its extreme influence death,
instead of having its usual dread, is an honor to be sought,
tuid all the usual objects which make life desirable have
been contemned in its cause. The rack, the dungeon and
the gibbet have been tried in vain ; it survives all torture
and punishment, and burns brightest in the midst of mis-
fortune. History is but the record of its feats, and man in
the depths of ignorance has preserved his superiority to the
brute creation by its nobleness and disinterestedness. It
was this sentiment that raised Home to the summit of
earthly power, and the words of one of the greatest poets
of that nation, that " it is sweet and glorious to die for one's

THE CANADfAN QUESTION.

country," be tljcy repoatod novor so often, cannot bo made
ridiculous, as they are the expression of the thoughts of
thousands to day as tlicy wore in the time when thoy wore
utterctl. This is the sentiinotjt that sustained the three
hundred at Thermopyho to withstand the Persian host,
that nerved the Swiss pikcmen at Mor<^arthcn to with-
stand the matchless ncpiadrons of Austria, that preserved
Scotlan<l at Bunnockburn, that enabled the bare-footed
continentals to brave British troops, that enabled Franco to
conquer Europe, that has raised Prussia, surrounded by foes,
from a dukedom to the greatest empire on earth, and that
has preserved Swiss nationality for ages in the midst of
a continent surrounded by nations speaking the same lan-
guage as its own jieople. The spirit of patriotism when
once firmly established seems to be unquenchable. Scot-
land tliough lying for centuries alongside of the stronger
nation of England, and with only an imaginary boundary,
could neither be coaxed or conquered into giving up its
independence, until one of her own kings united the two
countries under one crown. Through eight centuries of
oppression and slaughter, the embers of nationality kept
alive in Ireland, and even now those embers glow as brightly
as ever. All the power of the three greatest monarchies of
Europe has failed to exterminate the national feeling of
Poland. It is true that many of the nations of Europe
have originated and have been preserved by lov^e of power
on the part of their rulers, but this passion in the
Sovereigns could have effected but little without the patriot-
ism of the people sustaining them.

Since, therefore, this feeling of patriotism has been so
instrumental in forming and preserving nations in Europe,
why should it not have the same effect in America. In one
instance, on this Continent, it has operated with its usual
force and success. At the time of the American Revolution
there was very little nationality in the thirteen colonies ;
their greatest desire was to participate in all the glories in
what was then called the Great Empire of Britain. So much

INDEPENDENCE.

was tluH tho case that thoro was no such tiling as Confcdora-
(ion until that measure was Ibrccd upon thorn as a def'onHivo
ono. The eagerness and loyalty with which the then colon-
ists assisted the mother country in her wars with Franco
prove the love and affection they bore her. There was not
much feeling among them for their own land, as its divisions
did not admit of much local patriotism. Tho irduilntants of
Rhode Island, for instance, had not much to be pi'oud of at
that time, any more than tho inhabitants of ]Jntish Columbia
before Confederation. Local jealousies, dirterent interests
and legislatures,.and opposing tarirt's, kept the people ai)art.
The lievolutioniiiy war, at its commoncomont, wan tho mere
etlbrt of the traveller to withstand the hiirhwavman, as
there was no common country- ; but eight years of common
effort and common danger fused the materials and originated
that spirit of nationality which thirty-live years of indepen-
dence had so strengthened as to enable tho countrj' to cope
succcrtsfiilly with tho mother country again in tho war of
18115. This war proves more than anything else what
independence had done lor tho United States. It is true a
large party was against it, but tho national and patriotic
spirit of the people sustained thoir government through it.
The strength of this spirit was shown some years before in
the resistance that was offered to tho demands of France.
This national spirit then, has sustained tho American nation
through many severe trials, as well as other nations in
Europe, and tho older the United States get the stronger it
grows in intensitj'.

Now, indepcndonco would do tho same thing for Canada
that it has for the United States. It would create a nation-
ality which would unite the people as one man against all
encroachments by tho United States, and effectually ]:)rovent
the absorption of the country by that power. Nothing but
independence can ever avert this misfortune, which like a
black cloud continually overhangs the country. Let not tho
ignorant prejudices of Scotchmen and others in favor of
their native countries hide this from Canadians. There are

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

niany who do not consider absorption by the United States
as a misfortune ; but k)ok upon it as a blessing to bo wished
for. These arc, in the main, citizens of the United States
who have settled in Canada, and the children of such citizens ;
but there are a few Canadians proper who hold the same
opinion. These aegenerato people would bo willing to give
up the hope of a great nationality of their own for the
position of a minor state in the American Union, a position
not much better than that of conquered provinces. There
was a time when annexation did not mean this, wher the
Federal avthority of the Union was little better than a myth,
and each individual State was superior to it, but that time
has gone hy for ever. The civil war completely destroyed
the doctrine of States rights and centred in the Federal
^lovernment almost despo^''' power. If anvioxation should
take place, Canadians for a short timo might preserve control
of their country ; but that control must soon pass from their
hands. The flow of population, which would necessarily
begin from the States, would soon give all power to the
strangers. Plain illustrations of this are now taking place
in the Southern States. The carpet-baggers ana negroes
have taken a\\ power out of the hands of the original owners,
and are reducing, by rapacity and robbery, former flourishing
communities to beggary and destitution. Appeals from the
sufl'ering people to the supreme power at Washington are
stifled before they reach the ears of the Executive by inter-
ested parties or if they do reach that high source of justice,
mercenary motives prevent justice from being aone. If in
despn'T- the oppressed people endeavor to obtain by aggrarian
association protection from their destroyers, they are met
by ferocious and blood-thirsty laws, such astheKu-Kluxact,
which are enforced with vindictive cruelty by an undisci-
plined soldiery. The advocates of annexation say this is an
exceptional state of things, and results as the necessary
consequences of the late war. But let this be supposed,
Canada by her separation escaped all the horrors and evils
of that anhapj)y struggle. Had she been one of the States

INDEPENDENCE.

of the Union before that unhappy conflict, she would now be
burthen ed by millions of debt, her people would have had
the yeurs of mourning and tribulation for lost ones murdered
through bungling and incompetency which are not yet over
for the people of the Northern States,

There is no guarantee that another civil war will not oc-
cur just as disastrous as the one just ended. In 1854, when
the Americans were publicly rejoicing over the losses of Eng-
land in the Crimea, there was not so much prospect of an
internecine struggle as there is now. The abolition of slavery
has not settled all matters in dispute among the American
people. The peopk can abolish almost all things, but they
cannot do away with differences in climate. So long as the
heat of the Tropics and the cold of the North produce differ-
ent commodities and influence man's character differently,
there must be danger from civil war in the United Slates.
Many years beibre the question of slavery had culminated
in bloodshed, the people of the North and South were on
the brink of civil strife from this cause. The nullification
agitation in Souib Carolina stopped little short of war. That
state passed laws contrary to those of the general govern-
ment, and called out her militia to enforce them, and war
was only averted by the sagacity of General Scott. The
same question is looming up again. The great States of the
West are getting impatient under eastern taxation, and de-
mand free trade. And it is more than probable this ques
tion, combined with the general laxity and corruption of
the people, and a desire for the spoils of office, will bring on
another civil war before three more presidential terms are
over. When the struggle commences, Canada may look for
a great accession of territory, or the complete destruction
of the New England States. Their proximity to the Domi-
nion, and the Conservative character of their people, will in-
duce them to join it, if the terrors of a Federal army do not
prevent them from doing so. Not only the climate but the
character and nature of the soil has a great deal to do with
peace or war. The comparatively barren soil of New Eng-

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

land cannot compete in agriculture with the fertile plains of
the West, and, as a consequence, New England is engaged
€hiefly in manufactures. Agriculture, however, pays best
in the West, and the people will not go into manufactures.
The people of the East desire to sell their manufactures to
those of the West, and, to prevent foreign competition, desire
high tariffs. For a contrary reason, and to obtain cheap
goods, the people of the West desire low ones or none at all,
and as the j)recedent has lately been established that as the
last resort a question may be settled by the sword, it is pro-
bable that this is the only arbitrar that can settle this tariff
question.

To avoid participating in the future of the United States,
independence is highly expedient for Canada. Indeed, tiiis
cause alone ought to induce those who have the interest of
the country at heart to ponder the subject carefully and
seriously. Believers in the great destinj'- of the United-
States will see no danger ahead for their model government.
Those who are most impressed with that destinj' unfortunate-
ly have a great deal to do in shaping the destiny of Canada ;
but, as " distance lends enchantment to the view," it is to
be hoped that a nearer inspection will dissipate the erroneous
notions held by English statesmen respecting the United
States, and enable them to assist Canada in securing a sepa-
rate political existence.

The weakness of Canada at present consists in thedifl'or-
ences among her people, caused by different nationalities
and different religions with no common standpoint of union.
In such a position the different peoples look to their respec-
tive native countries, and give to them their love and affec-
tion, and simply call Canada their home. All that Canada
can expect, when her interests are at stake, is indifference.
This is the feeling in question where Canada alone is inte-
rested, but when the interest of their native lands is in-
volved the old feeling revives, and they are ready to betray
the land Of theif adoption. The recent history of Canada
proves these .two positions beyond dispute.

INDEPENDENCE.

The English right of sovereignty over Canada was ac-
quired by conquest. However much may be said against
this means of acquisition in a moral point of view^ it is
admitted among nations to give a good title. If countries,
however, were to remain in the same position in which
they are left after the conquest, the right would not be
worth disimting. The Province of New Brunswick, for
instance, was acquired in a wild state, and by the exertions
of the people who settled there it was made valuable, and
the question is who owns the Province, the English
Government or th"e people who by their toil made it in-
habitable, A Canadian statesman has lately decided this
question. It has been asserted in the Canadian House of
Commons without reproof or contradiction that the English
Government had the power of taking the whole country
and handing it over to the United States, or doing what
they pleased with it without consulting the inhabitants,
and, instead of grumbling at their taking the fisheries,
Canadians ought to be thankful that they did not take the
whole. In this instance England was directly and materially
interested, and the power of affection for the mother land
as against the interests of the adopted one was never
better evidenced.

Instances of the former position, that where Canada only
is interested indifference is the only feeling manifested
by the people, are found in the settlement of the New
Brunswick boundary and that of the North AVest. In the
latter case, England was chiefly interested, as the Amer-
icans had threatened war, and Canada had then no rights
over nor were there people in the territory itself No
doubt the chief parties interested, the share-holders in the
Hudson's Bay Company, were amply recompensed for
whatever they lost. But in the case of New Brunswick the
case was ditterent. There an unfounded claim was made
by the Americans, and, owing to the ignorance and care
lessness of the English commissioner, the <ilaim was allow-
ed, and a large portion of the Province was quietly ceded, the

_ — .-ai

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

people of the Province calmly looking on without a word
of protest, and manifesting that utter indifference which
people without a country show to the spoliation of their
territory.

This spoliation is still going on. Only a short time ago
the English Government attempted to make a treaty with
America, but the attempt was unsuccessful. It would be
beneath her dignity to initiate negotiations again on the
same subject. An old question which had been in dispute
some time between the two countries, but Avhich had long
been in abeyance, was seized upon as a pretext to re-open
negotiations. The Colonial Government of Canada received
an intimation to move for a settlement of what is known
as the headland question, that is, whether the three miles of
sea which washes the shores of Canada were to be measured
from a line drawn from headland to headland where tliere
were indentations in the coast, or from thu shore. Although
this had been determined on as a means of re-commencing
negotiations, a ministei- was sent from Canada to urge the
British Government to move in the matter. Accordingly
a proposition was made to the American Government to
settle the matter, but they refused unless the Alabama claims
Avere to be settled also.

This condition was accepted of course by England, as it was
the sole object of the transaction, and thus a most important
Canadian interest was submitted to four foreigners, Avhose in-
terest it was to obtain the best terms for their own country
by the sacrifice of Canada. The result obtained is such as
might be expected. The English diificulty is settled while
the settlement of the Canadian question is just as remote as
ever. Not only is this question not settled, but the Canadian
fisheries have been given to the Americans with the island
of San Juan as a part of the price of the settlement of the
Alabama claims. Independence, and independence alone,
will put an effectual stop lO this spoliation ; without it, it will
continue. All old difficulties between England and America
have been settled for the present, but no one can suppose that

INDEPENDENCE.

new ones will not arise between two rations that are straining
every nerve for the commercial supremacy of the world. It
is said that Canada was interested and will continually be
interested in preserving the peace between the two nations,
as her territory would be the theatre of any war which
might break out between them, but this is only a stronger
argument for severing the connection. If Canada is only re-
tained by England for the purpose of settling her difficulties
with the United States, and paying by its territory for
wrong done, from which wrong no one but the inhabitants of
England derive any benefit, surely it is suicidal for Canada
to wish to retain the connection. If the Alabama, which
Avas constructed in England, took all or nearly all trade
from the American marine and transferred it to England, as
claimed by the Americans, it is diflcult to understand by
what law of justice Canada should contribute even the least
to Alabama losses. Being a nominal part of the Empire could
not render her liable. Had she been an integral portion
and shared in the benefits derived by the English shipowners
from the depredations of the Alabama, there might be an
apparent show of justice, but, as it is, there is none.

It would also seem that Canada is to be held a part of the
Empire when it subserves tlie interest of England, and not a
part when it would be inimical to those interests to hold
her so. In settling the Alabama claims she is a part of it •
but in seeking redress for Fenian ouirages she is not. Both
of these grievances — the cession of the fisheries and the loss
occasioned by the Fenians — have been inflicted on Canada,
not for any causes arising from herself, but simply and solely
from being connected with England. This is peculiarly the
case with respect to the Fenian raids. According to the
theory that Canada is an integral portion of the P^mpire, she
would be as much entitled to protection by Imperial troops
as one of the counties of England ; but it turns out that she
must protect herself, alone and unaided, from the conse-
quences of the acts of England. There is no cause of diftor.
cnco between Canada and the Irish race. Canada has been

•72

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

an asylrm for the expatriated sons of that unfortunate land
since its settlement. Neither are its people responsible for
the actions which give rise to Irish hatred to England ; for
these acts were committed long before any of them were
born, and if any responsibility remained it was thrown off
by immigration, which prevented them from being able to
redress any grievances which remained, or from any benefits
which might bo obtained as inhabitants of England from the
treatment Ireland received. The long ages of English oppres-
sion which have generated Irish hate can in no way bo
attributed to Canada, but these people in their blind fury
made the slender connection which exists between the two
countries the pretext for harassing and murdering Cana-
dians, and England refused either to share the expenses of
repulsing them or to interfere to obtain redress or to pre-
vent the recurrence of the violence. This is not strictly
correct. She sent James Anthony Froud to the United
States to assist in forming a better state of opinion ; but
whether he will succeed in doing this, or in exasperating the
Fenians into another attack, is a question which time alone
can decide. To all the protestations of Canada in these
matters England has but one answer : *' If you do not like
the conditions of the connection you are at liberty to sepa-
rate."

The Government of Canada is nearly independent. A
veto is retained by England, but it is scarcely ever used.
All the taxes raised in Canada are applied exclusively to
Canadian purposes. JCnglish goods and commodities coming
into the country are taxed as highly as the goods of any
other nation. Not one penny is contributed by Canada to
the support of any Imperial establishment. Not only is this
the case, but the foreign service of Canada is performed gra-
tuitously by the English Government, and previous to the
late treaty Canadian fisheries were protected by the English
fleet. It would seem difficult to determine then upon what
grounds Canada could demand the further aid of an army
being kej^t in Canada at the expense of England. It is true

INDEPENDENCE,

that the conquest of Canada by the United States wonld be-
a blow to the prestige, glory, and greatness of England, and
to preserve these an army ought to bo constantly on hand.
The same object could bo attained, no doubt, by the abandon-
ment of Canada; but, in the opinion of many Englishmen,
this would be as detrimental to English greatness as its eon-
quest, but it is open to question whether the actual policy
pursued is not more humiliating than either. The submit-
ting to ex post facto laws, the apology offered for acts which
were no offence by international law before these ex post
facto laws were made, and the payment of $15,000,000 may
appear more consonant to the dignity of the Empire than
abandoning Canada, but the humiliation is much greater,
especially when the so-called abandoning of Canada would
only bo starting into national life a great and kindred people.
However, if that people will not accept the boon of self-
government, England is not to blame, and in justice and
honor her answer is sufficient. If the Canadian people are
content to bear the evils flowing from the connection — which
connection is a source of embarrassment to both countries,
then they have no one to blame but themselves.

This connection is not only a source of embarrassment to
England and Canada, but it is the cause of actual injury to
the latter in more than one respect, which independence
only can remedy. The progress made by all new countries
depends chiefly on the number of people who immigrate to
them, and the chief inducements which new countries offer
to the inhabitants of old ones is the absence of all the evils
and losses which they sustain in their own. Whether well
or ill founded, it is the belief of the laboring masses of
Europe that the monarchical institutions of thoir own coun-
tries are the great source of the evils under which they
labor. On the whole the belief is well founded in almost
all the monarchical countries of Europe except France,
whose people are not given to leave their native land. Con.
stitutionalism in Europe, out of England is rarely practised
and imperfectly understood. The privileges inherent in the

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

aristocracy for ages, and the accumulation of the land and
wealth in their hands, have shut the people out from politi-
cal ijower, and limited them to the two privileges of produc-
ing taxes and performing military duty. To escape these
duties and to obtain the position of a citizen in a free coun-
try, as well as to better his condition by making money, is
the great object of the immigrant. Canada cannot offer
citizenship to any one simply because she has not the power
to confer British citizenship, and she has none of her own to
offer. It may bo in her power to enable the foreigner to
vote and to exercise all the duties of a citizen within her
borders, but the moment he departs from Canada he is re-
legated to the protection of his native land or none at all.
It is humiliating t(; tliiuk that if a German resident should
wish to travel after living twenty years in Canada, and
having paid taxes and performed military duty all that time,
he should have to look to German}^ for protection, and even
if required be made to perform the military duties which
he owes to that country as his native land. In view of that
fact it is not surprising that when agents were sent to Ger-
many a short time ago to induce the people to emigrate,
that the German Government issued a circular, warning all
people of the consequence, and stating if they went to Cana-
da they would have no country. This fact was brought to
the notice of the authorities here by a German Canadian
travelling in German}^ but of course they are powerless
in such matters and can do nothing. In consequence of
its present position, Cannda is shut out from the labor
market of Europe, except that portion of the Continent com-
prised by tlie British isles. It might be apprehended that
in the case of the mother country, Canada would make up
in what population she received what she lost in the other
countries of Europe. But notwithstanding the facts, that it
is under the same crown and possesses free institutions, not-
withstanding the efforts put forth every year by the Cana-
dian! Government, it seems that^the dependent position of the
country is just as effective in repelling the inhabitants of

INDEPENDENCE.

Britain as those of any other country. The ropor tof the
Imperial CommiBsioners for 1871 is abundant proof of this
fact. During that year the total number of j^ersons who left
the United Kingdom was 252,435 : of which 102,452 were
English ; 71,067 Irish ; 19,232 Scotch, and 53,246 foreign-
ers. Of these 198,843 went to the United States, and only
32,671 to British North America— that is more than six
times the number that came to Canada went to the United
States. And from the statistics of past years the propor-
tions were about the same. It may be objected that it is not
the political position of the country that is the cause of this
inequality ; but it can be nothing else. All the cities and
towns in Ontario were and are hindered and delayed in
building for want of labor— want of labor in supplying and
manufacturing material and also in using it. Farmers,
lumberers, and contractors throughout the country are im-
peded in their operations for want of labor. And in some
instances have formed private associations for the pur-
pose of procuring it from Europe. In consequence of
this demand, wages are just as high, and in some cases
higher in Canada than they are in the United States, taking
into consideration the differences in the value of money and
its purchasing power in the two countries. In the Slate of
Maryland experienced farm laborers get with board S14.33
currency per month in the summer, and $11.00 per month
in the winter. Ordinary hands, however, which are the
general class of laborers, only get $11.71 and 89. 21 during the
same months. On an average the experienced man gets
$12.66 a month with board during the year, and the ordinary
laborer gets $10.46 a month, which at 90 cents to the dollar,
which is a high estimate, is equal to $10.67 and 5^9.40
respectively of Canadian money. As these sums are the
lowest given in Canada, if the difference in the price be
taken into consideration, it will be seen how much lower
farm laborers' wages are in the United States than in Canada.
Again as to mechanics. In Baltimore, journeymen car-
penters get $15.72 p'^i- week for nine hours labor per day,

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

that time being a (lay's work; bricklayers $27.00, hodcar-
riers $15.00, stonemasons $18.00, plumbers $24,00, plas-
terers $10.50, painters $18.25, and painters and grainers
S^jO.OO. These fi;j,-urcs will give an idea of how labor is
remunerated in the State of Maryland, a middle State of the
Union and therefore a fair standard for the whole country,
and it will be perceived that, owing to the diii'eronce in
money and the increased price of all necessaries of life, the
laborer and tlio artizan are better otf in Canada.

The dependent position of Canada not only prevents im-
migration but also prevents the investment of capital in the
country. Connection with England must involve Canada in
any war which may arise between that countr}'- and the Uni-
ted States. Indeed in such an event, it is too apparent that
Canada would be the battle-ground between the two nations,
and would be devastated as much as the Palatinate was by
the French, or the Shenandowah Valley in the late American
civil war. No English capitalist will invest his money in a
country liable to such misfortunes, and accordingly while
half the enterprise of the United States is supported by Eng-
lish capital, the rich coal-mines and mineral wealth of Can-
ada are left as they were formed by nature.

It may be said that these results may have occurred from
an ignorance abroad of the resources of the country, and
that they may be obviated by the proper instrumentality.
The appointment of agents to encourage immigration and to
disseminate knowledge of the nature of the soil, climate,
and general resources of the country might have the effect
of directing the stream of immigration, which now flows so
uninterruptedly into the United States, into Canada. These
all have been tried, and tried in vain. It is hoi^eless to en-
deavor to instil into the German, the Swede, or Irishman
the knowledge of the country possessed by Canadians them-
selves. Yet with all this knowledge Canadians by the thou-
sand leave Canada every year ; and all efforts to entice stran-
gers among us by making the country known to them must
be fruitless when such knowledge is not sufficient to keep tho

INDEPENDENCE. 77

native Canadians from going to the United States. Efforts
of this kind are now being made by the ditforent Provinces
■of the Dominion. Eacli of them has granted largo sums of
money to defray the oxjjenseH of immigration agents in for-
eign countries, and to assist intending emigrant h ; but the
off'ect of such grants will only be to increase tlie flood that is
pouring into the ^Vostern States. People may bo induced
to come to Canada by pecuniary aid, but tliey will not stay
there any more than the natives. Tiie expoi-ience of the
last decade proves this. In 18G0 the population of the four
Provinces of Ontario, New Brunswick, Quebec and Nova
Scotia was 3,090,561 and in 1871 it was 3,465,701, a little
over 12 per cent., while the increase in the white population
of the United States is 24 per cent. At the same rate
of increase, at what time will the great North West
be filled up ? The construction of the Canadian Pacific
Railway, if the country be able to build it, may to a
certain extent neutralize the wmit of independence,
and at some remote period popuhito the fertile phiins
now belonging to the Dominion ; but a number of yeai's
will be wasted in waiting. It is the fashion to boast of
the progress that is being made under colonial govern-
ment; but this is not the proper criter^m. The real (ques-
tion is not what has been done, but what might be done, and
what ought to be done. From 1850 to 1870, the States of
Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Wisconsin, Minnesota,
Iowa, Missouri, Kansas, and Nebraska, increased in popula-
tion from 5,403,597 to 12,966,930. During that time the
population of Canada, including all the present Provinces,
increased 1,300,000 at the most. W^hile Canada has been
gaining 1,300,000, all the great States of the West have
been settled and built up, and the country which only
possessed three and a half millions of people at the close of
the Bevolutionary war, has now 38,000,000. The vast
difference between the populations of the two countries
must continue so long as Canada continues a dependency.
In that position she suffers enormous disadvantages, and
cannot even hope to increase in proportion to the present

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

populations. Somo people foolishly think that tho United
StatoH have exhausted nearly all their available territory,
and that the largo grants to railroad and other companies
will soon leave little land for settloment, but statistics shew
immense territories yet in the hands of the Government ;
and tho policy of tho country on the question of land
grants to corporations is not so liberal as it was formerly.

Apart from all tho material advantages which might
legitimately bo hoped from independence, there are tho
moral advantages which are greater than all. Under tho
present system there is no past to bo proud of, no present
to give reliance, and no future to hope for. Devoid of
national life the country lies like a corpse, dead and stagnant ;
but not so bad as it has been. Confederation has infused some
spirit into the people by tho hopes it holds out, and enter-
prise, which seemed to have died out, has received a new
impetus. Trade, which before this great measure was bound
and trammeled by the tariffs and custom-houses of the dif-
ferent Provinces, now flows freely, and with redoubled
activity between them. The immense enterprises which
have been sot on foot and projected as its immediate conse-
quences have surprised the people oat of their sleep,
and shown them their former lethargy, and a spirit, active,
energetic and enterpi'ising, is abroad in the land. Since tho
year 1863 the moneys in circulation and bank deposits have
more than trebled.

If such results flow from the very initiation of nationality,
what results might not be expected from its complete frui-
tion ; vitalized by the spirit of nationality, Canada would
leap forward on the road of progress— her people imbued
with self-reliance, enterprise and independence, would
accomplish more in twenty years than they would in a
hundred in their present position.

As independence, then, would prevent absorption by the
United States, preserve Canadian territory, induce immi-
gration and the investment of foreign capital, and stimulate
progress and enterprise, it would therefore be beneficial to
the country, and is to be desired.

CHAPTER VI.

Could Canada Support Independence ?

To every Canadian imbued with a love of his country, it
niuHt bo a question of vital importance whether Canada
would be able to sustain self-government in its entirety, in
the event of its becoming separated from the parent state.
It is evident that in talcing this question into consideration,
the power or wealth of the community, the number of its
inhabitants, and their fitness or capacity for .solf-goverumeni,
are the questions to be considered. In comparison with
other countries which have sustained independence for
centuries, it must be admitted that ours presents many
strong and favorable contrasts. It may be urged that the
circumstances under which many nations at present exorcis-
ing self-governing powers, commenced or originated, are
entirely different from those at present existing relative to
Canada ; but there is no doubt that the general rules which
apply to all communities must apply equally well to Canada.
On a general view, Canada stands in a much more favorable
position for independence than any European State. In
Europe, the State that would attempt to sustain itself must
be prepared to contend with powers of which ancient his-
tory furnishes no parallel, while in America the only
power in the world which could affect Canada would be the
United States, whose motives for uggression would be reduc-
ed to a minimum by a separation from England, and with
regard to that power, Canada is only accessible to it on one
side, while the smaller powers of Europe are surrounded on
all sides by enemies just as grasping, just as rapacious and
far more powerful than the United States. The connections
and combinations of European dynasties, no doubt, contribute

'80

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

greatly to the independence of the lesser European king-
doms ; but this cannot be urged in favor of Switzerland, a
country which, by its own inherent power, has sustained
itself for centui'ies. As inherent power must therefore be
taken into consideration, it may be well to see hew
man}- of the lesser kingdoms of Europe are only equal if
not below Canada in }iopulation, territory, trade and
shipping. Switzerland, Portugal, Greece, Denmark and
Holland, are all below our country in everything which
constitutes nationality, while Belgium, Bavaria and Sweden
proper, arc not much larger. It is true that the independ-
ence of the most of these countries is sustained by the policy
of the greater poAvers. The absorption of any of them by
one of the great powers would make that power too strong
for its neighbors, and hence the jealousy with which any
encroKchraents on the weaker nations is watched and
resented. The best modern instance of this, is the case of
Belgium daring the last war between France and Prussia.
In that case we see England, at the risk of being drawn into
a long war, extorting treaties from both the powei-s of
Franco and Prussia to res])ect the independence of Belgium,
although, however, withdrawn from intervention in conti-
nental aft'airs.

The independence of Canada must be sustained, if granted
by similar means. The United States are advancing with
strides utterly amazing to the countries of the Old World.
The commercial supremacy of the Americans in the East is
acknowledged by all. They are the real rulers of Japan,
and so soon as the diminution ol their debt will enable
thorn to reduce their t'lritls they must regain their legitimate
influence in commerce in the West. American influence is
as powerful to day on the continent of Europe as that
of England. If such be the case now, how would it be if
Canada were annexed to it ? It does not require any
political sagacity or diplomatic skill to see the immense
disadvantage to England of a material increase in the power
of the United States. England has seen it years ago, and
.the confederation of Canada was the result.

COULD CANADA SUPPORT INDEPENDENCE.

If the Provinces which now constitute the Dommion had
been left as they were, annexation of the whote must have
occurred. It might not have taken place at once, but it
was inevitable. Separated as they wei*e by hostile tariffs
and different interests they must have fallen into the rapa-
cious maw that was always open to receive them. Rather
than see this, England preferred their independence. In-
dependent, they would bei._^-ong, powerful ally, or at least
a friend ; annexed, they would be too great an .ddition to
her already colossal rival. Hence confederation. It re-
quired the pressure of strong events to force England to not
only cx>n8ent to this measure, but actually to insist on its
completion. How is it that the different provinces of Aus-
tralia are not forced or invited into confederation, or why
is not the system introduced any where else but in Canada ?
No where else is its necessity so manifest. The United
States perfectly understood the object of the measure in
Canada. Thej saw what an obstacle it must be to their in-
fluence and hopes. They might enforce the Munroe doc-
trine, but of what effect was it to expel the English from
Canada, if Eoglish institutions and English principles re-
mained as firm as ever in the country. Hence the counter-
stroke of purchasing All" ska. As territory, this cold, bar-
ren, unfruitful country is not worth $7,000,000; but, as a
flank movement on Canada, and forming a northern base, it
is worth to the United States hundreds of millions. At the
time they obtained the land included in Minnesota
and Washington territory it did not mem any more'
valuable than Alaska doe« now, bat this territory at pre-
sent is the most fertile in the United States, and Alaska
may yet, in some not very remote period, prove by its an-
noyance to our country that Seward, as usual, obtained an
advantage for his country overlooked by English states-
men.

England having put her hand to the matter, having started
the machinery of confederation in motion, cannot withdraw.
Neither is her object attained by confederation. The mere-

THE CANADIAN QUESnON.

hanging together of the difTerent Provinces will not save
them. Ther : must be complete union, and complete union
means nationality. England has done every thing compat-
i ble with the position of Canada to endow it with nationality.
No sooner was it confederated than she sent a Governor
General who made known her wishes. Previous to him,
the Governors were not much in the habit of accepting invit-
ations to public dinners, and making .-^hes. But he seem-
ingly introduced the custom with an o^ect. He spoke
frequently and forcibly of the now nationality which had
Ibeen started in the world, of its hopes of success, and of the
new connection which must exist between it and the mother
country, calling it alliance instead of allegiance. The most
•obtuse oould not tiail to see the drift of these speeches ; they
■evidently meant to reconstruct the public mind so as to be
adapted to the new order of things. Public opinion in
England seconded all the eflForts of the Governor ; the lead-
ing papers of the Metropolis spoke openly of the object of
confederation and of its ultimate result, independence. But
these papers did not speak so plainly then as they did after
the Washington Treaty. After the completion of that bar-
gain the Times, the leading paper in England, came out un-
mistakeably. The following extract will show the splvit of
its teachings : " When the Canadians turn round on us ^w\\
say you iiavw Kiiiddlod nwny our interests without obliUnlng
!i>ir us aught that \vn dealrod, ytm liiivo abandoned our
flslieries, you have sacrlHcod our front ior, you liavo /loi
given us open trade with the States, you have not secured
any satlsthction of oil) claims for wHUlon jiijurins, what
answer shall we give ? We must b.>gin by confessing imv
faults. It is true we have failed, we di(j our best, but wo
had to keep one eye on ourselvoi and (inoihor eye on you,
and all the time tt) watch the temper and meaning of the
American commissioners, with very little intoliigenco to
guide our in l^rprotatloM ol Iheir words; and if the result
it not satisfactory to you neither Ji It to ourMolvos 'fhin wo
must say if we would be frank; but we may go on to add

COULD CANADA SUPPORT INDEPENDENCE.

something more. It is this : from this time forth look after
your own business yourselves ; you are big enough, you
are strong enough, you are intelligent enough, and if there
were any deficiency in any of these points, it would be
supplied by the education of self-reliance. We are both now
in a false position, and the time has arrived when we should
be relieved from it. Take up your freedom, your days of ap-
prenticeship are over."

It is nonsense to say that this is not the language of Eng-
land. The Times is the leading English paper, the paper
of the governing class. If such sentiments were not con-
curred in by its supporters, H would not have dared to
express them. But these sentiments are shared by all the
leading English newspapevs. There are a few of the ex-
treme Tory papers which do not go so far, but all parties in
England agree as to what must eventually happen with
regard to Canadian connection. An attempt has been mado
to get up a feeling antagonistic to Canadian independence in
England , but the movement was a failure, and the Federal
Empire party there at present scarcely exists. When we
come to think that confederation was initiated by an Eng-
lish Tory Government, and Nova Scotia forced into the
Union by such a government, we must know what the feel-
ing is in England.

Then, granted that confederation must eventually end inj
independence, and that this result is desired by England, the-
samei motive which induced England to save the provinces
from, annexation by confederation, must also induce her to
p\:otect and guai*arttee Canadian indfependence. We havo
see^i wlfat that motive was, and it must exist in greater
■ 3'orce every year, inasmuch as Canada and the United States*
ore growing more powerful, and their union woukl, there-
fore, be more formidable.

This guarantee system is not at all new in the coloniat
roJfiHons of Great Britain. It was the tie which existed for
some time between England and the Ionian Islands. An
English commissioner administered the government in these

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

lands until they were ceded to Greece. The connection,
however, which exists between Belgium and England is a
better illustration of what might be desired for Canada. In
this instance, we see one country perfectly independent, but
whose independence would not have lasted ten years were it
not for England. Belgium lies alongside of France ; the
language of her people is chiefly French; and the habits and
customs of the country are very similar to those of France.
These circumstances are exactly similar to those of Canada
with respect to the United States, and to make the similarity
more complete, the inequality in the populations of Belgium
and France is about the same which exists between the
populations of Canada and the United States ; but, neverthe-
less, England has prevented the absorption of Belgium by
France. She is in no better position to be guardian to Bel-
gium than she is to fill that position with regard to Canada.
She is isolated by the sea from Belgium as she is from
Oanada. In either case guardianship would have to be
exercised by her Navy with the assistance sho would have
from the people of either country in case of attack.

Now, what is the result of this kind of connection. Bel-
gium is the most prosperous country in Europe, and the
most thickly populated. She has 451 people to the square
mile, England itself has only 389, and the proportion of
paupers in England's population is double that io the popu-
lation of Belgium. Belgium has one mile of railway to
■every six miles of territory; England has one mile to every
•eight miles of territory. England and Belgium are equal as
regards telegraphs ; they have each one mile to every four
miles of territory. This is what is to be expected. The
expansive powers of the people of Belgium have full vent.
Having full confidence in the power of their great protector,
independence gives them self-reliance, and they launch out
into all manner of enterprise. Their machinery to-dny is
vieing with that of England even in her own citios, and the
products of Belgian industry compete in all the markets of
Europe with the native productions.

COULD CANADA SUPPORT INDEPENDENCE.

Now, who are the Belgians, that they should deserve any
favors from England ? Are they of the same race, of the
same habits ? do they speak the same language? or perhaps,
like Hanover, Belgium was connected with the crown of
England. Nothing of the kind. They are simply a mongrel
population of French and Dutch, split off from the Nether-
lands only a short time ago, and erected into a kingdom
from motives of policy. They are aliens to England in
everything. If such a people obtain the protection of Eng-
land, Canada must be entitled to it, especially when the
political inducements to its support are as great as regards
England, as they are in the case of Belgium. The rivalry
between France and England is not so great as that between
America and the latter power ; and the French people never
hated England any worse than the Americans. If then,
there are the same political reasons, if not greater ones, than
exist in the case of Belgium why England should guarantee
the independence of Canada, and if the majority of Canadians
are bone of her bone and flesh of her flesh, wh.) have stood
by her in many a hard-fought battle, and if above all it was
England which initiated and encouraged Canadian nation-
ality, then England would guarar -ee Canadian independence,
otherwise she would be false i that careser which for the
last two hundred year8 has maae her resT«cted by the world
as the first nation, not only in power, bu". in honor, and the
respect with which nhe regards and fulfils all her obl'^a-
tions.

This guarantee would not cost England much. It is more
than probabl'* that Canada would not require her active
assistance until such time as she would be nearly able to
defend herself alone. If the progress made by the United
States be taken as the criterion, twenty years wouiJ enable
Canada, under independence, to hold her own agaiubt all
enemies. At present Canada !Ould rai.«je an arniv equal to
those of the Great Powers of Earope, '>n a war-fo-)nng, Tho
only question would be her ability tn maintain them ia the
field for any length of time. Canada has at present nearly

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

seven hundred and ninety-one thousand male inhabitantB;^
between the ages of fifteen and forty-five, that is over three-
quarters of a million of men. Switzerland, in the midst of
enemies, maintains her independence with an army of twa
hundred thousand men. That country, no doubt, is more
inaccessible than Canada some portions of the year, but not
more so during winter. It may be said that Canada is safe
during the winter months. The expei'ience of the Americans
on this point is conclusive. Every expedition of theirs
undertaken in the winter season has been a failure. Indeed,
it is doubtful if military operations of any consequence could
be undertaken at all during the winter months. Sleeping in
u canvas tent or a bivouac one night with the thermometer
ten or twenty degrees below zero, would paralyze the best
army ever got together. The great drawback to Canada in
a military point of view is she has no backbone. One
hundred miles in on the American frontier and the cuticle is
not passed. One hundred miles into Canada and you are
clean through on the other side, and in some places half that
distar. .' is sufficient. Time and independence are the only
remeaies for this, and it is during this time that we need the
guarantee.

Another element of strength belonging to Canada is her
naval power, and her facility for building vessels. The ma-
ritime population of Canada used to seafaring is very large.
Including the fishermen of Newfoundland,who would be avail-
able in case of war, she would have at least fifty thousand
hardy trained men to man her vessels or those which she
might get from England. This population must in itself be
formidable, and of the greatest value to the Dominion.

Owing to the great improvements in war vessels and
naval gunnery, it is not probable that our present shipping
would be of much use in case of war ; but it is certain that
we could manufacture as good a fleet out of it as would bo
opposed to us.

la all crude materials, for warlike purposes, Canada
has within herself large supplies. Sulphur, charcoal, iron^

COULD CANADA SUPPORT INDEPENDENCE.

saltpetre and all the ingredients for the manufacture of
gunpowder are formed in amazing quantities in different
parts of her territory.

The chief want which would be felt in case of war would
be money. The means to sustain an army, from the industry
of which army in time of peace the chief revenue of the
country is raised, would have to be found elsewhere or bor-
rowed. No doubt England would furnish from her almost
inexhaustible coffers these means on our credit, or she would
subsidize us as she did nearly all Europe except France
during the Napoleonic wars.

Among all the elements of defense which would be avail-
able to Canada none would be so potent as the spirit of her
people. In times not distant that spirit proved its strength.
Whether French or English Canadian was engaged with the
enemy each proved beyond a doubt that the warlike char-
acter of the nations from which they sprang had not degener-
ated in their persons. The French under DeSalaberry fought
as bravely and devotedly as the English under Brock. At this
time they fought as British colonists between the position of
whom at that time and the free citizen of independent Canada
there would be as much difference as that between the Amer-
ican citizen and the English peasant. At that time when her
inhabitants fought so well and did such service for England,
Canada had not even the system of responsible government.
The inducements offered to Canadians for their lives were
not many ; but nevertheless they acted bravely. With in-
dependence they would have a country to love, a future to
hope for, and a flag to inspire them. These are great aids.
Before now, they have changed the fate of battles against
immense odds. Three hundred Greeks who blocked the way
of the Persian host at Thermopylte show what patriotism
can do. Its effects are seen through all European history ; the
bare-legged Swiss pikemen who defeated the cavalry of
Austria at Morgarthen, the Scotchmen who defeated the
English army at Bannockburn, the ragged Sans Culottes
who beat the Austrians at Jemappe were all living walls of
patriotism whom no power could conquer.

«6

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

It has become the fashion to decry this feeling in Canada.
Colonial patriotism was a thing until lately discouraged in
England, and, because so discouraged, was sneered at by
many in Canada. Patriotism in Canada was all right, but
it must not take in the country itself. The Fenian raids
dissipated this idea. It was then found that, without local
patriotism, all the forts and defences Canada could build
would be useless.

Let us then in the present, as a safeguard for the future,
foster by every means this feeling of patriotism which has
been in all nations and ages the greatest defense of freedom.
The anniversary, the patriotic song, the national air, and
the national symbols and emblems, should be encouraged
in every way. The Americans know the value of these
things which to Canadians seem silly. Millions are spent
every year in the United States in diffusing patriotic feel-
ing, and the whole nation is in a short time to celebrate the
centenary of its existence with that object. The Canadian
Government should do the same thing. The national anni-
versary should be declared a legal holiday, and public ftinds
provided for its celebration all over the country. A public
reward ought to be offered for the best ^national air. This
seems to have an effect among an intelligent people greater
than all others. The national symbols appeal to the eye,
but it is the national air that strikes the ear and the
heart. The success of this means is best illustrated by the
French air, the Marseillaise. This air has been described as
the French Eevolution set to music, and well it might be ;
it swept Europe like a whirlwind, and thousands have
walked fearlessly, gladly to the death inspired by its patriotic
strains.

The Dominion of Canada is large enough to have some
separate and distinct symbol even at present. The mercan-
tile fleet of the country ought to be designated in foreign
parts, and if a Canadian Lloyds be established it will become
a necessity. There is no approach to being a distinct people
without a flag. In all civilized times it has, as it were,

COULD CANADA SUPPORT INDEPENDENCE.

personified the people, and now no nation can be insulted so
surely as by an indignity to its flag.

All these things naay to our hard-working, matter-of-fact
people seem silly, but they are the things which build up
the sentiment which sustains nations. Napoleon declared
that it was by the imagination he conquered Europe, and
nations can be saved as well as conquered by the same
means.

On the whole the prospect is that Canada could sustain
independence. She is doing so in reality at present. In all
things affecting the country itself, Canada governs itself.
The only thing to complete her sovereignty is power to
transact her business and intercourse with foreign powers.
All the expense necessary to self-government is sustained by
Canada with the exception of the expense of a diplomatic
body, and that would not cost much. Representation at the
capitals of the Great Powers would only be necessary. An
ambassador at Washington, London, Paris, Bei'lin, Vienna
and St. Petersburg could be supported for $50,000 a year,
and we pay that sum now to a Grovernor-General. The
labor and trouble which would be saved to Canadian mer-
chants by having a man in Washington alone, through
whom Canadian business could be done directly with the
American Government, would pay for the extra expense. If
then so little extra expense is required and such great bene-
fits are to be obtained, is not independence to be desired.
That independence if obtained would be prized above all
earthly considerations by Canadians, and it would only be
lost when there would not be left five thousand men in the
country to fight for it. The new state might not be at first
very formidable — so much the better for its success ; it
would not attract the envy or rivalry of any other nation.
There are many among us who think and say^^that we are
not strong enough to support nationality, but,

" What coristitutes a state ?

Not higij raised battlement or labored mound,

Thick wall or moated gate ;

Not cities proud with spires and turrets crowned ;

THE CANADIAN QUESTION.

Not bays or broad-armed ports,

Where, laughing at the storm, rich navies ride;

Not starred and spangled courts,

Where low-bred baseness wafts perfume to pride: '

No, men, high-minded men.

With powers as far above dull brutes endued.

In forest, brake or den,

Ao beasts excel cold rocks and brambles rude ;

Men who their duties know.

But know their rights, and, knowing, dare maintain,

Prevent the well-aimed blow ;

And crush the tyrant as they rend the chain, —

These constitute a state,

And sovereign law that states collected will.

O'er thrones and globes elate

Sits Empress crowning good, repressing ill."

It is independence and independence alone that will ever
enable Canada to fulfil her destiny, to be the asylum for
the oppressed and downtrodden-peoples of Europe — an asy-
lum whore, under their own vine and fig tree, they can live
in the enjoyment of happiness and liberty, perpetuating
British institutions down to the most remote generations.

1 . -A :