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I' .^ '♦ ■■■/■ i, ;>;■'., ■•;, ^'*'.( TA the of in toi fell •on St '■a 1 xa •ci] tic to tji^-^ ■<© U ,.^."V \*'x'.!w:r . \ •'M'-f^',!-:- -■ v,^; ,■' 1 "■■ ;.'(V ^ -«s!^;.. -(".■.'• ;■"*■•■ ;? '<,'. ■ ^r ■ ■ •/(^•■■■. ■■■■'"•,'..■■ - V' ■ .'r'\ >v , ■'•.:•" ; . .-• ■(. ■.'■ w -tl: tl fa y< IX ol It ■a .■if ' t^'-y .. ..M ^^i-.-.::-^ ^:-!^^t^I , >: f»;. ■ .,» ;4 »^.^... -^r/tK .■-;'rr-.^K^^.i«:^m , |^ , ^ (i^M^rify'^ J- > at' :t ■^i*.. V tttlhcHl^ lived. , RffifeAionSfluch as thefe, haire been forced upon die attenUon of tho •tindcrfigned. Members of the Honft of Reprefentatives, of the Units J Sutes, by the events of the prefent feflion of C«ngrefs. They have witnciieda principle, adopted as the law of the Hoim»by ^bich, nndev a novel application of the previous queftion, a power is aflbmed by th* majority to deny the privilege of Speech, at any ftage, and ander a^y 4:ircttmftance8(^ debate. And recently, by an unprecedented aflhmp- tion, the right to give reafons /or an original motion, has been madB^ to depend upon toe will of the nuiority* -^ Principles more, hoftile than the& to d^e exlftence cl'teprefentative liberty, cannot eafily be conceived. It is cot, however on.thli!e aoceunts* weighty as they are, that the underligned have undertaken thin addrefs. A (abjed of higher and more immediate importance inipdsihcm t#^ -theprefent du^. T^he awmentoa^iicrftion of war, with Great BritaiB, is decided. On this topic, fo vital to .your iptcrefts, the right of public debati^'in die face ei* the world and d^cially of their conftituents, haf bejn denied to your reprefentathres^ They have been called into feoret feffio^, on this moft intereflingof alt your public relations, although the cintuiutftancca of the time ana of the 3ta^«a,.afiorded no one rea&n for fecrecy, unlefii it'be found in the anprchfltnfion of die effeft of public dd«ite^ on public opinion ; or of public opinion on the refult ol^ vote. ExcepfcthemeinwcofthePrKfident of the United States, which is tiow before die. pttbHc,'npkhing confidential was commww&ted. That mefliige ^ntained no £ift^ att previooily, known. Mo one italbn for ^ar was ^intimated* bat fucb as was of .-a natute public and notorious* The intention to w^ge war.and invade Canada, had been les^ fines o- penlyavoereii^The objeftof hoftile menace had been (sAentatiov^ •announced. The inadequacy of both our army ai^ navy, tar (bcceis* .■^ul invafioi^ and the infdfllaency of the fortincations*for dieliicurilf Mf -ottf (eubqtrd Wtfi«« «Ttry idiczt^ JUowa. YiH the doan tf CoitfftSt " '.y-'. , V.' T y W: '^M4: .^■■.; ."i-'^J^V-. IP '^1 ^ •y^ "> 4 ••.■»; ^'^ ^rc (hot upon tlw people." They narebeeo carefully kept in ignoranc« of the progrefs of meafaret| until .^j^.i^^qrpofes of adminiftratioa were confummated, ai.d the fate'bf the' country fealed. ^n a (ituatioti fo ex< traordinaryi ^e underfigi^ed have deeiped it their duty by no ad. of ^thelrt to ihnlQidii a proceeding, fo flovel and arbitrary. Oh the contra. Tj, they made jsvery attempt in their power, to attain publicity for their proceedings .AUfpch attempts were vain. When .thi«, momentous *^fubjiras ftated, as for debate } they demanded that the doprs (hpu)d ^^^'t'^opeited. ■■■•'":■ '^ Tjiisbejrn^refn/ed, they* declined difcailion {being perfeAly convine- V *\id, from iodjicaupns, toaplkin to be mifunderftobd, that, iA the houfe, ''^mll argUnifnt,' with clgfed Hfocirs, was hopelefs i and that aof z&, gir- /iV^ 'Truf'w .,^. »• 7 ^Ipelledi re!ttaaii^fto'ivf(tt to this public declarati6noffyc]h views of "'^he ((ateabd relatioins of the cbiintty, as determinecl their j^rlgment smd '^%ote tUpcfn the queftioii of war^ A meauTure of this kiqd has appeared ^ fe the undcrfigned to be t^ort Imjperiduiny dein^nded, by the circum* fis^ce of a meflage and jnanitefto being, prepared* 'and circulated at ^-^bli^' ei^Hincb, in whicb the caufca fdr. war wrte eAumerated and t|l>e *Snottve^:fpr'it cbiicentJrated, iti a manner ftited to asitate'anid influence 'ithe public mind In executing tj^is'taik, it will be.^e ftudy of tiie un- '^il^em^ed tq 'reconcile the gr^at duty» they bwe to ^e people, with that ^Seoh^itutidnal'Tefped, which is dvce to the adminiftiators of public con- ■^^cer'n*'; 'Ih e6lf^enc!ng: this vltir of our affairs, the ttndeirfigned would fail *ih dii'V tlieihfclvesi did they^ reftafti frbm recui;ring to the courfe, in re- lation to public measures, whielrthey' adopted iand have undeviatingly ' puirlnedn'bm thecbnimencfcm'ent, of tVisIong and'jr.ventfulfeffioni,.in ♦%lneh llt^ dfeHberatdy fsnpHficjed eyery minor, confideration. to» what ,/* aihd the 'hOj^ i6f ottr^cibillet- iAs iinatvi^l with.m^ 'i»rho lia^» Ik^great ftake.depirtidin^ on the fucceik of a faVofite theory* |)ert7hacityTeeifa(^ to in^eale 99^ its hbpele^efs became apparent. As > the ineiSctenoy of this fyftemconld hot be admitted, by its advocates, without enibrin^ itf t^bandpnAient, iU fuccefs was, carj^fully attributed to the influence of op|*pfttlon. ' " To thiscaufe the pecple.were t^ght to cfiarge its fucce^ive failurea ^j «nd not to its iii[trihtlc imbeciiity.V In this flateof things l^e underfign- cd deetuedit f^ippe^* to talce away all apolo^ for a^erence to this op- preffive fyftem. They were defirous^ at i period- to critic^ in |>ubUo Afiairs, as ht as was cpnfiftent with yic in4ei^j|ien<:e of opinion^tp con. . tribute to the reftpration ol'Bannbfldy inlJliejpl^i^icoaiw^lS^sin^^ amdnglHKpeojdef. Ati<{ if any a^imtage could be thus pbtaineid in *tir forelttiteladons, the und(;i^fi««4 i^S SPS^S^*** W 49 purppfe V) '9 St*^"^ ^- I M *« >. i« ef perioral or party advancement, would rejoice, in fuch an oecur- , rence. The courfe of public meafurcs alfo, at ihe opening of the Teflioi), g^vo hope that an enlarged and enlightened fyftem of •Jcfence, with proviuon* for or fccurity of nut maritime rights, was about to be conmicnced. A porpofe, which, wherever found, they deemed it their duty to foiler, hy giving, to any fyltem of meafures, thus comprehenfive, as unobttru<^<^^// m KV r t«^^ib"vi "»..*,, .^,-..- ' Ij ^ 'tf* ■'/■' -^^ 'v ^, ■-'X -r'"^;. .'4^_., s<^:: ■S.Ji yi Y':.-^ \'\ ]■ >' HI- poit<» Imperiouflf demanded fuch t (Vfteniatie Mplication of harbor «nd fea coaft defence, as would repel fuch aggremont, but. in no light* >*: can they be confidered a> makiog a refort to war, at the prefent timet . * on liritain. In^>refrments ;■— Y t>lockades ; — and orders in council. .^^ Concerning the fubjeA of impreHVaents, the linderfigned fyrapathize f ' *with our unfortunate ieamen, ^e victims of this abuK of .power, and *' participate in the national fenfibility, ontheir account They do not '? conceal from themfelves, both its importance audits difficulty ; and •,'.< they are well aware hover ftubbom is the will and bow blind xht vifioa ,V «f powerful nations, when great interefts grow into controverfy. But, before a refort to war for fuch interefts, a moral nation will ' conflder wliat is juft, and a wii'e nation what is expedient. If the ex* «rcife of any ri^ht to the full extent of its abllraft nature* 'be inconfift- tent with the fafety of another nation, morality feems to require that, ia pra&ice, its exeretfe ftiould, in this refpef* ■iiiaft 'iT^MtM.'. ' I h ^'• ' ' ii"'i tri " *^r *^i I l i ii'lti iiiMigji ^ F .,' *■■■ •-/'' '':'•■.' •-«'•. :n. -//V ?f*. The underfigntd deem it unneccfliiry here to difirafs the queftion of ibt Amaicanr cUim, for the Immunity of their Rig. But they connot yefrain from Tiewing it as a principle, of a nature very broad and com* prchenfive t to the abufe of niiich, the temptations are ftrong and nu. merous. And they do maintain that, before the calamities of war, in vindication of fuch a principle be incurred all the means of nesociation Ihould be exhaufted, and that alfo every praAicable attempt loould be made to regulate the exercife of the right, fo that the acknowledged injury, refuTting to other nations (houTd be checked, if not prevented. They are dcany of opinion that the peace of this happy and rifing community- fhould not be abandoned, for the fake of affording facilities to cover French property ; or to employ Britifh feamen. The claim of Great Briuin to the (brvfces of her feamen is neither novel nor peculiar* Th* doArine of allegiance for whidi (he contend* fa common to all the goveinments of Europe. France, as well a» England, has maintained it for centuries. Both nations claim, in time •f war the ferviice». of their fubicAs, Both by decrees forbid them en* Uring into foreign employ. Both recall them by proelamittion. Ko man can doubt that iin the preient ftate ofthe Fi-ench marine, if American merchant veflels were met at fea, having French feamen oa board, that France would take them. Will any man believe that. the United States would go to war againft France, on this account i For very obvious reafons, thi« principle occafioxu little collifion with Fr«nce, or with any other nation, except England ! With the EnglifH nation the people m the United States aredofely afllhiulated, in blood, language, tntercourfe, habits, drefs, manners and charaAer. When ^ Britain is at war and the United Sutes neutral, the merchant fervice of die United States, holds out to Britifb feamen, temptations almoft irrcfiftaUe ; high wages and peaceful employ, infte%d ofltw yngtn and war«fervicc ;*-ilirfety, in lieu of hazard } entire independience, iu theplace of ^uiJUfied fervitodc. lliat Englttod whofe fituation is infular, who is engaged in a war, apparently ror exiftetice» whoie itamen are her bulwark, (hould look, apon the effed of our. principle upon her (afety, with jdonfy, is inevi> Cable ) and that (he will not lnutard the pradical conft4. nces of it9 unregulated exercife, is certain. The queftion, therefore, prefented, dt- reftly, fwthe decifion of the thoughtful and virtuous mind, in this , country, if«^hether war, for fixeh an abftrad right be j,uftifiable, be-i fiweattemptinff to gaaed againft its injurious tendency by legiilative re* guIatioQ in iauure of treaty. A dubious right fliould be advanced with faefitatilon. Aq extreme right fhould be a/Krted with difcretion. Moral duty requires, that a nation, befbra it appeals to arms, ihould have been not only true to it* i<^ but that it (hoald baTC £uled, in no duty to others. If the exer- cift of a rishtt in an unregulated manner, be in eficA, a Aandiag invl.. taiion to the fubjiafts of a foreign power to become defcrters and trai* tors, U it no oijnry to that power ^ ' Certainly, moral obligation demands that the right of flag, like all «ther humaii rights fhoiud be fo ufed, as that, while it proteAs what i^^ ««r owif if iho^d 90; injury ig;]^( |s 999Ui In a pmAical tIctv'» \f. ■r^-y.-- ■ fers redrefs, when known, yet undoubtedly grievous injuries have refult- ed to the fv f^ \ ^v- ■ ¥ Mr. King when minifter !n Sngtand, obtained a dlCiivowal ofthtt Bt!e« illi government of the right to imprefi •• America feamen," naturall- zcd as well as natives, nn the high leas. An arrangement had avanc- cd, nearly (o a concUifion, upnn this bafis, and was liroken off onlfi be* caufe Great Br.tain iulifted to retain the right on " the narrow fcas." What, howi'ver, was the opinion of the American minirtcr, on the pro- bability ofan arrangement, appears from the public documents, com- municated to congrcfs, in the feflion of 1808, as dated by Mr. Madi- fon, in the'e words, *' at the moment the articles were cxpefteil to be figncd, an exception of " the narrow feas" was urged and infiftcd on by i^ord St. Vincents, and being utterly inadmifllble om our part, the ncgoci.ition was abandoned." Mr King feems to be of opinion, however, "that, with more time tha^ was left him for the experiment, the ubjedlion might have be«A overcome." What time v/as left Mr Kitg for the experiment, or whether any was ever made has not buen difclofcd to the public. Mr. King foon aft^r returned to America : It is manifeft from Mr. King's cxpreflfion that he was limited in point of time, and it is equally clear that his opinion was that an udjudment c«uld take place. That Mr. Madifon was alfo of the fame opinion is demondrated, by his letters to Mclfrs. Monroe and Pinkney, dated ihe 3d of February, 1807, in wliich he ufcs thcfe expreiHons. " I take it for granted that you have noC failed to make due ufe of the arrangement concerted by Mr. King witk Lord Hawkfbury, in the year 1IS02, for fettling the qucftion of imprcir* , ment Ob that ccca/ion •nd under that ^dwiniJiratUmt the Lritj/If pmndph ' *U)a I fairly renmncea in favor oj tht tight ofourjlag^ Lord Hanuk/hury bav» f*"S f'gf'f'^ f^ P''>f'i^itj^'t''fJI*'if'*ft ort the highjiatf'* and Lord St, Vincents requiring nothing i^ore than an exception of the narrow feas, an ezcep* tion refting on the obfolete claim of Great Britain to fome peculiar do- minion over them." Here then we have a full acknowledgement that Great Britain was willing to renounce the right of LoiprefTment on tfie high feai, in favor f f our flag } that (he was anxious to arrange tlie (ul^eft. 'A:''H '*'■ It further appears that the Britifli tnlnfftry called for an inter* tiew with Meflis. Monroe and Pinkney, on this topic ; that *htf ftatsd the nature of the claim, the King's prerogative : that: they had confulted the crown officers and the bovd of admiralty* who all concurred In fentimtnt, that uader the circumftances of the nation the relinquiniment of the right was a meafure, which r.he government could not adopt, without taking on itfclf a refponlibiiity, which h» miniftry would be wilting to meet, however preffing the exigency Might be. They offered, however, on the part of Great Britain, to pafs laws making ic penal for Britifli commanders to imprefs American ciiiizenif on board of American veiFels, on the high feas> if America would pafji a law, making it penal for the officers of the United States tA grant cer- tificates of citizenship to Britini fubjeds. This will be foundt in tho fame documents, in a letter from Meffrs. Monroe and Pinkney to Mr. Madifon, dated 1 1 th November, 1806. Under their peremptory in- ftruftions, this propofitiun, on the part of Great Britain* could not be acceded to by our ninifters. Suchi however, was the tamper Aud. aax* - k . !sk;^'s ■ :ir/-A'y^V-^( • >Jv'V . •}> -,) -v?-i. ^\^, flii ';ii ■w ii w mp IF ?■■■ ''.■•'.■ ■' . ■•■• iV'. >'/■• ■ .ty.T V ■ 4.' • - '.h; •V. iV t^- ,<■';;'■ 1# isty of England, and fucli the candor and good fenfq of bur miniflersi thvX an htnorable and advantagious arrgngetfunt did take place. The au< tkoiity of Mr. Monroe, then nitniOer at the court of Great Britain^ no^^ £|ecretary of State, and one of the prefent adminiftration, who have re< •otnmended war with England, and afllgned impreflVnents as a caufe, fupports the underfignad in aHcrtlng, that it was honorable and advan« tegeous : for in a letter from Richmond dated the 28th of February^. 1808, to Mr. Madlfon, the following exprefllons are nfed by Mr. Men- roe, " I have on the contrary always believed and dill do believe that the ground on which that intereft (impreiFment) was placed l^ the pa- per of the Britifli Commiffioners of 8th November, 1806, and the ej^» planation which accompanied it, was both honorable and advantageous tc the Untied States, that it contained a concefllon in their favor on the, part of Great Britain, on the great principle in conteftation, never be- fort made by a formal and obligatory a. ;,, their proximity to the Britiih coaflis, and the abfence of all complaint, ' we may be peimitted to believe that it was a legal blockade, enforced according to the ufages of nations. On the 16th of May, 1806, the Englifh Secretary of 9tate, Mt. Fox, notified, to our Mintfter, at Lon- don, that his government had thought fit to dire^ neceffary meafures to be taken for the blockade of the coafts, rivers and ports, from tlie , river Elbe tc the riyer Br^ft, both incliifivei*" ,v- ',■■ ^■^■ * The ternw of the or* t%' i, IS I- , .'■•^ fxV. ^:,;., In point ^f fifl, as the ^crms ufcd in the o;der, v/IllThow this p«pev» which has become, a lubitanjive and avowed caufv for non intercourfe, embargo and war, is a blockade, only of the places, on the Frencl: coaft, from Oftend to the Seine, and even as to ihefe ic is, merely, as it .]|rofefles to be, a continuance of a former and exittiog blockade. For ; with refpeA to the refidue of the coad, trade of neutrals is admitted, with the exception only, of enemy's property and articles coutraband ;' of \war, which are liable to be taken, without a blockade ; and except , the direft colonial trade of the enemy, which Great Britain denied to ! be free by the law of nations. Why the order was thus extended, in its form,- while ineffeifl it added nothing to orders and regulations, al- ready exifting, w:ll be known by adverting to papers, which are before the w«rld In 1806, France, had yet -colonies and the wound infli<5lrd on oar feelings, by the interference of the BritiHi government in our trade, with thofe colonies, had been the caufe of remonftrance and ne- .- gociaiion. At the moment when the order of May 1806, was made* Mr. Monroe,, the prefent Secretary of State, then our minifter plenipo- ' tentiary at the Court of Great Britain, was in treaty on the fubjeft of the carrying trade, and judging on the fpot, and at the time, he, un> ^ hefitatingly, gave his opinion, that the order was made to favor Amer- ican views and interefts. This idea is unequivocally expreffcd, in Mr. > Monroe's letters to Mr. Madifoa of the 17 th, and zothf of May, and of the 9th of June, 1 806. And as late as Odtober, I'Sit, the fame Gentleman, writing as Sec- retary of State to the Britifh miniller, fpeaking of the fame order of blockade of May. 1806, fays, " it ftriftly was little more than a block- ade of the coaft from Seine to Oftend." *• The objt from thefe letter*. ' In tb«t of the X7lh May, 1806, be thus fpeaka of that blockade. It ia'*^ couched in terms of r«firaint, aUd profcf- fes to extend the blockade further than was heretvfore done, ntvtrtbfhp It lalet it /rm Mait^ flirts slrtady iUtitdtJ, iadtedt from all Bad of Oftend, and Weft of the Sdoe^ exeepc in articles contraband of war and enemy's j>roptrty, wbwb are feiz- abie without blockade. Aild in like form of exception, cooiideriDC every CBcmy as one power, it admits the trade of neutrals, within the fame limits, to be free in the produdiotts of coenics* cdonicp, in every, but the dircA route between the colony •and the parent country ." \ Monroe adiH, •• It cannot be doubted that the note was drawn by the govemmentia refcrenee to the ^ucftioa^as if intended «s the - fonndation of » treaty, rauft be viewed in tffavorable light" On the acth of Miv Mr. Monroe writes to Mr. Madifon, that he had been « ftrengthcned in tbe opin- ion that the order of the t6th was drawn with a view to the queftioa 6f our |r«dc 'With enemies' ce)oaiei,ttad that it pronifes to be kiebb ratisfa— that is, not until the firft order in council i and indeed not un- til the id of May 1810 ; and until after the Anrieiican government vras apprized of the ground, which it was the will of France iliould be tftken upon the fubjedt. Of this we have the moft decifive proof, in the offfrs, made under the adminiftration of Mr. Jeflferfon, for the difcontinuance of the Embargo as it related to Great Britain ) n^ne of which required the repeal of the blockade of May 1806 ; and alfo in the arrangemett made during the adminiftration of Mr. Madifon, and under his eye with Mr. Erlkine. The non-intercourfe adl of March 1809, and the aA "concerning com- mercial intercourfe^' of May i8(o, veil the Prefident of the 1 United States with the very fame power, in the very fame terms Botk au< tkorife him " in cafe either Great Britain or France fhall fo revoke ©r modify her edi(^s, as that they ihall ceate to violate the neutral com- merce of the UiJted States" to declare the fame by proclamation An«l liy the provifions of one law in fuch cafe, non-intercourfe was to ceafe ; by th«fe of the other it was to be revived. In confequence ot power vefted, by tht firft .ift, the arrangement with Erflcine was made and the ^evocation of the orders in council of January and November 1 807, was confidered as a full compliance with the law and as removing all the ami neutral ediiJts. The blockade of May 1 806, was nor included in the arrangement, and it does not appear, that it was deemed of fuf- £cent importance to engage even a thought. Yet under the adl of May if 10, which vefts the very fame power, a revocation of this block- ade of May 1 806, is made by our cabinet zjtne qua mn ; an indifpen- faWe requHite ! And now, after the Britifh minifter h^s dire^ly avow- ed thAt this order of blockade w«uld hot continue after a relocation of the orders in council, without a due application of an adequate force, thcexiftence of this blockade, is inliftea upon, as a juAifiable caufe of war, notwithftanding;, that our government admits a b ockade is legal, to the maintenance of which an adequate force is applied. The undefined are aware, that, injuftificat/on of this new ground, it is now faid that the extenfion on paper, for whateve; purpofe intend- ed, favors the principle of paper blockades This however, can hardly be urged« fince the Britifhji* formally, difavow the principle jand fince; they acknowledge, the very do Anne of the law of nations, for which, * Mr Safer iu hit letter af the 3d July, iftxi, to Mr. Moaroc thai ftatet the dodrine,flnaiDtained byhi* gQVcrament. . " Qre«t Qritaio bat never attempted to difpute that, io the ordinary cnwite of the law of natioat, qo hlockade cao be joftifiable or valid, uaiefi it be fuppoMed by an " adequate force defiincd to maintain it and to expofe to hazard ali vefleU atteni^tiog to eVxde lit operation, '< Mt. fofler iq bit letter to Mr. Monroe of the 4ttb Inly, iSii, nlfii fayt,Th« bloeki|de«f May x1lf6, will not continue after the repeal of the otden in council nalefii bit Majeftj'^ government: ihall think it to fuftain it by the fpecial applica- tion oF a fuftqient naval for^e, «|d the latt of iti being (n «0Bttatted» n Bot»«itt llHBotiilcdatthetflaa^ M .■V . :W, y""- — '■**^_*'«> r. '^*;- »v ;. .: :a- * ■ > ', • -r. : . ■ '• • '''j^"' thcr Ameiican adrnmiftration contend, henceforth, the exigence of s blockAile becomes a queftion of faift : it muft depend upon the evidence adduced, in fupport of the adequacy of the blockailii'g force. From the preceding ftatement it is apparent, th-it whatever ther* is objetJlionable, in the principU of the oideir of May 1806, or in the prac* tice under it, on ground merely American, it cannot 'c fet up as afufH* cient caufe of war ; for until France, poi ,ied it out, as a caufe of con- troverf)', it was fo far from being regarded, as a fonrce of any ntW, or grievous complaint, that it was actually confidercd, by our govern- ment* in a favorable light. The Britifh Orders in Council are the remaining fource of difcon- tent, and avowed caufe of war. Thefe, have, heretofore, been confid- «red, by our government in connexion with the French decrees. Cer- tainly, the Britiili Orders in council and French decrees, form a fyflem fubverfivc of neutral rights, and conftitute jnll grounds of complaint, yet, viewed, relatively to the condition of thofe powers towards f ack otl:er, and of th? United Stat"s towards both* the underfigned cannot perfuade themielvc& that the Orders in Council, as they now exift and with their pr fcnt eff^(5l and operation, juft'fy the feleflion of Great Biitain as our enemy ; and render neceliary a declaration of uitqua.U- fird war. , ' ^^ i' v Every confideratlon of moral duty, and political expedience, Teems to concur in warning the United States, not to mingle in this hopelcfi, and, to human eye, interminable Europeari conteft. Neither France, nor England, pretends that their aggreffions can be defended, on the ground of any other belligerent right, than that of particular neceffity. Both attempt to juftify their fncroachmelnts, on the general law of nations, by the plea of retaliation In the relative pofition, and pro- portion of Itrcngth of the United States, to either belligerent, there ap- peared little probability, that we could compel the one, or the other, by hoftile operations, to abandon this pica. ■ -■ , ' And as the field of commercial cnterpvifc, after allowing to the d«- ^ crces and orders, their full pradical effietfl, is ftill rich and extcnfive, ' there feemed, as little wifdom as obligation to yield, folid and certain realities, for unattainable pretenfions. The ri|.^ht of retaliation, as ex- ifting, in either belligerent, it was impoflib'e, for the United States, confident with either its duty, or if-tereft. to admit. Yet fuch was the ftate ©f the decrees, and orders of the refpe^ive belligerents, in relation t» the rights of neutrals, that, while, on the one hand, it formed, no juftification to either, fo on the other, concurrent circumftancqs, form- ed a complete juftification to the United States, in maintaining, not., withftandmg thefe encroachments, provided it befl: comported with their intereft$, that fyftem of ii» partial neutrality, which is fo defirable to their peace and profperity.- . For if it ftiould he admitted, which no courfeiof argument can mainlain, that the B'^riin decree, which was iffucdon the 21ft of Noveitiber, 1806, was juftiHed, by the antecedent orders of the Britiih admiralty, refpe<5tin5i the colonial trade, and by the order of blockade of the 16th of May, preceding, yet, on this ac- count, there rafulted no right of rctaliat'on to France, as it refpedl. I the United States. Thef had expreifed no acquiefceace either ia the 'l . ■V V k T r ir^- - (TV . I ,■ , I "'-,'■ 1 I J A 1^ S ■VI, V . d ■f^>^ { i^n I livs*.^ '-'*■» m t'-' ■-M\\ 4' 5;:. ; ■■■I; /"< . ^ j: ^ritlfti Interference with llie colonial trade, or irt any cxt«irifion of Hi« principles of blockade. Befides, had there been any fuch negledl, on ^he part of the United States, as war/anted the French emperor ia adopting his [}rinciple of retaliation, yet in the exercife of chat preten- ded right, he paft the bounds vf both public law and decency ; and, in the very extravagance of that eiercife, loft the advantage of whatever -colour the Britifli had afforded to ^is pretences Not content witk -adopting a principle of retaliation, in terms limited, and appropriate, -to the injury of which he complained, he declared, '* all the Britifh Iflands, in a ftate of bloclcade ;, prohibited all commerce and cnrrefpon, ■dence with them, all trade in their manufadlures ; ^nd made lawful j>rize of all merchandize, belonging to Er^gland, or coming from its manufadories, and colonies" The violence of thefe encroachments was equalled only by the infidioufnefs of the terms, and manirtr, in ^which they were promulgated. The fcope of the cxprtfiions of the Berlin decree, was fo general th;«t it embraced within its fphere, the •whole commerce of neutrals with England. Yet Decrees, Minifter of ithe Marine of France, by a formal note, of the 24th Dec. 1806, afTurcd our miniftcr Plenipotentiary, that the imperial decree, of the 21ft Nov. 1806, ** was not to affM our commerce^ vuhith 'wouidJliU be governed hj the rules of the treaty , ejiablijhedietiueen the two cauntrier." Notwithftand- .-ing this afTurance, however, on the i8th Sept. following, Regnier GranH ' ]^f inifter of juftice, declared «• that the inteniiont of the Emperor were that, by virtue of that decreet French armed vtffehy might feize in neutral vejjett, either Englifh property t or merehandife proceeding from Englljh manufaHo' riet i and that he had refervtd% for future decijion the quifiion mhether they might not pnffeft thimfdves tf neutral veffels going to, or from England^ at- ihough they had no Englifh mnnufa£lures on hoard.** Pretenfions, fo obvi> -ou%, exceeding any meafure of retal^ion that, if the precedent ads, ^f the Britifh government, had afforded to fuch a reftrt, and colour 6t Tight, it was Toft in the violence, and extravagance o? thefe afTumed principles. ^^ " To the Berlin decrees fucceeded the Britifh orders in council, of the 7th of January, 1807, which were merged in the orders oftheiith of i^ovember following. Thefe declared *' all ports, and places belong- ing to France, and its allies, from which the Bfitifh flag was excluded, all, in the colonies of his Britannic majefty's enemies, in a ftate of Itlockade ; — prohibiting all trade, in the produce and manufadlures* of the faid countries or colonies,; and making all veffels, trading to or from them, and all merehandife, on board (ubjeA, to capture and condemnation, with an exception, only in favour of the direv-*i».., i-. -,,-,«vj»;^.-! .^'^«^»4fc''>ilst Unfortunately adminiftration had recoiufe to a fyftem, compli^at)*^^ In its nature, and deftrudlive in its tSe&s ; which initead' of relief, from the accumulated injuries of foreign governments feived only to fill up# what was wanting m the meafure of evils abroad, byaTtificiat embar- ■ THflmeivti> at home. As long ago, as the year 1794 ; Mr. Madifon, the prefent Prefident of the United States, then a member of the Houfe o£ Reprefentaiives, devifed and propofed a fyftem of commerciel reftric. tions, which had for Its objeft tlie coercion of Great Britain, by a deni* vA to her of our produAs and oor market ; aflerting that the former was, in a n^nnev eflential to her profpcjity, either as neceflarics of life,, •r as raw materials for her manufa^ures ; and, that without the latter*, a great proportion of her labouring clafTes, could not fubfiil. In that day of fage and virtuous forethought, the propoiition was. rejefled. It remained, however, a theme of unceafing panegyric rimong an a*5live clafs of American politicians, who with a iy(Vemat;e pertinacity inculcated among the people, that commercial reftrifllunsv were a fpecies of warfare, which would enfure fucccfs to the Unite^ States, and humilisition to Great Britain. \ There were two circumftanqes, iubetentin this fyftem of coercinjir Great Britain by commercial reitrit^ions, which ought to have made; p/a^ical politicians, very doubtful c^its refult, and very cautious of. its trial. Thefe were theftateof opinion in relation to its cfficacys a Along commercial men, in the United States ; and the ftate of feel- ing, which a refort to it would unavoidably produce, in Great Britain. On die one han'd, it was undeniable that the great body of commercial men, in the United States, had no belief in fuch a dependancy of G. Britain, upon tha United States, either for our produce, or our market^ »i the fyftem i^nplied.; Without the hearty co operation orthls clafs of men, fuccefs in :t& • attenipt was obvioully unattainable. A nd as on them the chief fuffer « ing would fall, it was altogether uareafonable to expedt that they would become co-operating inftruments in fupport of any fyftern, which was ruin to them, and \\'ithout hope to their country. On the •thcr-hand, 'as it refpefis Great. Britain} a fyftem Eroceeding.ugoa t^ i -. ■■^•i } '■ '^' '$ ■i 1 ft .« m^* ipp »^p '^mmm f- i5 j/fi "■•■It/'/ ; ) ^ ' '■ / . 1 • . I ' 'iJi,- ■>i»'|4''' %■ avowed principle of her dependence upon us wa& among the laA, to which a proud and powerful nation would yield. Notwithftanding thclc obvious conliderations, in April 1806, Mr. Matiifon, being then Secretary of State, a 'aw pafTed Congrefs, pro- hibiting the impoitation of certain fpccified manufaftuies of C eat Britain, and her dependencies on the bafis of Mr. Madifon's original propofition. Thus the United States entered on the fyliem of com- mercial hoftility againft Great Britain. The decrt-e of BerUn was ifTued in the enfuing November, ( 1 806 ) The treaty, which had been figned at London, in Decennber, 1806, having been reieAed by Mr. J«fFerfon« without being prefentcd to the Senate for ratifacation, and the non.importationa !■* k. ■ -I.'., >. ■' r-.,, X* '■■:,.- \ ■***'\'', ]» A' ■V ^W "»S. '■.".V '-•-> J^'V. fore the i/TuIng of any procUmntlon ? Mas hf ever, infifled qpoft^ (bch evidence i Was it of no conlequence in the relative fituation of this country, as to foreign powers, that the regular evidence (hould be received by our adniinillration and made known i NVhy has a matter of evidencei fo obvioufly proper, fo Ample, in its natnTe, fo levfl to general apprehenfion and fo imperioufly demanded, by the circumAan* ces of the cafe, been wholly omitted i And why, if the Berlin and Milan decrees are annuled, as is pretended, do«^s the Ficnch Emperor withhold this evidence of their annulment P Why does he withhold V it, vher. *he quedion of revocation is prcfcnted' under cireumtlance<^, of fo mt urgency ? Not only has it never been pretended that any fuch imperial a.& of , annulment has iHued, or that any fuch orders, or inftruAions, coun* termanding the authority to capture, were ever ^ven, but there is de* cifive evidence of the reverfe in the condudt of the, French public arme4 (hips and priva'.eers. At ail times Ance Nov. 1810, thcfc fliips and pri. vateers have continued to capture our veifels and property, on the higl^ feas, upon the principles of the Berlin and Mil^fi decrees. A nume- rous lift of American veuels, thui taken,. frnce the ill of November 1 8 10, now exifts in the office of the fecretary of (late : tnd among the captures are fever al veflels with their cargoes, lately, taken and deuroy* ed, at fea,. without the Airmality of a trial, by the commander of » French fquadron, at this moment cruizing againft our commerce, un- der orders, given by the mimfter of marine, to whom the execution of the decrees was committed ; and thefe t<4o iflued in January laft. Xn the Baltic and Mediterranean feast captures by French privateers are- known to us, by official documents to have beeo madci under the au- ., . jthority of thefe decrees. Haw then are they revoked i How have they ^ . '"''^ fcafed to violate our neutral commerce ? Had any repeal, or modification of thofe decrees, in truth takes place, it mud have been communicated to the prize courts, and would have been evidenced by fome variation either in their rules, or in the principles of their decifions In vain» however, will this nation feek for fuch proof of the revocation of the decrees. No acquittal has ev:r been liad, in any of the prize courts, upon the ground that the Berlin and !Milan decrees haB ceafed, even as it refpeas the United States- 0» tile contrary the evidence is decilive that they are confidered by tlie French courts as eziftii^ There are many cafes corroborative of this pofition. It is enoug)r to ftate^ only, two, which appear in the offiicial reports. The Amefi* can (hip Julian was captured by a French privateer, on the 4th July xi3i I, and on the tenth of September 181 1, the veAel and cargo wefe conderpned, by the council of prizes at Paris among other realons, be- .C0u/ijoe was vifited by /iveral EngUJf) vtffelu On the fame day the Her- leules an American (hip was condemned by the imperial court of prized alleging *< thxt it was im'poffible, that ihe was not viGted, by the ene* jny's flitpi of war.** So familiar to them was the exiftence of the de» ,crees.V|ind fuch their eagernefs to giVe them tSt& again& our c(m>. ihercet that they feigned a vifitation to have taken place, and that not- ^hA wding,. the exprefs declaration of the captain and crew^ 10 the iVJt •■^. ., ■%, "• J »y- ; a- ' in- aft. are* au- bejr :;^ *5 ^-ik. .«ftr.tmrjr. In addition to which evidence. Mr. Ruflell'i letter to the • Secretary of SNte, dated 8th May 181 it fays ** it may not be impi^p- 'Cr to remark that no American veflel captured fince the id Nuvemlicr 1810, has yet been releafed." ^ ^ From this it is apparent* thai the commanders ofthe national vefTcl!:* « « the privateerfinen, and the judges of the prize courts, to whi plicit. Champagny, Duke of Cadorci minidcr of foreign relations, in his report to his roajefly the Emperor and king, dated Paris ^4 Deccm* ber* 18 10, fpeaking of the decrees of Berlin and Milac, fays exprefsly. *' As long as England (hallperfift in her orders in council your m»- It^y nuilt perjiftt in your decrees**' Than which no declaration can be ' . " more direA not only that the Berlin and Milan decrees are unrevoked, bat that they will fo remain» uiitil the En^Ufh orders in council are Vrithdrawn. And in the addrefs deliverea, by his imperial majefty, f , Kapo!eon« to the council of commerce on the 31ft Ma- :h, 18 11, he ^hus declares <* Tlie decrees of Berlin and Milan are the fundamental j*^; liaws of my Empire. For the neutral navigation I confider the flag as ^^r 4in extention of territory. The power, which fuffers its flag to be -vio- tp lated, cannot be confidered as neutral The fate of the American cvcti- '''"' i^ merce will foon be decided. I will favor it if the United States con- ^ i ^form theirifelves to thefe decrees. In a contrary cafe their veflels wifl be driven from my Empire." f Afid as late as the loth of March laft, in a report of the French . , , minirtcr of foreign relations, communicated to the'confervative Senate, ^1t is declared, •♦ that as lonf as the Britifh orders in council, are not A-evoked, aid the principles ofthe treaty of Utrecht, ip relation to neu- trals put in force, the decrees of Berlin and Milan, ought to fubfift ; ' ibr the powers who fuffcr their flag to be denationalized." Ih none ,W^f thijfe aftJ, is there any eJccepiion in favor of the United States. And on the contJ'ary in the rej^oi't of March laft, by placing thofe de- iu crces on the bafts of *♦ the prrinciples of the treaty of Utrecht," the ' French Minlftet has extended the terms of revocation beyond all prior '' ' •pretenflots. TTiofe wfrc nlaintain the revocation of fhefe decre<^» as it refpefls the United States, rely wholly upon the fufptnfion of the decifions of , :the French prize courts, in relation to f«me few vc/l'els, and the libera-^ ' . » -tion of others, by the fpecial direftion of the French Emperor. Can '^ there be ftronger prefumptive evidence, of the exiftence of thofe de- ' V crees than this*— that no veflel is excepted from their cjaeratlott, until after the ^cial exercife of the Empfiror's will, in the particular cafe. If the decrees were efFeftively , revoked, there would be, no captures ; or if any Were made, liberation wodld be a matter of courfe & of gene- Tal right \ inftead •£ being an affair of particular favor, or caprice. Is 4t4«r Tcxatioiu aod iodulf aick» like theici that thepeqjprie c^ the U^« '■■% .'■\ •It % ^#^" *Jf to »u <» */, ■IT' 'W* ■r' ^> 1 *i ed States ire to abandon their commerce and pc.icc t Is it for Aich fa* vort, they arc to invite the calamities of war i If the refourccs of ne- Sotiation were exhaufted» had the government no powerk remaining to ifeinifli the caufes of Vuittonal controveriy, by preventing abtifes i Af« ter this, had it no powers to provide for prote ment it appears, how fmall a proportion of the great ftaplesofouV ^: i:ountry is talj^n * by fr^c^. WhU9*7 Ho|[ee . »,«53 Tierces | FiOi *4,7iS QS">*»'» , Of lat* years fuae of tbofe articles have iM>t bees flMppcd at a;U direAIy to Franct, kut they ^rc, probably, fmoii thd^ way thitlter ibna^b ths aorttiffa ^erts o/;9urop«^ : 'iL.'-). tit' > ■ •'* ># Mf^ *^t^ :f t -;-\.,.i*L,. irJI0^!**m'.!y . ~»^'.i«f«l»« i-'-. % ■4^'' •■;* -i^'v '#'- > i 4:: f-;, *4^' 91 ■*^'. her colonial produce found Us way to the mother country throu;;h the United Stateti and our trade with her in thefe aTticles, was nor incoo* liderable. But fine* (he has been deprived of her foreign poiTeflioni, ^d fmce the eftabliOiment of her municipal regulations, hi to licrnce«« this trade has been in a great degree, annihilated. With refpeift to colonial pioduce aone can be imported nto Fiance cicept (torn purlieu- lar ports of the United States and under jpecial imptr- I ticenca. For thefe licences our merchants muft pay what the a^^-nts of the French government think proper to demand As to articles of our domcftie produce* they are burdened with fuch exorbitant duties, and aie fubjec« ted to fuch regulations and reftri^ions on theii importation as, in ordi< nary times, will amount to * prohibition. On the 5th of Auguft i8io. the very day of the Duke of Cadore's noted letter* a duty was iippofed •n all fea>if1and cotton* imported into France* of more than eighty cents per pound, and on other cotton of about fixty cents per pound* amounting to three, or four, times their original cod in the United States. And as to tobacoo, the French miniller here* on the sjd o£ July 181 1, informed our government that it was *' under an admintf. tration (en regie) in France ; the adminiftration (he fays) is the only eonfumer and can purchafe only the quantity neceflary for its con> fumption." And by other regulations not more than one ^^^nM of all the tobacco confumed, in France, can be of foreign growth. The ordinary quantity of tobacco annually cunfumed in Trance is edimat- cd at thirty thoufand hog/heaJt, leaving only about two thoufand hogC* heads of foreign tobacco to be purchafcd in France< In addition to thefe impofuions and reftri^ions, the importer is noC left at liberty with refpedl to his return cargo. By other cdids, he is compelled to ved the avails of his importations, if, after paying duties and feizures, any remain, in fuch articles of French produce and roan* ufadlure. as the French government thinks proper to direA. Two thirds at lead mud be laid out in filks and the other thiTd in wines, brandies, and other articles* of that country* To (how that this ac< count of pur commercial relations with France does not red on doubt- fill authorityr the underfigned would refer to the ftatements and dc- clarations of our government on this fubjeA* In a letter from Mr. Smith, the late Secretary of State* to the rainider of France he^e, of the 18th December 1810, fpeaking of our trade to that country* under its regulations, after the pretended repeal of the decrees, Mr. Smith ikys, ** The redridtions ef the Berlin and Milan decrees had the effeft of redraining the American merchants from fending their veflels to France. The interdi^ions in the fydem that has been fubdituted. figaind the admiiHon of American products, will have the eiBTeA of im. pofin^i; upon them an equal redraint." ^ *< If then, for the revoked decrees, municipal laws, producing th« igme commercial eSeA have been fuhdituted* the mode only, and not ^e meafure, has undergone an alteration^ And however true it may be* that the chansie is lawful in form, it is, neverthelefs, as true, that it is eflentially unfriendly, and that it does not at all comport with the ifleas, ii^fpired t>y ypur ^tter of the 27th ult in which you were pleaf- fl4 to declare the " diftia<^X proaounced iateatioa of his imperial om* 1 '••V"'^ ,'"' V ,1 1 1 A: \ I I .v^.. :vTv '^# r , ' ■ .' ■• % Mitv •— »**^.>** ..«..• • .■■ ts ■'.i.. v( aid be a blockade of the cuail of the Citl'pian feu " And fo far has the French emperor been from relaxing, in whoU« or in part, theie odious regulations as to us, in lonlequence of our fub« xhittiug to give up our EngUfh trade, that they have been mtide a fub- je«5t of i'pectal inltruAions, to the miaitker, who has httn fent to th« court of France. Mr. Monroe, in his letter of intlruiftions to Mr Bar« low of July a6, i8i i, fays, « Your early and particular attention will be drawn to the great fubjeA of the commercial relation, which it to fubltil, ill futuie, between the United States and France. Tha PraHdent axpctits that the commerce of the United States will be placedt in the ports lawful, but criminal ; thitt even the veflels, ^which carried the unquei* Cionable produAlonj of the United States, were expofed to great anil cxpenfivc delays, to tedious inveft'gations, in unufual forms* a«d 10 ex» •rlitant dutiei. In fliott that the ordinary ufages of commerce between JriaiJh nathtij were abandoned." Again Mr. Monroe, in the fame letter, fays, ** If the pOrts WF yninre, and htfr allies are not opened to the commerce of the United States, on a liberal fcale and on fair conditions, of what avail to thetn^ rt may be alked, will be the revocation of the Britilh orders in c^nncili In contending for the revocation of tiiele orders, fo far as it was an «bjcft of intercft, tht United States had in view, a trade to the contt* jftent. It was u fair legitimate objeft and worth contending for, while France ntcoUra^ed it. i3ut if fhe Ihuts her ports on our commerce, or •ihurdens it with heavy duties, that motive is at end " He again fays* ** yott will fee the injuftice arid endeavor to prevpnt the neceifity of bringing in return for Amei ican cargoes, fold in France, an tcp\t\ a« snount in the produce or manufailures of that country. No fitch obliga« 1 ion is impofed on French mei chants, trading to the United Statef. They enjoy the liberty of felling their cargoes for cafh, and taking; !nacJ: what they pkufeU from tbi» country in rcturoi It 4i ift^driQpi^ik* s 33 •-,.;, lie, tliat the trade he free, that alt American cUtr oil jpliceJ on the' r.iin« tooting, uiid, with this viev, , t'ut tij- * if . ^«Bed in ft hk iyilcm of c;»rr tying It on,bj^ lictncti, granted by French ageiiti be inmtcdiiitely anul)« 'Vht defpatchci from Mr. Barlow, by the Hornet, moft clearly fljov that the txpeflitlioHi of our government have not only not been realized, hut that even the {ir^mifei obtiti>ieiU by our niiniiler arc of a very unf.it* ikftk'iory nature Indeed wkUe Donaparte i* fending armies to tie north of Europe, to taVe prlfcfllon of the ports on the Baltic, atH bjr hit fad filling fquudrons, is hurnin); American vefTcU^ on the Ailar.iic^ all expedatiuns of a free rade from France, mud be worfc^han vain. Notwithllanding the violence of the belli|>crentj, were tht relit iifiionV' of our awn government removed, the commerce of tlic United State* might be extenfive and proiilable. It is well known that from the gallantry of our fcamen, if merchant vclTcls were uiloweJ to arm itnd itirociatc, for lielf defence, they would be able to repel many unlawful aggrelioni. The danger of capture would he dimiuilhed, and in reU< tion to one of the belligerents at lead, the riik| under'i'uch circumdan* cciif would foot) be mcafurcd by infurunce. The difcuffions of our government, in relation to the Briiifli orders in couacil, give a currency to the opinion tliat they exid, without any modiHcation according to the extent of the fird principles, on which they were iffued. And the French minider, in his lad comoaunica- tion, on this fabjci^, made to the Confetvative Senate, on the loth of March lad, fpeaks of the blockade of the loth of May 1806 *' ai nnihi* latitg the rights of all maritime dates and putting under interdiction whole coads and empires ;" and of the orders in council of 1807, as though dill fubfiding, and that according to their principles all veffels were compellid *' to pay a tribute to England, and all cargoes a tutid* lo her cudoms." What the real extent and principle of the blockade •f May 1806 were^have already bten explained. With refpedl to the BritiOi orders of 1807, tlic truth is, that by a new order iffued on the aoth of April 1809, they were revoked or modified, and the obnoxious trahfit duty called by the French Minider " tribute aad tari£F*' was done away. The new order of April i8o9>> which, is now the fubje<5l of complaint is limited to ** all the ports and places as far north M the fiver Ems, inclufively, under the government dyling itfelf the Kingdom of Hullandv and all ports and places under the govern* ment of France, together with t!ie colonies, plantations^ and fettle* knents in the poffefHon of thofe governments refpe. '/•: ' '»' . ;% V'v» ■.. .4:.'' ■(■■■'■ , r f- -_i-vir.,. ipp 1^ •'^■r' i^M ,.^-^ >-'":lv'->^'>'. '■■^■Al H ■m 'm- «^ t. '^ • d . n ■'?•: V. , Italy was during tbofe two jr«aw,* at an average only of about Jix ifid '■' '^ « half million t of dollars. Whereas the average of our don^fftic exports^ to all other parts of the worldi and which are dow left free, to us not- tirithftanding the effeA of the Britifh orders iri council exceed thirty' tight milliont I So ext^nfive a commercef it is propofed to Airrender^ \ r yi for the rctlrifted trade the French Emperor will allow. A trade but- i] thened by impolitiots, or harrafled by vexations, from French domin- ]^, ation, and French DouMtiitrt, or Cuftom houfe ofBcers, in almoft every. Import of continental Europe. As in the fcale of tfommetclal advantages Prance has little to offer* Sn returui^for the many obvious hazards, ivhich according to.thewifl^ of her Emperor, the UtitedStates arc about to incur ; fo, in the moral y^f eftimate of national profpeft"!, there is little charafter to gain, or conib- lation to expedl, in the dark fcene of things, on ivhich we are enter- ing. .^. ,.-__, y^ A nation, like the United Spates, happy jn Its great local relai- ;•';;,/". '.'^ tions ; removed from the bloody theatre of Europe ; w»th a maritime! 'ik''';\j(-h. border, opening vaft fields for enterprixe ;«»with terHtftrial poiTeifionsy '-'- i.J, exceeding every real Want ; — its jfirefides fafe }-*-its altars undefiled ;-*• from invafion nothing to fear )— from acquidtion nothing to hope ;>— liow Hiall ftich a nation look to heaven for its i liles, while throwing away, as though they tvere worthlefs, all the bleflingi and joys, which peace and fuch a diftinguii. id lot, include ? With • 'hat prayers can it addrefs the moft high, wh#n it prepares, to pout forth its youthful tage, upon a neighboring people { from whofe ftrength, it has nothing tc dread, from whofe devaftation it has nothing to gi^n ? <> If our ills Were of a nature, that war would remedy | if War Would . ; compenfate any of cur loffes ; or remove any of our complaints, there !'< ■; siiight be fome alleviation of the ftiiSFertng, in ths chafin of the prof- peft. But how will war upon the land, proteA commerce upon thei ocean ? What balm has Catiada for wounded honour ? How are our ^'V^ jnariners benefitted by a war, which expofes thofe, who are free, with- out promifing releafe to thofe who are imprefled I * Vklue of articles of domcfiic produce, exported toalltbevorld* lo 1807. Whole Attount D.48,699>i9* W'-."^' • •f.-i: *» !> t^- la 1K06, Whole Amouat D 41,453,7 j)P >.^' To France 3,136,698 To Hollaod now part off ranee 5,609,964 To Italy 185.346 7,0S3,008 To England a&J dcpeode&cie* 19,179,981 To »H Mhei- parti of the world 15,051,740 34,«3«.7»i »,7i6,i4< i,098,a34 •io,»57 I «,o64,*3» »7.9«if'*77 14,719,88:, 4».634.9*<» ^ !* '.^■# » m .^r-'^~^t .¥• ^ ^ir.'H>: #■ But it is fald that war is demanded by honori Is national honor 'A ]>rincipley which thirftt after veneeance* and is appeafed, only , by hlood ; whic^ trampling on the hopes of man, and fpurning the law of Godf untaught by wha>^ is pad and carelefs of what is to comc^ precipitatesi^felf into any folly, or inadnefs, to gratify a felfilh vanity, or to fatiate ibme unhallowed rage i IF honour demands a war with England, what opiate lulls that honor to fleep over the wrongs done us by France ? On land, robkieries, feizures. imprifonments, by French authority} at fea, pillage, finkings, burnings, under French orders. Thefe are notorious. Are they unfelt becaufe they are French i Is any alleviation to be fouad in :he correfpondence and humiliations of the prefear Minifter Plenipotentiary of the Unif^d States at the French Court i In his communicatioBs to our government, as before the public, where Is the caufe for now feledling France, as the friend af our country and England as the enemy ? If no illufions of pcrfonal feeling, and no folicitude for elevation of place, (hould be permitted to mifguide the public councils ; if it is, indeed, honarable for the true ftatefman to confult the public welfare, to provide, in tr^tfa, for the public defence, andimpofe no yoke of bon- dage ; with full knowledge of the wrongs inflit^ed by the French, ought the govenunenf of this country, to aid th€ French caufe, by engaging in war, againft the enemy of France i To fupply the wafte of fuch a war and to meet the approprjatiuas of millions extraordinary, for the war ezpen3itures, muft our fellow citizens, throughout the union, be doomed to fuftain the burden of war taxes, in various forms of diredb and indiredt impofition i For official information, refpedflini; the millioDs deemed requifite for charges of the war; for like infor- mation, refbeAing' the nature and amount of taxes, deemed requifite for drawing thofe millions from the community* it is here mfficient to lefar to eftimates and reports made by t&e Secretary of the Treafury and the Committee of Ways and means, and to the body af refolations, paffed in March laft, in the lloufe of Reprefehtatives. > r It would be fome relief to our anxiety, if amends were likely tO '^ be made, for the weaknefs and wildnefs of the proje^, by the prudence of the preparation* But in no afpe£l of this anomalous affair can We trace the great and diftindive properties of wifdom* There is feen a headlong rufhing, into difficulties, with little calculation about the means and little concern about the qonfequences. With a aavy comj^aratively nominal, we are about to enter into the lifts a- gainft t}ie' greateft Marine on the globe. With a commerce, unpro- tedled and fpread over every ocean, we propofe to make profit by pri- vateering, and for this endanger the wealth, of which we are honed proprietors;; An invafion is ^reatened of the colonies of a power, which, without putting a new (hip into aommiffion^ or taking another foldier into pay, can fpread alarm, or defolation along the extenfivr ,, range of our feaboard. The refources of our country, in their oaturai ftate, great beyond our wants, or our hopes are impaired by the effi:<9: of artificial reftraints. Before adequate fortifications are prepared for domeftic defence, before men, or money are provided for>i war of at- tack, whyh^en iDto themidti of that awful cor.teH; which is la^inp 4 *•' ^p^' -ift: -■»■ * i ■^ h ! K . r^:U-i - ^>»^■;> 0^ 'N'^i;.. ..:..«;' waftc Earvpe ?* It cann«t be concealed, that to oigage, ia the prefett war againft England is to plac6 ourfelves on the fide of France ; and cxpoies us to the vafliilage of ftates» ferring under the banners of the French Emperor. The underfigned cannot refrain from aflcing, what are the United States to gain by this war i Wilt the gratification of fome privateerC , men compenfate the n^tioa for that fweep of our legitimate com* znerce by the exteuded marine, of our enemy, which this defperatc ?.A invites. Will Canada compenfate the middle ftates, for New York,{ or the weftern dates for New Orleans ? Let us nOt be deceived^ A war of invafion may invite a retort of invafion. When we vifit tlie pcacertble. and, as to us innocent, colonies ^of Great Britain with the liorrors of War can we be aiTured that our owncoaft Will not be vifit* cd with like horrors ? At a crifis of the world fuch as the prefent, and under impreflions inch as thefe, the anderfigned could not conftder the war, in whichr the United States, have, in iecret been precipitatedi as necefiary^ 9r re* •uired by any moral duty, or any political expediency.* GEORGE SULLIVAN, MARTIN CHITTENDEN, ABIJH. BIGELOW, ELIJAH BRIGHAM, WILLIAM ELY, JOSIAH QUINCY, WILLIAM REED, SAML. TAGG.tRT, LABANWHEATON, LEONARD WHITE, RICHARD JACKSON, Jun. ELISHA R. POTTER, EPAPHRODITUS CHAMPION, jNO. DAVENPORT, Jun. LYMAN LAW, TOXA. O. MOSELY, TIMO. PITKIN, Jun. lEWIS B. STURGES, BENJAMIN TALLMADGE, H. BLEEKER, JAMES EMOTT, , ASA FITCH, THOS R GOLDi JAMES MILNOR, ' H. M. RIDGELY, e GOLDSBOROUGH, PHILIP B; KEY, PHILIP STUART, JOHN BAKER, JAMES BRECKENRIDGE, JOS. LEWIS. Jun. THOS WILSON, A. M'BRYDE, . J«S. PEAKSON. ] ] J 1 s 1 3 T «7 ■V '* .■( NOTE A. ^aHtit}f»fpartic»Ur urtiehttthe prtduee of the Umied Statet, nport^t from \%oo to liiif viz t '>' ■-••■'.. .1 ""^i- COTTON. Xo alt parts tfthi world. To Frantt. Ibf. none. ^ 844,728 1,907,849 3,821,840 5,946,848 4,504,329 7,082,118 6,114,358 2,087,450 none dire^» do. do. . lbs. l8e« 17,719,80$ 1801 .20,911,201 180S a7»5o»»»7S 1803 41, 1 05,622 X804. 38,118,041 1805 40.383»49« 1806 37,49»»*8a l8o/ 6^,612,737 ilo« -; i2,o^,34« 1809* 53,210,225 i8iof 93,874,201 1814 ^2,186 To England^ lbs. 18,953,065 23>473.9*I «7»757.307 »5»77o»74« 32,571,071 24,256,457 53,180,211 7.99«.S9J »3»365.9^7 36,171 915 46,872^52 **■ 1 • , 1- i8o« 1 801 X802 . 1 80 J 1804^ 1805 i8o€ 1807 xtot 1809 «8i* - / V h V 181* ""' ■■ ■ '.'-.. ' . * T» tdlpartt ofthe viorli. Tierces, \ 112,056 94,866 79,828 81,838 78.385 5M3» 102,627 94,69a 9»22» , 116,907 : >3M4» To aUpartt ofthe >mt/d» Hhd^ ; x8o» 78,68* RICE. To France, *■*• Tierces, none. 2,724 7,186 3.11^ . 6,014 1,601 3»39* 3,006 aone direil. To England ilf Cok, Tierces. .C<^: 77.547 65,022 37.393 33,200 24,975 84.737 39,398 37,417 4,298 32.138 31,118 . 40.045 \cco. 'i 9 France* Hhds. I4J To England l^ Colo, Hhds. 37»79» * la 180^, ia confeqaigce ofthe emlMrgo tod noninrercoarfe «d, 4 millions pouadt of Coctoo were flipped for Madeira, 10 and n half millioat to ihe Floridas, 6 nullfoiM CO Pijal and other Asores, i mijUioa aod three qttarten to Portugal, & ■• milUooa toSvodeu. t i8eo, about 4 milHoiM of ppuadi of Cotton were fliipped Ht Spain , 3 miilioai for Porta^d. % miUtoaa for Madeira, lo millioat for Florida*, a iniHioo* for Ea- rope i^neraily, 4 oulIio«4 fo* '"7*1 Md the Aaores, 14 mitliona for Denmark tad llorwaj. alid 5 millioat flor Sweden. I Ik itts, 9 miUioai «r FOW^ •' *ottaa were ftippcd for Rafia. l-«Wtaj!«i»^i;i»&'?iiij|^^ '~^^*n^^^9^*^,^'m- •9 Hhdf. StOoS l6,2i5 9,8 1 J >4.<523 IJ.I35 9,18a a>876 566 none diteft. do. 569 or Smoked. To France. QuintalSf none. 1,687 27,067 M9» 3.76^ 73.004 » 9.347 87,654 16,144 Bone.' ?8>622 PICKLED FISH. None exported to European France. Hlidf. |8oi >.3»»#85S 18,045 1804 810,008 I.P7f i8o5 777»5J3 noncf |8c6 782,724 iiW. 1807 1,249,819 none. 1808 '263,813 none. J 809 846,247 none. i8io 798,43 i none. »8u V.»*4t5oi2 h9^ 7« Ehiland ilf CoU. Bbls. 365.259 758023 484,886 502,005^ a58,5«5 a35ti7< 308,048 619,918 73.084 230,82a i 192,477 ' ?75?m /■vv , it; ^9 Uhi V' r NAVAL STORES—TAR. m 7i aliparlt of the world. T# France* To BHghMdtifCoU. BbU. Bbls. Bbb. 1800 59.4»» none. 58,793 i8oi 67,487 none. «2,63» 180a 37.497 797 «»,S3» 1803 78,989 none. 75.29^ 1804 58,181 do. 45.aio 1805 7*.745 do. 59>439 i8o< ia»7a3 .'V v,.^*/--f :'■'''**>• 50,66$ 1R07 59,282 ■''>^>ji_^' do. 5«.»3» 1808 18,764 do. .« 7,700 J 809 1 28,090 do. 33»o7* 1810 87»3»» do. 50.02 c i8xx 149.796 do. "3.03% TURPENTINE 1800 ; V 33.' «9 none. 3«,5«o J801 -''■ 35.4>3 do. 35»HJ 1803 38.764 do. 36,769 1803 61,178 do. ' iHr^> i7,oof J 809 •77.398 06. 22,885 1810 62,912 ^p' 36,995 igii 100,242 ■'■^.:y-4»*\- .:,.;:,•'• ^■''•■•:-''-'^^': LUMBER. :-;-.••• -V :-.-■- '.^ ,!. Of the vaft quantities of Lumber exported from 1809 to i8iX) on* ^J?*^ > /^ r* 'Jy * ^cw Staves and Heading went to France, as followsi vijs, , . / Tbou/andt of Staws and Heading, -:;v."-''^-'f ;.■'■■: '^ ■■ ■• 1 801 ■ ' 6,349' 1803 - S57 1804 ' 321 1805 f ^ 4o«» 1806 7i€ . ; ». 1807 „ ' A V ^,4. , i8o8 , 105