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A nv«v^Ai. View of the State and Conneflions of Europe, Parliament.. , • 10 N D f^': Printed for J. Whistok and B. Wkite in FUetJlri^. M.DCC.LVni. '".r ■^•^ <*>■ ^;jMK!«lMJ«'>f-^«« ■7 Tt T " n m ADVERTISEMENT. ^T^H E following Jheets were written •^ on a particular occajion ; but the refe&ions contained in them are of a general nature^ and delate to things which appear to be pretty mtUj conne&ed with the real inter efs of this country. iO .V; ,.•• •..'• • • •». , . • • • • •" •• • • . , • "t- • • • , » .•• * 1 i ♦ ' I 1 ♦ ^ I. wmmm O C CAS I O NAL REFLECTIONS, ^. I' S I R, London, June t, I7S7' LATE incident recalled my thoughts to an important que- ftion, which has often been the fubjti;■ <^B,*»k*a»,««n purpofc whereof was, a vote of credit for a million of money, when the addrcfs moved (for met wUh fome oppofition : not fo much, as I underftood, with an intention to obftrud: the grant, as to point out an appropriation of it, by which his Majefty would have been re- ftrained from applying any part of it towards the fupport of the Common Caufe, or the afliftance of any particular Princes or States upon the Continent: which brought the reafoning diredtly to the point I now propofc to fubjedto your view. .-r - • I was pleafed to hear a thing of that kind managed more in the way of argument than debate, as, I own, I think it was neither a fea-^ fon nor a fubje<5t for diflention, wiiatcvcr occafion there might be to deliberate, or even to expoftulate. At the fame time I was glad, fmce there was any doubt ftirred, to kear the L s not only give their opi- nions, but their reafons, in fupport of the meafure in* its full extent: and the rather, that certainly his Majefly, who knows what pafles, is fufceptible of all the pleafure, and fubjed to all the anxiety and concern, that, as the true Father of his people, he can fuffer or enjoy in matters effential to their happinefs, and is therefore entitled to receh^e from # 4 i . 71 [3] from his great Council all the confolation it can give him ; to know, that they are as heartily touched, as he feems to be, with the prefent critical fituation of public affairs i that the real intereft of their country is the chief objea of their attention and ftudy ; that they are duly fenfible of his paternal regard, and are no lefs defirous to know, than zea- loufly refolved, with fteadinefs and fortitude, coft what it will, to purfue, thofe meafures that may moft effedtually c^i. uuce to the fafety and fecurity of the nation, againll the machinations and attempts of thofe powers, be they never fo great and formidable, whofe ambition prompts them to think of forging chains for our necks, prof wreathing a yoke of fervitude upon any other part of the world, with which we are in the leafl degree connedted by intereft, blood, religion, or even humanity alone. I know it would have been the meaning of that great affembly to do fo, by whatever addrefs they fhould, on fuch an occafion, pre- fent ; but as it has not been ufual, feldom would be pradticable, and perhaps never pro- per, to be very particular in addrefles of that forts it feemed the more decent, if not necef- fary, for them in a critical conjundtuce liko B Z this. 1: 4 ] this, to' declare their fentiments fo fully among themfelves, as that not only there could be no doubt what was the mind of the H — G, but that, fo far as was conliftent with the rules of P — t, the Throne it- felf might underftand what was intended by the word? ufed in approaching it. • It was with pleafure, therefore, that I beard fo many of them explain their fenti-j ments freely. In this they both imitated the candour, and emulated the abilities of a no-! We L— d, with a B— r in the M- y, who always fhines, and, with his ufual frank- nefs and fpirit, faid he would fpeakout, and fpeak all out,.confcious that there was nothing defigned that needed to fhun thp light. I did not find by what dropt from any L— d, that there was one of them who called in queflion the propriety or e^cpediency of the thing itfelf, which they were all fen- fible was the fcope of die meffage. And indeed I fhould have much wondered if there had been a difference of opinion there>: a&, I think, he muft be blind to the fituntioix we are in at prefent, or, which is yet worfe,, loft to any feeling for his country (a caie fo alien to the human mind, that God forbid it iliQuld ever be found in nob|e breafl:s, where " 5 it ■S I •* tm^^h M mtH n I [5] jt is natural for virtue to refide), who could ib far difagree with the tendency of his Ma^ jefty's gracious meiiagc, the principles where^ of appear to be not only juft but obvious, and the conclufion fvoxn them no Ipfs f lear and necelTary. His Majefty tells his people " that this is a critical conjunaure." And is it not fo ? If the moft valuable Interefls of thefe kingdoms being at flake, we may fay in hazard, and great events hanging as it were on a fmgle thread, do make a crifis, we are now in it; nor can it be denied, nay, if the other be true, what he further fays muft be fo; " That « emergencies may arife which may be of " the utmoft importance." And if they arife, it is beyond doubt what is added, " That they may be attended with the moft ^« pernicious confequencea, if proper means? " ihould not be (and be immediately) applied *< to prevent or defeat them." What then follows ? What can follow, But that mea-- furcs fhould be taken to fecure thefe means. His Majefty therefore fays, " He is defirous'" (nor can he be more fo than every good fub- jeft ought to be) ">' that he be enabled to take ^^ all fuch mcafures as may be neceflary to y^ difappoin^ it [6] <« dlfappoint or defeat any enterprize or de- «* iigns of his enemies." A defire fo juft, fo reafonable, and of fuch moment to the na- tion, that a H e of P ^ — t could not but agree to it, and do what in them lay to make it efFedlual. But, I apprehend, it was the words with which the mefTage concluded, that alone could furnifh occafion for any diverfity of fentiment, it being added, " and as the exi- <* gency of affairs may require." A noble L — d, therefore, to whofe zeal for the wel- fare of his country all pofliblc applaufe is due, as there is not the fmalleft doubt of its lin- cerity, faid a vote of credit might be often proper 5 he admitted it might be fo now, and fo far was willing to concur with his Majefty's views, and the inclinations of fuch as declared for the addrefs that had been moved ; but his L -^p argued for fuch a limitation as I mentioned, which led my noble L-^d to confider what were the exi^- gencies of affairs that might, and, in his opi- nion, ought to require the application of the means propofed by this meafure to be put into his Majefly's hands, for enabling him to diiappoint or defeat the enterprizes or defigns of ■f I » ummmms mmm- i or de- juft, fo tie na- ild not lay to Is with alone fity of le exi- L noble le wel- ls due, its lin- ; often ) now, ith his )f fuch i been Dr fuch ed my he exi'- lis opi- of the be put him to defigns of .1 [71 of his eftcmies. And it was there the differ- ence lay between his L • — -p and the others who fupported the motion for an addrefs, as at firft made. The two great objeds that diftradl, I do believe only becaufe they concur, for I am perfuaded that the leaft favoured of them would be confidered as of the greateft con- fequence to the nation, if there were not an- other that to fome appears yet more material and interefting, I fay the two grand objeds are, America and the Continent y and particu- larly the King of PruJ/iay Eledorate of Han- every and Prince of HeJe-CaJfeL Now it feems to be only the latter of thofe, I mean the Continent y that makes any ground of difpute; for as to Americay I dare fay every body is agreed, it is an objedt of fuch magnitude as cannot be forgot or negleded— And indeed, unlcfs it were to be the fubjedt of a queftion, Whether we are to give up= our exiftence as a nation, it never can be> matter of fpeculation, whether America is to be defended and fupported ? Our exift- ence I fay as a nation, I mean a commer- cial and independent Nation ; or, in other words, Whether we fhall ceafe to be a free and happy people ? — For by trade we do, and ,ii* I'l ! lit "A : ^/y [ « ] ^nd muft, if at all, fubfiil: ;, without it w^ can have no wealth -, and without wealth we can have no power } as without power we can have no liberty (which makes us even indebted to trade for that ineftimable bleffing). Thefe are twin fiflers, never to be feparated, elfe they bodi die. It is trade that fecures liberty, not only becaufe it brings.> but becaufe it diftributes and divides riches and power, which are the fure pillars of independency: it dilfipates and diiFafes an equality of wealth amongft the people ; and it is this wealth that in the total or aggregate of it, makes a nation pow- erful in refereire to other countries, and confequently free and independent as to them; at the fame time that the happy dif- tribution of it does, in refpedl of the inler- nal fyilem, fecure againft national or domef- tic tyranny, oppreflion, and llavery, which are the neceflary confequences of the pro- perty, which v.^ill always draw the power with it, being in the hands of a few, and poverty the portion of the rell:. . On Gur trade therefore depends our alh, and how much our trade depends on our dominions in America, he muft be a ftranger to this country that does not know* It is tp cur ■ ■w m ' t mtit we It wealth It power nakes us eftimable never to not only liftributes h are the diffipates amongft lat in the :ion pow- ries, and nt as to appy dif- :he inler* )r domef- y, which the pro- le power few, and ; our alhf s on our I flranger It is tp cur [9] our plantations and colonies that by far the ereateft part of thofe manufaftures go, which employ the IkiU and labour of the people of Great Britain; as it is from our colonies that in return for thcfe manufaftures fo exported, we draw great abundance of thofe commodities which are their native growth, and cannot be produced at home, but are highly ferviceable to us, and of which we re-export great quantities, beyond whatsis fufficient for our own confumption, to other countries; whence we get money or goods for them, and fo form the conneftions of commerce with other nations. And m the fame manner we have many things from our plantations, which arc the materials of our home manufaaures, the various branches and working up of which employ the m- duftry and genius of our people, for the fupply of foreign markets, from which we have proper returns. ^ ... r In carrying on this grand circulauon ot commerce, of which the Bn7/j® empire m Amrica is the parent, though this is the motlier-country, of what extent is our {hip- ping ! which again conftitutes our glory and fscurity, our figure and felicity, as the firft maritime power in the world. A charafter C .which tg ! i H [ xo3 which trade alone gave us, which it alone can preferve to us, and without which we fliould be on a level almofl with the loweft of the ftates o£ Europe. Thefe I conlider as the things which make America of that confequence we all acknow- icge it is ; and I am fo thoroughly convinced of their importance, that I think it impoffible my zeal for America can be much inferior to theirs who fpeak the warmeft on that fub- jed:. I wifh that every one, as well thofe in public truft as others, thought juflly on the vaft moment America is of to us. Thefe are words which are in the mouths of many, but, as is often found, without proper ideas, at leaft without their being pofleffed of the knowlege, which is the proper foundation of the opinion they declare : and therefore per- haps it is, that this dodrine, however incon- teilable in itfelf, has not always had its due influence on thefyftem of our domeftic affairs. I {hall not at prefent pretend to examine how far may be owing to that fatal error, how- ever excufable in what firft gave rife to it (as I am not without fufpicion that there were faults in our colonies abroad that produced the error at home) ; I fhall not, I fay, at pre- fent examine, how far fome of the diflreffes i we '^ ; alone ich we loweft imake ;know- ivinced 3offible inferior at fub- hofe in on the Thefe many, r ideas, of the tion of re per- incon- its due affairs, le how how- D it (as e were Dduced at pre- flreffes we [ II ] wc now labour under may be owing to that error. I fee no advantage in looking back on faults vvith any other defign than to cor- red and amend them : but a proper atten- tion to fome of thefe things feems neceffary for our future guidance. It might alfo be of fome ufe to the public fervice, that our commercial people too fhouW know that their interefts are not quite over- looked by thofe who are not immediately engaged in trade, though nobody is indepen- dent on it, but, on the contrary, greatly and diredlly conneded with it, as being that which conftitutes the value of the land pro- perty of the nation. Every one, therefore, muft be fenfible of the value of America, If we are, we muft of neceffity be awake to the importance cX the prefent war, the true caufe of which is America : and, if I miftake not, the real difpute which has produced the v/ar, and is to be determined by that laft of arguments, the reafon and- the judge of Kings, is, Whe- ther this country (hall, either in whole or in part, bfe the advantage, and perhaps be flript even of the property, of its colonies ; and, which is yet worfe, whether oar moll an- cient and inveterate enemy, our moft formi- C 2 * dable ^ / ^ I' IH hi' [ 12 ] dable rival in trade and in our maritime power, is to gain what we lofe ? A que- ftion that, methinks, may make the ears of an Englifiman tingle ; for, in truth, it is little lefs than. Whether he, and his pofte- rity after him, fhall continue to be free Bn- tons 5 or whether we (hall now become the vaffals, if not the flaves, of a power I chufe not to defcribe, but of which we all know what ib to be expedted. We are embarked in a war, the moft im- portant Britain ever was engaged in : a war begotten of true Britifi principles, pure com- mercial views:— And fo far let us rejoice, it is a juft, as it was a neceffary and unavoid- able, war. The laft war with Spain took its rife from America too : but it was a fad one, the very bane of this country. It brought on the French war, and all the train of dreadful confequences that enfued. It was indeed the war of the people : but they are not always in the right; though perhaps they do not continue, for the moft part, a great while in the wrong. And I fufped now, when confidered with cool reflection, that muft appear one of their blunders. In the light I view the matter, it was a fenfelefs war. I doubt, and always did, if it had much '**nSfiV¥f^ •^'*w"- V / ntimc que- ars of it is pofte- le the chufe know ft im- a war ;com- )ice, it avoid - bfrom le very )n the readful indeed re not s they L great : now, "J, that In the infelefs it had much [ ^3 3 muc pretenfion to be called a juft one. It was a war for what never could be decided by arms, for a purpofe never to be compaffed at all: either to obtain a free commerce with the Sfanijh dominions in Jmerica (a thing wife people that love Britain might wifti for, but that even fools can hardly expea the Spa- niards will fo far exceed them in folly as to agree to) ; or it was to afcertain, whether the Spanijh guardacofta's, or the Britijh traders, did the greateft number of illegal things, or the moft grievous wrongs : an affair which might have been the caufe of precautions, or theobjea: of a negociation, conferences, or a treaty, which, if managed with a proper fpi- rit, might have produced the defired end ; but hardly could be a wife reafon for declar- ing war with a nation, whofe connedions in trade are fo valuable to us. But the prefent war is, in fhort. Whether France fhall expel us from dominion in Jme-^ rica, and from commerce with that part of the world, and cAq all that we now pofTefs of American property, trade, and navigation, from Britain, and throw it into die fcale of French power. What muft be the confe- quence ? This country muft of neceflity be poor, dependent, nay, a province to France. r i 11 i 'i k (1 [14] And if we go, others tco mufl add to the coft of the facriiice. The ifllie of the con- teft is dreadful, not to Britain only, but to Europe, Thus far then, I dare fay, I fhould have the honour to agree in opinion v^ itli the noble L d who firft fornd fault with the mo- tion as made -: and I fhould imagine the lame principles that produce a conformity of fen- timent upon the one point, would prevent any difference as to the other. For, as matters fland, the more I confider the thing with as great impartiality, and as free of by- afs, I think, as poffible, the more I am con- iirm.ed in tlie opinion, that it is impoflible for us, if we would preferve a jufl regard to our intereft, arid to the grand object of the war — America, to detach ourfelves from the Continent of Europe, or even to reft latisfied with giving afliftance to the powers now en- gaged in alliance with us in Germany, in any lefs degree, than with the utmoft exertion of our whole ftrength. I think it is appa- rent that the conne<^tions we at prcfent have with the Continent, and which call for our intcrpoiition, or tend to engage us in conti- nental meafures, as tiicy are called, are, in truth, no other than our own intereils ; and that iWI d to the he con- but to have the le noble the rno- the lame ' of fen- prevent For, as be thing ;e of by- am con- npoflible regard to a of the from the t latisfied now en- yy in any exertion is appa- rent have 11 for our in conti- l, are, in sils ; and that C 15 ] that the war, fo far as concerns us, is the fame, both in the principle or caufe of it, and in its confequences, whether in America or on the Continent. This may feem a paradox. Nor am I unaware of the ridicule fuch a faying may be expofed. to amongll thofe who in former times have been accuflomed to hear or talk of the Continent, continental meafures, Ger-. man connedions, and all the other hard words which have been ufed in arguments of this fort with no fmall degree of warmth : but I am not at all afraid of that clamour at pre- fent, with any body at lead who confiders things, not names, or that goes deeper than the furface of affairs, fo as to be able to dif- cover the difference of feafons and circum- llances. I will not approve of all that has been either faid or done fometimes as to the Con- tinent. Perhaps if I had had the honour of giving an opinion in fome of the queftions relating to it, I fhould not have been ot the fide I may be fuppofed to take now. But^ whatever was the cafe during the laft war, and even admitting, though it is not to my prefent purpofe to difcufs that matter fo fully as it ought, in order to receive a proper judge- ment; [ i6 ] ment ; admitting, I fay, that our connedions with the Continent laiT: war were erroneous, or that we hurt ourfeives by aflifting others, for whom we were not bound, at lead to go the lengths we did ; ftill I am fatisfied that the difference betwixt that and the prefent cafe, is fufiicient to warrant me in faying, that if we do not now, to our very utmofl, affift and fupport the King of Pruffta, and the Eiedorate of Hanover, we offend againft our own intereft, and our own fafety. So tho- roughly I muft be of the mind of the noble L d in a high office, who faid in the de- bate, that be tlie King's minifters who they will, they are refponfible in the highefl degree to their country, firft if they do not pufh the war in America, and next, if they do not lend all the aid they can, and give the utmofl attention, to the affairs of the Continent, and efpeclally if they do not, by the moft efficacious means, affifl that great and mag- nanimous Prince, whom, thank God! we have now for our ally : a circumflance which makes an important difference from the time when he was our enemy. I heartily wilh it had never been fo : but, as I faid before, it is in vain to look back only for the fake of com- plaining. Now he is with us, let us not, .for vJ 4 inedlons Toncous, g others* :aft to go fied that I prefent 1 faying, r utmofl, , and the rainft our So tho- the noble n the de- Arho they ifl degree pufh the y do not iie utmoft continent, the moll ind mag- God ! we ice which 1 the time ily wilh it ifore, it is ;of com- li us not, . for ['7 1 for God's flike, lof(. him, and endanger our-^ felvcs, the liberties of Europe, and the 1 ro- teftant religion, by ading improperly toward. "I'am, and I dare fay every tody who knows any thing of what palles muft be, fenfible under what prejudices many ot the well-difpofed fubjcd^s of this country yet la- bour in their notions of the Continent, ow- incr to the l^mie things being now buzzed in'o their ears, that they have, on former occafions, been accuftomed to hear with great refentment, and perhaps not without lome reafonof difguft, but which, if rightly con- fidered, cannot now admit of the odious con- ftrudion they then bore, and that is yet en- deavoured by fome to be put upon them. And it is of great confequence that thele good miftaken people (hould be difabufed of their error, that they may not by a confuhon of language be mifled to diftreis, or cry out againft, meafures of Government neceffary to be taken for the fecurity of what is above all things dear to them, their Religion, Liberty, and Property. I wifu any thing I coald fay had fo happy a ter. ncy. ^ The Continent, Gennany and all the relt ot it, were words ufed ten years ago to inflanrie ' p • the C 18] the minds and irritate the paflions of the people, and not without fuccefs, whatever was the foundation for it ; (I am forry if there was any) ; but they can only now catch the ignorant and unwary. Let us but con- fider how we flood lafl war, and fee what fimilarity there is between the circumftances of that and the prefent time. It is well known that the laft war, which we had the misfortune to have fo deep a fhare in, was a war which I do not fay, be- caufe I do not ferioufly think it, we had no concern in ; for I am fatisfied of no one thing more than of this, that we have a concern, and a material one, in whatever relates to the State of the Continent : but furely it was a war, the caufes whereof were remote, that is, they did not diredly ftrike at any thing belonging to ourfelves, nor was the imme- diate purpofe of it to contend, asr the Brt- tip nation, for any of our own pofTefTions or rights, which the ftruggle now is to wreft from us. For my own part, I confidered it as a ftep of that fcheme which has been car- rying on in France ever fince the days of Lewis the Thirteenth, whofe great and wick- ed minifter, Richlieu, laid the plan for univer- fal monarchy 3 which has been purfued with unremitting of the hatever forry if w catch ut con- se what aftances , which deep a fay, be- had no ne thing :oncern, es to the it was a 3te, that ny thing J imme- :he Bri- iflions or to wreft idered it )een car- days of id wick- r univer- lied with •emitting [ 19 ] unremittine zeal in the two fucceedlng re.gns, S P-haps difguifed in the fl.ape of Imbhlon for univerfal or general mfluence oX which, though more eafily to be ob- tdned. would not be lefs fatal to thofe af- feS d by it, and muftbe equally founded m Ihe weaknefs, poverty, and dependence, of ^' TtYmXh fcheme as this has found a place in Fremh councils, is evident frotn all their conduft for above a century paft. ^which no opportunity has been omj^d by that court to bring it to bear—Thus Se death of the Emperor CW." the S,xh. was laid hold of as a golden f-f- ^-^J; ing fomething to the purpofe this way. The Houfe of Jujhla had for ages been the nval of the French monarchy, and was juftly con- fidered as the barrier of the Germamc conft.- Sion, and of the liberties of all F...^.^^^^^^^ was therefore the natural enemy o( France and then was a time for humbling it. Ac- c ?d ngly, in breach of the moft folemn en- Xements to guarantee the Pragmatic Sanc- ir hat eftaUnent whkh the Emperor had from a primary regard to his own fa- S but fome regard to his neighbours too, 3e to fecure the unity of his fucceffion '^emm^mmm^'s^^^" [ 20 ] and prrvent the difmemberlng of his domi-r nions, and which all the other powers of Europe y as well as the French King, had by treaties become bound to fupport, the molt of them, and we in particular, for the fake pf the general peace, and to prefcrve a poife to Gallic power : In breach, I fay, of thefe engagements, France attacked the Queen of Hungary y after her father's death, fet up a competitor to the Imperial throne, and a Pre- tender to the hereditary dominions, which were formally difpofed off by a treaty of partition. Such being the caufe, or rather the pre- tence, of the war, Briiain, bound, as I hope ihe always will be, by the faith of treaties, did interpofe to afllfl the difliciicd Princefs ; and fo far we did right, if \vc i^ad kept within due bounds, or taken proper meafurcs. I own, I fear we were chargeable with er- i-ors, but they were in our condud:, and not i:. the principle on which we adlcdj and I fufpe6t our ally was greatly to blame in her behaviour. It certainly had been no worfe for her, and much better for us, if, inftead of regard- ing the King of PruJ/ias prcteniions to Sile- Jta^ as an infradtion of the Pragmatic Sanc- tion^ 1 * 1 lis domi^ owers of , had by die moll the fake ^e a poife of thefe Queen of fet up a nd a Pre- 5, which treaty of the pre- as I hope treades, ^rincefs ; *ad kept neafurcs. with er- and not 1 5 and I le in her for her, regard- to Sile- ic Sanc- tioHj [ 21 ] lion, which he alfo was engaged to main^ tain (which never did to me appear a clear point, confidering the foundations of his claim), his offer to affift the Queen in de- fending the reft of her dominions had been accepted of on the terms of a ceflion of what he demanded, and made good, as it would have quite altered the face of affairs, and, inftead of a long and expenfive, as well as bloody, war, have made a very fllort one. It might have procured the Duke of Lor- rain\ eledlion to the imperial dignity, the thing his royal confort had fo much at heart, and at any rate would probably have added to his intereft the votes of Brandenhurgh and Hanover. For, had it not been for the King of Fniftd% coming on one fide of our Sovereign's Eledlorate with an army, at the fame time that the French penetrated to it through Weftphalia, which forced the King to a fhort neutrality in his eledtoral quality, his Majefty would not have been under the temptation to that ftep, which in thofe cir- cumftances it became prudent, if not necef- fary, for him to take, and was always matter of regret, becaufe it expofed his councils to obloquy, as if, as King of Great Britain, he had fought for the Queen of Hungar^^, and, : in I i ;, i m [ 22 ] in oppofition to the Emperor Duke of Ba-- 'vana, for whom as Eledor he had been in- duced to vote ; a feeming inconfiftence, the very appearance of which was a confidera- tion fuflicient to make the well-affedlionate to his Majefty, wifh the King of Pruffia had not been provoked to ad the part he did, by ^e Queen of Hungary^ refufal of his offer, and perhaps going too far in fchemes for re- fenting his fuppofed Incroachment on the Pragmatick Sandion, if it be true, as has been faid, that a divifion of his dominions was projeded or concerted. However, here feems to have lain the original and fatal blun- der which loft the King of Prujfia, and threw him into the French intereft -, to which un- happy union may be charged all the bad confequences of the war, the heavieft part of which fell on us, who were at beft but auxi- liaries. But, after all, was that war like this ? If it can in any degree be faid, that the vitals of this country were then wafted in a German quarrel, not immediately, though by confe- quence affeaing us, as it did the reft of Eu- rope, but which furely did not oblige us to pour forth our blood and treafure as if we had been fighting pro aris et focis, for our country J of JB^- been in- nce, the onfidera- "edionate '•ujpa had le did, by his offer, es forre- t on the ;, as has iominions ver, here atal blun- md threw v\i\cYi u li- the bad eft part of but auxi- hls ? If it s vitals of a German by confe- i^ of Eu- )lige us to 5 as if we 'Sj for our country [23] country at home, or our colonies abroad : Or if it be tiue, that, even fo far as we were engaged to meddle on the Continent, we, or our ally, miftook our meafures, and thereby produced unnatural alliances againft us; nay, let it be, that not only the Queen of Hun^ ^ary coft us much more than we ought at any rate to have beftowed on her account—- and to make the thing as complete as the ftrongeft hxXi-German could defire, if it be alleged that we were made to defend Ban- over, when expofed, from the meafures pur- fued by its Sovereign after his hands were let loofe, and the engagements of neutrality at an end Be it all ! and it is furely giving as much as can be afked, and what is it to the prefent queftion ? For is there a man in Britain who can deny that the prefent war is begun on true Britijh principles, and thefe only ; that the quarrel we are now engaged in with France is for Britip dominions ; for the trade, the glory, and the liberty of Britain t We are not now fighting in a conteft, whether a foreign power, a family upon the Continent, fhall have its eftates difmembered or no ; whether the Duke of Bavaria, or fomc other Princes, fliall divide the Jiijlrian 4 domi- II 'hi ' ?' ■^ 1 1 i dominions, or who fhall be ralfed to the fupreme government of the Empire, and wear the imperial diadem : events, I have already faid, we have a juft concern in ; but very different from our intereft in the que* flions now to be decided by the fword, which are not only, whether France fhall overmatch all Europe, but, which comes home to us, whether Britain or fhe fhall be the firft maritime power; whether the French (hall have all the commerce, navigation, and naval ftrength, we have now for a long time poiTeffed, and we be reduced as low, in thefe refpeds, as they were even at the beginning of Lewis the Fourteenth's reign, who had hardly an^ Fleet (and his grandfather, Henry the Fourth, had none at all) ; Ibme even pre- tend to fay, that, at the beginning of laft war, France did not afford forty (hips of war of all fizes ; an anecdote which, com- pared with what we now fee, may almoft make us tremble. The queftion now is, Whether we ihall have any trade,— any colony ; and have we not even had reafon to fay, it is whether we fliall enjoy peace at home r— Such is the pre- fent war: i^ud, under thefe circumllanceSjwho- can '"m d to the Dire, and ts, I have 1 in ; but the que* le fword, ance fhall ;h comes e ihall be he French ation, and long time 7y in thefe ginning of lad hardly Henry the even pre- ng of laft ps of war ich, com- lay almofl r we ihall d have we hether we is the pre- ances,who can [25 ] can Imagine there is any comparifon between it and the laft. . , But it may be faid, All this is true ; and therefore let us exert a vigour proportioned to the value of Britain and Britijh America : but what is our concern with Pru/Jta, or with Hanover ? That is going back to the old fcheme, foreign connedions, German quarrels, and fo forth. And therefore, with- out intending in the kail to weaken what I have already faid as to the one, I arall fug- geil what occurs to me as to the other. Thefe names, as has already been ob- ferved, have had their fuccefs on former oc- cafions in raifmg rancor and ill blood ; but I hope no thinking perfon will be led away with found : I even truft, the multitude will not all, or always, be in the wrong. I have fuppofed, that poffibly it was an error that made it become neceflary for us, or that tempted us, to take fo deep a Hiare in the laft war J and that perhaps there were miftakes in the management of our part : but I have alfo taken the liberty to deny, becaufe I never can allow, that we had no concern in that war, or that it had been proper for us to lie quite by, as matters then ftood, merely be- caufe the great objcd of the land-war was m the H m ^^■v r. 'm" $j^ ■•■* [26] the continent. Such a doarlne fecms to me^ fubvcrfive of the very fundamental fyilem ot true Bn'tifi politics, and abfoUitely inconfift- ent with the real intercft of tliis country. Let us exercile judgment, as to the time and cir- cumftances in which it is proper for us to meddle in the affairs of the continent ; and when we do it, let us deal out our affiftance with iuil ceconomy Why not ? But that we {houid never meddle, is a pofition appears to nie to be radically wrong. Far lefs can I be of opinion, that we fliould not at prefent take a concern in the affairs of Germany, For if we had any intercft at all in the laft war, as I have endeavoured to fliew was the cafe' fure I am, we have every intereft, every call, and every obligation, that poffibly we can have, now to interfere on the conti- nent. We are, and give me leave to fay we ought to confider ourfelves rather as prin- cipals, than as mere auxiliaries, in the pre- fent war upon the continent: and, as the great perfonage faid, wdioever are the mini- Ary, it will be at their higheft peril, if they neglea or forbear to give the moft effedual athftaiKe we can, in our prefent fituation, which indeed I am forry is no better, to the Kine of )Vf#7, aad Eledlorate of Hanover : ^ \ $nd ns to me yftem of nconfift- itry. Let ; and cir- for us to mt ; and affiftance u that we ippears to 3 can I be it prefent Germany, n the lafl: ;v was the J intereft, at pofTibly the conti- ive to fay ler as prin- n the pre- id, as the the mini- il, if they ft effedual : fituation, ter, to the ' Hanover : [ 27 ] and I lliall fubmit the rcafons, which move metobeofthisopmion. Fiift of all then, I cannot help mentioning, what always had great weight with me in this matter; I mean, the general intereft and concern, which, independent oi all particu- lar connexions, we have in the prcfervation of the King of Pr.'#^ and Eledorate or Hanover, as powers that at pretent make fome figure in the European fyftem, and, 1 • will add, as proteliant powers ; as I hope every good proteftant will think. This is a circumftance of fome moment. When I fpeak of our concern in the pre- fcrvation of any foreign power or flate, it is eafy to perceive I have reference to the bal- lance of Power : a term that has been often toffcd about in political difputes s but a thing vvhich, in my own mind, I am, and I hope mod people now are, thoroughly convinced has a real exiflence, and is by no means an empty name or an idle thing ; and not the lefs, that it may not pofTibly be always eafy with precifion to define what it is, or where it lies. And therefore, however much it may have been made a ftalking-horfe of by one, and a butt to the raillery of another party, and perhaps alternately of the fame perfons ; E 2 Ilcruple rfH !iH [ 28 ] I fcruple not to give it that place in my ar- gument, which to me it appears, upon good principles, to merit. One thing I may take the liberty to re. mind of; a matter of fad, too true to be de^ nied, and too ferious to be negleded ; That while we in this country have at different times, and with various fucccfs, been em^ ployed, fome to eftablini, and others to de^ Uroy, the notion of a ballance of power in Eurcpe, as ideal or imaginary, there is one- court, where there never has been any dif- fenfion, as to the reality of its exiftence ; and in the councils and fchemes of which it has always been a great obied. While we have endeavoured, in the courfe of different ad- niinifti lotions,, to invalidate or expofe the name, every adminiilration in Fr^fjce has laboured what they could, by art and power, to dellroy the thing, , 1 . ^ /> French policy has not wanted the jultelt notions of Wis ballance. While amongft us it has not failed to be reprefented as a mere bujjbear fet up bv miniaers to ferve jobbs, a iliccciTicn of 'minifters in Fmncc, of whofe abilities Europe bears fad marks, has given ^mpk proofs liow much they confidered it jia an obftniaion to their defigns > infomuch ihtit mmmmm my ar- 3on good y to re- to be de-« d; That different )een em- ;rs to de- power in ;re is one' 1 any dif- nce ; and ich it has I we have ferent ad- tpofe the ^'ance has nd power, the juftefl mongfl us as a mere e jobbs, a of whofe has given ifidered it infomuch that [ 29 1 that they have neglcded nothing to over- come the obftacle. To pull down this bul- wark of liberty, this barrier of terntory, has every thin-.s that Invention could devife, and f'aud or force ufe, been employed with ceafelefs affidulty. The deftrudlon of the ballance of power in Europe by aggrat.- dizing France at the coft of every other country and (late, has been the chief fcop of an uniform plan of French government . and Britain^Brttain, which, without boaft - ing, we may, and with gratitude to Heaven we ought to f^y has, in many valuable re- fpedls, been the Qn.zn of the modem world, listhegreat,tho^(thankGod!) from her natural ftWh. ^^^ i^ ^^'^^ ^^ ^}:^^^'^ referved to be the laft, facrifice to Gallic am- bition. „ - 1 • „ To deftroy us, and cut us off from beiug a nation, is the great mark, by reducing us tp fubjedHon to the Grand Monarque, or at leall making little better than a blank of the place wc now fill in Europe, by divefting us of our power and influence : for, monftrous and incredible as it may feem, and vain as all notions of erefting an unlverfal Empire, whether formed by a Philip oi Mace don, ^n Alexander the Great, or a Charles, ia^ Yta m ii F'i m t : • : f 'i . 'intj ii [ 30 ] Vth of Germany, all of whom were in iom meafure the bubbles of that imprac- tici. '^-'^^ may be fuppofcd; I little douL. . -V. .. k. — fl^ry, I think it could h hrvn^ th?t . n^iwcn have been bold enough to hatch, and ifencb kings, or mintfters, which is the fame thing, wicked enough to rdopt, the romantic fcheme ; and that the couqaeft oi Britain is, as well it may, a principal part of it. There is nothing more common in the mouths of the peftple of this country, even the loweft of them, than exprellions of hatred and averfion to the French. And tho' I fliall very readily admit the juflnefs of the obfervation, that general or national pre- judices are improper j yet I believe the truth of the remark depends more upon the mif- application than the groundlefaefs of thofe prejudices, which, it is probable, take their rife from general or national charaders : for tho' perhaps it is true, and I am as fenfible of it as any can be, that it is wrong to apply the general charadcr, which we have of a nation, or the prejudices thence arifing, to individuals of that country, as they will of- ten be found to be moft improper ; yet I am convinced there is a great reality in the tiling itfclij '*^.- were m : imprac- ; I little think it lavc been king's, or r, wicked ;me ; and js well it 3n in the itry, even ellions of ich. And juflnefs of tional pre- j the truth 1 the mif- s of thofe take their iders: for as fenlible g to apply have of a arifing, to ^y will of- j yet I am J tlic thing itfclrj [ 3O itfclf, and perhaps not fo very great a miftake in the notions that prevail of general national charadlers, and that both with refped to morals and politics, which are things very near akin to one another. And therefore, however much I fhould be againft treating a private Frenchman upon the foot of any general or national prejudice I liave againft his country, yet I have no in- clination to difcountenance, or eradicate out of the minds oi Englijhmen, the prejudice it- felf I don't exped: that every one that en- tertains it can give a rational or philofophl- cal account why he does do it : that is not to be imagined, confidering how we all im- bibe prejudices, and fuck in opinions, that may be juft enough in themfelves, but were never examined by us ; which makes them dcfervo no better name than that of preju^ dices, tho' in themfelves they may be very well founded. Yet I believe the notion is but too juft, which we have of the French, in what may be called a moro-political view, as the perfidious enemies of this country : a charader that lays a very good foundation for any averfion we bear to them ;^ and therefore, inftead of being offended with it, I rather regret, that in fpite of our averfion to N I •s^ [33] to the country, we lliould be (o fond of it* falhions and cuftoms 5 the importation ot which is ib great an article of our commerce with France, and the cultivation thereof fo dan'^crous p. preparative to a corruption of manners, which may in time deflroy the diilinaion that, I hope, y^t remain^ between the Fre?ich and us in that refpedt. It were rather to be wiihed, that this aver- fion had a greater effea on our pubUc and national conduft towards the French ^ the want of which can hardly be afcribed to any other reafon, than that general inattention to public afTairs, which has place amongft lis ; all regard to the public being jollied out ■by unduc\efpea to private intereil, or that dimpatioM and diilblutenefs of mannei-s that ib remaikably prevails. V/e cry out againil t4ie Frc'?2cb, often we know not why : but there is a good reafon for it, if it were attended to, whidi ought to make us do more, tho' we would fpeak iefs. The true and the juil caufe of that proper anti-galUcan fpirit, which ought to to be cherillied in the bread of every E??g- lifiman, lies in tlie charadkr of the French nation itfelf, and the point of view they iland in with refped to us : jthau which, I know ■H nd of it* tation ot ommercc hereof fo Liption of ilroy the Ei between this aver- »ublic and ench i the bed to any inattention e amongil iodled out ft, or that inners that J, often we ;ood reafou hicli ought 'ould fpeak uie of that h ought to every Efig- the French ' view they m which, I know [ 33 ] know not a more ferious or intereaing fuh- jedt of reflexion, efpecially to our governors : for iho' it may be the amufement of others, it is the duty of thofe, who have any fliare in pubhc management, to ftudy our relations with other countries ; and not only thofe, whofe interefts are conneded with our own, but efpecially thofe, whofe interefts are op- pofite to ours; which is the known and avowed cafe as to France, There is too good evidence of fuch a re- pugnancy of intereft, and enmity to our happinefs as a nation, as furely gives no rea- fon to abate our averfion, and ought, if not to produce in us a reciprocation of hatred, at leaft to excite us to a firmnefs and con- ftancy of condudt, neceffary to defeat or repel the mifchievous attempts of that ty- ranny and ambition, which fo juftly charac- terizes their government* Such muft be- come the genius of this nation, if we hope to fubfift. Would to God we faw the be- ginning of fo wife and nervous a fyftem, that would yet give ftability and glory to a fbttering ftate ! Then might we hope to fee ourfelves become an overmatch for the all- grafping and afpiring monarchy of France. F The ',« , 1 M iy'' tl c 11 [ 34 3 The fame evidence that fliews how oppo* fite the intereft of France, or what is purfued by her as her intereft, is to ours, is alio m- conteftible proof of what importance a pro- per attention to the ballance of power is : and the evidence is, their general plan, which is too manifcft and vifible to be doubted or denied. , It is well known, what pains Colbert took to lay a foundation for raifing the commerce and maritime power of France : but this was but one part of the grand fyftem formed by Richlku, and foftered by his difciple Maza- rin, and which has throve wonderfully well ever fince. One great advantage it has had, tliat it has not been profecuted by fits and ftarts : it is an objeft they never lofe fight of j it is the conftant fcheme, the very fyftem of their government ; and fyftematical govern- ments, like what has been wifely obferved of adminiftrations of that kind, are moft likely to compafs whatever is propofed as the end in view. We talk of this ; but, alas ' we don't think of it. Wc often allude to it, and take it for granted, tliat the govern- ment of France now does, and has for a ereat while part, purfued a fcheme of power to themfelves, inconfiftent with the liberties^ OS J* '1 DW OppO* is purfued s alio int- ice a pro- power is ; an, which loubted or ilbert took commerce Lit this was formed by pie Maza- rfully well it has had, by fits and fe fight of; ^ fyllem of :al govern- ly obferved , are mofl ji'opofed as this 5 but, Dften allude the 2;overn- I has for a ae of power the liberties of [ 35 ] of Europe, but the fadt, tho' it is believed, makes a light impreflion upon us I confefs one could hardly credit lo lur- prifing a ftory, as we have been told by feme, that there has lain in the French King's cabinet, now of a great while, a digefted fyfiem and plan of operations, which is as conftantly in view, as regularly confulted, and fteadily followed, as the plan of any private gentleman's policy for beautifying and improving a countiy feat : and yet, up- on refleaion, it will appear to be the befl folution of the condud of the French nation ; for it is impofTible that fuch a train of anions, as has been feen in a long period of time, could have happened, without we fuppofe not only an aim at univerfal dominion of fome fort or other, but alfo believe they ad upon fome general plan, which they ore ftriving to execute by degrees, as the courfe of things gives them opportunity. Accordingly, a late writer * has not only faid there is fuch a plan, but has ventured to exhibit it to the public from good authority: and, upon my word, I think we are obliged to him, as it feems to be a moft efficacious e * See Great Britain's true Syjiem. F 2 iiernu- rl' C 36 ] fternutatory to rouze the inhabitants of this iiland, from the higheft to the loweft, out of their lethargy. This fyftem, we may prefume, French policy never intended fhould be public. And one would naturally think, that the difcovery of it (hould have been a pearl of great price to this country in particular, not only on account of our own intereft, but as we have been, and I hope will yet be, the great pillar of human liberty. But fo it is (as that au- thor has told us), it was divulged in a treatife faid to be wrote by a gentlemen bred under Colbert^ and given to Lewis XIV. in manu- fcript ; but that fome-how or other came to be publifhed in the year 1664, which, and no wonder, brought its author under dilgrace^ and made him aftually to be fent to the Baf^ tille, and afterwards baniQied, for fuffering the matter to become public : an anecdote we are, it feems, indebted for to a writer of authority of our own country in the year \ 680, who mentions the thing in a treatife, intituled, Britannia Languenu The particulars of this fyftem or plan are truly amazing ; and they merit not only tQ be read, but ruminated upon, by every Bn>//^ man, who knows the value of his birthright. The 3 of this /eft, out , French ic. And difcovery reat price only on ; we have :eat pillar 3 that au- a treatife :cd under in manu- ;r came to hich^ and ;r dilgracCj; the Baf- r fuffering n anecdote a writer of 1 the year I a treatife, or plan are lot only tQ 7cryBntiJh birthright. The [ 37 ] The plan wifely propofes, as the founda- tion of wealth, a number of ufeful fubjeds ; and, for providing what is neceffary for their fupport, a great regard to agriculture, Then great care is to be taken to ftock the country with artificers and handicrafts, to manufadure the growth of the country (which naturally increafes the quantity of its pro- du61:ions), not only for home confumption, ^ but for export. — ^This is trade. — Then there muft be merchants to carry on this trade. — Thefe, therefore, are to be much encouraged. „. Next, out of commerce a fleet is to be raifed, which commerce will always fup- port as well as produce : and it will not only protea the commerce out of which it arifes, but it will alfo weaken the Maritime Powers, by obliging them alfo to keep great fleets for proteding their trade. And a me- thod is laid down for employing this French fleet, and for creating work for thofe of the maritime ftates. So much for trade and maritime power. The fyftem next proceeds to projed: the increafe of dominion j and plans out adding to Fra?tce all the Low Countries, w^hich would make it mafter of the north feas. — It would be convenient, it fays, to -have 4 Sirqf' '•t 1 l-J [38 ] Strafiur^h, to keep Germany quiet — There k need of Franche Comte, to lay reftraints upon the Switzers Milan is neceflary, in refped- of Italy — Genoa, to make the French King mailer of the Mediterranean Sea, An eye is caft to Sicily, as important for the Levant and Italian trade Portugal is looked upon as a perpetual inftrument for weakening Spain, Venice and Italy are to be reduced to the French intentions by down- right force. The Pope's refped is fup- pofed to be fecured, becaufe of the county oi Avignon. Holland^ it is faid, will keep themfelves to our (the French) alliances, as much as poflibly they may : they are rich : it is expedient the King fhould interpofe in their affairs ; and that fome divifions be fown amongft them. The Switzers are merce- nary, and will always ferve the King for his money. Denmark , fays the projeftor, is a fmall flate : meaning, its bufinefs would be eafily done. The Swedes, it was expedled, would not break from the intereft of France, Mark what follows. '* We ought to *' confider all the inftruments, which for our money we may make ufe of, to divert the forces of England and Holland, when *' his majefty makes any enterprize that ** pleafes C( sc — There reftraints ceflary, in :he French I Sea. ' mt for the *ortugal is ument for taly are to 1 by down- d is fup- he county will keep liances, as (^ are rich : iterpofe in ns be fown are merce- ing for his jedlor, is a 5 would be > expedled, of France, e ought to which for f, to divert andy when prize that ** pleafes [ 39 ] »' pleafes them not." The friendfhlp of Turkey, it is laid, is very good for France. And lall: of all, which is indeed the cap-ftone, the fcheme fpeaks of England, as eafy to be conquered, when the other points fhould be carried by France ; for that a war with France would ruin her : •-- and lays it down as a maxim, that no peace fliould be made with England, but upon conditions of the greateft advantage to France. , And the league with Holland fliould be renewed, and the Dutch made to believe, .that France fhould give them all the trade ftill, becaufe they have the knowlege of it, and are proper for it : but that the French, as is to be fuggefled, have no inclination that way J and neither knowlege nor inclination can be forced. They muft be told, they are come to the happy time for advancing their aftlirs, and ruining their competitors (the Englijh) in the fovereignty of the northern feas. Thefe are the great out-lines of this grand fyftem of France. But alas ! one half is not yet told. The fcheme is indeed big with terror : but what (hall we fay, when we look at the counterpart, and compare events with the projedl, and confider how much rl?* Kd 4 i" I ■ III 'i'llf .1:1 It ' f 1 . i "!|i in. [ 40 ] much of this vaftly comprehenfive and dan- gerous fcheme is already executed? How may we be alarmed, when we hear that it is advanced more than half-way ? Yet I doubt, mortifying as it is, we fhall find it is not wide of the mark to fay 10. It is a truth that Britain knows, by fad experience, to what an amazing height the commerce and naval power of France, thofe infeparable compnions, have arrived ; which is the firft part of the fcheme. How fuc- cefsful the wife and fkilful meafures purfued for attaining that great end have been, their equality with us at fea, and the decline of our trade in fome of its moll material branches, teach us. Agriculture, I believe, has done pretty well. But what a rapid progrefs have not arts and manufadures of all forts made in France, even the moft ftaple manufa(5lures of England^ In fpite of all difadvantages, in point of wool, they have reared a manufac- ture of cloth that rivals ours 5 and, without the climate of Italy, they have, by uncom- mon induftry in propagating the mulberry, tranfplanted the growth of filk into the fouthern parts of France, where it is now become a natural produdion. — And indeed it e and dan- :ed ? How ear that it y? Yet I ill find it is ws, by fad height the Vance y thofe ired ; which How fuc- ires purfued been, their : decline of )ll material done pretty ;fs have not rts made in iufa(5lures of v'antages, in a manufac- md, without by uncom- e mulberry, ik into the re it is now And indeed it [41^ ] it is hard to fay, what with art added to na- ture they may not do, as to raifing a fpecies of fheep that will equal England in wool, fo as even to make them independent of the counterband trade of woolling they now carry on with us, very much to our own detriment. It is almoft incredible how, in fo fliort a time, they have extended their trade to every quarter of the globe, the Le^oant, Africa, America, Eaji and Weft Indies. For inftance, it is computed, it feems, that in- ftead of thirty, they have, fince 1720, come up to three hundred (a very material addi- tion of a cypher) fail of flilps annually employed in the American trade from Bcur- deaux: they have quadrupled the fugar trade, while we have not near doubled it ; — and their fur trade is a third more confider- able than ours. In proportion to the extent of their commerce is the fcrength of the French navy, as naturally might be ex- pelled. But have not the other parts of the lyilem advanced with almoft an equal pace ? If we take a furvey of the dominions of France, we Ihall find that their defires have not only been fulfilled, but their wifhes in fome in- G fiances [ 42 ] fiances exceeded. France ha? got a fllce of country at almoft J ' general peace, down from the treaty of ^nx la Chapelle in 1688, to that concluded at the fame place in 1748. Are the Low Countries d defirable morfel, faid the fyflem ? Has not France got fome lan^e diflridts of them, and feveral cities and towns of great importance, fuch as Namur, Charle-Roi, Jeth, Douay, Toumay, Lijle, and others ; and they were in polTeiTion of the whole country at the end of laft war, which indeed cod them time, labour, money, and men ; but now we fee a ftranger thing! when we behold the gates of Bruges and Opnd opened to French garrifons, and the Emprefs Queen, their Sovereign, not only admitting' them as allies, but peaceably yielding to her new confederate a government, which fhe may iind not fo eafy to recover from the hands it is got into. Was Strafburgh wanted ? France has got it, and all the country of which it is the capital, Alfacc, the mofl unhappy acceffion which could be in regard of the Empire, the very bowels of which are laid open by this diiinemberment, and a blow given to the proteflant religion that was eftablifhed at Strajbiirgb 3 and, not to leflen this misfor- tune, i-li '■ i a fllce of ace, down in 1688, I in 1748. le morfel, got fome cities and IS Namur, Lijle, and ion of the ^ar, which Dney, and ng! when .nd OJiend e Emprefs admitting ing to her vhich fhe from the e has got it is the acceffion ; Empire, i open by ' given to .blifhed at is misfor- tune, >i' [ 43 ] tune, Lorrain is now perpetually annexed tO the kingdom of France. Franche Comte the French got, according to cuftom, by the peace of Nimeguen, at the expence of the Houfe of Auftria, As to Mila?i, it is hard to fay, if matters remain as at prefent, how long it may be before they re- cover the pofleffion they had in it at the time of Francis the Firft. The Emprefs's volun- tarily giving away her right ear, will not hinder them, if they are able, from taking the left alfo. Genoa, it is true, is yet its own fovereign; but the lafl: war fhewed, and I fear this has already taught us, how threat and how valuable to France is her influ- ence over that little maritime ftate, by which fhe procures fo convenient fupplies of failors to her own navy : and it looks as if the French had a good chance to get Corllca to themfelves, which widi Minorca, if they are able, or get leave to keep it, will give them the dominion of the Mediterranean feas. The face of 7/^/yhas much changed fmce this ftrange fyftem was formed j and what power France has got there by the fettle- ments of younger branches of the Houfe of Bourbon, does, I fear, more than anfwer the G 2 purpofe -••i.j (^^.M,^e have for- merly feen, now do, and always mufl fee, when France is mafler of the keys of their country. For goodnefs fake, where is the difference betwixt thele inliances of an older da..., that liave been mentioned, and others, that do now occur ! Is it lefs our bufmefs now to •'.vithfland the growing power of Fr ance \vhere 4 [5.] whcrc-evcr the florm of her Thunder breaks 5 becaufe (he has in a courfe of fixty or feventy years niade fuch vaft havock in Europe-, lay- ing wafle kingdoms and countries at her plea- fure ? Is there nothing left for us, but to look on till the devaluation feize ourfelves ? God forbid ! What then is the meaning of the modern, cry, No German ccnnedtions, no bulinefs with the Continent, no concern with Prujjia or Hanover? Is the power of France ^Xveady fo much fwoln, and muil: it yet rife higher ? Has file added udl/ace and Lor rain to her dominions, which was like cutting off the Ikirts of Germany^ and mufl fhe now pene- trate to the very heart of the Empire ? Has file difmantled the Loiv Countries^ and got poflelTion of a great part of Flanders by for- mer wars ? Nay, are not only the gates of the barrier, the defence of which, of old and of late, cod fo much blood and treafure, but the very fea-port towns of the Nether- lands open to her, without ftroke of the fword ; and Holland itfelf at her command ? And are we to lleep ? Are Priiffla and Han- over to be the portion of this war ? And what fliall be the next deftined vidim to the Great Monarque's ambition ? Where ihall England H 2 then rt ill ' 1 I. ,fc- [52] then be ? Shall we alone remain unmoved ? Does Frame think that is impoflible; and will we yet amufe ourfelves with a fond con- ceit of our own impregnable city ? An opi- nion which, at leaft, might have been ftag- gered by our late alarms ! The things that I have mentioned are the out- works : the Fj'cnch themfelves confider them as fuch. They laid their account, that they muft iirfl be done, in order to make England an eafy prey: and indeed it will be too much fo, vj\\Qn once the ballance of power is over- thrown. \'t France comes to have a greater fbrcc than all Europe befide, we muft yield our necks to the ignominious yoke. Ought not we then to liand on our defence, when the knife is at our throat j and, ifpoffible, flem the tide, and repcll this inundation, that muft fooner or later, if not refifted, over- whelm us, after it has, in our helplefs fight, fwallowed up our friends and neighbours ? I would not once mention the notion that has long prevailed, and which I approve of in a proper limited feiife j but doubt has had too great influence to millead well-meaning people. The fea, it has been conftantly cried out, is our bulwark. We are entrench- ed with water i and, if we keep our force on that i I [ 53 ] tliat element, no matter what becomes of the Continent. I forbear, I fay, fo much as to mention this^ becaufe I hold it to be ex- ploded. Late experience having taught us the vanity of that defence, if trufted to alone. That might do very well when France iiad no naval ftrength at all ; hardly a tranf- port, and never a ihip of war to guard an embarkation of forces ; and, I might add, not a place in her pofTeffion, from which to fend them to invade us 5 as was, in a great meafure, the cafe, while we retained Dun- kirky that conflant fource of terror to us now. But when we fee fuch armaments as have of later years appeared deftined for in- vading this country, and all but- — accom- plifliing the dclign ; our very deliverance owing to die immediate interpofition of Pro- vidence ; old maxims, as to our wooden walls, abate their flrength, with change of circumflances, which overcomes opinions, as length of time deilroys things. And were we but to fuppofe Oftend now to be transferred to the French^ how much more precarious would our fafety be thereby ren- dered ? Perhaps, Ml " «W m. [54] Perhaps, indeed, as one extreme common- ly fucceeds another, we are now apt to go too far the other way : for the French king feems, at prefent, to have no more to do but to march a regiment or two to the coafl of Normandy, or alTemble a parcel of iiflnng boats upon the oppofite fide of the Channel, and prefently we are in a hubbub ! Some- thing like a faying I once heard a great man repeat, of the time when the Court of Ver-^ fnilles needed only to white-wafh St, Ger- fmiinSy and England was in terror: but, at leaft, I take it to be now the general opinion, that the fea, and the fleet of Great Britain, great and flrong as it is, is not of itfelf an abfolute fecurity. It is therefore ncedlefs to enlarge on this worn-out topic : I (liall only make this one obfervation, applicable to it That in pro- portion as the territories of Pr^,yr^ enlarge, its commerce muft increafe, and, of courfe, its naval power grow. This w- 'ee by experi- ence ; and herein appears the unity of their fcheme, which conned;s all the different parts of it together. Nor need I add, that every addition that the maritime flrength of France receives, muil, in the nature of the thing, be not only a real diminution of ours, but f^*WwlB(B?!w'™wftw'^ I 55] but is a virtual abatement of its efficacy, conlidered as a defence to our country: the fecurity whereof depends on our fuperiority at fea to any other nation, that is di^ofed to diflurb our tranquility; which we are all fenfible is the invariable charader oi France, Hence it becomes necelTary to confult other meaiures for our own fafety. I don t fay, but it is a good thing, a wife and juft precaution, to foroi a proper militia, for our internal de- fence i that we may not on any emergency be reduced to the ignoble neceffity of calling foreign troops into our bowels ; or of being diftrelfed for want of fuch a mercenary, and I do admit dangerous, afiiftance. But even that will not be found fufficient. We muft look about us, and prevent mif- chief while at a diftance. We mufl not wait for the enemy's coming to the door j but meet him, while yet a great way off: fo we may talk what we will, but it's the power oi France that is the enemy we have to dread: it is that therefore we muft check. Our fecu- rity cannot lie wholly in our own ability to defend ourfelves either by natural, or artifi- cial, and acquired ftrength. It confifts more in the incapacity of France to diftrefs or an- poy us ; and that again depends on the fuc- cefs ^jtt\ J ^rl [ 56 ] ccfs of her ambitious fchemcs ; which we muft confider as aiming at us ultimately where-ever the prefent fcene of execution may be. This one thing we may be fure of 5 That England is never out of their eye ; and even we who now live, may, but our pofterity muft, feel, that it is a deadly miilake in Britijh policy, if we perfuade ourfelves, that, unlefs the attack is diredly levelled againft us, we are not concerned where the found of war is heard. Frujia, Hanover^ Holland^ or any other ftate in Europe '^ fome perhaps are more ma- terial, others iefs ; but all are of fome and even a great degree of confequence. Now we hear thefe are attacked by France. Suppofe we were next to hear of their being conquered : And does not that affed: us ? As eafily would I believe, if I lived at Ncwcafile^ and heard Berwick was in pofTeffion of an enemy, that I was neverthelefs in no hazard. No doubt France would gladly conquer any of thofe countries, or any other that they have not already, fome way or other, got under their influence : But is it only for the fake of the addition that fuch conquefl: would make to its territories, that France would wifh to be in C 57 3 III poffcffion of them ? Will they flop there ? No.— This thing, and t'other, are but fleps ; Power^ Univerjal Power ^ is their view ; to be, if not the only, at lead the great, the fupreme power, that fhall give law to £«- ropCy is what they afpire at j to be able to fend her refcripts from Verfailles, and her edidls to 'he ends of the world : in fhort, to de- ftroy the independency of other dates, to leflen their figure, and deprive them of their liberty, and, above all, to cru(h E?2gland, is the fcheme j for we are the great eyefore, as a poet of our own long ago exprefled it, with great ftrength and beauty, when he faid, ^hefe contending kingdoms^ England and France, Whofe very Jhores look pale With envy of each other's happinefs. To us, therefore, it is a matter of the laft importance how quick the advances are to this fummit of unruly ambition. Europe is a fyftem, one great body con- ftrudled of different parts and members, which make an entire whole ^ and what preferves the fyflcm, fuflains its general figure, and maintains its integrity, is nothing but the equilibre of power ; which depends not on one branch, or another, but on the I general V\m mm M i! i ■('•.Ml [ 5n general conftltution, and relation the parts have to one another, and all together. This is the Ballajice of Power ; which, the' a figurative term, is a juft and lignificant ex- prefTion. What gravity or attra£lion, we are told, is to the fyflem of the univerfe, that the ballance of power is to Europe : a thing we cannot jud: point out to ocular infpedion, and fee or handle j but which is as real in its exiftence, and as fenlible in its effedls, ac the weight is in fcales. And if we fufFer this ballance to be deflroyed, or overturned in any remarkable degree, we endanger the whole fyllem, and, by confequence, the fafety of every particular branch of it : much more if we allow the power to go all into one hand j wiiich is what the ambition of Vrance grafps at, that flie may thereby be- come the abfolute miflrefs of Europe. It is the happinefs of later ages, that, by a wife providential diftribution of power, and divilion of dominion, there is eflablifhed fi general independence (that great patron of liberty) in this quarter of the globe; which, for that reafon chiefly, if not only, is efteem- ed the bed: and happiefl part of the world, in fpite of its inferiority to other climates, where [ 59 ] where nature is more bountiful in its fineft produdions ; of which, however, by the en- irine of Commerce, that other intimate friend of liberty, we have enough not to feel our own natural indigence. And they that ma- chinate and contrive to overturn that, I will call it, dhine conftitution, fight againft God himfelf, and are the malignant enemies of mankind. Yet it is no calumny to fay, that fuch has been the deviliih fpirit of all the princes or minifters that have governed in France fince the houfe of Faiois was fucceeded by that of Bourdon, one inftance only excepted j I mean, the firft King of the la ft- mentioned family, that great and good prince Hefiry the IVth, who came to the crown a Proteft- ant, and died fo, as is recorded to his immortal honour, with the moil facred notions of the ballance of power in Eurofir, and the necef- iity of preferving it ; and was big with a fcheme for fettling it upon a firm and folic! bafis, when the hands of an infamous affaffin deprived him of his life, and the world of a blefTmg ; at once murdering a King, and ex- tinguifliing the lail fparks of the love of liberty, public jullice, and national faith, that ever dwelt in French blood royal ; his fuccefTors^ I 2 down [ 6o ] down to this day, having either ufcd others as the inftruments of their own indination, or been themfelves tiie tools of able but aban- doned fervants, to deflroy that ballance wh'ch is the beft cement of fociety, and the furefl band of human happinefs. We fhould be perfedly fatisfied of this, by refleding on the hi (lory of France^ from the period of Lewis the Xlllth's acceflicn ; which is little elfe than the hiftory of one continued war againfl Liberty and the Pro- teftant religion. He fucceeded his father, the good King Henry the IVth 3 and he., or rather his minifier, began the work, in which it is evident he proceeded on a general fchemc. The deflrudion of the Protellants, who were at that time a very confiderable part of the kingdom, and humbling the No- bility and Princes of the blood, who had hi- therto cnioycd great powei, and been able, by a proper poize againfl: the power of the crown, to prefcrve their own and their coun- tr)'.s liberty (France being before that time litile dijicrcnt from ourfelves in conflitution and government; was one great object : re- ducing x\iQ houfe ofyJu/Iria, then the known rival of the Gallic monarchy, was another : and in both thcfe Ricblieu fucceeded to a mirs c]e ? [6I ] miriiclcj for in this one reign the liberty of France was abfolutely overthrown, and defpotifin cftablifhed, not more to their ov/n misfortune than the terror and confuiion of all Chriftendom, which has fenfibly fel»- the fatal effcdls of that grievous change in their internal fyflem, as has been judicioully re- marked in fpeculation, and ladly confi.aicd by experience : fo true it is, that one nation cannot undergo any remarkable change in its flate without affedting the b.il concerns of thofe around them. And, at the fame time that this overturn was made at home, the arms of France brought the Emperor and Spain, which was at that time governed by a branch of the Imperial Houfe o^ Aufiria^ fo low, as not to be able to give the fmallefl check to French ambition. Thefe were the doings of one reign ; but, great as they wert^ they were only the be- ginnings. The next outdid them much by the advantages of an uncommon length of time which it lafted, and a relief of verv p;reat men for minillers, almofl perfected the i yf- tem at home, and was once, to appearance, little fhort of the fame fuccefs in v/hat was pro- jedcd r.s to foreign affairs ; for what did not Levels the XlVth, with a Mazarine^ a Col- berts i !f.i. m, [ 62 ] iej'f, and others, do ? The very mention of the names is fufficient. Ccetera qiiis nefcit? Had it not been for the remarkable check Providence gave to the defigns of France in the latter part of that long reign, after a train of fucceffcs in former wars, under the au- fpices of Queen Anne^ and by the valour and condu6l of that immortal name, which ho- nours a country that ungratefully attempted to difgrace him; who can fay what king- dom or country had at this day been in pof- feflion of their liberty ? Would to God we had done what we could ! and it might have been cffedual to keep France at that low ebb to which (he was brought at the con- clufion of that war, from a height of great- nefs that had been the aftonifhment as well as terror of the world : a change of the fituation of France fo much for the advan- tage of the general tranquility, that even the inglorious peace, that fuUies the annals of that period, could not quite efface that happy cffed: of its vid:ories. I wifli it were as cuftomary for us to think ferioufly on the flupendous works of that one reign of Lewis le Grand^ as he is fliled, as it is to read fome memoir or hiftory of its exploits ; nobody would then, I am con- fxCixwiy Uaud up and fay^ the baliance of powQr i [ 63 ] power was an empty foujid, or that Britain haci no concern with the affairs of the con- tinent. We fhould all rather be deeply ini- j prefled with the proper ideas of an epithet better known fifty years ago, becaufe then more current ; but which is as true now, as it was believed to be at that time, and is of no lefs importance at this day than half a century ago ; I mean, the name Lewis the Xn^th bore, during the grand confederacy, as the Common Enemy : not the enemy of Englajidy Tlollandy Aufirla^ and fo forth, but the common enemy of Europe j yea, of the human fpecies ; which he was with a wit- nefs : and fo will his fucceifors be, and ought to be efteemed, whatever fhape they affume, or in whatever way their enmity appears, whether againfl this or that country, as cir- cumftances and opportunities invite them, fo long as they tread the fame path, and adl on the old plan ; which we have yet no ground to think they mean to abandon, but, on the contrary, the higheft feafon to believe it is in profecution of it, that every commotion we fee is raifed by French influence, and every attack made, whether agaip.ft Great Britciin^^ Pri{ffia, Hanover ^ or any other power : all are but the means to one end. ' From w i) [64] From thefe confiderations, I apprehend, it is indifputably clear, that there is not a worfc-foLinded, nor can there be a more dangerous, opinion for Engiykmeny than that wc have no concern with affairs abroad ; or a more unjuft afperfion, than to alledge, that it is for the fake of particular connexions, or attachments to any one country, that we in- terpofe in the quarrels that are indeed ftirred up on the other fide of the channel, but far from being confined, in the extent of their confequences, to what lies beyond that branch of the fea. That we may, and fliould, be more or lefs liberal in our affiftance, as it always mufl be expenfive, according to circum- flances ; and that it may be more neceffary, and even more natural, for us to take a part at one time, and for one country, than an- other ;, I fhall be far from difputing ; and therefore, that a certain prudence and dif- cretion ought to govern our continental mea- fures, as they are termed: but I do, with great deference, maintain, that there can be no war kindled abroad by France^ nor any attack made by that crown upon the molt infignificant prince or flate, that now enjoys independent fovereignty, which will be ab- folutely a t mmy >'' mi i ma i ^ ■w«t.«i.tii^iiJHi i [ 68 ] doineilic affairs, by the rebellions they have been inllrumental in ralfing and fomenting in this country, which have not wanted influ- ence on the ftate of Europe. And we know, that befides the lofs of thofe unfortunate peo- ple (for a lofs it is for any country to be drained of its fubjedls) whom they have abufed, by making them tools in their at- tempts to .^mpofe a prince upon us, they never want a confiderable body of Britij/j fubjeds in their army, by means of a national corps, which they keep up as a trap to feduce poor deluded creatures fi-om their natural alle- giance, which fhews that nothing is too trifling, or too far out of their way, or of the fcheme of their policy, that can in the leaflhurt us; well knovv'ing how much a nation is weak- ened by inreftine broils, and that it is a high ftroke in politics to fhcd our enemies blood |?y their own hands. I would not be underwood as if I m_eant to fay, that we fliould retaliate the vices of the Fre;ic/j government upon them, which would be contrary to the ingenuity I wifh always to fee prevail in the principles of Bn- tijh independence 5 but neither do I think that the inhabitants of France, fo far as they 4o not theinleives forfeit their natural claim to , [ 69 } to it, are excluded from the benefits of that regard to human Uberty, which, I truft, will never fail to be a facred part of cur fyllem ; iind, if aflifling their endeavours to recover it, had the fmalleft tendency to fupport the common caufe, it fliould appear to me no improper exercife of our inclinations to main- tain it. The fate of kingdoms does, in many re- fpci^ls, depend upon their own condudl:, as often appears with wonderful certainty ; and perhaps amongd the many furprifing cir- cumftances of the prefent times, there are fome peculiar to the flate of France^ which may be juftly reckoned not the leafl confi- derable, or ?iitogether deftitute of a good profpedt to the friends of liberty. We fee what diveruons are among them ; hpw high the difputes have run between the King and Parliament; how eager the contefl is between the ecclefiaftic and lecular power 5 and who can fay what may be the iflue of thefe things, or what is in the womb of an All- wife Providence ? For my own part, as I cannot help reverencing that noble fpirit the French parliament has lliewn of late, like the laft groans of expiring liberty, or rather the pangs of a iecond-birtli to it, I would almofl 11 f ■ 1 J j [70] almoft hope it may produce fomething in which Europe would rejoice. And here again I would repeat the obfer- vation formerly made upon the confequences, we muft be fenfible the change of the French conftitution and government has had on all Europe, The firft part of their fcheme againft the general liberty, was to bring France itfelf into flavery, which was accom- pli{hed by turning a limited nKwarchy into the moft defpotic power. This, without entering into particulars, muft have produced thefe vifible efFedts, that it at once corrupted the principles and enlarg d the power of the government. The efFedl of the one is to in- troduce an infatiable thirft for extenfion of fway and dominion, not to be found where a fpirit of liberty reigns : and the other makes way for attaining it by the command it gives over the fubjeds property, to lavifh it away in boundlefs attempts to opprels their neighbours. Thefe are the principles on which my notions of the balance of power are form- ed, and, confidently with them, I cannot aU low myfelf to doubt of the reality of its t^xiftence, or the importance of its preferva- cion ; Ill [ 71 ] tion i neither can I imagine it a matter of no moment, or even of fmall confequence, to us, that any of the powers that now fubfifls in Europe, fliould be fwalJowed up by France^ and particularly whether Pruffia or Hanover fall a facrifice to the ambitious deligns of that reftlefs and turbulent neighbour: and confequently I cannot doubt, but it is our bufmefs to give all the help we can to pre- vent it, and all the countenance and fupport in our power to fpare to the common caufe, at the head of which the brave King of Frujjia has put himfelf, with an unparalleled greatnefs of fpirit, rilking the whole for the whole. What I have fuggefted on this fubjed, leads me to make thefe general refledions : That a juft conception of the balance of power, which I have endeavoured to fhew confifts in the prefervation of every parti- cular ftate, comprehends a very large and extenfive view : that it is the reverfe of li- mited and confined notions : that it de- ftroys all partial regards, and tends to efla- blifii a general and diffufive concern for the welfare of mankind : that the friends of it arc the friends of liberty j. and thofe wh would I 172] Would deftroy it, the common enemies cJf mankind : that the nations who confult their own fecurity, muft be firmly attached to the prefcrvation of this balance r that, in vain do we imagine it can be maintained without a jull: regard to our neighbours as well as to ourfelves, and to all that are embarked on the fame bottom with us : and that a watchful eye fhould conftantly be kept over the coun- fels of the grand enemy, and the Princes and States dependent upon, or connedled with that power. Hence we fee that nothing of a public nature can pafs in the mofl remote corner of Europe^ foreign to the ftability of the ge- neral fyftem : more efpecially that any great revolution or change in the conftitution or government of any one country, or its con-^ nedlions with others, and, above all, the poli- tical alliances of the feveral powers as they vary and fluctuate, are infcparably conned:ed wath it, and ought therefore to be an objedt of the ftrictefi: attention of all wife and well- difpofed councils. It is grievous to obferve it: but the prefent ciicumflances of Europe afford a llrong proof of the great importance of alliances, and the neceflity of attending to them. The heredi- tary [ 73 ] tary oppofitlon and rivalfliip between the two Houfes of Aujiria and Bourbon has for many ages paft been a fafeguard to the liber- ties of Europe^ the power of thefe families having hitherto been a pretty equal poife to each other: but we now fee a thing that hardly could have been foretold or expedled, a confederacy of thefe two powers; particles, it muft be confeft, fo heterogeneous, that it is not probable the coalition will fubfift long ; but the very jundlion, however fhort it may prove, is dangerous to the laft degree, and the confequences of it we already feel too bitterly -not to be alarmed. Had France ftood, as (he did the laft war, feparated from, or oppofed to, the Emprefs Queen, the war had been at this day in Flanders y and we know how tedious and coftly a conqueft that is; but now, by having nothing to do on that fide but to alTume a relinquiilied poffclTion, and enter gates fet wide for her reception, not only is her power turned againfl Germany, but the combined ftrength of the unforefeen allies is pointed there, and the confequence of this ftrange event is, that Holland is laid open, which ties up her hands, if llie were more inclined to move than flie feems to be, and L affords M 174] n [ii affords fomcwhat of a plaufihle pretext fur a condud, which probably was more the caufe, than it k in truth the effcOiy of the bridle they have ib quietly lubmittcd to. This we may be pretty jure of, if part: experience can at all help us to foretell futu- rity, that the Emprefs Queen has, moft un- happily for Europe, and for us in particular, as well as in the end :t may appear for hcr- felf, become the dupe of French intrigue ; but, as we fee the mifchievous confequcnces of the union that fubfifts for the time, we muft perceive the abfolute necefTitv there is for our throwing all the weight we can into the oppofite fcale. Our great hopes are in the Ki g of Prujia, and he may, if properly fupported, be able to bring things back to their equilibre, and to let the Emprefs feel the folly of her condud ; but if that heroic Prince is not fupported, God knows how matters may go. Some years ago an alarm was taken from an alliance, perhaps new, but not, for aught I can fee, fo unnatural as was pretended. When the King of Spain attacked the Em- peror, the quadruple alliance had been form- ed to prevent a general war being kindled, which it effeded ; but as the terms were not 'IV' [ 75 3 to the fatisfadion of Spain, the congrers of Cambray was thought neceflary, in order to fix the tranquility of Europe on a folic! bafls : The views of it were, however, difappointed, by a fudden treaty clapt up between the courts of Vienna md Madrid, in confe- quence of a private negotiation. What hap- pened then ^ The union, it is true, did not long labfiit. But 'id the other great powers look on it with indifference ? No. France herfelf joined the Mariti le Powers, by the treaty concluded at Hm. .w^r : the profeffed view of which was, their common fecurity againft, I truly believe, a very imaginary hazard However, this laft-mentioned tres y broke the neck of the other alliance. The part which England took in that affair was indeed cenfu ^d by fome of our greateft ftatefmen : and that very treaty of Hanover was made one of the grounds of accullition againft the then Minifter. Nor do I take upon me to fay it was an unexceptionable meafure : for as I have no idea, that France ever can be bound by any treaty, to <-he true intereft of Europe, I am apt to believe, every alliance or jundion of power that offends her, is for the good of the common caufe, to which fhc is the known enemy : and I Li am i [76] am lure, it is for the particular intcrcfl of this country to be on good terms with Spain^ and that to detach her from any dependence on the court o^Verfailks^ has always been under- flood to be a found Britijh maxim, the pur- fuit of which ought to go hand in hand with a care to prelerve the flrength of the Houfe of Aiijiria : both for the fame end of keep- ing France down. According to my weak judgment, there- fore, England had reafon to promote a friendship between the Emperor and Spain^ and to join in the alliance, rather than do any thing to defeat it. But . fHU the con- dud of France on that occafion affords fub- flantial evidence of the importance of a pro- per union of llrength againft her : as any thing like an alliance for that purpofe, or the lofs of one of her dependent friends, gives her the alarm ; and her fears of it ouglit to be our flrongcft motives to bring it about. If the treaty of Vienna was fo dangerous to France, in her own opinion, that it forced her to do a thing very unlike herfelf 3 I mean joining with the Maritime Powers ; and if the treaty of Hanover, by which that of Vienna was defeated, was brought about, as loudly faid, by French influence in our coun- [ 77] cils; furely now, when France and Aujlria are combined, which, without doubt, is a conjundlion as dangerous as uncommon, we are loudly called upon to make the beft alli- ance that poffibly we can, for a poiie againft that monller of power. And this, I think, we fhall do, if we purfue the meafures I have been arguing for, remain fteady to our alliance with the King of PruJJIa, and give him the mod powerful fupport we can. 1 wifh we could bring the Catholic King into adlion, in concert with his Sardinian Ma- jefty, our old and faithful ally. That might produce a very happy diverlion upon the fide of Italy, Such an inftance as that I have jufl: now mentioned clearly fliows how real the bal- lance of power is, and what neceffity there is to maintain it. And indeed I might afk, When was the time when it. was not regarded, and provid- ed for, by the feveral powers of Europe, taking different meafures according to the neceflity of circumflances. It has, however, been fometimcs repre- fented as a new conceit, and a flart-up no- tion, and that our attachment to the Con- tinent of late years has been the efFe , y ^^^^H ; • 1 J I- [ 82 ] I cannot pafs over ; and I mention it with the greater pleafure as well as confidence, becaufe fomething like it dropt from the n L d who iirft oppofed the motion I referred you to, or was at leaft for varying it. His L- p faid (and the thing pleafed me much), that not only for our own fakes would he be content to do fomething for the afiiflance- of other powers, but even for hu- manity's lake, would he dare to fuffei fome- what. It was nobly laidj like an Englijh^ man. It breathed the air of this climate. And indeed I think, independent of the argument tliat has been, urged, this one oblervation puts the thing in a light that muft ftrike every ingenuous mind. Providence has made this a great country. We are the firil of the Proteftant powers j at the liead of that glorious, that divine caufe j and I hope we {liall always boaft of being the afferters of human liberty. I truft alfo, that England will never be fo little, as not to be able to do fomething for others, or ever umvilling to lend a lielping hand to the oppreifcd. We all allow, it is moll: Inconfiftent with the chaiader of true greatnefs for a man to be wrapt up in himfeif, void of all feeling "- _■ lor . [ 83 ] for his own fpecies:. And the principles that govern human condu6t are much the fame in one and in a combination of many men. There is a morality of character in a nation, as well as in a particular perfon. Every ftatc fullains a certain figure, and bears a certain condition; and, according to its order, and the advantages it enjoys, ought to exert itfelf in every thing that is, or is allied to, the common and juil caufe of mankind ; which • liberty can never ceafe to be. Thank God! we ftand in fo illuftrious a rank amongfh the powers of Europe : and as God has been kind to us, let us be well dif- pofed towards our brethren, mankind, and never turn our eye from the diftrelied, or opprelTed. We did well, and like ourfelves, when we fent a national relief to Portugal, as other countries too did, on occafion of the late ter- rible cataflropbe of Jiai Kingdom. I hope it proceeded not barely from an interefted view, on account of the commercial connedions that fubfifl betwixt the two nations 5 but rat^ r- that a pure moral principle was the fpring of our mv.aificence ; and the fame principle ij, equally operative in other things. Liberty is more valuable than life : and, if we would M 2 fuccour Trf— :f' 1 [84] fuccour the one, we ought to' vindicate and fupport the other. I have not the fmalleft doubt that it is our duty to adl on the principles of uiiiverfal benevolence in a national and political as well as in a private capacity ; and that, as a nation, we are accountable for our condudt, and the ufe we make of national advan- tages, not only in refped: of ourfelves, but of other nations, as much as each individual is accountable for his own behaviour ; with, this acknowkged difference, becaufe it is a neceiTary one, that the prefent only can be the flate of retribution to communities. There is a mutual relation between nation and nation, as there is between perfon and perfon ; and a certain duty ariling from it in the one as well as the other's cafe : and, as I am perfuaded England has its national cha- racter no Icfs than other countries, I hope we fhall always maintain it with honour, for public juilice and faich, and a firm attach- ment to the caufe of liberty ; and that v/here^ ever it is invaded, we fl:iall not think it a fo- reign quarrel. Nor ought Religion to be quite forgot in this qucflion. The feafon of holy wars is over ', and there is not, perhaps, true religion - . . enough .-.S*i*..^0IWiS!»' [ 85 ] enough to be found in the bulk of men to animate them to fight for it ; but there is fo much of temporal interefl conneded with the name of religion, that it is far from having loft its influence. We know the fury that the Popifh faith infpires j and, whatever elfe we may be, I hope it is a fmall part of us that are not enemies to it, and would be forry to fee it gain ground, as we cannot but be fenfible it carries along with it a ty- ranny over the moft facred and unalienable rights of mankind. But we fee with what zeal Popery is kept up and propagated ; what pains are taken to debauch Proteftant princes from tlieh' pro- fefled faith ; and we alfo fee the confequence thefe things have on the Proteftant intereft : nor can we be blind to the cfFedt that any addition to the Popifti, or diminution of the Proteftant intereft in Europe^ has upon the general caufe of liberty. Slavery is the right-hand attendant of Po* pery, and perfecution for confcience fake its infeparable companion: the two greateft curfes that can befall mankind. Therefore it was that, in the beginning of this letter, I exprcfted my hopes, that the prefervation of a Proteftant Power would be a thing this country would have at heart, 4 The i M J*' m If [ 86 ] The Proteftant religion has not the ad- vantage of that unhallowed fire, on the wings of which the other fpreads : but, for God's fake I let it not lofe ground, fo far as we can poffibly prevent it : let not us, who have the honour to be the greateft Proteftant power, lofe or renounce the glorious cha- racter of being the Defender of the true Chriilian faith : a title which adds luftre to the Bt-itiJ/j crown, A n-— ~e L — d did, with great propriety, take notice of the fatal blunder of 'James I. who would not, even when his parliament prefled him, aiTift the poor Proteftants of 3ohemia^ and his own fon-in-law the Elec- tor Palatine^ whom they had chofen for their King, and the vindicator of their hberty. It is well known how unfavoury the memory of that Prince continues to this day on that account : and I doubt if any fo good reafon can be affigned for his ill-judged and unna- tural condudl, as his own too great attach- ment to fuperflition, and the heart-love he had of arbitrary pov^/er. But let' not our poflerity curfe us j nor let us expofe ourftlves to the hazard that, in the nature of the thing, a weakening of the Pro- teftant intereft abroad, threatens our liberty and religion at home j as deilroying the bal- lance [87 ] lance of power (hakes the fecurity of our pofTeffion of both thcfe valuable bleffings; nor let us provoke the Divine judgments by deferting the good caufe. The caufe of Liberty, and of the Protefl:- ant Religion, is the caufe of God himfelf : and as he can reward thofe that fight for it, fo can he feverely chaftife thofe that do it not : and he has denounced an awful curfe, which ftands upon authentic record, agalnft them who come not out to battle againft his enemies. The inflance jufl now referred to has a flriking influence this way. The poflerity of that forlorn Princefs, who got the title of Queen, and fhared with her illuftrious confort the lofs of his original dignity and hereditary dominions, for efpoufing the caufe of liberty and religion, we now, bleffed be God for it ! fee elevated to the throne of thefe kingdoms ; while the firft branch of the defcendents of her father, who with cruelty refufed to afliU her, is juftly expelled from the crown by a forfeiture, whereof he himfelf fowed the tiril feeds, in thofe prin- ciples of defpotifm which he tranfmitted to them. It is evident that the King; of Prz//^^ has now put himfeif at the head c^ what I will beg I' I i [ ' il f^ J ' k lli [ 88 ] beg kave to call the Proteflant Caufc and the " Caufe of Liberty. The greaj Powers againft him are the ftrength of the Popifli Intc-eft : bigotry and tyranny are the characters oi the houfe of Bourbon ; and in thefe, as well as power, has the family of Au/lria been their conflant rival. On the conteft now begun, I think, hangs the fate of the Proteftant interefl, and of Liberty (for I cannot feparate them), to be determined by the iflue, whether it Ihall fink or fwim. His Prujjian Majcfty has ftaked not only his crown, but his Electoral prin- cipality ; Hanover and Hefe CafJ'el are the next moft confiderable Prc^teftant Princes in the Empire; and they all depend on the fame events. Should we t.ien, I again alk it, hefitate to interpofe, with all the vigour we can, in fupport of them ? Thefe are general, but I think important, confiderations, which I have taken the liberty to mention : and to myfelf they appear found- ed in the true notions of the fyftem of Eu- rope, and of the dependence of particulars on the prefervation of tb^ whole, and the clofe connexion there is between the caufe of Li- berty and the Proteftant Religion : and, for my own part, I cannoi but think they are fufficient, were t^Aere no other more particu- lar i 89 lar reafons of arr"Unr itj for thefe our allies, and both our duty and oui them. But neither are there tives of a more private aj arifing from the partici fubfift between this coi nions of Frufjia and Ha It may be laid down \ mits of no difpute, Th merce are the vitals of c have in lieu of a Mexic intereft, and confequen government) to give the whatever is connedled x intereft of the nation, fuch connedHoi s betwi: nions of the Eledor of jfi ofPruJia, will not be d are of great importance merce 5 infomuch that made a fubjedt of inquir nedions, particularly \ dominions, might be in- tage of this country : 2 1 own, I was willing tc for this reafon -, That i [89] lar reafons of afr-urr its to ftlr up our zeal for thele our allies, and to convince us it is both our duty and our intereft to fupport them. But neither are there wan ^ thofc mo- tives of a more private and interefting nature, flrifing from the particular conne(^ions hat fubfift between this country and the domi- nions of PrnlJia and Hanover, It may be laid down as a pofition that ad- mits of no difpute. That as trade and com- merce are the vitals of our flate, all that we have in lieu of a Mexico and Peru^ it is our intereft, and confequently the duty of oup government) to give the greateft attention to whatever is connedled with the commercial intereft of the nation. And that there are fuch connedtioi s betwixt us and the domi- nions of the Eledor of Hanover, and the King oiPruJJia, will not be denied ; and that they are of great importance to the Brltijh com- merce 5 infomuch that it has of late been made a fubjed of inquiry, how far thefe con- nections) particularly with the Hanoverian dominions, might be improved to the advan- tage of this country : an inquiry, to which, I own, I was willing to liften with attention for this reafon ; That nothing has given me N greater BMAGE EVALUATrON TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ■- IIIIIM •^ IIIIM It 140 I— 120 1.8 - 1.25 1.4 1.6 ^= — i ^ 6" ► ^>, V] w ^4 *^j>*' Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAii'J STkEcT WEBSTER, NY. 14580 (716) 872-4503 "^^ \ ;v ^ \\ ^v «9> V 6^ '^' ^^c h f^ il [ 90 ] greater concern than the apprehenfion which is too prevailing not to be obferved, that thefe dominions are a drawback and dead weight upon Great Britain : and all the friends of the King, at lead, would certainly wifli, that there were no foundation for fuch an opinion ; and that, if it can be done, it were demonftrated to the fatisfad:ion of the people, as we muft be fenfible what a per- petual ground for murmuring this is. I am far from faying, that Great Britain has not a jufl: title to exped: that her own interefls are not to be facrificed or negledled for the fake of any feparate or independent eftate poflelled by its Sovereign: at the fame time I cannot diflemble, that I think we are too apt to be uneafy, and more for- ward to vent our difquiet, upon account of the German dominions, than is fit; and fometimes in a manner that, to me, feems hardly confiftent with the refped we owe his Majefty. The cafe plainly is, that the neceffity of bur own fituation made us call the family of Hanover to the throne of thefe kingdoms, as the only means the nation could fee of con- tinuing our lecurity againft Popery, Tyranay, ^d Arbitrary Power, from which we had been [91 ] been happily delivered by the Revolution: and, as it would have been vain to exped, and, I think, fooliHi to afk, the family to ab- dicate its own proper patrimony even for the crown of Great Britain, the attaining of which no good prince, or any wife man, will confider in any other view than that of ac- cepting a truft, and a very troublefome one,- without any real profit, for our protedtion, and the prefervation of our happy conftitution. For however good the title of his Majelly and his illuftrious houfe to the crown is (and I believe it to be the beft in the world), the free grant of the people, thofe for whofe bene- fit government is beftowed, and with whom I have no doubt the only real right to confer it is lodged, and from whofe confent the power to exercife it only flows -, a title that, I ani alfo confident, no length of time will derogate from, but the lateft ages fee confirmed by the growing afifedion of a happy and perhaps a wifer people : yet I nuft acknowlege there is fome diflference to be made between the te- nure by which his Majefty holds what may be called his own dominions, in contradiftinc- tion to the crown of Great Britain : and it >Yould be hard to cut off that retreat which tbey afford, were the remoteft chance of a N 2 change ■ir.ii?»i»i«~' ■ :r«!»-,*-'t*«0' [92] change in our government to be fuppofed j nor can I fee any right we have to do it, and confequently no reafon to grudge that it is not done ; fince it was no pan of the ori- ginal compadl, or qf the terras upon which the crown of Great Britain was given and accepted i which now makes it impoinble that there can be a reparation between the different dominions, fo Ion? at leaft as matters continue upon the footing we certainly wifli jthey fhould : nay, I can freely go ^ ftep far- ther; for I own, whatever may be com- monly thought and faid, as the thing ap- pears to me, it was We^ and not the family pf Hanover; y who received the favour, when they were called to this government 5 and therefore 1 think there is a certain piece of iuftice in this, that we fhould not complain too heavily of any burden, if fuch be the cafe, that our near conneftion with that fa- piily may have brouglit upon qs j providing always that it be not, by mifcondud: of any kind, upon whomfoever chargeable, rendere4 mpre grievous than in the nature and neceffity of the thing it fhould ; of which, whenever i obfcrve it, I (hall for one npt be the laft to complain. But tho' thefe are my own fentiments, in refpedl- I-. '* [ 93 ] iefped: of this iratter, yet ftill, as I faid, I (hould be pleafed to fee the thing upon a footing that would give univerfal fatisfadtion ; which doubtlefs would be the efFed of fliew- ing, that our connexions with Hanover might, by a proper care and cultivation, be made advantageous rather than hurtful t» us : ancj therefore I was happy to find any atternpt made to point that ou" , and, to fay the truth, as I had entertained fome fiich prepofleffion before, I am glad to fee^ at Icaft, lufficicnt reafon agamft being violent in the oppofite extreme. At any rate certain it is, that the difadvan- tages of Hanover are not in the commerciat way J the connexions of trade with that (:ountry, and the places belonging to it,, being not only favourable, but valuable, to us ; which is what I meant to mention as an interefting motive of obligation, upon our own account, to fupport and protcdt the German dominions of our King. Germany is one of the great markets for Englijh manufactures and commodities ; and one part at leaft of the value of Holland to us is, that the Z)«/<:.^ merchants take great quan- tities of goods from this country, not only |gr their oNvn confumption, but* to fend up 62 ^^ \ .*m mmm^w^mm' ^^>^mmmxm. [ 98 ] has, by Fnifjia on the one hand, and Gueldres on the other, a free communication with the fea, which he can turn to the advantage of any trading ftate in friendfliip with him. Let us then but refledt whether it can be a matter of indifference to ug to abandon or re- tain fuch avenues of commerce : for it mufl hold as an undoubted maxim, that if we would preferve our trade, we mufl keep our cuflomers, and, in order to that, we mufl pro- ted: and defend them when neceffary ; and, I believe, it will be admitted, that we fhould not have this trade with the fame advantages that at prefent we may reafonably expedl, and, ifl fome fort I may be allowed to fay, command, if thefe territories, on which it depends, were not in the hands of their pre-^ fent Sovereigns: perhaps we fhould lole it altogether, were they to come into the pof- feflion of an enemy of this nation. We depended a good deal more than we would wifh to do for a valuable branch of commerce, on Siveden, when that crown had Bremen and Verden : but if we were to fuppofe France to fnatch them, as fhe would be glad to do, where fhould we be ? That the trade would be lofl to us, is the leafl part of the confequence of fuch a change j for 3 '^ [ 99 ] it would be gained to France^ which Is of much greater moment to us and to Europe^ confidering the additional weight of power which fuch an acquifition of territory and commerce would throw into the fcale of France^ at the expence of the friends of li- berty, and the Protcftant religion. We regret, and juftly, the lofs of Minor ca^ and fhould have the like reafon to be alarmed at any hazard of Gibraltar, becaufc the prefervation and fecurity of our Italian, T^ur- ky, and I^evant trade, depends fo much upon the pofTelTion of thofe places 5 and, upon conliderations of the fame Ibrt, ought we to be concerned for the eledoral dominions of Banover, and thofe of the King of Friijjia. Nobody denies the importance of the con- nexion between this country and Holland, Formerly it was the mutual opinion of both nations, that we were bound by interefl to fupport each other : and, whatever may be the cafe of the Butch, I believe that ftill con- tinues to be our fenfe of the matter i and one part of the reafon, as has already been taken notice of, is the advantage we reap by HoU land, as one of the chaneis of our trade with the Continent. This we alfo fee is the cafe as to Hano'ver and Prujia, and thereibre O 2 the ' f-^ .•vii;-MNfcj*»««K«. mimmmi- w^ *4 W I the argument is equally conclufive with re- gard to them. But the other view, which has alfo hcen hinted at, is of no lefs moment, in which our intereil in the prefervation of Holland^ and Hanover and PruJJia, lies, I mean the defence of our religion and liberty. Thefe have always connedled us with Holland as well as our trade does. I am forry that the latter has, by the woeful connections that have now too long fubfifted between Hoi- land and France, not only been diminiflied (for I fear France has wrefled a great part of the Dutch trade from us) but has alfo, to appearance, loll: its political influence, and perhaps been ufed againft us by jealoufies arifing from a fuppofed rivalfhip, which, however, might, with due care and attention, poflibly be removed. But our religion and liberty muft. if rcafon does not altogether depart from Dutchmen, or their profelfion of religion change, be a tie, the ftrength of which fliould appear j and here there is no jealoufy, nor any place for rivalling one an-^ other. And I apprehend the fame thing oup-ht to be a bond of union betwixt us and thofe Proteitant ftates of Germany, PruJJia and Hamper, I will [.0.] I will not pretend to enter on the confi- deration of many things that have been very ingenioufly fnggeftcd by fenfible men, how far thefe countries might be, and how far it is our intereft they v/crc, raiTcd to a greater degree of power than they yet pofiefs, and even be made maritime ftates ; or how fuch a projedl might be conciliated to the mind of the Englip nation, who would naturally enough be alarmed with it at firft view : but this I may venture to fay, that Priijjia and Hanover are the natural allies of Great Bri^ tainy and that it were rather to be wilhed thefe countries had more power, even mari- time, than that the power of France fliould increafe. Were we and they properly united, it is hard to fay what influence it might have on the other northern powers. Without the fpirit of prophecy we may guefs, that there would be a greater probability of get- ting and keeping thofe courts attached to our intereft, rather than to the court of France, which has for a great while held fomc of ' them in chains of very mean dependence, contrary to their own true interell, as well as that of Europe, and to fee them more fteady to the common caufe, irr fpite of the influence :«»~-»«JW»i»»B*?'.#!ri*: w [ 102 ] influence of the enemies thereof. And cer- tainly if fuchaconnedtion and alliance could be formed, not on temporary confiderations of prefent gain, but on the folid bafis of a real union and reciprocation of intereft, we might hope it would go farther to humble the Hou.0 of Bourbon, than any other defign we have yet feen, or at prefent expedl. But all I now plead for is, not to let us lofe any of the flrength of the Proteftant intereft, and caufe of Liberty, efpecially not to fuffer the enemy, already overgrown in power, to increafe her ftrength by frefli.fpoils j but to defend and proted thofe who are now attacked, in hopes of being hereafter able to mf^ke them of greater ufe, and more import-, ance, by conllituting a firm league and coali- tion of force, that may prove a real bulwark to Liberty, and the fecurity of the Prote^ ftant religion. And, while we are fometimes complaining of want of allies, and that too great a fhare of the burden lies on us, complaints for which I do not fay there is no rcafon, let us not lofe^ or throw away, good allies, thofe that arc natural, and in whom we have fome ground of truft; but let us fuccour and fup- port them, that others may be encouraged to join [ »03 1 join the confederacy. Union makes ftrength, and flrength produces more ftrength 3 power procures accefTions to itfelf^ many who otherways would not, nay, who for con- venience fake would, even againfl their incli- nation, take the oppofite fide, will rather join the juft caufe, when they have that profped of fafety, which the flrength of a good, well-concerted, and firm alliance gives. Thus have I confidered the ties of intereft both of a general and more particular nature, which, in my humble apprehenfion, do, and ought to engage us to a zealous and hearty fupport of the King of Pruffia and Elec- torate of Hanover, But, were I addrcfiln? myfelf to an afi^embly of Britons^ when I fhould think I talked to brave and noble minds, I fhould hope generous and difinte- rellied motives would be ftronger with the people of England^ upon whofe approbation depends the efficacy of the refolutions of the BritiJJj fenate : for, I trufl, the fentiments of ingenuity are native with Englijkmen^ whofe birthright it is to be free-born. Let me there- fore beg your attention to one thing more, which, I own, carries with it, in my opi-* nion, an irrefiflible force in confidering this matter. ' We .■'^PIwWPNW^ffMRs , [ »04 ] i\ Gnat Britain is now engaged in a waf with France, This war, 1 have endeavoured to (how, is truly a Britifi war, begun on Britip principles, and for the fake of Bri- tain. Not for its ieiler intcrefls or concerns neither, but for its eflential and moil valuable rights. I aflc now, abftradedly from the confidera^ tion of that real intereft, which I have fubmit- ted, if vs^e have not as a part, and a great part, of the general Community of Europe, and aS head of the Proteflant religion and caufe of Liberty, an intereft in every commotion that is ftirred by French fchemes and politicks in this quarter of the globe, independent of that intereft, v/h;ch ftrikes too, as I have en- deavoured to fliovv, at the very root of our being, as a great and free nation ? We are now. fighting with Fra?ice for the moll valu*. .able poffeffions we have, our colonies and fettlements in America ; for the dominion of the lea ; for our trade and commerce, which •are the Iburces of the figure the Britiff^ em- pire makes in the vvorld* The caufe of the war, you vv'ill grant me, is to defend againfl encroachments upon our undoubted rights and property as a nation ; to icliil the attempts of the French govern- ment « [ 105 ] ment to polTefs themfelves of territories to which they have no juft claim ; to repell in- vafions on our own dominions, and fruftrate devices for adding to theirs, in a manner, and to an extent, abfolutely inconfiftent with the fecurity, and deftrudtive of the value of the eftablilhment we enjoy in the weflern part of the world. And when we began this war, (or rather to defend againft France, which had begun it,) in a way I will maintain was no lefs juftifiable than neceffary, highly con- fiftent with the law of nations, I mean by re- prifals, though no publick declaration of war was made, was not all Europe at peace, ex- cept the common enemy? Was there the leaft diilurbance abroad ? Indeed we fee what com- bullible materials the fyflem oi Europe, or the powers that com.pofe it, are made up oft t low foon they can be fet on fire ! French policy can eafily throw in the fquib, and pre- fently all Europe is in a flame : but what was the caufe or occafion of all the quarrels we now fee ? Was it not the war begun betwixt Enghind2i\\di France^ Would the Emprefs have thought of at- tacking PruUia without a French alliance ? Would France have dreamed of an union with its natural old and inveterate enemy, P its k-.: '-4|i|(IRM!l^k i\ \^ < 1 [ «o6] its perpetual rival, the Houfe <£ Aujlria, on any other confideration than to difconcert the meafures, and diftrefs the government, of Britain f Is there any body foolifh enough to believe it is out of regard to the Emprefs-Queen that France has joined in a league with her, and buoys her up (for I doubt if there be any fuch intention in the Court of Verfailles) with the hopes of recovering Silefiay to which I am fure the Houfe o^ Aujlria has not a bet- ter, if fo good a title, as to thofc parts of her ancient pofTefTions which the Crown o^ France has at different times wrefted from her, and now retains, to the much greater detriment of EuropCy and danger of the ballance of power ? No. I dare fay nobody entertains any fuch notions. But the thing does not reft upon arguments and fuppolitions. Are not we all fenfible that the happy turn, as we efteemed it, and as it really v/as, which we got the Councils of Europe to take, pro- duced this ftrange and unexpected conjunc- tion abroad. Wifely, I do fay, (for it is a juft tribute to give praife where it is due) did our Miniftr}% whoever they were, forefee, that no fooner ihould we break with France, than Hie, in her "#^S*3*-»#t;^*;'»^ [ 107 ] her ordinary /ay, would fet to work to raife a flame in i^urope, to kindle up a general war on the Continent ; being fully acquainted with the good efFea of fuch policy in former difputcs with us. Infomuch that now-a-days we may be as fure, as we declare war with France, the fire fhall immediately break out abroad : forefeeing this, I fay, our Miniftry began with forming fuch connedtions on the Continent, as were abfolutely neceffary, and well calculated to prevent the bad efFedts of French fchemes there. Senfible of the error of laft war in that refpedt, the Adminiftration was defirous effec- tually to take off the King oiFruJjia from his alliance with France^ which then had fuch pernicious confequences, and to bring him to the fide that was more natural for him. To fecure this great point, and to prevent the mifchiefs that it was once before brought to remedy, we began this time with a Ruffian treaty; and like a charm it wrought ; for im- mediately after, an allia^^se was concluded with the King of PruJJia : in making which, the condua of thofe then at the helm muil be approved, who gave up trifles, and yielded fmaller matters, which, had they been ten times more, it was wifdom not tp infift on, P 2 for a.'*.<'«r!l» [ »o8 ] for the fake of procuring fo ncceflary and fo ufeful an ally. So far we were lucky ; that if it was with reafon ohjeded to our former conduct, that we had been guilty of fome errors in the firft concodion, which alienated the King o£ Prujia from us, now that blunder was re- . dreffed, and it was a great llroke in politicks, have the praife who will. It was matter of joy to compafs that point, to bring the King* oi Pruffia off from France, and unite him to the Proteftant, which to be fure is his na-'- tiiral intereft ; and which, I dare fay, he at no time wanted inclination to fupport : for Religion, though not fo forcible a motive as it > has been, has yet its own effed,* even where we do not look for the greateft ihare of its intrinfick virtue Proteftant and Papift, Bigot and Heretick, are terms "of importance yet in the world. Perfecution, and Liberty of Conlcience, are confiderations that muft operate on the minds of men, and will, even with Princes, be their indifference to ferious piety never fo great. This then was done ; an alliance effedu- atcd with the King oiPruffia : and I dare fay nobody could have imagined that the Em- prefs-Queen v^as to forfake us. It would have r:'^-f^fmt!l^. [ 109 ] kave been ftrange to fuppofe (though now we fee it), that a family, for which we had fo lately lavifhed our blood and treafure, to proted hcragainfl.Fr^;^^^', fiiould now take part with her own enemy againft us, when our wounds in her caufe were yet fo frefh, that we have hardly ftrength left to defend our-' felves. I hope this fame condudt of our o!d ally, which was never to have been fufpedled, now that it has appeared, may be a lelTon to us } for it may teach us the value of popiih faith.. : However, fo it is in fadt, that not only did France, when fhe faw Ihe had loft the King of Prujky attempt, but which is more wonderful, fhe has fucceeded in perfuading the Emprefs Queen, which it could hardly have been thought any motives, promifes, or profeffions, could halve done, that it v/as her intereft to take that fide ; which, in the end, ihe may repent, when (he perceives the de- lufion, by failing, even with the powerful affiftance fhe has trufled to, to attain what fhe is in queft: of. And is it not owing to the fame intrigue, and from the fame fource, that the change we perceive in the fentiments of the Ruffian (:ourt proceeds ? I am hopeful we fliall not ^ feel ,^^i?iyi [ no ] feel much bad effect from the lukewarm- nefs, or, if it fhould fo happen, the un- friendly meafures of that northern Princefs *s but certain it is, if it was the Ruffian treaty that produced the Frujjian alliance, it has been the latter that changed the views of the court of Feterjburgh -, and for a plain reafon • I need not mention. That power wilhes to have an influence in the nearer part o( Europe ; the road to which was, till very lately, to them an untrodden path ; and to fecure a profpedt of fome pro* fit to itfelf from the occafional neceffities of the more fouthern ftates. Now taking all thefe things together, is it not plain, that the King of Frujjia at pre*/ fent fufFers in the Britijh quarrel ? He had' no motive or occafion to enter into a war himfelf Nobody can find fault with any| thing he wanted, or had in view to obtain ; but, no fooner does he enter into an engage^ ^ ment with us, than, by the intrigues of Frojice, and in hopes of her fupport pro-' piifed and accordingly granted, and doubts lefs alfo on the faith of Ruffian aid, Prujjia is pointed out as the bait, and devoted as the * The court of Feterfourgh had not openly declared itfelf, when this was wrote. ^ 4 facrilice, [Ill] facrifice, to entice the Er aprefs Queen to at- tack him, with the afliftance of her old friend the Elcdlor of Saxony y King of Poland', who, it feems, had not fo ealily forgot what he fuffered laft war, as he negleded to re- member what was the caufe of it, and in whofe quarrel it was that he was then almoft deftroyed. And is not the conclufion obvious, that we ought, that we are bound to the utmoll of our power to fupport the King of Fruffia, and make good the engagements to which we caufed him to truft ? He is involved in a war, for no other reafon, but that, inftead of being againft us, he agreed to be with us : and fuffer what he will, it is on our account. If therefore we permit him to be facriiiced, efpecially fo recently after we, with profufion, affifled that family, , never fo naturally cpn- nedted with us, and whofe principles and intereft are no ways fo co-incident with ours, I think we fhould incur the cenfure both of folly and ingratitude, as well as want of faith 5 we (hall do what is abfolutel/ wrong in itfelf, and what "'ill in the end take its own revenge j as it cannot be, that the King oi Pruffia Ihould fuffer, and we and' the common caufe, which we ought to have at 'l«k9«*ft«S#MW(lfc-J*?*^*^***''^ R/; ii •4 'i [ xi2 ] at heart, receive no hurt : not to fay, that if we defert him, it may provoke, and even force him to a meafure, which another Pov^^er, notwithftanding all that has happened, will be ready enough to fall in with ; but which Europe in general, and this country in parti- cular, would, if I miftake not, have fad caufe to lament. * Good faith to allies has always been a maxim of every wife government. By this the Romans made their alliance be efteem- ed the greateft privilege or advantage that any ftate could attain ; and they (hewed the fame refentment for injuries done their allies as themfelves. Therefore it is that Cicero, with reafon, fays. That Rome became the miftrefs of the world by defending her con- federates. And that great orator Reetfons places indifference to oppreflion, where-evcr exercifed, and abandoning confederates, a- mong the vices- univerfally confeffed to be the moft odious. His words are : " Thofe " who make no refiflance againft, or oppo- " fition to an injury, when they have it in " their power, are equally guilty with thofe « who abandon their Parents, their Country, ' ^« or their Confederates." After i-'i^m^fi^imm^K*!'- '"mmmmip-m**- * After faying fo much in regard to Pniffia^ let me add but a word in the fame view as to Hanover, And I call upon the man that caa tell me, what quarrel France has with that Principality, or what pretence (he has to di- ftrefs it, if it is not that the King oi England is its Sovereign ? A rep.fon is hardly alleged : but it is imagined, and very juftly, that it will diftrefs us, if Hanover is attacked -, be- caufe, upon the principles of our known honour, as well as for our intereft, we muft defend it : fo that the thruft is truly at vs^ tho* the attack be on Hanover, But, alas ! is that really the cafe, and are we not bound by ties of the mofl facred na- ture to take the part I am arguing for ? Is an injury done them on our account ^ and fhall we not refcnt it ? Nay, more ; Is Ha^ nover attacked bccaufe Hanoverians came here for our internail defence and fecurity againft a French invafion; and is that plea of no force for our protedtbn againft the ra-/ vages threatened in revenge for the feafoliable affiftance afforded us ? Or is HanoWr attacked for kit it fhould be of any ufe to the King of Prujjia ? on whom, it is too evident not to be difcerned by the French, depends the fate of all their fchemes on the continent 5 as, if he is de- i^ which, I think, calls upon us, by every tie of ingenuity and intereft, to interpofe with our mod powerful affiftance. I am far from faying, that Hanover s own proper ftrength fliould not be exerted j becaufe I have no notion that its Sovereign can think of fparing any means in his own power: the beft profpedl he can have of afliftance from us cannot tempt him to fo abfurd a conducft. To me it is impoilible to conceive, that any Prince, much lefs fo wife a one as we know his Majeily is (not to avail myfelf of the gootincfs of his inclinations, which is equally incontcilible), will fuffer his domi- nions to be dellroyed, when he has it in his power to fave or fecure them : and therefore, not doubting but his Majefty will do the ut- mofl that his flrength admits of in his Elec^* toral capacity, we ought to do all we can to prevent his country's fufFering from any refo^ h;don taken by its Prince out of regard to us apd our intereil. Qj2 lean- m ■*;»«*?»ii^- ^■'. \ i [ "6] I cannot help mentioning, on this occa- fion, a rule which we muft allow to be binding, becaufe it is of eternal obligation ; I mean, the great golden rule of doing as we- would be dom by ; and I the rather mention it, becaufe I have already, in the courfe of the argument, faid, that nations have a mo- ral charader, and are under moral obliga^ tions, as well as private perfons: and the in- fluence of this rule we fhall eafily difcover, if we apply it to the prefent cafe. We have often heard the common topic of popular clamour, Ha?iovery Germany ^ an4 the Continent ; that this country is facrificed to German connections ; and, in fhort, that all our continental fchemes and operations are only for the fake of Hanover, I have endeavoured to fli«ew a real and radi* cal connexion betv\(een this country and the affairs of the continent ; and that the truQ Britijh fyllem, more efpecially when com- pared with that which France fteadily pur- fues, necelTarily obliges us to interfere in them : that fuch was the fyftem, and the rational and wife condudl of Britain, long before we had any connection with Hanover 5 and that our own effential and valuable in- tereft required it fhould be fo. I have alfo taken the liberty to maintain, that regarding Hanover »TWNiipir!HWW*W** SS^^jB^^SSEgi [ "7 1 Hanover merely as an ally, a Proteflant ally, and one with which we are conneded in the way of national intereft, flie is intitled to our afliftance and connection j and I will once more repeat, that I conceive nothing more unworthy the notion that the true fpirit of Britipj government infpires, thau that bafe idea, that we ouglit, if we could with fafety to ourfclves (which never can be the cafe), to be wrapt up in a felRfli indif- ference to the reft of the world, the Chrif- tian and Proteftant world ; and that, 1 truft in God, however gloomy our prefent pro- fpeds may feem, this country will never be fo far reduced, as not be to able to give ef- fettual afliftance to thole that need it, efpe- cially our friends. Were we as wife cs we fhould be, this nation might yet hold the baiiance in her own hands, as (lie has done heretofore, v/hen, Nepnme-XikQ, fhe fhook her trident, and the kingdoms trembled. Such, from the advantageous circumftances that nature and commerce have placed us in, ought to be our charader in Europe^ our friends to revere and truft us, and our ene- niies to be afraid of us. But 1 mean not now to infift any more on thefe confiderations, which are fit to operate on If h ^1 ill i¥tt [ ii8 ] on noble and generous minds, and to inflame the fparks of Britijh dignity that fhould be found within our breafts. I was going to fay, that, in ftrid: juftice, and by the ftrofigefl ties of moral equity, we are as much bound to affifl Hanover at prefent, as to fecure our- felves ; and it is founded upon what has been already obferved, that the quarrel is with Britain ; that France has no pretence of war with Hanover j and that it is on our account, and not her own, ihe fuffers, and for the part fhe has taken at our inftance : fo that fhe now may well return the compliment that has been fo often paid to her in this country, v/hen the cry has been, That we were facrificed to the intereil of Hanover, Let us but, for once, change fides (which is the fairefl way of judging), and fuppofe we were the f ibjeds of Hanover^ ready to be over-run by a French army, and for no caufe that they know, or can know, becaule really there is no other but this one, tliat the French JCing is at war with Engkind^ and I aik. Have not they good reafon to fay, i^ their turn, that they are facrificed to Eng^ landy and to wifh they hi^d no connexion with our ifland ? The argument ilrikcs home; every man's own breaft feels its force. : •fmrm^igrg^^m [ x»9] As, tken, it is our quarrel, and our caufe, We ought to treat it accordingly : the mo- tives of juftice, as well as gcnerofity and in- tereft, concur to demand it of us. I do not however fay, that now, more than on any former occafion, we are to give the affiftance juftly expedled of us imprudendy, either beyond proper bounds, or in an im- proper manner : let us be governed in thefe refpe' Ill [ 123 3 court always has been, and always will be) to ufe it for the difturbance of the peace and the overthrow of the liberties o^ Europe, The Proteftant Powers, on the other hand, as they are not always too much under the influence of that kingdom which is not of this world, and are not fo keenly prompted by the ecclefiaflics of a church that has no views but men's fpiritual interefts, let the Proteftant religion take its chance, unmind- ful of its importance to their fecular interefls ; which, if duly attended to, would of itfelf be fufficient to infpire them with a greater concern for the maintenance and fecurity of it, either againft open violence or fecret de- vices, with both which it is daily befet : and the misfortune is, that, added to all the dif- advantages which proceed from the purity of its own principles, and the bloody oppofitioii it has to ftruggle with ; it has this obftacle to its progrefs, and hindrance to its ftability, that, inftead of being united by our faith, as the Papifts are, in fo flrong and ufefui a de- gree, the Proteftants have always been di- l]:rad:ed by different opinions in religion, and are as much divided in their politics. It cannot be faid they have not, but it is true they will not purfue, a common intereft, R 2 and '^v ■CPNK »^^«WIMb. [ 124 ] and promote it by joint iiieafures : and as they have not an unity of religious principles, neither have they a Head to interpoie as a mediator, to whom they would pay fome regard, as the highefl Popifh Princes, from the maxims of their policy, fail not to do to his Holinefs. The confequence of all this is, that the Proteftant caufe and interefl is abfolutely deflitute of that firmnefs and llrength, which the union of the Popifli party gives them. This is a difmal confequence, and merits to be well attended to at all times, efpe- cially on fuch an occafion as this of the Prince of Hejfe's changing his religion : for if we look around us in Germany^ and con- fider how much the Proteflant intereft has fufFered, or, which is the fame thing, how great an acceffion of power the Popifh religion has received, by the perverfion of the Elec- toral Houfe of Saxony y which, by the league of the Reformation, was placed at the head of the Evangelic Body of" the Empire, and by the tranfition of the Palatinate to the Popifli branch of the houfe of Newburgb, this unaccountable corruption of that unhappy Prince will appear terrible to any one, who has the fmalleft regard for the Proteflant re- ligion, .-^:misi,i*»mmm:m!f>*: [ ^25 ] ligion, or confiders the connexion betwixt it and the caufc of Liberty. So far it is lucky, that it has appeared before he was in poffeffion of the dominions whereof he is the heir apparent 5 which gives fome hopes, that, by prudent precautions, the worll of its effedts may be prevented. And it is our duty, as a Proteftant Power, to give all poflible afliftancc to that State at this jundure, were it only to prevent any advantage being taken againft the Protefl- ant religion in Hejfe Cajfely which the in- trodudlion of a vid:orious Popifh army will fo greatly favour, in the prefent mortify- ing circumilances of that Prince's family, who has had the courage to venture his coun- try and his fovereignty for a glorious attach- ment to that Religion and to the Liberty of Europe. It is mattei of comfort, and challenges our gratitude to Heaven, that, in fome de- gree to compenfate for the diminution of the Proteftant power abroad, in the inftances I have mentioned, Providence has raifed up fo great a Prince of that religion as the King of Prtiffia, and put fo much power into his hands. But the imminent hazard of lofing one branch more, and, next to the Eledlors that S««^* Uk ''ft [ 126 ] that remain, one of the moft confiderablc of the Proteftant intereft in Germany, does, I own, awaken my concern, and perhaps adds to my zeal in behalf of diefe Princes of whom I have been fpeaking ; and give me leave to take an opportunity of faying, that the Prince of Heffes conduct in particular is not only a powerful motive for fupporting him, but a (liarp reproof to fome parts of eur own behaviour, and particularly the freedom v/Ith which we have been too much ufed to difpenfe a certain kind of obloquy, when edged by the keenncfs of party. Nothing has been more common among us than to talk of the German Princes, to whofe ailiftance we have been indebted on former occafions, as well as of late, as bafe mercenaries, who gladly took our money when there was nothing to do, but on whom we could have no dependence in a real exi- gency. But is it fo with the poor Prince of HeJJe now, whofe troops, after we difmiffed them from the friendly office of guarding our domeflic tranquility^ and, I am forry to fay it, fent them home not with all the marks of honour that I fhould have thought them worthy of, had they come at our requeft in a cafe of lefs real necefTity, are now hazarding tk eiT • -*W W*i t^-^: , '!M?^l»«pp!%?|«'5f|i5;S *?: [ 127 ] their lives in defence of our own Sovereign s dominions, when attacked on our account, and in fupport of the common caufe, and he himfelf forced to abandon his country, be- caufe he refufcs to withdraw his troops from the fcene of adlion. This is not enriching himfelf with the price of his fubjeds blood, which has fometimes been the ftyle of poli- tical fatire, but fufFering with them for a fide- lity to his engagements with us, which loudly demands that we iliould not be unmindful of him. I fhall conclude what I have to fay with an argument for the expediency of fupport- ing our allies abroad ; and that is, the wif- dom of giving France full employment, when we have both Britain and America to defend againft her, and of finding other work to thofe forces that, if left at leifure, would be em- ployed either in invading this country, or in carrying on the war upon the other fide of the Atlantic, The war in Germany is a ftrong diverfion to the power of France j and the King of PruJJiay if properly fupported, may, under the protedion of Heaven, be able, not only to defend himfelf and our other allies, but even to give a blow to the combined ilrength of \ It I f w ^i' C 128 ] of Fra?7ce and Aiijhia, that will check the boundlefs ambition of the one, and fmartly rebuke the precipitant folly and matchlefs ingratitude of the other. Were we fo happy as to fee that happen, we might, with a proper exertion of our own naval ftrength, yet have it in our power effectually to humble the pride of Francey pull down the common enemy, and fettle the liberty and peace of Europe on fomething like a folid foundation ; which is never to be expeded as long as France retains the power file is already poffelTed of, and much lefs if file yet farther enlarges her dominions, and adds to her flrength, by which fhe may at lafl attain univerfal monarchy, if God has appointed fuch a fcourge for the end of the world. Thefe are the things which I fubmit as my reafons for thinking, that it is the duty of this nation to give an attention to the af- fairs of the Continent, to the flate of reli- gion, and of power there ; and that our own particular interefl, as well as the good of the common caufe, demands the mofl powerful interpofition we can make in the prefent cri- tical conjundure of affairs abroad. But, ,» st-isa^^wssfe* ' .* [ "9 ] But, after all, I may be told, and indeed it has been loudly laid. What can we do, where we are fo weak, and have io much upon our hands at home, every thing at itakc within ourfelves, and our ftrength almoft: cx- haufted ? A id I doubt not but it will be added, thi* to the Continent we owe much of our misfortunes, and die greateft part of the hca^'y biu'dcn we now groan under, and wJiich pieilcs us to the ground, and that it is thijrcKne vain to infift on either the necefiiry, utility, or expedience, of inter- pofijig, n we have not the means where- withal. One that is hardly able to fave him- felf, cannot aflifl: anodier when finking. I fet out with this caution, that I would not undertake fo difficult a tafk as to vindi- cate all our pad condud, or take upon me to affirm there had been no blunders in the management of former wars, efpecially the laft : but I may venture to fay, that one er- ror will never be redified by another. I have admitted, or at leaft fuppofed, that perhaps we went too far in the laft German quarrel, farther than either our engagements to the Houfe of Atijiria, or a neceftary regard to the general good of Europe required ; and I am pretty confident that it was a miftake to lofe S the ■ '■' . ■? ■ mi [ 130 ] the king of Prujias alliance at that time, which would have been an acceffion to the common caufe, in my humble apprehen- fion, more than fufficient to compenfate any diminution the lofs of Silefja made of the power of the Houfe of Juftria, which has been confidered as a fort of bulwark againft French ambition on the one hand, and Turk- ijh barbarifm on the other ; nor is there any quelHon that, by having done fo much late- ly, we are now able to do the lefs either for ourfelves or others. But as a refolution to do nothing would be dangerous, neither can I allow myfelf to think we are yet reduced to the neceflity of taking it from abfolute inability ; and I know, if fomething is not done to reftore the equi- hbre that is at prefent fo totally unhinged^ I, for one, (liall give up for loft that caufe which our forefathers thought worthy of die <^reateft expence of blood and treafure that it could coft them to maintain it. And I can- not help faying a thing that poflibly proceeds from my prejudices in favour of the Prote- flant religion, which is. That if we did fo much, that I am almoft afhamed to mention it, for the Emprefs Queen laft war, we muft be black to future ages if we do not now do the very ['3t ] very utmoft we can for the King of Frii[jk» She, like the fpirit of her party, and her reli- gion, has deferted us ; with what grace, the world may read in our confiifion ; and has joined herfelf to her own, as well as our, hereditary enemy, againft us j and we can- not fay what effedts the vice of their com- mon religion, and the malignant influence which it has over them both, may produce, when the ftruggle is with a Proteftant Prince, who bids fo fair to add ftrength to the re- formed communion, if he is left to contend with them alone : but as the King of Fruf- fia is our natural, fo I hope he will be a faith- ful, becaufe he is a Proteftant ally, unlefs he is provoked or forced to abandon the fide he certainly muft be biaffed to. His intereft cannot alienate him from us, and his religion rather attaches him : I muft therefore fay, that as it goes more with my heart that we ftiould be confederate with Pro- teftant powers, than with the bigots of the Popifli ^aith, fo I am the more ardent in my wifh, that now, when we have got fo far the better of a former blunder, as to bring the King of Fnijjia back to his natural bias, we fliould aftift and fupport him againft the com- S 2 bination \iA 1 1 ■^'^^ li : \ ¥1 mi f i#^. 1" ?, *- [ 132 ] binatlon of powers which threaten, like a deluge, to overwhelm him. And I have not any fear, as the caufe is fo good, but that if we are hearty in it, we (hall find means to gratify our defire to fupport it. I will prefume fo far on the inclinations of the people of Great Britain in behalf of that religion and liberty, the value of which is not fo well known to any other people under the fun, as confidently to believe that, notwithftanding all our burdens, and all our demands for our own affairs, they will yet make a ftretch for fo great and noble an end ; which they may do without thefe mifgivings of mind that were natural enough to arife in the hearts of Proteftants, when they were aflifting, however neceffary they thought it was, a family whofe bloody perfecutions had often drawn from them cries to Heaven for vengeance againft them. We are not fo weak as to defpair, what- ever the fears of fome, and the caution of others, may fuggeft to them : Britain will yet find funds, if they are to be made a good ufe of, and we (hall never be outdone in our inclination to raife them, by our enemies, who give with an aftonlfliing pleafure for the glory 4 ■rrwmmmmmmmm*:'!!' - * r^m^f^- [ 133 ] glory of their grand monarque, from whom, indeed they would not be allowed to with- hold any thing neceffary to fupport his pre- tenfions to that title. We give freely, and will give chearfully to the very laft fhilling, when nothing lefs than all that is dear and valuable to us as Men, as Britons^ and as Chriftians, calls for it j and the wealth of England is, at this day, great, more fo than ever it was ; nor will any good citizen delire to conceal or abftrai^ [ 136 ] honeil: adminlftration would derr-^-.r^ or th;i- exigency of the ftate require, aca ^ to its own iituation and that of tlie relt of the world. Then would the fupplies be pro- perly laid on, without a view to any other thing than merely raifing the money at the fmallcft expence, and with the leall diftrefs and greatefl equality to the fubjea And be raifed within the year, inftead of that infer- nal fcheme of perpetual mortgaging; the end of which mufl be certain ruin, and that at no great diftance. By this very one thing only, the faving to the public would be immenfe; as is evident frorn the calculations that have been made thereupon, tlie data of which cannot be con- teHed. The government would, by paying ready money, or at three months credit, buy I know not how many per cent, cheaper, than they do at prefcnt, when a public con- tract debt is reckoned well paid, if it be dif- charged within two years : befides the fav- ing of the interefl of the money, which, on our prefent fcheme, mull always be bor- rowed ; becaufe it is to be employed before it is raifed: and the vaft fums that thofe ' blood-fuckers, the ftock-jobbers, and money- brokers rob both the public and the fubjea of, ^?^««^«.%W«W1^:-^s^'4'-T*w!»'#*»^ . I • r 137 ] of, making to themfelves amazing fortunes at the expence of thofe who have fpent their blood and hazarded their lives in defence of their country. And furely, if, on fuch a fcheme, fo ap- parently ruinous, we have been able to raife fuch vaft fums as have in fad: come into the treafury of late years (for the money is alvvays raifed, and raifed once in the year too, though not for the fupplies of that year) ; can any man doubt, but that, if we faw a plan founded in redreffing errors, reftoring hopes, and fecuring our very being, every one would be glad to ftretch the utmoft length, and not only to bear but chearfully to contribute to, public burdens, when he faw a profned of an end to them, and to the hazard of run- ning into abfolute perdition, by a continual increafe of debt, and eternal taxes ; which mufl be the cafe till the death of the nation puts a period to them. For as, v/ithout a true fpirit of patriotifm, no ftate can fubfift, fo it is undoubtedly certain, that nothing can fo effedtually produce it in the people, as the prevalence of it amongft thofe entrufted with the government. Good principles are of their own nature as communicative, as bad ones are contagious ; and no reformation is fo promifmg as that which begins at tha T bead,. > [1 p I \- 1! [1 f r C 138 ] head, as it at once takes away tlie exam- ple, and removes the temptations which are the caufe of corruption in the inferior part of the fyflem. In fhort, were we to fee fuch proofs of a thorough attachment and afliduous applica- tion to the real intereft of our country, in the important articles of public as well as private virtue, and national oeconomy ; we fhould eafily be perfuaded, that the money, pru- dently raifed, was well and faithfully em- ployed: we ihould not hear any more cries againft Germany 2ind the Continent. The diftradions too would ceafe that are occa- fioned by meafures which are made a handle of to fet the minds of the people in a fer- ment. Inftead of dilTention and diviiion, a mutual confidence would prevail be- tween the King's minifters and fubjeds, and all, with one confent, would concur to pro- mote the intereft of our country, and fup- port the common caufe, with which it is fo intimately connedled. The heavieft of our burdens would feel light, when we are fatisfied, that they were neceflary to be laid on, and profitably laid out, for the main- tenance and defence of our valuable rights and pofTefTions, and for protecting and efta- blilhing the general peace and liberties of ^ Europe^ r ■^; ffR»*«?*!!its«'»''«-?? t>- ' [ 139 ] Europe^ and the independence of the feveral powers necelTary thereto j all encroachments upon which fo evidently tend to fliake our own fecurity and difturb our quiet. Then would thofe who are called to govern be en- couraged to apply themfelves to the ftudy of the true intereft of the nation, and particu- larly to devife and promote every proper fcheme for reviving and enlarging our com- merce, which is the fountain of our wealth and the fupport of our grandeur, by making wife regulations of trade at home, and pro- per commercial alliances abroad ; which would prove more durable and lading, as well as advantageous to the nation, than all the fubfidy treaties we ever were or can be engaged in : becaufe the councils of com- merce, when properly fettled, have a per- manent and mutual intereft for their founda- tion, which muft be furer than any prefent or temporary bait. But thefe things, how- ever agreeable it might be to confider them in their proper extent and tendency, are not fo immediately conneded with the fubjedl I had in view, and would lead into a^very wide field: therefore, feniible that my keennefs has already carried me too far, I mufl beg your pardon, and allure you, I am, ^c. f ^^i- \ r \ \\ •— fF