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Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est film6 d partir de Tangle sup6rieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 > i ^ 7 iff 7^ GENERAL HISTORY OF t H E BRITISH EMPIR i N AM E R I c A : Containing, An Historical, Political, and Commercial View of the English Settlements ; including all the Countries in North-America. and the West- Indies, ceded by the Peace of Paris. In T W O V O L U M E S. .V OL. I. By Mr. W Y N N E. l^lTi^J^^'^^ PATRUM. SERIES LONGISSIMA RERUM PE^ TOT DUCTA VIROS ANTIQ^J^ aB ORIGINE GENTIS. ViRO. ^N. I. 641, « - ■ LONDON, Printed for W. Richardson and L. Urquhart, under the Royal-*Exchange. M DCC LXX. ■ ■^^ m :^i;' I n Sir. fci ha th( tha I isr f R o D U C T I O N. , '~pHE Briti/h nation, renowned through J. every age. never gained by all her con- quefts even when her arms fubd.e F^re' and thundered at the gates of Parirfuc h NoS:t^eS"tUer ''''-'^ '^ tmn onA » P"^^""' '° Ac- tion, and to party rage, thefe ipreadlng coIo- n.esowedthe.rfirniefteftabli(hment.When°he jncther-country was in the moft deplorable of Juat,o„s. when the axe was laid fo the root of the conft.tut.on. and all the fair bioffoms trom the bare trunk, defpoiled of all its hn jours. Ihot forth thefe blanche, J fr „' ." flock, where native vigour was ftiH fcept alive! and^hl™''"? ' P^^^^^"''""^ o^klng Charles and h.s unwife miniftry. forced numbers of h.s fubjeas to feek abroad that liberty of con- fcence they were denied at home.' Hap!, had ,t been for that unfortunate pdnce. ifT had never checked thefe emigrations. Had hofe of,, ,,,„_^,^,^^^^^^^^^^^^^ i that Jthe' . '"'f '' '° ^'" ""-=«' ->^ that of the nat.on, they would have eonfidc-rcd As It iv INTRODUCTION. it as good policy, to let thefe high fpirits take their courfe, and fettle themfelves in America^ where it was plain they muft be dependant on, and very likely that they would, in time» become ferviceable to their mother-country. But they followed other methods i and the ruin of the king, together with the fubver- fion of hi" government, chiefly by thofe vei-y men whom he forbade to depart his domi- nions, were the confequcnccs. To rebellion fucceeded anarchy, to anar- . chy, a defpotifm much worfe than any the people had before complained of :— yet as the oppreffcd party became the vigors, and ruled ^ every thing at home, they were little difpofed tocolonizej and during the ufurpationof Crom- well, greater numbers returnedfrom America to England, than emigrated from England to Ame. rica. The reftoration once more changed the fcene; patents and charters were freely granted byK. Charles II. to fuch of his fubjedls as chofe to fetde in the new world. James II. reviving the perfecution of the diffenters, they Aill continued to flock thither ; and in his reign, we find the colonies in a flourifliing ftate. Convenience, and a love of independancy, have done fince the revolution, that which per- . fccution INTRODUCTION. r> ftcution did before; and we now behold thefe fettlernents arrived to fuch a height of power as to be able to conteft cemin points with their mother-country which, it i, a great pity,, fhould ever be brought into difpute! When the Spaniards firft difcovered SoutbJ America, they found a beautiful and fertile country, filled with inhabitants; abounding, with natural produaions. and with mines of hidden treafure. They depopulated whole re- gions, flew thoufands of the inhabitants, and compelled thoufands to ranfack the bowels of the earth for gold, to gratify their infatiable avaHce.-What was the confequence ?— They loft more by this conduft, than they gained by all the riches of Mexico and Peru ; and Spain, to this day, has caufe to curfe the xui when the new world was difcovered. Their gold ferves only to enrich other nation^ . whereas commerce and good government would have enriched themfelves : their ill-oot. ten wealth often prove, an incitement to their neighbours to make war upon them ; while ' Spam is perpetually drained of her inhabi- tants to people thofe colonies j which, weigh- mg every circumftance, may juflly be fcid to be rather burthenfome than fe'rviceable to her. H ow wmm ?i INTRODUCTION. How different has been the condudt of the Englifli! They founded in barren countries and inclement climes, amidft all the difTicultics ariling from war, famine, and difeafe, a laft - ing and a flourifliing empire. They forfook the fertile lands, the feat of their fore-fathers, to feek new habitations amongft an unknown and a favage race. They cleared^vaft forefts ; cultivated, with the fweat of their brow, an untilled, and often a thanklcfs foil. In the njidft of woods and defarts, they ereded towns, and formed well-regulated focietiesj in the haunts of wild nations, they eftabliflied good government and order. Their habitations were as cities of refuge to their countrymen, when labouring under any difcontent at home : mean while, a more fubftantial benefit accrued from their commerce with Great-Britain, than from all the Spanifh mines of treafure in the wealthy regions of South-America. Never did fortitude and magnanimity, ne- ver did wifdom and found policy Ihine more confpicuous, than in the firft fettlers in North- America j though, like all other hillories, that of the colonies is fometimcs ftained with blood. There were times, when thofe who fled from perfecution themfclves became per fee u tors. INTRODUCTION, vli perfecutors; forgetful of that liberty for which they had fo lately contended, feme amonij them fought to deprive their feilow-coloniftl of the undoubted right of all men, to think freely in regard to matters of religion. Hence arofc troubles and jealoufies. heart-b.rning, and animofities 5 but thefe were not to laft for ever : reafon appeafed them, and /hewed in a juft light, the abfurdity of fuch proceedings Since that period, they have agreed better among themfelves, and have proved ufeful to their fellow-fubjefts in Britain, till the late unhappy conteft arofe, which hereafter both parties may have but too much caufc to re- pent. - But it is not my defign here to enter into the difpute, which will be more amply confidered in the courfe of the follow- ing flieets. I fliall only obferve. that the worft of con- fequences muft neceffarily ari/ . from fuch contentions, to the joy of our common ene- mjes, and to the grief of every true patriot, whether in England or in North- America • and that, as things have fallen out, it is well our intriguing neighbours the French have at prefent fo little footing in the wcftern worjd. They ^ho have ever de. lighted «r**' ' > Y^i INTRO D tr C T I O ^. lighted in fomenting difcord, and whoeveif looked en our faccenfes in thofe parts v^ith a jealous eye, would doubtlefs have ihewed themfelves forward enough on this occaiion, to have taken advantage of the difputes be- tween Great-Britain and her colonies; and,« in fuch a cafe, it is impeflible to tell where the evil might have ended. i fhall conclude this introdudtory difcourfc, with remarking, that, as it is likely many of thefe differences have arii'en rather from mif- take than from deiign, fo nothing is more ra- tional to fuppofc, than that a thorough know- ledge of each other's interefts, may contri- bute to the reconciliation of both parties, and be the means of once more uniting them in bonds of union, and procuring for them a lad- ing and undifturbed repofe ; which is the lin- cere wifli of every true patriot and diiintc- refled Briton, \ Ml I 1; »' ': '^ i ife'W- iJ m ^ JtV Jo I imimml fc-mrf Immuml hwM]i< in fNORTH.^JVIERICA witli the ^ WHSTINDJA TSLES. 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Pv^^ s*s« ^iitiL-f ^0^'^^-'^'^^^ ■> i8.a>^ £^^ R^i^ 40 ^ 1 N A M E R I C A. 3 infpired the famous Chriftopher Columbus *, with the notion of undertaking an expedition, which ended in the difcovery of the vafl continent of America. He conceived the defign of failing to the Indies 'by fleering weftward, founding his hopes of fuc- cefs, chiefly on the fpherical figure of the earth. In this he was deceived ; but his error produced a moft valuable confequence. After having in vain applied to king John of Poruigal, and other jtrin- ces, as his brother had done to Henry VII. of Eng- * This great man was defcended from an ancient family in the territories of the republic of Genoa. He had an early in- clination to the fea, ftudied navigation in his youth, and mar- tied and fettled in Portugal, from whence he traded to the coaft of GKiinea. He is faid to have been greatly encouraged to under- take his expedition to the weftward, by the reports of foveral mariners, whom contrary winds had carried beyond the fiippofed boundaries, of the known world, and who declared they had fcen feveral evident tokens of land at the diftance of feme hundred leagues from the weftern iflands. Some papers alfo, left him by one Alonfo Sanchez, who died in his houfe in the Tereeras, which- contained an account of a newly-difcovcred country, is fuppofed to have confirmed thefe reports. However that be, it is certain, that about the year 1484, he oftcred to the Ge- nocfe the plan for his intended expedition, with a view, as we have taken notice above, to fail wellward to the Indies. The ftate of Genoa, either through the want of inclination or abili- ty, rejected his propofal, as did alfo the court of Portugal, with whom it is laid he was invited to treat a fecond time about the matter, but declined it, — He next fent his brother Barthoio- " B 2 Imd, 1 ! » . !! I 4 BRITISH EMPIRE land, he at length laid his plan open to Ferdinand And Ifabella, king and queen of Spain. It was eight years before he could prevril on the court ro aflift him in his undertaking. At the end of this term he fet fail with three Ihips from Palos, a port of Andalufia, but not before he had obtained a patent and appointment of admiral, in fuch parts as he fhould difcover, and viceroy of countries, whicK mofl of the. world fuppofed at that time to exift merely in his own imagination. mew, In 1485-, to lay his fchcme befofe king Henty VII. of England. This gentleman had the misfortune to fall into the hands t)f pirates, and arriving, oppreiftd with poverty and ^ftafe, it \vas near three years before he was in a condiiion to make hi« propofals to that prince, which however could npt b« brought to bear till his brother had engaged in the fervice of theiy catholic ■aajefties : for in the year i486, ChriAopher Columbus ap- plied to Ferdinand and Ifabella, from whom it wa« a long time before he met with the encouragement he deferved, Numberleff were the taunts hefuftained on account of his povfrty, and the vain fcheraes, aa the courtiers called them, which he was (b bufy in projeding. At laft, however, the queen became his patronefi ; yet many difficulties were ftarted; one of which w»$, tkc ex- pence of the undertaking, though this adventurer offtxei to de- fray an eighth part of it himfelf, Thcfe obftaclei at laft giving way to his magnanimity and perfeverance, he fet fail, on the third day of Auguft, from Palos with three fhips ; his own which was a decked veflel and which he named the Santa Maria ; a fecond called the Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonfo Pin- ion, and a third nan?ed the Ninna, of which Vifconti Yanne^ Pinaon was the captain, the two laft of which were without decksl V/ith the firft foul wind, which happened on the tzd of Septem- After 11^ AMERICA. 5 Afttr an abfence of nine mcmths, in whici ihort lame he went through much vexation, and had more than once been in danger of being com- pelled to renounce his enterpri. e, he returned to hit native country, bringing with him fome inhabi- tants of the American illands, which he had dif- covered, and to which he had given the name of the Weft-Indies, owing to the falfe notion he had conceived that they were ATiatic iiles, a notion which nothing but the adual difcovery of the main land could convince him was erroneous, Hf Was received with the greateft marks of rtfpea: by t?!*, the crew tcgan to murmur, and fopn after obliged him to fromife to return again, if he did not difcovcr land within three days : pn th? very firft of thcfe they made St Salvador, (as ip was afterwards called) one of the Lucayas. They found there 4 very innocent and fimple people, who told them, that the gol(| they wore about them, tame from a rich kingdom in the South. Of this place they took formal poffeffion, in the name of their cathoUc majefties, and, departing, difcovcred feveral otherinands. About this time, Martin Alonfo Pinzon, imagining, from the dif.* rourfe of fome of the natives, that there was much gold in Bo- kio, or Hifpaniola, feparated himfclf from the other fhips to go In queft of it; whither the admiral foon after followed him, and Was well received by the natives, who made him prcfents of gold and other valuable things, and permitted him to build a fort on the ifland, where he Ipft a colony of Spaniards. Here h| loft his own ftip, by the careleflhefs of the man he had pLced at the helm ; the inhabitants however were very arduous ;n helping Wa to preferve his men and the cargo that was on board ; yet fhis was a great lofs to him, ai he hid but one veffel now remain, ing, But wtUe be was lamenting ^is misfortune^ and, examin- the !.£ !i \ •■■ if 1 « BitlTlSH feMPlftE the king and queen, who honoured him as a gran- dee of Spain, "nd permitted him to be covered ia their prefence ; and thofe who had before treated his defigns with the utmoft contempt were now the firft to extol them.* The people were loud in their acclamations, and confidered him as the guar- dian genius of their land. All eyes were turned upon him with admiration. A fecond expedition was foon propofed, and took place. He met no longer with thofe difficulties which had attended his firft preparation. He fet fail again for the fame parts, much better fiirniihed than before. In the courfe of this voyage, he difcovered Jamaica and the Caribb^e lilands. But ing the coaft, he unexpeftedly fell in with Martin Alonfo*s caravel, the Pinta. That commander had bartered for much gold with the natifej, lutlf of which he had diftributed amongft the feamen, ^nd the other half he took for his own ufe. He made nuny frivplous cxcufes for a conduft which Aya§ really unjufti- fiable ; and Cplymbus confideri ig his prefent fituation, thought fi\ to accept them. Haring quitted Hifpaniola, he fct fail for Spain with two velfels only. In his way he again loft the cara-. vel Pinta, in a ftorm which threatened the Spaniards with dc- ftruction. At this time, the admiral thinking hinjfelf in danger, wrote fome account of his difcovencs on a flcin of parchment ; this he wrapped in a piece of cere-cloth, put it into a barrel, and threw it into the fca, in order that whatever might become of himfelf, the fruits of this expedition might not be entirely loft. The wind prcfently after abating, the failors deemed this fome ad of piety and devotion. Landing at the Azores, the Portu- gucfe behaved very haughtily to hStt^ and his mei\, and he met with much trouble and vexation on this and other accounts. In I JNT AM ER I C A.:l f as there wanted not thofe who envied the fucceflcs of Columbus, he was maltreated by the fpies of government that were embarked on board his own fleet, and after having experienced many mortify- ing circumflances, was at length brought home in irons. It was chiefly to Fonfeca, bifhop of Burgos, that he owed this difgrace ; but the queen, moved by the Univerfal voice of the people declaring in his favour, and blulhing at her own ingratitude, releafed him ; yet fo much did jealoufy prevail at the court of Spain, that it was four years before they fuffered him again to depart. This third expedi- tion produced fomething yet more extraordinary than the two former. It was now that he difcovered the |us way he put into the port of Lifton, where he was better treated, and from whence he failed for Spain, and arrived at Palos, after an abfence of nine months. Their catholic majef- ties were then at Barcelona. When he came before them, he wa« received with the greateft refpeft ; and the king and queen re- turned thanks to God, in the mbft folemn manner, for the fucceflea of their admiral. He fet out on his next expedition with more favourable clr- cumftances. He was aflifted with thofe things which were ne- ceflary for the undertaking ; bulls \vere obtained from the pope, confirming the countries already difcovered, and thofe which might hereafter be difcovered, in the New World, to the Spanifh monarch. On the 25th of September, 1495, he failed, with feventeen Ihips and fifteen hundred men, from the bay of Cadiz, and arrived at the Canaries, on the ad of Oaober. Having taken in wood, cattle, and fwine, at Gomera, on the 7th he continued his voyage to the weftward, having prevloufly given inftruiiions to the commanders of each iliip, which they were the '! I ^■^ \\l l[ t BRITISH EMPIltE oentiiient kA America, at fix degrees dHhttoe jftoin the equator. Hearing that there \via» a fea on the other fide, he apprehended his error, In fuppofing that the illes he had touched at belonged to Afia, and generoufly owned the miftake : however, he aflertcd the probability that there was a communi- cation between the tryo oceans, a proof that he ftiH kept in view his chief defign, which was that of (ailing round the globe, afterwards fo fuccefsfully attempted ; and which it is not improbable, if we may be indulged, conjeftures may be rendered ftill more eafy in a future age, fince the fituation of the peninfula, which divides the weftem from thefouth- crn ocean, (and which is but a very narrow one) erdered not to opea, unlefs they wete feparatcd from hkn. In his way, he took polTcffion of Marigaflante, Guadahipe, an4 otiier iflands ; from whence he proceeded to Hifpaniola, whlre he found the Spanlfh colony deftroyed, the houfcs burned, and all things in confiifion. The Cazique with whom he had mad* «n alliance on hi« former voyage, informed him that the Chrif- tiansliad quarrelled among themfclvet about gold. and women; that they had killed one of their companions, and thatfome of them had put themfelres tmder the proteftion of another chief, who had treachcroufly murdered them. To prov« the truth of his aflertions, the Indian produced fome wounds he had received in fighting to defend his Spaniih allies, and which, it was plain, wer« infli6ted with favage weapons. Leaving this place, Columbus put into Cuba and Jamaica, the former of which he coafted round, <> difcover whether it were an ifland or a conti- nent. An Indian removed this doubt, and gave him a defcrip- tion of the place. He then held on his comfe through ftornn, thunder, and lightning, and was often in danger from rocks and is L E 1 Ihitoe jfrom V 1 Tea on the ' n fuppofing ^d to AfoL, rwever, he •11 , communi- , diat he ft'iH vas that of fuccefsfully i able, if we * jndered ftill ition of the » ' nthefouth- '1 larrow one) 1 fpum hkn. In ,i--{^^HE aadahipe, anA 9 paniola, wh^re S s burned, and B a he had madt H that the Chtif- B land women; fl nd that feme of ' B another chief. jH prov« the ':fl wounds he had '.^B and which, it ^B iTing this place. ^H r of which he ^H and or a conti- ^H him a defcrip- ■B hrough ftomw, ^B from rocks and ^^B IN AMERICA, J IS not fuch as) In the nature of things^ promifcs a long duration. .^ A conflux of thefe feas from beneath is now aftually feid to exift ; and nothing is more likely than that this neck of land will one day be dettroyed by earthquakes, inundationsi or ibme of thofe dreadful accidents to which fuch iituations are generally liabld.-^ To Wave this, the paffagc by Cape Horn, and that through the Itrafts of Magel- lan were of themfelves fufficient to proVe Colum- bus was in the right in the principal point of his conjectures, and thd circumnavigation of the globe was chiefly owing to the voyages of this ^reat dlf- coyerer. After many toils and dangers furtalned^ he died in i^o6, at Valladolid, after an illnefs of Ihallows. In this voyage he met with His brotiier Bartholomew at the town of ifabella, who irtfdrmed him of the difficulties fie had met with ih his Englifh cxpedifioh. This gentleman came from thence lit queft of him. At Paris he fidt heard of his difcoreaes and that he wis declared admiral; on which fte made all the hafte he could to Spain ; but D»n Chriftopher was departed before his arrival. He thf^n vifited his twd ntphews^ who were left at the court of Spain and kifled their Catholic ma- jefties» hands, who did him great honour, and coramiflioned hini to go with an aid of three (hips in featch of the admiral. This was a joyful meeting; ahd Bartholomew was created lord lieutenant of the ifles by his brother, a circumftance whidh did not prove very agreeable^ as it was reprefented to the Spanifh government, who afterwards thought fit to refent it; Soon after this appointment a war broke oiit with the Indians, iri whidh the arms and horles of the Spaniards gave them the fup6rio% over their favage enemies, being obliged to acknowledge th6 authority of their Catholic majeftles, who v^ere well pleaCe^ Vol. L c ^ f.W ^ Vo BRITISH EMPIRE a few motoths, leaving behind him t fame fo juftly acquired as will live to all pofterity. Thefe voyages of Cplumbus laid the firft found- ation for the conqueft of Mexico and Penl, By Hernan Cottes and Francis Pizarro* The for- mer of thefe failed, in the year 15 1 9, from the inland of Cuba, on an expedition to the continent of Ame- rica which had been already difcovered arid called by the name of New Spain, He had with hira fix hundred men, and a few pieces of cannon. A Spaniard, who had been for a long time prifoner in the country, ferved him for an interpreter, and an Indian lady whom he caufed to be baptiz- ed by the name of Marina, was extremely fervice- w'lxh the accounts of their admiral's fuccefs. Neverthelefs there were not waiitlng thofe who fpoke ill of him at tlic court of Sj[)aJn, and at lall prevailed fo far that John Agiiado, a native of Seville, was fent as a fpy upon his adtions, who wrought him mu:^;h unealuiefs, and, magnifying thofe unavoidable inconve- niences which arofe from the • fituation of the Spaniards in f^range countrie«, where the inhaWtants, now their foej, did every thing in their pov/cr to diftrefs them, he wrote hoMe difmal accounti of them : yet Columbus had fo much influence, that, returning, he was fitted out for a third voyage, in which he dif- covered the continent of America, though one Americus Vefpii- fuis, a private adventurer, highly in favour with the bifliop of Burgos, an enemy to Columbus, dlfputed with him the honour of that difcovery, which has ever fince been called after him, •notwithftanding his pretentions were found to be groundlefs. ""hriftopher Columbus was, after all his great fervices taken • jtiui put in irons at the inftigation, as it waa fuppofed, of the ^ able IN AMERICA* lii able to him. He penetrated after various adven- tures as far as Tlafcala, which was a republic; and here it was that he firft met with any material op- polition. The Indians were defeated, and after- wards, entering into a treaty with him, helped him to fubdue the Mexican empire, to whofe gran- deur they were enemies. From thence he advanced (after fome time fpent in meflages to the emperor Montezuma) towards his capital, and at laft entered it without refift- ance. It was built upon a lake, and the various quarters were joined by bridges or caufeways. It abounded in fpacious fquares and fine buildings, and notwithflanding what may have been faid by bilhop D.John de Fonfcca. But when he arrived, in November ijfOO, at Cadiz having wrinen to the king and queen, they fent order* that he ihould be fet at libeity ; and to cover the dif- graceful treatment he had undergon;, recciveti him gracioully, telling him that they were much offended at his confinement, and woidd take care that thofe ihould be punifhed who were ac- ceflbry to it. However he was far from being happy at the court of Spain, where fo many viewed him with envious eyes. Worn with fatigue, and tortured with Ingratitude, he fell fick at Valladolid, where he died, on the 20th of May, in the year 1506* It is certain this great man wasaifed in a moft fhameful man- ner. Before he had difcovered the New World, all his fehemes were treated as ridiculous and childifli fancies ;— after he had difcovered it, it iVas pretended to have been known long be- fore.— Being rallied one day by fome courtiers on this fubjeft in a vtry unfccmly manner, he called for an egg, and aiked If any ^2 fome ^mm la BRITISH EMPIRE fome writers to the contrary, was inhabited by ai| induftrious, well-tempered, and, in general, a civi-* lized people. Montezuma received Cortes with an affe(fled complaifance, and he and his men were lodged in the city. Some difputes however arifing between the Indians and the Spaniards, fome of the latter were llain on the road to Mexico, and the head of one of them fent to Montezuma, who approved, and had fecredy given orders for the adtion, in which, however, his troops were routed, though with the lofs of three or four of his enemies. The Mexicans had already found that thefe adventurers were not, as their firft appears^ce had led them to believe, immortal, and Cortes began to be very uncafy when he was informed of what had pafled, of the company could fet it upright on the fmaller end ?— When they anfwered, It was ImpoiUble, and that he could not do it liimfelf, he gravely cracked the Ihell, and inunediately perfcmi- ed it. — They then faid, >\ny tody might have done It. «* I do V not doubt it," replied Columbus ; *• and yet none of you ** thought of It. And thus it was that I difcovered the Indies. ♦* I firft conceived the defign of fteering that courfe, and now ** every miferable pilot can find his way thither as well as I, ** There are many things that appear eafy when once per- *' formed, which before were thought impracticable. You *' ought to refleft on the feoffs I fuffalned on the fcore of my *' defign, before I put it In execution." — This fmart reply was extremely commended by the king who affe^ed greatly to admire the man whom he had (9 inadequately contributed to fupnort. ■'■ He IN AMERICA. «1 He now feized the emperor in his own palace, caufed him to be bound, and, by alternate threats and intreatips, even to confent to become his pri- foner. He pbliged him afterwards to give up thofe who had attacked his people, and to acknowledge that he held his empire of Charles V. A tribute alfo was annexed to this homage; and by this ftep the Spanilh general fecured himfelf in the very midft of enemies. The polTeffion of the emperor's peribn was his fureft lafe-guard, and his countenance was of life to him on many occafions. — ^This pro- ceeding, however unjuftifiable, was certainly a very prudent one, and contributed the moft of any thing he had atchieved to the conqueft of all Mexico. — In tht mean time Velafquez, the governor of Cu- ba, fent Pamphilo de Narvaez againft Cortes, whofe fuccefs he envied, with almoft twice as many men as had firft landed in Mexico. But thefe, that able general, taking the advantage of the night and ftormy weather, attacked and routed, making the poijimander prifoner, and bringing over the remains of his band to his own party. He incorporated them with his own men, and marched back to Mexico, where he found the eighty Spaniards he had left to guard Montezuma, befieged in their quarters by the whole force of the city, in revenge for fome cru- elties the former had committed on the inhabitants. The approach of Cortes, at this critical jun jUAd Guatimozin v;^i taken, as h^ was tMetL* vourihg, by the way of the lake, to efcape from Ihe city* This unhappy prince was aftenvardi hufTiitd %\Wq, by order of the king of Spain's trea* furer, being accufed of the extraordinary crime of toticeaitng his own gold from the invaders. He bore his tortures with becoming fortitude, anddied, as ht had lived, like a great prince and a brave man. Thus was the whole empire of Mexico flibdued by fix hundred Spaniards, a circumftance fufficient to raifi the admiration of the world. But eight •years afrer Corps's expedition, Francis Pizarro and Diego d'Alniagro, undertook one of the fame nature, by way of the South-Seas, and fubverted the em- pire of Peru, as their fore-runner had done that of Mexico. This kingdom, for a number of years, had been governed by a race of abfolute princes, called Yncas, who were at firlt the reformers, afterwards fovereigns of the people. The ancient Peruvians, (according to the traditions related by their polleri- ty) lived in woods and caves, were favage and barba- rous, ufed promifcuous copulation, devoured hu- man flefli, and differed in nothing but their form from the brutes. At length a great legiflator arofe among them, who called himfelf the defcendant of the fun, to whom he firft ereded temples, and paid divine honours. He drew his countrymen from their wUd abodes, eftablilhed cities, and focieties, perfuaded ' 4 ■ ■■; ! i6 SRITISH EMPIRfi perfuaded fome, and afterwards by their help com* pelled others, to become more civilized and hu- mane. A long line of his fucceflbrs reigned after hira. The twelfth Ynca was named Huayna Ca- pac, the father of Athabalipa* Thefe prince, of legiHators had become conquerors, and the laft- Ynca had fubdued Q^to. In this city, his fecond fon, Athabalipa, who had takeh his brother the Ynca, prifoner, was found at the head of near forty thoufand of his own foldiers, armed with darts and long pikes of gold and filver. — Pizarro feot by his interpreters to treat with Athabalipa, but re* ceived no very friendly anfwer from the king, whq thought with juftice that he had little reafon to be pleafed with his new guefts. However, he gave them a meeting, after feveral cmbaffies and mef- fages had pafled; and, what dreadful notions foever he might entertain of thefe invaders, he feemed to come well provided againft the worfl^ as he was attended by fo great an army# The Spanilh general, having difpofed every thiftg for his reception, fent father Vincent de Valverda, to harangue him upon the benefits of the chriftian religion, which was aukwardly done by the prieft, and ftiU more aukwardly interpreted by an Indian whom the Spaniards called Philip, who was equally bafe and ignorant. Athabalipa being as much in the dark as ever, confequently fhewed but little refpe(ft to do^ftrincs he did not underftand, and which. n .1 N AM ERIC Ai -,• wkicbi if they had been never fo well explained, were certainly too prematurely delivered. To in- crca^ this naifunderOandmg, a tumult arifmg on »ccount of the chriftians otfering to feize an idol adorned with gold and precious Hones. The dif- turbancc alarming the father, he made hafle to in- quire into the caufe of it ; and interpofmg among the Indians and Spaniards, the crofs and breviary between them were thrown to the ground. The Spaniards immediately crying our, that thefe holy thmgs were profaned, fell upon the Indians and ^ routedthem, without the lofs of a man. Pizarro with his own hand, pulled the Ynca from his lit! ter, and made him prifoner, in doing which he re- ceived a flight wound from one of his own people who was equally eager to fe'ze him; and this was all the chriftian blood flied upon the occafion, while the poor harmlefs Peruvians were flain .ike flieep till the conquerors were tired with purfuine and killing them. Some fay, their prince had ordered them not to fight ; it is more probable, the dread and aftonifhment which .the horfes, the armour, and above all the fire-arms, had infpired, deprived them of all thoughts of defence. However that be, It was a bloody mafTacre, and refleds eternal dif^ace on the perpetrators of it. Athabalipa bein- made prifoner, was treated with a kind of mock re! fpea : even after this misfortune, it \s faid, he fent orders to put his brother (the lawful heir to the empire) to death, which was tlie worft a who drew theit firft breath in the eaft. How then did theh* defendants migrate to America in early times, before the ufe of the compafs w^s known ? But if we fliould pafs over this difficulty, and fuppofe with fome f , that this track of land was joined for fome ages to the continent of Alia, ftill another obftacle remains. We are informed both by facred and profane writers, that about two thoufand years after the Mofaic account of the cre- ation, happened a mighty flood, which overthrew all the dwellings of men, and feparated thefe la^ds, if ever they were joined. If they never * Mofes. f Bifliop Bumet in Lis Theory of the Earth, has laboured to prove, that at the creation, the fea was Ihut up in the bowels of Ae earth, which was in all parts one fmooth, continued furface, without mountains or valleys ; and, confequently, all the coun- tries Oft the face of the earth were connefted together in one continued line, till the deluge, when by a violent concuffion, :^e fountains of the great deep were broken up^ the whole earth over- flowed, vaft continents rent afunder, iflands formed, and vari- ous parts of the glohe for ever feparated from each other. This hypothefis is far from being received as a true one; but if it were, it would be infufficicnt to accounj for the peopling of America, as is fhewn above, were. .!. 1(1 t 1 1 l! r 1 0k.^^-:*m^ 22 BRITISH EMPIRE 11 f 4 were, then the Americans, fuppofing them to havd exitted from the creation, and even granting thatj the deluge extended not to their world, (which ^*' perhaps is more than ought to be granted) could n&ver have been the fons and daughters of Adam. ^ But if we defcend from this height of fpecula- tion, and attribute the matter to more common circumftances, we may reafon in this manner; America was at firfl feen by accident* why might it not be peopled by accident likewife ? -— If one man and one woman were fufficient to (lock all Europe, Afia, and Africa, why may we not al- low, that a few perfons driven by contrary winds to the fourth quarter of the Avorld, might produce the fame effedt there ? — If it be Jifked, how the defcendants of thefe could forget their origin ? any one who underftands human nature, may well return an anfwer. When • men are obliged to ihift for their fubfillance in woods and wilds, when they have no opportunities of converfation and improvement, and all their wits are em-v ployed in defending themfelves from the inclemen- cies of the weather, and providing the neceflaries of life, it is eafy to fuppofe they will, in time, for- get the ufe of thofe faculties they ceale to exert, and thus the fucceeding generations may not remember from whjit flock they came. The anceflors of the Mexicans, we are told, were wild and favage ; the Peruvians, according to their own traditions, • lived IN AMEHlCA.t 23 - lived m rocks and caves, till drawn from tfehce^ - and civilized by the Yrcas. And all this might have been rfie cafe, fuppofmg thefe people to have been dnven thither from any ftrange country. Forget- ful of their origin, men like beads may deafne- rate, till fomc exalted genius awakes their fepine faculties, calls them from their favage haunts, and once more fits them for fociety.— There is nothing but what is natural in all this; yet one riueflion will ftill arife. - There are beafts in America, of whofe exiftence no traces tan be found' in Europe. — The inhabitants of Peru and Mexico had never feen horfes. On the contrary, the ne^tr world produces certain creatures which are ftranee to us. But is it impoffibi: ':hat there are fuch in our own world, in parts • , ,,.own, or that they may have exifted, at fome former period of time, in Aiia Africa, or even in Europe itfelf ? It is a' general received notion, that no fpecies is entirely ex- tindt fince the creation : yet it is certain, that wolves which formerly were fo plentiful in Eng- land and Wales, are no where to be found in the Britifh dominions. A fpecies then may perilb it is evident, from an ifland; why not from a conti^ nent? If from one continent, why not from ano- ther ?-^If we may believe a celebrated author to be m earneil, in what he fays of the interior parts of Africa, we fliall find by the account which he gives that a whole race of men arcm danger of ihariag the I ;.« ► If ,■ J. . ' 1 If . • li'^tft***' 26 BRITISH EMPIRE filvcr became plentiful, trade flouriflied^ and all things affumcd a different face from whatithey had done a century before. The indefatigable labours and laudable fpirit of a few found employment for numbers, miniftered to the eafe and happincft, and, in procefs of time, to die luxury and extrava- gance of nations. The continent of America, lies between 35 and 45 degrees of Weft longitude, and between 80 degrees of North, and 58 of South latitude. It is bounded on the fide of Europe by the great Weft; em Sea, and on the oppofite fide by the Pacific Ocean. Its foil and climate are various, according to the different fituations of its provinces, ibme of which exhibit the raoft enchanting fcenes of beauty^ and fertility, while others are barren and defart; but thefe latter are much more rare to be found than the former ; and this fpot, taking it altogether, may ^e confidered as a very agreeable country, well fur- niflied with the neceffaries, and even the luxuries of life. ,:r^. jHaving already given a fummary of the difco- vcries of Columbus, and the conqueft of Mexico and Peru by the Spaniards, which I conlidered as a proper intfodudtion to this work, as their hiftory is fometimesconneded with that of our own colonies. I (hall now proceed in the profecution of my main defign, which is to prefent the reader with an ac- count of the Britiih Empire in North America. Our IN AMERICA. a? Our colonics in thefe parts peopled by men , difcontented, and driven from their native homes by religious perfecutions, defperate fortunes, or by a paffion for novelty and extraordinary undertake- ings, will afford a great field for reflexion and improvement. If we confider at what expcnccof time, wealth, and labour, thefe infant colonies ^yere formed, how greatly they have increafeo, and of what ufe they have proved to the mother- country, which at firil rejected their anceftors, we muft certainly be ftruck with n^onder and amazement. The patience and induftry of the firft fettlers ; their perfeverance under difficulties and diftreflfes, and the noble fpirit they exerted in eftab* lilhing thcmfelves in thefe remote parts, moft cer- tahily deferve the greateft commendations; and a lading memorial in hiftory, which will un- doubtedly tranfmit their names \\'ith honour to lateft pofterity. It was to the enterprizing genius of a Raleigh that we owed the firfl peopling of our colonies in North America, At the fame time, it is to be obferved, that, whatever might be the extenfive comprehen- fion of that great man, in regard to commercial interefts, moft of thofe who undertook to fettle in thefe parts were infpired with the hopes of gaining vaft fortunes by gold and filver, and other mineral produdions, nor forefaw thofe greater and more cer- tain advantages, which proved, in the end, the reward of their unconquered fpirit, and unremitted labour, E z North t \f I«" i! North America, properly fo caUc4i w^ jfirft difcovered by Sebaftian Cabot, for th^ Kngfilh, in the reign of Henry VU, but remained for nwpr a century unclaimed and uncultivated. It w^ not until the year 1584, that the renowped Rih Icigh firft fitted out certain ihips, upder ^ CPW* mand of the captains Amlcks and Barlow, whp went on flior« on an iiland near the contifjeRt of America. And forae time afterwards ppfle^pn was taken of part of the continent, undqr the na,m^ of Virginia ; a title beftowed on it m. hopo^i qf the maiden queen, Elizabeth, who at tl^at time fwayed the fceptre. Roanoke was tl^e name, of tkf ifland on which they landed. It was fitu^i^sd near the mouth of the river Albemarle, m Npi^h iQ^ch lina. They carried on a trade with the inh^biti^t% and returned, brining with them two of the n*. tives; but made no attempts towards fettling^ colony. However, in April the next y^^r, ^ir Richard Grenville was encouraged to attempt a fe- cond expedition with feven Ihips, under the avifpiceg of him who had planned out the firil. He arrived at the ifland of Wokokoii, with the lofs of one of his veffels. From hence he went to the continent} but plundering an Indian town was obliged to quit the fliore with precipitation, and dired his courfe towards Cape Hatteras. There he paf* ^d over to Roanoke, where he placed a colony of ao hundred men, and from thence returned to England. Captain L?me, whom he left at the head of the fet- tlemeut, 1 N AMER I C A. t^ tiementi proceeded to make his difcoveries on the continent of America : but the Indians, after fomc ■fruitfefs oppofition, retired, burning their corn-fields, 9f4 defo)ating their country : they grew jealous of the Engliih, who, as they advanced, had every thing to fear from the favage inhabitants. Lane •however proceeded, and being perfuaded by Win- gina, an Indian prince, that he might meet with great treafures near the fource of the river Moro- |ock, failed up that river in boats, but failing in point of provifions, and not being fupplied by the Indians, who difappeared as fall as he advanced, he returned, with his half-familhed crew, in great dif- treft tptheiUand, Meanwhile, his falfe friend Win- &m amufed him with vain hopes, at the fame tmc that he was in reality employed in concluding treaties with the other Indian nations, for the total extirpation of the Englifh. His defign was indeed difcovered, and his perfon fecured ; yet the little colony was in danger of deftrudion, when happily Sir Francis Drake arrived on the coaft. Wearied and harrafled as they were, they had no longer any inclinations to fettle on the inhofpitable Ihore, but went on board the fleet and gladly fet fail for England. • They had not long been gone, when Sir Richard Grenville arrived there with three fliips. Though he found no traces of his countrymen, yet he had the boldnefs to leave fifteen men, vidualled for two years, upon the illand. Iq i I v ef- caped had gone over to another iiland near Cape Hatteras, and were never heard of afterwards. The colony of which we are now fpeaking, enter- ing into hoftlUties with the neighbouring Indi- ans, found it neceflary to fend their governor to England, to follicit fupplies, which he had much trouble in obtaining. He fet fail with a reinforce- ment, on his return, but being attacked "by a great ftorm, he put back again to England. The fetrlers were left to themfelves, and periihed to a man, by fomine, or the fword of the enemy. Thus, for want of a proper attention, thefe unhappy perfons loft their liv^s ^ an4 th^ir countrymen, for the pre- fent. i If A M E ft 1 C A« 3» fent, all their hopes of eftablilhing colonics on the North Eaft continent of America. In 1602, however, the captains Gilbert and Gef- nold failed from Plymouth, to that part of Virginia called New England, and built a fort on a little iHand, which they named Elizabeth; but, quarrel- ing with the Indians, it proved only a trading voyage, the profits of which defrayed the expence of the undertaking. Another enterprize, of like nature, was fet on foot by Mr. Hacluit, prebendary of Briftol, which met with the like fuccefs. In 1605, the lords Southampton and Arundel fent a Jhip to Hudfon's River, under captain Weymouth ; but his men kidnapping feme of the Americans* the intent of the voyage, to plant colonies, was fruftrated. Thus mu'jh of time and labour was thrown away in fruitlefs undertakings ; but in the year 1606, a company of gentlemen and merchants obtained a patent to raife a fund for attempting new fettle- ments in Virginia. — As to Raleigh*s grant, before- obtained, it was forfeited when he was attainted, and neceffarily reverted to the crown. Every one who has read the Englifh hiftory mull be acquainted with the charader of that great man, his enter* prifmg fpirit, and the barbarous treatment he re- ceived from King James I. — The fpirit of trade and colonization however, which was ftirred up in the people, notwithftanding their repeated difap- pointments, ftUl fubfiiled, and the body of men above- If BRITISH EMPIRE above-mentioned were incorporated ilnder thd names of the London and Briflol Com^ftoies. M. the head of the latter were Sir J. PdphaiA^ chief juflice, and Ferdinand Gorget, govcmoir. of Ply* mouth ; Sir Thomas Yates, and Sir Geor^ Sum* mers were likewife ading men in this undertaking^ About an hundre^^ ^venturers fet out ta tJtree yd^ fell, under the command of captain Newport, fur* niihed with every accommodation that could be thov^ht necellary for their purpofe. They came 10 an anchor in the bay of Cheffapcak, at the latter end of April, in bad weather, and fell in with a party of Indians, whom they had the good fortunt to defeat; and the next day, entering the town^ received their fubmiflions. On their departure from England, the colonic had received fealed inftruftions relating to their in- ternal government. The time was now come la which they were to be opened. This was done ia full afleiiibly ; and fome caufes of difpkafure tQ particular perfons were occafione^. by the contentf- of them, and the refult of the fubfcquent eled:ion ; this was in fome meafure no more dian what might be expected. In all cafes of this nature, fome will be oftended, becaufe all cannot be alike preferred, I Ihall not however flop to expatiate on thefe griev-. ances, but proceed to the more interefting parts o£ the hiltory *. ui;it * 'the names of the council were, Bartholomew Gcfnold, Edward WinglieW, Chriftopher Newport, John^Smith, John RatcliS^ John Martin, and George Kendall. Mr. Wingfield The IN AMERICA. n The emigrants now began to treat with the ncighbo«ring Indians, and obtained leave to build a fort, and ercft houfes on a Cpot near the river Powhatocj-tfiis little eftablilhment they called James-Town, and gave the river the Englifh name of James-River likewife; but, notwithftand-' ing all thefe negociations, they foon found them- felvcs fubjedted to the attacks of the favage inhabitants i and, in confequence, were obliged to amend their fortifications, and to put themfelvcs more upon their guard. After having proceeded in the necefla y bmn- ches of agriculture, the fleet was dii> ached back agam to England, one hundred anu four men being left in James-Town. Thefe had not remained there long before they found themfelves reduced to great necefTity, and alike purfued by difeafe and by the fword. Several people of con, fequence perifhed, and the colony was in the ut- moft diftrefs, when they thought fit to chiife their rejected member. Smith, for their prefident : who accepted the office, and endeavoured to re- trieve their almofl ruined fortunes. He enRaged the Indians with various fuccefs * ; and, by fre- wa. chofen prefident, and Smith left out of the council ; though •hey had received from England. nalv'"°"',f '^"^' ^"gagements he wastakcn prifoner bythe nauves, and being condemned to die, was pr.lerved by the gene- VoL. L F ri in ^m^' ■4 34 BRITISH EMPIRE quently defeating thei^, kept \\p the fitiking co- lony. But the villany of fome, and the careleffncfs of others, together with many accidental caufes all working together, contributed again to fink the colony to the lowefl ebb. At laft a patent was obtained for the appointment of a governor, with greater privileges, and more authority th^n before. Lord Delawar was pitched upon for this purpofe j who conftituted Sir George Summers, Sir Thomas Yates, and captain Newport, his deputies. They fet fail with nine Ihips : eight of thefe, with near five hundred perfons, got fafe to Virginia ; but the ninth, on board of which were th-: deputy-gover- nors, was Ihipwrecked on the iilands of Bermudas ; meanwhile thofe who arrived were rendered un- able, by party-divifions, to do any fervice to their countrymen or themfelvcs. Difcord reared her baleful head, and ftill continued to threaten their abfolute deftrudion : diforder, and the de- ftroying fword were rife amongft them : in a word, they experienced every evil that could enter into the heart of man to conceive, when firft the de- puty-governors, and afterwards the Lord Delawar himfelf arrived to their affilbnce. The former of rofity of an Indian woman, who not only obtained j( the chief, her father, the grant of his life and liberty, biii alfo held a corre- Jpondence with hinr ; in the couife of which rtic informed him of all her countiymens plots againfl the Englifli ; fo that he was ever picpared for, and ready to defeat them. This circurnftancc may appear romantic, but it i§ well enough attefted, tbefe IN AMERICA. 35 tkfe gentlemen had made ^ift to condrua two veflels out of the timber found on the iflands, that had conveyed them in fafety to this fcene of con- fufion, which however they were fo little able to reduce to order, that the whole colony had adually defcrted their town, and were ready to fail for Eng- land, when the latter arrived, who by his prudence and juflice, and a due exertion of his extraordinary abilities,, prevented their defertion, obliged them to retutn to the fettlement they had forfaken, and made fuch wife regulations as again rellored the co* lony to a more comfortable and happy ftate. Thus by the conduct of one fenfible and fpirited man was James-Town again rendered an habita- tion fit for Engliflimen, and a fettlement revived, which if it had then untimely expired, would pro- bably have thrown fo great a damp upon the ar- dour of the.Englifh adventurers as might in future have prevented all thofe advantages which Great Britain has fince reaped from colonization. This governor made many appointments, fet about a re- formation of manners, banilhed, in a great mea- fure, all party difcontents, and held the fword of juftice with fuch a fleacfy hand as failed not to ren- der him at once beloved by his friends and dreaded by his enemies. He difpatched Sir Thomas Yates over to England with the molt flattering account of the flate of the colony. Soon after he himfelf returned likewife for the recovery of his health, to I' ' if 36 BRITISH EMPIRE II lit .' ii i 'VS ■1 'i' his native country. Still however the affairs of his government were his great care, and thefe he re- prefented in fuch a light as engaged the new com- pany to fend fupplies of men and money to Vir- ginia. Firft captain Dale with three ihips, and after- wards Sir Thomas Yates arrived there with nine more, in quality of Lord Delawar's deputy. At this time an Euglilh captain marrying the daugh- ter of an Indian chief, fecured the friendlhip of one who was before a foe, and greatly benefited the affairs of his countrymen in thofe parts. In the year 1618, Lord Delawar reimbarked for Virginia, but ended his days on the paffage. My. Argol was now entrufted with the adminiftra- tion of affairs ; but as he was thought to attend more to the difcovery of new countries than to the good government of his province, he was recalled, and Sir George Yardley fucceeded him in the go- vernment. The cultivation of tobacco was greatly owing to this gentleman, who befides altered the form of the conftitution, fo as to refemble as nearly as poffible that of Great Britain. The council was modelled by the Houfe of Lords, the general af- f^mbly by that of the Commons, and in 1620, thefe eftates of the province met at James-Town for the dlfpatch of bufinefs. This m^ght properly be called the rife of our firft fettlements in North America, the fuccefs of which gave birth to many others ; and in procefs of time the new world, became the af}'luni of all who h ;,i'»ii« 1 N A M E kl C A. 37 who were male-contents, either in regard of reli- gion, or politics, of all who were made uneafy by their private circumllances at home, or who by a difpofition for roving, chofe to feek their fortunes abroad: before fuch adventurers all toils and dan- gers feemed to vanilh, or even when they really felt them they were generally alhamed to complain of the choice they had niade, and were only diligent in proportion as they had more difficulties to en- counter with. Thus, one fettlement producing an- other by a laudable induftry they laid the foundation of a great empire, and equally benefited themfelvcs and their mother country. But in this place we \vill flop to give the reader fome account of the climate and natural produd:ions of New England. The fummer feafon is warm, but of Ihort duration. For the fpace of two months, the Iky continues perfedly clear, which renders the country fo healthy, that it is reported to agree bet- ter with Britiih conftitutions, than any other of the American provinces. The winters arc long and fevere, the wind often boifterous, and the air ex- tremely Iharp, but not intolerable. Naturaliils af- cribe the early approach, the length, and tlie leve- rity of the winter feafon, to the large freih water lakes, lying to the north weft of New England. Towards the fea, the land is low and marlhy; but, as you approach the interior country, ir rifes kito hills, and on the north-eaft becomes altogether rocky i I W !i it :i Ji*^' .'11' 3« BRITISH EMPIRE rocky and mountainous. Round Mftffachufets Bky^ the foil is black, and as rich as in any part of Eng^ land; and the firfl planters found the grafs above a yard high, but rank for want of mowing. The uplands are lefs fruitful, being for the moft a mix- ture of fand and gravel, inclining to clay ; though even there a fufEcient quantity of corn, and culi- nary vegetables are produced for the fubfiftence of the inhabitants. Few countries are better watered with rivers and lakes than New England, though the latter are hot fo confiderable as thofe to the weft and northward. Seven of the rivers are navigable, all abound in fifh> and many of them ahfwer every purpofe of com- merce. Gonnedticut river, in particular, may be navigable a great way by the largeft veflels. It rifes in the northern froniier of the province, and runs diredly fouth, through the diftrid: of its own name, until it difcharges itfelf between the towns of Saybrook and Line, after a courfe of two hun- dred miles. The other moft confiderable ftreams are the Thames, Piicataqua, Merimech, Saca, Ken- nebely defircd a fettlement mthisjfland The natives a . people of a mild difpofir,op, but much given to pilfering and other mean tncks, of which they are not at aP ifliamed They paint their bodies, and are beardlel, a cir' cumft ince which feems to arife from a method they have of plucking the hairs ort by the roots tne mo.nent they appear. They are fhorr flrpng ipen, uith broad faces, but in general liJ-ihaped and often mucli deibrmed in their features. ' Nova 'ill '1 ■I ii m ^6 BRITISH EMPIRE Nova Scotia, on which Ncwfpyndland l^dcr$^ is the next Britifh fcttleijientt wc ^^1 cone Cod, where being informed t1 at the French had made|| fettlement to the northward, at St. Croix, he pro- ceeded thither, and found a little colony, with a fmall fort, and a (hip at anchor ; of the latter he niade himfelf mafter, and then turned his arms a* gainft the garrifon, who furrendered at difcretion. He aftei ards diflodged the French from another poft at Port Royale, the garrifon and people of which were tranfported to Canada, where, by their unwearied induftry and artful policy, they raifed at kft a flou- rilhmg colony. It appears, that king Charles the Firft, confidered Nova Scotia, and Canada as the property of England, and he made out grants f * The French ftill call thi» country L'Acadic ; but under that name numbcrlefs have been the difputes with regard to its toundarics: thcfe our good neighbours having always endea- voured to fecure to themfelves the moft beautiful and bell culti- vated fpots, woulil gcneroufly have permitted us to plant colonies on all the barren rocks in North America. I To Sir David Kirk and Sir William Alexander. accordingly. I ii IN AU^KltA. % ktibvrh td himfdf, he itlinqufflicd Ais ri^t; but 'Cfomwcl, hiore fplrlted, took the matter into ton- iWirarion, and fent major Sedgwick info Canada, Ivho reduced the country, and obliged the French b rubmit at lifcfetion. Treaty confirmed it to the Englifli, in the year 1655**. When the French were fettled in their p()fl*eflions, having formed alliances with the natives, whofe friendfhip they ufed every art to cultivate, they foon became very troublefome to the Engli/h colonies, and together with their favage allies, they were guilty of fuch infults and depredations, ' as it was thought highly proper to chaflife them for. Colonel Phipps was accordingly fent in the year 1690, with feven hundred men, to attack Vort Royale, which wa« r. a ftrongly fortified place. The governor capituiated, and was fent to Ca- nada. This advantage was yielded up by treaty, but in 1709, the French were a fecond time obliged to evacuate Port Royale, to which rfie name of Anrr polls Royal was given. By the peace of Utrei ht, the whole province was ceded to Britain, together with an extenfive right of fiiliin^ on the coaft. ^ * The French pretended to hare made « purchafe of thh Qou.itry for five thoufand poi-nds, a price which was never paid zl\ov.ing that ther« was iuch » Urgain;^that tl..-,e was il much t« be doubted. ' But 1:* 48 BRITISH EMPIRE But the French, regardlefs of the treaty^ adlei from time to time, in open violation of it; they were always engaged in cabals with the Indians, and frequently proceeded to open adts of hoflility. By means, of thefe, they infulted the Englilh veflel^ fifhing on the coaft, killed feveral Europeans, and attacked Annapolis, but were repulfed with lofs. •^ova Scotia, which feems to have been little at- tended to by the Englifh, was foon reduced to a ruinous condition ; and, in 1745, the French at Louifbourg, having firft feized Canfo, and co- vered the Ibas with privateers, made an attempt oii Annapolis, under the condud of a French miffion- ary named Luttre ; but the arrival of a privateer from Bofton, obliged him to decamp; yet the principal inhabitants fent their moft valuable ef- feds thither. Du Vivier foon after joined the French miilion- ary with a body of Indians and fixty of his regu- lars. Being encamped at Minas, he repeatedly fummoned the garrifon of Annapolis to furrender, but in vain ; they held out bravely, and the con- fcquence was, that he was obliged to defift from his enterprize. The government of Mafrachufet Bay, about this time declared war with the Indians of Cape Sable, forbidding all the natives who were in al- liance w^ith the Engllfh, from holding any corref- pondence with the enemy ; but they forbade in vain. The French found the means of drawing them IN AMERICA. 45 them off from their allegiance, and one thou- fand of them joining M. Marin, a Canadian, once more befieged Annapolis, but were called away to deifend Louifbourg, which was then at- tacked by the Englilh both by land and fed. M. Ramfay, and M. d'Anville, again fuccefTivc- ly attacked this feemingly devoted place, but both met with the fame Ul fortune as their predeceffors m command had done. After various fuccelTes in thefe parts, the French at lafl, at the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, ceded Nova Scotia to Great-Bri- tain ; but the treaties of that nation, like the oracles of old, generally admitting of equivoca* tion, this formal ceffion prevented not a feries of difputes concerning the limits of the territory in quedion, and contributed to give rife to another war. Annapolis and Canfo are the chief towns in this province, the former of which has an excellent harbour, capable of containing a thoufand veflels. Canfo is fituate on the eaflern ihore, is chiefly ufe- ful on account of its fifliery. But here we muft not omit to mention the town of Halifax, which owes its firft eflablifhment to the earl of that name. —Three thoufand families were tranfported to the new fettlement in this country in 1743, and fol- diers ftationed there to proted them from the in« fults of the natives.' Halifax has a fine harbour, and is othcrwile very commodioufly fituated; it makes no contemptible figure ; yet the ground is Vol. I. H . ^^ not 56 BRITISH EMPIRE not well improved, as it is difficult to be cklrtd, aod far from being very fertile. The inairfions of the Indians here are very frequent and very troU- blefome, and prevent the colonifts from carrying on their works of agriculture. They are obliged to New England for moft of the neceffaries of life, having little of their own befides the filhery to fubfift on.— There is alfo a little fettlement of Germans from Halifax, at a place called Lunen- burg. — The Cape Sable coafl is valuable on ac- count of filhing, and is famous alfo for good harbours. —■ The ifland of Sables lies within the fame iuril"di/'.:J :m p. IN AMERICA. 53 chiefs made a formal fubmiffion *. The planters had now great hopes of fuccefs, to enfure which however, their ihip the Mayflower, was difpatch- ed to England, in the fpring of the year 1621. A great number of paflengers arriving foo« after, with one Wefton, provifions grew fcarce ; and as thefe new fettlers had brought none with them, it is likely a famine would have enfued, but that the arrival of an Englifli merchantman on the coaft prevented it. Wefton produced a patent for efta- bliihing a new fettlement, at a place called Wafu- gufquafet, in order to propagate the dodrines of the church of England. He was juftly difguiled at the formal cant of fome of the puritans, and they were no lefs difpleafcd with his religious prin- ciples : the confequence was, that the two colo- * In the accounts which mention this fubmiflionj we find a copy of an inftrument, whereby they bound themfelves, which runs as follows : " Know all men by thefe prefcnts, that we, whofe names are ** hereunto annexed, do acknowledge ourfelves the legal fub- " jefts of James, Jcing of Great-Britain. In witncfs whereof, «• and as a teftimony of the lame, we hare fubfcribed our ** names or marks, as followeth : [Obquamehud, Cawnacome, « Obbatinua, Nattamawhunt, Coubatant, Chillaback, Quada- «* quina, Huttamoiden, Apadnow.]'* — This ftory however car- ries with it rather too much of the air of & romance. Firft, bccaufe it is unlikely the fav^gcs fhould be fo generous as to make fuch a grant ; and, Secondly, becaufc it is almoft certain that they were ignorant of the nature of xviiiten deeds ; and if |hcy did really fign fuch agreement, they knsvf not what they <^id, and n^ight the xnore eafily be i^jpofeci m, nies ( • ''J m ^'•^11 ^4 BRITISH EMPIRE nies became ui their hearts inveterate enemies. A conspiracy of the Indis^ns was ^< thi* time reported to be formed againft the new comers, which the ^iflenters attributed to the irregularities thiy pre- tended to have feen praetilbd by thofc men ; though others are of opinion, that all this was no more than a fcheme of the formalifts to ruin the fettle- ment, and to gain honour by fuppreffing a plot that they themfclves had firft encouraged, or \yhich had perhaps no real exiftence. — This latter opinion feems to be the more truly founded, as captain Standilh from New Plymouth, affifted by eight men only, fupprelled this dreadful confpiracy. This colony now grew to a flour iihing ftate, and plans were laid in Old England, tor introducing cpilcopacy among them. Mr. Gorges, fon to Sic Ferdinando Gorges, arrived there wdth feveral fa- milies, and a church of England clergyman. They oppofed him ; the true fpirif of fanatic obilinacy prevailed, and, weary of contending with a people whom he found it impoffible to bring to reafon, he returned with all his aflbciates. The New-Plymouthers fome time afterwards made feveral ove^-tures toward? purchafmg the patent 06 the Plymouth company. In this they met with fome obftacles ; but at lafl, fending over Mr. Winflow, he obtained it for their governor, who furrendered it to tiie general council. The affiftants were increafed to five ; for the republican f})irit of thefc colonifts rendered them extremely fearful of rruding IN AMERICA/ - "Ij trufting poWfcr eveh w jth one who had neVer donS any thing to forfeit their efteem and coniiddnce. Mh Winflow, returning from his negoclatioh in th« year 1624, brought over, amongft oth*r fupplifes, a bull and three heifers, the firf.t ever feen in thofe parts. He alfo furnillied the colonifts with hoo-s and poultry, which increafed exceedingly. At this time the towii of New Plymouth containe ^ I%otographic Sdences Corporation \ S V '^;\ Ci^ :\ \ ^ 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY )4S80 (716) B72-4S03 r^^^ d paflTengers of all kinds. He is faid to have been en- couraged to this voyage by Charle« I. himfelf^, who wanted to be rid of him, and perfiiaded his father to let him be abfent for ^ three years. A man of his figure and reputation highly engag- ed the attention of both Old and New England ; and, jnftcad of forming a fcttlement, as he propofed to do, on the banks of Con- necticut River, he accepted of the government of Maflachufet, tvhich wa« offered him, His fchcme of government was en- tirely different from the principles of the ruling party there, who, moft inconfiftently with their own fcondud, demanded a rigorous conformity, through all their colony, in matters of re- ligion. Sir Henry, (who, if he h;^ any principle, adopted that which was afterwards c;|lled independency) was for a compri- henfion of the baptifls, and all the other fcftarias who diffented from the church of England ; nor would he be dieted to by the minifters and their ruling elders. Being as violent as they ^ere obftinate, at the next ejection he was fet aiide, and Mr. Winthrop was Replaced in the government; upon which Sit make IN AM Eft I C A. 6i make i fcttlement on Conne^iicut River, in order that it might prove a check upon the latter. A de- tachment was accordbgly fent thither under Mr; Hooker ; thefe buik the tovm of Hertford on the banks of that river. Several others were built af- ter\vards by fucceeding fettlers ; and, notwithftandj- ing they were ill fupplied with provifions, and many perfons deferted the colony, to go back to their former plantation, who loil their lives in the attempt, yet in 1636, it was in a very promifing ftate, and was erected into a feparate governments It was now become a prevailing cuftom in Bri- tain for people to emigrate to North America. \the earl of Warwick obtained a grant from the Henry returned to England, where he afted a part fufficicntly known in biftoiy. One Mr. Williams, the miniftcr of Salem, had broached fe- veral wrong>headed opnions, and amongft others the following, viz. That it was not lawful fa: good men to join in family prayer with the wicked; that it was unlawful to take an oath to the civil magiftrate ; and that the king of England having no right over the Indians of America, his patent was invalid ; with feveral other principles of the like tendency. Williams was fo obftinate, that he defended his doftrines, for which he and his followers were driven out of Maflachufet colony, and took re- fuge on the hanks of an adjoining river, where they built a town, which they called Providence, lying to the fouthward pf Plymouth, oppofite Rhode-Ifiand, and in the country of the Narragantfets. Williams, in other refpeds, feems to have been p wife, virtuous, worthy man, and proved afterwards to be one of the greateft benefa&ors to the »ew fettlci^eat that ever went fr^m Old England. king w \ 'M 1 I ! .1 ( I mmt 6d BUCTISH EMFIttE king of certain lands^extending.forttfeeijoco « ieagpes from the river Njurangiut,, whichr he m»d^ over ta the lordsi Brooke and Say, Charles Fiennc§, Efq. Sir Nathanael Rich, Sir RichwdSakoaitti Richard Knightly, Efq; John Pym, Efq, John Hanap* den, Efq. and Mr» Herbert Pelham. But a» thefo gentlemen imagined from - fome ap|>arent cil^um- ftances, that affau's. in England* would take ai di^ ferent turn from what the)' had done for fome lame paffed, and as. the court began to take meajfures for reftraining the fubjedts from emigrating, they difpofed of their lands and laid afida their defign of leaving their native country. Meanwhile, Sir Arthur Hafelrig, Oliver Crom- \vel, and others, were prevented from trying their fortunes in New Enghmd, by an embargo laid up- oh the Ihipping by king Charles I. whereby eight veffels were prevented from failing for thofe parts.— r Let us view this meafure in what light we pleafe, the abfurdity of it ifr equally ttriking ; it was no lefs impolitic than unjuft; and by it that unhappy prince fealed, as it were, the warrant for his own death. If thefe men were become troublefome to the church and ftate, where co'^^ a fairer oppor- tunity be found to get rid of them ? At home tliey were malecontents ; abroad it was evident they might be of fervice to their mother-country. Jx would therefore have been the wifdom of govern- ment to have given them all manner of affiftance in their emigrations, rather than to have reftrained them I,K<, ifltM ERiIiC ^ Hanap* i& the^ circuai-T 6e ai di^ tnetime lefigtiof f Crom- ng their laidup- by eight parts,—: e pleafct waanQ Linbappy his own efome to :r oppoi^ jme tlicy ent they ntry. fx govern- ifliflance eilrained them ^ ttf thorn; but fueh«iethods of educing geadi«u,a evU, were meafures unknown , to this 4iofottui»to n^.'^M prohibition iacwtfesdefirejffofthejpowflr Of ^e-court was ,not:aifficientto-,preveat people fifom iraofporting themfelves to Aimmsi. a^he jcotei^ of Mftfliiqhufct .Bay Was overftocked with i^katcrs:; teore-jaads iwrexpurobafedef.the .lod^s betvv^eeh GoHrtfiAicut River and New ¥orX; aad the gmem- merit (of Newhjkvcm^was founded, ^hkh ^together wisfii LoBg-^Iiland was eomprehcnded in theipur* ch8fe,.«ndwafrfeon filled with towns. .nj ►The iDutch were,,by this time, fettled m the croim-. try mow diftingmfhed by the name of iNew-Yoak, ana *^an to be u«cafy at the «fuccefs of their TO^bours the ^Englilh, the French dlfo who .^wie fcated.iin.Canada4ared ^11 poffiWe means to diftupb «nd incommode ;them; and the new colony was bdTides vexed ^vith internal feuds and dilfentioras. aiieiPequots (Who weie engaged ina \v»rwith •riieir;neighboiirs Che Narag^tfets) took^very oc- cafion to alarm and difturb the EnglHh, who had rhitherto borne their infults only beoaufe they were •not in very good condition to revenge them. [But -at this period, as the four iifter-coionies could iraife ^feven thoufand men, the Indians ^Vifely enough pw- 'tended :to enter .into alliance ^^'ith them. — Aft^r -many fruitlefs overtures, they at length deciareri they -would-be friends to the Engiiih, if they could •bring about a peace between them.and the Nara- tgantfcts : but this ^ould not eafily .bc.effa^fecd,. and * '. rhe II Mu 64 BRITISH fiMPlkE the favagcs, once more giving way to their eVJI Ih^J cUnations, killed fevcral Engliflimcn at Weathers- field, a town fituats on Conntdticut River, and took two young^ maidens prifdfters, who would have fallen the viaimi* of thdir cruelty and luft, and in the end been put to death by torture, had not the Sachem's wife, a woman of a moft noble and mmiable charafter, interceded for them, with a tendernefs truly becoming her fex, delivered them from the favage fury of her countrymen, and taken them under her protection. — An hundred and twenty men, under the conduft of captain Endi- Got were fent by the Englilh to demand fatis- ■feaion for thefe depredations* The Indians fled before them, but, on their retreat, attacked the Eng* lifh fort edled Seabrook, where being repulfed, they killed fome flragglers in the fields, and made ap* plication even to their enemies the Naragantfets for aid, which thefe not only refiifed, but joined the colonifts againfl them, to whom they granted a free "sHage through their country to attack them» Saffacus, Sachem of the Pequots, was fo brave and warlike a chief, that he was deemed invincible. On intelligence of the approach of the New Eng- land men, he had divided his troops into two bodies and made them retire into two forts on the river Miftic. The firft of thefe the Englifh fur-, prifed in the night, fet fire to it, ^nd put w the fword all who efcaped the flames. Were it not from a confideration of the neceffity of thefe fevere proceedings, IN AMERICA. 6^ f i^e<»diftgs where an enemy is at the fame time fo numerous and fo favage, this aaioh c6uld with no ihadow of Juftic^ be called any thing elfe than a barbarous maflacre, in which aboVe four hundred •ileeping perfonS loft their lives, many of whom €ouId really be charged with no offence againft the EnglJfli or their allies. By this time the Indian chief Saffacus had coUeded a body of fix hundred men with Which he harrafled the rear of the Eng- Irfh army ; but the good fuccefe which the latter met with in their Undertakings, occafioned his faith^ lefs tfoops to kave their brave prince. Meanwhile i fecond pgfty of the colonifts arrived from Maf^ fachufet Bay, who committed many cruelties in the Pcquot country, putting to death two of their fachems, and fparing a third, on condition only that he fliould betray Saffacus, -who made his ef- cape, however, to the country of the Mohocks, where he was treacheroufly murdered. — Had his own men ftood by him it is certain that he would have given his enemies a great deal of trou- ble before they could have completely vanquilhed him ; but the favages were fo flruck with the fu- pcriority of the Engliih, and fo much furprifed at feeing them gain any advantrge over a chief whom they counted almoft immortal, that they refufed to be brought to the charge, and by flying, moft pro- bably, loft more of their people than the}^ would have done by fighting; but their fears overcame Vol* I. K their ! 66 BRITISH EMPIRE their reafon, ^nd gave their neighbours evert more advantages than they coyld have pxpe^tccL A party of the colonifts in one of their expeditions, clrove eight hundred of the Indians, with two hundred of their wives and children into a fwamp. A fog arifing, favoured .ae efcape of the former, though not without leaving feveral dead and wounded behind them. But the helplefs women and infants remaining, were obliged to furrender at difcretion to the conquerors. The fachem's wife who had delivered the Weathersfield maidens, was among them. She made two requefts, which arofc from a tendernefs and virtue not common among favages. The firft was, that her chaftlty might remain unviolated, and the fecond, that her children might not be taken away from her. The amiable fweetnefs of her counten^tice, and the mo- deft dignity of her deportment, were worthy of the chamber ihe fupported for innocence and juftice, and were fufficient to Ihew the Europeans that even barbarous nations fometimes produce inftances of heroic virtue. The women and children taken in this attack, were difperfed through the neighbouring colonies, the male infants excepted, who were fent to the Bermudas. The Engliih feemed fully determined on deftroying the whole race of the Pcquot In- dians, whofe lands were diftributed among the fettlers ; fome quitting their own country, and others furrendering to the vidtors, who were no longer willing Wililttg ted theii bdUring But V ried on, by diflei in confi difputes. ** the c( ** rence^ and thii fuch ar howdvei Aflcmbl natics, i the fpiri Antinon to grov^ New E fet up fc out; w length, the afFai chafed foon w rifliing even d and con creafe o IK A M G R 1 C A, it Veiling to let them remain a nation, but dirtribu* ted them among the Nardgantfets, and other neigh- Injuring Indians. But while theCe affairs were fo ibccefsfully car- ried on, the colonifts began to be made unhappy by diilenfions among themfelves, which happened in confequence of fome ridiculous theological difputes. ** Whether the covenant of works, ot ** the covenant of grace ought to have the prefe- ** fence,** -was become a moft important queftion ; and this took its rife from women, whom alone fuch arguments could bcfeem. Their hufbands, however, caught the contagion of their nonfenfe. Aflemblies were holden in the houfes of female fa- natics, and difcoui-fes delivered, equally contrary to the fpiritof goodfenfe and of true religion. The Antinomians thus foftered rn thefe parts, began to grow extremely ttoublefome t6 the clergy of New England. The loweft of the people were fet up for preachers, and the old minifters Tned out ; with many fuch fooleries. The magiftrates, at length, called a fynod, which took cognizance of the affair, and condemned the fcftaries, who pur- chafed the land called Rhode^Ifland, which was foon well peopled, and is at prefent a very flou- rifhing colony, Thus good arofe from e\'il, and even difputes and debates produced population and convenience. Evefy thing tended Co the in- creafe of the inhabitants. All difficulties Were fur- K 2 . mounted 69 BRITI^SH BMPIRP mounted by the induftry of the planters, and tkc^r toils were crowned with the deferved fijccjsfs. At this time there happened alfo fom^ civil cantentions among the New England people. The inhabitants of Hingham, in Suffolk county, htv- iag broken the peace, Mr. Winthrop, the deputy- governor of Maflachufet Bay, committed tlve rio- ters to prifon, on refufingto give bail. A petition was foon afterwards prefented by fome of the inha- bitants» who infifted on a right of appealing to the. Englifli' parliament, for which they were, fined and imprifoned. Mr. Winthrop was the chief objeft of their complaints, and, on the trial, was ordered to defcend from the bench and vindicate himfelf. He did fo, to the univerfal fatisfadion of the magiftratesi and people, and the fines of the offenders were in.- creafed. He then refumed his feat and office, arid harangued the affembly m a manner which did equal honour to the integrity of his heart, and the foundnefs of his underflanding *. * Th« excellent fpeech here alluded to was couclicd m the following terms. ♦* Gentlemen, *♦ I will not look back to tlie paft proceedings of tHscourt^ nor to tlw perfons dierein concerned: I am fadsfied that I was publicly aocufed, and dut I am now publiply acquitted; bu^ give me leave to fay fomething on tiiis occalion, that may rec- tify the opinion of the people, from whom thefe diftcmpcrs of the ftate have arifen, Tht queftions that have troubled the countr}^ of late have been about the authority of the magiftrale, and the liberty of the people. Magiftrates are certainly an ap- It M «{ i( (t (I IN AMBRIC^ «f xd thqr n^ civU e. T)ie y, htv» depwity- tlve rio- petition he inha- )% to th^, il^ed and, 3bjedt of rdcjr^d to elf. He igiftrates were in.- fice, and hich did , and the clied in tific »f this court^ that I was quitted; buE at may recr liftempcrs of troubled the : imgiftrate^ tainly an ap- It ft is necdTary to take notice that the four provincct of New England united themfelves in a general confederacy, yet retained the confti- tution and independency of their feparate govern- ment This in its form fomewhat refembled the imion of the feven provinces. The deputies fate like the dates of Holland, but were fubjedt to no other controul than that of their conftituents ; and thus they eredted themfelves into a fort of republican government, though they acknowledged themfelves the fubjefts of a limited monarchy. This prqjeft had been long in agitation, and, at laft, on the feventh of September, 1643, ^^^ fame was efFedted by an inftniment under the fol- lowing title, viz. " Articles of confederation, be- ** tween the plantations under the government of ** the Maflachufets, the plantations under the go- *' polntment of God; and I intreat you to confider that you chofe •* thera from among yourfelves, and that they are men, fubjtft «• to the like paflTions with yourfelves. —We take an oath to •* govern you according to God's laws and our own, to the bcft •* of our Ikill; if we commit errors, noi willingly, but for want •' of fkiU, you ought to bear with us. Nor would I have you ** miflake you? own liberty. There i" a liberty in doing what •* we lift, without regard to law or ju; ' k . : this liberty is indeed •* inconfiflcnt with authority ; but civil, moral, federal liberty •* coniifti in ?very one's enjoying his property, and having the ** benefit of the laws of his country; this is what you ought to ** contend for, with the hazard of your lives; but this is very •* confiftent withaduefubjeftion to the civil magiftrate, and the *• paying him that refpeft that his chara^er in common requires.** vernment t( I If 7« BRITISH EMPIRE " vcrnment of Plymouth^ the plantations tind^ " the government of Connedicut, and the govcrn- ** ment of Ncwhaven, with the plantations in *• combination therewith." — By thofe articles they declared that they all came into thofe parts of America with the fame errand and aim, to ad« vance the chriftian religion, and enjoy the liber- ty of their confciences with purity and peace; that two commiffioners ihould annually be cho- fen, who Ihould have full powers from the ge- neral court of each fettlement to meet at an ap- pointed place to concert and conclude matters of general concernment, fuch as peace, or war, and other affairs conducive to the general wel-* fare of the confederacy*. * Here it may not be improper to take a view of certain laws and cuftoms, peculiar to this government of the four provinces thus united, as we find them fet down in Douglas's Summary, and other writers of authority. For many years from the beginning, the governor, afliffants, or council, not imder fc\ on, and deputies or rcprcfentatives In a Itgiflative capacity voted together; but from long experience divers inconveniences were found to arifc, and it was ena^ed in i:6jff , that the magiftrates [governor and council] Ihould fit and vote apart, constituting a fcparate negative. Their cnaiting ftyle was, // is ordered By thh courtf and the authorily thereof. The governor, deputy governor, and alTIftants, or council called magiiirates, were the fuperior court for appeals in civil cafes ; and were the court of oyer and terminer in cafes of life, jpember, b^niihrnent, and divorce. After they were conflituted The IN AMERICA. ^s The colony cf New Plymouth was, before this period, fo filled with planters that they began to forfake the fettlement, the foil of which was by this time pretty much worn out, and removed to two diftina houfes, If they happened to aiffer In any cafcs of judicature, civil or criminal, the affair was to be determined by a vote of the whole court met together. The general court only had power to pardon condemned criminals. The governor, when prefent, was prefid».nt in all courts. No general court to be con- tinued above on* year. The governor, deputy-govemor, gr wajorily pf the aflillants, may call a general affcmbly ; but this affembly is not to be adjourned or diflblvcd, but by a vote of thje £une> County courts may admit freemen, being church-members, that if, of the independent or congregational religious mode ;— only freemen were capable of voting in civil alfcmblies : 1662,— upon the kings letter, this law was repealed. Formerly fome townfliips had it in their option, to fend or not to fend deputies to the general affembly. The deputies of Dover, and fuch other towns as arc not by law bound to fend deputies^ may be cxcufcd. Th^ officers ainually elcfted by the freemen in general (not ty their reprefgntotivcs or deputies in the general court 01 affem* Wy) were the governor, the deputy-governor, the affilrants or council, the treafurer, the major-general, the admiral at fea, the commiffioners for the united colonies, and the fccrctary. By an ad in 1641, tlie freemen of any ftiire or town, have li- terty to ch^f(p deputies for the general court, cither in their own (hire or town, or clfewhere as they judge fitteft ; fo they be freemen and inhabiting this jurifdi£tiou. By a law made in 16^4, no perfon, who is an ufual or common attorney in any inferior court, fhail be admitted to fit as a deputy h thf general court or affembly. a place 72 BRITISH EMPIRE. a place called Narnfet, where they purchaffid land of the natives and built the town of Etfthalli in B»A- ilaplC county. The New Englanders now began to tUnl their thoughts on the converfion and civilizing of the Indians. Mr. Elliot, a minifter, undertook to learn Where the country or colony laws are deficient, die cstfe ft»ll be determined by the word of God. E^sfranchifement, and banlfhmsht, were tjic ufoal jihalties for great crimes. Governor and deputy-governor jointly peeing, or aiy cf their affiftants, consenting, have power out df tourf, to re- prieve a condemned malefaaor, till the next court of affiftants, ©r general court; and the general court only hath ^ower to saidon a condemned malefaftor. " i6^z. Enaftcd, That a mint-houfc be ercfted In fioftoit, to coin filver of fterling alloy in lid. 6d. and 3d. pieces, in ▼alue left than that of the prcfent Englifh coin by 2 d. in the lulling; the ftamp to be, within a double ring; on the one fide ** Maffachufets/* witha tree in the centre ; on the other fide «* New-England," with tiie year i6c'2, and the figure Xii, ♦i, and III, according to the value of feach piece ; with a pri- vate mark. Excepting Englifh coin, no other money to be cat- rtnt in this common-wealth \ 5 per cent, for charges of cbining; tb be allowed by the owners of the filver brought into the mint to be coined. Exportation of this coin, except twenty (hiDings for neceffary expences, is prohibited, tn pain of confiffcation of all vifible eftate.— Coinage is a prerogative of the fovereignty, not of a colony. Scarcely any of this coin now appeafs; with all other filver coin, it is driven away by a multiplied fallacioM bafe paper-currency. Befidts fome fmall duties of impoft upon ftrong liquors impor- ted; and a fmaU excifc of i», 6d. per hogftead, on cyder, the IN AMERICA. 7.^ the language of the favage?, and to' preach the gofpel among them. In 1646, he advanced into their country whom he intended to convert, hav- ing previouily fent proper perfons to apprize them and malt HqHors retained; and tfrtinage 6//. per toinipon fliip- ping; theonlinnry revenue was a poli-tax or capitation upon all male V'hites of fix teen years of age and upwards, and a ratt of — d. in the pound of principal ell ate at IhuU valuaiions : thu3 for inllance, anno 16^1, the tax was 20 d. per poll, and a rate of I d. in the pound ettatc. Anno 1692, when the old charter expired, a tax of 10. f. poll, and a rate of 30 j:. upon every 100/. of principal elktc, was . computed to raife 30,000/. value eoual to proclamation money. ^ Anno 1639, a court-merchant is appoj- .1. Whenal!ra;if-ci'3 aiFairs do not allow him to tarrj- the ordinary terms of the couits ; the governoj or deputy, with any three of the alliiiants, may call a fpecial court. Several ads for fairs and markets in fcveral towns ; for inf- tancc, in Bolton two yearly fairs, and a weekly market upon the fifth day, Enaited, a fmall body of good maritime laws In twcnty-feven fedions. # The oecononiy of theii' militia was after this manner : All white men of iixtecn j cars of age and upwards, v;ere inlirtcd ; no company of foot to be urjd^n- fixty-four private men (fmuU towns are to join) no trocps of hoife to exceed feveniy men. The non-commilfion o;!icei3 to he appoint^id by the commiii-on officers of the company. The conimiiiloa oHicers of a ccmpany to be chofen by a mijorlty of the men inlillcd in L:at company, to be appi-ovcd by the county-court, or feilious. All the companies of one county or regiment, by a majoiiLVor the men bdongintr to that rci^iment are, to chafe a fcijeanwriujor of the county, the conimanucr of that regiment The c.mu.anJ iS all the militia ol the colony was in a major-general, annualiy • Vol. I. L of I ! ^]i 74 BRITISH EMPIRE of his coming. The Indians met him at their borders, attended to his preaching, and fuffered him to fettle in their country, where numbers were cliofen by the general affcmbly. Any feven affiftants, wher«o£ the governor or deputy-governor to be one, may imprefs fol- diers. To prevent opprcffion, any pcrfon talcing exceflive wages for work done, or unrcafon'ble prices for neceffaiy merchaftdife; Jhall be fined at the difcretion of the court where the offence is prefented. The feled men to regulate the wages of porters. The forms of their judicial oaths were : — By the name of the Living, and fon^tlmes Ever-living God.-By the great name of the Ever-living Almighty God. —By the great and dreadful name of the Ever-liiing G«U— Thefe were ufcd according to the folemnity of the ocoaiion. Any perfon may view and have atteftcd copies of any records ; the journals of the council excepted. Powowers to be fined five pounds. Jcfuits, or any Roman catholic ecclefiaas, to be banilhed; if they return, to fuffer death.— This law was afterwards extended to the quakcrs. Anno 165^. None of that curfed fed of heretics, lately rifen Up in the world, which arc commonly called quakers, are to be imported : penalty upon the mailer iool. per piece, and 405. per hoar, for any other perfon harbouring or entertaining them. . .^ , • f 1658. A quakcr convided, (hall be banifhed upon pam ot *^' Punalty for playing at cards or dice p. for obfervlng any fuch day as Chriibnas 5 s. prutaners of the fabbath-day, for the bxi\ offence '- be admonilhcd, but for after-offences to be fined. Drinking hcilths aboard of veffels 20 8. every health. Re- vlllng magiltrates or miniftcrs 5I. or whipping. ,633. Conftablcs arc to prefent unprofitable fowlers, and to- bacco-takcrs, to the next magillratc. brought IN AMERICA. 75 brought over to thr hriftian faith. The govern- ment of New En<> uid gave him all manner of countenance and affiftance. A town was built on the fpot, and the tools proper for agriculture No motion of marriage to be made to any maid, without the eonfent of her parents. Births, marriages, and deatlis to be recorded in each town : to be returned yearly to the county- court or fefflons. The general affembly having received and perufcd a letter from the privy-council in England, with an ad of parliament 12 Carol. II. for the encouraging of fhipping and navigation ; they appointed naval officers in all their fea-ports, the tranfac- tions to be tranfoiitted to London once a year by the fecretary. "Women, girls, and boys, are enjoined to fpin. The feleft men of each town, are to alTefs each family, at one or more fpinners : when they have avocations of other bufinefs, they are to be deemed half or quarter fpinners. A whole fpinner (hall fpin every year, for thirty vireeks, three pounds every week of linen, cotton, or woollen. Five years quiet poflefllon to be deemed a good title. In commonages five fheep (hall be reckoned equal to one cow. 1667. No licenfed peifon to fell beer, but of four bufhels barley malt at leaft, to the hogfliead, and not to be fold above 2 d. the ale quart ; not to be mixed with malaffes, coarfc fiigar, or other materials. No mackarel to be caught, except for fpending whilft frelh, before the firft of July annually. Sur- veyors appointed to view all fliippiag in building. Wampumpeag to be a tender in payment of debts not exceed- ing 40 s. at eight white, or four black a penny, — This was re- pealed anno 1661. After a vote paflTed in an affembly or civil court, a member may enter his diflent, without entering his rcafons of diffcnt to be recorded. L 2 and 76 BRITISH EMPIRE ' andorlrr neceflary employments : being furnilhed to the favages, the EnglUli began to form them into well-ordered focieties, and brought them to fubmit to feveral regulations* not ill calculated for the In allaflemHies, neuters, that ts filent, fliall be iocoutited votes for the n'^gative. Any two magiflrates, with the clerk of the county, may take probate of wills, or grant adminiftra- tion. In old charter times, the colony was at firft divided into the three counties of Suffolk, Effex; andMiddlefex : when they afn-.med the jurifdictlun of New-KampHiire and the province of Main, and fettled compaiVly upcn Connefticut River, the co- lony, in 1671, was divided ioto thefc fix counties : Counties. Suffolk, Norfolk, Pifcataqua, Uliddlefex,, Yovkflnre, Ham p 111 ire, Shire-Towns, Bofton. Salifbuiy and Hampton. Salem and Ipfwich. Dover and Portfmoiith. Cliarles-Tov\ n and Cambridge, York. . .: , , Northampton and Springfield. * The regulations here mentioned were as follow,—*' If ** any man be idle a foitnight, he Ihall iV.ifeit five fliillings.—- *' If two unmarried people commit fornication, the man IhaU ** pay twenty fhilUngs. • If any man (hall beat his wife he *' fh.U be bound and publicly puniflied. — Eveiy young man *' who Is unm;;rried and not another's fcivant fliall fct up a •* wigvvatn [or dwtll'nq] for himfeJf, and not fhift up ami down ** ill thofo olotheis, If any woman ihall wear her haircut like ** a man's or 'langing loufc, (he f>.J.l! pay five (hillings. — Any *' woman cvpofin^ htr breafls with')ut a covering fliall forfeit «* five fl'.illines. -All men who wear long locks ihall be «' fined the Ume fum." firfl IN AMERICA. 11 Brfi: advances towards civilizing thefe barbarians. The inhabitants of the neighbouring town of Con- cord^ were fo well pleafed with the report of thefe amendments, that they likewife defired to be con*- verted. Mr. Elliot accordingly went and built a town among them. He prevailed upon them to abolifh the infamous conjurings and other ridicu- lous impofitions pradifed by their priefts; to make murder and adultery capital crimes, and to eftablilli many other regulations of a limilar nature to thofe he had before introduced amono; their neighbours. Their bodily welfare was likewife provided for, and doaths, and other neceflaries dif- tributed to them. But now forae of the heathen fachems, finding themfelves furrounded by the "Englifh, began to fear a total fubverfion of their ancient cuftoms, by the introdudion of chriftians into their territories. One of them, named Cutfha- moquin, made heavy complaints againfl them, and prohibited all fuch of his people as changed their religion from building any towns within his do- minions, alledging, that his praying fubjecfts did not pay him tribute as formerly. — After many debates about the matter, however, his Indian ma» jefly turned chriftian himfelf, for the fake of in- creasing his revenue. The converts now built a town in the middle of the MaiTachufets, confift- ing of three flreets, two of them feparated from the third by a river, but joined by a wooden bridge, A larg« j9 BRITISH EMPIRE A large houfe, built after the European manner ferved for a church, a (lore houfe, a fchool-room, and a dwelling houfe, for Mr. Elliot. The .In- dians became fchoolmaflers, preachers, and even magiftrates, in confequence of the wife and juft meafures at this time taken by the fettlers, which tended to the eltablilhment of peace and tranqui- lity, and the advancement of the interefts of the colony. Yet the heathen Indians, and efpecially fuch as had been roughly treated by the Englilh, continu- ed to look with an evil eye upon them, and not to entertain the higheft notions of their juftice and humanity*. However, 5000 favages^ were converted, and a focicty for the propagation of the gofpel in thofe parts was formed, and encou- raged by ads of parliament pafled in England, where a corporation was elVabliflied for that pur- pofe, with liberty to purchafe lands to the yearly value of fix hundred pounds. Two years before this period, the French had engaged fome Indians to mafihcre the magiftrates at Newhaven; but the fchemc mifcarried. The New Eng landers delivered from their enemies, began afrefh to perfecute their brethren. As foon • As an Inftance of this, one Mr. Mayhew endeavouring to conTct a fachem, the Indi.in bad him " Go, and make the « En.^lid- good firft." A Ihrewd reply of the favage,^ ^vhic-h (hewed in how little cflimation he held tlie morals of his pray- ing neighbours. as ^ I N AMERICA. 79 as the prefbyterlans had received the fanftion of the civil power for their ecclefiaftical government, they bpgan to treat the different fedaries among themfelves with more feverity, than they had for- merly been treated with by the church of Eng- land; the anabaptifls and the quakers were the objefts of their religious fury, and to thefe they ihewed no mercy. The perfecution firfl broke out at Rehobeth, in Plymouth county, where feveral anabaptifls who had fevered themfelves from their brethren, were fined, whipped, and imprifoned. Thefe, likemoft - bigots were as ready to bear punifhments, as their adverfaries were to inflict them, and made great boafls of what they termed *' fuffering for the ** gofpel of truth.'* All feds grow by oppreflion ; and it is not too bold to fay, that to this principle under Divine Providence, chriltianity itfelf, owed the flourifliing ftate to which, through fo many firey trials, at laft it arrived. — Some years after- wards the quakers in the new world as feverely felt the iron hand of power. Many of thefe had come from the Wefl-Indies to fettle among the puritans : they were ordered back again, and it was immediately enacted that all mailers of veiTels bringing any (Quakers to New England fliould forfeit a hundred pounds; that all quakers land- ing in that government fliould be fent to the houfe of corredlion, to be whipped and kept to hard la- boUa", with many other claufes fuihciently fevere. Yet 8o BRITISH EMPIRE Yettothcfe upon a more mature delibttiation, Wfic added the following. — " A quaker returning to New England after " banilhment, if a man, to have one ear cut off, « and kept to hard labour in the houfe of correc- " tion, till he can be ihipped off at his own " charges. For the fecond offence, to lofe the " other ear, and l^ kept in the houfe of correc- <( tion. — If a woman, to be whipped and kept " as abovementioned.— For the third offence, whe- *' ther men or women, to have tlieir tongues bored " with a hot iron, and then to be detained in the «« hoiife of corre<5tion till they can be Ihipped off <* at their own chnrgcs." All thefe laws, hard as they were, feemed rather to invite the quakers, than to deter them from flocking to the colonies. Endicot, the governor, was himfelf a violent en- thufiaft. No bounds, confccpiently, were fet to the perlecution of thefe people. It was at length made capital for a quaker tu return after having been trafnported from the colonics. Four of them (three men and one woman) were executed upon this aa.— Charles II. who was by this time rellored, difapproved of thefe meafures, and fent orders to flop all proceedings agalnll: the quakers ; — thefe \vcre not fo much attended to as they ought to have been; but they occafioncd a repeal of tliat bloody law which condemned thefe wretched peo- ple to death for their ridiculous opinions. . One IN AMERICA* ^ ii Ont cannot help remarking here the pcrverienofs of mankind, that has, in almod; every age, turned that principle which was intended for the greateft gjood into the greateft evil. — With what juftiee did the primitive chriftians cry out againft their hea- then adverfaries for the feverities inflided upon them ! How nobly did they ftand the teft, and feal with their blood tliofe dod:rines they came to preach! The good maxims they inculcated, the fimplicity andfpotlefs purity of their lives, their generous forgivenefs of thofe who injured them, and above all their conftancy in fufferings, and their love for one another, at laft overcame even barbarifm itfelf, and forced the nations to confefs the power of that religion which feemed fo clofely to copy its divine original. — Chriftianity was fa- vourably received in the world. Mighty princes and great ftates countenanced and proteftedit.— • What was the confequence ? — Thofe who, during the perfecutlons of the heathens, had been infc- parably united in the bond of love, and walked like brethren together in the fteps of their great mailer, began now to be divided amongft them- felves about vain points of fpeculation. They fplir into different fedts, and whichever of thefe was up- permoft failed not to vex and harrafs the reft. Councils were called; articles exhibited; decrees made, and men, at length, punilTied in their per- ibns for mere matters of opinion. I'he chriftians then forgot themfelves ; they were no longer -the Vol. I. U children 8f BRITISH EMPIRE children of one father, the fervants of one lord, the followers of the meek and humble Patron of their faith;— they appeared rather like fo many favages who were entered into a folemn compad: to endeavour the deftruftion of each other. — And fince thofe times, there has fcarceiy been any churck or feft of men, who have not, in their turns when- ever they had the authority, played the tyrants over their brethren. — The proteftants feparated themfelves from the Romilh church of whofe per- fecuting fpirit they with juflice complained; yet they could not refift the opportunity of perfccuting the diirenters. The zeal of the latter infpired them with an ardour and conftancy which got the better of all oppofition. — Some wrought the fubverfion of the (late at home, whilft others pafled vaft oceans, fled to woods and, wilds, and with an in- defetigable induftry (never too much tc be com- mended) procured to themfelves dwellings of peace jjind fecurity among the haunts of favages, facrifi- ' cing to the enjoyment of their rights and liberties every focial tie, and all their neareft and deareft CQpnexions. — Let us behold thefe very people now reaping the fruits of their labours ; their new fet- tJemcnts perpetually flouriihing and extending themfelves, chiefly on account of their being con- fldered as a retreat for all manner of perfons from the mother-country. In this view, can any thing be jnore abllird then to perceive fuch a fociety endeavouring IN AMERICA. «3 endeavouring to overturn its own eftablifhments, and perfecuting vith the moft implacable hatred a fet of poor deluded wretches, wLom their con- tempt would have been the moft cffe ill that he fell feck of a fevtr whkh put an end to his life» — His ferofher Philip, a prince of great fpirit, renewed his alliance >vith the colonilb, ana ven went fo far as to oblige himfelf, by a written deed, not to alienate any of his lands without their confent and appro- bation ; while they, on their parts, entered into 9. folemn league offenfive and defenfive with one who afterwards proved their biftereft enemy. The Bartholomew adt now taking place in Eng- land, by which all nonconformifts were turned out of their livings. New England was filled with paf- tors and with theological difpntes ; — a moft fat^l dclufion fucceeded, which if it had not been timely put a flop to, might have ended ia the de- flrudlion of almoll the whole colony. An unaccountable fancy poflefl'ed the pious puri- tans, that they were under the power of witches and evil fpirits, which produced fome of the ftrangeft confequences ever heard of in hiftory. It was at a town called Salem, in New England, that this delufion firfl began. One Paris was the mini- ller thf^re. He had two daughters troubled ^' ""h convulfions ; which being atiended with forrc- c> thofe extraordinary ap])earances not imfrequcnt in fuch diforders, he imagined they were bewitched. As fc" 'i as he concluded upon witchcraft as the caufe I.N AMERICA. $5 ij^ufc of the diilenfiper, the next inquiry was, hcyrj tfi fipd put the perfon who bai. bewitched th<" - He cail his eyes \ pon an Indian fervant woman ot his own, whom he frequently beat, and ufed lier with fuch feverity that Ihe at lift conttiicd herfelf the witch, and was committed to goal, where flic lay for a long time. The imaginations of r)ie peo- ple were not yet fufficiently heated to make a very formal bufinefs of this; therefore they were- content to difchargc her from prifon after a long confine- nuent, and to fell her as a Have for her fees. How- ever, as this ejc;imple fct the difcourfe about witch- icraft on foot, fome people, troubled with a fimilar conjpiaint, began to think themfelves bewitched too, Perfons in ^n ill (late of health are naturally ^nd of finding out caufes for their diftempers ; ef- pecially fuch as aye extraordinary, and call the eya« of the public upon them. There was perhaps fomething of malice in the affair befides ; fojr one of the firft objedts whom they fixed upon was Mr. Burroughs, a gentleman who had formerly been minifter of Salem: but, upon fome of the religious difputes which divided the country, he differed with his flock and left them. This man was tried with two others for witchcraft, by a fpecial coni- miflion of oyer and terminer, dircdted to fome of the gentlemen of the beft fortunes, and reputed to be of the beft underftandings in the country. Be- fore thefe judges, a piece of evidence was delivered, the moft weak and childilh, the moft repugnant to itfclf. mLJist u BRITISH EM? IRE itfelf, and to common fenfe, that perhaps ever was known upon any ferioiis occaiion. Yet by thofc judges, upon that evidence, and the verdift founds ed upon it, this minifter, a perfon of a moft uncxcep. tionable charafter, and two others, men irreproach* able in their lives, were fentenced to die, and were ac- cordingly executed. Then thefe vi^ims of the po- pular madnefs were (tripped naked, and their bodies thrown into a pit, half covered with earth, and left to the difcretion of the birds and wild beafts. Upon the fame evidence, in a little time after, fixteen more fuffercd death; the greatefl part of them dying in the moft exemplary fentiments of piety, and with the ftrongeft profeffions of their innocence. One man, refufing to plead, fuifered in the cruel manner the law direfts on that occafion, by a flow prefTure to death. The moft ordinary and innocent adtions were metamorphofed into ma- gical ceremonies, and the fury of the people aug- mented in proportion as this gloom of imagination increafed. The flame fpread with rage and rapidity into every part of the country. Neither the ten- demefs of youth, nor the infirmity of age, nor the honour of the fex, nor the facrednefs of the mini- ftry, nor the refpecftable condition of fortune or charadlcr, was the leaft protection. Children of eleven years old were taken up for forceries. The women were ftripped in the moft fliamcful manner to fearch them for magical teats. The fcorbutic ftains common on the fleins of old pcrfons, were III 1 : I N A M E R I C A* 87 called ihe devil's pinches. This was indifputable evideiwe againft them. As fuch they adimtted every idle flying report, and even ftories of ghofts^ which they honoured with a name, not found in our law books: they called them Speftral Evi- dence. Some women owned they had been lain with by die devil, and other things equally ridi- culous and abominable. The wretches who fuffcred the torture, being not more preflcd to own themfelves guilty than to difcover their aflbciates and accomplices, unable to give any real account, named people at random, who were immediately taken up, and treated in the fame cruel manner, upon this extorted evidence. An univerfal terror and conflernation feizcd upon all. Some prevented accufation, and charged them- felves with witchcraft, and fo efcaped death; others fled the province ; and many more were preparing to fly. The prifons were crowded; peo- ple were executed daily; yet the rage of the ac- cufers was as freih as ever, and the number of the witches and the bewitched increafed every hour. A magiftrate, who had committed forty perfons for this crime, fatigued with fo difagreeable an em- ployment and afliamed of the fliare he had in it, refufed to grant any more warrants. He was him- felf immediately accufed of forcery ; and thought himfelf happy in leaving his family and fortune, and cfcaping with life out of the province. w lii itii (1 ill A jury,. ■■■ Si Wl B| \ n M^ i'is A 1 uMi i' EM mil 11 tifll ■ lU 1 lU' I^H 1 [Ml IB^^S ^^H 1 S§ BRIttl^rt fiMPlAE A jury, ftruck witk th6 skffeftJhfe m^ilhcr ftfid the folcmn affuf atices of . mi!«&6entt df a wb^alfl brotijght before them, ventured !d i6quk hef ; but the judges fent theltti out agalii j iftd in ifi iittpeirl* ous mSinner forced them to fitid the W()ifiai4 guilty j and flie was executed inlin^iAtdy. The ifiag^^ trates and minifters, whofe ptudenc^ ought to have been employed in healing this difttfrtiptt and tf* fuaging its fury, threw in ndw coinbuftlble matter. They encouraged the acciifers ; they affifted at thfc examinations, and they extorted the ccmfeffions, of witches. None fignalized their zeal more upon this bcca- iion than Sir William Phips, the governor, a New England man, of the loWeft birth, and yet meaner education; who, having raifed a fudden fortune by a lucky accident, was knighted, and afterwards made governor of the province. Dod:or Increifc Mather, and dodtor Cotton Mather, the pillars of the New England church, were equally fanguine. Several of the moft popular miniften, after twenty executions had been made, addrelfed Sir William Phips with thanks for what he had done, and with exhortations to proceed in fo laudable a work. The accufers, encouraged in this manner, did not know where to flop, nor how to proceed. They were at a lofs for objefts. They began at lad to accufe the judges themfelves. What was worfe, the ncarcft relations of Mr. Increafe Mather were involved, and witchcraft began even to approach the IN AMERICA. % the governor's own family. It was now high time to give things another turn. The accufers were difcouraged by authority. One hundred and fifty, who lay in prifon, were difcharged. Two hun- dred more were under accufation ; they were pafled over 5 and thofe who had received fentence of death were reprieved, and in due time pardoned. A few cool moments (hewed them the grofs and ftupid error that had carried them aw ay, and which was utterly invifible to them ail the while they were engaged in this ftrange perfecution. They grew heartily alhamed of what they had done. But what was infinitely mortifying, the quakers took occafionto attribute all this mifchief to a judge- ment on them for their perfecution, A general faft was appointed ; the puritans praying God to pardon all the errors of his people in a late tragedy, raifed amongft them by Satan and his^ inftrumeTits. Such was the end of this extraordinary madneft, which had fo fatally pofleffed thefe p^ple, and which was one of the (trongeft ebullitions of enthufiafm ever known among them. — As there are few things fo bad as not to conduce to fome general good, fo it is likely this temporary lunacy contributed in a great meafure to work off the ill humours of the New England people, and to brin^ them to a more free ufe gf their reafon. Many evils have their removal in their own extremes^ Thif was the remedy which though fqueezed from tl)e very heart of fanatlcifm, was t^ befl application Vol. I. N whereby go BRITISH EMPIRE whereby to effedl a cure on fuch as were tainted with its poifon. It is certain, that whatever yvtrt the follies of the puritans, rtluch of their bigotry was loft after this period, and expired with the witchcraft delufion. The extraordhiary fcene was no fooner clofed than the magiftrates began to reflea that they had in Reality no right to inllia any capital punilh- ments. Upon this, John Winthrop, Efq. fon to the lute governor of Mallachufet, was employed by the colonifts of Connedicut and Newhaven to folicit the charter for them which united them into one body corporate. Upon the breaking -out of the Dutch war, his majcily, who fecmcd ftill to have been uneafy about the conftitution of New England, made a grant to the duke of York of all the lands poffefled by the Dutch on both fides of Hudfon's Bay, and a fqua- dron of ihips, with land forces, were fent to drive them away, under the command of Sir Robert Car, and colonel NichoUs. That fervice being perform- ed, the two commanders, with other two com- miffioncrs, Cartwright and Maverick, were order- ed to repair to New England, there to decide ali controverted points amongll the colonifts. Arriv- incr there, thev prefented to the governor and coun- cil of New Plymouth a letter from his majefty, *in which he promifes to prcferve all their liberties and privileges, both eccleliaftical and civil, \vithout the leaft violation. " This," (continued his majefty) " we IN AMERICA. 9i *« wd prerume will difpofe you to manifeft by all ♦' the ways in your power, your loyalty, and afFedion " to us, that all the world may know that you '* look ujwn yourfelves as being as much our fub- *^ jetfls, and living under the fame obedience to us, " as if you continued in your natural country." Though thofe expreflions from a king of England to one of his colonies were juilifiable, yet the pre-^ fence of the commiffioners was not very acceptable at New Plymouth. •• ■' -^'^'^ "^^^ ''"■■ Soon after this, upoji foi-rte extraordinar>', though natural appearances in the air, the magifirates, ^vho feem to have been as much fuperflition-ftruck as the loweft of their people, wrote circular letters to the minifters and elders of every town to promote the reformation of manners, as if fome very dread- ^^1 event had been at hand. The only thin^r of ' that kind, however, that happened was a renewal of their own perfecutions of the baptifts and the quakers, whom they now ruined by basiilliments, fines, and imprifonments. This produced an in- terpofition from the heads of the prelbyterian clerj^y in England, for a mitigation of the fulferings of the baptifts, addrcfled to John Leverett, Efq. governor of the Maflachufets. At the lame time, the chief of the London quakers obtained a like letter, fio-n- cd by eleven of the moil eminent diflenrin^^- divines m favour of their brethren ; but all was to little or no purpofts While the government of New Eng- land was thus, our of zeal for chriftianit\', cxercif- N 2 ino- 9i BRITISH EMPIRE ing a moft unchriftian fpirit, Philip, king of the Wami)anoags, the fame we have already mention- ed, mindful of his brother's difgrace, was medi* nting a moft fevere revenge againft the Engliih, and condudied himfelf with as much policy and courage, as his namefake of Macedon could have done, had he been in the like circumftances. In the year 1673, there was no difpute in America be- tween the courts of France and England ; but it appears, at the fame time, that this was owing to the tamenefs of the court of England, which wt* perfuaded by the French to order its fubjedts to leave the fine fettlements they had upon the banks of the river Kennsbek, which they accordingly did, and retired to New England, which nov/ far ex- ceeded the French boalled colony at Quebec, in populoufnefs, ftrcngth, riches, commerce, and every circumftance that could render the lives of the co- lonifts fecure and agreeable. The French, there- fore, confidered Bofton as the Carthage that was, at any rate, to be demolillied, and early entered into fecret connexions with king Philip. He faw they were not then in a condition to aflift him ; and, though he was a complete matter of diffimu- lation, the Engli/h at New Plymouth began to fufped his intentions., and ordered him to repair to Taunton. Philip obeyed, confirmed his former treaty with that government, and confented to pay a hundred pounds for damages done by himfelf and his fubjects ; and, to Ihew that he was a vaffal to I N A M E R I C A, 93 to the colony of New Plymouth, he agreed to fend them every year, by way of tenure, five wolves heads. If the colony demanded this, it was iinjuft, as^ they could have no fuch claim of fuperiority over a native and independent prince. If the fubmiffion was voluntary, yet it was impolitic in them to accept of it, as they mull know that it was diifembled. Upon the whole, it appears but too plainh-, that thofe colonics, now thinking themfelves invincible, proceeded againll Philip and his allies too haughti- ly, and unguardedly, and with too great a contempt of their power. Philip had a fecretary, one Sanfa^ man, but whether he was his natural-born fubjecl; does not appear, though he probably was. He was the fon of a converted Indian ; but growing up, h« returned to the religion of his forefathers, from which he apoftatized, and again turning chriftian and a preacher, he was fent upon the Wampanoag miffion. Having in his heathenilh ftate been fecje- tary to Philip, fuch an apoftle could not be a very agreeable guefl in his dominions ; and, as he was travelling the country, be was murdered by fonie of Philip's counfeilors, at which we ought to be the iefs furprifed, as we are told that, during his miffion, he held a correfpondence with the Engliih. The governor of New Plymouth, fufpe^ing tlic truth, ordered the body to be taken out of its grave, and, the coroners mqucft fitting upon it, they brought in their vcrdid *^ wilful murder," upon which 94 BRITISH EMPIRE which one Tobias, one of Philip's counfellors, and his fon, were upon tlie evidence of an Indian, and the ridiculous one of the body's bleed inp; at the touch of Tobias, tried by a jury, half Englilh, half Indians, convicted, and cxecutcci. About this time, fome pirates ran away with a ihip, after putting the mafler and fome of his men on board the long boat; and both parlies happened to meet at the very fame time in the port of Bof- ton ; upon which the pirates were feized, tried, and the rin2;leaders executed. King Philip's patience was, by this time, worn out, nor can we be furprized at it, confidering the in- dignities he had fuffered. — His iirft hoflilities broke out near Mount Hope, where he plundered an Eng- lifh plantation ; but, inllcad of giving fatisfaclion as ufual, to the governor of New Plymouth, who de- manded Ir, his Indians murdered three Engliihmen in the fields by day, and fix others in the town of Swanfey by night. This was in the year 1675; and the governor of New Plymouth immediately demanded from the confederate colonics their ftipu- lated affiftances. The Plymouth forces lay at Swan- fey, under captain Cudworth, and the Maflachufets colony detached captain Prentice, with a troop of horfe, captain Henchman, with a company of foot, and captain Mofely, with another of volunteers, to join him. — The Indians feldom or never could be brought to Hand a pitched battle with the Euro- peans ; and this jundion being formed, they fled into ■"^7^ W> I N A M E R rc A. 95 into the woods, upon which the Englifh took pof* fcffion of Mount Hope, and ravaged their country. They then com^jelled the Naragantfets to renounce their alliance with king Philip, and to enter into articles to aflift the Englifh againlt him, and all their other enemies ; and, by way of encourage- ment, they were promifcd two coats for every liv- ing, and one for every dead Wampanoag, and twenty good coats for Philip's head. How far this reward for the life ofafovercign prince ^vas agreeable to juftice or the law of n^a- tions may be juftly doubted, efpecially as it did not then judicially appear that he authorifed the bar- barities that had been committed by his fubjeds. In the mean while, captain Cudworth marched to prevent the Pocalfets, anothei- Indian tribe, froiii joining with Philip ; but he found that they had already taken arms, and he was too vv'cak to reduce them. — Philip knew perfectly well how to avail himfelf of the Indian manner of fighting, which was by ambufcades and furprifes. ' The Englifh officers, on the other hand, finding their enemies fled, fcoured the country-, with little or no precau- tion, and were often over-reached bv the Ibaia- gems of the barbarians. The head quarters of the Englifli were then at Taunton, froiii M'hencc th-y broke up, upon advice that Philip ^vtls in a hvampV lying on a fpot called Pocafik-Neck, bctuccn Rhode-Ifland and Monument-Bay, about eighteen miles dillant from Taunton. Thitiicr they march- 9$ BRITISH EMPIRE ed ; but, after lofing fome men, they found them* fclves obliged to turn their attack into a blockade, which they formed with two hundred men, in hopes of llarving out Philip, or obliging him to furren* der. This fervice was performed by the Engliih with neither conragc nor conduct ; for Philip, in the mean time, crofled the river on a raft, and made his efcape into the country of the Nipmucks ; one liundued of his men, however, were mide prifo- ners.-— The Nipmucks were Indians, lying between Connecticut and New York, and had already made fuch devaftations in Suffolk county, as had obliged the Engliih to draw off great part of their troops from their expedition againft Philip to fupprefe them. — At firft, the Engliih endeavoured to detach them, by a treaty, from Philip's intereft ; but they no fooner heard of that prince's arrival in then- country, than they fired upon captain Hut ;hinfon, one of the two officers fent to negotiate with them, killed fome of his men, and obliging the reft to fly. Philip, who was by this time very ftrong, purfucd them, and drove them, to the number of about fe\'enty, into a houfe, where they muft probably have l^een taken or burned, had they not been re- lieved by major Willard, another Englifh officer, who, at the head of no more than fifty men, fur- prifcd the Indians in the night-time, killed eighty of them, and obliged Philip, in his turn, to retreat, which he did towards the Nipmuck country. By By tl tlic field obferve great al from hi with a f dancy ar hoftages Nipmuc fo attach own kir marched the capta fix of the The reft the colon by the , roufed in fered the inland to and burn tion, wl: Beers was he was nr himfelf a to fly to ] larger de brought c of ftarvin Vol. I IN AMERICA. 97 By this time, the Connedicut forces had taken tlic field under major Treat, who was dircded to obferve Philip's motions. A proof of that prince's great abilities, we will not fay virtues, arifes from his infpiring all the favages in thofe parts with a palfion for recovering their native indepen- dancy and country. When the Engliih demanded hoftages from the favages on the borders of the Nipmuck country, inftead of obeying, they were fo attached to Philip, that they cut in pieces their own king for liftening to the propofition, and marched to join Philip. They were purfued by the captains Lathrop and Beers, who killed twenty- fix of them, with the lofs of ten of their own men. The reft joined Philip. All the out-fettlements of the colonifts of New England were now ravaged by the natives, whom Philip had every where roufed into arms ; but the Connedricut colony fuf- fered the moft. The inhabitants of Deerfield, an inland town, after feeing their plantations deftroyed and burned, fh^it themfelves up in a flight fortifica- tion, where they defended themfelves. Captaia Beers was fent at the head of thirty-fix men ; but he was met by the favages, who put to the fword himfelf and ten of his foldiers, and obliged the reft to fly to Hadley. Major Treat, at the head of a larger detachment, had better fortune, for he brought off the befieged ; but they were in danger of ftarving, having left their com behind them. II Vol. I, Captaij^ 98 BRITISH EMPIRE Captain Lathrop, on the fifteenth cf September, went, at the head of a large detachment, confiding almoft of the whole force of Eil'ex county, with carts to fetch It off ; but he was furrounded by the Indians, and, endeavouring to fight them in their own manner, he himfclf and feventy of his men were Ihot dead, through the fuperior dexterity of the Indians in managing their fire-arms. This was the grcatcll lofs of men the New England colonies had ever fuftained at one time ; nor was it repaired by captain Mofeley, w ho, though he came too late to fave his countrymen, killed above one hundred ot' the Indians, lofing but two of his own men. Lathrop's defeat encouraged the favages upon Con- nedicut lliver to declare for Philip ; and the hofta- gcs they had given for the prefervation of the peace, had the addrefs to make their cfcape. Springfield, a town lying on that river, was the firft objed of their fury. There they burned down thirty-two houfes, and would have maflacred all the inhabitants, had they not been put upon their guard by Toto, a faithful Indian, and retired into the ftrongell places of the toun, w hich they de- fended till they were relieved by a detachment un- der captain Appieton. It is probable, however, that all Haniplliire muft have been deftroyed, had not the government ordered the Connecticut forces to cover its frontiers, erpecially in the towns of Hadley, Northampton, and Hatfield ; all of them lying upon, or near Connc«fticut River. This was done I N A M E R I C A. 99 done with fo much fecrefy, that an army of eight hundred Indians fell upon Hatfield *-'it being re- pulfed with great lofs, they retreated ro the coun- try of the Naragantfets, whom the commiflioners for the aflbciated colonies voted to be enemies to theEnglifh, for fheltciing them. Though it was now far in the winter, the ne- celfity of chaftifing the Naragantfets was fo great that Mr. Window, the governor of New Ply- mouth, put himfelf at the head of a hundred men, and, having for his guide one Peter, a Naragantfet renegade, about the beginning of September, he carried fire and fword into their country, burned a hundred and fifty of their wigwams, and killed or took prifoners about a dozen of their in- habitants. But the operations of this winter cam- paign foon aflumed a new face. The enemy flill continued their ravages and murders, particularly about Peteciuamfet ; and Winflow underftood from Peter, that the whole flower of the enemy's force was ihut up in a fort, the moll regular that had ever been raifed by the Indians, built upon a kind of an iHand, acceflible only by one way. Winflow, being joined by a hundred and fifty Mohegins, bravely refolved to lofe no time, but inftantly to attack this fort. The officers under him were the captains Mofely and Davenport, who led the van ; Gardner and Johnfon, who were in the centre ; and major Appleton and captain Oliver, who brought up the rear of the Maflachufet forces : by O 2 which m Ji lOO BRITISH EMPIRE vvliich it is probable that Winflow had hceit conlidcrably re-inforced by the Englilh. — He himfelf, as general, with his New Plyipouth men, coimanded in the centre, and major Treat, with the captains Gallop, Mafon, Senly, and Willis, fervcd with the Conned:icut forces in the rear. All of them were under the diredtion of Peter, who conducfted them through the fwamp to a breach, but of what kind we are not informed,, which was attacked and defended with equal obili- nacy and refolution. The fire of the favages was fteady ; and no fewer than fix brave Englifli captains, Davenport, Gard- ner, Johnfon, Gallop, Senly, and Marlhall, were killed in the attack. The Engliih foldiers, ex^^'jC" rated that fo many of their gallant officers ihould fall by the hands of the barbarians, whom they were ufcd to defpife, at laft carried their point. The enemy w^as beaten from poll to poll into a cedar fwamp at fome diftance. Their fort was burned down ; the fctifications were levelled ; feven hun- dred of the favages, with arms in their hands, were put to the fword, amongft whom were twenty of their chief captains ; three hundred, befides, died of their wounds, and a great number of defence- lefs men, women, and children, who had taken refiige in the fort, believing it to be impregnable, pcrilhed, either by the fword or in the flames. The lofs of the Englifh, befides the fix captains. I N A M E R I C A. loi was eighty-five men killed, and a hundred and fifty men wounded. Count de Frontenac, a haughty and fufpicious man, being then governor of New France, and having a mortal antipathy to the Englifli Ame- ricans, he openly and fecretly fupported the infurrcdtion of the favages againft the colonifts. If we are to believe our New England hiftorians, he, this winter, fent a detachment from Canada, who aaied in concert with the barbarians, and threatened the very extinftion of the Maffachufet colony. They burnea down the town of Mendham, and corned off all the live ftock of the inhabitants ; whofe farms were generally as well flocked al thofe in England. They plundered or burned the town of Lancaftcr, and carried forty-two perfons into captivity. Marlborough, Sudbury, Chelms- ford, and Medfield, where they killed twenty Enghfli, underwent the fame fate; and they fpread their ravages within a few miies of the gates of Bofton. —The fuccelTes of the barbarians feem to be owing to two caufes. The firft was, that th(^ Enghlh colonifts were fo intent upon proteftine their properties, that they fplit their ftrength into too many fubdivifions ; while the French had taught the barbarians to march in a body, to move quickly from place to place, and to mind no other objed, but the fpreading around them as much defolation iH 1 1 ' ' liHlHa 9 iioii 9 I J 1 ) ll'ltlin' m 1 1 ftS hI ; 'a! i I I02 BRITISH EMPIRE defolation as pofliblc. The fecond caufe is afligned % Mr. Ncal, who informs us, that the cold of t^s. winter was fo extremely intenfc, that ther Ehglifh durft hardly look out of their quarters. Notwithftanding thofe two reafons, fomcthing dill fecms to have been wanting on the part of the Englilh, who, while purfuing their enemies, left their own country expofed, and, before the cam- paign opened, had not taken proper precautions to defend themfelvcs. — In the fpring of 1677, a party of feventy Englilh and one hundred Indians, under captain Dennifon, flew feventy-fix of the goftile Indians,, and a party of the Conneaiaits' billed or made prifoners about forty-four. Canen- chet, fon of Miantonimo, the chief fachem of the Naraganfets, was amongft the prifoners. He was accufed by the Englifli of having concluded a peace with them at Bofton, fix months before, and of having broken it as foon as he returned home. We arc to obfervc, however, that his father, who was no friend to the Englifh, was alive and pof« Med of the government. Be this as it will, she Indians delivered him into the hands of the Mohocks, and they cut off his head, out of hatred CO. his father. — Philip had commanded in the fa- mous defence of the fort, and was one of thofc who had efcaped to the fwamp, from whence he went to the Matjuas, one of the Mohock nations, to excite them to a war with the Englifli. Findnig that diey were backward in anfw cring his folici- tations, tationsj which barban woods, own h he infc Englifli butchei one of wound( fachem againft gainft t diately was, by vice to 1 longer r habitant cord, h fometim the fma them. carried c efcape,d ait Rive captain ' who pu drowned an ambi: from Bri( ' » IN AMERICA. loj rations, he fell upon an expedient to induce them, which could be fuggefted only by a more than barbarous fpirit of revenge; for, going into the woods, he murdered fome of theMaquas with hi& own hands, and, returning in the utmoft hurry, he informed the prince of that people, that the Englilh had invaded his lands, and were then butchering his fubjedts. Unfortunately for Philiii, one of the favages happened only to be feverely wounded, and crawling home, he informed the fachem and his people of the truth, which turned againft Philip all the rage they had conceived a- gainft the Englilh ; for their whole nation imme- diatcly declared for the colonifls. Their alliance was, by giving a diverfion to Philip, of infinite fer- vice to the Engliih ; for his Indians could now no longer march in large bodies ; and though the in- habitants of Plymouth, Taunton, Chelmsford, Con- cord, Havenhill, Bradford, and Wooburn, were fometimes alarmed, they did not fuffer much, from the fmall numbers of the favages who attacked them. Several, however, were killed, and fome carried off', but two Englilh boys, who made their efcape,defcribed a place towards the falls of Connedi- ait River, where a body of Indianswere furprifed by captain Turner, with one hundred and eighty men, who put a hundred of them to the fword, and drowned as many. He afterwards was killed in an ambulh of the Indians, who had been driven from Bridgewater. In !l *i i 1 i. ^HRf^B lu m ,64 BittTISH EMPIRE In ihort, the fortune of the war was now in- tirely inclined towards the Englilh^ who had pro- fited by their misfortunes, and, in a Ihort time, cut off about fix hundred of the favages. Famine co-operated with the arms of the colonifts ; for thofe thoughtlefs barbarians had been fo intent upon re- venge, that they had negleded their harveft ; and two hundred of them threw themfelves upon the mercy of the Englilh at New Plymouth ; — all of thefe were pardoned but three, who, being convidied of atrocious crimes, were hanged. Philip ftill kept the field; but, being at the head of no more than two hundred favages, he could do nothing efPediially, and returned to his old retreat at Mount Hope, where his chief employment was to plan ambulhes againft the cobnies. Major Bradford, with a party of Engliih, happily efcaped one of them ; and, marching into the land of the Taconets, obliged the queen of that country, with her whole army, wtiich confifted of ninety men, to receive the Engliih yoke. About the end of July, a fachem or fegamore of the Nipmuck Indians, with one hundred and eighty of his men, fubmitted to the Englilh, and delivered up Matoonas, the firft favage, who, in that war, had appeared in arms againft the Englifh. Wc fliall, once for all, obferve, that the colonifts fcem to have atted, all this time, upon princi- ples that felf-prefervation alone could juftify. If thofe Indians were the fubjcds of England, it was It, IN AMERICA. 105 ^as neceflary for the colonics to have had legal powers from England for proceeding capitally a- gainft their fellow-fubjetfts. If they were indepen- dant, it will perhaps be difficult to affign a reafon why they ihould be put death, becaufe, in the lad cafe, they could only be prifoners of war. The colonifts feem to have been fomewhat ap-. prifed of their own doubtful fituation; for, in- ftead of putting Matoonas to death themfelves, they ordered the Nipmuck fegamore to fhoot hinj, which he accordingly performed ; but the fon Was pardoned. A great many other fkirmilhes, (all of them, in general to the advantage of the Eno-- liih) happened about this time ; but they were of very little confequence. As to Philip, all his arts could not keep up the fpirits of his party when they met with ill fuccefs. One of his allies, the queen of PocafTet, as Ihe is called, dcferves particular mention. Being furprif- cd by the Englilh, flie animated her men to hold out to the laft ; but they meanly deferted her, and, in endeavouring to efcape upon a raft, llie was drowned. Her body being found, the Englifh, not knowing whofe it was, cut off her head, and fet it, with others, upon a pole at Taunton, where it was foon recognifed by the Indians, and her obfe- quics were celebrated with bowlings which tefli- fied the high cfteem Ihe was held in by her country- men. Philip, notwithllanding all his misfortunes. Vol. I. P conr \i i If ! m S M I J.'* io6 BRITISH EMPIRE continued the undaunted and irrecciicilcablef cnqr.y of Engiiiliiiien, and went lb far as even to cut tp pieces witi: his own hands an Indian, who had dared to mention propofals for a peace. One of his friends and counfellors, who probably was of a pacific difpofition likewife, taking warning by the fate of his feliow-lubjc*'!:^, lied to Rhode-Ifland ; ' — there he difcovered to the Englifh where Philip was, and the means by which he might be fur-r prifcd. Captain Church, upon this, went with a fmall party, and found him, with a few attendants, in a fwamp, which, by the defcription, is a place furrounded by fordable llagnated waters. Philip endeavoured to efcape, but was fmgled out by an Lnglifhman and an Indian. The Engliihman*s piece milled fire, but that of the Indian laid him dead. His body, being taken up, was quartered, and his head was carried in triumph to New Plj'- mouth, where his IkuU is to be feen at this day. Thus ended what is very pro])erly called the Philippic war ; and it is obferved, even by the New England hiflorians, that the Indians to the eaft- ward were an independant people, their country lying without the line of the charter of the Maffa- chulets. 'I'hey continued the war, even after Phi- lip*s death, with feme advantages, till the govern- ment of Boilon interpofed, and fent a body of men, who made four hundred Indians prifoners, two hundred of wijom were fold for flaves, and thQ IN AMERICA. 107 thfe reft, excepting a few who luid been m?.de ex- amples of for having been guilty of murders, were fent home, on promife of behaving better for the future. In the relation of this war, we hnve piirix)fely omitted many little ikirmi flies, that have been defcribed with great minutenefs by the New England hiftorians ; bur they confiil: only of fiir- furprifes of very fmall bodies. After the death of king Philip, major Waldcren was fent to make up matters with the fachcm of Penobfcot, in which he fucceeded but indifferently ; and, after all, when a kind of general peace was conclu- ded, the Englilh were obliged to allow the In- dians of the eaftern parts a certain quantity of corn yearly, and to pay a fmall quit-rent for their lands which they pofleffed, or rather had ufurped from them. Though the war was extinguifhed in one part of New England, yet it flill continued in another, where the natives rcfented the grofs affronts and impofitions of the fettlers ; efpecially upon the borders of Hampfhirc. The favages had now heard that the EngliHi were not invincible : while the war was raging in the w efl, they fell upon the plantations in the eafl, where they murdered all the Englilh they met; and the latter made fe- vere reprifals. The government of Roffon, though fufficiently employed in the war with king Phili|), fent a body of men, under captain Ha\\thorn, to, the relief of their eaftern neighbours ; and they fur- P 2 urifed I ,o8 BRITISH EMPIRE prifed foui* hundred Indians as they were plunder- ing major Walderen's houfe, and made them all prifoners. Half of thefe were fold for ilaveS, the other half, excepting a few, who were exe- cuted for atrocious crimes, were difmiffed on pro- mife of a more pacific behaviour. This, in faa, finiftied a war which gave oc- cafion for many ferious reflediions to the Englifli. They found the vail inconvenience of their having no ftrong places to defend them againft the flying attacks of the Indians ; and therefore they fet themfelves to build fome at Scarborough, Falmouth, Falmouth, York, Dover, and other parts. The war had occafioned a negled of agriculture, and an uncomrtion profligacy of manners among the people; and therefore, in the year 1 679, a true prefbyterian fy- nod, in which lay-members were admitted to vote, was held at Boflon, for the reformation of manners. About this time, the province of New England in general met with three fevere blows, in the deaths of Mr. Winthrop, the governor of Connedicut and Newhaven; Mr. Leveret, the governor of the Maflachufets ; and Mr. Winflow, the governor of New Plymouth colony ; all of them gentlemen of great experience and honell intentions. The firft was fuGceeded by William Lee, Efq; the fecond by Simon Bradllrcct, Efq: and the third by Robert Treat, Efq; but Charles II. towards the end of his reign, getting the better of his parliament, the province of New Engl-ird underwent a fevere per- IN AMERICA. lO^ pcrfecution. A quo warranto was brought againft the New Ply nouth colony, and judgement was en- tered in chancery. The Maffachufets colony In the years 1683 and 1684, had pretty much the fame fate ; but when the quo warrant* was fent againft Conne^icut and Newhaven, their governments were given to underftand, by a letter from the king, that if they quietly refigned their charter, they might have it in their option to be aflbciated either under New York, or Bofton. Finding their fate inevitable, they wifely chofe the latter. Rhode- Ifland, whofe charter is faid to have been very va- luable, gave it up without a ftruggle ; and New Hamplhire and Maine refigned into the hands of the crown the aflbciation under which they were conftituted; fince which time their governor and council have been named by the king, but their go- vernor has generally been the fame with that of the Maffachufets. Henry Cranfield, Efq; was the firft governor under this regulation ; and, upon his arrival in New England, he uirncd out Mr. Bradftreet, Mr. Lett, and Mr. Treat. Cranfield was -turned out of his government upon the death of Charles II. and fucceeded by Thomas Dudley, Efq; a New Eng- land man. This governor endeavoured to fupporr himfelf in the favour of the court, by favouring the church of England againft the prcft^yterlans, which fo provoked the New England men, that, by a very un- ,. 110 BRITISH EMPIRE uncommon ftrain of liberty, they depofed and fent him ])riibner to Old England. Sir Edmund Andros, who is faid to have been a poor knight of Guern- fey, came over to be governor of New England juft at the time the people had refumed their chai> ter-governraenf. It was likewife about the fame time, that captain William Phipps, a New Eng- land man, made his fortune in a very extraor- dinary manner. Underftanding that, about the year 1640, a large Spanilli galleon had been h^ near Port d^ la Plata, he obtained of Charles II. a fmall frigate of eighteen guns, and ninety-five mep, with which he failed to Hifpaniola, and continued div- ing for her, but without any fuccefs, and was oblig- ed to give up the enterprize : notwithftanding w^hich the duke of Albermarle, fon to the reftorer duke, being in dcfperate circumftances, adopted the defperate undertaking of Phipps, who pro- profed to divide the contingent prize-money into a number of Ihares, each proportioned to the ihare of expence advanced by the adventurer. A fhip of about two hundred tons was bought, witl^ which Phipps fct fail to the old fpot of explora- tion ; but after various and tedious attempts by a canoe and a tender, on board of w^hich were divers of all kinds, he was about to have given over the attempt again, when the wreck was difco- vered; and fo induftrioufly did they work, that, in a few days, no lefs than thirty-two tons of fiU ver was brought up, with an immcnfe treafure in gold, IN AMERICA. ui gold, pearls, diamonds, and othet commodities. It 13 laid, that the whole, when brought by Phipps to Engbnd, amounted to three hundred thoufand pounds, of which ninety thoufand came to the ihare of the duke of Albermarle ; and twenty thoufand to that of Phipps, wlio was knighreJ by king James II. ~> A long calm in the at}ws of New England fucceeded, and continued ro the time of the revolution, when the Indians began to complain of the little attention that was i)aid to the treaty by which they were to have an allow- ance of corn. They complained, at the lame time, of their being interrupted in their lilhery upon Saco river ; that their fields were trefpallbd upon by the English cattle ; and that the government of Boilon had given away their lands. The truth i*, that the planners of New England, about this time, were a little too free with the natives, and alfo with the French. They took upon them. felves to affix new boundaries to their jurifdidion, by which they feized a great deal of French pro' perty, particularly fome belonging to one St. Caf- teen. The French ambaflador had i)rocured an order from theEnglifh court, for rcftoring Caf- teen's goods, and, particularly, a parcel of wine, which the colonifls had arbitrarily feized; but no, regard feems to have been paid to it. It is proba-. ble that the people of New England, by this time, began to fufped that king James's go- vernment would be but very fliort-lived ; Tnd they BRITISH EMPIRE they had conceived at once a contempt and an a- verfion for their governor Andros. Cafteen was himfelf an almoft naturalized Indian, having mar- ried the daughter of one of their fachems or fega- mores ; and, therefore, in the bad humour the na^ tivcs were, he had no great difficulty in perfuading them to enter upon holVilities. They accordingly killed fome Englilli cattle, which they pretended to be trefpaffers upon their grounds ; and one Blackman, a bufy juftice of the peace, took up about tv/enty of the offenders, and fent them under a ftrong guard to Falmouth. This produced reprifals'on the part of the Indians, who feizcd fome Engliih, particularly the captains Rowdcn and Gendal ; the former of whom died itt their hands. • -/v u It would have been eafy for the Englifh, by making proper conceffions, to have brought the Indians' to reafon ; but the latter were diffuaded by the French, and killed fcveral of the inhabitants ot New Yarmouth, which obliged the others to take Ihcltcr in their fortifications. Andros was then at New York ; but, upon his r turn to Boflon, he. difapproved of Blackman's conduct, and ordered aJl the Indian prifoners in the hands of the Englilh to be rclcafed, without infilling ujwn any equiva- lent. The favages confidered this pufillammous con- dua, as proceeding from weaknefs, and captain Gendall, whom they had releafed, being fent with a party IJ^ AMERICA. i,^ a party to. New Yarmouth, was attacked by them; but mofl of his men, whom they had taken pri- foners, were afterwards recovered. In the mean time, the Indians murdered two Englifh fiimilies near Kennebek, and all the frontiers were filled with blood and devaftarions. Andros put himfelf at the head of one thonfand men, and marched towards them in the very depth of winter, but without any fuccefs ; and^ in confcquence, is accufed by the New England hiftorians, 4iot only of neo-- leding the colony, but of perfecuting thofe who flood up for its defence, and even of correfpond- ing with the French in Canada, and of fetting the Indians, who had been guilty of murder, at li- berty. They fay, that the government of New England, at this time, was in a moft deplorable con- •dition :— That the governor, with four or five Gran- gers of his council, men of defperate fortunes nd bad, if any, principles, made what laws, and levied what taxes they plcafed on the peciple: — Thatthefc, without an affembly, rai a penny in the pound on all eftates in the countr^ , and two-pence on all imported goods, bofides twenty-pence per head, poll-money, and a large excifc on wine, mm, and other liquors : —That feveral perfons having, in an humbk addrefs, reprefented this proceeding as a grievance, were committed to the countv uil for a high mifdemeanor, denied the benef]!. of the Habeas Corpus awood, the Huron, purfuing them, dcllroved all the open country round, and murdered all the inhabitants, who fell into his hands. The captains Floyd and Greenleaf at laft came up with him, routed his party, and wounded himfelf. He was afterwards killed by the French, who miftook him for an Iroquois. The French and Indians, after this. Had the advan- tage in many encounters, which, though of too lit- tle confideration to be feparately particularifed, vet formed, upon the whole, a very confiderable jfs both of men and propert}'. The only expedition worth notice, was that un- dertaken by major Church, with three hundred men, to Cafco Bay, where he burnt fome French and Indian forts, and releafed a few Englifh cap- tives. The war afterwards continued with various fuccefs, but by no means to the advantage of the Englifh ; and, at laft, a celiatiori of arms, till May 3691, was agreed on both fides. Sir William Phipps, all this time, was bufied at the court of England in foliciting to be put at the head of a new expedition to Quebec : but the ter- rible war, in which the king was engaged, and the bad fuccefs of his late attempt, rendered all his endeavours fruitlefs. Sir Henry Aihurft and Mr. Increafe Mather were at the fame time in Eng- land, \M IN AMERICA. *7 land, as agents for the people of New England, fo- liciting the reftoration of their old charter. But neither king William nor his minifters were of difpofitions to encourage any motion that tended towards the indei>cndancy of the colony uix)n the prerogative ; and the renewal was in effedt rcfufed. They then contented thcmlelvcs with petitioning for a new charter with more ample privileges. They obtained, indeed, a new charter ; but their privileges, even under the late one, were abridged or rather annihilated. By king William's charter, the crown has the nomination of rb-^, pernor, lieutenant- governor, fecretary, and Me ofhf ts of the ad- miralty, (all which was be/oi o in ths people) and the power of the militia w, veited in the go^ vernor. All judges, juftices, and iheritfb, were appointed by the governor, with the advice and confent of his majcfty's council; and he like- wife was to have a negative upon all laws, and public adts of the general alTembly and council. Laftly, all laws, when approved of by the gover- nor, were to be tranfmitted to England, and to be void, if difallowed of, in the fpace of three years ; — all which has been Ihewn at large already. In Ihort, all the favour the New England peoj^le obtained, was the power of eledlng their firit governor ; and their choice fell upon Sir William Phipps. Scarcely was this important affair fettled, A\'hen hoflilities were recommenced by the Indians near Berwick, Exeter, and Cape Nidduck. Upon this, fome officers, with four hundred men, jnarched to Hnnii U8 BHITISH tllPIttE to Pcchvpfot; but, not ohferving difclplirie, dief were attacked by the favagcs, and dHVcn, wkh ibme lofs, to their Ihips. This'Was followed by barbarities and murders in many other places ; and the Maffachufet itfclf was attacked from die eaft- ward, which it never had been before. This filled the colony with alarms; and the fort of Cape Nidduck, one of the ftrongeft in thofe parts, was abandoned by its garrifon, which had been greatly thinned by draughts. The French favages were now likewife in mo- tion, and attacked the town of York, where they killed fifty of the inhabitants, and carried a hun- dred into captivit}\ The government, upon this. Tent parties under different officers to redeem the prifoners ; but they found that French officers headed the Indians; that French foldiers were intermingled with them ; that no fewer than five hundred Hurons were in the field, and that four or five Indian chiefs with their troops were confe- derated againft them. An Englilh captain, one Convers, is mentioned on this occafion with ^eat honour, for having maintained a poft with no more than fifteen or twenty men, and beating off two hundred cf the barbarians, headed by Mox- us, one of their chiefs. Convers, after this, took the command of the Eiiglilh, and beat the French and favages from Sagadahock, the French com- mandant La Broffe, being killed in the action. It k w the baj with th « andi intercoi; -miffionz their int jfived in ter, wi After c( he dech Indians ified thaj j^ative o feat of acquaint about it four hu building of the i was ere howevei nated tl from Sir be only of their fort and great i: and thij vices in Vol. I tm AUB^ It A. 15,9 It wa« Tcm^rked, that 4wii>g this exixcdit;ip9, the barbarians charged thjc N,ew E^gl^tod ipei? with thefc Englilh words, iin tlaeir mouths, " Fire ** and fall on, brave boys!" a proof of thjcir great intercourfe with t;he Engllfh, though the French 4nti5onaries h^d the addrefs to detach them from their intereft. — Sir William Phipps was now ar- i:ived in New England with the colony's new char- .ter, which gave great difTatisfadion to many. Aft^r confirming the laws enaded by the affeirbly, he declared his refolution of marching againft the Indians in perfon. No jnan could be better quali- fied than he was for fuch an undertaking, being a ^^iative of that part of the country where t..j chief feat of war lay, near Kennebek. River, and well acquainted with every fpot and lurking-place about it. He immediately marched eaftward with four hundred and fifty men ; and gave orders for building a fort at Pemmaquid. Accordingly, one of the llrongeft and largeft in all North America was ereded there. The charge of building it, however, was ^o great, that it is faid to have alie- nated the affedlions of the New England colony from Sir William ever afterwards. But this coul^ be only the effedt of private refentment on account of their charter ; for it is certain, that both that fort and the others which he conllruAed, were of great ufe to the eaftern parts of the colony, and this governor likewile performed many fer- vices in his own perlbn agaii.ft the favages, who Vol. L S wero M n .51 130 BRITISH EMPIRE were become more unruly than even ■Being ilill fpirited up by the French, they hkd been guilty of many murders, towards the north of the rivers Merimack, Oyfter, and Connedticut. Ihe governor gave Convers, noAv a major, the com- mand of the eaftern garriibns, and fent three hun- dred and fifty men to reinforce him ; with which aiTiftance he was enabled to invade the Indian country, and to deftroy all their lands and habita- tions about Taconet. Near Connecticut River the Indians, who were there in arms, were attacked by the Englilh, who gave them a total defeat, and retook the captives they were carrying off; while Sir William, the better to bridle them, built ano- ther fort 9t Saco. All thofe difpofitions, w^ith the fear of bringing a Mohock war upon their hands, inclined the barbarians to a peace. The French aorent, or, as he is called, ambaflador, (who, as ullial, wzs a prieft) at the courts of their fachems, did all he could to perfuade them to continue the war, and, probably, he might have been fuccefsful, had the French in Canada been in a condition to have fent them the arms and afliftance they had promifed. But that not being the cafe, the bar- barians adually begged for a peace ; and a con- grcfs was held at Pemmaquid fort, fmce called fort William Fuiiry, between three Englifh com- miflioners, and thirteen Indian fachems with pro- per interpreters. This meeting was very formal an.l important, and, by the articles then con- cluded IN A M E R I C A. 131 eluded, the Indians acknowledged themfelves fubjcdl to the crown of England ; confirmed them in poffeflion of their lands, renounced their alliance with the French, and fubmitted their commerce between themfelves and the Engliih to the general aflcmbly. The witchcraft delufion of which we have al- ready fpoken, had fpreaditfclf abroad during Sir Wil- liam's government, though we chofe to place the ac- count of it in a manner, which rather anticipated the hiftory, that it might not break in on our narra- tion of the public affairs of the province. — It is likely how^ever, that the above-mentioned perfccu- tion happening under his adminiilration, did the knight no great honour, but co-operated with many greater caufes to render him dlfagreeable to the people. Whilft articles of com}>laint were ex- hibiting againft this gentleman, be died of a . .. lignant fever in London *, and was fucceeded in * ** Sir William Phipps (fays Douglas) was the fon of a blackfmlth, born in 16^0, at a plantation on the liverQuenebcc, after keeping fheep fome years, he was bound apprentice to a Ihip-carpcnter for four years; he afterwatds went to Bollon, learned to read and write, followed the carpenter's trade, and married the widow of Mr. John Hull, merchant. Upon advice of a Spanifh wreck about the Bahamas, he took a voyage thither, but without fuc- ccfs. In 1685, in a king's frigate, the Algier Rofe, he was fitted out upon the dlfcovery of another Sj aaifh wreck, near Port de la Plata upon Hifpaniola, but returned to England un- fuccefsful. Soon after 1687, he prevailed with tKe duke of Albemarle, at that time governor of Jg,niaiia, and fome other S 2 his I r4 132 BRITISH tUTtKE KiS office by William Stoughton, Efq. who Sd not find the affairs of his government in the heUt order imaginable. The Canadians were becortie very powerful and very troiiblefome. It was the policy of the French nation to win the Indians perfons of quality, to fit bim out with a royal patent or com- miffion to filli upon the Spaniih wreck which had been loft about fifty years fince. By good luck, in about feven or eight fathom water, he filhed the value of near three hundred thou- fand pounds llerling (the Bermudians found good gleanings there after his dc]iarture) whereof he had about fixteen tholifand pounds fterling for his (hare, and the honour of knighthood ; and obtained of king James II. by purchafe, to be conftituted high (herifF of New-England, but was never in the execution of this patent, and returned to England, 1688, (N. B. he had not received baptifm until March 1690, JEt. 40.) and foon after came back to Nevir England. Upon the breaking out of the Indian ivar, in 1688, he follicited an expedition againft Nova, Scotia, May 1690, and had good fucccfs againft the French ; but his fiibfequent expedition in autumn, againft Canada, the fame year, was difaftrouf, and came to nothing; and, in the words of Mr. Mather, ♦' Though uied to diving for *♦ p" ite, this was an affair too dctp for him to dire into," Amongft other bad confequcnces of this ill-contrived and worfe manaped Canada expedition, was the introducing of a pernici- ous, fraudulent paper-currency, or bills of public credit, to pay the charges or debt incurred. The operation of this injurious currency is fuch, that all pcrfonal eftates (fpccialties excepted) are rtduced to one for eight, reckoning by heavy pieces of eight (or fevcn-eighths of an ounce of filvei) at fix Ihillings ; the lofs of men was of very bad confcq\ience to an infant co- lony, which was not by the enemy, but by a camp fever, the fmall-pox, and difafters in returning home; notwithftanding, as Dr. Mather exprcfles it, " the wheel of prayer for themMn over i :f^ AMERICA. iii. over t6 their religion, and then to ftir them up 4giin{i thcit' TieighboUrs. Thefe were fupplied with mortey and irms from Otd Frahce, and a grand ^xp^ditibn was planned againft the New England fettleihehts. T^he fea armament for which was put under the corrtmand of the chevalier Nef- morid, who- Was to be joined by one thoufand five hundred French from Canada. The count Frontenac, was at that tiflie governor- general of New France ; he was a politic man, and did every thing in his power to excite the fa* i'age nations to break their treaties, and to rife for the utter extirpation of the Englifli colonies. Twelve months were not expired, after the conclufion of the treaty at Pemmaquid, before the French invaded the town of Oyfter-RiVer, from whence they car- ried off a hundred prifoners. They afterwards murdered one Mrs. Cutts and her family, and fall- ing upon the open countr) , committed many cruel- <* New England was kept conftantly going round." Soon after his return to Bofton he went for London, to petition the court of England (notwithflanding former difafters, and his own inca- pacity to manage the affair) to encourage another expedition againft Canada. Upon obtaining a new charter, dated 06tober 7, 1691, at the defire of the New England agents, Sir William Phipps was appointed governor of the province of Maflachufet Bay and territories thereto belonging ; he arrived with the new charter, May 14, 1692 ; and, June 8, the aflembly under the ndw charter, met for the firft time. Being ordered home, he died at London, as we have above related, on the eighteenth day of February, 1693." • ' ties 1 w "I 4'i 134 BRITISH EMPIRE ties and devaftation* ; which, though often re- pulfed, th. y rs often rei)cated. At laft Bomafeen, one of the principal Indian fachcms in their inte- tereft, was made prifoner and ient to Bofton. This event occafioned the trib:*s to ceafe hoftilities f<:>r fome time, and enter into treaties £ot the releafe ef their Englilh captives ; but neither party being; much in earneft about the matter, the negotiation was dropped, and the war renewed with greater fury than ever. The Indians improved daily in the art of v/ar, zud now, for the firft time, were feen on hoi feback at Billericay. I'hf French had by this time re- folved upon taking; Pemmaquid fort from the English. Ibeivill? and Ibnaventure, two of their beft officers, m ere pitched upon to command the expedition planned out for this purpofe. They had orders to rafe the fort as foon as it fliould be taken, and then proceed to the deftrudion of the Englifh in other parts of their fettlements. One Chub was the governor of this devoted fortifica- tion, who had behaved very treacheroufly to fome of the Abenaquais Indians, two of whom he Ihot dead while he was treating with them ; an adion which was returned on the fide of the favages, with their, ufual afts of fury and inhumanity. — The two French commanders at this junfture ar- rived before Pemmaquid, Iberville firft having taken the Newport, an Englilh man of war of twenty- four guns. Be :orc IN AMER IC A. M^s Before any firing began, the French fummoned Chub to furrender the place, and he anfwcred vnth great ihew of refolution, that he was determined to hold it out to the laft, though the French fliould cover the fea with their Ihips, and the land with their Indians. Upon this a fmart firing began on both fides, and Iberville coming on fhore, raifed a battery, from whence he played with five bombs, •This daunted Chub and his garrifon, efpecially as they were informed by the French, that, if the place were taken by florm, they would be left to the mercy of the favages. A capitulation was then begun ; and it was agreed, that the Englifli Ihould be fent with all their goods and efFeds to Bollon to be exchanged for an equal number of French and favages ; and that, in the mean while, they Ihould be protefted from the fury of the Indians. The French fay, that Chub was forced by his gar- rifon, which confifted of no more than ninety-two men, (the Englilh fay two hundred) to accept of this capitulation. When the enemy entered the fort, they there found one of the natives in irons, and ready to expire under the fe verities he had fuf- fered in his confinement. The fight of this cap- tive put the Indians into fuch a fury, that the French faid, it was with great difiiculty they could prevent the favages from falling upon the garrifon. It is generally admitted, that this fort might have held out a long time, had it been garrifoned by brave men, they having fifteen c«nnon, and ill i||||5 i Dleiitv 1 jil II • il ' 111' \ ' 1 M i p ■1, '1. 136 BRITISH EM PI R E plenty of ammunition and provifion?, Tfce ^pi- tulation met with fomc difficulties in the execution of it. The French commandant feot, indeed a few of the garrifon to Bolton ; but he demanded, at the fame time, that all the French and Indian pri- foners in New England ihould be fet at Jiberty, in exchange for the remainder of die garrifpn, and the crew of the Newport, which amountisd to above one hundred men ; and, in the mean time, he dc- molilhed die fortifications of Pemmaquid. Before he received an anfwer, he departed to execute the reft of his commiffion ; but, perceiving that he was falling fliort of provifions, he fent all the Englilh prifoners to Bofton, except the officers. — Such is the policy of Frenchmen, and fuch the re- gard they generally pay to treaties ; namely to keep them jull as far as they are convenient. This lofs threw a great damp upon the fplrits of the New England men. The governor, when it was too late, fent three fliips in purfuit of the French fquadron. Colonel Gedney alfo marched with five hundred men to fcour the country, which however was deferted by the French and their Indians. Chub was carried prifoner to Bofton, and deprived of his commiffion. — Either he was not deemed guilty of the fault charged upon him by fome, of delivering up a place he might have preferved, or elfe the government of the province did not, at thrt time, think proper to be fevere in their punilhments. — The Indiana now began to def])ife the Engliffi. They fell IN AMER IC .V , ^37 fett upon the people of Hiverhill, In ElFex-county, and took fevcrai prifoners. There w'as among thofe whom they attacked, a woman of amazing ftrength and courage, whole name was Hannah Dunftcr. She had been but a few days brought to bed, bur, perceiving herfelf on the point of falling a viclim to the cruelty and brutalities of the favagcs, iTie, together ^vith her nurfc and an luiglifh bo\:, killed ten of the Indians,' and ef- caped to Boilon, where all three wcie handfomely fewarded. The French rtill planning the total deflruftion of our colonies were bufily employed in fitting out- an expedition, the raifcarriage of which, we ihall have occafion to fpeak of more at large hereafter. The rumour of the preparation once more roufed the fpirits of the New England men : — Major March being difpatched to the eafhvard, drove the lavages from Cafco Bay, and repeated his check fo effeftually, that he difpirited the In- dians, and prevented, in all probability, their in- tent of joining the French, who afterwards re. turned difappointed to their own countr}^ , • King William now beftowed the government of New England (with \%hlch that of New York \\'as alfo joined) on the earl of Bellamont, ^ peer of Ireland. As to Stoughton, ^vho, as it fcems, had never obtained a formal commiflion for him- felf, he aded as deputy-governor, during two years that his lordlhip remained in Endand. lllilill n 138 BRITISH EMPIRE About this time, complaints being made of the piracies of the people of New England, one cap- tain Kidd, was fent with a fhip fitted out as a privateer, to fupprefs them; but meeting with indifferent fuccefs in h^ nndertaking, he turned pirate himfelf, and s-re av ^y for the lall Indies, where he commirted many depredations on the fubjeds of the Great Mogol. The Indians continued to maflacre the Englilh fettlers ; cnlonel Bradllreet, and c"' .'-^ Chub, of whom we have already l]x)ken, were murdered by them ; but they were repulfed from Deerfield on Connei'Vicut River, by one Williams, the miniiter, at the head of the inhabitants. The treaty of Ryfv.ick at laft reftored peace for fome time to the country ; and count Fronttnac gave the fava- ges in the French intereft to underftand, that they muft make the bed terms the could with the Englifh for themfelves, as he had no longer orders to ?ffift them — A negotiation enfued for the re- ftitution of prifcners, between tlic count and earl of Rcllamonr, which met with many difF ilties ; and the former died (ocn after, in the feventv- eighth year of his age. -—He as a very politic man, and had don ^rcai ferviccs to his country- mens intcrefts in America. — A congrefs was flill held at Penobfcot, beiween the Englilh commif- .fioners and the fachems of the Indian naticiis, with whom a treaty was at length concluded, and \»h« who be] of fubm " Wl " fion •* the e\ ** hay^ " majeft " delive « liih ii " they c( " Wh " fubfcri " men oi " Keiine! " adjacei << foily, i " miffion " ings ar ** ourfelv " m^ lei <* for t\ " latioiis ** into hi* ** and in ** Indians " aforefai '* of Gre ** profefs ** crown '* tify and IN AMERICA. }i9 u « « (( it Who befides:, fubfcribed the folio g inftrument of fubmiffion to the crown of EngL J : " Whereas, notwithftanding our late fiibmif-' fion and agreement, certain Indian through' the evil counfel and inftigation of the French,' hay? perpetrated fundry hoftilities againft his majefty's fubjeds the Englifh, and have not' delivered ind returned him the feveral Eng- " lilh in their hands, as in the faid fubmiffion ** they covenanted. " Wherefore we, whofe names are hereunto "fubfcribed, fegamores, captains, and principal " men of the Indians, bek nging to the rivers of " Kennebeck, Ammonofcoggir Saco, and parts " adjacent, being fenfible of our great offence and *< folly, in not complying with the aforefaid fub- " miflion and agreement, and alfo of the fuffer- *' ings and mifchrefs that we have hereby expofed ** ourfelves unto, do in all humble and fubmiffive " m;.: ler cift ourfelves upon his majefty's mercy, <* for th pardon of all our rebellions and vio- " latiohi of o If promifes, praying to be received " into his m. 's gn e and proteftion; and for " and in behalt c urfelves, and of all the other ** Indians belonging to the feveral rivers and places " aforefaid, within the fover-ignty of his majefty " of Great Britain, do again acknowledge and ♦* profefs an hearty and fincert obedience ro the <* crown of England, anc. do lole inly renew, ra-' '* tify and confirn), all and every rhe articles ivi m (( agree* 't m V 140 BillTISH EMPIRE <« agreements contained in the aforefaid recited ** rubmiflion : and in teftimony hereof, we, the *.* (aid feganiores, captains and principal men, " have hereunto let our hands and feals, at Cafco ** Bay, near Mare's Point, the fcventh day of Ja- *' nuary, in the tenth year* of his rnajefty kin^ ** William the third, in the year 1698." Subfcribed by Moxus, and the reft of th? fegamores prcfent, In the prefence of James Convcrs, Cyprian Southack, John G) les, interpreter, Scodook, alias Sampfon, The carl of Bellamont coming to Boflon ii» 1699, convened a general aficmbly there, though he fixed his refidence at New York, He was al- lowed a falary of one thoufand pounds a 5Hrar, and a prefent of five hundred pounds, and Teems to have been a very proper pcrfon for the govern- ment to which he was apjiointed. He feized Kidd, at Boflon, and fent him over to England, where he was tried and executed. Tiiis nobleman died ft)on after, on his return to New York, anrl Stoughton for a while refumed the government. An interval of tranquillity now fucceeded, which was only interrupted by a dreadful fire, that did io piuch damage as might defervedly occafioii it to l?e reckoned a public calamity ; ?ind the fiicceeding war IN AH E R IC A. t4t vtr the cblonifli were in a good condition of dcj fence. In June, 1702, Jofeph Dudley, Efq. arrivecl with a commiffion, to take upon him the govern. meat of New England. The miniftry at home had now planned out a fcheme for the conqueftof t^ebcc; this dcfign was for a time laid afide, but was revived again at the inftances of colonel Nichollbn, who had recovered Nova Scotia for his countr>'men, and went over to England, carrying with him fome Indian chiefs. The miniftry were prevailed on to fend five regiments of foot, and a battalion of marines, the latter under the com- mand of colonel Charles Churchill, on this expe- dition, and the Edgar, Monmouth, Devonfliirc, Humber, Swiftfure, Kingfton^ Sunderland, Mon- tague, and Dunkirk, failed from England with' them. T is force was to be joined by an addi- tional number of troops and Ihips when it arrived in New England, which was the iirft place of its deftination. It does not, however, appear, that the people of New England had received any inftruc- tions for that purpofe; or if they did, they feemed to have neglefted them. The armament failed from Plymouth on the fourth of May, and arrived atBofton the fourth of June 171 1. So little was it expedted, that upon its firft appearance, a troop of guards, and a regiment of foot that were in the town, put themfelves under arms, and the in- habitants made the jMroper difpofuions for repelling jin im 'A 4 iil|!! 14* BIl'ITISH EMPIRE. an enemy, but were foon undeceived. The gene*- ral and the admiral had at firft no thoughts of landing their men here ; but coming on ihore, after fomc conference with the inhabitants, found that they themfelves were not in the fecre*^ of the mi- niftry. The latter had often brought fevere charges againft the whigs for entering on dcfigns not laid before parliament, and for which no fup- pUes had been given, and the parliament had a little before declared, that to enlarge the fcrvice, or increafe the charge beyond the bounds prcfcrib- ^d, and the fupplies granted, wis illegal, and an invafion of their rights. This perhaps fill- ed the patrons of this expedition with apprehen-; fions, and they had nothing to truft to but fuccefs lor being indemnified. Looking upon fecrecy as being one of the great means of fuccefs, they had- cither concealed their defign from the New Eng- land men, or explained it fo impcrfedly, that when the admiral and genenl came on Ihore they were amazed to find that no provifions were in furtherance for their proceeding on the expedition ; fo that, all their own provifions being f^wnt, not- withftanding the Ihortnefs of the paflage, the men were landed out of the ftiips, and encamped on Noddes ifland near Botton, where colonel Nichol- fon Kkewife was. This delay, probably, was the ruin of the expedition; but it is owned on alb bands, that the New England men fetjing the good, appearance the troops and ihips made, and per4 ceiving ceivmg pedited ready tl time tl it was troops 1 fine reg NewTi! Vetch. men of of warl tenders, board 1 was the for the colonel '. York, where t New Je about as the Cafi voufed, 1 comman ler, and Canada < TheE Bay, nea eighteen! hard fror tranfporti ^^tN AMERICA. 143 celving the officers to be thoroughly in camcft, ex- pedited the raifing their quota of men, and got ready the provifions demanded of them in a ihorter time than could have been well expected ; yet. it was the twentieth of July, before the Britilh troops re-embarked, and they were joined by two fine regiments of one thoufand New England and New York men, under the colonels Walton and Vetch. The whole fleet then confifted of twelve men of war, and fix ftore-lhips, with all kinds of warlike flores, befides fire-fhips, bomb-ketches, tenders, and tranfports, with forty horfe on board for drawing a fine train of artillery. It was the thirtieth of July before the fleet failed for the river St. Lawrence. At the fame time colonel Nicholfon fet out from Bofton for New York, from whence he proceeded to Albany, -where the forces of New York, Connedicut, and New Jerfey, about one thoufand Palatines, and about as many Indians of the Five Nations, under the Cafiques who had been in England, rendez- voufed, to the number of about four thoufand men, commanded by colonel Ingoldfby, colonel Schuy' ler, and colonel Wiilting, who marched towards Canada on the twenty-eighth of AuguH. The Englilh fleet proceeding, arrived off Gafpe Bay, near the entrance of the river Canada, on the eighteenth of Auguft, where the wind blowing hard from the norrh-w^ft, they anchored, left the tranfports fhould be leparated and driven to lee* ward. ml !.;|l'il"l m :::l::« '44 BRITISH EMPIRE ft if"- r •jvard* Here they burned a French filhing veflel, and on the twentieth of the lame month held on theiif courfe, the wind veering wefterly. But the two fucceeding days proved very foggy, and the gaje at length Ihifting to the tiorth-eaft, rendered it al- rnoft impoflible to fleer any courfe with fafety, having neither fight of land, foundings, nor an- chorage. The veffels then, by the advice of the pilots, were brought to with their heads to the fouth- ward ; ncverthelefs, about ten at night, they found themfclves among the northern rocks and jhoals, where eight tranfports, which had upwards of nine hundred foldiers and fearaen on board, were loft, and the men of war efcaped with great diffi- culty. After this misfortune, and when Sir Hovenden Walker had plied two days with very hard gales, between the weft and the fouth, to fave what lives and ftores he could, he called a council of war, when after examining the pilots, and weighing ever)' circumftance, it was judged impradicable for a fleet to get up to Quebec ; and it was, befides, the opinion of all the pilots, that had the fqua- dron been higher up the river, with the gales they met with, all the ihipi would have been inevitably loft. At this council of war there were j>refent, b^fidcs the rear-admiral, the captains J()f:ph Soames, John Mitchell, llobcrt Arris, (ieorge Wal- ton, Henry Gore, George l^uUlon, John Cock- byrn, and Auguftlne Ruuic. Oa I;-. In AMERICA; Hi Oh the fcventh of September, th6 fliips being joined, another council v/as called, of fea and land-officers, to determine, whether j under the pre* (ent circumftances of the fleet and army^ it were advifeable to attempt any thing againft Placentia ; but it appearing that they had not ten weeks pro- vifions, and that fupplies were uncertain, it was unanimoully determined to return home* At this board were prefent, befides thofe fea-officers who were at the laft, general Hill, colonel Charles Churchill, colonel William Windrefle, colonel Campenfelt, colonel Clayton, and colonel Kirk; together with Vetch and Walton, who commanded the New England forces ; and purfutnt the deter- mination of thefe gentlemen, the whole armament let fail for England, where they arrived in Odp" ber, without having cffedled any thing* The whole conduft of the miniftry in this af- fair, was indeed fomewhat furpriiing. In the firll place, we find that the matter was k< . a fecret from the board of admiralty, and feconoiy, not at all, or at beft, but very imperfe(ftly communicated to thole who v^'ere likely to bear fo great a Ihare in it, the people of New England* An erroi of this kind is the more extraordinary,, as the opennefs of the Englilh is generally a proverb a- mongft the nations. Whatever occjiftoned thofe who had the management of affairs at this pilriodj to run into the other extreme, it is certain, that their ailopting fuch a maxim contributed much tt> Vot. h W thU f'lW ipl 111 I' I4« BRITISH EMPIRE the ill fuccefs of the expedition ; though it if ab* furd to imagine with fomc that there was any deep dcfign in the matter. It is true indeed, a fet of men, who were denominated Whigs, in a fuc- ceeding reign, made this one of the articles of the earl of Oxford's impeachment ; but that is a cir- cumftance which proves little to any one who is "acquainted with the blindnefs of party zeal, and the extraordinary prejudices which once or twice in a century blind the people of this ifland. It is plain tha* Sir Hovenden Walke; was neither privy to, nor fufpefted the mlniftry of any double de- fign. He ufed to fay, that the expedition was in- deed unfortunate, becaiife it failed; but he added, tliat it would have been much more fo, if the fleet had advanced up the River St. Lawrence : " For," faid he, " our mens pr ...ons would then " have been reduced to eight or nine, perhaps to ** fix weeks allowance ; — no relief could pofjibly " have been hoped for in lefs than ten months; — " the Feverlham, and three llore-lliips, laden with " the provifions dcfigned for their fupply, being " call away in their paflage; — fo that, if we had ** cfcaped ihipwrec':, (which would have been a V** very great chance) between ten and twelve -** tboufand men mull have inevitably perilhed with " cold and hunger, and the Ihips have become a ,*^ prey to the returning enemy. — On the other hand, had the enemy held out till our people had fpent all their provifions, the latter muft " have 41 (( !i|iiiii ! r' ! fci III! fi H ft f* u « . merous than thofe of any colony in the world ; their commerce flourilhing, and their riches immeniie; but they had not laid af the independent princi- ples of their anceftors; and the government of England jnjlly thought that they affefted powers inconfiftent with their duty to their mother country^ To put them to a tefl of their obedience, Mr. Burv- net had an inftrudion peremptorily to iniift upon a fettled provifion for him as governor, which was as peremptorily refufed by the affembly. The dif- putes on this head increafed fo much, that for fome time no public bufinefs could be tranfaded. Bur- net was a zealous promoter of the good of the co- lony, and had many fchemes for its fervice, which were fo juft that he had credit enough to carry them into execution. It is thought that he would even have given up the point of his falary had he not been tied down by his inilrudtions from England. But this would have been impro^jer, he having given up a very lucrative place in Great Britain for the government of New York, in which he fuc- ceedcd governor Hunter, as colonel Montgomery did him. The province of Maflachufet perceiving they could gain nothing upon their governor in the matter of his falary, fent over Jonathan Belcher, Efq. to join with Mr. Wilks in an application to the government of England to get a revocation of his IH^t. m I l! 15* BRITISH EMPIRE his inftruftion on that head. The Engliih «im- ftry bcin» at that time, divided among themielvei^ the New ^.ngland agents, who were charged with other complaints a^lnft their governor, befides that of his infifting upon a falary, received great enco i- ragcment from one part of the adminiftration, and were threatened by the other that the affair Ihould be laid before the parliament ; but Burnet dying in September, 1729, Mr. Belcher was appointed to fuc- eeed him as governor of New York. In the mean time, Mr.Dummer ;»Jtcd as lieutenant governor. Mr. Belcher arrived at New York on the eighth of Auguft 1730, and was received with great joy by the natives, who thought that under their own countryman they had nothing to apprehend, efpe- cially as he had fo lately been employed by them as their agent; but they were deceived. The firll ftep he took in his government was to lay before the affembly of N'ew Hampshire his aftrudtions to obtain a falr^: ?, and they accordingly granted him two hundrtcl < unds a year. But their example diet not further his main end, which was to obtain a proportionable fum from the affembly at Bofton. The general affembly of New England met at Cam- bridge, on the ninth of September, and was opened by the governor with a fpecch, in which he ufcd the following expreffions : " Gentlemen, the king's " placing me at the head of his government here, " taken in all circumftances of it, (without affum- ing any perfonal merit to myfelf) is fuch an in- " ftance (( . «« ftfnc *^* peoj ** noui " Britj " priv « it h'. «* alfo " com ** twei ^' fupi " futu « will " tot ** broi the foi tiih p- cher, t on the childn his fa - paffcd uncert The ( to his flood day b( «d th( <• the <« Jftrii Yo \ it (( a « it it IN AMFRrCA. 153 •* ft?ncc of his majcity*8 grace and favour to the ^* people, a I want words to exprefs. The '^<^- " nour of the cro vn, and the intcreft of (ivi " Britain, are doiutlefs v ' compatible witl privileges and berties ot ht : plantations ; ; -d it bt ng my duty to fupport the former, it will " alfo be my c re to prote y w Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y 14580 (716) 872-4503 \ iV ^ ^ \\ 9> V % '1> ^ C^ <( C( <( iS iC €t eople, in which tlie latter have much the greatcft Ihare ; for here the people do not only chufe the aflembly, but the a^mbly^ chuies the council alfo ; and the governor depends upon the aflembly for his annual fupport, which has too frequently laid the governors of this pro- vince under temptations of giving up the preroga- tive of the crown, and the intereft of Great Britain. Connecticut and Rhode Ifland, are the othef charter governments, or rather corporations, where almoft the whole jwwer of the crown is delegated to the people, who make an annual eleftion of their aflembly, thew* coui cil, anl their governor likewife; to the majority of which aflembliesi councils and governors refpe^ively, being col- leftivc bodies, the jwwer of making laws is grant-t cd ; and, as their charters are worded, they can, and do make laws, even without the governor** aflcnt, and dire<^ly contrary to their opinions, no negative voice being referved to them as governors in thfc faid charter : and as the faid governors are annually chofen, their office generally expires be- fore his majcfly's approbation can be obtained, of any fecurity taken for the due obfervance of the laws of trade and navigation, and hold little or no eorrefpondencc with our office. Thefc colonial have IN AMERICA. «59 have the power of making laws for their bettet government and fupport, provided they be not re^ pugnant to the law* of Great Britain, nor detri" mental to their mother country : and thefe law*, whea they have regularly paffed the council, and aflembly of any province, and received the govern Dior's affent, become valid in that province, yet temain repcalable by his majefty in council, upon juft complaint, and do not acquire a perpetual force, unlefs they are confirmed by his majefty in council. But there are fome exceptions to thit rule in the proprietary and charter-governments. Thus, in the Maflachufet Bay, if their laws are not repealed within three years after they have been prefented to his majefty for his approbation or diikllowance, they are not repealable by the crown after that time : and the provinces of Con* ncdticut and Rhode Ifland are not under any obli* gation, by their refpcdtive conftitutions, to return authentic copies of their laws to the crown for approbation or difallowance, or to give any ac* count of their proceedings. There is alfo this fingularity in the governments of Connedlicut and R-hode Ifland, that their, law? are are hot repeal* able by the crown, but the validity of them de« pends upon their being not contrary, but as near as may be agreeable to the laws of England. There has been from the beginning, an of- iiee ereded by law in every count)', where aM con- veyances of land are entered at large, after the granters iiiili I" ,i| i|,„ I'iii ii (fit J ft i m m m Hiiirii i i ilUlhlH i6o BRITISH EMPIRE granters have firft acknowledged them before a jufticc of peace, by which means no perlon can fell his efb.te twice, or take up more money upon it than it is worth. Provifion has likewife been made for the fecurity of life and property, in the eleftion of juries, vho are not returned by the iheriflf of the county, but are chofen by the iniia- bitants of the towns ; and this eleftion is under the exadeft regulation that human prudence can fuggeft, for preventing corruption. The Iheriffs in plantations are comparatively but little officers, and therefore not to be trufted like ours. Redrefs b the New England courts of law is very quick and cheap ; all procefles are in Englilh, and no fpecial pleadings or demurrers are admitted ; but the general iffue is always given, and fpecial mat- ters brought in evidence, which faves time and cxpence : and in this cafe a man is not liable to lofe his eftatc for a dcfeft in form, nor is the merit of the caufc made to depend on the niceties of clerkfhi[>. By a law of the country-, no writ may be abated for a circumftantial error, fuch as a flight mifnomcr, or any informality : and by ano- ther law, it is enafted, that every attorney taking out a wrir from the clerk's office, fhall indorfe his name upon it, and be liable to pay the advcrfe party his coits and charges in cafe of non^profecu- rion or dilcontinuance, or that the plaintiff be non- fuitcd, or judgement pafs againlt him. And it is provided in tL lame ad. That if the plaintiff \ 1 fT A M ER I C A. i6i ihall fuffcr a non-fuit by the attorney's miilaying the aaion, he ihall be obliged to draw a new writ without a fee, in cafe the party ihall fee fit to revive the fuit : for the quicker difpatch of caufes, declarations are made parts of the writ, in which the cafe is particularly fet forth. If it be matter of accompt, the accompt is annexed to the writ, and copies of both left with the defen- dant, which being done fourteen days before the fitting of the court, he is obliged to plead direftly, and the iffue is then tried. Nor are the people of New England opprefTed with the infinite delays and expcncc that attend proceedings in chancery. But as in all other countries, England only ex- cepted j«i y aquum are held the fame, and never divided ; fo it is here, a power of chancery being vefted in the judges of the courts of common law, as to fome particular cafes, and they make equita- ble conftru^ions in others. The fees of officers of all forts, are fettled by ads of ^ flembly at mode- rate prices. Adultery, blafphemy, llriking or curfing a pa- rent, is by them punilhed with death ; as is ^^er^ jury, where lifie may be affe(ftcd. No perfon lan be arretted if he has the means of making any fa- tisfra:ion. Quakers, jefuits and popilh priefis are fcr death. Great care is taken, by their laws, of of the morals of the Indians, and to prevent drunkennefs, fwearing and curfing; and one of Vol. I, Y theit i62 BHITISH EMPIRE :{ht\T laws> which they much boaft of, is, th^t Chriftian Itrangcrs flying from tyranny, are to be maintained by the public, or othenvife provided for. . ' Every town, if it contains thirty bnrgeflV^, can fend two reprefentatives to parliament ; if tv.rntt'', one ; but Bofton nominates four. There is in the aflembly the peculiar privilege of felcding the members of the council, or what we may call the houfe of lords, who ad as nf^ftants to the gover* nor ; but he mufl approve of the elc(^on. The prudence of the colonies of Connecticut and Rhode •Jiland ferved them in great ftcad when their char- ters were called in by Charles II. for they furrcn- dered only that which had been granted them b\' the crown ; but, when the revolution took plact, they produced that which they held from the Maf-' fachufet company, which never had been revoked, and which entitled them annually to elcdt their own o-overnor, and to command their own militia. They went fo tar in aflerting this lafl privilege, that when king William appointed Benjamin Fletcher, Efq. who was governor of New York and Penniylvania, to command the Conned:icuC forces, tlie province refufed to obey him. The foreign trade of New England confills of various articles. At th2 mouth of the river Pe* nobfcot there is a mackarel filbery, from which •the inhabitants fuppiy Barbadocs, and other Bri* tifll 1 I N A M E R I C A, 4lfe * tifli iflaiuis in Amciica. They likewiii: ^ih iA wkter for cod, whkh they dry vx the froft, Their iik works *re upon the improving hand ; 9nd it ii laid they will foon have fait fufficient to ierv? themlelvcs. Rich mines of iron of a moft excel- lent kind of temper have been difcovcred in New England, and if improved, in a ihort time they may fupply Great Britain, without having re^ourfe to the northern nations for that commodity. Be- fides mackarel and cod, they fend to Barbadocs md the other BritiQi iilands, bifcuit, meal* fait, provifiona, fometimes cattle and horfes, planks, Jioops, fliingles, pipe-ftaves, butter, cheefe, grain, oU, tallow, turpentine, bark, calves-ikins, tobacco, .apples and onions ; and of thefe merchandizes Barbadoes takes annually to the value of one hun- dred thoufand pounds fterling. Fropi Barbadoc* and thofe illands, they bring, in return, fugar, cot- ton, gipgcr, and various other commodities. From Europe they import wine, filks, woollen cloth, toys, hard-ware, linen, ribbands, fluffs, laces, pa-, per, houfe-furniture, hufbandry tpols of nU kinds, tordage» hats, flockings, llioes, and India goods, to the value of above four hundred thoufand pounds a year. In J ort, there is no Britifh manu- ja^ure that fervgs the purpof^s of ufc, luxury, or ornament, which tlie people of New England do . not import. Their money, till lately, was all pa^ per, ftruck into what they call province-bills,^ which occaftoned many incpnveniencies, and thpv' 11^ m m m wi^' 1^4 BRITISH EMPt RE manufiiftures are as yet not many ; nor ait they much encouraged by their mother country : — they arc however daily improving, and the two laft wars with France and Spain have intrc^.uced abundance of hard money. With regard to religion, befo»e the year 1740, the province of MaflTachufct Bay contained above one hundred Engliih congregations, befides thirty afiembhes of Indian chrilVians. But of all thofe congregations not above three or four of them followed the forms of the church of England, JBvcry j^articuiar fociety amongft them is indepen- dant of all other ecclefiaftical jurifdi(ftion ; nor does there lie any appeal from their punilhments or cenfures. Their church-government admits of fynods ; hut thofe fyno'Js have no power to inforce their own a■■ ' ' TIais is « htad^ fome city, £r.uated on a peainfula, at tiie bot- tom of a fine cai^acious and fafe hwrbour, which jis defended from the outrages of the lea, by a mun~ bfiTj^pf lilaiid% and rocks whkh appear above wa- ter. It if entered but by one lafepaifage; and that is narrow, and coverfid by the cannon of a regu-* lar and very ftrong fortrefs. The harbour is more than fiifficient for the great numba* of veflels, which carry on the extcnfive tracje of jSoClon. At the bottom of the bay is a noble pier,, newr two thouftnd feet in length, along which on the north iide extends a row of warehoules. The h,cad of this pier joins the principal flreet of the l(*wn, which h, like moft of the others, fpacious md well buik. The town lies at the bottom of the har^ bonr, and forms a very agreeable view. It has a town houfe, where the courts meet, and tlie cx» change is kept, large, and of a very tolerable tafte of archittdiure. Round the exchange, are a great number of well-furniihed bookfellcrs fhops, which find employment for live printing prefTes. Tlvere are ten churches within this town ; and it contains at leafl twenty thoufand inhabitants. That we may be enabled to term fome judge- ment of the wealth of this citv, we muft obfervc that from Chrillmas 1747, toChriftmas 1748,, five hundred veflels cleared out from this port only, for a foreign trade; and tour hundred and thirty IN AM EKX C A. t^ ivtre ttitcted inwards; to fay nothing of coaftiiig ind fifhing veffeh, both of which arc extremely numerous, and faid to be equal in number to tht others. Indeed the trade of New England it great, as it iuppHes a large quantity of goods from witb- in itfelf; but it is yet greater, as the people of this country are in a manner the carriers for all the colonies of North America and the Weft-In- dies, and even for feme parts of Europe, They may be confidcred in this rcfpea: as the Dutch o^ America. The commodities which the country yields aff principally mafts and yards, for which tliey con- trad largely with the al navyj pitch, tar, wd turpentine; ftaves, lumber, boards; all foru oC provifions, beef, pork, butter and cheefe, in Urge tpiantities; horfes and live catde; Indian corn and peafe; cyder, apples, hemp and flax. Their pelr trjr trade is not very confiderablc. The codfiihery which they have always upon their coaft, em- ploys a vaft number t>f their people; they arc ena- bled by this to export annually above thirty^wo thoufand quintals of choice cod fiih, to Spain, Italy, and the Mediterranean, and about aiactcen thoufand qumtals of the rt-fufe fort to the Weft- Indies, as food for the negroes. The quantity of fpirits, which they diftil in Bofton from the mo- laflcs they bring in from all parts of the Wcft- Indies, is as furprifing as the ch^ap rate at whicli they vend it, which is under t^vo fhiUings a gal- lon* ,a i68 BHITISIJ EMPIRE lort«>' With this they fupply jlmoft all the coa- (iimption of our colonies in North America, th& Indian trade there, the vaft demands of their own and the Newfoundland fifhery, and in a great mea- -fure thofe of the African trade; but they are more &mous for the quantity and cheapnefs, than for the excellency of their rum. They are alntioft the only people of our colonies who have any of the woollen and linen manu- factures. Of the former they have nearly as much as fuffices for their own cloathing. It is a clofc and ftrong, but a coarfe ftubborn fort of cloth. A number of prefbyterians from the North of Ire- land driven thence, as it is faid, by the feverity of ihcir landlords, from an affinity in religious fentiv ments, chofe New England as their place of refuge. Thofe people brought with them their ikill in the linen manufaftures, and meeting with very large encouragement, they exercifed it, to the great ad- vantage of this colony. At prefent they make con- liderable quantities, and of a very good kind; their principal fettlement is in a town, which, in com- pliment to them, is called Londonderry. Hats are ttiade in New England, which, in a clandeftine way, find a good vent in all the other colonies. The fetting up of thefe manufadures has been in « great meafure a matter neccffary to them ; for as they have not been properly encouraged in fome ilaple commodity, by which they might commu- nicate with their motlier country, while they were IN AMERICA. i6^ cut off from ^U other refoiwces, they muft ekhcf have abaiidc 1 the country, or have found means of employing their own &ill and induftry to draW out of it the neceffaries of life. The fame necef- fity, together with their convenience for building and manning Ihips, has made them the carriers for the other colonies. The bufmefs of Ihip-building is one of the moft confiderable which Bofton or the other fea-port towns in New England carry on. Ships are fome- times byilt here upon commiffion; but freqnently, the merchants of New England have them con- ftrufted upon their own account; and loading them with the produce of the colony, naval (lores, fifh, and fifti-oil principally, they fend them out upon a trading voyage to Spain, Portugal, or the Mediterranean; where, having difpofed of their cargo, they make what advantage they can by freight, until fuch time as they can fell the veffel herfelf to advantage, which they feldom fall to do in a reafonable time. They receive the value of the veflel, as welV as of the freight of the goods, which from time to time they carried, and of the cargo with which they failed originally, in bills of exchange upon London; for as the people of New England have no commodity to return for the value of above a hundred thoufand pounds, which they take in various forts of goods from England, but fome naval ftores. and thofe in no great quantities, they are obliged to keep the ba- Vol. I. Zi laoce 1^70 BRITISH EMPIRE lance fomewhat even by this circuitous commerce, which, though not carried on with Great Britain nor with Britilh vcifels, yet centers in 'its profits, where all the money which the colonies can make, in any manner, muft center at laft. By thcfe obfervations collected from the beft authorities, is may be feen how flourifhing this fettlement is in itfelf, and of how much ufc it; may be made to the mother country. OF NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY. NEW York is faid to have been fiift dilco- vcred by one captain Hudfon, an Englifhraan, v^ ho fold it to the Dutch about the year 1608. James I, then king of England indeed protefted againft the fettlement ; but his neighbours flill kept pofleffion. At length Sir Samuel Argol governor of Virginia attacked and deflro)ed their colonies. This the Dutch com[>lained of as an outrage, and applied to the king of Etigland for a confirmation of the con- veyaice. They could only obtain leave to build fome cottages for the convenience of their fhips. But they found means to enlarge upon this per- miffion fo far, that at laft this province, which they called the New Netherlands, rofe to a flourilhing (late. — The extent of the government or jurifdic- tion of New York is as follows ; from north to fouth, that is, from Sandy Hook, in latitude forty degrees, thirty m'nutes to the fuppofed Canada line in the parallel of forty-five degrees latitude are . three IN AMERICA. 171 three hundred and thirteen Englifli miles ; the extent from weft to eaft is various, i. From the eaft foutherly termination of the boundary line, between the Jerfeys and New York, in latitude forty-one de- grees upon Hudfon*s River, to Byram River, where 5ie colony of Connefticut begins, are one hundred miles. 2. From the weft northerly termination o£ the faid boundary line between Jerfcy and New York, on the north branch of Delaware River, ia latitude forty-one degrees, forty minutes to Con- nefticut weft line, including the oblong, are eighty- two miles, whereof about fixty miles from Dela- ware River to Hudfon^s^ River, and twenty-two miles from Hudfon*s River to the prefcnt Connec- ticut weft line, oblong are included. 3. From forty- one degrees forty minutes on Delaware River, New York runs twenty mile* higher on Delaware River to the parallel of forty-one degrees latitude, which, by Pennfylvania royal grant, divides New York from the province of Pennfylvania. Upon this pa- rallel New York is fuppofed to extend weft to Lake Erie ; and from thence along Lake Erie, and along the communicating great run of water, from Lake Erie to Lake Ontario or Cataraqui, and along Lake Cataraqui, and its difcharge Cataraqui River, to the aforefaid Canada fuppofed line with the Britilh co- lonics. We ftiall inftance the breadth of New York province from Ofwego ; as being a medium in this line. Ofwego fort and trading place, with many nations of Indans upon the Lake Ontario, Z 2 Cataraqui t^l BRITISH EMPIRE Cataraqui or Ofwego, in latitude forty-three dcr grccs lies weft northerly from Albany about two hufldred miles, and about twenty miles from Albany to the weft line of the province of Mafla- chufet Bay, in all about two hundred miles. Mon- treal lies north by eaft of Albany above two hun- dred and twenty miles. Several iflands belong to the province of New York, fuch as Long Illand, which the Dutch call Naffau, and is about one hundred and twenty miles long from eaft to weft, but no more, at a medium, than ten broad. The eaftern part of this illand was fettled from New England, but two thirds of the ifland is a barren, fandy foil. Staten Ifland is about twelve miles in length north, and fix in breadth, and is inhabited by Dutch and French, as well as Englifli. Nantucket^ Martha's vineyard, and Elizabeth Iflands, formerly belonged likcwife to New York,, but were, by the new charter of Maflachufct Bay, granted at the revolution, an- nexed to that colony. New York contains four incorprated towns, which have feveral exclufive privileges, and fend reprefentatives to the general aflembly. The names of the towns are as follow : I. New York and its territory, which was eftab- liflied by colonel Dungan, and fends four reprefen- .tatives to the general aHembly. 2. The city of Albany, which fends two reprefentatives. 3. The town of Wcft-Chefter; and, 4. That ot" Schenedtady, each of which fends one. The climate and foil of New IN AMERICA. 173 New York being greatly fuperior even to thofe of New England, had made it an objea: greatly defireable by the Englilh. The hiftory of New York, during the time the Dutch held it, affords little or nothing material, but what will be found in that of Canada. Its firft Dutch governor waj Henry ChriiVian, who difcovered Martha's vine- yard, and he was fucceeded by Jacob Elkin, who was appointed to that government by the Dutch Weft India company, to whom the country be- longed. When the Dutch war became inevitable, in the year 1664, king Charles II. made a prefent of vaft tracks of land in thofe countries to his bro- ther the duke of York, in which New York was included, and the duke let it out in other fuWivi- fions to other proprietors. To render thofe gifts cffedtual, Sir Robert Car, an Englilh commander ^f great courage and fpirit, before the declaration of the firlt Dutch war, was fent with a ftrong fqua- dron, and three thoufand land forces, the greateft armament that had been ever fent from Europe to America, with orders to difpolTefs the Dutch of this fine country, and to put the duke of York in poffeffion of it. He was attended, by colonel Ri- chard Nicholls, Efq. George Carteret, Efq. and Sa- muel Meverich, Efq. and he dlffcmbarked his land forces on Manehattan ifland, towards the end of the year 1664, and he and Nicholls marched di- rci^tly agaiuil the town of New Amfterdam. The Dutch UIHAJ.,*), ,1- I . IHIM JliM 174 BRITISH EMPIRE Dutch governor, though a brave man, being un- provided to receive them, was obliged to capitu- late, and to deliver up the place. The ca])itula- tion was wife and honourable ; for all the Dutch fubjefts who were willing to fubmit to the Eng- lilh government were at liberty to rcfide in the place, and protected in their pcrfons and elfecfts. The town, at that time, was one of the handfomeft in all North America; and above half of the Dutch inhabitants chofe to fubmit to the Englifli government, while others were at liberty to carry off their cffedls ; and were fucceeded by the Eng- lilh, who gave the colony the name of New York. The firft Englilh governor of New York was co- lonel Nichoils, who, thirteen dav8 after the furren- der of New Amfterdam, marched to Orange Fort, which was likewife furrendered to him ; and all the draggling plantations in that country fell under the power of the Englilh. Nichoils adted as go- vernor, under the duke of York, till the year 1683, and feems to have been « wife, provident perfon. It \vas he who concluded the ufeful treaty between the Indians of the five nations and the Engliih in- habitants, which fubfifts to this day. The Dutch, however, recovered New York in 1672, but reftor- ed it, a few months after, by the treaty of peace. Nichoils was fucceeded in this government in 1683 by Sir Edmund A ndroi, whom we have already mentioned in the hiftory of New England, and Andros by colonel Dungan, afterwards earl of Limericks Dungan^ -IN AMERICA. 175 Ihingan, was a catholic; but he had the juftcft fenfe of the interefts of England, and was an irreconr cxleablc enemy to the French in America. While l^ing James was on the throne, an order came to him from England, to admit French miffionaricsfrom QueVec, to make converts to their religion in New York. Tiie colonel could not difpute the order ; but fufpeding their intention was to debauch the five Indian nations from their friendlhijl with England; he turned them out of the colony. The French complained to the court of England of ofDungan's honeft proceeding, and fome pretend to fay that he mull have loft his government had king James continued much longer upon the throne. When the revolution took place, his religion difqualified him from continuing in the government of New York ; but king William had fo juft a fenfe of bis . meri:, that he is faid to have offered to procure him a confiderable command in the Spanilh army, which Dungan refufed to accept of, on account of his obligations to king James. After the revolu- tion, the French found means to f\nrit up the Hu- rons againft the inhabitants of New York; and co- • lonel Benjamin Fletcher, the next governor, wa^ ordered to carry over from England thither fome land forces for the proteAion of the colony. In the mean while, in 1690, colonel Peter Schuyler, an inhabitant of New York, railed three hundred Englifti and three hundred friendly Indians, with whom he marched againft Quebec. I'his feems to have .'^^d^'A^J^ -ii'^-^'-' 17^ BRITISH EMPIRE have been an ill-digeftcd expedition, as it was cafy to forefee that the Engliih force, which was dcfti* nite of heavy artillery, was infufficient for mafter- jng any ftrong place. Schuyler advanced into Ca- nada with great intrepidity, and was oppofed by a fiiiTerior army of French, which, he engaged ; but after killing three hundred of them, perceiving his ftrength to be too fmall to attempt any thing of great confeqiience, he returned home. Soon af- ter this, the French invaded the province of New York, took and burned the town of Scheneftady, arttl murdered the inhabitants. It was abfurdly re- ported that this invafion was favoured by certain friends of Andros. The truth is, Fletcher not ar- riving, the government of New York was at this lime in a ftate of anarchy, when colonel Lefley put himfelf at t'le head of the affairs of the province, in eonjunt^ion with one Mr. Jrtcob Milbourne. Thcfe two adbciates were wrong-headed enough to imagine, that they would be continued from Eng- land in their government, and that they were even |!rong enough to hoKl out againft the governor named by king William. In the mean while, Fletcher arrived with his trcxips, and fummoned J.efley and Milbourn to give up the fort of New York: which thev not on] v refufed to do, but kill- cd one of his foldiers, Fletcher, however, foon gcr poflci1i'.)n of the fort, and ordered Lefley and Milbourn to be tried for high treafon, which they were, and condemned, and executed accordingly. . After Tjpf!»jpjf'if|T-w« :: IN AMERICA. 177* : After this, .the fon of New York was provided ■with a igular garrifon, to prevent fiirprifes from the 'French or their Indians. During Fletcher's government, Frontenac, the French governor of Canada, invaded Albany, the Engliih barrier of New York, with three thoufand French and Cana- dians. He advanced by Hudfon's river, and, after a march of three hundred miles, he fell into the country of the Onondagoes, one of the five nation! in friendihip with the Engliih, where the count deftroyed their habitations, corn,, and proviiion, Fletcher hearing of this invafion, advanced againft him, and was joined by feveral of the friendly Indians, who were highly exafperated againft the French and the Hurons, Upon this the count re- treated, but with confiderable lofs, the Englifli and the Iroquois falling upon his rear, and killing a great many of his men. Colonel Slaughter fucceed- ed Fletcher in this government, as Jofeph Dudley, Efq. did him. In the year 1697, the earl of Bel- lamont, as we have already feen, was named to the joint governments of New York and New Eng" land : and Mr. Nanfan aded as his deputy for the former. In 1 700 Mr. Nantan refufed admittance, by orders from England, to the Scotch ihips from Da* fien; a proceeding which was thought to be in- human. The lord Cornbury, eldeftfon to the earl of Clarendon, upon lord Beliamont's death, was appointed governor of New York, and carried over thither his wife and family. His lordlhip is faid Vol, I, ' A 5^ t« I 4 f( 1^1 BRITISH EMPIilE t^^tvtctrriH matters with a very, high hind; to the affiiiri of the colony were under hkn inr cjccciicnt order. In 1710, five of the friendly *In* dkn kings were fcnt to England, where they wcr« kindly reccu d at court; and they addreffcd queea Annp in the following terms: " Great Queen, Wc have undertaken a long voyage, which none of our prcdeceflbrs could be prevailed with " to undertake, to lee our great queen, and relate *.* to her thofe things which we thought abfolute» ** ly ncceffury for the good of her and of us her allies, on the other ftdc of the water. " We doubt not but our great queen has been acquainted with our long and tedbus war, ia. " conjunction with her children, againft her cne*. " mics, the French; and that we have been afe " a ftrong wall for their fecurity, even to the loff *' of our beft men. We were mightily rejoiced when we heard our great queen had refolved to •* fend an army to reduce Canada; and immc« ** diately, in token of friendship, we hung up the •* kettle, and took up the hatchet, and, %vith ono •* confcnt, affiftcd colonel Nicholfon in making '* preparations on this fide the lake: but at length •* we were told, our great tjueen, by ior.it:. impor- '* tant affairs, was prevented in her r^ei^g!* h prc^ ** fcnt, which made us forrowfiil^ left the French, ** w ho had hitherto dreaded us, Ihould now think *^ m unable to make war againft them. The re^ " duftion « u u u y^iWPWig ^^^^. •« A\x&\on of Canada i of great weight -^ our free «« hunting; fo that if our great ^u«c'. <*. ^uld not *« be ni ndful of us, e mull, with our families, •< forfake our counrrv, and feck other habitations, *• or (land neuter, either of which will be m\3ch <* againft our inclinations. '< In token of the fincerity of t^efe nations, we « do, in their names, prefcnt our great queen *« with the belt! of waAnpum, and., in hopei of " our great queen's favour, leave it to her moft ** gracious confideration." It was in confequence of this addrefs, the ex- pedition under colonel Hill and Sir Hovenden Walker againft Canada, which we have mention- ed in the hiftory of New England, was unucr- taken. General Nicholfon was to command in chief the New York forces; of which, befides Indians, three regiments were raifed, under the command of the colonels Ingoldlby, Schuyler, and Whiting. They accordingly marched towards Que- bec; but, upon Walker's mifcarriage, they return- ed to New York. After this, great numbers of Palatines and German proteftants arrived, and were fettled in the colony, but a vote of the houfe of commons paffed againft it, as bein^ an extra- vagant and unreafonable charge to the kingdom, tending to the increafe and oppreflion of the Eng^ Hfti poor, and of dangerous confequence to the church. But the new colonifts were fettled on . both fides H idfon's river, between eighty and a hun- A a 2 dred W\ - ft- i8o BRITISH EMPIRfi dred miles above the city of New York. Lord Cornbury, at the fame time he was governor of New York, was appointed governor of the Jerfeys ; and, when recalled from his government, he was fucceeded by lord Lovelace, who arrived at New York, November 13, 1708, but died in May fol- lowing. He was fucceeded by colonel Ingoldfby, a captain of one of the independant companies, as li'eutenant-governor; from which poll he was re- moved by a letter from the queen to the council of New York. In 1710 colonel Hunter was ap- pointed to the government of New York, where he arrived on the 14th of June that year, carrying with him two thoufand feven hundred Palatines to fetde in that province. No more than ten acres were allowed to one family; upon which they were obliged to go to Pennfylvania, where they fettled, and became part of that flouriiliing colo- ny. As to Mr. Hunter, it is generallv allowed that his abilities and integrity were equal to thofe of any governor that ever went from England to America. Having a true fenfe of the intereft of the colony, he renewed the treaty, or, as it is caUed( the covenant-chain, with the five friendly nations of the Indians. He was afterwards made gover- nor of Jamaica. Mr. Hunter was fucceeded in his government by William Burnet, Efq. fon to the famous bilhop of Salifbury. This gentleman has been already men- tioned in the hiftory of New England. The fatal South - IN AMERl C A, i8x South Sea year had affeaed his fortune ; fo that he found it expedient to change his place of comptrol- krrgeneral of the culloms at London, which was given to Mr. Hunter, for the government of New York and New Jerfey. Before his arrival, advice came to New York, that the friendly Indians v/ere meditating an expedition . againft fomc diflant fa-- vages, and that they entertained amongft them one Coeur, a Frenchman. The government of New York thought that fuch an expedition would be iletrimental to the interefts of the colony; and Pe- ter Schuyler, Efq. then prefident of the council, and the commander in chief of the province, ap- pointedfeveral gentlemen, as his plenipotentiancs, to treat with the Indians, and to diffuade . them from their purpofes, efpecially from enter- taining Cocur. The Indians accordingly met thofe gentlemen at Albany; and it appears, from the minutes of the conference, that the gentlemen of New York were very defirous that the favages to the fouthward Ihould trade with their province; while the deputies of the five nations endeavoured toevade the queftion, as excluding themfelves from that commerce:-they offered, however, to treat with their fouthern brethren, if the latter would come to Albany, but not elfe. As to the affair of Coeur, they fairly told the gentlemen, that they could not take it upon themfelves, but that the Enghfti might do it if they pleafed, or complam <.f him to the governor of Canada. As to the ex- ° pedition '••ill "• i 1 m l82 BRITISH :e*MI>1RE ^edition they were about to undertake, they ewil- •ed that they had fuch an intention, but that thdy could fay nothing farther concerning it, till th^ confulted at home with their young men and their iachems that were to head them ; and thus the conference broke off. The ftate of affairs between the Engliih and the five nations oceafioned an- other conference with the latter, at which, h©- fides the governor of New York, were prefent the governors of Pennfylvania and Virginia. This conference ended to the mutual fatisfad:ion of aU parties. It is allowed on all hands that governor Burnet underllood extremely well the. interefts of his government. The building of Ofwcgo, a foD- lified warehoufe for the convenience of trading with the Indians, was owing to him ; and he, at laf^ fucceeded in making the people of New York fully fenfible, that it was not ibr their in- tereft to encourage the great trade carried on between them and the French in Canada. In the year 1720, the governor obtained from the aflembly an adl, prohibiting, for three years, all trade betwixt New York and Canada. Upon the expiration of this adt, the London merchants who fupplied the New York men with the commodi- ties that they ufed to fend to Canada (nine hun- dred pieces of woollen cloth having been carried from Albany to Montreal in one year) finding themfelves deprived of this beneficial commerce, applied to the king and council againft the conti-v nuance j^ nisince of the law i chiefly, on pretence^ that thf Ifrench could be fupplicd otherwiic ; and that if they were deprived of the EagliAi commodities, the French Canadians would apply thcmfelves to the woollen and other manufadures. This petition wsis by the council referred to a committee of the board of trade and plantations, who tranfmitted a copy of it, with the reafons on which it was- founded, to governor Burnet; but his reply prov- ed fo fatisfadory, that the ad was continued, and, >^ in 1727, it was, by the aflembly, made perpetual, '5!^ ^ and afterwards confirmed by the king and council ^ ' in England. The good effcfts of this meafure were: foon feen. The diftant Indians, who came to traffic, in* ftead of purfuing a long fatiguing journey to Montreal, ftopt at Ofwcgo, which had been built at the governor's private expence, on, Lake Onta- rio, and was always garrifoned by twenty foldiers and a lieutenant. There the favages furniflied thcmfelves from the Englifli, at half the price tliey uied to pay the French, with all the commo- dities they wanted. This naturally increafed the trade of New York, and brought great numbers pf Britiih fubjei^is into that province ; fo that it was no longer monopolized by a few overgrown merchants, but divided into many channels, to the immenfe profit of the colony. Befides the main-land of New York, we have mentioned fome iflands belonging to it. i. Long- Illand ! i 18^4 BRITISH empire; Ifland, called by the Indians Matowacks, and bjr' the Dutch, Naflau. This lies in length from call to weft about one hundred and twenty miles, and, at' a medium, is about ten miles broad • its ihore is a fandy flat, as is all the eaft Ihore of North Ameri- ca from Cape-Cod of New England, in north latitude, forty-two degrees, ten minutes to Cape Florida, in about twenty-five degrees north lati- tude. Upon the fhore of Long-Illand are very few inlets, an(;J thefe very Ihallow : its north fide is good water, there being a found between it and the main land of Connefticut ; the wideft part of this near New-haven df Connedricut, does not i exceed eight leagues. Two thirds of this iiland is a barren fandy foil. The eaftern parts were fet- tled from New England, and retain their cuftoms ; the weftern parts were fettled by the Dutch, where many families to this day underftand no other language but theirs. It is divided into three couHties, viz. Queen's county. King's county, and Suffolk count}'', and pays confiderably above one-fourth of the taxes or charges of the governs mcnt of the province. Hell-Gate, where is the confluence or meeting of the eaft and weft tide in Lonugnant to the laws of England and provlncd of " New York, with fome additions, granting to them all the unappropriated lar.ds to low-water mark in Manhatan's iiland, under the yearly quit-rent of one bcaver-fkin, or the value there- of; their jurifdiftion to extend all over the iHand, &c." And this charter was confirmed by a fubfequent charter from lord Cornbury go- vernor, April 19, 1708, with fome additions grant- ed tt t( iC i( ii it il JN AMERICA. i8^ cd to them the ferries, &c. — As fome queftion- ' ed the validity of their former charters, becaufe they were in the governor's name only, and not in the name of their kings and queens,, they peti- tion governor Montgomery for a new charter, con- firming all their former privileges, with fome ad- ditions ; granting to them four hundred feet below low-water mark in Hudfon's River, &c. In 1 727, on the acceffion of his majefty George II, to the crown of Great Britain, Mr, Burnet being promoted to the government of New England, was fuccceded in that of New York by colonel Mont- gomery. Under this gentleman fome doubts arofe concerning the validity of the charters, obtained • from former governors, in whofe names they ran, and not in thofe of the kings and queens of Eng- land, They therefore petitioned their governor to procure them a royal charter, which he accordingly did, not only confirming their privileges, but en- larging their bounds ; and the purport of the char- ter bearing date the fifth day of January is a? follows ; <' They are incorporated by the name of the ** mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of the city of *< New York. — The city to be divided into {even " wards, yiz. weft-ward, fouth-ward, duck-ward, " caft-ward, north-ward, Montgomery-\\'ard, and ** the out-ward divided into the Bowry divifion and " Harlem divifion. — The corporation to confift of " one mayor, one recorder, and feven aldermen, Bh z feven Wl ■ 1 !.. 11 -^m^mm 188 BRITISH EMPIRE « fcven afliftants, one fhcriff, one coroner, one com- '* mon clerk, one chamberlain or treafurer, one *^ high conftable, fixteen afleflbrs, feven colledlors, ^'^ fixtccn conftables, and one marfhal. The mayor,' « with confent of the governor, may appoint one " of his aldermen his deputy. The governor " yearly to appoint the mayor, Iheriff, and coroner, '* and the freeholders and freemen in their refpec- ^" tive wards to chufe the other officers, excepting II the chamberlain, who is to be a]>pointed in " council by the mayor, four or more aldermen, •* and tour or more afllftants. The mayor to ap. « pomt the high conftable. All officers to take thei " proper oaths, and to continue in office till others I' have been chofen in their room. When any offi- 'I cer dies, the ward is to chufe another; upon re- " fufal to ferve in office, the common council may I* impofe a fine, not exceeding fifteen pounds, for II the ufe of the corporation. The mayor or re- H corder, and four or more aldermen, with four or " more affiftants, to be a common council to make " by-laws, to regulate the freemen, to leafe lands and tenements, &c. but to do nothing inconfiftent with the laws of Great-Britain or of this pro< vince ; fuch laws and orders not to continue in force exceeding twelve months, unlefs confirm^ ed by the governor and council. They may punifh by disfranchifing, or fines for the ufe of the cor- poration. The common council fhall decide in " all controverted eledions of officers. The com- " moa <( « it u u iC it a i( iC IN AMERICA. .[ 189 « mon conncii may be called by the raayorj of in «* his abfence by the recorder:— fine of a member " for non-attendance not exceeding twenty-fhil- " littgs for the ufc of the corporation. The cor- " poration may eftablifh as many ferries as they " may fee fit, and let the fame. To hold a mar- " icet at five or more different places ever}' day of the week, excepthig Sunday : to fix the afilze of bread, wine, &c. 1 he mayor with four or more " aldermen may make freemen, fees not to exceed " five pounds : — none but freemen fliall retail goods •' or exercife any trade, (penalty five pounds) no ** aliens to be made free. To commit commtm vagaljonds, cred work-houfes, goals, and almf- houfes. The mayor to appoint the clerk of the market, and water bailiff; to licenfe carmen, porters, criers, Scavengers, and the like ; to give ** licence |to taverns and retailers of flrong drink " for one year, not exceeding thirteen Ihillings per ** licence ; felling without licence five pounds cur- ** rent money toties quoties. The mayor, deputy " mayor, recorder, and aldermen for the time be- ing, to be jullices of the peace. The mayor, deputy mayor, and recorder, or any of them, " with three or more of the aldermen, fi-iall hold ** quarter feffions, not to fit exceeding four days. *^ Moreover, recorder, and aldermen, to be named " in all commiffions of oyer and terminer, and goal ** delivery. The mayor, deputy ma/or, recorder, ** or any one of them, with three Qr more of tha • ' " aldermen, *i *i ^i ii n '■if \ I tl 190 BRITISH EMPIRE " aldermen, Ihall and may hold every Tueftfay a court of record, to try all civil caufes, real, per, fonal, or mixed, within the city and county. May adjourn the mayor's court to any time not ex' ceedmg twenty-eight days. The corporation to have a common clerk, who fhall be alfo clerk « of the court of record, and feflions pf the peace • « to be appointed during his good behaviour, by the governor. Eight attornics in the beginning, but as they drop, only fix to be allowed, during « their good behaviour, for the mayor's court • « the mayor's court to have the direction and cog! « nifancc of the attornies, w ho, uix)n a vacancy, ** Ihall recommend one to the governor for his ap! " probation. The mayor, recorder, or any alder- " man, may, with or without a jury, determine in " cafes not exceeding forty Ihillings value. No '' freeman inhabitant fhall be obliged to ferve in " any office out of the city. A grant and confir- «* mation to all the inhabitants of their heredita- ** ments, &c. paying the quit-rent referved by their •* grants. The corporation may purchafc and hold " hereditaments, &c. fo as the clear yearly value " exceed not three thoufand jxjunds fterling, and « the fame to difpofe of at pleafure. To pay a ** quit-rent of thirty ihillings proclamation money *' a year, befides the beaver fkin, and five ihil- " lings current money in former charters required. " No adtion to be allowed againft the corporation ** for any matters or caule whatfocvcr prior to this ** charter. IN AME R I C A. ,91 « charter. A pardon of all profccutions, for- " feitnres, &c. prior to this charter. This grant " or the inrolment thereof [record] ihall be valid «* in law, notwithflanding of imperfedtions, the " imperfcaions may in time coming be rcftified at " the charge of the corporation." Colonel Montgomery, during the fhort time he aded as governor there, was charged with mak- ing judges without the advice of the council ; but he died in July 1731, and his government in ge- neral has been greatly applauded. He is particu- larly mentioned, as having been a great promoter of mathematical knowledge in the colony. At the time Mr. Montgomery died, Rip Van Dam, Efq. being prefident of the council, afted in the capa- city of governor and commander in chief of New York. It unfortunately happened for our Ameri- can provinces, at the time we now treat of, that a government in any of our colonies in thofe parts, was fcarcely looked upon in any other light than that of an hofpital, where the favourites of the miniftry might lie till they had recovered their broken fortunes; and oftentimes they ferved as afy- lums from their creditors. Upon the death of co- lonel Montgomery, the French and their Indians became extremely troublefome to the people of " New York, and the prefident gave notice accord- ingly to Mr. Belcher at Bolton, who took the pro- per methods for obviating the danger. It was m the year 1732, when colonel Colby arrived at his government W\ m .1 i t^ x9« BRITISH EMPIRE government at New York ; and in the mean while, the prcfident Van Dam, had, at the colo- nel's EC(nieft, advanced feveral fums on his ac- count, which, on the governor's arrival, he not ouly refurt'd to repay, but commenced adions for arrears of i>cr(iuirites and fees belonoing to him, "iviiich he alledgcd had been received by Van Dam. Thefc altercations were attended with very bad confetjuences to the civil and commercial ftate of the colony j for the governor availed himfelf of his fuporior authority in the colony to opprefs Van Dam ;— but the chief juftice Morrice gave his opi- nion flatly in contradidVion to the governor, w hofc claughtcr was marued to lord Auguftus Fitxroy^ then captain of a man of war upon that ftation. It was during the government of that gentleman, that the French and their Indian allies grew extreme- ly troublefome to the people of New Kiigland, which drew from the pen of riic very intellio-cnt Mr.Dummer, the New England agent, the ^fol- lowing reproaches agaiiifl the government of New York : " New York has always kept iifelf in a •* ftate of neutrality, contributing nothing to the " conamon fafety of the Hritifli colonics, vvhile the '* Canada Indians, joined by parties of the French, ** ufed to make their route by the borders of «* New York, without any moleftation from the " Englilh of that province, and fall upon the out- «* towns of New England. This behaviour was ** the more unpardonable in that government ; be-. ** caulc IN AMERICA. 193 '* caufe they haw Auur hundred regular troops « maintained them at the king's charge, and " have five nations of the Iroquois on their con-. " fines, who are entirely dependent on them, and " might eafily, had they been engaged in the " common caufe, have intercepted the French in " their marches, and thereby have prevented the ** depredations on his majefty's fubjecls of New " England. Solemn and repeated applications " were made to the government of New York by " the governors of the Mallachufets, Connefticur, " and Rhode Ifland, in joint letters on this fubjedt, " but in vain. The anfwer was, They could not " think it projier to engage their Indians in adual " war, left they Ihould endanger their own fron- " tiers, and bring upon themfelves tn expencc " which they were in no condition to provide for. ♦* And thus the poor colonies, whofe conftitution " was charter-government, were left to bear the " whole burden, without any help from thofe " provinces, whofe governors held their commif-^ ♦* fions from the crown.'* By this change, it appears, that the people of New York in general thought they were by no means obliged to involve themfelves in inconveni- ences on account of their neighbours; and, to fay the truth, the profperlty of their colony was, in a great meafure, owing to their cultivating a good underftanding widi the native Indians of all nations, not to mention, that, by the fituation of Vol. I, C c theif ' '( »,•„■) W li ill 1914 BRITISH EMPIRE, their country, their frontier was more expofed than that of any other colony to the inroads of thofe barbariansp This ap})eared m the "year 1734, when the mo'tions of the Indians, under the French influence, made tliem apprehenfive of an invafion, Upon this occafion, the afTembly, without entcr^ ing upon any offenfivc meafures, came to feveral refolutions for their own defence. Six thoufand pounds were voted for fortifying the city of New York ; four thoufand for ereding a ilone fort, and other conveniences for foldiers and artillery at AlV bany ; eioht hundred for a fort and blockhoufes at Schenedlati}'. and five hundred for managing the Scnecas, and, if pradicable, for bu'Mino- fortifi, Rations in their country. In the mean time, the eondut^l: of the governor Cofb)', became more obnoxious to the inhabitants, He had altered the chief juflice Morrice out of hij? place, for o])ponng him in his difpute with Van Pam, and he nad turned the courts of law into a court of chancery -, againft Nvhich the lawyers of the province had flatly given their o])inions ; faying, that the conllitution of the courts in that colony were originally the famo ^vith thofe in England, Thofe }>roceedings rendered the governor and his' ^tlminilb-acion h unpopular, that one John Peter Zenger, a jn'inter, was ])rivatcly encouraged by rhc inhabitants, to publifn a weekly journal, \vhere. \i] ^e pulidcal -^tUirs of the colony, and the go, yeri^of IN AMERICA. 1^5 Vernof and his council, were very boldly treated. About two months after the firft publication of this paper, De Lancey, the new chief juftice, charged the grand jury to find a bill againft Zcn- ger, which they refufed to do. Upon thisj a committee of the council and the afieiftbly con- ferred together, and the former required the lattei* to join with them in a vote fot* burning three numbers of the faid jorurnaU But when the committee of aflembly reported the refult of the conference, it was refolvcd to take hd concern in the matter, and they returned the |)a* pers left with them by the committee of the coun* cil. The latter, upon this, ordered, by their owrt authority, the papers in queilion to be burned, which was executed by the hands of the Iherilf* One Hamilton, a lawyer of Philadelphia, cime to New York on purpofe to plead Zenger's caufe^ and the jury brought in the prifoner not guilty* Mr* Cofby, was fucceeded in the adminiftratioii iti 1736, by Geofge Clarke, Efq. and in May 1741, the honourable George Clinton, Efq< uncle to the carl of Lincoln, and afterwards admirsrl of the white, was nominated to the government of NcW York. Nothing remarkable happened with re- gard to this colony during the two laft adminiftra- tions, till the breaking out of the late war with France, of which we fliall treat in its proper place, that we may avoid impropriety as much as C c a pofJibl^ :\l P 196 BRITISH EMPIRE pofliblc, as the hiftory of all the Britifh empire In America, without dull repetitions is our defign. This is a crown-government, adminiftered by a governor, who has his commiffion under the broad feal of England. The legiflative power and au- thority is lodged in the governor ; the council, who are t\velve in number, appointed by the king, but are filled up by the governor when vacancies happen, and t^venty-feven reprcfentatives elcdled by the people. In other refpeds the government is as conformable to the laws of England as that of a colony can be. The exercife of the government IS m the governor and council ; of whom five is a quorum, and upon the death or abfence of the governor, the firfl in nomination in the council is to prefide. The people chufe their reprcfentatives the numbers of whom are fixed by the crown ; and thofe reprcfentatives have much the fame privileges with the members of the Britifh parliament AH modes of the chriflian religion not detrimental to fociet)^ are tolerated in this colony, but that of the Homifh church ; an impolitic exception, too much praftifed m our colonies, which ought by their na- ture to admit all nations and religions in the world to long as they demean themfclves as good citizens' and dutiful fubjeds to the form of governmen; by law duly eflablifhed. As to the trade of New York, it confifls In Wheat, flour, fkins, furs, oil of whales, and fea-calves, iron IN AMERICA. 197 iron and copper, of both which very rich mines have been difcovered there. There is a very great intercourfc between this colony and the Indians. The induflry of the inhabitants is equal to that of any people on the face of the globe. They trade not only with England but with Spain, Portugal, Africa, and all the Weft-India iflands, not excepting the French and Dutch, and even with the Spaniih continent in America, by which means they are enabled to pay in gold and filver for the manufadtures they bring from their mother-country. The foil of the province is fer- tile almoft beyond belief. All kind of black cat- tle are more numerous here than in any European country, and they have a breed of excellent horfes of their own. The trade of the inhabitants is chiefly carried on by water-carriage, and ihips of five hundred tons may come up to the wharfs of the city, and be always afloat. Hudfon*s river, where it runs by New York, is above three miles broad, and proves a noble conveyance for the goods of the counties of Albany, Ulfter, Dutchefs, Orange and Winchcfter to that city, of which we fliall give a circumftantial defcription before we conclude this feftion.. The facility of the voyage from New York to England and tlic Weft Indies, has been of infinite fervice to this colony; for by the lownefs of the freight, -they purchafe furs at a very cheap rate for ftrouds, [a woollen 1^ .'Ji 198 BRITISH EMPIRE fa woollen mannfaa:iire eftabliflied at Stroud in England] and other woollen goods ; all which Zf6 fure of a ready vent ^^^Ith the Indians. Briftol is the chief .place in Englaiid, which the colonifls of New York trade with, and they generally per- form, at leaft, two voyages In a year with fo much fafety, that the infurance upon fhipping in time of peace is no more than two {^er cent. As to the amount of their trade with their mother country, it was feven years ago computed that their imports from it was annually about one hundred and fifty thoufand poimds ; but they are fince fo much in- creafed with the trade of the colony, that wc can* not venture to aflign them a value. ^ Ofwego, formerly mentioned, is a fort, and In- dian trading place in times of peace, with agar- rifon of foldiers taken from the four indepen- dent regular companies, to prevent any diforders in trade, this being in the feafon a kind of Indian fair : laft French war the garrifon confiflcd of two hundred men of regular troops and militia, and the French did not find it convenient to moleft them. Our traders with the Indians fit out from Albany, and pay a certain duty upon what they vend and buy at Ofwego : their route is from Albany to Schcnedady town, or corporatbn upon Mohocks river, fixteen miles land carriage; thence up Mo- hocks river ; in this river is only one fhort carry- Ing place at a fell in that river ; from Mohocks river a carrying place of three to five miles ac- cording; ill IN AMERICA. 199 wording to the feafops, here arc convenient Dutch land carriages to be hired, to a river which fallf into the Oneidas lake ; then from this lake down Onondagocs river to Ofwego trading place upon lake Ontario ; there is a Ihort fall in Onondagoei river» Ahuoft the whole of the eaft iide of the Ontario lake lies in the Onondagoes country^ From Ofwego fort to Niagara falls, on French fori Dononville are about one hundred and fixty miles, and from Ofwego fort) -fix miles to fort Frontenac, alfo called Cataraqui fort, where the lake vents by Cataraqui river, which with the Outawac ri- ver makes St, Laurence river called the Great Ri- ver of Canada ; this fort Frontenac is about two hundred miles down that rocky river to Montreal. By conje^ure of the French Coureurs des bois in round numbers, the circumference of five great lakes or inland feas of North America, are, Onta^ rio, two hundred leagues, Erie, two hundred leagues, Hurons three hundred leagues, Mihagan, three hundred leagues, and the upper lake fivQ hundred leagues. The Mohock nation of our allied New York, Jndians live on the fouth fide of a branch of Hudx fon's river, called Mohocks river, but not on the north fide thereof, as is reprefented in the French maps. The Oneidas nation lie about one hundred miles weft from Albany, n^ar the head of the Mohocks river. The Onondagoes lie about one hundred and thirty miles weft from Alba^iy. The • Tufca- 01' Jlif too BRITISH EMPIRE Tufcatoras, an adventitious or fixth nation live partly with the Oncidas, and partly with the Onondagocs. The Cayugas about one hundred and fixty miles weft from Albany. The Senecas Who live upon the frontiers of Pennfylvania are . about one hundred and forty miles weft from Al- bany. A noted French writer, M. dc Lille, calls thefe nations by the name of Iroquois. Formerly the French had popilh miffionaries with the Oneidas, Onondagoes, and Cayugas, and endeavoured to keep them in their intereft. There is fcarce any beaver in the country of the Five Nations ; therefore their hunting at a great diflance from home, occafions frequent jarrings with other Indian nations ; this trains them up by praftice, to be better warriors than the other Indian nations. The province of New York has two cities; the firft is called by the name of the province it- felf. It was denominated New Amfterdam when the Dutch poflefTed Ir, but it has changed itj ' name along with its mafters. This city is moft eommodioiilly fituated for trade, upon an excellent harbour, in an illand called Manahatton, about fourteen miles long, though not above one or two broad. This ifland lies juft in the mouth of the river Hudfon, which difcharges itfelf here after st long courfu This is one of the nobleft rivers in America. Ir is navigable upwards of two hundred Jiilcs. The tide ihws one hundred and fiity. Tiie ^ili IN AMERICA. 201 The city of New- York contains upwards of two thonfand houfes, and above twelve thoufand inha- bitants, the defcendants of Dutch and Enalifli. It is well and commodioufly built, extending a mile in length, and about half that in breadth, and has a very good afpedl from the fea ; but it is by no means properly fortified. The houfes are built of brick, in the Dutch tafte ; the ftreets not regular, but well paved. There is one large church built for the church of England worlhip ; and three others, a Dutch, a French, and a Lutheran. The town has a very flourifliing trade, and in which great profits are made. The merchants are wealthy, and the people in general moft comfortably pro- vided for, and with a moderate labour. From the year 1749 to 1750, two hundred and thirty-two veflels have been entered in this port, and two hundred and eighty. fix cleared outwards. In thefe veflels were fliipped fix thoufand feven hundred and thirty-one tons of provifions, chiefly flour, and a vaft quantity of grain j of which I have no particular account. In the year 1755, the export of flax-feed to Ireland amounted to twelve thou- fand five hundred and twenty-eight hoglheads. The inhabitants of the province are between eighty and an hundred thoufand -, the lower clafs eafy, the better fort rich and hofpitable ; great freedom of fociety ; and the entry to foreigners made eafy by a general toleration of all religious perfuafions. In a word, this province yields to no Vol.. I. D d part i02 BRITISH EMPIRE part of America in the healthfulnefs of its air, and the fertility of its foiJ. It is much fuperioi* in the great convenience of water-carriage, which fpecdily, and at the fiightefl: expence, carries the protkid: of the rcmotell farms to a certain and pro- fitable market. Upon the river Hudfon, about one hundred and fifty miles from New- York, is Albany ; a town of not fo much note for its number of houies or inhabitants as for the great trade which is carried on with ihe Indians, and indeed, by connivance, with the French for the ufe of the iame people. '! his trade takes off a great quan- tity of coarfe woollen goods, fuch as ftrouds and dufllls ; and with th^>fe, guns, hatchets, knives, hoes, kettles, powder and fnot j befides fliirts and cloachs ready made, and fevcral other articles. Here it is that the treaties and other tranliiclions between us and the Iroquois Indians are nego- tiated. The province of New Jerfcy was formerly under the lame governor as New- York ; and it formed part of New Holland when conquered from the Dutch. It is certain, however, that it was not inhabited by the hnglilh long after the difcovcry, and the firfl: Europeans we iind fettled here were the Swedes, who chiefly feared on the fcuth of the river Raritan, now called Delaware river, towards the iiontiers of Pcnnfylvania. Here they had three towns, Chrillina, Gottembourgh and Elfun- I' I i:ii Mil !N AMERICA. 203 filfunboiirg, which lafl retains its name to this day. Notwithftanding this, it was afterwards found, or pretended, when Charles II. perceived it con- venient for his purpofe, that Scbaftian Cabot had formerly taken poffcflion of all this coaft in the name of Henry VII. of England. Be this as it will, it is certain that the Swedes in general hav- ing no great turn for commercial affairs or territo- rial improvements, fuffered their fettlement here to languilh ; fo that the Dutch almoft entirely planted the north parts of New Jerfey by the name of Nova Belgia, and, about the year 1665, Rizing, the Swedilh general, fold to them all the Swedifli pofleffions. After this, New Jerfey, with the three lower counties of Pennfylvania upon Dela- ware river, became part of the New Netherlands or Nova Belgia. When the reduction of this pro- vince was refolved upon by Charles II. he made a previous grant of both the property and govern- ment of it to his brother the duke of York, by a deed, dated March 12, 1663; and the duke afligned the government of that port, which is called New Jerfey, to the lord Berkley and Sir George Carteret. This laft grant was pofterior to the duke of York's commiffion granted to gover- nor Nichols. The firft lieutenant-governor of New Jerfey, fo called from the great property Sir George Carteret had in the illand of Jerfey, was Philip Carteret, Efq. who entered on his govern- , ment in Auguft \h(yc^. The duke of York's grant b » I' :i .•»}'. D d wa:v **p^ ':%^"^f!»'' liil ao4 BRITIS-H EMPIRE was from the Noordc Rivicr, now called Hudfon'i river, to the Ziiydc Rivier, now called Delaware river ; and up Hudfon's river to forty-one degrees north latitude, and up Delaware river to forty-one dci'-fces forty minutes, and from thefe two itationi headt:d by a ftrait line acrofs. It does not appear that, when this grant was made, the Dutch oppofed it, or the fettlement that was made by the proprie- tors under the duke of York. When the New Netherlands were con(,uered from the Dutch, it was thought proper, that king Charles Ihould re- new lus J.', rant to his brother, who bylealeand releafe, on tlietwcn^y-eighih and twenty-ninth of July, 1674, conveyed to Su- George Carteret the caftern diviflon of New Jcrfeys, divided from the weftern divifion of the Jeifeys, by a ftrait line from the fouth-eaft point of I^ittle Egg Harbour, on Barnegate Creek, being about the middle between Sandy Hook and Cape May, to a kill or creek a little below Ren- cokus Kill on Delaware river, and thence (about thirty -five miles) by a ftrait courfe along Delaware river, up to foity-one degrees forty minutes north latitude, the north diviiional line between New Yoik and the Jerfeys. When Mr. Carteret enter- ed upon his goxernment, which comprehended the joint coiicern of both the proprietors, the people of Elizabeth rown \\ere extremely unmanageable, and upon the commencement of the quit-rents, on the tv.enty-fiUh of March, 1670, they refufcd to pay them, under pretence that they held their poflcf- fions ■ favourite toleration, which he aftenvards, fo fatally for himfclf, attemptca to introduce into England. It is remarkable, that though all the patentees of lord Berkeley's divifion of Weft New Jerfcy, ex- cepting one, were proprietors of Eaft New Jerfcy, yet their governments ftill continued to be diftinft. The Scots, however, who were the principal fet- tlers, were ill fitted for fuch an undertaking ; and the fettlement of Eaft New Jerfey languiftied moft miferably. The proprietors chofe Mr. William Dockwra for their regifter and fecretary, and one Lockhart for their marlhal. They then proceeded to fchemes of partition, and laid out counties, parilhes, and towns, referving to themfelves one feventh. — The terms of purchafe were, that every mafter of a family was to have fifty acres fet out, twenty-five for his wife, and f h. of his children and fervants, oaying twelve-ptnce a head to the regifter ; fervants, when their times expire*', were to have ity acres. All perfons to pay two- pence all acre quit-rent, or purchafe their freeholds at fifty Ihillings for ev jry twenty-five acres taken up. — Mr. Laurie, who had a confiderable intereft in Weft New Jerfey, was thought to be partial to that divifion ; for while he iield the government before Berkeley's arrival, he relufed to obey the proprietors in removing tht courts from Elizabeth- town to Perth Ambov, the fituatlon of which pointetl it out as the ca]iltal of the province; but, had every thing elfe fuccceded with our fettlers, they ion BRITISH EMPIRE they were under one capital defed, that muft have overthrown all their fchemes ; we mean, the want of induftry and inhabitants. After the revo- lution, in 1696, colonel Andrew Hamilton was appointed governor, and was fucceeded the next year by Jeremiah BaflTe, Efq. who being recalled, colonel Hamilton, was reinftated in the government, which a few months after was given to Bafle. The latter was fucceeded by colonel Andrew ' Brown, who held it at the time that the proprie- ^ tors furrendered the fovereignty of it to queen Anne, in 1701. As to Weft Jerfey, or lord Berkeley's divifion, from the year 1674, Sir Edmund Andros, whom we have fpoken of in the hiftory of New Eng- land, fome fay by virtue of a commiffion from the duke of York, wrefted the government from lord Berkeley's affignees ; but they recovered it, and having obtained a new grant in 1680, they chofc Edward Bylling, Efq. for their governor. In 1690, Dr. Daniel Cox, of the college of phyfici- ans in London, having purchafed the greateft part of the property of Weft' Jerfey, appointed himfelf governor, but never went over thither, and at laft fold all his intereft there for nine thoufand pounds, to Sir Thomas Lane. All this while, the conten- tions amongft the Iharers of both the Jerfeys, as well as about matters of property the right of ap- pointing a governor, had reduced the two pro- vinces to a moft lamentable condition ; and ' the pro- IN AMERICA, 209 proprietors wtfely refolved to rcfign ks government to the crown, refcrving all their other rights. Ac- cordingly, on the twenty-fccond of April, 1702, Sir Thoi^as Lane, in the name of the proprietors of Weft New Jerfey, and Mr. William Dockwra, in the name of thofe of Eaft New Jerfey, having refigned the governments of thefe refpeftive pro-* vinces to queen Anne, her majefty immediately appointed the lord Combury for their governor ; and his fecretary was Mr. Bafle, the late governor. At the fame time, the proprietors obtained of the crown, in favour of themfelves and of the people, a fet of ftanding inflruftions, which were to ferve as rules for the coridudt of future governors. The heads of thofe inftruftions were well calculated > for the good of the colony. The firft was. That the governor Ihould confent to no tax upon lands that were vacant or unprofitable. The fecond, That no lapds fhould be purchafed of the Indians, but by the general proprietors ; and the third, which was a moft excellent provifion, was, That all lands pu:chafed ihould be improved by the poffeflbrs. The government of the two Jerfeys was then held by a governor, cou'xcil, and alTembly. The coun- cil was to be chofen by the governor, who had power to appoint his lieutenant governor ; and though the price of lands was Hill very low, yet afrer the two provinces came into one government, the affairs of the colony took a very favourable turnr It then appeared that the two provinces of Vol. I .t: ? the 1 i 2110 BRITISH EMPIRE the Eaft and Weft New Jerfeys, had in faft been made jobbs of by different proprietors, who had bought them, without the leaft regard to the good of the colonies, but that they might fell them again. For many years, the governors of the pro- vince of New Jerfey (for fo it was called) was vefted in ihe governor of New York; and, before the i^eace of Utrecht, it was thought to contain above fixteen thoufand inhabitants. Upon the death of colonel Colby, it appears that the govern- ment of the Jerfeys was wholly detached from that of New York, and was given to Lewis Mor- rice, Efq. who had been chief juftice of New York, and died May 14, 1746. He was fucceed- cd by Jonathan Belcher, Efcj. whofe firft meeting with the provincial aflembly was on the twenty- fecond of Auguft the fame year. The hiftory of New Jerfey now falling in with that of the other Britilh colonies of America, during the laft wars with France, we Ihall therefore ])rocccd to its civil hiftory. In the civil conftitution of New Jerfev, we find there were three negatives, i. That of the governor, who is likewife vice-admiral and chancellor of the province, z. That of the council, which, with the governor, forms a court of error and chancery. 3. Of the houfe of reprefentatives, twenty of whom ferve for counties, and the re- maining four for the two towns or cities, as they are IN AMERICA. 2IX are called, of Perth Amboy and Burlington. This houfe, though no court of judicature, has the privilege of inquiring into the mal-adminiftration of the courts of jufticc. Upon the duke of York's granting the two Jerfeys to lord Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, NichoUs, who was then governor of New Jerfey for that duke, appre- hending that he might be fuperfeded in his govern- ment, took advantage of the inftrudions of his patent, and gave leave to certain perfons to pur- chafe lands from the Indians, fubjea to certain quit-rents ; and the like was done by Carteret, the firft governor under the affignees. Such pur- chafes being expreflly againft the fpirit of the duke of York's grant, and yet good in law, created inexpreflible difturbances and confufion in this government ; but the Indian purchafers feem to have had the better in the difpute, which, we ap- prehend, was never fully decided. New Jerfey, according to the common maps, is bounded on the fouth-eaft by Delaware Bay ; and by that river on the fouth and weft ; and, on the north, by New York and unknown countries ; and by the Atlantic Ocean on the caft. It lies between thirty-five degrees forty-one minutes, and thirty- nine degrees ten minutes of north latitude ; and between feventy-threc degrees forty-fix minutes, and feventy-five degrees fifteen minutes weft longi- tude. It is in length on the fea-coaft, and along Hudfon'sRiver,thatis,from fouth to north, about one JLc I hundred tcv^d fU* 212 BRITISH EMPIRE hundred and forty miles, and about eighty where broaden ; but this menfuration is all conjedurc. Eaf! Jcrfey is divided into four counties, viz. thofe of Monmouth, Middlefex, Effex, and Bergen. It contains a town called Middleton, which is twenty- fix miles fouth of Pifcataqua ; but its principal town is Shrewfbury, which is the moft fouthern town in the province, and contains about thirty thoufand out-plantation acres. Between Shrewf- bury and Middleton is an iron-work. The chief to\i'n of Eflex-county, and indeed in both the Jer* feys, is Elizabeth town, which lies oppofite to the weftward of Staten i/land. The greateft part of the trade of the province is here carried on. Newark is another town in Effex county, and has annexed to it about fifty thoufand acres ; but part of them remains ftill to be cultivated. Mid- dlefex county has for its chief town Perth Amboy, which, in reality, ought to be the provincial town of Eaft Jerfey. It (lands near the mouth of Dck- ware river, as it runs into the mouth of Sandy Hook bay, which is never frozen, and is capaci- ous enough to contain five hundred fhips. It is generally allowed that this might have been ren- dered one of the finefl towns in all North America, had it not been for the extraordinary mifmanage- ment of the Scotch planters, and the bad condud: of Gawen Laurie, the deputy-governor. Ber- gen county lies upon Hudfon's River, and is ex- tremely well watered ; but, in general, it is but thinly I I Uvtttp 1 N A M E R I C A. 4f3 ihir.ly inhabited. Bruniwiek -is another town in \f ,^ this province, where a college for the inftmftion of youth was cftabliilied Oftober 22, 1746, by governor Belcher. The trullees of this college are generally prelbyterians, and it is governed by a prelident. As to Weft Jerfey, it was intended by Dr. Cox to be laid out into feven counties ; but this pro- ject never took effcdt. It is not fo well planted as Eaft Jerfey, though it lies equally commodioui for trade. The only fpot of ground that retains the name of a county is that of Cape May, which j , ^ lies at the mouth of Delaware Bay, dividing the /^^*^' ' two Jerfeys. Burlington, which lies in an iHand in the middle of Delaware River, oppolite to Phi- ladelphia, is the capital of the province, the courts and the affemblies of Weft Jerfey being holden here. It is well fituated for trade, the town is well built, with town-houfcs, and two bridges. Weft New Jerfey has an eafy communication by the river iEfopus with New Yoi-k, and with Maryland by another river, which comes withm four miles of Chefapeak-bay. A project was once on foot for joining this river and the bay by an artificial canal ; but it met with fuch oppofition from the inhabi- tants of Virginia and Maryland, that it came to nothing. Notwithftanding the inexpreffible difadvantages under which Ntw Jerfey fo long laboured from the nature of its conftitution, the multiplicity of ■ ''« I Its 214 BRITISH EMPIRE its owners, and the uncertainty of their tenures ; yet the inhabitants have made a moft furprifing pro^ grefs, both in trade and agriculture lince they were under the government of the crown. This is owing to their commodious fituation, which, in a manner, invites commerce to refide amongft them, and from their being lefs expofed than many of their neighbours are to the infults of the favages. The people of New Jerfey had their fhare of the trouble and expence of the Canada expedition in lyid ; but iince that time they have recovered their credit fo greatly, that their paper-cutrcncy, to the amount of fixty thoufand pounds, has more credit than that of either Pennfylvania or New York, for the Pennfylvania bills are not received at New York, nor thofe of New York at Pennfylva- but the New Jerfey bills circulate through nia both thofe provinces. As before the peace of Utrecht the inhabitants of New Jerfey were computed at fix- teen thoufand, fo at prefent they amount to near fixty thoufand. During the wars between France and England, they contributed very confiderably towards carrying them on; and in the year 1746, when there ■was a fchcmc for invading Canada, they raifed and vi<5tuallcd five companies of one hundred men each. As to the trade of New Jerfey, it is an excellent corn country ; and it is faid to raife more wheat than any other colonies ; they like- wife raife fome flax and hemp. They chiefly trade with New York and Pennlylvania, where they difpofc IN AMERICA. 215 difpofe of their grain; but of late they htve come into a confiderable trade for provifion with the Antilles; and they fend to Portugal, Sptin, and the Canaries, tobacco, oil, filh, grain, and other provifions. By means of employing ne- groes, as their neighbours do, in cultivating their lands, they have of late more than double their value ; and they now work a copper ore mine, and manufaaH; *' within five years, be tranfmitted to the privy- ** council ; and if, within -fix months, being there " received, they be deemed inconfiftent with the '* prerogative or laws of England, they ihall be " void, A licence for our fubicd:s to tranfport ** themfelves and families unto the faid country. ** A liberty to divide the country into towns, hun*- ** dreds, and counties, to incorporate towns into bo*' ** roughs and cities, and to conftitute fairs and mar- *' kets, A liberty of trade with all our other do* ** minions, paying the cuftomary duties. A power *' to conftitute fea-ports and ruays, but to admit ** of fuch officers as ih^U, fr lime to time, he " appointed IN AMERICA. 22^ ** appointed by the commiffioners of our cufloms. ** The proprietors may receive fuch impofitions " upon goods as the affembly ihall cnadt. The " proprietors to appoint an agent or attorney to ** refide near the court in London, to anfwer for « the default of the proprietors; and where da- " mages are afcertained by any of our courts, if <* thefe damages are not made good within the " fpace of one year, the crown may refume the <* government, until fuch damages and penalties are " fatisfied, but without any detriment to the par- " ticular owners or adventurers in the province. ** To maintain no correfpondence with our cne- ** mies. A power to purfue enemies and robbers ** even to death and to transfer property, and " creA manors, that may hold courts baron. And ** the crown ihall make no taxation or impo- iition in the faid province, without the confent of the proprietary, or aflcmbly, or by adt of parliament in England. Any inhabitants, to the number of t^venty, may, by writing, apply to the bilhop of London for a preacher, or preach- (( <( t( u i< <( ers. » Befides thcfe, and Mr. Penn's charter of liber- ties and privileges to the people, there wefe fome other fimdamental laws agreed upon in England, [ " Every reiident who pays fcot and lot to the go- vernment, Ihall be deemed a freeman capable of tlefting and of being elefted. The provincial council and general aflcmbly to be folc judges in the i I I ^ I iiiMI 230 BRITISH EMPIRE the eled:ions of their refpcdtive members. Twen- ty-four men for a grand jury of inqueft, and twelve for a petty jury, to be returned by the iheriff. All perfons wrongfully imprifoned or profecuted at law, Ihall have double damages againfl the informer or profecutor. Seven years ixyfleffion Ihall give an unqueftionable right, excepting in cafes of lunatics, infants, married women, and perfons beyond the fea. A public regifler eltablilhed. The charter granted by William Penn to the in- habitants confirmed. All who acknowledge one Almighty God, fball not be molefled in their reli- gious perfuaiions, in matters of faith and w^orlhip, and fhall not be compelled to maintain or frequent any religious miniflry. Every firft day of the week ihall be a day of reft. None of thefe articles Ihall be altered without confent of the governor or his deputy, and fix parts m £cven of the freemen met in provincial council and general allembly."} This was figned and fealed by the governor and free- men or adventurers, in London, the fifth day of the third month, called May, 1682, There were certain conditions agreed upon by the proprietor, and the adventurers and purchafers, July 1 1, 168 1 ; for inftance,[" Convenient rpads and highways to be laid out before the dividend of acres to the purchafers. Land to be laid out to the purchafers and adventurers by lot. Every thou- fahd acres to fettle one family; All dealings with the Indians be to 19 public market. All IN AMERICA.' 231 " All differences between the planters and native Indians to be ended by fix planters and fix na- tives. Laws relating to immorality to be the fame as in England. In clearing of land, one acre of trees to be left for every five acres, to prelcrvc uak and mulberries for (hipping and filk " None to leave the pro\ince, without publication thereof in the market-})lace three weeks before"] By a new charter from the proprietary the fc* cond day of April, in 1683, there are fome alterations made in his firft charter, principally as to the numbers of the provincial council and aflembly. This charter, as inconvenient, was furrendered to Mr. Penn, in May, in the year 1 700 by fix fevenths of the freemen of the province and terri- tories, and a new charter granted. As this is now their ftanding charter, we Ihall be more particu- lar. The preamble runs thus : " Whereas, king Charles II. granted to Wil- " Ham Penn the property and government of tlie " province of Pennfylvania, March 4, 1680; and " the duke of York granted to the faid Penn the " property and government of a track of land, now " called the territories of Pennfylvania, Auguft " 24, 1683: And whereas, the faid William Penn " for the encouragement of the fettlers, did, in the year 1683, grant and confirm to the free- men, by an inllrumcnt intitlcd, The frame of the government, &c. which charter or frame *^ beinsr (( (I « n lai ;!»^ '■^'-'^^ •'^^S!«Pf «3« BRITISH EMPIRE 'k I (< In ■ ♦* being found, in fomc part of it, not fo fultahltf <* to the prcfcnt circ imftances of the inhabitants, « was delivered up as above, and at the rcqueft " of the aflfembly, another was granted by the pro- ** pvicffiry Mr,*Penn, in purfuance of the rights ** And i-ovvcrs granted him by the crown, confirm- *^ mg to all the inhabitants their former liberties " and privileges, fo far as in him licth. — Firft, " No i^erfons who l^pi'eve in one Almighty God, ** and live peaceably under liic civil government, " ihall be molefted in their religious perfuafions, " nor compelled to freijucnt or maintain any rc- ** ligious worihip contrary to their mind. That ** all i->erfons who profefs to believe in Jefus ChrifV, " are capable of ferving the government in any " capacity, thefe folemnly ]>romifing, when re- " quired, allcgia ice to the crown, and fidelity to " the proprietor and governor. .^cLi^ndly, That " annually, upon the firft day of October for ever, " there ihall an aliembly be chofen, to fit 0*1 the " fourteenth day of the ^^me month, ViZ. four " perfons out of each count}', or a greater num- " bcr, as the g /ernor and alfemblymay, from ■" time tu time, .^gree, > ith all the powers and " privileges of an afiembly, as is ufual in any of " the king's plan Ations ir America; two thirds " of the whole number that 01 y,ht to nr :et ihall " be a quorum; 10 fit u]K)n their own adjourn- ** ments. T* il' The freem-n at their meet- " ing for elc n^^ :cprefenLati^ s to chuic theriS «< and * » / IN AMERICA, Mi the rcfpecti « (( « and coroners. ic juftices « counties to nominate clerks of the peace. Fourth- « ly. The laws of the government Ihall be in thb « Ityle, [By tkc governor, with the confent and " approbation of the freemen In general affembly " met.] Fifthly, No perfon to be licenfed by the " governor to keep an ordinary or tavern but luch " as are recommended by the juftices of the coun- " ty. Sixthly, No alteration to be made in this ♦* charter without the confent of the governor and <« fix parts of fevenof the affembly met. [SignedWil- ^* liam Penn at Philadelphia in Pennfylvania, Oc- " tober 28, 17 1, and the twenty-firft year of my government.] Notwithftanding any thing for- merly alledging the province and territories to " join together in legiflation, Mr. Penn hereby " declares, that if at any time hereafter, within " three years, their refpedive tffemblies Ihall not " agree to join in legiflation, and Ihall fignify the " fane to me; in fuch cafe, the inhabitants of " each of the three counties of the province ihall ** not ' :ive lefs than eight reprefentatives, ana the *' Lu vn of Philadelphia, when incorporated, ihall " have two reprefentatives. The inhabitants of " each cour"^ in the territories Ihr'' 'vweasmany " perfons to rt ^refent them in a uiitir iffembly " fortheterritMries,aslhallbe^yihcmrcquefted. Pro- " vincc aa<^ territories ihall enjoy the fame char- " ter, liberties and privileges Vol. J. H h Xhc t34 BRITISH EMPIRE The report is probable, that Mr. Penn, befides his royal grant of the province of PennAlvania, had, moreover, a grant of the fame from the duke of Yofk, to obviate any pretence, that the pro- vince was comprehended in a former royal grant of New Netherlands to the duke of York. Mn i'enn's firft charter conceffions, as we have already taken notice of, or form of government to the fcttlers, conllitured a Icgiflature of tliree ne- gatives, viz. the governor and two diftin«fl houfcs of X reprefentatives chofen by the freemen ; one called the provincial council of feventy-two mem- bers, the other was called the provincial aHcm- bly of tu o hundred members ; the council had an exorl itant power of exclufive deliberating upon, and preparing all bills for the provincial allembly ; the executive part of the government was entirely with them. The provincial aflembly, in the bills to be enaCled, had no deliberative pri- vilege, only a Yes or No ; thcfe numbers of pro- vincial council and provincial aflembly leem to be extravagantly large for an infant colony. Perhaps he was of opinion with fome good politicians, that there can be no general model of civil govern- ment ; but that the inclinations, and numbers of various focieties muft be confulted andvarioufly fettled : — a fmall fociety naturally requi.es the .deli- beration and general conl'cnt of tlidr freemen for taxation and legillature ; when the fociety becomes too numerous for fiich univcrfal meetings, a re- prcfcnration or deputation from fcvcral diflriifls is a more IN AMERICA. #35 •ft more convenient and cafy atlminiftration. I lis laft and prcffnt. Handing cbaitcr to the inhabitants of the province and territories of PennlVlvania, Odober 28, lyoii runs into the (ithcr extreme. The council have no negative in the legillature, and prtly ferve as the propriefary's council of advice to the proprietary's governor. In 1746, by adt of parliament, the negative of the board of aldermcii 4ri London, for certain rcafons \N'as abrogated. A council chofen by the people, to negative refolves of reprcfentatives alfo appointtd by the people, fcems to be a wheel within a wheel, and incon- gruous ; but a council appointed by the court of Great Britain '^s a negative, feems to be a good polic)', by way of controul upon the excefles of the governor on the one hand, and of the people, by their reprcfentatives, on the other hand. The province of Pennfylvania fome years fince was mortgaged to Mr. Gee, and pthers, for fix tlioufand fix hundred pounds fterling. In the year 1713, Mr. Penn, by agreement, made over all his rights in Pennfylvania to the croWn, in con- fidcration of twelve thoufand pounds fterling ; but before the inftrument of furrender was executed, he died apoplectic, and PenniVlvania ftill remains witii the family of the Penns, who reap the ad- vantages which their firft founder took fo much pains to fccure. II h OF m ttsfi BRITISH EMPIRE. OF MARYLAND. It wai in the reigp of Charles the Firft, that the lord Baltimore applied for a patent for a part of Virginia, and obtained, in 1632, a grant of a track of land upon Chefapeak bay, of about one hundred and forty miles long, and an hundred and thirty broad, having Pennfylvania, then in the hands of the Dutch, upon the north, the Atlantic Ocean upon the eaft, and the river Potowmack upon the fouth ; — in honour of the queen, he called this province Maryland. His lordlhip was a catholic, and had formed his defign of making this fettlemcnt, in order to enjoy a liberty of confcience, which though the government of England, was by no means dif- pofed to deny him ; yet the rigour of the laws threatened, in a great meafure, to deprive him of, the feverity of which it was not in the pow« er of the court itfelf, at that time to relax. The fettlement of the colony coft the lord Balti- more a large fum. It was made, under hit aufpi- ces, by his brother, and about two hundred per- fons, Roman catholics, and moft of them of good families. This fettlement, at the beginning, did not meet with the fame difficulties which embar* raffed and retarded moft of the others we had made. The people were generally of the better fort ; a proper fuburdinaiion was obferved amongft them * I N A M E R I C A, 437 them ; and the Indians gave and took fo little of- fence, that they ceded one half of their principal town, and fome time after, the whole of it, to thefe ftrangers. The Indian women taught ourg how to make bread of their corn; their men went out to hunt and fifli with the Englilh ; they ailiiled them in the chace, and fold them the game they took themfelves, for a trifling conside- ration ; fo that the new fettlers had a fort of town ready built, ground ready cleared for their fubfif- tancc, and no enemy to harrafs them. They lived thus, without much trouble or fear, until fome ill-difpofed perfons in Virginia infinuated to the Indians, that the Baltimore colony had de-» figns upon them; that they were Spaniards and not Englilhmen ; and fuch other idle ftorics as they judged proper to fow the feeds of fufpicion and enmity in the minds of thefe people. Unon the firft appearance, that the malice of the Vir- ginians had taken effed:, the new planters were not wanting to theaifdves. They built a good fort with all expedition, and took every other necef- fary meafure for their defence ; but they continued Hill to treat the Indians with fo much kindnefs, that, partly by that, and partly by the awe of their arms, the ill defigns of their enemies were defeated. As the colony met with fo few obftiudiors, and as the catholics in England were yet more fcverely treated, in proportion as the court party declined. z$% BRITISH EMPIRE declined, numbers conftantly arrived to replenlih the fettlement, which the lord proprietor omitted no care, and withheld no expence, to fupport and encourage; until the ulurpation overturned th* government at home, and deprived him of his rights abroad. Maryland remained under the go- vernors appointed by the parliament and by Crom- well until the reftoration, when lord Baltimore was re-inftated in his former poffeffions, which he cultivated with his former wifdom, care, and mo- deration. No people could live in greater eafe and fecority ; and his lordfhip. willing that as many as foffiblc Ihoiild enjoy the benefits of his mild and equitable adminiftration, gave his confent to an ad: of Jjfiemblv, which he had before promoted in hii; province, for allowing a free and unlimittcd tolera- tion to all who ])iofefred the chriftian religion, of whatever dcnominatioi^ This liberty, which v.as never in the leaft inftance violated, encouraged a great number, not only of the church of I'.nglnnd, but of prelbytcrians, (}uaker?, and all kinds of diffenters, to fettle in Mar)'land, which before that ♦ime, was almoft wliolly in the hands of Roman catholics. It is faid, that king James called in quelbon this nobleman's charter. In kiiig William's time he was deprived of his jurifdicftion ; but the profits were l>ill left to him ; and when his defccndants afterwards confornncd to the church of England, they \vere reflored to their rights aed privileges ag fully IN AMERICA. fiilly as any other proprietors are indulged iff them. When, upon the revolution, power changed hands in that province, the new men made but an indifferent requital for the liberties and indulgences they had enjoyed under the old adminiflration* They not only deprived the harmlcfs catholics of all fliare in the government, but of all the rights of freemen ; but they even adopted the whole body of the penal laws of England againft them ; they are always meditating new laws in the fame i\nnt, and they would undoubtedly go to the greatell lengths in this refped:, if the moderation and good fenfe of the government in England did not let fome bounds to their bigotry, thinking very prudently that it were highly unjuft, and efpially impolitic, to allow an afylum abroad to any religious perfuafions, which they judged it im- proper to tolerate at ho'^e, and then to deprive them of its protection, r. -oUedting and at the fame time, in the various changes which our religion and government have undergone, which have in their turns rendered every fort of party and reli- gion obnoxious to the reigning powers, that this American aAlum, which has been admitted in the hortefl limes of pcrfecution at home, has proved of infinite fervicc, not only to the prefent peace of England, but to the profperity of its commerce and the cftablilhment of its power. There are a fort of men, who will not fee lb plain a truth ; and thev ? I ■i 1 1. 1 a40 BRITISH EMPIRE they arc the perfons who would appear to contend moft warmly for liberty ; but it is only a party li- berty for which they contend ; a liberty, which they would flretch out one way only to contract it in another ; — they are not alhamed of ufing the very fame pretences for perfecuting others, that their enemies ufe for perfecuting them. This colony, as for a long time it had with Pennfylvania, the honour of being unftained with any religious perfecution, fo neither they nor the Pennfylvanians have ever, until very lately, been harrafled by the calamity of any war, ofFenfive or def«nfive, with their Indian neighbours, with whom they always lived in the moft exemplary harmony. Indeed, in a war which the Indians made upon th^ ^Dlony of Virginia, by miftake they made an h.wurfion into the bounds of Mary- land ; but they were fenfible of their miftake, and atoned for it. But later troubles have fince x:hanged every thing, and the Indians have been taught to laugh at their ancient alliances. Maryland, like Virginia, has no very confider- ;able town ; but Annapolis is the feat of govern- ment, which is a fmall though beautifully iitu- ated town, upon the river Severn. Here is the feat of the governor, and the prin- cipal cuftom-houfe colle^ion. The people of Maryland have the fame eftablifhed religion with thofe of Virginia, that of the church of England ; but here the clergy are provided for in a much more IN AMERICA. 241 more liberal manner, and they are the moft de- cent, and the beft of the clergy in North America. They export from Maryland the fame things in all refpcfts, that they do from Virginia. Their tobac- co is about forty thoufand hogfheads. The white inhabitants are about forty thoufand^ the negroes upwards of fixty thoufand. OF THE INDIAN NATIONS. THE North- American natives are, in general, a wild and a faithlefs fet of men. Their manners are a complication of ill-chofen cuitoms, favage, ridiculous, and barbarous. Whatever fome may fay of their genius, it is certainly not equal to that of the inhabitants of our world; and America is, in this fcnfe, juftly ftyled the younger filter of Europe. The pains taken to inftrua: thefe favages in the laws and religion, have been moltly thrown away, and fo bigotted are they ^ their o\s-n manner of living, that forr. of them who have been regularly bred, cloached, and educated, have thrown away their cloaths, run into the woods forfaken fociety, and returned to their own bar- barous manners, preferring what they fooliAly term- ed Liberty, among their favannahs and vaft forells to all the benefics enjoved in a well-ordered ftste: ^ From whence thefe people were originally de^ rived v.e !iave already offered fome conjedures. The r rench were very inquifuive about thi« matter, ^"^* ^« I i an4 n I ": 242 BRITISH EMPIRE and abfolutely employed a civilized Indian in the bufinefs cf enquiring into it, who, after long travelling, and a variety of adventures, returned, without being able thoroughly to fatisfy his cu^ riofity, or that of his employers *. ^ * M. Le Page du Pratz, being extremclj' defiroui to Inform ' himfelf of the origin of the American nations, was continiul- ly enquiring of the old Indians concerning it, and was at laft fo fortunate as to meet vwith an old man, belonging to the na- tion of the Jazous, called Moncacht-ape, who was a man of fcnfc and genius, and having been poffeflcd with the fame cyrio- lity as himfelfj had fjiared no pains nor fatigue, to get inform- ation of the country from whence the North American nations came. With this view be travelled from nation to nation, expeding to difcover the country from whence their father* iiad come, or to approach fo near it, u to get fome furer in- telligence and more particular traditions concerning their ori- gin. In this expedition, he fpent eight years, and M. Le Page du Pratz, having infinuated himfelf into his good graces, by all forts of kindnefs, had from him the following account. ** Having loft my wife and children, I refolved to travel, *♦ in order to difcover our original country, notwithftanding *' all the perfuafions of my parents and relations to the contrary, ** I took my way by the high-grounds that are on the calt- '* era bank of the river St. Louis, that I might only have the river Ouabache to crofs, in order to join the Illinois, ** at the village of Tamaroua, a confiderable fettlemcnt of the *1 Canadian French. As the grafs was Ihort, I arrived there ** in a little time. I ftaycd there eight days to reft myfelf, *' and then coDtinued my route along tic ealtern bank of the " fame river St. Louis, till I was a little above the place ** where the River MifTouri falls into it. . *' I then made a raft of caiics or reeds, and crolfed tke ri- " ver St. Louis, and when I was near the oppoiitc fide. I fuf- The it IN AMERICA. «43 The Efqulmaux, (which is an Indian word fig- nifying an eater of raw-flefh) are, of all Indians the fierceft, the moft mifchievous, and untameable. By their beards they are thought originally to pro- «♦ fercd my raft to be carried down the ftrcam, till I came to *' the confiux of the two rivers. Here I had the pleafure of *' feeing the rivers mix, and of obferving how clear the waters " of the river St. Louis are, before they receive the nuiddy *' ftreams of the Miflburi. I landed here, and travelled along « the north fide of the Miflburi, for a great many days, till, «* at laft, I came to the nation of the M liTouris : — with them I *' flayed a confiderable time, not only to repofe myfclf after " my fatigue, but,alfo to learn their language, which is fiioken <' or underftood by a great many nations. In this country <' one fcarce fees anything but large meads, above aday's jour- *' ney, and covered with large cattle. The Miflburis feldom « eat any thing but fle(h ; — they only cultivate as much maize " as may fcrvc for a change, and prevent their being cloyed *♦ with beef and game, with which their country abounds. Dii- *' rirj the winter, which I fpent with them, the fnow fell to *' the t'e^t'i of fix feet. ** As Toon as the winter was over, I refumed my journey ** along the banks of the Miflburi, and travelled till 1 came «' to the nation of the welt, fhie I was told, that it was a *' long journey to th« ccmtry, f-om whence both they and we *' came; that I nnlft yc: t-ivel during the fpace of a moon *' [a month] towards the fource of the Miflburi, that then I *' fliould turn to the right, and go direilly north, and, at the *' end of a few days, I ftiould meet with another river, which *' ran from caft to weft, quite contraiy to the courfe of the " Miflburi; then I might fall down this river at my eafe upon ♦' rafts, until I came to the nation of the Loutres, or Otters, " where I might reil, and receive more ample and particular *' inflviidions. I i 2 ceed '11 ill: i?| I t ■ i 144 BRITISH EMPIRE ceed from Greenland, and they have fomething exceffively Ihocking in their air and mien. Their flature is advantageous and their fkin is white, be- caufe they never go naked. — They wear t kind of ** In purfuance of thefe dlrciSlions, I travelled up the Mif- *' Iburi, above a month, being afraid of turning off to the right *' too foon : when one night after I had kindled my fire, and *' was going to reft, I perceived fome fmoke at a diftance, to- ** wardi the place where the fun fet; I immediately concluded *' that this was a party of hunters, who propofcd to pafs the *' night there, and that probably they might be of the nation *' of the Loutres. I immediately made towards them, and *' found about thirty men and fome women. They feemcd to *' be furprifed, but received me civilly enough. We could only " underlland each other by ligns. After I had been with them ** three day«, one of the women being near her delivery, Ihe *' and her hiilband left the company, in order to return home *' by the "eafieft road, and took me along with them. " Wc travelled yet up the Milfouri fcven cafy days journey, ** and then went directly north for five days, at the end of **' which time we came to a river of very fine, clear water. *' When we came to the place where the hunters had left their *' canoci, we all three embarked in one of them, and fell down *■ the river till we came to their village. I was very well *' received by them, and foon found that this wai indeed the *• nation of the Loutres, which I was in qucft of. I fpent the " winter «.ith thtm, and employed myfclf in learning their lan- *^ guage, which tbev told me vras undcrllood by all the nations, ** which lay between them and the great water. ** The winter was fcarccly enJed, when I embarked in a canoe ** with fome provifions, a pot to rook them, and fomcthing to •* iir OKI, and defccnded the river. In a little time, I came ** rw a vrrv fmall nation, wbcjfe chief happciu^ig to be upon the ♦» ba::ks, bluntly demanded — Who art thou' What bufnicfs haft ihirf I N A M E R I C A. 445 ihlrt made of bladders, or the inteftines of filh, neatly fewed together; above this they wear a furtout made of a bear's, or fome other fkin. To the Ihirt is fixed a cowl or hood, which covers the thou here ih thy fhort hairs?— I told him my namewat Moncacht-ape, that I came from the nation of the Loutres, that though my hair was fhort, my heart wai good, and thea hinted the defign of my journey. He replied, that though I might come from the nation of the Loutrei, he faw plainly I was not one of that nation, and -vondered at my fpcaking the language. I told him that I had learned it of an old man, whofe name was Salt-tear. He no fooner heard the name of Salt-tear, who was one of his friendi, than he invited me to ftay in his village as long as I would. Upon this I land- ed, and told him, that Salt-tear had ordered me to fee an old man, whofe name was the Great Roebuck. This happened to be the father of the chief: he ordered him to be called* and the old man received me at if I had been his own fon, and led me to his cottage. " The next day he informed me of every thing I wanted to know, and told me that I Ihould be very hofpitably received by all the nations between them and the great water, on telling them I was the friend of the Great Roebuck. I only ftayed two days longer : I then put on board my canoe a flock of provifion, prepared from certain fmall grains, lefs than French peafe, which afford an excellent food, and immediate- ly embarked, and continued to fail down the river, not flay- ing above a day with each nation I met with in my way. " The lafl of thcfe nations is fettled about a day's journey from tho fea, and about the race of a man [near a league} from the river. They live concealed in the woods for fear of the bearded men. I was received by them as if I had been one of their own countrymen. They are continually upon their guaul, on account of the bearded men, who do head, i4^ BRITISH E M P I R F head, and terminates in a nift of hair that han ■'s down over their foreheads : — their Ihirt fills no low- tr than their loins, ?nd their furtout hangs lower behind; but that of the worn .n defccnds to her •* all they can to carry off youag people, without doubt, to •* make them (lavci. They told me tlicfc ucarded men were ** whites, that they had a long black beard, which fell down •* upon their brcait, that their bodies were thick and (liort, that •« their heads wer large, and covered with Itufft, that they •* w«re always cloathed, even in the hotf ft feafonc, and that •♦ their cloaths reached to the middle of tht 5r 'cgs, which, as •• w«ll as their feet, where alfo covered with red or yellow •* fluffs; that their weapons made a great noife, and a great fire, « and that when they faw the red men [the natives] we e more «♦ numerous than themfelves, they retired to a great an^ a ** fmall fliip, without doubt] which contained about ly of •< them. They added, that thefe ftrangcrs came from n place •' where the fun feis [the weft] in queft of a loft yc' 1 that obfcrving they came every year ■^■^ as foon as winter was over to fetch this wood, they had, ac- •*^ cording to the advice of one of their old men, cut down and *»» deflroyeJ all the trees, fince which time they had not been " fo often troubled with the vifits of thefe bftardcd men; but «» that they Hill vifited every ycai- two adjacent nations, who •' could not imitate their policy, becaufc the yellow wood was " the only wood their countiy produced ; and that all the neigh- " bouring nations had agreed to arm and join together, the «• approaching fummer, in order to deftroy thofe bearded men, at *' their next coming, and rid the country of them. " As I had feen fire-arms, ami was not afraid of them, and «* as the route they purpofcd to take was the way to the nation " I was in quell of, they propofing my going along with them, " I readily agreed, and as foon ai famaiev came, I maiched mid-Iegj IN AMERICA. •#» mid-leg; the men wear bree '^^s made of (kins with the hair inwards, and *o the outfide witi. furs ermine. They 1' uc wear pumps or flioes, m-ide yf ikins, and 1 )ts of the fan e !i' " with the warriors of thii natioa to the general rcndczvwii, •* The bearded men came later than uf'ul this year. AVhilc w« « waited for them, liic natives flic red me the ^ i^ce where they ** ufcd to lay their great canoe [the Ihip.] It was be* " twcen two high and long rocks, which formed the mouth of " a fliallow river, the banks w f ^cre covered with yel- " low wood. It was agreed to ambufli for the bearded *' men, and that when they had j, and were bufy in cutting *« the yellow wood, we flioul e, furround them, and cut ** them off. At the end of fcventeen days, two great canoes " appeared, and they came to their ulual place between tlie ocks. The firft thing the bearded men did after their arrival, '* ( for there were two men privately placed upon the rocks to " obferve them) wai > fill certain >vooden veffels with watti. " A the end of the fourth day th j irmcd and landed, an4 " went to cut wood. They had no fooner begun to cut than " they were attacked on all fides, but notwithltanding our ut- " moli efforts, we killed but eleven, all the reft gained their ** little canoes, and fled to their great ones, which foon " launched into the great water, and difappeared. ** Up1I»II 4^2, BRITISH EMPIRE fcaft is then prepared, and a morfel of each of the animals, commonly the tongue and muzzle, which on other occafioni is the perquilite of the hunter himfelf, is offered up as a facrifice to the great fpirit. As to the charaaer of ihofe Indians, th€y are faid to be a difintcreited kind of people, and to hate lying. In all the vaft extent of Canada, there are but three radical or mother tongues, the Sioux, Al- gonquin and Huron. As to the firft, it is impoffible to fay how far it extends ; and neither the French nor Englifli are much acquainted with thofe who fpeak it. In their manner of life, all we know is that they greatly refemble the Tartars ; for they wander from place to place, but generally dwell in meadows, under large tents of well wrought ikins.— Their food is wild oats, and the flelh of the buffalo. It is thought, by their finia- tion, and their roving difpofition, as well as rhe commerce they carry on, that the Sioux, which name is a contraaion of the word NadoccefTioux, know more than any other people of the weftern parts of North America, to.^^^hich the Europeans are ftill fo much ftrangers. They cut ofl' the tips of their nofes, and part of the fkin upon the top of their heads, and fome imagine that they creatly refemble the Chinefe in their accent and laneopled ; but a few villages belonging to the old inhabitants are ftill to be met with. Mention is made, parti- cularly, of the Nipiffings, fo called from a lake of that name, who are the defcendants of the Algonquins, and ftill preferve the purity of that language. As to the Outawas, though formerly a numerous nation, few of them are now to be met with. The French eftabliflied fome pofts on the banks of Lake Superior, where they carried on trade with the Chriftinaux and Afliniboils. In ihort, a traveller can know very little of- this country from the obfervations he may make in his journeys. He may wander over tboufands of miles on the banks of the fineft lak^s and rivers in the world, without meeting with a human creature ; and thoi^ he does meet, are gene- rally fo ftupid, fo cruel, fo barbarous or Ihy, as fcarcely.to deferve that denomination. The few AU gonquin nations ftill to be fecn appear to be void of all notions of agriculture, and fubfift upon filhing and hunting ; and thefe daily dccreafe in populoufnefs, though they allow themfelves a plu- rality of wives. Few or none of their nations contain above fix thoufand people, and many of them not two thoufand. The Indians to the fouthward of the river St4 Laurence, as far as Virginia, fpeak the Huron language. I N A M E R I C A, 7,35 language, though it is certain, a diflercnt dia- iedt is ufed in almoft every vUlage ; even the five nations or cantons, which form the Iro* quois commonwealth, have each a different pro- nunciation. It is obferved, that the three radi- cal languages we have mentioned have annexed to them three different original proi)crties. The Sioux, fo far as the Europeans are acquainted with it, is rather a hiffing than an articulation of words. The Huron language has great energy, pathos, and elevation. The miffionarics do not even fcruple to compare it with the fincft language that is known. Many have furmifed, that it has a common origin with the Greek tongue, and that words of a limilar found and fignification occur in both. This, if true, would bid fair to derive the Iroquois and the Hurons from the Celts, whofe language was the mother of the Greek; but the Algonquin tongue excels that of the Hurons in fmoothnefs and elegance. There is an evident partiality in the French mifi 'aries, in favour of the Huron nation. According to them, the true Hurons, who are called Tionnonatez, and who appear to have been a prerogative tribe amongft thofe Indians, have an hereditary chief- tainlhip anfwering to the European royalty, and their police and form of government is more ra- tional and regular than thofe of the other Indian nations, who likewife fall fliort of them in forti- fying and improving their land, and in their buildings. J& 'I »56 BRITISH fiMPlRE buildings. They did not adnftit of polygamy j tnd y€t they were more populous than any of their neighbouring tribes, and they were in every refpeft more focial and better polifhed than their neighbours.^ — But in vain have all European au- thors fcarched for the maxims, and even the forms by w^hich thefe people govern themfelves. The true Hurons are now reduced to two middling villages at a great diftance from each other, and yet they govern the councils of all the Indian na« tions round them. But, notwithflanding all that the French fay of this favourite race, they feem to have been inferior in war to the Iroquois ; and this makes it neceflary to give fomc account of thofe two nations immediately before the French fettlemcnt at Qtiebec ; for, as they have no hifto- tical monuments, we cannot be expedled to give any certain accounts of them till near that period. Some years before the time we fpeak of, the Iro- quois had made a league with the Algonquins» who poflTefled great tracks of land near Que- bec, poffibly from Tadouflac to the lake Nipiffing, and all along the north fhore of the river St. Lau- rence. The Algonquins had no rivals in all North America, as hunters and warriors, the only two manly characters that thofe barbarians have any idea of. In the alliance between thofe two people the Algonquins were obliged to prote<5t the Iro- quois from all invaders, and to let them have a ihare of their venifen. The Iroquois, on the other hand, IN AMERICA. *57 hand, were to pay a tribute out of the culture of the earth to their allies, and to perform for thcnl all the labours of agriculture and the menial du- ties, fuch as flaying the game, curing the flefh^ and drefling the fkins. By this compromife it is plain, that the Algonquin nation had the poft of honour ; but the Iroquois at laft came to be piqued at the fmall efteem in which they thought their neighbours held them. By degrees they aflbciatc4 in the hunting matches and warlike expeditions of the Algonquins, who, at firft, were far from hav- ing any jealoufy of them ; but, in procefs of time, the Iroquois began to fancy themfelves as well qualified as the Algonquins were, both for war and hunting. One winter, a large detachment of both the nations went out a hunting, and when they thought they had fecured a vaft quantity of game, fix young Algonquins, and as many Iroquois were fent out to begin the ilaughter. The Algonquin* by this time, probably, had become a little jealous of their aflbciates, and, upon feeing a few elks, wanted them tc go back, on pretence that the Iro- quois would have employment fufficient in flaying the game they fliould kill. The fix Algonquins, however, after three days h rning, killed none, on which the Iroquois exulted, and in a day or two they privately kt out to hunt by themfelves, being provoked by the reproaches of the Algon- quins for their inferiority. The Algonquins find- ing the Iroquois gone, and feeing them at night Vol. I, L I return I ' ■ I tjt BHItlSH EMPIRE tetumliden ^th game, cortceivedfo viotenti hlitrecl j^inft thenii riiat> before morning, they butchered all thfc Iro(]uoiS who were in the exj^editionk This bltxkly ihaflk thef ftifled their refentment ; and to enure them- ielvfes to War, they fell upon other lefs powerful nattous^ till, in a ihort time, they became fo well |>ra6tiied in the art of blood, (for war it ought not to be called) that they thought themfelves a match for the Algon^ins, and fell u[K>n them with a fury, which ihewed as if they could be fatiatcd tvith nothing lefs than the extermination of the ^Algonquin race. The Hurons could not be neutral ; for theit country ^\'as environed by thofe of the two belli- gerent powers ; they therefore took i^art with the Algonquins, and the war was carried on, on the part of the exafperated Iroquois, with diabolical fury. The Iroquois, it is true, were generally vi^orious : but no quarter being given on either fide, the war threatened an utter extind:ion of all the three nations. Amongft thofe barbarians no viAory can be decifive : for the numbers in which they fight, arc fcldom above three or four hun- dred I N A M 5; R I C Ai ,(| j9 dred on a fide, ar J every thing bcii^ done by fut- priic^ the inhabitants of" a whole village, even qf the conquering party, may be cut off ^U at o(k^ BloQdfhed and lofles ferve only to cxafix?ratc thet^ and the vidors feek death and dagger at fuch di^ tancc* from their own homes, that conque(l itfclf is fure to diminilh their ni^bers. It is at this pe- riod of time, that we arc properly to take u^ the hiilory of Canada, which begins with its firft difcovery, while thofe wars between the Iroquoisi the Algohquins, which \ye |i;^ve ipo^cn of, an4 HuroBs were raging* And here we think- it proper to fubjoin the dci fcription given by father Marquette, a French wri- ter of the tribe of Indians, known by the name of Illinois, who differ in: many refpedts from th^ Jroquois and other nations of North America;—, and with this account we ihall conclude the fec- tion» . . The word Illinois, in their language, ^gnU fies men, as if they ihowld look upon the other favagps as beafts ; and^ truly, it may be confeffed, that they arc not altogether in the wrong, for they have more humanity than moft of the other Indian nations, and alfo differ from them in mjiny. of the cufloras and manners which they adopt. They are divided into feveral villages, whereof fome arc remete from thofe that I have feen, they call them Perouarea. But as they live fo fas^ hi z one I r * 6ne from the other, their language is tlfo verj' different: however, it is a dialcft of the Algon- quin, and thefe latter are able to underftand ^hat they fay, and to convcrfe with them. They are good-natured men, tractable and eafy. They keep feveral wives, and yet they are exceedingly jealous; they obferve with great care their be- haviour, and if they find them in any fault as to their chaftity, they cut their nofes and ears ; and there are feveral of them, who carry upon their faces thefe marks of their infidelity. The Illinois are very well Ihaped, and very dextrous. They are good marks-men \vith their arrows and fmall guns, with which they are fup- plied by the favagei, and have a commerce with the Europeans. This makes them formidable to other nations, inhabiting to the wcftward, who have no arms. The Illinois knowing how much thefe are frighted at the noife of their guns, make excurfionl very f&r to the weftward, and being ilaves from thence, which they barter with other Indians for the commodities they want. Thofc nations are altogether ignorant of iron tools, and their knives, axes, and other inftaiments, are made of flints, and other iliarp flones. When the Illi- nois go upon any expedition, the whole village mufl have notice of it, and therefore they ufe to make an out-cry at the door of their huts the evening before they go, and the morning they arc to fet out. Their captains arc diftinguiflied from IN AMERICA. m from the foldiers by certain fcarffs, made with the hair of bears, or wild oxen, that are curioufly wrought. They have abundance of game; and their foil is fo fertile, that their Indian corn feldom fails, and therefore they feldom fuffer by famine. They fow beans and melons, which are excellent, and cfpecially thofe whofe feed is red. Their cabins are very large ; — they are made, covered, and paved, with mats of marih rulhcs. Their dilhes arc of wood, but their fpoons are made with the bones of the ikuUs of wild oxen, which they cut fo as to render them very convfenient to cat their fagamite, or pottage. They hav^ phjrfi- cians, towards whom they are ry liberal when they are fick, thinking that the operation of the remedies they take, is proportionable to the prefents they make to thofc who have prefcribed them. They have no other cloaths but the Ikins of beafts. By an extraordinary fuperftition, feme of the lUinoit and Nadonefians wear women's apparel. When they have taken the fame, which they do in their youth, they never leave it off; and certainly there muft be fome myftery inth is matter; for they never marry, and work in the cabins -with women, which other men think it below then* to do. They may go, however, to the wars ; but they muft ufe only a club, and not bows and arrows, which, are fit, as they fay, only for men. They affift at all the fuperftitions of their jugglers, and their folemn dances in honour of the Calumet, at which they \ .1 ! |$« BRITISH J&MpiRE tiiey may fing, but it is not Uwful for them tf dnicc. They are called to their councHs, anc^ 90tbiiig is determined without their advice; for tewtfe of their extraordinary way of living, they aregeBeraliy looked upon as great and incomparably The Calumet, ^s the moft extraordinary thing }i| ^nWorld. The fccptrea of our kings are no| fo DBUch refilled; for the iavages l>ave fuch a de-< £rfe»:e for this pipe, that theyfeemtotlnnkit the gO(t t^p^9f:Cf and war, and the arbiter of lif<5 and death* Ope, v^tih this C^umet^ may venlui:^' aipiong hi% tnfft6^si^ and in the hottcft engagements, they lay 4wtou ^cir arms before the iacjed piipe- Their CalpiiJct of peace is different fionA,t)iiit: of war. They make ufc of the former to |«(l;^heit alliances, aod treaties, to travel with fafety, aind receive ftran^^ gcfs ; and the other is to proclawi war. It is made of a red Jione, Hkc our marble;, the head is like car conurion tobacco pipes, but larger; and it is fixed to a hollow reed m hold it for fraoaking. They adorn it with ftne feathers of feveral colours^- sftd they called it the €aiiimet of the fun, to whom they prefcnt it, efpecially when' they want a change cf weather, thinking that that ptoet can have iu> leis refi)edt for it than. men have, and therefore that th^y ihall obtain their dcfirei. Tl^y dare not waih themfclves in rivers in the beginning of the fummer, or taftc tlie new fruit of trees, before i • ■ , they IN AMERIC/L *^l tky have dinced the '^aiutnet, whidi diqr do m tbe fbilowing manncf • Tkisdancxrof cheaiiumet is afolemn oefenioo|' amofigft the iavages, ^ich they perform upon tmportaat occaifions, to confirm an alliance^ or to make peace with their neighbours. They ufe it alio to entertain any nation that comes to vifit them; and, in this cafe, we may confider it as their badl. They perform it in winter time in their cabins, and in open fields in the fummer. They chufe for this purpofe, a fet place among trees, t9 &eiter themfelves againft the heat of the fun, and lay in the middle a large mat as a carpet, fct- ting upon it the god of the chief of the company who give the ball; for every one has his [peculiar god, whom they call manitoa: it is fometimes a ftone, a bird, a ferpent, or any thing elfe that they dream of in their ileep; for they think that this manitoa will profper their undertakings, as filhing, hunting, and other enterprlfes. To the right of their manitoa, they place the calumet, as their great deity, making round about it, a kind of trophy with their arms. All things being thus def- pofed, and the hour of dancing coming on, thofe who are to fing take the moil honourable feats under the Ihade of the trees, or the green arbours they make, in cafe the trees be not thick enough to Ihade them. Every body fits down afterwards round about, as they come, having firft of all ikluted the manitoa, which they do by blowing the ^(Si ■-.I '^54 BRITISH EMPIRE the fmoke of their tobacco upon it; afterward^ every one of the company, in his turn, takes the calumet, and, holding it with both his hands, dan^* cet with it, following the cadence of the fongs. This preludium being over, he who is to begin the dance appears in the middle of the alTembly, and, having taken the calumet, prcfents it to the iiin, as if he would invite him to fmoke; then he moves it into an infinite number of poftures, fome- times laying it near the ground, then ftretching itt wings as if he would make it fly, and then pre- lenting it to the fpedrators, who fmoke with it one •ftcr another, dancing all the while. This is the ^rft fcene of this favage ball. The fecond is a fight with vocal and inftrumental mufic (for they Ixave a kind of drum, which agrees pretty well with the voices). The perfon who dances with die calumet, gives a fignal to one of their warriors, who takes a bow and arrows with an axe, from the trophies already mentioned, and fights the other, who defends himfelf with the calumet alone, both i>f them dancing all the while. The fight beingj over, he who holds the calumet makes a fpeech, wherein he gives an account of the battles he has fought, and the prifoners he has taken, and then receives a gown, or Ibme other prefent from the chief of the ball : he then gives the calumet to another, who having afted his part, delivers it to a third, and lb to all the others, till the calumet returns to the captain, who prefents it to the nation iDvited> IN AMERICA. 265 invited unto the feaft, as a mark of their friendihip, and a confirmation of their alliances. Such is the account of the ceremonies of thefe people, which, for their oddity, we thought worth prefenting to the reader, and with which we ihall conclude, for the prefent, our account of the Indian nations inhabiting North America, and pro- ceed to fpeak of the French fettlement of Canada, now, both by conqueft and ceflion, become a pro- vince of the Britilh empire. O F C A N A D A. CABOT, the famous Italian adventurer, who failed under a commiffion from Henry the Se- venth of England, was the firft who difcovered that vaft extent of country, that now goes under the name of Canada ; but the frugal maxims of that prince, probably, hindered his making any regular fetdement there. The difcovery, however, took air, and we find the French fifhing for cod on the banks of Newfoundland, and along the fea-coaft of Canada, in the beginning of the fixteenth cen- tury. Nay, about the year 1506, one Denys, a Frenchman, drew a map of the Gulph of St, Lau- rence, and within about 'two years, Aubert, a Ihip-mafler of Dieppe, carried over to France feme of the natives of Canada. Some time after, the Spanilh conquefls in South America began to make a great noife all over Europe ; but the difco- VoL, I. Mm very 266 BRITISH EMPIRE •very of this new country not promiling the fame amazing mines of gold and filver that Peru and Mexico contained, the French, for fome years, feem to have entirely neglected it. Francis I. of France, a fenfible and enterprifing prince, at laft, in the year 1523, fent four Ihips, under the command of Verazani, a Florentine, to profecute \difcoveries in that country. We are in the dark is to the particulars of Verazani's firft expedition. All we know is, that he returned to France, and the next year he undertook a fecond, in which he touched at the iiland of Madeira, from whence he directed his courfe to the American coaft. In ap- proaching it, he met with a violent ftorm ; but came fo near the coaft, that he faw the natives on Ihore, and could difcern Ihem making friendly iigns inviting him to land. This being found im- pra«5ticable, by reafon of the furf upon the coaft, one of the failors threw himfelf into the fea ; but, endeavouring to fwim back to the fhip, a furge threw him on fhore, without figns of life. He was, however, treated by the natives with fuch care and humanity, that he recovered his ftrength, and Was fufFered to fwim back to the Ihip, which immedi- ately returned to France; and this is all that is known of Verazani's fecond voyage. After this, he embarked on the third expedition, but was no more heard of; and it is thought that he and all his company periftied before he could form any colony. "'^ ' Though IN AMERICA. 267 Though Canada gave the French no aflurance of gold, filver, or diamond mines, yet they kdew ' enough of the country to be fenfible of the vaft importance to which it might arrive. Not difcou- raged, therefore, by Verazani's want of fuccefs, one Jaques Cartier, a native of St. Malo, in April, 1534, fet fail, under a commiflion from the French king, and, on the tenth of May following, he ar- rived at Cape Bonavifta in Newfoundland. He had with him two fmall ihips, containing one hundred and twenty-two men, and he cruifed along the coaft of Newfoundland, on which he difcerned inhabitants, probably the Efquimaux, in the drefs we have defcribed. But though he found . many commodious harbours, yet the land was le uninviting, and the climate fo cold, that he fet fail for the gulph, and entered the Bay of Cha- leurs, or Heats, as he called it, on account of the fultry weather he then met with. This bay is by fome called Spanifh Bay. Leaving it, Cartier landed at feveral other places along the coaft of the gulph, and took poUeffion of the country in the name of his moft Chriftian majefly — a cheap method of obtaining dominion, — Returning to France, that monarch, upon his report, in 1535, gave him a commiflion, and fent him out with a large force. After meeting with various ftorms and feparations, the three Ihips he had with him rendczvoufed in the gulph ; but he was compelled by St tempeft to take refuge in the port of St. M m a Nicholas. a68 BRITISH EMPIRE Nicholas. From thence he failed, on the tenth of Augult, and gave the gulph the name of St. Lau- rence, from his entering it on the day of that fefti- val; and the river now^ retains the fame name. Faffing by the ifle of Anticofti, to which he gave the name of AflTumption, he failed up the river Sa- guenay, and anchored by a fmall illand to which he gave the name of Coudres, or Hazels, from the num- bers of thofe trees growing upon it. Returning from thence, and proceeding up the river St. Laurence, he came to an illand fo full of vines, that he called it the ille of Bacchus ; but it now goes by the name of Orleans. He had, the laft time he was in Canada, the precaution to cany two Americans with him to France, where they learned as much of the language as enabled them to ferve for interpreters between him and their coun- trymen. Sailing up a fmall river, he had an inter- view with an Indian chief called Donnacona, and he then heard of an Indian town, called Hochela- ga, which was, as it were, the metropolis of the whole country, lying on an ifland, now known by the name of Montreal, provided with fome kind of palifadoes, and other works fufficient to defend it againlt a fudden attack. The* inhabitants proba- bly were the Hurons, whom we have already men- tioned, and they treated Cartier and his at- tendants^ with an equal degree of hofpitality and aftoniihment at their perfons, drefs, and accoutre- ments. He had at this time with him only one -ihip, and two long boats, having left the reft at ... St, IN AMERICA. 169 St. Croix, to which he returned, and there fpent the winter, which proved fo fevere, that he and his people muft have perifhed of the fcurvy, had they not, by the advice of the natives, made ufe of a decoAio'n of the bark and tops of the white pine. Carrier was ungenerous enough to kidnap his In- dian friend, Donnacona, and to carry him, in the fpring, to France. But, not being able to produce gold and filver, all he faid about the utiliy of the fettlement, and the fruitfulnefs of the country was ' defpifed by the public ; fo that in the year j 540, he was obliged to ferve as pilot to monfieur de Ro- berval, who was by the French king appointed viceroy of Canada, and who failed from France • with five veflels. Arriving in the Gulph of St. Laurence, they built a fort, and Roberval left Car- tier to command a garrifon in it, and went back in perfon to France, from whence he returned with additional recruits to his new fettlement. He after- wards failed up the river St. Laurence, as far as that of Saguenay, where, by means of a Portuguefe, he endeavoured, but in vain, to find out a north- wefl: paflage to the Eaft Indies. The expeditions and captivity of Francis L for fome time, diverted the attention of the French from improving this fettlement; but in 15491 Roberval and his bro- ther, of whom we have a great charader, with a numerous train of adventurers, embarked for the river St. Laurence, and never were heard of more. This ■i i70 BRITISH EMPIRE This fatal accident difcouraged the public, and government of France fo greatly, that fof fifty years no meafures were taken for fupplying the French fettlcrs that ftill remained in Canada. At laft, Henry IV. apix)inted the marquis de la Roche. a Breton gentleman, lieutenant-general of Canada, Hochelaga, Newfoundland, Labrador, and the l>ay and river of St. Laurence, This gentleman fet fail in a Ihip from France, in the year 1598, and landed on the Ifle of Sable, which lies about fifty leagues to the fouth-eaft of Cape Breton, and rfiirty-five eaftward of Canfo. The marquis abfurdly thought this to be a proper place for erecting a fettlement but no place could be more unfit for it than this was, being fmall, and without any port, producing nothing but briars. It is narrow, and has the Ihape of a bow. In the middle of it is a lake about five leagues in compai*r>, and the ille itfelf is about ten. It has a fand-br nk at each end, one of which runs north-eaft and by ealt, and the other fouth-eaft. It has fand-hills, which may be fcen feven or eight leagues off. The hiftory of the fettlcrs contains the hiftory of this ex- pedition. The manjuls, after cruifing for fome time on the coaft of Nova Scotia, returned to France, without being able to carry them off the miferable ifland ; and there he died of grief for having loft all his intereft at that court. As for his wretched colony, they muft have periftied had not a French Ihip been wrecked upon the ifland, and a. few llieep driven upon it at the fame time. ame time. tN AMERICA. vpi With the boards of the wreck they ercAed huts ; with the fheei, ^^^V Supported nature, and when they had cat them up they lived on filh ; but their deaths wearing out, they made coats of feals-fkins, and in this miferable condition they fpent feven years, when Henry IV. ordered Chetodel, who had been pilot to La Roche to bring them to France. Chetodel found only twelve of them alive, and when he returned, Henry had the curio- fity to fee them in their feal-lkin drcfles ; and their appearance moved him fo much, that he ordered them a general pardon for their offences, and gave each of them fifty crowns to begin the world wirii anew. Though La Roche's patent had been very ample and exclusive, yet private adventurers had ftill tra- ded to the river St. Laurence, without any notice being taken of them by the government. Amongft others was one Pontgrave, a merchant of St. Malo, who Ijad made feveral trading voyages for furs to Tadouffac. Upon the death of La Roche, his pa- tent was renewed in favour of Chauvin, a command- der in the French navy, and he put himfelf under the diredtion of Pontgrave. In the year 1600, Chauvin, attended by him, made a voyage to Tadouffac, where he left fome of his people, and returned with a very gairtful quantity of furs to France. Next year he renewed the fame voyage with the like goo4 fortune, but he died while he was preparing for the third. The many fpecimens 0f ftT* BRITISH EMPIRE ^ «f orof' .o brmade by the Canadian trade, had Ie-!io refolved to avail tliemfelves of their ex- Clulivc v'TJt. With IN AMERICA; 73 With this view they fitted out fourfliips: D(- Monts in perfon took the comma I of two of thcr and was attended hy Champlain, and a gentleman, called Pontrincourt, with a number of volnnrcer adventurers. Another of the Mps was deftined to carry on the fur-trade at Tadoulfac, and the fourth was given to Pontgravc, who, after touch- ing at Canfo, in Nova Scotia, was ordered to fcour the fea between Cape Breton and St. John's Ifland ; and to clcai- k of all interlopers. It was on the feventeenth of March, 1614, when De Monts, fail- ed from Havre dc Grace, and, touching at Acadia: he there confifcated the Nightingale, an interlop- ing veflel which he found in the harbour. — He then fleered towards another haven, which he called Mutton-haven, on account of a iheep that tumbled over board there, and where he remained for a month. Charnplain was all this while in a long-boat in fearch, of a proper fituation for a fettlement, and at lafl he pitched upon a little ifland which he called by the name of L'ifle de St. Croix, about twenty leagues to the weftward of St. John's River, and about half a league in circumference. He was followed to this ifland by M. De Monts; but it foon appeared that they had made a very injudicious choice of a fitua- tion fur a fettlement ; for though the corn they fowcd there produced very line crops, and though they had been very fuccefsful in clearing the ^^^- I' N n ground. 174 BRITISH EMPIRE. ground, they found themfelves, when winter came on, without frelh water, without wood for firing, and, to crown their misfortunes, without frelh provifions. To fave themfelves the trouble of bring- ing frelli water from the continent^ many of the new fettlcrs drank melted fnow, which filled the little colony with difeafes, particularly the fcurvy, ind fwept many of them off. Thofe inconvenien- ces determined De Monts to remove his fettlement to Port Royal, which has fince been called An- napolis Royal, and which, during the winter, had been difcovered by Champlain. By this time, Pontgrave was returned to St. Croix from France; and found that colony almoft ruined, but agreed with De Monts in fettling at Port Royal. Pontrin- court was fo much enamoured of this new fitua- tion, that De Monts, in virtue of his commiffion, made it over to him, and appointed him, at the fame time, to be his lieutenant-general, upon Pon- trincourt's propofing to fend for all his family to fet- tle at Port Royal. De Monts then returned to France, where matters had taken a turn not at all in his favour; for the French court began to think they had gone upon very miflaken maxims in the exclufive privilege that had been granted him. The maders of the fifhing vefltls, the bed trade which France then had, made the miniftry fenfible that De Monts, on pretence of preventing the trading with the natives, kept them from the nccellarics fit for filhing, and that they were upon the IN AMERICA. 175 thei)oint of abandoning the fiiheries; upon which Dc Monts's patent was revoked, though ten yean of it were ftill to run. This did not damp De Monts; he entered into new engagements with Pontrincourt, who was then likcAvife in France; and the latter again failed for America, in an arm- ed veflel from Rochelle in 1606. By the time they had arrived at Canfo, the fettlement at Port Royal, which had been left to the care of Pontgrave, was reduced to fuch difficulties, that he was obliged to re-imbark all the inhabitants but two, whom he left to take care of the effecfls he could not car- ry off. Before he left the bay of Fundy, he heard of Pontrincourt's arrival at Canfo, upon which he returned to Port Royal, where the other ar- rived about the fame time. The relief which Pontrincourt brought to his infant colony, came fo feafonably that it again held up its head; but its profperity was, in a great meafurc, owing to the fpirit and abilities of Le Carbot, a French law- yer, who, partly from friendlhip to Pontrincourt^ and partly through curiofity, had made this voy- age. At this time, Pontgrave, the ableft man by far of any concerned in the projed, had refigned his command, and all concerns with Pontrincourt; and De Monts, who had fomewhat retrieved his affairs, abandoned all connexion with Acadia, and was applying himfelf tothc fur-trade at Tadouffac. His company, who never had forfaken him, fitted out two fliips, which failed for the River St. Lau- rei»ce ::r; ! ' ''5? ^76 BRITISH EMPIRE rence in the fprlng of the year 1608. THe fur- trade was now become very confiderablc, and the company, which was mollly compofed of St. Male merchants, throve exceedingly ; but De Monts, finding their interefls were hurt by his remaining at their head, entirely withdrew from the aflbcia- tion; upon which the company was re-inftated in their privileges, and the ufe which they made of them, was for thei- private emolument. Very different w^ere the views of Champlain, who, after examining all the moft promifing places in Acadia, and on the river St. Laurence, at lafl chofe Quebec to fettle in. He arrived there on the third of July, 1608, and, after building fome bar- racks for lodgings for his people, he began to clear the ground where they fowed wheat and rye, which produced vafl returns. Champlain then went back turned to France, but revifited his colony in 16 10, and found them in a healthful, profperous condi- tion. It was at this time that the Iroquois bade fair to -exterminate the Algonquins, and the Hu- rons, in whofe country Quebec was fituated, and who, in hopes of the French afliflance, were ex- tremely complaifant to the new fettlers. Champ- lain, on the other hand, did not fail to give them all the encouragement they could defire, and fup- plied them with provifions when the hunting fea- fon was over, and when they were reduced to the grcatcft diftrcfs. The Hurons, in the f])ring of the year 16 jo, widi their afTociatcs, prepared to take the ' 11* AMERICA. 27^ the fidd, and Champlain, ignorant of the great power and fiercenefs of their enemies, was perKiad- ed to join With them. This ftep was impolitic in Champlain, who did not forefee that, inftead of humbling the Iroquois, and uniting all the In- dians of that continent with France, he was for- cing the Iroquois to throw themfelves under the proteftion of the Englilh and Dutch. He em- barked on the River Sorel, then called the River of the Iroquois, with his allies; but after advanc- ing up it for about fifteen leagues, he was flop- ped by the Fall of Chambly, and forced to fend back his chaloup to Quebec. Though he had been affured that this Fall would flop his chaloup, he continued to march, attended only by two French- men, who refufed to leave him. Having carried their canoes over the bearing places, as they are called, they launched them again above the Fall, and then he purfued their voyage through a lake, to which he gave his own name, which it Hill re- tains, and where the River Sorel ends. They aftenvards found a fecond fall at the farther end at the communication with Lake Sacrament. During this voyage, Champlain received great pleafure from the promifing appearance of the illands by which he had pafled, but was lliocked by the fuperftitions of his new allies, and the im- pofitions of their fpiritual jugglers. One of thofe always attends upon their armies, and covering himfelf up with Ikins, from thence he emits various founds. »7S iBRITISH EMPIRE founds, but fuch as do not refcmblc hur^stn, and ivibich he pretends come from the god of war. The fame jugglers pretend to the fpirit of divina- lion ; and when Champlain ufed to reproach them for their repeated failures, in what>they had fore- told, they had always fomc excufe ready. The tricks of thofe mountebanks, however, were at- tended with one very bad effed:, that they infpircd their votaries with a fpirit of raflinefs and care- leflhefs, by generally prediding to them good fuc- <3efs. Upon the borders of the Lake Sacrament ftood the Iroquois it battle array, though the Hurons thought to have furprifed them in their village. It being then late, it was agreed, on both fides, to defer the battle till next morning. Champlain in the meantime, attended by a party of his fa- vages, and his two Frenchmen, withdrew to a neighbouring wood ; fo that the Iroquois, who were in number about tw^o hundred, feeing but a handful of their enemies, made themfelves fure of vkflor)'. They were commanded by three chiefs^ who were diftinguilhed by larger plumes of feathers on their heads, than thofe the others wore, tnd were pointed out by the Hurons to Champlain, who, as foon as the battle began, ifllied with hisf party out of his retreat, and, with the firft dii^ charge of his firelock, killed two of their chiefs, and dangeroufiy wounded the third. The confter- jiation and ailoniihment of the Iroquois at the ap- pearance IN AMERICA. 47^ pcirance of Champlain with his two companions, as well as at the report and execution of his fire- anns, was inexpreffiblc; and, while he was recharg- ing his mulkct, his two companions having kill- ed fome more of the Iroquois with theirs, the ene- my fell into a total rout, and fled as faft as they could before the vidiorious allies, who killed fome^ and took others prifoncrs. The allies then, hav- ing none killed, and only fourteen or fifteen wound- ed, fell upon the fpoils of the field, confiiling of fome maize, which they devoured, and it proved a very feafonable relief to them, their own pro- vifions being now entirely exhaufted. As amongft thofe barbarians, the conquerors, as well as the conquered, make their retreat with all the difpatch they can, the vid:or Hurons, af- ter travelling about eight leagues, flopped and inti- mated to one of their captives, that he muft die by the fame cruel torments that his nation had fo often inflicted upon their brethren, who had fall- en into their hands. Champlain ftrongly remon- (Irated againft this jnhumanity ; but all he could gain, either by his authority, or his intreatics, was, that he ftiouid be mailer of the captive's fate, upon which he immediately Ihot him dead. The vidors then opened the body, threw the bowels into the lake, cut off the head, the arms, and legs, but without touching the trunk, though be- fore they have been faid to feed upon it. The French lay, they kept the Icalp, and cut the heart ia ^So BRITISH EMPIRE in pieces, which they forced the prifoners to eat m fmall pieces; but that the brother of the c^eceafed, who \vas amongft the captives, fpit out his part after it had been crammed into his mouth. The nations of the allies, in this expedition, were the Algonquins, the Hurons, and the Montagnez. The firft remained at Quebec; the fecond retreat- ed to their own country, and the lafl to Tadouflac, where they were joined by Champlain. As they approached that village, they tied the fcalps to long poles, as the fignals of their triumph. Their wo- men no fooner faw them than they threw theni- ielves into the river, fwam to their canoes, and feizing upon the fcalps, hung them round their necks by way of ornament. They offered one to Champlain, but he refufed it, and they made him a prefent of fome bows and arrows, which they had taken from the enemy, and which they begged Mm to prefent to the French king, he being now upon his return to France. Champlain, not meeting with a Ihip at Tadolif- lac, returned to Quebec, from whence he and Pontgrave once more embarked for France, leav- ing the command of their promifing colony to Pe- ter Chauvin. They waited upon his moll Chriflian majefly at Fontainblcau ; and then it was that Ca- nada received the name of New France, by which the French afterwards affeded to diftinguilh it. Two merchants, I.e Gendre and Collier, chiefs of the compan}^, foon procured two new ihips for Cham- r, chiefs of IN AMERICA. 281 Champlain and Pontgrave, and, embarking on the feventh of March, 16 10, they arrived the twenty, fixth of April at Tadouffac, There they put them- fclves at the head of the Montagnez, and proceedr ing up to Quebec, the allies again marching to the river Sorel, which w^as the place of rendezvous ; but when Champlain arrived there, he was no; joined by near fo many Indians as he expcfted; and he was there obliged to abandon his chaloup! No fooner was he landed than all his Indians dif» perfed, and he was left alone with four French, men, the reft of the crev/ remaining to guard hi-j chaloup. He began to be diftrefled by the Av^m, pinefs of the ground over which he was obliged to march, and the continual bitings of the gnats and vermin that infefted the air, when one of his favages came running, to tell him that bis allies were engaged with their enemies, Upon this he quickened his pite, and foon fouqd that the Hurons and Algonquins, having attacked their enemies ip their intrenchments, had met with a repulfe ; but he and his party being reinforced by feycn French- men, made fo furious an attack, that almoft all the Iroquois were killed or taken prifoners. While the vl^flor Indians were exercifing their ^nielti^s upon thevanquilhed, Champlaii; r^quefled his al, lies to give him one of th^ Iroquois captives, which thay did. He likewife prevailed upon theQi to receive a Frenchman into their fociety, thai- he might learn their language, and Xo fend a youi:ig Vol, I, Q Q Hvro;i £92 BRITISH EMPIRE Huron to France, in order to fee that kingdom, that he might make a favourable report of the fame to his friends and countrymen upon his return. Henry IV. being dead by this time, by De Mont*s advice, Champlain applied to Charles of Bourbon, count of Soiflbns, to be the father of New France, an honour which that prince readily accepted of, and, having obtained a proper commiffion from the queen-regent, he nominated Champlain to be his lieutenant with unlimited powers. The count dying foon after, the government of Canada, or New France, devolved upon the prince of Conde, who continued Champlain in his government. Some commercial differences that happened amongft the company detained Champlain in France all the year 1612; and, on the fixth of March, 16 13, he embarked on board a veflel commanded by Pont- grave, for Quebec, before which place he landed on the feventh of May. They found the Quebec colony in fo thriving a flate that they immediately proceeded up to Montreal, and foon after Cham- plain returned to France with Pontgrave. But in 1615, he formed fomc new engagements with the merchants of Paris, Rouen, and Ro- chclle ; which were confirmed by the prince of Conde, who had now afliimed the title of viceroy of New France. Champlain, leaving the Recollefts, went to Mont- real, where he had another interview with his favage allies, IN AMERICA. *h allies, and undertook to head them in a third expe* dition againft the Iroquois. By this condud he made himfclf cheap^ in the eyes of the Indians ; but fo llrong was his propenfity to adion, that he left Caron, one of the Recollea: fathers, who had attended him, with the Hurons, and took their promifc that they would not fet out on their expe- dition, till his return from Quebec, whither he was called by fome bufinefs. This Caron was a thorough enthufiaft, and af- pired to the crown of martyrdom. The favages regarded Champlain fo little, that they fet out for Montreal before he returned from Quebec, and carried Caron with them and fome other French- men. Champlain difpatching his bufinefs at Que- bec, returned to Montreal with two- French- men, and was there joined oy ten more of his coun- trymen, that had been brought by Caron from Que- bec, but found no Hurons. Though the difre- gard ihewn him by the favages might have excufed Champlain from fulfilling his engagements, yet, pretending to be greatly concerned about Caron, he proceeded to the Huron village, where he met with his allies. Being now at the head of about twelve Frenchmen, befides father Caron, who thirfted to ihed the blood of unbelievers, he thought himfelf invincible, and fetting out at the head of his allies, found his enemies intrenched in a fort, of no mean conftruftion for defence, with tree^ cut down to block up the paflages to it. Cham* O o 2 plain ti4 BRITISH EMPIRE plain immediately led his party to the affault, but was rcpulfcd with lofs. He endeavoured to fct fire to the fort ; but the Iroquois Ibrefeeing that, had provided plenty of water, which extinguilhcd the flames. He then conftrufted a kind of a wooden ftage, to overlook the building, fo as that his mufqueteers being placed on it, might fire down upon the enemy. Before this expedient took effed:, he was wounded in the leg and knee, which ilruck the favages with fo much dejection, that th^y refufed to follow him ; and he was obliged to abandon the attack with lofs indeed, but with- out being purfued or lofing a man in his retreat, which continued for five and twenty leagues, the favages carrying their wounded all that way upon hurdles. After Champlain was cured of his wounds, he demanded the guides that hadbeen promifed him, to re-condu(fthim to Quebec; but they were tlv^nied him in the harfheft manner, and he %vas therefore oblig- ed to fpend the winter amongft the favages. He then made the bell ufe he could of his time. He vifited all the Huron villages, and penetrated into thofe of the Algonquins, as far as the lake Nepif- fing ; and as foon as the river became navigable, having engaged ibme Hurons to be faithful to him, he fecretly embarked with them, and arrived at Quebec, with father Caron, on the eleventh of July, 1616. Both of them were received with the grcateft joy, and having flaid there for i month, eiltiniedhim IN AMERICA. 2t^ month, Champlain, the fuperior of the mUfion, and Caron, took fhipping for France, leaving only t\vo of the Recolkds, D'Olbeau, and Dupleflys, In New France. During his abfence, his Indian allies giving vent to the lulpicions they entertained of the French intentions, formed a defign of cutting the throats of all the French who were amongft them. Champlain had fettled at Trois Rivieres a fmall French colony, and two of them were murdered by the natives, who aflembled, to the number of eigh : hundred, near that place, to carry their bloody intentions into execution. Champlain, returning from France, demanded to have the murdereri of the two Frenchmen delivered up to him. One of them was fent, and along with him a quantity of furs to cover the dead, which is an Indian ex- preifion for making fatisfaftion for murder; and he was obliged to put up with that kind of atonement. In the year 1620, the prince of Conde fold the vice-royalty of New France to his brother- in-law, the raarlhal Montmorenci, who continued he in his lieutenancy, but intruded all the other affairs of Canada to M. Dolu. Champlain then carried his family over to New France, where they arrived in the month of May ; and fo greatly was the company abufed, that at Tadouffac, he found traders from Rochelle, not only trafficking with the favages, but bargaining with them for fire- arms, lS6 BRITISH EMPIRE arms, the rtioft pernicious commerce that could be introduced, for the colony. — In the year 162 1, the Iroquois ailembled in three bodies, being deter- mined, if poffible, to exterminate the French from asnongilthem; perhaps not more, from any refentment againft them, than to gratify that vindiftrve fpirit which they entertained againft the Algonquins and the, Hurons. One of thofc bodies attacked the pafs at the Falls of St. Louis, but were repulfed ; fome of them ^vere killed, and others fled, carry- ing with them Poulain, a French Recoiled. The French, in vain, endeavoured to refcue him ; but they gave one of their captives liberty to re- pair to his countrymen, and to propofe to ex- change the Recoiled: for one of the Iroquois chiefs, who had been made prifoncr. The captive arrived at the Iroquois village, juft as the fire was prepared, for putting the Recoiled to a miferable death ; but the terms he propofed were accepted of, and the exchange was made. The fecond body of the Iroquois went down in thirty canoes to attack the convent of the Recolleds near Quebec ; but find- ing the enterprife too hazardous, they fell upoij. a party of the Hurons in the neighbourhood, and, making fome prifoners, they burned them. There is no account of what became of the third body. Champlain, at this time, received a letter from his moft chriftian majefty, highly approving of his condud, and confirming him in his command ; while the vice-roy, by another letter, exhorted him to I If AM E R'l G AM tSf t6 do all the fcrvice h^ cot]d to liie neW pt- tcntees. The whoI» felf the qualification of the above articles, in cafe the company (hould meet with any obftruftion frou; virar, either civil or fo- reign. •— . Thefe articles were figned on the nineteenth of April, 1627, and tlie duke De Ventadour, at the fame time, refigned into his ma« jefty's hands the poft of vice-roy. The company was called that of New Franc" and its numbers loon rofe to one hundred and feven ; at the head of whom were the cardinal Richlicii himfelfv the marefchal Defiat, fuperintendant of the finances, and other perfons of great diftindtion ; but the bulk was composed of rich mtivhaHt? and traders. P p 2 «^ 2^i BRITISH EMPIRE ,:i ed to France to folicit their friends for relief. They were fo fuccefsful as to procure a Ihip laden with provifions of all kinds; but it was wrecked be- fore it touched Quebec. This difafter reduced the colony to the utmoft diflrefs, which was aggra- vated by the divifions that prevailed amongft the co- lonics themfelves, and the growing difrefpedt of the favages for the French, the caufe of which fome attributed to the Hugonots introduced amongft them by Caen. In this extremity, Champlain made war upon the favages out of mere neceflity; and the colonifts, who confifted but of one hundred people, were obliged to repair to the woods, and there to dig roots for their fuftenance. Towards the end of July, 1629, the Englifli, under Kirk, again appeared off point Levi, and an officer was fent on Ihore to Quebec to fummon it to furrender. Champlain, in the fituation he then was, looked upon this fummons as his deliverance, and the capi- tulation was foon made between him and Kirk*s two brothers, the one of whom was to command ' the fquadron, and the other to be governor of . Quebec. The treaty being thus finilhed, Champlain went •. on board one of the Englifli fhips for Tadouflac, and it was met, and would have been taken, by a French ihip under the command of Emery dc Caen ; but his crew being compofed of Calvinifts, according, to the French writers, did not chufe to ex- ;,ert themfelves againll the Englifli. Upon Champ- lain'* 1 . r »' IN AMERICA. 295 Iain's return to France, he perceived the public there divided with regard to Canada; feme think- ing that it was not worth the reclaiming, as it had already coft the government vaft fums, with- out bringing any return; and that it only ferved to depopulate the mother-country. But thefe con- fiderations were over-ballanced^ by the vaft advan- tages of the fifhery, and by its proving a nur- fery for feamen. Champlain fupportcd his plan fo well that he carried his point; and not only Canada, but Acadia, and the ifle of Cape Breton, were reftored to the French by the treaty of St. Germain's, in 1632. Emery de Caen carried the treaty to Lewis Kirk, who had been left governor of Canada, and who refigned his command to him. By this time, however, the Englifh began to have fome idea of the profits of the fur-trade ; for though, by the treaty of St. Germain's, none but; the French were to exercife it. Kirk carried it on for a whole year after the furrender of Quebec. In 1633, the company of New France re-entered into all its rights in Canada, of which Champlain was made governor; and fo indefatigably did he adt, that, in a Ihort time, he was at the head of a new armament, furnifhed with a freih recruit of Jefuits, inhabitants, and all kinds of neceflaries for the welfare of the revived colony. In 1 634, he en- deavoured to fettle a million in the Huron coun- try, but met with many difficulties. A):\ Algon- aftet a variety of adventures, he efcaped to New YoiJt, and from thence to France. lathe year 1644, ^^e colony of Montreal had grained over a great number of Indians tjo the chriftian f^ith. The Algonquins, who were featcd; on an ifland formed by the Outawas, had the- greateft commerce with our new colonifts ; but they were headed by a chief who had an invinci- ble avsrfion to the chriflian religion, though he pretended to be a great friend to the French nation. He was rather more fierce on this head than the Iroquois themfelves. This barbarian had a ne- phew who fettled at Montreal, together with his wife ; and there, by the pcrfuafion of two Jefuits, Vimond and Poncet,. they embraced chrillianity, but were much grieved to think that their uncle ihould flill continue in a ftate of obftinate infide- lity. After feveral difcourfes held between this profelyte and his ghoftly fathers, upon the means of converting the uncle, who had been for fome time gone upon an expedition, the latter appeared in his nephew's cabin, and declared that, as he was traverfing the wilds of the country, he was feized with an irrefiftible impulfeto become a chrif- tian, and that he^could have no peace of mind till he fiiould repair t6 Montreal for baptifm, together with his wife who was imprefled with the fame fcntiraents. Maifonneuve and the Jefuits did not fail to encourage thefe Indians in their pious dif- pofitions; IN AMERICA- 3x1 -pofitions ; and both of them were baptized with great pomp and ceremony. But about this time, the enemies of the fathers, both in Canada and Europe, gave out that all their labours tended only to eftablifli themfelvcs in the fur-trade, which, in fadt, was now ingrofled by the company of a hundred, or Canadian company. The latter thought themfelves at laft obliged to contradift thofe ijeports, which they did, in an au- thentic declaration under their hands and feals. During the wandering and painful life they led for three years, having received no fupply of cloaths, they were almoft naked : for want of communion elements they could not adminifter the facrament 5 and when their wine had failed them, they were even obliged to fqueeze the wild grapes the^ found in the woods. At laft, fomc Hurons ven* tured to go in winter-time upon the ice to Quebec, where they kid before the governor the diftr^es of the miffion, and a fupply of provifions was or- dered for their relief ; but the dangers of the jour- ney; were fo dreadful that even the moft zealoui declined it, till Breffani, a Roman Jefuit, under- took it. He embarked towards the end of Aprils 1644, attended by a young Frenchman, and fix Hurons, two of whom had been faved out of the hands of the Iroquois ; but when they came to the entrance of St. Peter's Lake, their canoe was Wrecked ; and a thick fnow happening the night ^fter, feveral of the convoy were fo imprudent as to '*J= 312 BRITISH Empire to fire upon fome favages, which difcovcred them to the Iro for having refcued my brother from the tooth of the Algonquin : *' b\it how couldft thou let him fetufn home by himfelf ? Had his *' cance been overfet, who was to affift him to bring it to rights ? *' Had he been drowned, or perifhed by any other accident, thou *' wouldft have hsard no word of peace from us, and wouldft, *' perhaps, have imputed to us the fault committed by thyfelf." "When the orator had finifhed tliis fpeech, he hung the belt on ,^e cord ; then, taking another, he fixed it to Couture's arm, and, turning again to Montmagny, he thus addrelTed him : *' My father, this belt brings thee back thy fubjeiit ; but I was *' far from faying unto him, Nephew, take a canoe, and return ♦♦ home : — never could I have been ealy till I had certainly heard *' of his fafe arrival. My brother, whom thou haft fcnt us back " fuflercd a great deal, and underwent many perils. He was *' obliged alone to carry his own bundle ; to fwim all day, to *' drag his canoe againft the falls, and to be always on his guard " againil furprife." The orator accompanied this fpeech with the moft exprefllve »£tion, which leprcfcnted a man fometimes pufliing forvvard a canoe with a pole, fometimes paddling with an oar ; fometimes he feemed to be out of breath, and tl ,.n refuming his fpirits, he appeared more cairn. He then fccn.cd as if he had hurt his foot againft a ftone in carrying his bundle ; and, halting along as if he had been wounded, he thus couthiucd his difcourfe : — " Hadft thou but affifted him in *' furmonntiiig the moft difticult parts of his journey. — Really, my ** father, I know not what bccaqie of thy underftanding when thou =i i». ^ \vas5 I m %^ IN A M ER I C A. 317 'was as numerous as the former, and where he made as many prefents as he had received belts of wam- pum. Couture, on this occalion ferved as interpre- ter, and performed' his office in a grave folemn manner, fuitable to the dignity of the perfonage for whom he interpreted. When he had finilhed his fpeech, Piefkarct, who was efteemed one of the bravcft men that ever Canada produced, made his prefent of a ftone, which he faid he placed on the tomb of thofe who died in war, t'; at none '>'- fenteft ns Lack in this m-eoi:i and, about this lime, the colony of New Eng- land being very Ihong, and many diflenring mi- nifters, who had been driven from ths^ir native coun- try on account of religion, having fettled there, fonie of them grev/ i:; zealous for the converfion €)f the Indians as the Jefuits thcmf.lves were, ami had made a very confiderabie prognrfs m it. Thii nlariT:'-;; ':he French at Quebec; and father Gubriel Dreuillet'fts vrM feiu: upon a mlfTion amongft the Abena<[Luii'' for their converfion. The French fay that thh liiillioD was folicitcd for b}' the Can- nibas, an Abenaquais nation who uided with Quebec. Their countrymen who had been con- were forced to return. For five and thirty days this poor crea^ tiirc held on htr coiirfe, through woods and dcfarts, without any other fuftcnance than roots and wild berries. When flie came to the River St. Laurence, flic made with her own hands a kind of a wicker raft, on which flie pafTcd It. As fhe went by Trois Rivieres, without well knowing where fiie was, flie perceived 9. canoe full of Imllans, and, fcaiing they might be Iroquois, flic ?gain ran into the woods, where flic remained till fun-fet; but fooi! after, continuing her courfe, flie faw Trois Rivieres. She was then difcovered by a pa:ty whom flie i^ncw to be Huiuns, and when they approached her, flip f(juaUed down behind a bufli, calling out to them, that rtie w*s not in a condition to be fecii, btcaufe flic was UiikeJv They inmiediatcly tiuew her 4 blanket, verted IN AMERICA. 3^3 ndidoa to be fccii, verted by theEnglilh, and who lay neareft to New England, beginning to thrive, and to live in much, greater abundance than before, their lands being much better improved, and their perfons better cloathed; the Abenaquais, who lay neareflr to Ca- nada, being miferably poor and lazy, no doubt expefted the like defireable change of circumllances from their converfion by the French ; and num- bers were accordingly made profelytes to the chrif- tian faith. — At this period Montmagny received an order from his court to deliver up his commiffion to d'Ail- lebouft, who had for fome time commanded at Trois Rivieres ; and he departed foi France with a great charafter, both for his virtues and abilities. His fucceflbr was faid to be a very deferving perfon, but a zealot for the converfion of the Indians. Having great experience in the affairs of the French colony, high expedations "vvere form- ed of his government ; and it was owing to negled: and mifmanagement at home, that they were not anfwered. — The Andades, a warlike tribe of In- dians, now offered their affiilancc to the Hurons, againft the Iroquois, who ftill continued to be their implacable enemies; but the former fccmcd to have exchanged for chriilianlty all their native courage and conduaed her to the fort of Trols Rivieres, where (he re- counted her ftory; the moft remarkable circiiniftance of whieh is her innate dtlire of blood, that was fo ftrong as to induce her to kill the favat-e, which oecafioned all tlic danger that at'terwards iuirfucd her, T t z and PI M if mm I ■HHI 324 BRITISH EMPIRE and love of their country. Depending on the pro- tcdtion of the French, they civilly declined the of- fer of the Andaftes, and giving way to their na- tural indolence, they made no provifion for their defence, till the Agniers fell upon their village of St. Ignatius, and gave them a complete defeat. Inftead of preparing to revenge their lofs, 'the Hu- rons finding their enemies did not follow their blow, rclapled into all their former fupinenefs; and for fomc time the colony enjoyed a Hate of tran- quility, while the French followed the fur-trade about Trois Rivieres and TadoufTac, with great fuccefs and profit. The Iroquois had forefeen the fecurity of the Hurons; and, watching their time, they fecrctlv armed themfelves, when they under- flood that the greateft number of the young Hu- rons were gone to hunt, and, on the fudden, they invefled the populous village of St. Jofeph. Father Daniel, an obftinate enthufiaflic miflionary, who attended this village, was then faying mafs, and had but juft time to flrip himfelf of his ecclefiafti- cal habit, and t6 lock up the holy utenfils, when he faw himfelf furrounded with the Iroquois, who flaughrered all they found. The father intrepidly Hepped into the midrt of the carnage, and, dipping his handkerchief in water, he baptized by fprink- ling, many who implored it in their laft moments; and obllhiarely rcfufing to fly, he was himfelf the laft victim of the fury of the Iroquois, who killed him I N A M E R I C A. 325 him with their arrows, and mangled his body in a barbarous manner. The people of New England, in 1648, fent to the governor and council of Canada, a propofal that there Ihould be a perpetual peace between the two colonies, even though their mother-coun- tries were at war ; but it came to nothing. The Iroquois had difcontinued their maflacres for fix months, and the chriftian Hurons continued to live with their ufual indolence, as if they had no ene- my to guard againft, when, on the fixtecnth of March, 1649, before day, a body of oije thou- fand Iroquois fuddenly furprifed the village of St. Ignatius, and butchered or took prifoners moft of the inhabitants. Two hundred of the Iroquois, the main body of whom had now returned to St. Louis, approach- ed St. Mary's, a populous and well-fortified vil- lage, but fell into an ambufcade of the Hurons, who killed many of them, and, forcing the reft to fly, purfued them as far as St. Louis, where themfelves, who were but a handful, were fur- prifed in trheir turn, and furrounded by their ene- mies. They defended themfelves, however, very bravely ; all of them were wounded, many were killed, fome were made prifoners, but none of them efcaped ; and in them fell the flower of the Huron nation. The people at St. Mary's were overwhelmed with confternation and defpair, at hearing of this defeat; but the Iroquois, the next day. 326 BRITISH EMPIRE day were fcizcd with a pani , and returned home, where they put their prifoners to death by the tor- ture. — The miffionaries amongft the Indians of St. Mary's, upon this, formed a projeft for coU leding together f^'* remains of that nation, and tranfportlnor *hci' ..uc place of fafety, where they coulc^ not be uiiturbed by their enemies. For thispurpclL they propofed the ifle of Manitoualin; a narrow fpot, about forty leagues in length, lying in the fouth part of lake ^ ' ; but this propo- ial was rejected by the Hurons, bccaufe it wag at too great a dillance from their native country; and the}' pitched upon the little ifland of St, Jofeph, lying within fight of their ancient habitations. I'his place w as foon peopled, and the inhabitants grew niimerou :., on account of the convenience of filhing and hunting in the neigbourhcx)d ; while the miflionarics, inftead of imtruding them in the '•t- tional parts of chrilVianit) , and the arts of indullry, fpent their time in myflic devotions, and baptized three thoufand Ir.dians in a fhort time. — The fum- mcr palled o\ er without any thing remarkable hap- pening ; but w inter overtook them in a mod la- mentable fitu 'on. So fer id had been theii' de- votion, that iney had lowed little or nothing; their filhery had ti'rncd out very ill, and all their game \\as foon deHroyed; lu that indie autumn they began to* feel the aj>pr nachcs of tamine. This calamity was folio cd h a peililcnce; aid \\hilc the inhalitants of ^ of St. Jofe »h were plunged IN AMERICA. 32; plunged into thefe miferics, v$ came to the Huron nation that three hun. red Iroquois had taken the field, and feemed to meditate fome blow againft the Tii nnontatez Hurons. This tribe waj (o populous, that one of their villages, that of St. John, contained upwards of fix hundred families. The Huron chiefs, far from keeping upon their guard, took the field in queft of their enemies, who, giving them the flip, marched diredly to- wards St. John's, where they killed and took pri- foners all they met with, and put to death father Gamier, In the meantime, the miferable remains of the St. Jofcph colony had left it ; and many of them hnd perifl>-d in the lake, the ice breaking under them Thofe who remained alive, who did not exceed three hundred, applied to father Ragueneau, ?heir miffionary, to Ihelter them from the Iroquois, bvconc^ia^ng them to Quebec, where, under the pror^-ai.-n of the governor, they might cultivate th iands that fhould be affigned them. The fa- lacr, by he advice of his brethren, confcnted. They let out ' the river of the Ouatawas, and, def..air rendering them hardy, thev marched on without being attacked hy their enemies. On the r .ad they met BrefTani, ui o, being informed c . die fate of the chrirtian Hui . ., thouf^ht he could not do better than go back with Rn nieneau ; and accord- ingly returned to Quebec. -- ^'.u h of the T \irons as could not be DerfuaJed to ^-uve their native coun- try 328 BRITISH EMPIRE try, exi)€i lencetl great variety of milcrics. Some of them fled for ihelter to other nations, who there- by drew upon them the arms of the Iroqutns; others of them fettled under the i)rGtcdtion of the Englilh, on the borders of Pennfylvania; andfome of the inhabitants of the villages which remained ftill imdeflroyc' followed a different courfe ; for they fubmitted to the Irocjuois, and were taken into their friendihip and alliance. The incrcafe of people at Quebec laid the French color "fts there under inconceivable difficulties to fubfift them; and they found thcmfelves become almofl as contemptible as their Indian allies had been, in the eyes of the Iroquois; whilft thofe of the Hurons who had taken refugee under the cannon of Quebec, having now wherewithal to fubfift on, forgot their former miferies, and palled from defpondency to prefumption. They alToci- ated themfelves witk their countrymen at Sylleri, with the Algonquins of Tfois Rivieres, and the gleanings of their countrymen who had efcaped the hatchets of the Iroquois, and madly formed amongft thenifelvcs a confederacy to exterminate the Iroquois, thofe profeffed enemies to the gof- pel. Setting out upon this ill concerted expedition, they difpatched a Huron, and an Algonc^uin, to reconnoitre a village of the Agniers, which they were to attack. The former fell into the hands of the Agniers, and he betrayed his countrymen to the enemy, l))- bringing them to the place where tlicy •IN A H E R I C ^ 32^ they were lying aflecp. They were awakened by a difcharge of mufqiietry, which killed or difablcd their bell warriors ; lor the Agnicrs had time to take their aim. Some of them, however, fought their way into a neighbouring wood, where they faved themfelves; but all the reft were cither kill- ed or bur»t alive, excepting two, who efcaped to Quebec with the melancholy news. — The French at Tadoulfac found it for their in- tereft to indulge the Algonciuins and Hurons, who repaired thither, with the ule of brandy, which kejit them in a perpetual ftate tif intoxication ; and their paffion for ftrong liquors grew every day fo violent and intradiable, that no authority, either civil or ecclefiaftic, could put a flop to it. D'Aillebouft was now recalled, and M. de Laufon, one of the chief diredors of the Quebec company, was nominated to fuccced him; but he did not ar- rive at his government till the next year. He had great experience in the affairs of the colon)-, and had negotiated the reftitution of Quebec by the I^nglifh; but was amazed to find the colony in fo miferable a ftate upon his arrival. The Iroquois marched up to the very mouth of the French can- non without fear, and infulted them on all hands. Bochart, a man of capacity and virtue, was then the French governor at Trois Rivieres, and had prevented the vice of drunkennefs fi:om infeding that fettlement, which^ under him, "was in very good order. Perceiving thai the Indians extend- VoL, L U II ed fill 330 BRITISH EMPIRE cd their infults to his government, he fomewhat unadvifedly marched out in perfon againft tliem, and was killed. His death increafed the inlb'ence of the favages, and the new governor of C^iebec found himfclf obliged to incU)le Sylleri with a wall. The Abenaquais were the only chriftian nation whom the Iroquois did not attack; but they were probably reftrained by the reipcd: they bore for the Englilh. Father Dreuillettes, who feems to have had the lame zeal, but a much greater capacity, than his brother miffionaries, had been long employed with great fuccefs in converting ^ thefe, and having won their affedion, he formed them into a barrier againft the Englilh fettlers. — - It was about this time that father Buteux., in tra^ ••veiling to convert Indians in undifcovered regions of the north, was murdered by the Iroquois. At laft, the perfeverar^ce and zeal of the Jcfuits began to abate, and fome of them returned to Europe; amonft whom was ^nther Breflani. - — The fettle- ment at Montreal, partook of the general calami- ties. Maifonneuve, who ftill continued to govern there, found himfelf obliged to o-o to Old Franc* for frefh recruits; and, in 1653, he returned with, one hundred men, and a female houfe-keeper, called Margaret Bourgeois, who afterwards inftitut- cd the order of the daughters of the congregation. While Maifonneuve was employed in guarding Montreal from furprifes, ^bout fixty of the favagc Iribe called Onnondagans, prefcnted th(.'mielvcs at the. i N A M E R I C Ai 331 ^he gate of the fort, and demanded a parley, upon \vhich fome of them were admitted into the place, and declared that their nation was difpofcd to treat of a peace. They accompanied their fpeech with prefents, and frelh alfurances of their fincerity. Upon this, they were fuffered to return to their chiefs with the terms offered by the governor, and in their way they engaged the tribes of Onneyouth and Goyogouin to join them in the negociationv T^he head of the latter not only named his deputies to go to Montreal^ but fent along with him a bfelt of wampum, as a token that five hundred Iroq^-is were on their march to attack Trois Ri- viereu^ f..vlaifonneuve acquainting I.aufon with his danger, the latter immediately affembled all the Hurons he could get together, and attacked a body of the Agniers, whom he defeated, making their chief and many of tha'iv leaders prifoners. An- other party of the Iroquois marched up to the very gates of Quebec, where they made fome prifoners *> * Amongft tliefe was father Poncet, who was the darling of the province, whom they ciiried into captivity. Foity Frenchj and a number of favages inftantly entered into ail allbciation to deliver their milFionary, and, fetting out from Quebec, dlfcovcred the names of Poncet, and his fellow prifoners, engiaved on the irunk of a tree, with the following note underneath : " Six Hu- *' rons now naturalized Iroquois, and four Agniers have carried " us off, but as yet done ui no harm." They foon had reafon to alter their tone; for when they came to tht Agnier village, where an afleinbh' was held, to deliberate on the fate of the pii- f»n«r3^ a woman came up to the party, and prefented them with U H 2 Pcacfi '■?. n r n w: i|| I -Ml 332 BRITISH EMPIRE. Peace was at laft concluded, and a reciprocal confidence fecmed to have been fettled on both fides. Next year father Le Moyne was fent to Onnon- dago, to ratify the treaty, and was fo well fatis- fied with the cordial reception he had from the favages, that he offered to take up his reiidencc with them, which was readily accepted ; an apart- ment was af!igned him, and he accordingly took poH/?nion of it. He then fct out for Quebec, loaded with prefents from all the Iroquois chiefs. a firing of wampura, that (he might be permitted to cut off one of the nHtiffionary's fingers. This favour was granted her : and, to tlic great joy of the miirionary, who it fecms ufed ,2ttlcr onn the facred ccremouies with the right hand, it was the fore ffi.j,ci of the left hand that (he cut off. Next day he was abandoned to the bar- barous treatment of the children of the feveral villages througli which he was to be carried; and, at laft, another council aflem- lied, who pronounced fentence, that the Frenchman, his com- panion, fliould be burnt alive, which was executed immediately ; and that the father (hould be put into the hands of a matron who had loft •», near relation in the war ; and fhe gave the miffionavy lub life. Tluce days after, an Iroqtiois came exprcfs from Trois Rivieres with an account that peace was upon the poii t of being concluded, and that Ononthio had obliged the Iroquois to give him hoftaiTcs, whofe lives were to be anfwerable tor tliat of father Poiicet. This news entire'y altered the father's fituation. They carried Ijiin to Orange, the ncareil Dutch fetrlcnicnt, where he was new cloathed, hib own cloaths being torn to pieces. Upon his return, he was coiidu*i:1ed from one canton to another, with all denion- ftraiious of the moft fip.ccre friendftiip; and at laft arrived, on tl;e lit'th of November, at Quebec, where he was received with the s^reateft joy by his countrymen. He IN AMERICA, , ^f How'cver, before he had reached there, a proof of the little dependance tliat is to be had upon the faith of thofe favages. Being in a canoe with two Onnondagans, and followed by other canoes. In which were Algonquins and Hurons, when they came near Montreal they were furrounded by feveral boats filled with Agniers, who poured into his canoes a fire of mufquetry, which killed all the Algonquins and Hurons, and one of his Onnon-" dagans ; and the enemy then took and bound the father himfelf, as if he had been a prifoner of war. They at the fame time told the furviving OnnoR-' dagan, that he was at liberty to return home. But the favage declared, that he never would aban- don the miffionary, and threatened the Agniers with the refentment of the Upper Iroquois ; fo that the barbarians, perceiving him to be refolute and inflexible in his purpofe, unbound the father, and replaced him under the care of his faithful guide, who conducted him to Montreal. Th aftion was difavowed by the Agnier canton: but thefe In- dians perceiving, that their own importance was every day diminiihing, fccretly refolved to break the peace, which obliged them never to appear armed in the French colony, and not to interrupt the miffionaries in their funftions. In a Ihort time a miffionary was fovmd murdered and fcalped near S}ileri, and it was plain, that the barbarians had refolved upon a rupture. This, S54 BRITISH EMPIRE This, and many other adts of treachery, at kft obliged the French to take the field, which they did, the rather becaule they knew the Agniers could not, at that time, be fupported by the upper Iroquois ; and this had fo good an effed: that thofe barbarians apologized for their condujft) and not only offered to enter into the treaty without any reftri<5t:ion, but carneftly petitioned to have a mif- fionary fent to inflrud: them. — About this timcj the Iroquois fo efTediually exterminated a nation called the P>ies, that no traces of them now re- main, nor could it be known they ever had exifled, were it not for the great lake, on the borders of which they were fituated, and, which, for that rcafon, flill bears their name. The Iroquois, at the beginning of that war, were worfled; but they purfucd it with fac^ nrelenting fury as to effe6: the cataflrophe we have mentioned. The French were under great apprehenfions, that this fuccefs of the Iroquois might encourage them to renew the war, which indeed might have been the cafe, had not the canton of the Onnondagans been (o well difpofed to chrifliauity, that they re^ fufed to enter into the quarrel. They went far- ther; for they fcnt father Dablon, with a commif- fion from their chiefs, to Quebec, to perfuade Mi Laufon to fend a number of French to fettle amongfl them. Dab) on, attended by a numerous retinue of the natives, arrived at Quebec; and notwith- ftanding all that an ancient Huron, who had lived long IN AMERICA. 535 long in the Onnondagan country, could do to dif- iuade hira, Laufon refolved to grant the requeft. Fifty Frenchmen, with the Sieur Dupuis, to com- mand them, were chofen for the new fettlement. Three miffionaries were affigned them, and though the harveft had been but indiftercnt, Dupuis was furnilhed with provifions to fiipply his colony for a year, and to fow all the ground that (hould be affigned him. The Iroquois raifed four hundred men, whom they fent out to attack the party under Dupuis on their march; but, miffing their blow, they fell upon fome ftray canoes, which they pillaged, pre- tending that they did not know they belonged to the French, but thought they were Hurons or Algon- quins. The flower of the chriftian Hurons were at this time fettled, to the number of fix hundred, in the ifle of Orleans, where they had begim to cultivate the grounds; but they were fo carelefs, that the Loquois found means in one day tc carry offfifty of them to their own country, where they were put to death with mofl horrible tortures, with- out being purfued by Laufon, though the barba- rians, on their way homewards infulted him under his own cannon. The Iroquois having fubdued the Hurons, next fell upon the Outa\^ as, but the latter left their own country, and difperfed themfelves through various parts of the continent, the bulk of them fettling b^B f ^^^^^^K 336 BRITISH EMPIRE fettling on the borders of the river wliich flillbear^ their name. After the entire deftru(!ilion of the Hu- ron liabitations, they were joined by the Tionnon- tatez Hurons, and they moved fouthwards, till they came to the River Miffiffippi, ^^'here, at firil, ibme of them made an alliance with the Sioux ; but, breaking with them, they were reduced to the great;eft mifery, and obliged to divide them- lelves into little parties, wandering wherever they could find fubfiftance through the vaft tra6:s lying to the caflward of the Mifliflippi. Two French- men came up with about twenty of them, whom they condud:ed from the banks of lake Michi- gan, as they had fome furs with them, to Quebec; where they were favourably received, on account of their civilities to their two French conductors. Laufon, bewaring that a fettlemcnt of thoie Oiita« was had been made on the borders of lake Michi- jjan, and feeing their furs to be of an excelleni: -kind, immediately thought of fending fome French to fettle among them. Thirty young Frenchmen of- fered themielvcs voluntecis for that lervicc, nor was there wanting plenty of millionaries, as ufuai, to attend the Outawas on th-ir return. The ad- venturers fet out from Quebec, about die twcllth of Augull:, 1656; but as they drew near Trois Ri- vieres, they met with an advice-canoe, fent to in- form them that a party of the Agniers was. in the neighbourhood. Being thus })ut upon their guard, they cfcaped the ambufcade the barbarians had planted IN AMERICA. 337 planted for them, and arrived fafe at Trois Ri- vieres. The French adventurers landing there, be- gan lerioufly to reflet upon the dangers they were about to encounter, efpecially as they faw their favage friends but ill provided for an engagement. All of them, therefore, but three, who would not abandon their ghoflly fathers, refufed to proceed. The Outawas, however, having provided them- felves with fire-arms, with which they had been before entirely unacquainted, diverted thcmfclves with firing them off, which, when they were re- cmbarked, inltrufted the Agniers, who watched them, in the route they had taken ; and they had fufficient leifure to prepare a frelh ambufcade. They were then above the ifland of Montreal ; and the Agniers, having chofjn a proper ftation, poured into the fix firft canoes, which were filled with Hurons, all but father Garreau one of the miflion- arics, a full difcharge of their fire-arms, which killed many of thtiii ; and then, the canoes being attacked hatchet in hand, all who did not fall by the firfl: difcharge, were killed or made nrifoners. The Outawas, who were not engaged, came too late to prevent the mifchief whitli rhey feemed refolved to revenge; but, after a briik fkirmifh, they intrenched themfelves, and the next day they departed with all imaginable fecref)^, leaving be- hind them the two Jcfuits, one of whom was mor- tallv wounded, und the three Frenchmen. Vot. I. X X The A 1 ii i fi. €' m^ <( (C 340 BRITISH EMPIRE the meannefs to continue prefent. Father Le Moyi^ fervcd as interpreter on this occafioii, and thus ad- c^refledhimfelf to the Agnier deputation, " Onnon- ** thio, faid he, loves the Ilurons, they are his •' children, but he does not hold th< m i 1 pupil- lage; thou haft undertaken to condudi them hence ; they are of age to chv.fe for themfelvcs ; " he opens his arms, and gives them liberty to go " whither they plcafe : for my part, I will follow *' them wherever they go. If they repair, Ag- " nier, to cliy country, I will inftrudt tlic'e like- •* wife in what manner the Author of all things is " to be prayed to and adored ; but I cannot flatter *' myfelf that thou wilt hear me ; I know L.ee " and thy indocility ; but I will comfort myfclt " with the Hurons. As to fomc canoes which ** have been demanded, if you want any, you niuf} " make them. We have not enough for ourfelves." T^v; chief of the Bear tribe then addrefled him- felf t'l die deputies in the follow'ng manner: ** My brother, I am yours ; — I throw myfelf with " my eyes fhut into your canoes, I am refolved on " every thing, even to die ; but I intend that I " and my family Ihall go firft. I will fuffer no " others to embark with me ; if afterwards the " reft of my n-ation lliall join us, it is well : but I " fhall be ghid to fee, before-hand, how you treat ** me." He then prefcnted the deputation with three belts, to prevail with them to treat him and his family well. After this, the Bear tribe, and fa- thei f I N A M r R I C A. 341 tSct Le Moyne embarked with the deputies ; and fome days after their departure, deputies cat >om the Onnondag. on the fame errand ; b ^ incenfed, when they ht 1 that the Bear tni nad gone off with the Agnitrs, and began to ufc threats againft the Hurons, who made the beft apology they could, but to ver} little purpofe. Laufon was then obliged to interpofe, nnd to teli them, That they were wanting in the refpeft they owed to their father ; that the Hurons in general were ready to follow them ; but tha! .vives and childu w^re terrified at their thi ad war- like appearance, which were very in^ per while they were applying to them as friends and bro- thers ; tha*- if they would return to their country, and adt r arly, the Hurons would wait for them at Montreal, and give oflages for the per- forman e of all thuy had promifed th This fpeech, with good entertainment in eating and drinking for fome days, pacified the deputies, and they returned home, feemingly well fatisfied. But the deputation of the Onnondagans was de- trimental to the interefts of the French in Cana- da, becaufe it expofed their weaknefs, and their inability to proted their ^iend\ Indians They came, as had been flipuh^ d at Quebec the year before, to carry with the a the Hurons, who were accompanied by two Jcfuits, and fome French- men. Ou the day of embarkation, the latter were furprifed when the Onnondagans rcfufed to fuffer ■.'iu IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) // y V? // fl^ fe &>/ i/.A % i.c 1:4 128 •- Itti I.I JMM IIIIIM M 1.8 1.25 1-4 ill 1.6 V] V] /. e. '^A em % > ^ ^ /A 'm Photographic Sciences Corporation s. dT ^> ,\ ^ V ^x ^9) V 33 WEST MAIN STREIT WEBSTER, NY. M580 (716) 873-4503 ? v^ ^ f/j # \ \ V 342 BRITISH EMPIRE fuffer any but the Hurons to attend them. They, however, at laft agreed to take fome of the French, but were fo obftinate againft the Jcfuits, who would by no means abandon their Huron difciples, that thefe were obliged to embark on board a ca- noe without any proyifion, but a fmall bag of meal. This fpecimen of the behaviour of the On- nondagans created many melancholy apprehenfions amongft the Hurons, which were lioon verified. A Huron woman had her brains beaten out by an Onnondagan chief, who attempted to ravilh her ; and foon after, a great r jmber of the moft con- fiderable Hurons were m ffacred, and the furvi- vors treated as (laves, f^rAc of them being even burned alive. The two miffionaries and the four French, who attended the Hurons, expe^^d every moment the fame fate : but (for what reafon does not appear) they were faved> and arrived with the convoy at Onnondago, where they underftood from Dupuys, that a rcfolution had been taken by the favagcs to cut off all the French in their coun- try *. * This barbarous refolution took rife from tlie following occa- fion. A bo<^y of Onneyouths had murdered three Frenchmen near Montreal ; and D'Ailleboftt, the French governor at Quebec, in the room of Laufon, who was recalled to France, feized and jmprifoned all the Iroquois whom he could find in his colony, till he fhoiild receive fatisfadion for the deatli of the Frenchmen. This exafperated the favage tribes ; but inftead of proceeding im- mediately to violences, they coolly refolved on the following fchenie Such IN AMERICA. 343 Such was the iituation of French Canada, when the vifcount D^Argenfon, who had been appointed governor-general of New France, arrrived at Que- bec to take pofleffion of his government. His of murder. Father Le Moyne was to be fent, attended by a nu- merous convoy, to proted him, as they pretended, againft th« infults of the young favages, to treat of the ranfom of the Iro- quois. At the fame time, large bodies of other Indians were to difperfe themfelves through the neighbourhood of Qjiebec, who, as foon as they heard of the deliverance of their countrymen, lyere to fall upon the French, and murder them wherever they could be found, and the colony under Dupuys was to undergo the fame fete. Thofe favages are inconftant in their refolutiojis, and impatient till they come to aftion, wheii their motive is revenge; fo that without waiting for Le Moyne, great bodies of the Ag- niers, Onneyouths, and Onnondagaiw, took the field with all their warlike equipages. This alarmed the fufpicions of Dupuys; and being informed by a chriftian convert of the truth, he fent a courier to M. D'Aillebouft, to warn him of his danger. As to himfelf and his people, he cpuld think of no expedient of fafety but to fly ; and he immediately fet them to work to make boats in an outlying barn of the Jefuits, that they might not be difcovered by the favages, and effefted his efcape, according to the French writers, in the following wonderful manner:——. A young Frenchman, the adopted fon of one of the favages, perfuaded his father of adoption, that he dreamed of one of thofe feafts, at which tlie guefts are obliged to ea^ all that is ferve^'i up ; infilUd that fuch a (Qi&. (hould be msule, snd (aid he fhould die if the finalleft morfel was left. The afFeftiongte Indian granted the fon's requeft, and invited all the tribe to the feaft, which was fixed for the fourteenth of March, the day on which the frcnch were to attempt their efcape. Every thing lucceeded as the latter could wiih : — the guptts feafted under the found of all the dioims arn^ tmnj^ets of the village, till aU of theoi fcU fatt aller p } urA ;he 344 BRITISH EMPIRE firfl cxercife of power there, was to detach about two hundred men, French and natives, againfi the Iroquois, but thefe could not come up with them. The favagcs marched next to furprife the fettle- ment of Trois Rivieres ; they propofed to do this by amufing De la Potherie, the French comman- dant there, with a Iham conference, and dif- patched eight of their countrymen to Trois Rivi- eres for that purpofe: but Potherie was aware of their intention, and inftantly feized on the eight fava- ges, one of whom he detained in his own prifon, and fent the other fevcn to the governor-generalj by whofe orders they were put to death ; and this feafonable feverity for fome time reftored tranquillity to the province. In 1659, a bilhop was fent to refide in Canada, The firfl thing this new prelate did, was to de- mand the famous father Jerome Lallemant, who Freuchman, watching his opportunity, flipped out and joined his companions, who, favoured by the noife, had, by this time, got off in their boats ; and M. Dupuys, after enco.mtfiring vail difficul- ties and fatigues, arrived in fifteen days at Montreal. There he found confternation and confulion fpread through all the colony. Parties of the Iroquois covered the country, and, without declar- ing themlelves enemies, obliged tJie French to keep within their walls. Tow;irds the end of May, father Le Moyne, who had been preaching among the Agniers, was by ihcm fafely conduc- ted, according to their promile, to Montreal; and they after- wards joined the other Iroquois ; upon which, thole favages im- iHljtliatcIy bjoke out into open hollllltlcs, and murdered the Algou- ^jiins, even under the canuou of the f«it of Quebec. then IN AMERICA. 345 then prefided in the college of La Fleche, from the general of the Jefuits to attend him to Canada ? and his reqiieft was accordingly complied with. He, however, introduced a total alteration into the ecclefiaftical difcipline and government of Canada, where no priefts but Jefuits had hitherto found ac- cefs ; fot he firft carried over with him monks of other orders, who were inftituted to benefices; but Montreal and its dependancies remained under the diredion of the fathers of the feminary of Sr. Sulpice ; and having obtained from the pope a brief, appointing him apoftolical vicar of New France, and being amufed with daily accounts of difcoveries of nations to the north and weft of Lake Huron ; he prepared, in concert with father Lallemant, who had been again named fuperior-gereral of the mif- lions, for their converfion. In the year 1 660, an Algonquin met with numbers of his countrymen r^ar Hudfon's Bay, who had fled thither from the Iroquois. He found the natives as well as his countrymen there, fo well difpofed to join with the French againft the Iroquois, that they fent him with prefents to the governor-general of New France, to aflure him of their friendship and affiftance. About the fame time, two Frenchmen, who had wintered on the borders of the upper lake, by travelling weftward, difcovered the nation of the Sioux, who, at that time, had never heard of the French, and who were but little known, even to Vol. L Y y the IT ■ ■MttBii akziiem^isbiim 346 BniTISH EMPIRE the Hurdns and Algonquins. The Huron nations of the Tionnontatez and the Outawas, whom .we have already mentioned, trufting to their 6re- arms, fought to make their quarters good amongft the Sioux, to whom they fled for proteftion, and even killed fome of them ; but th?fe people, though ftartlcd at firft, attacked their guefts in a Jjody, and defeated a gteat number of them, while they maffacred others, whom they drove into a kind of a pool, v/here unawares they found themfelves entangled, and not one man efcapcd death from the arrows of the enemy. This deter- mined the Hurons to feek their habitations elfe- •where; and they fettled to the fouth-caft of the weftern point of the upper lake. The Iroquois remained mailers of all the open country, who ravagec' it from Montreal to Que- bec. A body of feven hundred of them had de- feated a large party of French and Indians, and m^jny of the colonifts were making difpofitions to lembark again for Old France. Even the nuns were obliged to fly from their monafteries, to take refuge at Montreal and Quebec ; and fo ciofely |iad the favages blocked up the French within their walls, that there was all the appearance of an ap- proaching famine ; the Frenchmen, in many places, not daring to llir abroad, either to reap or fow ; and, towards the end of w inter, their enemies appeared in more numerous bodies, and every where butchered the French and Indians, Amongil the former, IN AMERICA. 147 former, fome pcrfons of rank loft their lives ; and amongft the latter, the women, rather than they would fall into the hands of the Iroquas, fought as bravely as the men. To heighten their misfortunes, the inhabitants were attacked by a kind of hooping cough, which proved epi- demical and turned into a pleurify that carried off great numbers. — But while this deplorable ftate of the colony continued, the councils of the On- nondagans took a favourable turn for the French. It ieems that, amongft thofe favages, the matrons form a confiderable part of the government ; and the men, knowing that moft of them were fincerc converts, and friends to the miffionaries, had care- fully concealed from their females the intended maflacre of the French under M. Dupuys. On difcovering that the French and the miffionaries were gone, the women and their daughters ccle* brated a general mourning, and, it is faid, afferted their prerogative from the ufurpations of the men fo refolutely that they fet at liberty all the French prifoners, amounting to twenty, and converted one of their cabins into a chapel, where great numbers of chriftians prayed every day; and in effecting this great revolution, they were affifted by the chriftians of the cantons of Goyogouin and On- neyouth, who continued In the faith. Soon after this news came the Iroquois difappeared ; and, towards the end of July, 1661, two canoes, with a white flag, appeared before Montreal. Being fuf- Y V 2 fered 48 BRITISH EMPIRE '4 fcred to approach, they were found to be deputies from the cantons of Onnondago and Goyogouin ; and the deputy from the latter had not only the beft intercft of any man in his canton, but was the moft determined friend the French hid amongft all the favages. They brought with them fom* Frenchmen, whom they propofed to exchange for eight Goyogouin prifoners, and to fet at liberty all their remaining French captives on the like terras. .They prefented Maifonneuve, at the fame time, with a letter of the remaining French prifoners, in- forming him of the good treatment they received, but at the fame time, that if the propofal of their jcxchange were rejected, they muft infallibly un- dergo the flames. Maifonneuve, not thinking him- fclf fyfficiently authorifed to return an anfwcr to thofe propofitions, fent an exprefs with them to the governor-general, and, in the mean while, lodged the deputies in his fort. D'Argenfon, who, by this time, had become peevilh and four by his fituation, and had demanded his recal, with fomc difficulty agreed to the propofals ; but was at firft at XI lofs to find a mifiionar)', who would venture into the favage country, which the Indians infifled on as an indifpenfable preliminary of the accommo- dation ; but his uneafinefs was foon over ; for the zealous father Le Moyne chearfully undertook the cmbafly. D'Argenfon was fucceeded in his government by the baron D'Avaugour, who had been bred up in the IN AMERICA. 349 the wars of Hungary, and was eftecmcd an honcft man, as well as a good officer, yet in other re- fpeas was very ill qualified to be a governor- general of New France. Having vifited the poftg of Canada, he appeared highly furprifed and dif. appointed at feeing them fo weak, and openly declared, that if the French court did not fend him the fupplies and re-inforcements they had promifed him, he would leave his government, without waiting for the appointment of his fucceflbr. By thb time Lc Moyne had left Quebec, while the fathers Dreuillettes and Dablon failed up the river Saguenay, as far as the fource of the river Ne- kouba, thereby to get a paffage into the North Sea.— After they had pafTed the Lake of St. John, they found fome favages, whom they converted to chrillianity, about the fource of the River Nekou- ba, beyond which they could not proceed, on ac- count of the Iroquois, who were approaching, and had lately deftroyed a whole nation. - Thou^ the different tribes and townfliips of thofe favages are independant of "one another, and though cac'^ adopts a form of government, as cuftom or ca- price dire^s, yet they commonly have fome perfon of high diftinftion among them, whom they con- fidcr ao the chief of their nation, and who guides them in their general delibeiations. The refolution taken by the Onnondagans to maflacre Dupuys, and his people, was only that of the tribe which had fent deputies to Montreal ; for, from what fol- lows. K-^-- i wM ^Bllf ■ .1 i« H 1 1 ■ 1 35b BRITISH EKfP IRE lows, it docs not appear to have been the general icnfe of the nation to break with the French. Fa- ther Le Moyne, in his travels to the Onnoadagan country, efcapcd feveral dangers from the Agniers, the Onneyouths, and the Tfonnonthouans, who had no chief in the deputation to Montreal. When he came within two leagues of Onnonda- go, he was furprifed to be n^et by Garakonthic, the grand chief of the whole nation, and lord of that canton in particular ; as he knew that thofe iavages feldom or never advance above a quarter of a mile to meet their deputies on their return. But this Garakonthie was a very extraordinary perfon- age, and had nothing about him of the favage, but his birth and education. By his great credit with his canton he had faved the lives of all the French prifoners his people had made, and had even the addrefs to deliver many who were in the hands of the Agniers ; and he was inceflantly labour- ing to bring about a firm alliance between the French and his countr}'men. On the rvvelfth of Auguft the deputies of On- nondago, Goyogouin, and Tfonnonthouan, aflem- bled in Garakonthie's cabin, to which Le Moyne was invited. He accordingly repaired thither, and opened his negotiation In a fdemn and mafterly manner. Thofe Indians having deliberated upon the father's propofals, determined that nine French prifoners {liould be fent to Onnonthio, but that they would rcferve the others in compliment to him, IN AMERICA, 351 him, to keep him company during the winter; and that Garakonthie fliould be appointed head of the deputation which was to be fent to Montreal to conclude the peace. In the middle of September, Garakonthie fct out upon his embafly ; and, upon his arrival at Montreal, he was received with diftindtions due to the great fervices he had done the colony. In many private conferences he had there with the governor- general, the latter conceived fo high an opinion of his iincerity, as well as capacity, that, upon his promifing him to return in the fpring with the re- maining French prifoners, all the Iroquois captives were delivered into his hands. He imagined, that the fuperior cantons of the Iroquois were fo far in- volved in war with the Andaftes, and the Agniers, with other nations, fupported by the Abenaquais, that the delire of peace amongft all the Irequois would become general : but he foon received in- telligence, that the Iroquois were vid:orious over all their enemies, whom they had either conquered, or forced to fue for peace. The Onnondagans hearing of this, and that the Agniers had again puflied their ravages to the very gates of Montreal, took arms againft the ».-ench. Being no longer awed by the prefencc of Garakonthie, two hundred of them invaded the French colonies, and, attack- ing a great many of the inhabitants of Montreal, who were at work in the fields, they cut in pieces the town^major, who had fallicd out with twenty- iix . i 352 BRITISH EMPIRE fix foldiei s, to bring off the people of Montreiil. In the mean while Le Moync continued to cxcrcife his functions amongft the Onnondagans, notwith- ftanding the hoililitics their countrymen had been guilty of againft the French; and, by a prudent <:ourfe of diffimulation, he gained his ends. Gara- konthie, loaded with valuable prefents, and, attend- ed by the Iroquois captives, arrived at this critical jundure at Onnondago, and, though greatly ftartled at the alteration of his people's fcntiments, he afted with lb much addrefs and firmnefs, that he not only obtained a ratification of ihe treaty he had concluded, but the delivery of all the French prifoncrs into the hands of father Le Moyne, ex- cepting one, who was put to death by his maftcr, bccaufe he refufed to join himfelf to a female In- dian, being already a married man. The governor now wrote in the ftrongeft terms to the court of France for re-inforcements, by Boucher, the commandant of Trois Rivieres, who was an honeft man, and extremely well acquainted with the affairs 6i' Canada. The French king, upon his reprefentations, appeared to be greatly furprifed that fo piromifing a colony fhould have been fo much negledicd, and immediately ordered four hundred of his troops to embark for Canaila, to ftrengthen the moft exiwOd ix)fts. Their arri- val at Quebec, and Demont's promife of farther re-inforcements next year, gave new fpirits to the colony J but they wcr« foon damped by the ralh condu<^ IN AMERTCA. ^S3 conduft of :1k governor-general. The ftrldleft or-, dcrs had been IHlied by him for preventing the fell- ing any brandy or fpirituous liquors to the lava- ges ; and a Quebec woman having been detcdled in this fad, was immediately carried to prifon. Her tears and the interceflions of her relations prevailed with father Lallcmant to apply for her relcafe to the governor, who, with a ftrange haughtinefs, anfwercd, that, fmcc the cr'me was not punilhable in that woman, it (hould not be fo in any other perfon. What is flill worfc, he ad- hered fo Uridly to this declaration, that he thought it a point of honour not to retrad it. This licence introduced fuch a fpirit of debauchery, not only among the Indians, but amongft the French fol- diers, that the clergy were infulted, and all kind of order and decency in the colony was difregarded ; upon which the bilhop, defpairing of being able to do any fervice by his authority, refolved to em- bark for France, and there to lay his complaints before the king. About this time Canada was vifited WMth mod terrible tempefts, fiery meteors and earth- quakes. Trees were torn up by the roots, moun- tains overturned, whole provinces wrapped in flames, iffiiing in a mofl portentous manner from the fubterraneous caverns of the earth. The troubled ocean caft on fhore its monllers. All nature was convulfed, and trembled as at its ap- proaching difTolution. The clergy and religious Vol. I. Z z orders. m 354 BRITISH EMPIRE orders confidered all thefe phoenomena as imme- diate judgments fent from heaven upon the fms oi the people. They magnified thefe calamities, fiiffi- ciently terrible in themfelves, and continued perpe- tually to exhort the Canadians to repentance, and an amendment of life, which indeed was now be- come highly and indifpenfably neceffary ; and it was afterwards obferved by them, that though nothing was more pliin than that all thefe cala- mities proceeded from fupernatural caufes, yet that Heaven, merciful in its chaftifements, had not per- mitted any of the inhabitants to perilh amidfl the horrors of its judgements. At the fame time they took great pains to forctel a ftill more terrible ca- tallrophc, if the people, obftinate in their wickcd- nefs, fhould not turn from thofe evil courfes which had awakened the anger of the offended Deity. Their remonftrances were not loft ; they not only brought the profeflbrs of chrilVianiry to a due fenfc of their crimes and irregularities, but occafioncd o-rcat numbers of fincerc converfions amongft the natives, fo that nothing was now to be fcen, buf public penances, faftings, alms, pilgrimages, and proccflions ; and the illicit commerce in fpiri- tuous liquors was folemnly decried and dctefted. Upon the whole, though perhajjs, the Jefuits have not ftuck to ft rid truth in their reprefenta- tions of thefe amazing incidents, yet the face of nature in Canada, to this day, affords fre- quent evidences that the earthquakes and hurri- canes. IN AMERICA. 255 can the reft of the regiment of Carignan arrived with their colonel, M. De Salieres, together with Courcelles and Talon, on board a powerful fqua- dron, which carried a great number of families, rradefmen, articled fervants, the firft horfes that had ever been feen in Canada, horned cattle, and fheep. The viceroy then gave orders for budding three forts towards the mouth of the River Riche- lieu, one upon the fpot where Fort Richelieu had Hood, the command of which was given to M. Sgrel, from whom it is now called Fort Sorel. The fecond was built at the foot of a rapid river, called St. Louis ; but afterwards took the name of its governor, M. Chambly, who was a great proprietor of land there, and this was built on the ruins of a former fort. The third fort was €re and being well .received by the viceroy, he was followed in a day or two by another Agnicr deputy. He too was civilly IN AMERICA. 363 civilly received ; and fo far were they from being fufpedted not to be real deputies, that th^ viceroy entertained them at his table, where mention w^s made of M. de Chafy's death. Upon this, the laft arrived barbarian, with a favage air of triumph, ftretching forth his arm, faid, " Here, is the « very hand that killed him." " Then," replied the viceroy, " it never Ihall kill another ;" and he ordered him immediately to be flrangled by the common hangman, which was performed in the prefence of the baftard Fleming, who was fent to prifon. Courcelles, who knew nothing of what had paff- ed at Quebec, was then at Corhr, a fettlement belonging to Albany, upon the borders of the Iro- quois country 5 where, before he entered upon hoflilititfs with the Iroquois, he prevailed with the Engliih commandant to promife that he would give no affiftance to the Agniers. Courcelles per- formed this journey in the midft of winter, walk- ing with fnow ihoes, and carrying his arms and provifions like the meaneft foldier. When he en- tered the country of the Agniers, he found their villages abandoned, and that their children, wo- men, and old men, had fecured themfelves in the woods, while their warriors had marched againft other nations, till they Ihould know the refult of the Onncyouths negociation. All he could do was to kill or pick up a few ftragglers of the fa- vages» Returning to Quebec, he found De Tracy, Aaa z though 364 BRITISH EMPIRE though then above feventy years of age, ready to fet ou! on an expedition againjft the Onneyouths and the Agnicrs. His amy was compofed of fix hundred re^nlars, the fame number of Canadians, and one hunuitj favages of different nations; but he carried with him r- more than two pieces of artillery. While he was fetting out, new deputies came from the uvo cantons to negociate an accom- modation, but they were detained prifoners, and the army began its march, in three divifions, on the fourteenth of September. Their magazines of provifions w^ere ralcubred to ferve them till he ihould arrive in the enemy's country, where they counted upon being plentifuHy fuppiied; but, be- fore they had got half way, they found their provi- fions at an end; and they muft adually have re- turned, had it not been for a wood of chefnuts; on which they lived, till they reached the enemy's land. A body . of Algonquirs, who marched before the firft divifion, alarmed the inhabitants of the firft village they reached, which the French general entered, with all the difplay of military pomp: but he found no inhabitants there, excepting a few oM men and women, who were too decre- l>id to fly. Upon fearching tkrther, they difcovered in amazing quantit)' of provifions buried under- ground, fufficient to ferve all the colony for tw6 years — De Tracy, inftead of burning the provifions he could not carry off, contented himfelf with burning the cabins, of which he did not leave one • ilanding IN AMERICA. 365 (landing in the whole canton; and marched againft the favarrs, who were too wife to hazard an en- gagement with him, but bade him defiance in their woods and fallnelTes. It was now towards the end of Oftober, and, confequently, too late to proceed againft the canton of Onneyouth. In Dc Tracy's return, his troops fuffered gre^y from the fatigues of their march, and an officer and fome foldiers were drowned in paffing Lake Champlain. Upon his arrival at Quebec, he ordered fome of his prifoncrs to be banged, and fent home the others with the Flemilh baftard. The laft adt of his government at New France was to eftablilh the Weft-India company in all the rights of the old Canada company, and then he returned to France. — Canada, notwith- ftanding all his omiflions, might, however, date the ara of her importance from his adminiftration. The late expedition againft the Iroquois, had it been properly purfued, muft have rendered her colonifts refpef fuccefs, raifcd high expedations in thofe who hid IN A M E R I C ^ 3^7 had any concern with Canada. Yet notwitV^and- ing all the promifing app ranees of this f ^.ly, from its m les and man fiiduiea, thq' came to nothing. The Jefuits who had the afccndancy, thought, i>erhap3, if the i. habitants (hould once be pollelied of a fpirit of commerce, their functions muft ceafe of courfe. The Outawa^. whom we have already mentioned to be feated on the up|)cr lak«', now drove a great trade with the French Cinadians in furs, and folicitcd that a Jefuit might be fent amongft them, in hopes that other French would follow him, and make a fettlcment in their country. . This requeft was granted, notwithltand- ing the dreadful fate of other miflionaries ; ant father Allouez was employed in that milTion. He furmounted incredible hardlhips, in his voyage thither; and, according to the French writers, was very fuccefsful in making profelytes among the unconverted Indian nations of the Outagamis, the Illinois, and even the Sioux, though with the latl he could converfe only by his interpreters. — And in exploits like thefe, the fathers took more pains than in promoting the real intereft of the colony to which they belonged. In the mean time, the Iroquois cantons of A gnier and Onneyouth, at the departure of De Trac}% per- ceiving the French were now grown too powerful for them in Canada, made their fubmiflions to Courcelles, the. governor-general, who at their requelt, fent the fathers Bruyas and Fremin to la- bour 368 BRITISH EMPIRE bour among them in the vineyard of converfions. Father Gamier was fent after to affift them ; but vifiting the chriftians of Onnondago, he was de- tained there by Garakonthie, who built him a cabin and a chapel, and engaged him to remain there till he fliould return from Quebec, where he was going to folicit for miffionaries to his own can- ton, and that of Goyoquin. Garakonthie, after fome flay at Quebec, returned to Onnondago, with the fathers Carheil and Milet ; and the bilhop of Petree "was fo aftive, that, excepting the can- ton of Tfonnonthouan, all the favage nations in America were provided with miffionaries; but, notwithflanding all the pains the good fathers took, their fuccefs in converfions was but very moderate. The truth is, thofe favages now knew the fweets of trade ; — gain was their only religion, and com- merce their worfhip ; and the labours of the miffion- aries were defeated partly by their own ill conduft and enthufiafm, and partly by the paffion for ftrong liquors which the French, Engliih, and Dutch fettlers had too much indulged in the na- tives of North America. The colony of Canada, in 1668, put on a pro- mifing afpeift. People of honourable families, but fmall fortunes, in Old France, tranfported themfelves to the New, where they had lands and lordlhips affigned them; and, with a very moderate ihare of induftry, they were foon enabled to live like men of quality. Even foldiers were become pUn- o, he was de- I N A M E R I C A. 369 tcrs and colonifts, and every officer amongll them was a great landholder. But as thefe habits were of no long continuance, the French planters hav- ing found means tofublift with a little outward fliew and fplendour, their toil and application was laid afide, which always gave the Englilh an im- portant fuperiority in the folid pofleffions of life. The tranquillity, however, which the colony en- joyed was a proof of its profperity; fo that, to- wards the end of this year, even the Tfonnonthou- ans applied to M. Courcelles for a miffionary to inftruoll, and M. Brcronvllliers, as fuperior general of the feminary of St. Sulpice, named M. Perrot, to Aiccecd him. The latter, who had married a niece ut Talon, thought it beneath his charadler to ad 'iinclfr a conuiiiffion from a private fubjed, and, therefore, :illteaMc»Siill! I N A M E R I C A. 371 tliercfbre, had intereft enough to obtain a commif- fion from the king, which, ho-wever, expreflly mentioned that it was granted upon the nomination of M. Brcttonvilliers. Courcelles was extremely alert in every thing relating to the intereft of New France, efpecially with regard to the favages. Underftanding that the Iroquois, who lay towards the Lake Ontario, had fent prefents to the Outawas to engage them to bring their furs to them that they might difpofe of them to the Englilh of New York, he refolved to check them. For that purpofe he embarked with a body of troops on the River St. Laurence, and notwithftanding the great number of falls he met with between Montreal and Lake Ontario, he ihewed the favages that it would always be in the power of the French to invade them by boats ; which had all the effed he could have wilhed for, by their breaking off their commerce with the Ou- tawas, and the other northern favages. This voy- age, however, did fo much prejudice to his health, that he foon after defired to be recalled. The re- maining term of his government was chiefly taken up in replacing the French fettlements of Acadia and Newfoundland, which had been ceded to the crown of France, by the treaty of Breda. In the year 1670, M. Talon, who had retired from the iatendancy of New France, only that he might refume it with greater advantages, returned to Ca- nada. That able minifter, notwithftanding all his B b b 2 attachment 372 BRITISH EMPIRE attachment to the Jefuits, was convinced that their miniftry was prejudicial to the temporal affairs of the colony; and, during his ablence in France, he had obtained the re-eftablfliment of the Reccl- lefts. Talon's view in this was to moderate the influence and power of the Jefuits over the natives, whom they abfolutely governed, not only by the fway they had over their confciences, but by de- barring them from, or indulging them in, the ufe of fpirituous liquors. He obtained at the fame time a recruit of five hundred families from his mofl chriftian majefly for peopling Canada; but after fetting fail with part of them, the ihip they were in was wrecked and many of them loft. He, however, foon raifed frefh recruits both of Recol- Icfts and inhabitants, with whom he arrived at Quebec. His zeal for peopling Canada, was not with- out its inconveniences ; for his colonifts imported into the country vices till then unknown to the inhabitants. Three French foldiers meeting with an Iroquois chief, who had with him a valuable cargo of furs, firft made him drunk, and then mur- dered him; but notwithftanding all the precautions they took, they were difcovered and thrown Into prilbn. While their procefs was preparing, fix Mahingan Indians, who weic pofTefTed of furs to the amount of a thoufand crowns, after being made drunk, were murdered and robbed by three other French foldiers, who fold the furs as their own I N A M E R I C A. 373 own property, and had fo little precaution, that they did not even bury the dead bodies, which were difcovered by their countrymen. The latter, imagining the Iroquois were the perpetrators of the murderSj flew to arms, and demanded fa- tisfadtion ; but one of the French foldiers, quarrel- ling with his confederates, difcovered the truth, and then both the Mahingans and Iroquois united in a war againft the French. Four of the Mahin- gans burned the houfe of a French lady with her- felf in it; and the Iroquois were equally exafperat- ed by the impeaching murderer's accufing his con- federates of defigning to poifon all the favages they met with. Matters were juft coming to extremi- ties, when Courcelles arrived at Montreal, and, in the prefence both of the Mahingans and Iroquois who were there, put to death the French foldiers who had murdered the Iroquois chief, promifmg that the affaflins of the three Mahingans fliould meet with the fame fate, as foon as they could be difcovered. This example of fpeedy jultice charm- ed the favages, and difarmed them of their wrath; and, Courcelles promifmg to make good all the damages that had been done, they laid afide all farther refentment. Having thus eftablilhed his authority by his juftice, he applied himfelfto com- pofe the differences between the Iroquois and the Outawas, which had broken out into open hofti- lities ; and fo highly was he refpeded, that both fides fent deputies to Quebec, where, chiefly by the 374 BRITISH EMPIRE the prudence of Garakonthie, all interefts were re- conciled. That chief, who had a fecret under- flanding with the French before the departure of the deputies to their own country, publicly profeffed his having been long a chriftian in his heart, and his detefting the errors in which he had been edu- cated, and earneftly defired the bifhop to baptize him, which he accordingly performed. The name he received at the font was Daniel ; and the cere- mony was attended with a noble entertainment given to the favage deputies. While the province of Canada was in this fitua- tion, a moft dreadful mortality broke out amongft the northern natives, which carried off whole tribes, particularly that of the Attikamegues, who never have been fince heard of. About the fame time, Tadouffac, which had hitherto been the chief mart of the Indian favages in the fur trade with the French, began to be deferted, as likewife did Trois Rivieres, by means of the fmall-pox break- ing out, which deftroyed one thoufand five hundred favages at once. The French, however, main- tained their fettlement at Trois Rivieres, though they could not that at Tadouffac. The fame loath- fome diftemper made likewife great havock at Syl- leri, where all the converts died. It was at this time that the chriftian Huron fettlement of Loretto, was inftitutcd by Chaumont ; while the EngUfh fubjeds of New York, in the neighbourhood of the canton IN AMERICA. 375 canton of Agnier, began to tamper with the na- tives, and to endeavour to bring them over to proteftantifm, but with little effeft. They then ftrove to intimidate the women, by telling them that the government of New York would not fuf- fer them to appear with beads and other marks of popery in their province ; but all was to no pur- pofe ; and the women, on the head of religion, proved Hill more intradtable than the men. Not- withftanding this, many of the Agniers continued to infult the miffionaries. A chief of one of their cantons turned father Perron out of the aflembly of the natives, and impofed filence on him; upon which Perron threatened them with the refent- ment of the king, and to complain of the affront to the governor-general. This Ihew of refolution in the miffionary, fo greatly daunted the Iroquois chief, that he came and afked pardon of the fa- ther, who reproached him for his infolence and impiety, and would not even hear what the la- vage had to urge in behalf of himfelf ; and he immediately undertook to bring all his canton into the pale of chriftianity. For this purpofc, he went round to all its elders, and perfuaded them to agree to a general aflembly, which being ac- cordingly held, was opened by a fpecch from the chief, which might have proceeded from the moft zealous raiflionary. He was feconded by fa- ther Perron, and Garakonthie happening luckily to be there, he harangued in his turn, on the fame ''Sm Ikiii ./ I 376 B R I T I S H E M P 1 R E fame fubjca: with fo much energy that the aflem- bly unanimoufly came to the following refolutions : Firft, No longer to acknowledge Agrelkoue, the fuprcme deity of thofe fivages, as the author of life, and that he Ihould be no longer worlhiped ; Secondly, That their jugglers Ihould no longer be called to vifit their fick ; and. Thirdly, To abolilh ail indecent and fuperftitious dances. Notwithftanding thefe promifmg appearances, father Bruyas, the miflionary in the canton of On- ncyouth, had very indifferent fuccefs, though he was feconded by the indefatigable zeal of Ga- rakonthie. The miffionaries attributed the aver- lion of the natives for them to the neighbourhood of New York, from which they were furnilhed with fpirituous liquors. All the zeal of Garakon- thie, and his affiftant miffionar/, could not prevail with the favages to declare for them. They com- forted themfelves, however, by peopling heaven with a great number of children, whom they bap- tized in the laft ftages of their lives. But they haU better fuccefs with the other cantons of the Upper Iroquois, who were farther removed from the Englifh, and had been greatly mortified by the late wars ; and they had ftill greater with the Upper Algonquins, in whofe convcrfion not only the miffionaries, but the government of New France took great concern. A large quantity of ground was cleared and fown with grain of all kind, near the Fall of St. Mary, which was in the heart 1! |::: t \ IN AMERICA. 377 heart of their fettlements, and was the centre of a conliclerable commerce. Courcelles, ever fince the French expeditions againft the Agniers, had treated all the nations in the neiglibourhood of New France, as his mailer's fubjedts, and had been at great pains in prefcribing to them the terms of their pacifications with one another. This haughtinefs had a confiderable cfFed: upon the Indians lying in the neighbourhood of the French, who found their account in the fame ; but it was by no means relifhcd by the Tfonnon- ans, who fell upon the Poutcoutamis, notwith- ftanding Courcelles had but very lately concluded a peace between « them. He immediately fent a threatening meffage to the aflailants, and charged them to keep the peace, on pain of his difpleafure. The Tfonnonthouans icfentcd this haughtinefs, and told the governor-general, that they neither were, nor would be, fubjeds to France. Courcelles had ordered them to give up the Pouteouatamis prifo- ners. This, at firfl, they refufed to do ; but, after feme deliberation, the great chief of the Goyo- gouins, who has been already mentioned, and who ^vas next in credit with all the Iroquois to Gara- konthie, perfuaded them to put into his hands eight prifoncrs, out of thirty-five, of the Pouteoua- tamis. He then delivered them up to Courcelles, who received them as the whole, being glad of getting off with Ibme Ihevv of credit in the iffair. The Goyogouin chief, in prefcntlng the captives, Vol. I, C c c acquainted il. 37S BRITISH EMPIRE acquainted Courcclles, that he had undertaken that commiffion only vkh a view of being baptized by the hands of the bifhoji. — r»This gave great pleafure to all the JFrench.— -M. -^alpn, who was by this time returntd to Canada^ \\'as his godfa- ther, and gave him "the name of Lewis, and made a grand entertainment for all the chriftian favages at Quebec, Loretto,' and Sylleri, in the name of the new convert. About this i^eriod, mod of the chriftian Agniers (amongft whom were. toe emi- nent female converts) removed id the Hu'r6n fettle- mtnt of Loretto, where they \t^:re encourfged by Courccllcs to refide, in hopes ^^^^ they would in time prove a barrier againft-theit favage cuUhtr>'- mcn, if they fhould renew tteit* inroads. .'As' their numbers increafed, the Kfendv formed 'a fettle- ment for the chriftian Irocpat)is, almoft op^x^fite to Montreal, in a place called Magdalen's Meadow', from whence it was removed foi)>i after two leagues farther to the fouth ; and it is now called the mif- fion of the Fall of St. Lewis. In the mean time, Talon began to carry into execution a projeft he had formed when he was lall in France, which was to lend a jiroper mcffcngcr through the raoft diftant parts of Canada, to engage all the different Indian nation, to fend deputies to a certain place, to treat concerning putting themfelvcs under the proieftion of France. Having communicated his |>roje(ft to Courcelles, the latter recommended 4»n:e Nicholas Pcrrot, as a proper pcrfon for this negociation, "!| I N A M E R I C A. 370 negociarion, who was in the kri/icc of the Jefuits, and, ^ing a maji of addrcf^, had been employed by tMi in different parts of Canada. — Talon ap- prOTimg of this. choice, Perrot received his inftrac- tioQ0>'' and viiited'all the northern tiibes who were •si* ' ' " * knpwn to the French, and invited them to fend thdr deputies, by a certain time, to the Falls of St. Mary, there to meet one of the great Onon- thio's commanders. From thence he went to- wards the weft, and, edging to the fouth, he fell down to Chica^u, which is iituated at the bottom of Lake Michigan, then the refidence of the Mia- mis, being efcorted all the way by a party of Pou- teouatamis to pievent them from infults ; the fa- vages being at war with each other. —— Perrot found the chief of the Miamis, as well as his fub- je<^s, to be very different from the other favages. He could raife four or five hundred warriors, and was always attended by forty of them as his body- guard ; — he lived in a kind of ftate, and had his minifters, to whom he ilfued his orders, without communicating them to any other. Tetinchoaa (for that was his name) being apprized of Perrot's approach, who travelled under the title of envoy- general of France, received him and his efcort in a fplendid manner, and ordered him a handfome apartment with a guard of fifty men ; and, when he let out for St. Mary's Fall, Tetinchoua would have attended him, but was dilfuaded by his fub- C c c 2 jcecial commiffion of all the country held by thofe people, -and to receive them under the French kmg's pro- teclion. The affembly was opened by father Al- louez, who pronounced a fpeech in the Algonquin tongue, magnifying the power of France, and ex- plaining to the deputies the infinite advantages they would receive by their acknowledging his moft chriftian majefty for their head. Luflbn then aiked, whether all of them agreed to what was proj^ofed, which all having done, with loud acclamations of " Long live the king !'* a crofs, and the arms of France were immediately ereded ; and the French king, by the Sieur Luffon, was pleafed to take polVeflion of all the countries from which the faid deputies came, and to receive the inhabi- tants into his protcdion. Then the aflembly was concluded with great civilities and careflcs, that pafled on both fides, and \Nith a grand entertain- ment IN AMERICA. 381 mcnt given by ^he delegate. Luflbn, afterwards, by Talon's order, vifited tl ^juthern part of Ca- nada, w bere h« /ound many well-built Engliib fctr tlements on the banks of Kennebek River ; but he acquainted the owner% that, by the tranfaftions of the late c^Higrefs, the lands, on which they were buijt, had been ceded to his mod chriftian ma- jefty ; arjd that they were now his fubjeifts. It it to be obferved, that Luflbn pretended, in the me- moirs he ^t on this occafion to his fuj^eriors, that they willingly promifed obedience and fidelity to the crown of France ; not\vithflanding which they {Hll remained tiic fubjedts of England, even by the acknowledgement of the French court. The TionnoDtatez Hurons had now eflablilhed thcmfelvcs near Michillimakinac, upon a fpot ly* ing on the flrait that divides Lake Michigan from Lake Huron ; and in the centre of thofe two lakc« and the upper lake.-*-Tbis Situation was chofen for them by father Marquette, though extremely in- commodious on account of the cold occafioned by the neighbourhood of thofe immenfe waters : — All this while, the favages feem to have purchafed fome little repofe by their pretended fubjedion to his mofl chriftian majefty ; yet it appears, even from the French accounts, that fome of the cantons had re- fufed or negle^ed to fend deputies to the congrefs at St. Mary's Fall ; and the Iroquois, in the mean time, continued a cruel war with the Andaftes and the Chaouanons, two nations which they a! mod , exter- 1 ^ ! pi ' ■ t !> „ m kin^^ 14 e- IplITiSH EMPIRE linatedV and the f^ who remsuncd, were .^^.^rate4 into the canton^ gf the viftors, efpeci- ally thofe of %fe Tfonnonthgpis^ to re-peojk their countg. ^* • . ' €^UrceUe$ npw became fenfible that the fub- mij^ of the Jpdiaii? was a moft precarious depen- ;i^ce, and that the Iroquois paid very little regard IP liiS' authority : he therefore refolved, as he couid not fubdue them, to endeavour to outwh &n. For this purpofe, he fent meflages through ./tteir tribes, informing them that he had fomcthing .|9f great confcquence to propofe, and defiring them -■4b' meet him at Cataracuoy, as foon as poffible. The favages, curious to know what tb ■> unportant buGnefs was, rcforted thither, ;n jgreat numbers, arid: were met by th^'^oyirnpr," .Aj^cr the ufual introdu- prefs orders from the court of England to alter his condud with regard to the government of New France, In 1683, La Barre had undoubted intelligence, that fifteen hundred Iroquois were alTembled at the chief village of the Onnondagans, and that they intended to march from thence againft the Miamis, the Outawas, and the other allies of the French, — La Barre had recourfe in this danger to the arts of negociation, — He difpatched a meflen- ger, who arrived at the place of rendezvous, to diffiiade tne favages from entering upon their ex- pedition, and to prevail with them to lend depu- ties to Montreal to treat of an accommodation. They feemed to agree to both propofitions ; but before the end of June, La Barre had advice that fcven or eight hundred of the cantons of Onnon- dago, Goyoguin, and Onneyouth, had marched to attack the favage iillies of France, while the Tfonnon-' ?;'"I3 398 BRITISH EMPIRE Tfonnonthouans, and another body of the Goyo* giiins,' were to fall upon the colony itfelf. La Barre, upon this, difpatched another exprefs to the French miniftry, with heavy complaints of the pra(ftices of the Englifh, in exciting this cruel war ; and requeuing that the duke of York ihould be applied to, to fend orders to his governor of New York not to fupport the Iroquois againft the French. La Barre, while he waited for the refult of thofe difpatches, fent a frelh meffagc to the Iroquois, in hopes of amufing them, defiring to know how foon they would fulfil their promife in fending de- puties to Montreal to treat of a peace : but they anfwcred the mtflenger, with great contempt, that they did not remember their having made any fuch promife ; and that if the governor had any thing to propofe, he mull repair to them. It appeared, however, that thefe favages, though refolved upon a war with the French Indians, were not fo for- ward as they pretended in coming to a rupture with the colony ; for in Auguft, the five cantons aftually fent their deputies. The French miflEon- aries and traders, who were beft acquainted with* the charaifter of thofe nations, endeavoured to put La Barre upon his guard againft their pradiccs, which they faid were only to gain time, that they might be the more fure of their blow. — He re- ceived the deputies with great civilit}^ and accep- ted of all their protcftatbns; at the fame time, he took IN AMERICA, 399 took poffeffion of Fort Cataracouy, which In fad: was the private property of La Sale, and likewife of fort Lewis, in the country of the Illinois ; all which proceedings created great diflatisfaaion in the colony. In the mean time, a body of the Iroquois were making difpofuions for pofleffing themfelves of both thofe forts. While a party of them was on their march, meeting fourteen French traders, they robbed them of goods to the value of fifteen thoufand francs ; and aftewards ex- cufed themfelves, by pretending that they thought the traders belonged to La Sale, whom they were at liberty, by permiffion of the governor, to plun- der; a ridiculous excufe for a violence which, perhaps, the French were not at that time in a con", m to revenge.— De Baugy, an officer under Li ;-..€, was then commandant at Fort Lewis, where Tonti likewife ferved; and having intelli- gence of the approach of the barbarians, they were fo well prepared to receive their vifit that they killed a confiderable number of them at the firft onfet, after which they raifed the fiege. Upon this at- tempt of the Indinas, and another againfl Fort Cataracouy, which likewife failed, La Barre re- folved upon an offenfive war; and La Durantaye, a captain of the regiment of Carlgnan, who com- manded at Michllllmakinac, and Du Luth, whq aftcdas his lieutenant, received orders to excite all the French Indians in thofe parrs to arms, and to invite WM ft) l! 400 BRITISH EMPIRE invite them to meet him zt Niagara, where lie was to be, with all the force of New France, on the fifteenth of Auguft; and from thence to pro* »ceed to make a vigorous war upon all the jlroquois nations, particularly the Tlbnnonthouans. The Jr'dians about the Bay of St. Lewis were very back- ward in complying, on account of fome difcou- ragements they met with in their trade, by orders from the governor, who wanted to cngrofs it to himfelf ; and when at lafl, four hundred French and two hundred Canadians were affembled, the chief difficulty ftill remained, which was how to march them to Niagara. While the French were deliberating on furmounting this obftacle, and when the favageshad aiftually begun their march, the latter were filled with unaccountable prepofleffions, fug- gefted by their fuperflitious notions, that their ex- pedition would be unfuccefsful; and after Duran- taye and his officers had, with infinite difficulty, brought them to Niagara, their word fufpicions were confirmed by their not finding the governor there, and their afterwards underftanding that a peace had been made between him and the Iro^ quois. The three French officers expeded to be facrificed to their refentmcnt ; but the favages con- tented themfelves with coolly reproaching them and the governor for having deceived them, and promifing that they never ihould be again at On- nonthio's call. The officers, however, found means to appeafe them, by pretending that their intfireft had IN AMERICA. 401 had been confulted in the peace, which the dread of them had prevailed upon the Iroquois to fue for; and thus the Indians departed in friendfhip. In the mean time, La Barre had ordered the rendezvous of his troops to be held at Montreal. Before he put them in motion, he fent a meflage to colonel Dungan, requiring him, according to the promife he had made in confequcnce of the duke of York's orders, not to oppofe his expedition againft a bloody prefidious nation, who would maf- facre the Englilh if they had nothing to fear from the French, and inviting him to join him in re- venging the death of twenty-fix Englifh fubjeds, who had, the preceding winter, been murdered by the Tlbnnonthouans. After this, he applied to the cantons of Gnnondago, Agnier, and Onncyouth, to all whom he fent belts of wampum, informing them that his expedition was only deiigned againft the Tfonnonthouans. He then detached Du Tall, one of his captains, at the head of fifty-fix men, with a great convoy of provifions, to Cataracouy, and to re-inforce the garrlfon of that fort, where M. d'Orvilliers, a very able officer, was comman- dant. He had, by La Sale's orders, in the fprlng, reconnoitered the enemy's country upon Lake On- tario, and marked out the Ipot moft proper for making the defcent. The army then began its marcli. It confiftiid of feven hundred Canadians, one hundred and thirty reorulars, and two hundred favages. The whole body embarked on the twent}- VoL. L F f f fixth ir ' m 402 BRITISH EMPIRE ty-fixth and twenty-feventh of July ; and, on the firft of Auguft, La Barre had undoubted intelligence, that the cantons of Onnondago, Onneyouth, and Goyogouin, had obliged the Tlbnnonthouans to accept of their mediation between the French and them, and that they required I.c Moyne to manage the negociation. At the fame time, the general received other intelligence, that in the war he was about to wage with the Tfonnonthouans, he could do them very little damage, as they had already retired with all their effei^s and provifions into their fallnefles, and that the profecution of it, would ferve only to unite all the different tribes of the nation againft the French. It was added, that the heads of the Tfonnonthouans had given affurances, that all they required was an in- demnity for what had pafTcd, in which caie they would perform even more than was required of them, and abftain from all hoftilities againft the allies of France; but that, if thole offers were re- jeded, colonel Dungan, the governor of New York, had offered to fupport them with four hun- dred horfe; but this governor's violence defeate4 his own purpofcs *. ^ One Arnold was his envoy, wlio fpokc to the Onuoudagaus ill ver\- haughty terms, and feeing them ftaitlcd on delivering his comniiHion, very fooiiflily alked them, whether rhcy refiifed to obev their lawful prince, the duke of York ? Tliis difcourfe ihocked the Onnondjigans, who called Heaven to witnefs, that An uid came only to trouble theix land. One of their chiefs then La ?rs were re- ■; J N AMERICA. 403 La Barre's army, which was now on its march, had been reduced to the moft deplorable condition; and, through the mifmanagement of their general, the troops were fo deftitute of provifions, and fo fickly at the fame time, that they were preparing to return, when the welcome news arrived that a addrefled the envoy in the following remarkable ftrain of favage eloquence : " Know," faid he, »« that the Onnondago . places himfelf " between his father Ononthio, and his brother Tfonnonthouan, " to keep theni from fighting with each other. I thought that " Corlar (for fo the favages called the goxernor of New York) " would have ftood behin i me," and cried, " Well done, On- " nondagan, let not the father and the fon come to blows together! " I am greatly furprifed that his envoy fliould fpeak a very dif- *' ferent language, and oppofe my difarming both of them. Ar- *» nold, I cannot think Corlar'a difpofition to be fo bad as thou " reprefenteft it. Ononthio did me great honour in being will- *' ing to treat of peace in my cabin. — Should the fon diflionour •* the father? — Corlar attend to my voice: Ononthio has adop- " ted me for a fon; he treated and apparelled me, as fuch, at ^' Montreal. There have we planted the tree of peace. We *' have likewife planted it at Onnondago, whither my father " commonly fends his ambafladors, becaufe the Tfonnonthouans " are dull of apprehenlion. His predeceflbrs did the fame, and " both parties found their account in it. I have two arms: I *' extend the one towards Montreal, there to fupport the tree of " peace, and the other towards Corlar, who has been long my " brother. Ononthio has been for thefe ten years my father, '* Corlar has been long my brother, with my own gooo will J " but neither the one nor the other is my mafter. He who made " the world gave me the land I poflcfs. I am free;— I refpci:t " them both ; but no man has a right to command me ; and none *' ought to take amifs my endeavouring, all that I can, that this F f f 2 treaty 404 BRITISH E M F* I R E treaty %<^as concluded. La Barre's joy at this was {o great, that the favages eafily i>erceived to what difficulties he had been reduced. They found him encamped upon a neck of land near Lake Ontario, but in fuch diftrefs for provifions, that the fpot has fmce been called Famine. Garakonthie and Ou- reouati, the two chiefs fo friendly to the French, were two of the deputies ; but the Tfonnonthou^ an deputy behaved with as great infolence as La Barre did with meannefs ; for, upon the Indian's declaring that his nation would never hear of any peace with the Illinois, La Barre faid, that he hoped the hatchet lifted up againfl the lUhiois would not fall upon the French in their country. When the Tlbnnonthouan had agreed to this, the peace was made. The Onnondagan deputies en- gaged that the Tfonnonthouans fhould make good the lofles of the Frenchmen who had been robbed;,. but La Barre, was obliged todecamp the very next day. Perrot, who was now governor of Montreal,' having fome differences with the fraternity of St. Sulpice, who were his fupcriors, as being proprie-, «» land (hall not be troubled. To conclude; I can no longer dday *' repairing to my father, who has taken the pains to come to *' my very gate, and who has no terms to propofe but what ** are reafonable." This interview was followed by a letter font from the favages to the governor of New York, rcprefciiclng Arnold's bLhavionr, and that they did not believe he had faithfully executed his corn- mi Hlon. tors IN AMERICA. 405 tors of tW ifland, the French king gave him the government of Aeadia ; and he was fucceeded in that of MoBtrcal by the chevalier De Callieres, the boundary of whofe government was marked at Lake St. Peter, in the River St. Laurence. All this while, the Iroquois, probably over-awed by the re-inforcemcnt lately come from France, re- mained quiet, though it was apprehended they would not long continue fo. They never had agreed to comprehend the French allies, efpecially the Illinois, in the peace; and it was of the utmoft importance for the French to protedl thofe people. Towards the end of July, 1685, La Barre receiv-. ed letters from Lamberville, miffionary at Onnon- dago, informing him that the Tfonnonthouans liad, during all the preceding winter, abftained from hunting, fearing left the French ihould in- vade their canton in their abfence ; that they com- plained of the Mafcontins and the Miamis, , who, encouraged by the protedion of Ononthio, had taken and killed, and even burned, fome of their nation ; and that the Mafcontins alledged in their juftification the inftrudions they had received from the governor of New France. The Onnondagans were,, at this time, fo well difpofed towards the French, as to do all they could to. prevent a rupture; but could receive no other anfwer from the Iroquois, than that they were at liberty to do as they pleafed. The news of the late peace being carried to France, it was eafily forefcen - ,/• 406 BRITISH EMPIRE forefeen there) that it could be of no long conttnu* ancc; and his moft chriftian majelly named Dc- nonvillc to be governor of New France. He ar- rived with a frelh re-inforcement of troops at Que* bee, foon after La Barre had received Lambervillc's letter, and his firft ftep xvas to vifit Cataracouy* La Foreft had, by order from the court, been re- placed in the command of that fort; but under- ftanding that his principal, M. La Sale, was amongft the Illinois, he repaired thither, aidd'Or- villiers commanded in his abfence. During De- nonville*s refidence at Catarocouy, he eafily faw the neceflity of checking the Iroquois ; but he found that the affairs of the colony in general were in a badfituation, and thatthe government of Old France had formed very falfe ideas with regard to their colonies. It now api>eared, that there could be no fafety for the French, but by cutting off from the Eng- liih all communication by the lakes, and particular- ly to fecure that of Ontario, on the weft as well as the eaft, by building a ftrong fort of ftone, ca- pable to contain five or fix hundred men at Nia- gara. This the French government thought was a certain and infallible method to prevent the Ire* quois from trading with the Englifh, who, they computed, gained above thirty thoufand pounds a year by furs. All this was rcprefented to the French court by Dcnonville, who preffed the building fuch a fort with the greateft affiduity. ^ Thi? IN AMERICA, 407 This prqjed was not fo fex:retly carried on at not to come to the knowledge of colonel Dungan, who remonftrated ftrongly againft the building any fort at Niagara, which, he faid, was the duke of York's property, and likewife againft the vaft ma- gazines of provifions and arms that were amafling ^t Catarocouy. Denonville anfwered Pungan's re- inonftranx:es, by recriminating upon the Iroquois; and endeavoured to ih/ew, that there was no reai ground for their fufpicions, and that Niagara and its .Dcighbourhood had been taken pofleffion of by the French, long before the Engliib wer? fettled in New York. Dungan at this time addreffed himfelf to the favages of Michillimakinac, by means of certain traders, who convinced them of th« fuperior ad- vantages they might have by dealing with th« Englifli, inftead of the French; and in this he , had all the fuccefs he could deiire. Durantaye was then abfent from Michillimak. lac ; but returning thither juft as the Epgliih traders had left it, he fet out in purfuit of them. The Englilh, how- ever, had forefecn this, and had prevailed with the Hurons fettled at St. Mary's Fall to give them a large efcort, who conveyed them to the country of the Tfonnontliouans. Denonville now found it necelTary to throw a ftrong garrifon into fort Catar racouy, and to fend a confiderable xletachment by Sorel River, to over-awe the Agniers, and to S^sxnx Dungan ; he likewife Tent bacjk the jniifion- arv'. . -'4' ^M 1 ' '1ut r. inained dill unfor- tified, fell into his hands, i ne troops then proceeded againft Quitchitchouen, which ihey likewife made themfelvcs matters of. The French court in the beginning of the year 1687, aini^d a It^low that bade fair to deftroy all the Britiih intcreft in North America. Barrillon had prevailed with king James to agree to a neutrality between the fubjeds of France and England in North America, which left the French in poffef- fion of all their ufurped claims. But the unfettled Hate of affairs in England, defeated all the intentions of this treaty ; and the Engliih paid fo little regard to it that they attacked Fort Quitchitchouen in Hud- , Vol. I. . G gg fon's f ' 410 BRITISH EMPIRE fon*sBay; but they were repulfed with fume lofs by Iberville. In September Denonville declared war againft the Iroquois, and, in effedt, againft the Englifh. This was the year i686, but the war- like operations did not commence till June, 1687, ' when Denonville having received all the re-inforce- ments he exi)edted from France, took the field \\'ith two thoufand French and fix hundred favages. Under pretext of the orders his predeceflbr had re- ceived to fend all the Iroquois he could make pri- foncrs to the French gallies, before he had de- clared war, he decoyed their chiefs to a conference at Cataracouy, where he mofl perfidioufly put them in ipons, and fent them to Quebec, to be tranfported from thence to Europe. This did no fervice to the French intereft. It funk the credit of Lamb<:rville and Milet, the t\vo miffionaries, in the eyes of the favages. Many of the natives who had repaired to Cataracouy, were the bed friends the French had upon that continent, but thefe were now rendered their irreconcileable ene- mies; as indeed was the whole nation of the Iro- quois. Denonville perceived the injuftice of the ftep he had taken, and difvowcd it, which only fcrved to render him .more odious and defpicable to the natives, sad to unite them more clofely widi the Engliih. Milet fell into the hands of the Onncyouths, who immediately e«ndemncj hinc to the flames, ana obliged hiinr to iliftcr iU the torments which ufually I N A M E R I C A. 41X ufually preceded that punilhment; but, when he was on the point of being executed, an Indian matron adopted him, and faved his life, by carrying him into her cabin. As to Lamberville, who remained in the canton of Onnondaeo, no fooner had De- nonville's treachery appeared, than the chiefs fent for him to their aflembly, and expollulated with him in the warmeft terms upon what had happen- ed. He had, however, the good fortune to be greatly in favour with the favages, who acquitted him entirely of having any ihare in the j;erfidious proceedings of Denonville, but acquainted him that it was utterly improj^er he Ihould remain any longer amongft them. — The indulgence ^^ ewn on this occafion to Lamberville was, in a great meafure, owning to Garakonthie, who ftill preferved his credit in his nation. Notwithftanding the fentence of this miflionary, the favages affigned him a guard, whoefcorted him out of all danger; and the father himfelf always afterwards acknowledged Garakon- thie to be his deliverer. Denonville w^as more a barbarian than the favages he was about to fight with ; and knowing that matters were now brought to extremities between him and the Indians, he omitted nothing that could make the campaign profperous on his fide. De Tonti, who had tra- velled as far as the mouth of the Mifliflippi to obtain fome tidings of La Sale, and who had re- turned to Montreal, was ordered to repair to the country of the Illinois, there to publifli the war ; G g g 2 z.wSy ' * I x^ . 4ii BillTISH EMPIEE and, after aflembHng them in a body, as foon as poffibic, to condut5t them towards the Tfonnon- thouans, lying on the Ohio River; from whence he was to detach parties, to cut off the retreat of their women and children. Thofe in the neigh- bourhood of the Bay of St. Lewis were irreconcile- ably exafperated againft the Iroquois, who had the fummer before carried off fome of their women. Dcnonville improved this circumftance to his own advantage, by defiringthem tojoin Du Luth, who was intrenched at the ftraits of Lake Huron; a fpot that was pitched on by him as moll proper for the general rendezvous of his troops. Perrct and another officer, Boifguillot, were ordered to repair to Michillimakinac with all the French they could affemble, confiflently with the fafety of their effeds, and tofignify to the Sioux, that they ihould have caufe to repent, if they offered to difturb the French allies during the war. Durantaye, (who flill commanded at Michillimakinac, and, on ac- count of his good qualities, was highly acceptable to the fivages) was ordered, at the fame time, to colled all the force he could, and to proceed to Kiacrara ; but in his march, to harrafs the Indians who were enemies to the French, taking care to make prifoners of as many of the Onnondagans as he cuuld, not only bccaule they were the moft harml'-'fs of all the Indian fwagcs at war with the Frtiich, but that the governoi-gcneral might have captives IN AMERICA. 413 captives in his hands to exchange if there ihould be any occafion. De Tonti could bring to the field no more than eighty Illinois. Having intelligence that the Tfbn- nonthouans were preparing to fall upon their vil- lages, they had put themfelves in motion to invade them; but underftanding from colonel Dungan, that the French were about to make themfelves mailers of the Illinois canton, they returned home to defend their own country ; and De Tonti joined Du Luth at the entry of the flrait of Lake Hu- ron. The miffionaries, on this occafion, faved the French in Canada from deftrud:ion. The na- tives, favage as they were, perceived that the French intended to enflave them ; and all the au- thority of Duraataye and Du Luth could not bring the Hurons and the Outawas to join them. They even entered into a treaty with the Iroq when the miffionaries found means to gain over their two chiefs, and fent them to treat with Denonville, who, on this occafion, acknowledged to his court the important fcrvice of the miffionaries, and en- gaged the chiefs in his inte^'eft. He was by this time in readinefs to enter upon adlion, and was encamped at the ifle of St. Helen, oppofite Montreal ; his army con- fiding of eight hundred and thirty-two regulars, one thoufand Canadians, and about three htindred favages. The good underftanding between the go- vernor- r mi !« ' M s f, .l.M 4'j .uy; 4J4 BRITISH EMPIRE vernor-gcneral and the new intendant, ferved |o fupply this army with abundance of provifions. After three days fail, Champigni, with thirty men, detached himfelf from the main body, to difpofe every thing at Cataracuoy for forwarding the expe- dition. There Denonville received a letter from Dungan, reproaching him with his intention of making war upon the fubjedts of Great Britain ; but the Frenchman feeing himfelf at the head of an army, anfwered this letter in a very haughty ftile ; and Durantaye attacked and plundered, upon Lake Huron, fixty Englilh traders, who were bound to Mlchillimakinac, under pretence that fuch a trade was contraband, and contrary to the orders of the two courts. The main body of the French army then march- ed into the country of the Tfnonnonthouans, where they were attacked, and mud have been defeated, by eight hundred of thofe favages, had not their own Indians made head agamft them. Here they loft father Aniebran, a Jefuit, one of the moft aftive miflionaries, as he was fighting againft the enemy in the forcmoft ranks. The lofs of the Tfonnon- thouans amounted to forty-five killed, and fixty wounded. — After this aftion, during ten days, which thc}' fpent in ravaging and traverfing the country, they did not find in it one inhabitant ; feme part of the natives having fled to the country of the Goyogouins, and the others to New York, where they were kindly received, and furnifhed with IN AMERICA. 415 \vith arms and ammunition by colonel Dongan. The mutinies of the favages who appear to have been the moft ufeful body in this expedition, oblit^ed the French general to leave the country of the Tfonnonthouans, and to march towards Niagara, which he did, after a moft difgraceful and unmanly expedition, in which he met with little or no oppo- fifition, and employed his arms chiefly on the de- fencelefs houfes and ftores of the inhabitants. Notwithftanding the inutility of this campaign, Denonville thought he could clofe it by an impor- tant fervice in building a fort at Niagara, where the chevalier De La Troye was left with a garrifon of a hundred men ; but being foon after attacked by epidemical difeafes, they all died. In the mean time, colonel Dungan left no methods untried to alienate the affedtions of the favages from the French interelt; nor was Denonville idle, on his part, for he built the fort at Niagara ; and being powerfully feconded by Garakonthie's intereft, pre- vailed fo far upon the favages, that they broke off their connexions with the governor of New York, and preferved their friendfhip with the French. After this he projcfted another expedition againft the Tfonnonthouans, who, by this time, had form^ ed a fecret intelligence with the Indians of Michil- limakinack, the moft ufefU allies the French had amongft the favages. IPenonville, however, was fomewhat embarralTed in executing his rdblution, by the orders he received from his cgmt :o give no r' \f . . Ill i^ - r, . ! 4,6 BRITISH EMPIRE no umbrage to the Englilh.— A mortality now broke oiv at Cataracuo} , Niagara, and in other parts of C^^nad^ ; while the averfion which Penonville had at treating with the favages, or even bearing the fight of them, encreafed the miferie^ of the colony. He mi depended on the piicific orders Pungan received from the court of England, and on the terror with which the favages were ilr uck by his late expedition agaiaft th(? 1 fonnonthouans ; but he was deceived ; for m iht third of Novem- ber, Fort Chambly was on the futden V^efieged by « large detachment of Agniers ^.nd Maliing-ar.s ; vihx though they were obliged lo ab^dr", their entevpdic, UiccecJed ib far as to burn (everal plan- tations, lad to rarry off a number of prifoners. The I' rench did not fail to attribute this attempt to Pungan, and raifed him fo many enemies amongll their'^Ividians, that he was obliged to keep in pay a body of tw^elve hundred Iroquois, during all the winter, to cover his government. The bafe condua of Denonville, in feizing the chiefs of the Iroquois at Cataracuoy had fufficiently irritated thofe favages, and occafioned them to make reprifals. . Lamberville who was fent to treat with them apologifed for the governor's condud, and prefented them with two belts of wampum, the one to induce them to treat their prifoners well, and the other to prevail with them not to take part with the Tfonnonthouans in the war ; but both thofe belts were immcdiatcl} fcnt to colonel Dun- gan, I N A M E R I C A, 417 gan, who foon after difpatched a meflcnger to know the meaning of their having been prefented by Lamberville to the Onnondagans. Penonville fent father Vaillant du Guellis with his anfwer, but, in fadt, to be a fpy upon Dunganj who, after fome converfation, told him in plain terms, that the French in Canada could never hope to be at peace with the Iroquois, but upon four condi- tions. The firft was, the returning their country- men whom they had fent to the gallies ; the fe- cond, that they Ihould oblige the Iroquois chrifti- ans, who had been fettled at the Fall of St. Lewis and in the highlands, to return to their native can- tons ; the third, that the forts at Cataracuoy and Niagara fliould be demoliflied; and the fourth, that the Tfonnonthouans Ihould be indemnified for all their lofTes during the late expedition. Dungan, after this plain declaration, difmifled the miffion- ary, without fufFering him to have any communis cation with the favages. The favages took Dungan's advice, by keeping quiet all the remaining part of the winter ; but early in the fpring of 1688, a party of them fur- prifed and killed fome of a French convoy in their return from Fort Cataracuoy to Montreal ; and the colony of New France was fo weak, that Denon- ville knew not how to check them. All he could ilo was to employ Lamberville, to endeavour to bring off' the Onnondagans from their union with the other Iroquois cantons. By this time, the mif- Vol. L M h h fionary Is III* '-i W T II l^^<»f.'i^l I 4 4i8 BRITISH EMPIRE k-i fionary Vaillant was returned to fort Cataracuo}', attended by two favages, whom colonel Dungan had appointed as his guard, to prevent his conver- fing with the Agnicrs. Lamberville had the ad- drefs to gain over one of thofe favages, and to perfuade him to repair to the country of the On- nondagans, where he was to lay before them the interefted views of colonel Dungan, in bringing them to break with the French. The favage found all the cantons aflembled, and an army of one thoufand men ready to take the field againft the French, at whom they were greatly exafperated. He fucceeded, however, fo far as to induce them to fend deputies to treat with Denonville; but he could not prevent a refolution which five hundred of their warriors took, to attqnd thofe deputies as fafeguards. Haafkouaun who the mouth of the deputa- tion, and laid before the French the miferable Hate of the colony, with the ftrength of the Iroquois, ?ind endeavoured to make them fenfible with what ^afe the latter could drive the French »iit of Ca- nada. He then made a merit of his having per- fuaded his countrymen to advife the governor of his danger, and to give him four days time to de- (iberate, whether he would or would not accept of ijie terms propofed to him by Corlar, (meaning w 4l6 BRITISH EMt^IRE cbncluded bctwiien him and hie moft chriftUn mi* jefty ; but th«(e d]>pearanre8 were not folloMv»ed by proportionable effedits.— A convoy of provifion* was order d for fort Catarflcuoy ; but the Iroquois plimderw' 'he canoes, though they had left five he" ^ , ' 'lie fccurity of the convoy. Soon after, thefe Intlians appeared in arms in feveral of the moft defencelefs poffeffions of the French. lk\t the governor-general taking the field with all the force he coulJ *auc, and cwmirig up with the favages at Lake Sacrament, killed and took prifoners feveral of the enemy, who, according to the t'rench, had been prevailed upon by Colonel Dungan, who had furnifhed them with arms and ammunition, to comm.it thofe infractions of the late treaty ; and this vigorous proceeding procured fwme rcfpite to the colony. Meanwhile, though the court of France paid little regard to fevca' . cmon- ftrances which Denonville fent to them, yet the continuance of the evils foon juftified his cofti- plaints. The favages, even thofe who w^te othefi. wife attached to tlic French, every day more and more defpifcd them, fc* having had a peftce, in a a manne thelroquoiSi • The Abe.iaqiiis, however, are to be exc^pfefd from this number, as wrre the If luois of the Fall of St. Lewis and the highlands, with the Hui.'W of Michillimakinac. The A' ennquais, while Detton- ville was trearinji: t h the other favages, took th? ils the Rive Sorcl, tk re fur- 1, and mnrching q\ In a m f h t c a. 4tl rurprtfed and killed fome ^ the mWing^, and Ifoquois; and then, advene ig towards theEnrfKh fettlcmetits, thev brought from thence a mmiWr of fetliw, wi.ile the Iroquois of the Fall and the highkndis, dW the fame in ^h parts of tl>c cdun* tfy. The Hurons of MicWUimakinac weix; m\ more averfe to the peace, And the diflike both of them and the other favages we have mentioned towards the treaty bctweeti Denonville and thelro! quois, moft probabljrarole hn the Iroquois, but, in reality, to fall upon New York, the conqueft of which he ' thought was very prafticable. He reprefented, that the revolution which had now taken place in Eng- land, the inhabitants of New York, who moft of them were Dutch, would infallibly take part with the prince of Orange againfl king James, which IN AMERICA. 4,5 mn ftrengthcned the neceffity there was for fub- duing them. The armament was fitted out at Rochfort, and Cafliniere, the commander, was inftriifted to follow count Frontenac's orders, who was immediately tofail withthefquadron forthe entry of the Gulph of St.Lau- rence, from whence he was to repair to the Bay of Canfo m Acadia, and then to Quebec; while Caf- finiere remained on the coafls of Acadia, where he was to make prizes of all the Engliih Ihips he met with. Calheres was to be difpatched bcfore-hand, the moment the fquadron entered the Gulph of St. Laurence, where, he was to make preparations for the expedition againft New York, but conceal- ing his real objeft under different pretexts. As the greateft diligence was neceflary, and as the enter- pnze could be executed in no other feafon but the autumn, Frontenac, on his arrival at Quebec, was to fet out with the boats, attended by De Callieres who was to aft as lieutenant-general, and, at the' fame time, to difpatch an expreii in cypher, order- ing Cafliniere with his fquadron to .fail diredly to Manhatta in New York. During Frontenac's ab- fcnce, Vaudreuil was to aft as his lieutenant in Wew France ; and when New York was fubdued, trontenac was to require from the Englifh catho- lics an oath of fidelity to his ^noft chrirtian ma- jelty, and to fuffer them to remain in their polfef- tos. De Callieres v.ys to aCit' as governor of Wew \ ork, under ths j^of ^rnor-general of New France. rF« In] I'f ! H a> t* ii 424 BRITISH EMPIRE France. All the Iroquois villages near Manhatta, or the city of New York, were to be Oeftroyed, and the otliers put under contribution. The French fquadron arrived on the twelfth of September, at Chedabo<^ou, ;nd on, the eighteenth, they were joined by the merchant Ihips, which had been very roughly treated by florms on the banks of Newfoundland. Next day, Frontenac embarked on board a merchant fhip for Quebec, but with very little hopes of being able, in that advanced feafon, to fucceed againft New York, and before he parted, he left a fet of in- ibudtions for CaOiniere's conduct, who took a great many ihips, but found it impoflible to t tich at Port Royale through contrary winds ; and the cafe of Frontenac, in his voyage to the Pierced Ifland, was pretty much the fame ; fo that it was the rvventy-fcventh of Oftober before he arrived at Montreal. — Dcnonville continued to be governor of New France till Trontenac's arrival ; but, when the latter joined him at Montreal, he found the af- fairs of the colony in a deplorable (ituation. On the rwenty-fiftli of Auguft preceding, while the inhabitants of that ifland thought themfelves per- fedly fecure, fifteen hundred Irocjuois in the night- time, fell upon J.a Chine, a fettlcment, which lies three league^ farther up the river than the town of Montreal. The favages, finding the inhabitants aileep, maflacred the men ; and then, fetting fire p5 the houfes, the remaining inhabitants fell into their f IN AMERICA. ^,5 their hands The cruelties exercifed on the prifoners are fa:d to have been very ihocking. They then pro- ceeded towards Montn^al, and carried off two hun- dred pr^oners, whom they put to death by the tor- ture Denonville, being then at Montreal, ordered an oftcer to take poflefllon of a fort, which he was afraid the favages might feize. The fort xvas immediately invefted, and its garrifon, being every man of them, killed in defending it, but the officer, who was defperately wounded, the fort fell into the hands of the favages, who thereby became mafters of all the open part of the ifland, which they contnuied to ravage in a moft inhuman man- ner, without oppofition. Frontenac beino- on his arrival informed of thefe calamities, was" fenfible that they were owing to his not being able to come three months fooner to Montreal. The con- fternation of the whole colony had been fuch, that Denonville fent orders to Valrcnes, who com- manded at Cataracuoy, to abandon that poll, to blow up the fortifications, and to deihoy all the provifions he could not carry off, in cafe he re- ceived no reinforcement before November. Fron- tenac hearing of thofe orders, oppofcd them ftrongly ; but Denonville juftified them from the inutility of the fort, in anfu-ering the purpofes for which it was built, and the vafl cxpence it occa- fioned both of men and money to maintain it. Frontenac, who was the founder of this forr, was affliaed beyond conception, when he heard 'from' ^^''^ J- li i Valrenes, .i f \:\ '1 ' 'P f!'' ; I 4t»*^ 426 BRITISH EMPIRE ValreneSj that the walls of the fort were under- mined, and the place was, by that time, blown up. It was now become more neceflary to invade New York. Plans for this expedition were fent to Old France; but the government there, excufed themfelves from giving the colonifts any afliftance, on account of the expenfive wars they had upon their hands, and counciled the governor to adt only upon the defenfive. — In the mean time the Iro- quois, who had been lent to the gallies, were fet at liberty, and returned to America. Amongft thefe was one Oureouharc, a Go}^oguin, whom Frontenac endeavoured, by every poffible means, to bring over to his views. At Montreal was one Gagniegaton, a deputy of the Iroquois, whom Ouveouhare advifed to fend back, with four of the Indian prifoncrs, inftrudling them to fpeak much in favour of the , governor. In 1690, the cantons met, and fent back deputies with their anfwer to Montreal, who concluded a treaty, with all the ceremonies ufual in fuch cafes. Thefe were permitted to depart as foon as the rivers were navi- gable, and Oureouhare gave them no lefs than eight belts ; flawing at the fame time, that, for his part, he would not leave Ononthio, till a depura- tion fljould be fent to foUicit his return « He fpoke much againft the Englilh fettlers of New York, and told them, that they might go in fafety with the chevalier D'Eau, who was appointed to con- dw^ them to Montreal. The Outawas at this pc~ ood IN AMERICA. 427 .riod, concluded a treaty with the Iroquois, with- out confulting the French in the matter. Duran- .taye however, and the miffionaries, found means to become acquainted with the whole of their proceedings, with which, by means of the Sieur Jolier, he made Frontenac acquainted, w^ho brouo-ht him a letter from the miflionary Carbeil, whTch laid open the ftatc of the colony ; in anfwer to which, he ordered Durantaye, to^afllire the Hu- rons and Outawas at Michillimakinac, that they fhould foon fee an alteration of affairs. He then laid down his difpofitions for attacking the E;)gliih. A company of a hundred and ten men, French and favages, were raifed at Montreal, under the command of two lieutenants, who had their choice of the poft which they were to attack, and they determined on that of Orange. In this refolution they were vigoroully oppofed by the favages; and they marched, without coming to any refolution, till they arrived at a place, wh j the road fepa- rated into t^vo ; one leading to Orange, and the otb» to Corlar, which the favages agreed to at- tack. This refolution being fixed, they proceeded in a moft fatiguing march for nine days, to Corlar. Being arrived within two leagues of it, the chief of the Iroquois fettlement at the Fall of St. Lewis, who was commonly called the Grand Agnier, in a formal harangue, which he made to the whole party, in a ftrain of frantic enthufiafm, inveighed againft the Englifh, as being enemies to God. Soon I i i 2 after, ■ft n ,?' I ^••I 428 BRITISH EMPIRE after, they were informed by four favage women, whom they met, in all they wanted to know about the ftrength and iituation of the place, which, upon their arrival at it, they found open, even its gates not being ihut, and they entered it in the night *. Upon the return of this party to Montreal, two French officers, one of whom had been prelent at the attack oftCorlar, raifed a party of popilh Iroquois, and gave the command of it to the Grand Agnier, to make excurfions againft the Iro- quois. In this expedition, they took forty-two prifoners, among whom were eight Englifh. Hear- ing that a hundred Mahingans were waiting for them, and their number being inferior, they march- ed towards the Salmon '^'ver, which they reached on ■ the fourth of June , and here they began to make new canoes, they having left their own at a great diftance. While they were buiied in this employment, they were difcovercd by a party of Algonquins and Abenaquis, who, taking them for EngliHi, with whom they likewife were at war, • Tlie accc ,nrs given of this boafted expedition by the French authors rcprcfcnt it as a niai\erpiece of courage in warlike opera- tions; whereas, infant, it was as cowardly as it was inhuman. The party entering the place without refiilance, butchered men, women, and children, till, tired with murder, they gave quai-'cr to t'virty of the Engliih, whom tliey carried into llavery. Bur Coudray, the governor, who, very poflibly, was in concert with them, WHS favtd, and all hia property ; as wa» the houfc of tt woman, to which one of the woundeil lieutenants was carried. attacked IN AMERICA. ^2^ attacked them before day, and the Grand Agnier was killed at the firft onfet, as were fix other Iro- quois. The miftake was foon difcovered by the prifoners each party made ; but the French Iro- quois, in refentment of their chief's death, refufed to deliver up their captives. This produced a dif- ference between the two parties, which all the art and authority of the governor could not, for fome time, compofe. Frontenac had likewife planned two other expeditions ; one from Trois Rivieres, and the other from Quebec, that a fpirit of emulation might be raifed all over the colony, and the com- mand of the whole was given to an officer, named Hertel. After a fatiguing march, he came to an Englilh fettlement, which the French name Se- mentel, at fix leagues diftance from Pifcataqua in New England. The French fvirprifed this fettle- ment, and cut in pieces all they found in it, ex- cepting fifty-four perfons, whom tney carried T captives ; and, after burning all the houfes, an Iheep and cattle in the ftabies, they prepared to make their retreat, for fear it fhould be cut off by the inhabitaats of Pifcataqua. By this time, the Quebec party had taken the field under one Portneuf ; and Hertel, upon his re- turn, underflanding that he was within two days march of them, difpatched hi? nephew with an ac- count of his fucccfs to the governor-general, and fet out to joi:i -lu Quebec paity, within four leagues of Caia Ba)-, which they were determined to (!i 4 ' L. ! If- • •I t i.f«.i«f«. 430 BRITISH EMPIRE to attack ; though the place mounted eight cannon, and was well provided with every thing neceffary for a defence. Four favages, and two French, were employed to alarm the fort, which they did, by raifing the Indian cry ; and having killed an Englishman, fiity of the garrifon marched out, and received the fire of the French, who lay in am- bufh, and who afterwards attacking the Englifli party with fwords and hatchets, killed them all but four, who regained the fort, but all of them wounded. Towards the evening, Portneuf fum- moned the governor of Cafco Bay to furrender; but was anfwered by the latter, That he would de- fend his fort to the laft. This, at firil, ilartled Portneuf, whofe commifiion from Frontenac, only in> ix)rted, thathefhould ravage the open country; but, fummoning all his fpirit*, the reply he made to the anfwer of the Engliih governor, was, That he mull furrender the fort, with all the provifions and am- munition within it : and, though the Englifh de- manded fix days to confider, they were allowed only one night. The defencekfs ftate of the place * The French writers fay, that Sefitks the main fort at Cafco Bay, four others had been raifeil, but all of them were evacuated, in order to reinforce the principal garrifon. Thofe forts, how- ever, appear to have k-cn only the detcncelcfs houfes of the inha- bitants ; and the main fort, notwithltanding all the Fiench wri- ters, who had their inf..«nnation only from thofe who had au in- teieft in magniv)-ing their own exploits, was little better tha;\ defcncelefs. obliged IN AMERICA. 431 obliged the garrifon to capitulate; but Portneuf would give the governor no other terms than thofe of furrendering hiinfelf and his garrifon pri- foners of war, which they accordingly did, being reduced to the lall extremity. Scarcely was the place evacuated when an Englifli fqu^dron ap- peared to relieve it ; but its commander not feeing the Britlfh colours flying, concluded that the fore had been taken, and being confirmed in his opi- nion, by none of his fignals being anfwered, he returned back ; while Portneuf not only plundered and demolilhed the fort, but all the houfes in its neighbourhood. This inconfiderable conqueft, though magnified by the French, was not, how- ever, thought fufhcient to anfwer their main pur- pofe ; which was that of bringing their favage allies into a flate of independance upon the Englilh. Frontcna., about a month after PortneuPs re-, turn to Quebt-.. fent De La Porte Louvigny, a reformed captain, and Perrot, with a ftrono- con- voy from Montreal to Micniliima •« inac, charged with prefents from the go\ -riior -geierrO to the fa- vages, and a commijQion to ir.peifede Durantayoe, in that ftation. — This officer was cittended, in o-oing- to take pofTefTion of his new command, by a hun- dred and forty-three French ; many of whom had large quantities of fur at Michillimakinac, which they could not before carry of!' for fear of the ra- vages. They were efcorted by two French officers, and I ' 'H .-t'Si hi^ 432 BRITISH EMPIRE and fix favages ; but on the twenty-third of May, being the clay after they embarked, they difcover- ed two Iroquois canoes. Upon this, Louvigny detached thirty of his retinue in canoes, and fixty by land, to furround the enemy, who were fuf- pefted to be very numerous, though they did not appear. The canoe men fell into an ambufcade of the Iroquois, who killed far the greater part of them. At firft, Perrot, under whofe command Louvigny was during the journey, would not fuf- fer the latter to march againft the favages ; but, at length, he gave him leave, and Louvigny, at the head of fifty or fixty French, killed about thirty of the Iroquois, wounded a great number, and made fome prifoners, the remainder of them efcaping with great difficulty to their canoes. The Outawas ambaffadors were now on the point of fetting out from Michillimakinac, to conclude a definitive treaty with the Iroquois ; but the news of the victories of the French, and the magnificent pre- fents they brought, gave a new turn to their fen- tlmcnts ; which Perrot improved with fo much ad- drefs, that they entered with more zeal than ever imo the French intereft. A hundred and ten ca- noes, loaded witii furs and fkins, to the value of one hundreii thoufand crowns, under the convoy of three hundred northern favages, immetliately fe? out for Montreal, v* here they found the count Dc* Frontenac. The he cQimt Dv? I N' A M E R I C A. 433 The chevalier D'Eau, who had been fent as am- baffador and fpy to Onnontague, and all the French in his retinue, had been put in confine, ment by the favages, and fent him prifoner to Manhatta, to prove their averfion to any peace with the French, and .;ey even went fo far, as to burn two Frenchmen of his retinue. Frontenac upon this, ordered two detachments of his beft troops, one under the command of the chevalier De Clermont, to guard the fouthern par^s of the colony from Montreal, to the River Sorel ; and the other, under the command of the chevalier De La Motte, to fecure it from Montreal to Quebec. The colonifts of Canada durft not venture abroad, either to cultivate their lands, or cut down their harvefts ; fo that the colony itfelf was threatened with famine. On the eighteenth of Auguft, De La Chaflaigne, commandant at fort La Chine, was informed, that a great number of canoes were fcen upon Lake St, Lewis. Frontenac, who was then at Montreal, immediately concluding that they were filled with Iroquois, gave orders for a vio-o- rous defence, but he foon underflood that they were no other than the grand convoy from Michil- limakinac, which we have already mentioned. The joy of the French at underflanding this, was exceffive, and the convoy was received under peals of acclamations from the inhabitants. In the mean time, an Iroquois, who was nephew to the grand Agnier, and who had been fent out to re- VoL. I, K k k connoitrc W I'' Pi' • '•' II, • „ I 1 ' a 434 BRITISH EMPIRE connoitre towards Orange, had, in his return, du-. covercd, that a large body of men were employed in making canoes upon Lake Sacrament. This Indian ^sas fo much attached to the French, that the truth of his report, \vith mr ly -ircum. ftances attending it, to do honour to himlen; was fo far from being queftioned by Frontenac, that be immediately gave orders for putting the town and ifland of Montreal in a proper jM^fture of de- fence. He called together all his favaG;e allies who were upon the fpot ; and, after feailii.a^ -hem with great profufion, he informed them, that he was refolved never to make peace with the Iro- quois, till he Ihould reduce them to b^ it upon terms as advantageous to his allies as to the Fi-ench, and th3t he confidered both as being equally his children. His behaviour charmed the favag. & de^^ee of enthufiafm for his perfon, and he was anf'Xtel with peals of univerlal acclamation. I^^ejft d«y, upon advice that great numbers of ca- noes .'cre fcen on Lake Champlain, lignals were given for alTembling the regulars and the militia ; and on the thirty-firft of Auguft, Frontenac, upon Magdalen Mead, reviewed the favages, who were fo eager for the fervice, that all of them appeared under arms, without their leaving a man to take care of their merchandizes, and the army was found to confift of twelve hundred men *. * Some of the favages of the Fall of Sr. Lewis, took thU •pportunity to Invite all the chicli of the other cantons to go to I eturn, du-- r employed ent. This \t French, ly ircum- imlea, was tenac, that g the town \urc of de- va'^e aUics aftb.g '"hem iiri, that he ith the Iro- beg it Upon the Fi*cnch, equally his : lavsg* and he was icclamation. ibers of ca- ignals were the militia; :cnac, upon , who M'cre mi appeared nan to take army was r*. ewis, took tliib intons to go to Next 1 xV A M ' R I C A. 435 Next day, the Icouts reported, that they could difcover uo enemy, nor any footileps ol ie ; upon which, army was difmiffed till fa orders, and the inhabit rs fell to their u elt work, which . as the main objeft of their cou- cern. Some time after, a party of Iroquois fur- prifed a deitiicele^ number of thr French inhabi- tants and foldiers, careleflly at work in the field and killed or took prifoners fix foldiers, eleven in- habitants, and four women, befides putting to death a number of horned cattle, anc^ i gthe neighbour g Houfes and ftorehoufe^ l upon an appearance of fome troops appr' ling, the favages retired to the \\'Oods. Frontenac, incenfed with thcfe ^arprilkls, reproached Oureouhare \vith the infenl ky of his countrymen, as to all the kindnellcs he had dc '^ to him and them. The fivage made he beft apology he Id for Ononthio's quarters. There being aflembled, one Lewis Athe- vlhata, a popifli chief of Lewis's Fall, very artfully addrelled himfelf to the company, but more particularly to the Outawas, whom he atlvifeil to Uy before their father Ononthio, their in- moft featiments, and to dilclole the true rcafons of their late treaty with the Iroquois. The fpokeiman of the Outawas, upon this, apologized in the beft tnanner he coul' fjr his countrymen, and promifed an inviolable fidelity \o O'onthio in time to come, in which he was lecondcd by all the < " chiefs prefenc. Fron- tenac very properly thoug'at, that foi altercations might arlie, if the company continued longer together, and alter t\ianking Lewis Atlu-rihata for lb leafonable an interview, he promifed him another meeting as foon as the enemy fliould be rcpulfed. K k k 2 their 1 ,t 1 't imk. im. isjpffl* fi I IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) /. O 1.0 !S™« M I.I 1.25 lis iim ? '- IIIM ill I U ill 1.6 v^ ^ e: % /a /a e, ^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 73 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY 14SeO (716) 872-4503 ^ '^ l\ ;v \\ ^ r^^ o^ pains ■\ Soon after, eight hundred Iro(jUois dividing them- fclves into two parties on the borders of New * Iberville, though an excellent otticer, had tvufted too. much to I'luprirmg the fovt ; and an Engli(h gentleman, one Ncl- fon, who was then pvifoner at Quebec, had bribed two French, foldiers, who gave intelligence to the Englilh at Pemmaquid, and who were therefore on their guard, which had induced Iberville to abandon tVie imdertaking, to the great difcontent of the favages,. who were with him, and who had formed great expeiUcions of taking and plundering the place. York- IN AMERICA. 451 York, from whc they feemed to threaten • fome terrible blow ; bt the vigilance of count Fronte- nac, having put the French fettlers on their guard, the favages gave over their defigns, and retired dif- appointed. In the mean time, the French, who at- tributed thefe difpofitions to the machinations of the Agniers, detached a large body of French and Agniers, to attack and deftroy their fettlements *. They found the Agniers divided into three town- fhips, which they attacked and deftroyed fuccef- fively. But in their return, they were harraffed by a body of Onneyouths, and being much perplexed for want of provifions, were obliged to feparate into fmall parties, and the ihattered remnant of the army airived in a pitiful condition at Montreal, where by this time an alarm was fpread of a de- fign of theEnglilh to befiege Quebec with a power- ful fleet and army. By this time Michel, who had been taken prifo- ner by the Indians, having efcaped from their hands, arrived at Quebec, who informed the French, that the Onnoiuiagans had built a flrong fort for 1 * The orders given on this occafion, were not to fpare any inak capable of bearing arms, but to put every one of them to Xht fword, and to carry oft' all the women and children captives, to people the French Indian fettlements ; but their Indian allies, notwithftanding they promifcd to obey thefe cruel injunctions, obliged the Fretich to fpare a great number of thcii fellow favages, who were accordingly carried away captives. M m m 2 tiic It 4^i BftltlStt lEkPlUE ' the defence of their women and children, in cafe they ihould be attacked as the Agnier canton had been. A report had, before this period, been fpread, bf a refolution the Englilh had taken to raife ten thoufand men, to meet at Bofton, fix thoufand of Vvhom were faid to be deftined againft Quebec ; but it now appeared that, how true foever the ac- counts of thefe preparations might be, thofe who communicated them had miftaken the place of their deftination ; for they were not defigned againft the French fettlements on the continent, but againft Martinico, which expedition mifcarrying, the Iro- quois parties returned, and left the French Unmo- lefted. During thefe tranfac^ions, one Tareha, an In- dian chief, had arrived at Montreal, with propo- fals for a peace from the Onneyouth tribe, to which Frontenac liftened, but with caution, de- mandirtg deputies from the canton ; to expedite the fending of whom, Tareha was difpatchcd, promif- ing to return at an appointed time ; he accordingly came back, bringing with him a female Indian, whofc good offices done to the French prifoncrs at Onneyouth, were the only apology for the haughty propofals he delivered from his countr)'mcn, who, among other terms, expreflly demanded, that the governor fhould fend to treat with them in their own country, and that under the mediation of the Englifh, a propofal which Frontenac rejefted with difdain, and in fpite of the natural propenfity he had %v I N A M E R I C A. 453 had to recommend himfelf to the favages, could not help throwing out fome menaces pgainft them and their countrymen, which, perhaps, were not without their effeds. Garakonthie, and other Indian chiefs, ftill con* tinued faithful to the interells of the French, who, notwithftanding, found themfelves, at every op- portunity, embarrafled by the Iroquois, who found it always more their intereft to trade with the Eng- lifh than with them. — On the whole, though it muft be owned that the internal government of the Cana- dians was better conducted than that of the New England men ; and though their officers, both civil and military, were in general, men of great honour and abilities ; yet, it is certain, that the taxes with which their commerce was loaded, and the inconvenience of the channels through which it pafled, overballanced all thefe advantages ; and they loft more by the avarice of fome, than they gained by the patriotifm of others. The neigh- bouring Indians law this defedt, and were not backward in taking advantage of it : — they drew difagreeable comparifons between the affluence of the Englifh, and the poverty of their enemies. — They knew the fweets of trade and reliflied them : they united the vices of the Europeans with their own, and by this monftrous compound, formed among themfelves, charadlers entirely unknown to any other people or climate. On the other hand, jf the Indians borrowed from the luxury of their guefts 454 BRITISH EMPIRE guefts, thefe were not behind-hand (the French efpcci*. ally) in adopting the fraudful and barbarous manners of their favage neighbours. The cruelties with which the Indian wars were carried on, even by the poliihed natives of France, were often Ihocking to humanity, and fometimes even exceeded thofe of their American friends. — it were to be wiflied^ for the honour of our countrymen in thofe parts, that all charges of this kind brought againft them were groundlefs ; but though this is not the cafe, yet nothing i$ ri^9^e certain than that we mud yield ourfelves far outdone by our ciiemies in thefe unmanly frauds and unchriftian barbarities. It mull be al* lowed on all hands, that the North American na- tives were, in general, a faithlefs and perfidious race, no longer to be depended on than while they >vcrc bribed into fricndfhip, or awed into fubmif- fion; — given to all manner of exceffes, and of fuch >ycak heads and bad hearts, that when feafted and inflamed with liquor, they a them, thought thefc people were enflaving their underftandings,, and imagined their pcrfons would fliare the fame fate : •— They aded accordingly ; and regardlcfs of every other circumflancc, fa- voured the French or the EngUlli, according as their intereft led them ; and this generally, for the reafons we have given above, induced the Iroquois to take part with the latter. Frontcnac, who was obliged to be perpctitally diflembling wirh the lavages, had all along fet his heart upon rebuilding the fort of Cataracuoy *,aplan * All the force which Frontenac could nuiftcr up at this time- did not amount to above two tlioufand men, even including the militia and the French fiivagci ; fo that he was obliged to a6t witli great addrdij in iMll keeping tlio Indians iu awe, and yet: which 4^6 BRITISH EMPIRE which he was refolved to put in execution at all events. In the mean time fome of the Abenaquais Indians, under the command of a famous chief, named Taxus, took an Englilh fort, and carried on their ravages, while Phipps was flattering his peo^ pie with the hopes of peace, even to the very gates of Boflon ; and this is faid, by fome of the French writers, fo much to have exafperated the fubjedts of his government, that they rofe againft him, and obliged him to retire to fort Pemmaquid for fafety. In the latter end of the year, Iberville and Se- figny arrived at the River St. Therefe in two Ihips, amufing them fo as to prevent their bringing into the field any great bodies of men, the confequencev of which muft have been fetal to the colony. As to the Englifli, their fleet at Bofton was in too bad a condition to undertake a naval expedition, and they could not att by land without the alTiftance of the Iro- quois. Sir William Phipps, who remained ftill governor of New England, could do nothing but by the mere dint of power, of which he made but a poor ufe. Indeed, after building the fort of Pemmaquid, fome of the Abenaquais had formally fubmitted themfelves to the crown of England ; but the tribes who came in were not of any great importance, and it is probable that even this partial fubmiffion could not have taken place, had not the go- vernment of New France depended fo much on the affe6lion of thofe favages, as to leave them unprotected ; and many of their countrymen being prifoners at Bofton, their deliverance was a ftrong motive for the fubmiffion of others. So different was the condutt of the two governors, and fo many difficulties did Fron- tcnac ftruggle through to keep up the repuUtion of his country- men in thefc remoter parts. tfhe I N A M E R I C A. 457 the Poll and the Salamander, where they debarked the day of their arrival ; and, the following night. Fort Nelfon, which commands the port of the fame name^ was invefted on the land fide by forty Canadiaris, and, on the twenty-eighth of Odober, the Salamander came to an anchor a mile above the fort, which was a very weak one, built of •wood, and garrifoned by only fifty-three men, .under the command of a trader who never had feen fire. Every thing being dlfpofed for the fiege, the governor was fummoned to furrender the fort ; and a capitulation was accordingly fettled, by which the officers were to remain in the fort dur- ing the winter, with full fecurity to their perfons and efFeAs, and, when the feas were open, to be carried to France, from whence they might pafs over to England. When the French took poflef- fion of the fort, they found in it abundance of provifion, of which they flood in great need ; and had the two French officers arrived fooner before fort Nelfon, they would have gotten a great booty in fkins and furs, which had fome weeks before been fent off to England. The party which made this conqueft, was attacked by the fcurvy, which car- ried off many of them ; but, in June, one hundred and fifty canoes, laden with furs^ arrived at Fort Nelfon, to which the French gave the name of Fort Bourbon, as an earned of the vaft advantage, of the trade they w-ere likely to reap from that bay. But as their two fhips were preparing to fail Vol. I. N n n with ji •ts 453 BRITISH EMPIRE with thcif cargoes, they were not only ftopi^d by the ice ; but, upon a mufter, it was found, that the crews of both were reduced to one hundred and fifteen men, many of whom were unferviceable through fickn« fs and other caufes, and the fcurvy was daily gaining ground amongft them. At laft, the fcafon permitting them to fail, after a mod te- dious and dangerous voyage, they returned to France, which they reached on the ninth of October. La Ferret, with a garrifon of fixty-eight Cana- dians, and fix favages being left governor of the fortrcfs they had taken. The French governor informed his court of all that paffed in Canada ; but they did not feem fatig* fied with the cautious councils he adopted ; ne- verthelefs he went on in thofe meafures which feemed beft in his own eyes, paying little regard to what was faid by fuch as he was crmvinced did toot comprehend the extent of his defir ns. — All his officers oppofed him in his plan of re-eftabliihing Fort Cataracuoy, but in vain. Arriving at Mon- treal in July, he employed feven hundred men, to put it in execution, and got it completed within fifteen days ; and^ foon after, imderftanding that a large body of Iroquois had appeared in the field, he took fuch meafures for the defence of his peo- ple, as entirely difconcerted their defigns. Thefe favages afterwards marched towards the country of the Miamis, with mtent cither to force them to declare in their favour, or to drive them from their fcttlements; I N A M E R I C A. 459 fcttlements ; but were attacked and defeated by their enemies, who were reinforced by M. Cour- temanchc and a body of Canadians; and the French entered into a treaty with the favagcs of Mi- chillimackinac *. * A Huron captain, one Le Baron, but one of thofe Hurooi who were irreconcilcable to the French, was then at Michillimac- kinac, where he had prevailed with the Hurons of that poft not to be lb forward as the other favages there were in making war againft the Iroquois. But all his exhortations were to no purpofe, notwithlUnding which, he aded with fuch impenetrable diflimulu- tion, that when he went with the other deputies to compliment the governor-general, while he fent his fon, with thirty warriors, all of them devoted to his fervice, to the country of the Tfonnonthou- ans. There they concluded a treaty, in which the Outawas were comprehended, and which was fo firmly made that Cadillac, «ven when it was difcovered, could not break it, though he found means to delay for fome time the execution of it on the part of the Outawas. The favages, even fuch of them as were moft at- tached to the French in his diftriA, had often complained to him of the deamefs of ths French commodities, and the neceffity they were tvnder, on that account, of trading with the Engliih. Though Cadillac could give them no relief on that head, yet he advifed the deputies, who were then going to treat with Frontenac, on ano- ther account, and of whom Le Baron was one, to prefent him with a belt of wampum, as an intimation that their countrymen expefted that he would reduce the exorbitant price of the French fnerchandifes. But when the favages came into Frontenac's pre- fence, and prcfented their belt, they told him he had his choice of peace or war ; which la: for dellroying tl - Englilh fleet and taking Rofton, which had it been adopted by the French minlftry, would, moft probably have taken eftcct ; but it was reic means inipraiticable, and ** would, by one blow, cH'ttituully linilh the wai in diat country." The 1 . !t 111 462 BRITISH EMPIRE The French having planned out feveral expedi- tions, were employed as ufual in endeavouring to foothe and win over thefavages, whileM. Argenteuil, publifhed at Michillimackinac, where Cadillac then was, a pompQUS account of the difpofitions which his countrymen were making to attack the Englilh and Iroquois, and hoped to have been joined by a large body of Outawas ; but in this he was difapr- pointed. In the mean time Frontenac, who, at firfl, intended to have fallen upon the Onnonda- gans in the winter, %vas prevailed upon to defer his undertaking till the fummef feafon. After many confultations, and fome previous expeditions againft the favages, the French being joined by their ' allies, on the feventh of July, began their march into the country of the Onnondagans and Onne- youths, which they ravaged with fire and fword *, and were proceeding to treat the canton of Goyo- guln in the fame manner, when Frontenac fuddenly * The rage of the French and their favages, in this ravaging expedition, went fo, far on this occafion, that a veneral)le Onnon- dagan, about one hundred years of age, and therefore unable to fly with the reft of his countrymen, falling into their hands, they made formal preparations to put him to death with the moft excru- ciating torments, which he eyed with the moft intrepid indiffe- rence, \ipbi-aiding the natives all the while with being flaves to the French, whom he fpoke of with the utmoft contempt. While fome were endeavouring, cither through compaffion or rage, to put an end to his life ; " You ought not, fays he, to be in fuch '* hafte to fini(h my torments, but give me longer time to teach " you how to die like men ; for my part, I die contented, be- " caufe I can reproach mylclf with no meaanefa." chanjicd IN AMERICA. 463 changed his mind, and retreated with his army to Montreal, after an expedition, which was produc- tive of littk honour or profit, either to himfelf or to the interefts of his countrymen ; for, notwithftand- ail the terrors of his arms, the Indians, who were more exafperated than chaftifed, came forth from their woods and faftnefles, and attacked the French Xvith as much fury as ever ; and the harveft not anfwering the expeftations of the latter, they were thi'eatened belides with an approaching famine. The Englilh made reftitution to the favages fot the loffes they fuftained by the invafion of their country. The Agniers had fent deputies to Que- bec, who behaved in a haughty manner; and Frontenac detained two of their countrymen at Quebec, Whilft orders were fent to gain the bell information of what was paffing at New York ; and in May, the favages of the Highlands offered their fervice to the governor at Montreal, but were ordered to remain in their own country. At this time advice was received, that a fqua- dron of ihips was appointed to fail from England, to join another at Boflon, in order to attack Cana- da, and that Fort Nelfon was again reduced by the Englilh *. The Iroquois, upon this, were encouraged to make irruptions as ufual ; — * In the autumn, four Englifti fhips and a. bomb-veflel had appeared in the road ; the Englifti cannonaded the fort, and had at- tempted to land, but weve vepulfed. But afte? tliis, the bomb-ketch Iberville ' "Wt h H H" If 464 BRITISH EMPIRE Iberville was ordered to retake this fort, and ar- rived at the mouth of Hudfon's River, towards the end of July, which he took, but his fhip the Pc* lican, was wrecked at the River St. Therefe *. The ciiief of the Onneyouths came at this time to Quebec with pacific propofitions, the fincerity of which, however, Frontenac foon found occafion to fuiped: ; for they appeared much fooner in the field than was expefted, and renewed their inroads. — The Sioux and the Miamis were apprehenfive left the latter, who had already attacked a French fort, fliould join the Iroquois, and at length it was re- folved to ufe every means of maintaining the pofts of the River Michillimackinac, and St. Jofeph, in order to eftablifh a trade there with the natives. The French now, being no longer in fear of an attack upon Canada, were bufied in plotting the fubverfion of the Britilh fettlements ; and the che- played with fo much fuccefs xipon tlie fort, that it made a caphula- tion, which, according to the French, was foon after violated; but that account is not very probable. * The terms of this capitulation were : Firft, That all his pa- pers and books of accounts fhould be fafe. Secondly, That his garilon. both officers and foldiers, (hould keep their chefts, cloaths, and all that belonged to them. Thirdly, That they ihould be trea-ed as well as the French thenifclves. Fourthly, That they Ihould be fent diredly to England. And laftly, That the garrifon (hould march our with all the honours of war, without being difanncd. The garrifon confiftcd of no more than fifty-two men, of whom fcvcntccn had belonged to the Hudfon's Bay, and had efcaped from the Pelican when it was wrecked \ but had the benefit ot the capltula'/ion. ^^^.^^ IN AMERICA. 465 valier Nelmond, had orders to join with ten Ihips, the Rochfort fquadron, who were to drive the Englilh out of Newfoundland, and afterwards to attack Bofton, and dcflroy all the Britilh fettle- ments between that and Pifcataqua. At the fame time Frontenac was empowered by the French court, to fubftitute Vaudreuil in his place, who, in that cafe, was to be fubjed to the orders of Nef- mond ; but if Frontenac commanded in perfon, he was to be independant. Nefmond did not arrive at Placentia till towards the latter end of July, w hen a council of war be- ing called, to deliberate whether the fleet Ihould fail diredlly for Bofton, it was carried in the nega- tive. In the beginning of Auguft it was refolved to make a defcent upon St. John's, which the Eng- lilh were bufied in fortifying, with a view, at the fame time, of making prizes of thirty-four Englilh veflels ; but in this Nefmond was difappointed ; he miffed of the fleet, and was obliged to return, baffled in all his fchefhes, to Old France *. * The French having taken Fort Pemmaquid, as has been mentioned in the Hiftoiy of New England, nfter levelling it with the ground, Iberville and Bonaventurc, who commarded the expedition, clpied an EngUfli fquadron, as rliey were failing out of the River Pemmaquid : but the French held fo near the land, that the Englifli (hips diirft not follow them, and they changed their courfe towards the River St. John, while Iberville arrived on the coaft of Cape Breton. Here he put all the favages on fhoie, excepting three, who refufed to leave him, but could not reach La Hcvc, where others were ready to embark with him for New- VoL. I. O o o As iii ill.; 'I. iW H i ! -I 466 BRITISH EMPIRE As the illand of Newfoundland was now di- vided between the Englilh and the French, Iber- ville, at length, projedted the total reduction of it, for which purpofe he amved there on the twenty-fourth of September, before which time, Brouillan, the governor, had fet fail with eight St. Malo veflels, to attack Fort St. John ; but foundland, and where, on the twelfth of Auguft,he anchored in the road of Placentia. In the mean time, the Englifh Ihips, which he had efcaped, fell in with the chevalier de Villebon, who was returning with a company of favages to his fort of Naxoat, and made him prifoner. The Englifh then continued their courfe to Beaubaffin, where one Burgefs, who had an eftate in thofc parts, prefented the commodore with a writing, by which the inhabitants of BeaubalTm, at the time that Acadia was conquered b^ Sir Wil- liam Phipps, engaged themfelves to be faithful to king William. At the fame time, two hundred and fifty P^nglifh and a hundred and fifty favages were put on {here. The commodore received Bur- gefs with great civilities, and the chief inhabitants of the place, who, though they were Englifh fubjecls, had, in fact, revolted to the French, welcomed to (bore the commodore and his chief ofti- cers, who were entertained at Bmgefs's houfe. According to the French accounts, the commodore had promiled full protcciion to the inhabitants, and had ordered the foldicrs to take nothing in their quarters without payment, and to kill no cattle that were not immediately ncctflary for their lubfiftance; dotwithflaiuling which, they were guilty of great irregulaiitics. The fquadron then pro- ceeded towards the River St. John, where Villebon, who had ob- tained his freedom, by producing a I'uflicient pais, commanding again at Naxoat, they were diu-overed by an enfign of the tort, who was reconnoitring with three or tour foVilers, and who, efcaping through tlie woodji, gave Villebon intelligence of thulr arrival. When the troops had advanced a little way on their voyage, they were met by an Englifh frigate of thirty-two guas, (quarrelling IN AMERICA. 467 quarrelling with the St. Malo men, he was ob- liged to return without being able to carry his de- fign into execution, after having made himfelf mailer of Fort Forillon, the commander of which he made prifoner, with all his garrifon. At Pla- centia he had fome differences with Iberville, whofe Canadians refufing to obey any other com- mands than thofe of that officer, threatened to re- turn to Quebec: however, it was at length a- greed, that they fliould proceed to attack Fort St. John in feparate bodies, which they did, and took it, after h aving defeated feveral parties of the Eng- lifli, who were pofted to oppofe them. But, all things confidered, this was no conqueft to boaft of, as the fortrefs was poorly defended, and the garrifon in want of the very neceffaries of life ; neverthe- lefs the French magnified it extremely, and be- ftowed the higheft encomiums on their countr)^- men's valour upon this occalion. ■'Ui rff Mm :m(l two floops ; and their commander produced an order for them to return and attack Fort Naxoat. It was the fixteenth of Odlo- ber, when Villebon, who imagined the Engllfli by that time had reached Bofton, was informed of their return ; and they befieged his fort; but were repulfed, and were obliged to give over their en- terprize, and the fiege was raifed ; yet Vil!cix)!i could not perfuade his favagcs to purfue them. - O O O 2 . Frefli . lu. ^t'^n-- llll 468 BRITISH EMPIRE Frclh difputes arifing amongft the vigors con- cerning the manner of lecuring their conqueft, a refduiion was taken to abandon it, after fetting fire to the fort, and all the adjacent houfes, while two Ihips were allowed for carrying the garrifon of the place to England. Brouillan and Du Muys returned to Placentia, whilft Iberville and his Ca- nadians carried on the war till the Englilh loft- all their fettlements in Newfoundland excepting thofe of Bonavifta and the ifland of Carboniere, which were too flrong to be taken by the enemy. After this, the French commander returned from this roving expedition to Placen- tia, where he long waited for fuccours from the mother-country which never arrived: — and thus concluded the enterprize. Frontenac, w order to keep the favages in awe, kept on foot, all the fpring, a large body of re- gulars, and ordered his Indian allies to hold them- felves in readinefs to march againft the Iroquois; but this was never done ; and the confequence was, that the former were reduced to great ftraits for want of fubfiftance, having ncgleded their hunting, in or- der to be ready at his call ; fo that the colonifls were obliged to fupport them; and juft at this time the French court prohibited the officers, fol- diers, travellers, and rangers, from carrying on any commerce, an order which Frontenac thought j)roper to remonftrate againft, but in vain. How- ever, he afterwards took meafures which rendered it of i.i.y_ti . *( ■#fL' IN AMERICA. 469 of as little eiFedt as poffible, as he knew the exe- cution of it would confiderably leffen both his power and profit. — It was about this period that the famous Indian chief known by the name of the Black Cauldron, with feveral of his followers, while they were treating of a peace, were fet upon and murdered by a party of Algonquins; and foon after the French loft their old faithful allyOure- couhare ; he expired of a pleurify, to the great grief of his European allies, who beftowed the highcft eulogiums on his valour and fidelity. In February, 1698, advice arrived in Canada, that the peace of Ryfwick was concluded, which was confirmed, in May, by colonel Schuyler, who brought fome French prifoners with him, and a letter from the earl of Bellamont, demanding the releafe of all the Indians as well as Englilh, who were detained in Canada. But Frontenac evaded the fending back the former, though he confented to the releafe of the latter. In the mean time, he availed himfelf of the peace to win the Indians from their Englifh friends : but after the death of Frontenac, which happened in the feventieth year of his age, the Englilh intereft prevailed more powerfully than before among the favages. He was fucceeded in the government of New France by De Callieres, a man of good under- ftanding and much moderation; while the com- mand of Montreal was given to Vaudreuil. The governor of New England had now brought a claim It 1;'' I 'V SI t r \- I 1 "W 1 '', « \ 470 BRITISH EMPIRE Glalm againft fome of the Abenaquais tribes, as if the Canibas, fettled on Kenebek River, were the fubjedts of England. De Callieres had received orders to come to no conclufion in this matter, till the limits of North America Ihould be fettled; but he depended fo much on his Indian friends, that he left them to negociate the matter themfelves with the Engliih *. The courts of France and England had now lent letters refpedtively to De Callieres, and the earl of Bellamont. His mofl chriftian majefty's came under cover to the earl, and was by him forwarded to Callieres, who, on the other hand, was honoured with the delivery of his Britannic majefty's letter, to the earl. The French governor having obtained a duplicate of the orders that no- bleman received from his mafter, in which he was inftruded to difarm the Iroquois, at the fame •* The preliminaries they infifted upon with the Englifti gover- nor were: Firft, That he (liould order all the Engliih to retire out of their country. Secondly, That he was not to pretend they owed any allegiance to the crown of England ; becaufe they profeflTed themfelves to be the voluntary and faithful fubjeas of his moft chriftian majefty, from whom alone, and his generals, they wcrc determined to receive orders. Thirdly, That they (hould I,e at liberty to permit the French, and no other nation, not even the Engliih, to fettle upon their lands. Fourthly, That, as they hcanl, with fomefurprife, that the Engiini governor intended to fend a-nongft them other miffionaries than French; they declared that they never would change their rell-ion ; for which they were re- folvcd, if neceffai^-, to fight and to die. time Sa&i.-a"Lasti lon, not even IN AMERICA. 47, '^m ')V^f '^'^ °'^"" '" America were ex- preffly forbidden to give them any affiftance; and the Frenchman therefore, artfully managed to difnerfe cop.es of th,s letter, among their cantons, foli- cmng them to live as fubjefts of his government. Thefe favages. on the contrary, ufed all their art topreferye their freedom and independancy of boda the Eng hfe and the French, with each of whom they fa,d they were, however, equally deftrous ofhvmg m peace and friendlhip, ; and the con- iequence was, that neither nation chofe to pro- voke them, left they (hould declare for the other- a wife piece of policy in the Indians, who there- by mamtained a fuperiority which they could never otherwife have hoped for. On the eighteenth ofjuly, ,700, two deputies from Onnondago and Tfonnonthouan had an audience of the governor, faying that they had powers of deputation from the four upper can- tons, and that the reafon why no deputies came from the Onneyouths and Goyoguins was, that they were gone to New England to enquire why Schuyler had been fent from thence to difluade them from going to Montreal, complaining at tlie fame time, that while they depended on the faith of treaties, they had been attacked by the Uita- was and other Indian tribes; and they begged that father liruyas, Maricourt, and Joncaire might be fent with them, to whom they promifal to deliver up all their French prilbners. The ],;, !:|f If' ■ ' , i ±- . • J - -t! 471 BRITISH EMPIRE The French governor exprcflcd his furprife that the deputies of the Goyogouins and the Onney- ouths, inftead of coming along uith their bre- thren, ihould wait ujwn the Englilh governor about a point that could require no farther explanation, after the conclufion of the treaty between the French and the Englilh. He added, that what they had fuffered was owing to themfelve?, having at firft attacked the Miamis, and having fo long trifled .with him in the affair of the i>eace, and that he 'had done all he could with his allies to prevent hoftilities during the negociations. That he was forry for what had hapi^ned, but that, to prevent the like accidents in time to come, he had ordered all his allies to fend their deputies within thirty days to treat ; and that if they (the Iroquois) were fm- cerely inclined to peace they would likewife order deputies from all their cantons to be prefent. That in fuch a cafe, all the war kettles Ihould be over- thrown; the great tree of peace eftablilhed, the rivers cleaned, the roads made (Irait, and that every one then might go and return as he thought pro- per. As to the miflionary, and the two officers they required, he confented to their going along with them, but upon condition that they Ihould bring back with them deputies furniihed with full powers to conclude a durable peace ; and that Ui^on their arrival at Montreal, all the Iroquois prifoners ihould be fet at liberty; but that fome of the de- puties there prefent, fhould remain as hoftages with IN AMERICA, 473 with the three perfons who were to go along with the others. Upon this, four of the deputies offer- ed to become hoftages ; and being accepted of. the reft of the audience departed in good hu- mour. When the French ambafladors arrived among the Indians, they were received with all demonftra- tions of joy : but the fecond day they met in council, a young Englifhman appeared, who told them, that the earl of Bellamont defired them to be on their guard againft the praftices of the i-rench, and faid, that his lordfliip expefted to meet them withm twelve days at Orange, where they fliould be made acquainted with his farther pleafure. But the haughty ftyle of this meflage was rather detrimental to the Engliih ; and the French failed not to expatiate on this circumilance, and to turn it to their own advantage, while Jon- caire, who was adopted by the Tfonnonthouans, fet out for their canton, and was received there with the warmeft affedion *. ■ • His bufinefs was to reclaim the French prifoners who we^e there, ami whofe liberty was immediately granted them. What followed, was fomewhat extraordinary. Moft, or all, of thofe pnfoners had been adopted likewife; and the life of a fa- ■'vzgc was, m their eyes, fo much preferable to that of a Fi^nck Canadian, that they refufed to return to their country. This circumftance may be thus accounted for. Amongft the lavages, they enjoyed in full exreut, not only that freedom, ' which they could not find under French government; but if they nee iuduftrlou., more abundance; be aufc, what they acqui.^d ^^t. I. Ppp la m ii;t 11 \ m m. ! „ M 'i . :474 BRITISH EMPIRE In the mean time the general council of the Iro- quois were again aflembled at Onnondago ; and the young Englifhman, vvhom we have mentioned, was prefcnt at it, and was told by the Indians, in their phrafc, that they would firft plant the tree of peace at Quebec with their father Ononthio, and then repair to Orange, to learn the will of the earl of Bellamont. The deputies of the cantons returned to Mon- treal, having been joined by Joncaire, with fix Tfonnonthouan deputies, and three French prifon- ers. Whilft thefe were on their journey, they learned by a Tfonnonthouan from Orange, that the governor of New York had taken fo much umbrage at the proceedings of the Iroquois, that they had put an Onneyouth in irons, on a fufpi-* cion of having killed an Engliihman, with feveral other alarming circumftances. The Iroquois, by their deputies, greatly magnified the civilities they had paid to the French ambafladors, and faid, that for the fake of their countrymen, their cantons would probably be involved in a war with the Eng' lifh. — Callieres gave them till Auguft in the fuc- ceeding year, to releale the prifoners of Franco t»y hunting and fovvlng was tlieir own, without paying taxts or iinpofts ; auil the civil aud inilitary diltles anioiigft the French, were belidca more iiklome and laborious ttiau amongft the lavages. Sonic" i»f thole captives, thcrrfore, rather than they would tol- Tow Joncaire, concealed themrdves, while others plainly told liiui, they would remain w^L ^lie Indians, and IN AMERICA, 475 and her allies, yet remaining in '>'»ir hands, ex- horting them to revenge no private quarrels among , themfelves, but to refer them all to his particular determination. The affembly approved of his pro- pofals, and a treaty was accordingly agreed upon *, Callieres, in the mean time, gave all the intelll- . gencc he could to Poncihartrain, of the Hate of af- fairs in Canada, and intimated fuch meafures as he thought it would be moft advantageous for the French in thofe parts to purfue : but as to the earl of Bellamont, if we may believe the French writers, he behaved, at this period, with fo little policy and fo much haughtinefs, as contributed very much to alienate the affeiftions of the favages from him and Cifrom his government. If we may give credit to Charlevoix, he propofed to build forts in the can- tons of Agnier, Onneyouth, and Onnondago, and even went fo far, as to demand that the Iroquois ihould hang up all the Jefuit miflionaries who came * The manner In wliich this treaty ivas figned, Is faid to have been very particular. After Callieres and his officers, civil and military, with the ecclefiaftics, had put their hands to it, each of the favage nations figned it with a particular figure peculiar to themfelves. The Onnondagans and Tfonnonthouans, delineated a fpider ; the Goyogouins, a calumet, or pipe of peace ; the On- neyouths, a piece of cleft wood with a ftonc in it ; the Agnicrs, a bear; the Hurons, a beaver; the Abenaquais, a kid; and the Outawas, a hare ; and the treaty was dated the eighth of Sep- tember, in the year 1 700. P p p 2 among i I ^ ' ■ \i M M kl iWm m m '■p- 476 BRlflSH EMPIRE among thetti. A propbfal fo fliocking, was, how* ev^r, fo little relilhed by tliOfe Indians, thtt his lordfli';. ^as Obliged to drop it, ^nd to fuftain all the blame bf the defign ^vithout having the fatis- fAn the coafls of Acadia, in fpite ot all the claims and oppofition of their neighbours *. * It appears as if the French court had grown in