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1 2 3

32X

> i ^

iff

GENERAL HISTORY

OF t H E

BRITISH EMPIR

i N

AM E R I c A :

Containing,
An Historical, Political, and Commercial View
of the English Settlements ; including all the
Countries in North-America. and the West-
Indies, ceded by the Peace of Paris.

In T W O V O L U M E S.
.V OL. I.

By Mr. W Y N N E.

l^lTi^J^^'^^ PATRUM. SERIES LONGISSIMA RERUM
PE^ TOT DUCTA VIROS ANTIQ^J^ aB ORIGINE GENTIS.

ViRO. ^N. I. 641,

« - ■

LONDON,

Printed for W. Richardson and L. Urquhart, under

the Royal-*Exchange.

M DCC LXX.

■ ■^^ m

:^i;'

Sir.

fci
ha

th(
tha

I isr f R o D U C T I O N.

, '~pHE Briti/h nation, renowned through

J. every age. never gained by all her con-

quefts even when her arms fubd.e F^re'

and thundered at the gates of Parirfuc h

NoS:t^eS"tUer ''''-'^ '^
tmn onA » P"^^""' '° Ac-

tion, and to party rage, thefe ipreadlng coIo-

n.esowedthe.rfirniefteftabli(hment.When°he
jncther-country was in the moft deplorable of
Juat,o„s. when the axe was laid fo the root
of the conft.tut.on. and all the fair bioffoms

trom the bare trunk, defpoiled of all its hn
jours. Ihot forth thefe blanche, J fr „' ."
flock, where native vigour was ftiH fcept alive!

and^hl™''"? ' P^^^^^"''""^ o^klng Charles
and h.s unwife miniftry. forced numbers of
h.s fubjeas to feek abroad that liberty of con-
fcence they were denied at home.' Hap!,
had ,t been for that unfortunate pdnce. ifT

had never checked thefe emigrations. Had
hofe of,, ,,,„_^,^,^^^^^^^^^^^^^ i

that Jthe' . '"'f '' '° ^'" ""-=«' ->^
that of the nat.on, they would have eonfidc-rcd

iv INTRODUCTION.

it as good policy, to let thefe high fpirits take
their courfe, and fettle themfelves in America^
where it was plain they muft be dependant
on, and very likely that they would, in time»
become ferviceable to their mother-country.
But they followed other methods i and the
ruin of the king, together with the fubver-
fion of hi" government, chiefly by thofe vei-y
men whom he forbade to depart his domi-
nions, were the confequcnccs.

To rebellion fucceeded anarchy, to anar-
. chy, a defpotifm much worfe than any the
people had before complained of :— yet as the
oppreffcd party became the vigors, and ruled
^ every thing at home, they were little difpofed
tocolonizej and during the ufurpationof Crom-
well, greater numbers returnedfrom America to
England, than emigrated from England to Ame.
rica. The reftoration once more changed the
fcene; patents and charters were freely granted
byK. Charles II. to fuch of his fubjedls as chofe
to fetde in the new world. James II. reviving
the perfecution of the diffenters, they Aill
continued to flock thither ; and in his reign,
we find the colonies in a flourifliing ftate.
Convenience, and a love of independancy,
have done fince the revolution, that which per- .

fccution

INTRODUCTION. r>

ftcution did before; and we now behold thefe
fettlernents arrived to fuch a height of power
as to be able to conteft cemin points with their
mother-country which, it i, a great pity,,
fhould ever be brought into difpute!

When the Spaniards firft difcovered SoutbJ
America, they found a beautiful and fertile
country, filled with inhabitants; abounding,
with natural produaions. and with mines of
hidden treafure. They depopulated whole re-
gions, flew thoufands of the inhabitants, and
compelled thoufands to ranfack the bowels of
the earth for gold, to gratify their infatiable
avaHce.-What was the confequence ?— They
loft more by this conduft, than they gained
by all the riches of Mexico and Peru ; and
Spain, to this day, has caufe to curfe the xui
when the new world was difcovered. Their
gold ferves only to enrich other nation^ .
whereas commerce and good government
would have enriched themfelves : their ill-oot.
ten wealth often prove, an incitement to their
neighbours to make war upon them ; while '
Spam is perpetually drained of her inhabi-
tants to people thofe colonies j which, weigh-
mg every circumftance, may juflly be fcid to
be rather burthenfome than fe'rviceable to her.

wmm

?i INTRODUCTION.

How different has been the condudt of the
Englifli! They founded in barren countries
and inclement climes, amidft all the difTicultics
ariling from war, famine, and difeafe, a laft -
ing and a flourifliing empire. They forfook
the fertile lands, the feat of their fore-fathers,
to feek new habitations amongft an unknown
and a favage race. They cleared^vaft forefts ;
cultivated, with the fweat of their brow, an
untilled, and often a thanklcfs foil. In the
njidft of woods and defarts, they ereded towns,
and formed well-regulated focietiesj in the
haunts of wild nations, they eftabliflied good
government and order. Their habitations
were as cities of refuge to their countrymen,
when labouring under any difcontent at home :
mean while, a more fubftantial benefit accrued
from their commerce with Great-Britain, than
from all the Spanifh mines of treafure in the
wealthy regions of South-America.

Never did fortitude and magnanimity, ne-
ver did wifdom and found policy Ihine more
confpicuous, than in the firft fettlers in North-
America j though, like all other hillories,
that of the colonies is fometimcs ftained
with blood. There were times, when thofe
who fled from perfecution themfclves became

per fee u tors.

INTRODUCTION, vli

perfecutors; forgetful of that liberty for which
they had fo lately contended, feme amonij
them fought to deprive their feilow-coloniftl
of the undoubted right of all men, to think
freely in regard to matters of religion. Hence
arofc troubles and jealoufies. heart-b.rning,
and animofities 5 but thefe were not to laft for
ever : reafon appeafed them, and /hewed in
a juft light, the abfurdity of fuch proceedings
Since that period, they have agreed better
among themfelves, and have proved ufeful to
their fellow-fubjefts in Britain, till the late
unhappy conteft arofe, which hereafter both
parties may have but too much caufc to re-
pent. - But it is not my defign here to
enter into the difpute, which will be more
amply confidered in the courfe of the follow-
ing flieets.

I fliall only obferve. that the worft of con-
fequences muft neceffarily ari/ . from fuch
contentions, to the joy of our common ene-
mjes, and to the grief of every true patriot,
whether in England or in North- America •
and that, as things have fallen out, it is
well our intriguing neighbours the French
have at prefent fo little footing in the
wcftern worjd. They ^ho have ever de.

lighted

«r**'

' >

Y^i INTRO D tr C T I O ^.

lighted in fomenting difcord, and whoeveif
looked en our faccenfes in thofe parts v^ith a
jealous eye, would doubtlefs have ihewed
themfelves forward enough on this occaiion,
to have taken advantage of the difputes be-
tween Great-Britain and her colonies; and,«
in fuch a cafe, it is impeflible to tell where
the evil might have ended.

i fhall conclude this introdudtory difcourfc,
with remarking, that, as it is likely many of
thefe differences have arii'en rather from mif-
take than from deiign, fo nothing is more ra-
tional to fuppofc, than that a thorough know-
ledge of each other's interefts, may contri-
bute to the reconciliation of both parties, and
be the means of once more uniting them in
bonds of union, and procuring for them a lad-
ing and undifturbed repofe ; which is the lin-
cere wifli of every true patriot and diiintc-
refled Briton,

I 1;

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Vi^

CONTENTS

O F

VOLUME L

^ Short view of the conquefls of Mexico
and Peru Page i— 18.

Conjedlures on the aborigines of America. The
effetfls of the difcovery of that country upon
the affairs of Europe 19 — 25.

Difcoveries and fettlements made by the Englifh
from the reign of Henry the Vllth to that of
James the Ift 26 — 37.

New-England. Its climatej foil, cattle, and
natural produdions o,^ — 43.

Nova-Scotia, Newfoundland, &c. The firft
fettlement of thefe countries. Account of the
weather, foil, climate, &c. Difputes with
the French and Indians. Defcription of Hal-
ifax, and other towns 43 — 51.

a 2 History

p plpwua^wiHii li m i iOHiini 'III I I'

Urn

CONTENTS.

History of New-England and the Chai^teii
Governments, from the forming of the fet-
tlemcnt at New- Plymouth, 1620, to the foun-
dation of the city of Bo (Ion Page 51—58.

From the eftabliftiment of Bofton to the junftion
of the four provinces of New England into a
general confederacy ; with a llcetch of certain
peculiar laws and cuftoms 58 — 70.

The attempts of t;he colonifts to convert the In-
dians, Perfecutions. Spirit of the New-Eng-
landers. Sufferings of the Qiiakers. The
witchcraft delufion 1692 . 71—90,

Farther perfecution of the Quakers. Arts of the
French to difturb the peace of New England.
Hoftiiities of the Indians. End of the Phi-
lipic war ^i — 106.

Places of defence firft ereded, 1679. Severities
cxercifed on the province of New-England by
the mother country, in regard to their charters.
They refume tiieir charter-government, which
is confirmed by king William 107 — 118,

New charter granted to the MafTachufets colonies,
1691. A recital of it. Farther difputes with
the Indians and French. Fxpedition againft
Acadia. CcfTadon of arms J19 — 126

Differencj!

CONTENTS. ai

Difference between the old New-England charter,
and that granted by king William. Pepreda-
tions of the favages. Their formal fubmiffion
to the crown of England Page 127 — 139.

Earl of Ballamont's arrival atBofton, 1699. Un-
fuccefsful expedition againft Quebec 140 — 148.

Shute, governor of New-England. His com-
plaint againft she colony for invading the royal
prerogative. An explanatory charter in the
twelfth year of George I. 149, 130.

Burnet governor. His difputes with the aflembly
for granting the governor a fettled provifion.
The fame difputes continued with Mr. Belcher.
Regulations with regard to ihip-timber for the
royal navy. Farther altercations between the
governor and affembly continued to the year
'741 150-157,

Obfervations on the government of New-England.
Peculiarities in its laws. Foreign trade. Re-
ligion. Police. Shipping. City of Bofton.
Manufadures 158— .170.

New-York. FIrft fettled by the Dutch. In-
vaded by the Knglifh. Becomes an Englifh
fettlement. Territories belonging to New-
York. Burnet governor. The royal charter.
Montgomery governor 170—190.

Cofby

«r

CONTENTS.

Cofby governor. French and Indians attack the
province. Trial of John Peter Zenger, a
printer. Nature of the government. Trade
of the colony. Ofwego. Prefent ftate of the
city pf New- York. General flate of the pro-
vince Page 190 — 202.

New- Jersey. Great contentions at firft fettling
the province. Inftrudions for the government
of the colony. Civil conftitution of the pro-
vince. Boundaries. Trade. Number of
people. Chief towns 202 — 218,

p£NSYLVANiA. State of the province. Mr.
Penn. State of Philadelphia. Charter of
king Charles II. Fundamental laws. Their
Handing charter 219 225,

Maryland. Settled by lord Baltimore, 1632.
Its trade and prefent ftate 236 240.

Some remarks on the Indian nations, prepara-
tory to the hiftory of Canada 240—265.

Canada, from its firft difcovery by Cabot, to
the furrcnder of Quebec to the Englifh, 1629

265—290.

Champlain created governor of Canada. A mif-
fion attempted in the Huron country. War
with the Iroquois 292 — 206.

Zeal

CONTENTS. V*

Zeal of the Jefuits to convert the favages. Pro-
pofals for a perpetual peace between the
Englifh and French colonies^ in 1648. State
of Canada at the arrival of the vilcount d'Ar-
genfon Page 305^343.

French fettlers in danger of being extirpated by
the ravages. Baron d*Avaugour appointed
governor. Canada vifited with terrible tem-
pefts, meteors, and earthquakes. De Mefy
governor. De Tracy governor. The colonv
flourifhes 344-368.

Courcelles governor. Frontenac governor. Firft
difcovery of the Miffiffippi. Profecydon of
that difcovery. Le Fevre de la Barre gover-
nor. Declining Ibte of the colony ^6g~^g^,

War with the Iroquois. Denonville eovernor
Qiiarrel between the Englifh md French 394 J

409.

Danger of the Britifh intereft in North-America
Treachery of the French. Foundation of the
fort at Niagara. Scheme of the French to
conquer New-York. Succefsful depredations
Of the French upon the Englifh fettlements

409—43;.

Chevalier de Villebon promoted to the command
of Acadia Attempt of the Englifh upon
Quebec. Proves abortive. Parallel between
the conduct of the Englifh and French in
America

437—455.
Plan

vi C N T ]£ N T ^.

Plan formed by the French for deftroying an En^-^
li(h fleet, and taking Bofton. Treaty with the
Indians. ' Ridiculous ceremonies attending the
treaty Page 456—484.

Unfuccefsful attempt of the Englifli againft Port
Royal. Incurfions of the French and Indians
into New- England. Another unfuccefsful at-
tempt of the hnglifll againft Canada 484 — 495.

Port Royal taken by the Englifli, and named
Annapolis. Failure of a defign againft Quebec.
Eflfefts of the treaty of Utrecht upon the affairs
of America. Great preparations in the year
1746 to reduce Canada. Counter-plans of the
French 495—515-

Daring encroachments of the French. Rife of
the late war in America. 515 — 5^^«

tHC

H I STORY

OF THE

BRITISH EMPIRE

A M E R

C A.

OF all the improvements and ufeful arts
which the wit of mortals has invented, that
of navigation, is juftly held in the high-
eft efteem, as it makes commerce flourilh, pro-
motes and extends the benefits of fociety, and con-
neds us with tho^e diftant countries, which muft
odierwife have been feparated from us for ever. •—
But now vaft oceans are no longer confidered as ob-
ftacles; the prevailing induftry of men has ren-
dered the boifterous elements fubfervient to their
purpofej winds and feas have been obedient to
them; md fince the compafs has been in uie,
fcarcely any thing has been deemed impoflible to
bold and perfevering adventurers.
Vol. I, B J{

i'- M

ft BRITISH EMPIRE

It was not till the fifteenth century that this excel-
lent invention was adopted ; and the utility of it foon
after fufFiciently appeared, in the difcovery of diftant
lands lying in another hemifphere,with abundance.of
other advantages, which will be enjoyed by lateft
pofterity. Till this period, people were accuftomed
to direft their courfe by the ftars, and to make te-
dious coafling voyages, feldom trufting themfelves
in the main fea, unlcfs compelled by contrary
winds, or unforefeen accidents. It is fcarcely conceiv-
able with what pains the Phoenicians and other nations
of antiquity made their voyages and difcoveries, tra-
ded, and Tent colonies abroad. Perfeverance alone
enabled them to overcome difficulties which at fijrft
feemcd unfurmountable. The hiftories of thofe times
mixed fables with fads ; and fome later writers would
even perfuade us that the continent, which we call
America, was known to the ancients, before the pep-
ple of Europe, Afia, or Africa, could poffibly be
fuppofed to imagine that there was fuch. a track of
land exifling in the world.

The Portuguefe were the firft Europeans who
made any very valuable difcoveries. They touch-
ed at the Azores ; they palled the Equator, and
afterwards failed along the weftern coafl of Africa,
till they doubled its fouthmoft cape, to which
they gave the name of Bona Efperanza* and landed
in 1493, at Calicut in the Eaft-Indies, under their
famous admiral Vafco de Gama. The fuccefs of
this expedition gave birth to many others, and firft

♦ >

1 N A M E R I C A. 3

infpired the famous Chriftopher Columbus *, with
the notion of undertaking an expedition, which
ended in the difcovery of the vafl continent of
America.

He conceived the defign of failing to the Indies
'by fleering weftward, founding his hopes of fuc-
cefs, chiefly on the fpherical figure of the earth.
In this he was deceived ; but his error produced a
moft valuable confequence. After having in vain
applied to king John of Poruigal, and other jtrin-
ces, as his brother had done to Henry VII. of Eng-

* This great man was defcended from an ancient family in
the territories of the republic of Genoa. He had an early in-
clination to the fea, ftudied navigation in his youth, and mar-
tied and fettled in Portugal, from whence he traded to the coaft
of GKiinea. He is faid to have been greatly encouraged to under-
take his expedition to the weftward, by the reports of foveral
mariners, whom contrary winds had carried beyond the fiippofed
boundaries, of the known world, and who declared they had fcen
feveral evident tokens of land at the diftance of feme hundred
leagues from the weftern iflands. Some papers alfo, left him by
one Alonfo Sanchez, who died in his houfe in the Tereeras,
which- contained an account of a newly-difcovcred country,
is fuppofed to have confirmed thefe reports. However that be,
it is certain, that about the year 1484, he oftcred to the Ge-
nocfe the plan for his intended expedition, with a view, as we
have taken notice above, to fail wellward to the Indies. The
ftate of Genoa, either through the want of inclination or abili-
ty, rejected his propofal, as did alfo the court of Portugal, with
whom it is laid he was invited to treat a fecond time about the
matter, but declined it, — He next fent his brother Barthoio-

" B 2 Imd,

1 ! »

. !! I

4 BRITISH EMPIRE

land, he at length laid his plan open to Ferdinand
And Ifabella, king and queen of Spain. It was
eight years before he could prevril on the court ro
aflift him in his undertaking. At the end of this
term he fet fail with three Ihips from Palos, a port
of Andalufia, but not before he had obtained a
patent and appointment of admiral, in fuch parts as
he fhould difcover, and viceroy of countries, whicK
mofl of the. world fuppofed at that time to exift
merely in his own imagination.

mew, In 1485-, to lay his fchcme befofe king Henty VII. of
England. This gentleman had the misfortune to fall into the
hands t)f pirates, and arriving, oppreiftd with poverty and ^ftafe,
it \vas near three years before he was in a condiiion to make hi«
propofals to that prince, which however could npt b« brought to
bear till his brother had engaged in the fervice of theiy catholic
■aajefties : for in the year i486, ChriAopher Columbus ap-
plied to Ferdinand and Ifabella, from whom it wa« a long time
before he met with the encouragement he deferved, Numberleff
were the taunts hefuftained on account of his povfrty, and the
vain fcheraes, aa the courtiers called them, which he was (b bufy
in projeding. At laft, however, the queen became his patronefi ;
yet many difficulties were ftarted; one of which w»$, tkc ex-
pence of the undertaking, though this adventurer offtxei to de-
fray an eighth part of it himfelf, Thcfe obftaclei at laft giving
way to his magnanimity and perfeverance, he fet fail, on the
third day of Auguft, from Palos with three fhips ; his own
which was a decked veflel and which he named the Santa Maria ;
a fecond called the Pinta, commanded by Martin Alonfo Pin-
ion, and a third nan?ed the Ninna, of which Vifconti Yanne^
Pinaon was the captain, the two laft of which were without decksl
V/ith the firft foul wind, which happened on the tzd of Septem-

After

11^ AMERICA. 5

Afttr an abfence of nine mcmths, in whici ihort
lame he went through much vexation, and had
more than once been in danger of being com-
pelled to renounce his enterpri. e, he returned to hit
native country, bringing with him fome inhabi-
tants of the American illands, which he had dif-
covered, and to which he had given the name of
the Weft-Indies, owing to the falfe notion he
had conceived that they were ATiatic iiles, a notion
which nothing but the adual difcovery of the
main land could convince him was erroneous, Hf
Was received with the greateft marks of rtfpea: by

t?!*, the crew tcgan to murmur, and fopn after obliged him to
fromife to return again, if he did not difcovcr land within three
days : pn th? very firft of thcfe they made St Salvador, (as ip
was afterwards called) one of the Lucayas. They found there 4
very innocent and fimple people, who told them, that the gol(|
they wore about them, tame from a rich kingdom in the South.
Of this place they took formal poffeffion, in the name of their
cathoUc majefties, and, departing, difcovcred feveral otherinands.
About this time, Martin Alonfo Pinzon, imagining, from the dif.*
rourfe of fome of the natives, that there was much gold in Bo-
kio, or Hifpaniola, feparated himfclf from the other fhips to go In
queft of it; whither the admiral foon after followed him, and
Was well received by the natives, who made him prcfents of gold
and other valuable things, and permitted him to build a fort on
the ifland, where he Ipft a colony of Spaniards. Here h| loft
his own ftip, by the careleflhefs of the man he had pLced at the
helm ; the inhabitants however were very arduous ;n helping
Wa to preferve his men and the cargo that was on board ; yet
fhis was a great lofs to him, ai he hid but one veffel now remain,
ing, But wtUe be was lamenting ^is misfortune^ and, examin-

the

!.£

\ •■■ if

« BitlTlSH feMPlftE

the king and queen, who honoured him as a gran-
dee of Spain, "nd permitted him to be covered ia
their prefence ; and thofe who had before treated
his defigns with the utmoft contempt were now
the firft to extol them.* The people were loud in
their acclamations, and confidered him as the guar-
dian genius of their land.

All eyes were turned upon him with admiration.
A fecond expedition was foon propofed, and took
place. He met no longer with thofe difficulties
which had attended his firft preparation. He fet
fail again for the fame parts, much better fiirniihed
than before. In the courfe of this voyage, he
difcovered Jamaica and the Caribb^e lilands. But

ing the coaft, he unexpeftedly fell in with Martin Alonfo*s
caravel, the Pinta. That commander had bartered for much gold
with the natifej, lutlf of which he had diftributed amongft the
feamen, ^nd the other half he took for his own ufe. He made
nuny frivplous cxcufes for a conduft which Aya§ really unjufti-
fiable ; and Cplymbus confideri ig his prefent fituation, thought
fi\ to accept them. Haring quitted Hifpaniola, he fct fail for
Spain with two velfels only. In his way he again loft the cara-.
vel Pinta, in a ftorm which threatened the Spaniards with dc-
ftruction. At this time, the admiral thinking hinjfelf in danger,
wrote fome account of his difcovencs on a flcin of parchment ;
this he wrapped in a piece of cere-cloth, put it into a barrel, and
threw it into the fca, in order that whatever might become of
himfelf, the fruits of this expedition might not be entirely loft.
The wind prcfently after abating, the failors deemed this fome
ad of piety and devotion. Landing at the Azores, the Portu-
gucfe behaved very haughtily to hStt^ and his mei\, and he met
with much trouble and vexation on this and other accounts. In

I JNT AM ER I C A.:l f

as there wanted not thofe who envied the fucceflcs
of Columbus, he was maltreated by the fpies of
government that were embarked on board his own
fleet, and after having experienced many mortify-
ing circumflances, was at length brought home in
irons. It was chiefly to Fonfeca, bifhop of Burgos,
that he owed this difgrace ; but the queen, moved
by the Univerfal voice of the people declaring in
his favour, and blulhing at her own ingratitude,
releafed him ; yet fo much did jealoufy prevail at
the court of Spain, that it was four years before they
fuffered him again to depart. This third expedi-
tion produced fomething yet more extraordinary than
the two former. It was now that he difcovered the

|us way he put into the port of Lifton, where he was better
treated, and from whence he failed for Spain, and arrived at
Palos, after an abfence of nine months. Their catholic majef-
ties were then at Barcelona. When he came before them, he wa«
received with the greateft refpeft ; and the king and queen re-
turned thanks to God, in the mbft folemn manner, for the fucceflea
of their admiral.

He fet out on his next expedition with more favourable clr-
cumftances. He was aflifted with thofe things which were ne-
ceflary for the undertaking ; bulls \vere obtained from the pope,
confirming the countries already difcovered, and thofe which
might hereafter be difcovered, in the New World, to the Spanifh
monarch. On the 25th of September, 1495, he failed, with
feventeen Ihips and fifteen hundred men, from the bay of Cadiz,
and arrived at the Canaries, on the ad of Oaober. Having
taken in wood, cattle, and fwine, at Gomera, on the 7th he
continued his voyage to the weftward, having prevloufly given
inftruiiions to the commanders of each iliip, which they were

the

'! I

^■^

\\l

t BRITISH EMPIltE

oentiiient kA America, at fix degrees dHhttoe jftoin
the equator. Hearing that there \via» a fea on the
other fide, he apprehended his error, In fuppofing
that the illes he had touched at belonged to Afia,
and generoufly owned the miftake : however, he
aflertcd the probability that there was a communi-
cation between the tryo oceans, a proof that he ftiH
kept in view his chief defign, which was that of
(ailing round the globe, afterwards fo fuccefsfully
attempted ; and which it is not improbable, if we
may be indulged, conjeftures may be rendered ftill
more eafy in a future age, fince the fituation of the
peninfula, which divides the weftem from thefouth-
crn ocean, (and which is but a very narrow one)

erdered not to opea, unlefs they wete feparatcd from hkn. In
his way, he took polTcffion of Marigaflante, Guadahipe, an4
otiier iflands ; from whence he proceeded to Hifpaniola, whlre
he found the Spanlfh colony deftroyed, the houfcs burned, and
all things in confiifion. The Cazique with whom he had mad*
«n alliance on hi« former voyage, informed him that the Chrif-
tiansliad quarrelled among themfclvet about gold. and women;
that they had killed one of their companions, and thatfome of
them had put themfelres tmder the proteftion of another chief,
who had treachcroufly murdered them. To prov« the
truth of his aflertions, the Indian produced fome wounds he had
received in fighting to defend his Spaniih allies, and which, it
was plain, wer« infli6ted with favage weapons. Leaving this place,
Columbus put into Cuba and Jamaica, the former of which he
coafted round, <> difcover whether it were an ifland or a conti-
nent. An Indian removed this doubt, and gave him a defcrip-
tion of the place. He then held on his comfe through ftornn,
thunder, and lightning, and was often in danger from rocks and

Ihitoe jfrom

1 Tea on the

n fuppofing

^d to AfoL,

rwever, he

•11

, communi-

diat he ft'iH

vas that of

fuccefsfully

able, if we

jndered ftill

ition of the

» '

nthefouth-

larrow one)

fpum hkn. In

,i--{^^HE

aadahipe, anA

paniola, wh^re

s burned, and

a he had madt

that the Chtif-

land women;

nd that feme of

' B

another chief.

prov« the

':fl

wounds he had

'.^B

and which, it

iTing this place.

r of which he

and or a conti-

him a defcrip-

■B

hrough ftomw,

from rocks and

^^B

IN AMERICA, J

IS not fuch as) In the nature of things^ promifcs a long
duration. .^ A conflux of thefe feas from beneath is
now aftually feid to exift ; and nothing is more
likely than that this neck of land will one day be
dettroyed by earthquakes, inundationsi or ibme of
thofe dreadful accidents to which fuch iituations are
generally liabld.-^ To Wave this, the paffagc by
Cape Horn, and that through the Itrafts of Magel-
lan were of themfelves fufficient to proVe Colum-
bus was in the right in the principal point of his
conjectures, and thd circumnavigation of the globe
was chiefly owing to the voyages of this ^reat dlf-
coyerer. After many toils and dangers furtalned^
he died in i^o6, at Valladolid, after an illnefs of

Ihallows. In this voyage he met with His brotiier Bartholomew
at the town of ifabella, who irtfdrmed him of the difficulties fie
had met with ih his Englifh cxpedifioh. This gentleman came
from thence lit queft of him. At Paris he fidt heard of his
difcoreaes and that he wis declared admiral; on which fte
made all the hafte he could to Spain ; but D»n Chriftopher was
departed before his arrival. He thf^n vifited his twd ntphews^
who were left at the court of Spain and kifled their Catholic ma-
jefties» hands, who did him great honour, and coramiflioned hini
to go with an aid of three (hips in featch of the admiral.

This was a joyful meeting; ahd Bartholomew was created
lord lieutenant of the ifles by his brother, a circumftance whidh
did not prove very agreeable^ as it was reprefented to the Spanifh
government, who afterwards thought fit to refent it; Soon after
this appointment a war broke oiit with the Indians, iri whidh
the arms and horles of the Spaniards gave them the fup6rio%
over their favage enemies, being obliged to acknowledge th6
authority of their Catholic majeftles, who v^ere well pleaCe^

Vol. L c ^ f.W ^

BRITISH EMPIRE

a few motoths, leaving behind him t fame fo juftly
acquired as will live to all pofterity.

Thefe voyages of Cplumbus laid the firft found-
ation for the conqueft of Mexico and Penl, By
Hernan Cottes and Francis Pizarro* The for-
mer of thefe failed, in the year 15 1 9, from the inland
of Cuba, on an expedition to the continent of Ame-
rica which had been already difcovered arid called
by the name of New Spain, He had with hira
fix hundred men, and a few pieces of cannon. A
Spaniard, who had been for a long time prifoner
in the country, ferved him for an interpreter, and
an Indian lady whom he caufed to be baptiz-
ed by the name of Marina, was extremely fervice-

w'lxh the accounts of their admiral's fuccefs. Neverthelefs there
were not waiitlng thofe who fpoke ill of him at tlic court of
Sj[)aJn, and at lall prevailed fo far that John Agiiado, a native of
Seville, was fent as a fpy upon his adtions, who wrought him
mu:^;h unealuiefs, and, magnifying thofe unavoidable inconve-
niences which arofe from the • fituation of the Spaniards in
f^range countrie«, where the inhaWtants, now their foej, did every
thing in their pov/cr to diftrefs them, he wrote hoMe difmal
accounti of them : yet Columbus had fo much influence, that,
returning, he was fitted out for a third voyage, in which he dif-
covered the continent of America, though one Americus Vefpii-
fuis, a private adventurer, highly in favour with the bifliop of
Burgos, an enemy to Columbus, dlfputed with him the honour
of that difcovery, which has ever fince been called after him,
•notwithftanding his pretentions were found to be groundlefs.

""hriftopher Columbus was, after all his great fervices taken
• jtiui put in irons at the inftigation, as it waa fuppofed, of the

^ able

IN AMERICA*

lii

able to him. He penetrated after various adven-
tures as far as Tlafcala, which was a republic; and
here it was that he firft met with any material op-
polition. The Indians were defeated, and after-
wards, entering into a treaty with him, helped
him to fubdue the Mexican empire, to whofe gran-
deur they were enemies.

From thence he advanced (after fome time fpent
in meflages to the emperor Montezuma) towards
his capital, and at laft entered it without refift-
ance. It was built upon a lake, and the various
quarters were joined by bridges or caufeways. It
abounded in fpacious fquares and fine buildings,
and notwithflanding what may have been faid by

bilhop D.John de Fonfcca. But when he arrived, in November
ijfOO, at Cadiz having wrinen to the king and queen, they fent
order* that he ihould be fet at libeity ; and to cover the dif-
graceful treatment he had undergon;, recciveti him gracioully,
telling him that they were much offended at his confinement,
and woidd take care that thofe ihould be punifhed who were ac-
ceflbry to it. However he was far from being happy at the
court of Spain, where fo many viewed him with envious eyes.
Worn with fatigue, and tortured with Ingratitude, he fell fick
at Valladolid, where he died, on the 20th of May, in the year
1506*

It is certain this great man wasaifed in a moft fhameful man-
ner. Before he had difcovered the New World, all his fehemes
were treated as ridiculous and childifli fancies ;— after he had
difcovered it, it iVas pretended to have been known long be-
fore.— Being rallied one day by fome courtiers on this fubjeft in
a vtry unfccmly manner, he called for an egg, and aiked If any

^2 fome

^mm

la BRITISH EMPIRE

fome writers to the contrary, was inhabited by ai|
induftrious, well-tempered, and, in general, a civi-*
lized people.

Montezuma received Cortes with an affe(fled
complaifance, and he and his men were lodged in
the city. Some difputes however arifing between
the Indians and the Spaniards, fome of the latter
were llain on the road to Mexico, and the head of
one of them fent to Montezuma, who approved,
and had fecredy given orders for the adtion, in
which, however, his troops were routed, though
with the lofs of three or four of his enemies. The
Mexicans had already found that thefe adventurers
were not, as their firft appears^ce had led them to
believe, immortal, and Cortes began to be very
uncafy when he was informed of what had pafled,

of the company could fet it upright on the fmaller end ?— When
they anfwered, It was ImpoiUble, and that he could not do it
liimfelf, he gravely cracked the Ihell, and inunediately perfcmi-
ed it. — They then faid, >\ny tody might have done It. «* I do
V not doubt it," replied Columbus ; *• and yet none of you
** thought of It. And thus it was that I difcovered the Indies.
♦* I firft conceived the defign of fteering that courfe, and now
** every miferable pilot can find his way thither as well as I,
** There are many things that appear eafy when once per-
*' formed, which before were thought impracticable. You
*' ought to refleft on the feoffs I fuffalned on the fcore of my
*' defign, before I put it In execution." — This fmart reply was
extremely commended by the king who affe^ed greatly to
admire the man whom he had (9 inadequately contributed to
fupnort.

■'■ He

IN AMERICA.

«1

He now feized the emperor in his own palace,
caufed him to be bound, and, by alternate threats
and intreatips, even to confent to become his pri-
foner. He pbliged him afterwards to give up thofe
who had attacked his people, and to acknowledge
that he held his empire of Charles V. A tribute
alfo was annexed to this homage; and by this
ftep the Spanilh general fecured himfelf in the very
midft of enemies. The polTeffion of the emperor's
peribn was his fureft lafe-guard, and his countenance
was of life to him on many occafions. — ^This pro-
ceeding, however unjuftifiable, was certainly a very
prudent one, and contributed the moft of any thing
he had atchieved to the conqueft of all Mexico. —
In tht mean time Velafquez, the governor of Cu-
ba, fent Pamphilo de Narvaez againft Cortes,
whofe fuccefs he envied, with almoft twice as many
men as had firft landed in Mexico. But thefe, that
able general, taking the advantage of the night and
ftormy weather, attacked and routed, making the
poijimander prifoner, and bringing over the remains
of his band to his own party. He incorporated them
with his own men, and marched back to Mexico,
where he found the eighty Spaniards he had left to
guard Montezuma, befieged in their quarters by
the whole force of the city, in revenge for fome cru-
elties the former had committed on the inhabitants.
The approach of Cortes, at this critical jun<flure
with fuch a reinforcen^ent, altered the face of af-
fairs, and enabled the Spaniards to gft upon the

oitenfive.

I H

j4 BRITISH EMPIKE

offenfive. " Several engagements enfued, in all of
which the Mexicans were worfled. At length,
Montezuma was killed with a ftone, thrown by
one of his own fubjed:s, while he was harangiiing^
jind endeavouring to appeafe, the jullly enraged
multitude.

To this monarch fucceeded Guatimozin, a prince
elected by the people, who did all that it was in the
power of a brave chief fo unhappily fituated to
doj for the expulfion of the invaders. Pefperate
battles were fought, and the Spaniards were more
than once on the verge of deftrudion. They were
at laft obliged to quit the city, and retreat towards
Tlafcala, in which attempt they fucceeded, b\it
not without lofs. After they had got clear of the
caufeways, they engaged, on the other fide the
inountains, the whole force of the empire, defeat-
ed them, and took their royal ftandard. Then they
returned with frefh forces from Tlafcala, where
the brave general of the republic Xicotencal, was
put to death for a patriotic defign which he had
formed of not fighting for the enemies ^of his
country.

The Mexicans now fought upon the lake, but
nine Spanifli boats, with three hundred foldiers on
board, defeated five thoufand of theirs, which
contained ten thoufand men, and Cortes attacking
them at the fame time from the caufeways, once
more won his way into the city. — After many obfti-
nate difputes, the Spaniards proved at lad the vic-
tors*

t6M> jUAd Guatimozin v;^i taken, as h^ was tMetL*
vourihg, by the way of the lake, to efcape from
Ihe city* This unhappy prince was aftenvardi
hufTiitd %\Wq, by order of the king of Spain's trea*
furer, being accufed of the extraordinary crime of
toticeaitng his own gold from the invaders. He
bore his tortures with becoming fortitude, anddied,
as ht had lived, like a great prince and a brave
man.

Thus was the whole empire of Mexico flibdued
by fix hundred Spaniards, a circumftance fufficient
to raifi the admiration of the world. But eight
•years afrer Corps's expedition, Francis Pizarro and
Diego d'Alniagro, undertook one of the fame nature,
by way of the South-Seas, and fubverted the em-
pire of Peru, as their fore-runner had done that of
Mexico. This kingdom, for a number of years, had
been governed by a race of abfolute princes, called
Yncas, who were at firlt the reformers, afterwards
fovereigns of the people. The ancient Peruvians,
(according to the traditions related by their polleri-
ty) lived in woods and caves, were favage and barba-
rous, ufed promifcuous copulation, devoured hu-
man flefli, and differed in nothing but their form
from the brutes. At length a great legiflator arofe
among them, who called himfelf the defcendant of
the fun, to whom he firft ereded temples, and paid
divine honours. He drew his countrymen from
their wUd abodes, eftablilhed cities, and focieties,

perfuaded

' 4

■ ■■; !

i6 SRITISH EMPIRfi

perfuaded fome, and afterwards by their help com*
pelled others, to become more civilized and hu-
mane. A long line of his fucceflbrs reigned after
hira. The twelfth Ynca was named Huayna Ca-
pac, the father of Athabalipa* Thefe prince, of
legiHators had become conquerors, and the laft-
Ynca had fubdued Q^to. In this city, his fecond
fon, Athabalipa, who had takeh his brother the
Ynca, prifoner, was found at the head of near forty
thoufand of his own foldiers, armed with darts and
long pikes of gold and filver. — Pizarro feot by
his interpreters to treat with Athabalipa, but re*
ceived no very friendly anfwer from the king, whq
thought with juftice that he had little reafon to be
pleafed with his new guefts. However, he gave
them a meeting, after feveral cmbaffies and mef-
fages had pafled; and, what dreadful notions foever
he might entertain of thefe invaders, he feemed to
come well provided againft the worfl^ as he was
attended by fo great an army#

The Spanilh general, having difpofed every thiftg
for his reception, fent father Vincent de Valverda,
to harangue him upon the benefits of the chriftian
religion, which was aukwardly done by the prieft,
and ftiU more aukwardly interpreted by an Indian
whom the Spaniards called Philip, who was
equally bafe and ignorant. Athabalipa being as
much in the dark as ever, confequently fhewed but
little refpe(ft to do^ftrincs he did not underftand, and

which.

n .1 N AM ERIC Ai -,•

wkicbi if they had been never fo well explained,
were certainly too prematurely delivered. To in-
crca^ this naifunderOandmg, a tumult arifmg on
»ccount of the chriftians otfering to feize an idol
adorned with gold and precious Hones. The dif-
turbancc alarming the father, he made hafle to in-
quire into the caufe of it ; and interpofmg among
the Indians and Spaniards, the crofs and breviary
between them were thrown to the ground. The
Spaniards immediately crying our, that thefe holy
thmgs were profaned, fell upon the Indians and ^
routedthem, without the lofs of a man. Pizarro
with his own hand, pulled the Ynca from his lit!
ter, and made him prifoner, in doing which he re-
ceived a flight wound from one of his own people
who was equally eager to fe'ze him; and this was
all the chriftian blood flied upon the occafion, while
the poor harmlefs Peruvians were flain .ike flieep
till the conquerors were tired with purfuine and
killing them. Some fay, their prince had ordered
them not to fight ; it is more probable, the dread
and aftonifhment which .the horfes, the armour,
and above all the fire-arms, had infpired, deprived
them of all thoughts of defence. However that
be, It was a bloody mafTacre, and refleds eternal
dif^ace on the perpetrators of it. Athabalipa bein-
made prifoner, was treated with a kind of mock re!
fpea : even after this misfortune, it \s faid, he fent
orders to put his brother (the lawful heir to the
empire) to death, which was tlie worft a<ftion of
Vo.. I. D ^

llT

m^'^tm

ll BRITISH EMPIRE

his lifcw In other rcfpefts he deferveck not the hit
which attended him ; for in the end, failing in his
promife of giving a moft enormous ranfom for
his liberty, he was on various pretences condemned
to be burned, but obtained the favour to be ftran-
gled firft, on confenting to be baptized, and own*
ing himfelf a chriftian.

After the death of Athabalipa, many difputeS
arofe about the fucceffion, which, in the end, feM
upon Manco Capac. This Ynca was ill-treated
and imprifoned by the Spaniards, from whom he
found means to efcape, and gave them much trou-
ble. A circumftance at ihat time happened, which,
if duly attended to, might have given this prince
a chance of expelling the invaders. This was no
other, than a difference between Pizarro and his
lieutenant Almagro, which produced open hoftili-
ties. A decifive battle, fought under the walls of
Cufco, gave the viftory to Pizarro, and Almagro
was executed. The Ynca had dilbanded his army,
in the Very infancy of thefe troubles; fo that
the Peruvians loft that opportunity of ftruggling
once more for their freedom, the lofs of which
they have fmce moft feverely felt. Pizarro was af-
terwards affaflinated in his palace by fome of the
partizans of his deceafed enemy. And thus ended
the lives of the conquerors of Peru.

The greateft part of Chili was reduced, andtheSpa-
nilh laws eftablilhed through all this quarter of the
new world. The cruelty of the viAors, and the op-

preflions,

si : ii

-^I N A M E R I C A, 19

prcflions of the vanquifhcd, arc too well known to
be here expatiated on : if the former had aded ujwu
principles of humanity and true policy, they might
have faved whole deluges of blood, and rendered rhefe
acquifitions infinitely more ufeful to their poffleObrs.
It is remarkable, that the race of men inhabit-
ing the continent of America, feemed to differ both
in minds and perfons from their invaders, whofe
looks as well as their arms, ftruck a terror into
their hearts. At firft they believed them to be gods,
on account of their fuperior genius, fkill, and cou-
rage; — one would have imagined, that after expe-
riencing their unexampled cruelties, they had only
changed one error for another, and fuppofed
them to be deftroying daemons, commiflioned to
' confound mankind. Arts were indeed cultivated
in Mexico and Peru, and even war itfelfwas reduced
to fome kind of rule ; yet how did the weaknefs of
thefe people expofe itfelf, in fuffcring as the\ 'ul, the
deflrudiion of their country ! Nay, tl . i^Tuvians,-
dividing themfelves into two panics, fought a-
gainft each other, lifting under the banners of Pi-
zarro and Almagro, their conquerors. How far all
this might arife from a defcd of aature, or how
far from the ftrength of prejudice, and the dread
firft impreffed upon their fpirits, may be worth the
ferious confideration of a philofopher. One would
be led to imagine nature to be alike indulgent to
all the fons of Adam ; yet in fome there is at
leaft an apparent conftitutional, inferiority.

D 2 ' This

It,.

to BRITISH EMPIRIE

This Inflexion naturally leads to the confideration|i
of what {lock the inhabitants of the new world*
fprung from, and how America \vas firft peopled,
a queftion which cannot eafily be decided, if that
continent is feparated on all fides by oceans fi-omthe
reft of the globe. The difcovery of a north-weft
palTage, would be likely to throw fonae light upott
this ; and it has at feveral times been unfuccefsfully
attempted, perhaps owing to the inclemency of the
weather in thofe latitudes where it was fought for* ■
The Ruffians have generally furmifed that America
is joined to the main land on the north-eaft, or at
leaft feparated from it by a very narrow ftrait. HoW'-
ever, according to the niceft examination of the
matter, it appears that there is a vaft diftance
between the north-eaft boundary of the Tar-
tars and California, to which they fuppofe it to
join. That there is a paffage by the north-weft to
the fea on the other fide the globe, ftill feems
hio-hly probable ; though whether it will prove-
fuch an one as may be navigated without great dif-
ficulty and danger, is a queftioji more indeter-
minate.

If there be a connexion on any quarter with oitf
world, then will it no longer be a problem how the
weftern continent was peopled ; but if there be nO
fuch jiindtion, it will remain a debate. — Andfhould
we fay with a celebrated writer *, that men were

* M. de Voltaire.

placed

IN AMERICA. 21

pli^ced in America by the fame power, who caufed
trees and plants to fpring up there, it is likely the

anfwer would not prove a very fatisfadtory one.

Inthefirft place, the only hiftorian *, who has
given us any rational account of the creation, tells
us, that we all fprang from one man and one wo-
man> who drew theit firft breath in the eaft. How
then did theh* defendants migrate to America in
early times, before the ufe of the compafs w^s
known ? But if we fliould pafs over this difficulty,
and fuppofe with fome f , that this track of land
was joined for fome ages to the continent of Alia,
ftill another obftacle remains. We are informed
both by facred and profane writers, that about two
thoufand years after the Mofaic account of the cre-
ation, happened a mighty flood, which overthrew
all the dwellings of men, and feparated thefe
la^ds, if ever they were joined. If they never

* Mofes.

f Bifliop Bumet in Lis Theory of the Earth, has laboured to
prove, that at the creation, the fea was Ihut up in the bowels of
Ae earth, which was in all parts one fmooth, continued furface,
without mountains or valleys ; and, confequently, all the coun-
tries Oft the face of the earth were connefted together in one
continued line, till the deluge, when by a violent concuffion, :^e
fountains of the great deep were broken up^ the whole earth over-
flowed, vaft continents rent afunder, iflands formed, and vari-
ous parts of the glohe for ever feparated from each other. This
hypothefis is far from being received as a true one; but if it
were, it would be infufficicnt to accounj for the peopling of
America, as is fhewn above,

were.

.!. 1(1

t 1 1

0k.^^-:*m^

BRITISH EMPIRE

f 4

were, then the Americans, fuppofing them to havd
exitted from the creation, and even granting thatj
the deluge extended not to their world, (which ^*'
perhaps is more than ought to be granted) could
n&ver have been the fons and daughters of Adam. ^
But if we defcend from this height of fpecula-
tion, and attribute the matter to more common
circumftances, we may reafon in this manner;
America was at firfl feen by accident* why might
it not be peopled by accident likewife ? -— If
one man and one woman were fufficient to (lock all
Europe, Afia, and Africa, why may we not al-
low, that a few perfons driven by contrary winds
to the fourth quarter of the Avorld, might produce
the fame effedt there ? — If it be Jifked, how the
defcendants of thefe could forget their origin ?
any one who underftands human nature, may well
return an anfwer. When • men are obliged to
ihift for their fubfillance in woods and wilds,
when they have no opportunities of converfation
and improvement, and all their wits are em-v
ployed in defending themfelves from the inclemen-
cies of the weather, and providing the neceflaries
of life, it is eafy to fuppofe they will, in time, for-
get the ufe of thofe faculties they ceale to exert, and
thus the fucceeding generations may not remember
from whjit flock they came. The anceflors of
the Mexicans, we are told, were wild and favage ;
the Peruvians, according to their own traditions,

• lived

IN AMEHlCA.t 23

- lived m rocks and caves, till drawn from tfehce^

- and civilized by the Yrcas. And all this might have
been rfie cafe, fuppofmg thefe people to have been
dnven thither from any ftrange country. Forget-
ful of their origin, men like beads may deafne-
rate, till fomc exalted genius awakes their fepine
faculties, calls them from their favage haunts, and
once more fits them for fociety.— There is nothing
but what is natural in all this; yet one riueflion
will ftill arife. - There are beafts in America, of
whofe exiftence no traces tan be found' in
Europe. — The inhabitants of Peru and Mexico
had never feen horfes. On the contrary, the ne^tr
world produces certain creatures which are ftranee
to us. But is it impoffibi: ':hat there are fuch in our
own world, in parts • , ,,.own, or that they may
have exifted, at fome former period of time, in Aiia
Africa, or even in Europe itfelf ? It is a' general
received notion, that no fpecies is entirely ex-
tindt fince the creation : yet it is certain, that
wolves which formerly were fo plentiful in Eng-
land and Wales, are no where to be found in the
Britifh dominions. A fpecies then may perilb it
is evident, from an ifland; why not from a conti^
nent? If from one continent, why not from ano-
ther ?-^If we may believe a celebrated author to be
m earneil, in what he fays of the interior parts of
Africa, we fliall find by the account which he gives
that a whole race of men arcm danger of ihariag

the

I ;.«

►

If ,■
J. .

' <l

h if

-IL I

14 . BMTISH EMPIllfi

the (ame fate *, which is ftill more extfaofcfoifif *
But it is urged, that the men as well a* l^^fUls,
found in the weflern world, are, in many refpe^,
different from thofe under our own hemifpher^, -^
Are not the Eaft Indians and the Europeans, the
Pcriians and the CaiFre Negroes as different? Do
not the HotMntots appear in fome refpcdts as ano-
ther fpecies of men ? Yet it is highly probable, all
thefe defcended from one common parent. The
fame then may be the cafe with thi Americans,
whofe differing foil and climate, and other out-
ward accidents might occafion the variation, ob-
ferved.

All thefe, indeed, are but conjeftures; yet in cafes
of this kind, probability in an hypothelis is all that
can reafonably be expected. However this vail:
continent was peopled, it is certain that the natives
of it, inhabiting Mexico and Peru, had formed
themfelves into civil focieties, cultivated the arts

and were far from being unhappy. One thing

•

* M. de Voltaire fays, ** In the interior parts of Africa
** there is a race, though very few in number, of little men,
«« who are as white as fnow, with faces like thofe of the na-
<* groes, and round eyes, exa^ly refembling thofe of a par-
*• tiidge." Expatiating more fully on the matter, in another
place, he fays, that the neighbouring nations are continually de-
ploying them, and their race is likely to be cxtinft. — A white
ncFTDC female anf»vcring this defcription, has been often fliewn
:n En-^land : whether (lie be of this race remains yet to be dc-
tfn mined.

however,

^im^:

Itewlwtr & t6 W bbftiwd, vKiicIl is thai kccordi
% «o ih« |«tt sttfcottits, iH thefe imptovementt
weft ftbty^nitirtl^i' « their maturit)r:^^Huay«t
C^e, «be &dMt of Athabalipa, wai but the
t^mm, ¥^ of Ftru, fiftfce the firft legiflators, whd
d^^W tat^ peopia fi-cMtt ^ ftAt€ of barbfirifm | a cir-
cumftance favourable to the opinions here deliwiedi
Mte'^ ^e peopling of thofe partal bore a date co-
*Val with the creation, it is likely they would havs
been much fooner civilized. The North-Ameri-
caiis ftill continue \vild, and are perhaps of a ftill
!at6t origin, otherwifc the cafe it is prefumed would
feiVe been diredly the reverfe ; nor is it quit6
impOilSMe that thtft people may owe their origiii
tb the l*artars whofe favage manners at leait fcenl
fo m^^ to thttri. , ^

^e difcovery of America and fending colonies
thithd: occafioned many alterations in the fyftem of
politics throughotJt Europe. The pope had grants
cd bulls dividing the territories fettled by the Per-
tuguefe from thofe difcovered by the Spaniards by
lines drawn to the Eaft and Weft;, but thefe
were perpetually broken through, and by the
voyages afterwards made to the South Seas, render-
ed ufelefs and ridiculous. The circum-navigators;'
among whom Sir Francis Drake ftands firft in fame,
at laft completed the defign of Columbus, and ,
brought the Europeans acquainted with the litua- \
tion of other nations and thi?ir own. Gold and \
Vol. I. E filver

t s>

If . •

li'^tft***'

26 BRITISH EMPIRE

filvcr became plentiful, trade flouriflied^ and all
things affumcd a different face from whatithey had
done a century before. The indefatigable labours
and laudable fpirit of a few found employment
for numbers, miniftered to the eafe and happincft,
and, in procefs of time, to die luxury and extrava-
gance of nations.

The continent of America, lies between 35 and
45 degrees of Weft longitude, and between 80
degrees of North, and 58 of South latitude. It is
bounded on the fide of Europe by the great Weft;
em Sea, and on the oppofite fide by the Pacific
Ocean. Its foil and climate are various, according
to the different fituations of its provinces, ibme of
which exhibit the raoft enchanting fcenes of beauty^
and fertility, while others are barren and defart;
but thefe latter are much more rare to be found than
the former ; and this fpot, taking it altogether, may
^e confidered as a very agreeable country, well fur-
niflied with the neceffaries, and even the luxuries

of life. ,:r^.

jHaving already given a fummary of the difco-
vcries of Columbus, and the conqueft of Mexico
and Peru by the Spaniards, which I conlidered as
a proper intfodudtion to this work, as their hiftory
is fometimesconneded with that of our own colonies.
I (hall now proceed in the profecution of my main
defign, which is to prefent the reader with an ac-
count of the Britiih Empire in North America.

Our

IN AMERICA.

Our colonics in thefe parts peopled by men ,
difcontented, and driven from their native homes
by religious perfecutions, defperate fortunes, or by
a paffion for novelty and extraordinary undertake-
ings, will afford a great field for reflexion and
improvement. If we confider at what expcnccof
time, wealth, and labour, thefe infant colonies ^yere
formed, how greatly they have increafeo, and of
what ufe they have proved to the mother-
country, which at firil rejected their anceftors,
we muft certainly be ftruck with n^onder and
amazement. The patience and induftry of the firft
fettlers ; their perfeverance under difficulties and
diftreflfes, and the noble fpirit they exerted in eftab*
lilhing thcmfelves in thefe remote parts, moft cer-
tahily deferve the greateft commendations; and
a lading memorial in hiftory, which will un-
doubtedly tranfmit their names \\'ith honour to lateft
pofterity.

It was to the enterprizing genius of a Raleigh that
we owed the firfl peopling of our colonies in North
America, At the fame time, it is to be obferved,
that, whatever might be the extenfive comprehen-
fion of that great man, in regard to commercial
interefts, moft of thofe who undertook to fettle in
thefe parts were infpired with the hopes of gaining
vaft fortunes by gold and filver, and other mineral
produdions, nor forefaw thofe greater and more cer-
tain advantages, which proved, in the end, the
reward of their unconquered fpirit, and unremitted
labour,

E z North

I«"

North America, properly fo caUc4i w^ jfirft
difcovered by Sebaftian Cabot, for th^ Kngfilh,
in the reign of Henry VU, but remained for nwpr
a century unclaimed and uncultivated. It w^
not until the year 1584, that the renowped Rih
Icigh firft fitted out certain ihips, upder ^ CPW*
mand of the captains Amlcks and Barlow, whp
went on flior« on an iiland near the contifjeRt
of America. And forae time afterwards ppfle^pn
was taken of part of the continent, undqr the na,m^
of Virginia ; a title beftowed on it m. hopo^i qf
the maiden queen, Elizabeth, who at tl^at time
fwayed the fceptre. Roanoke was tl^e name, of tkf
ifland on which they landed. It was fitu^i^sd near
the mouth of the river Albemarle, m Npi^h iQ^ch
lina. They carried on a trade with the inh^biti^t%
and returned, brining with them two of the n*.
tives; but made no attempts towards fettling^
colony. However, in April the next y^^r, ^ir
Richard Grenville was encouraged to attempt a fe-
cond expedition with feven Ihips, under the avifpiceg
of him who had planned out the firil. He arrived
at the ifland of Wokokoii, with the lofs of one of
his veffels. From hence he went to the continent}
but plundering an Indian town was obliged
to quit the fliore with precipitation, and dired
his courfe towards Cape Hatteras. There he paf*
^d over to Roanoke, where he placed a colony of ao
hundred men, and from thence returned to England.
Captain L?me, whom he left at the head of the fet-

tlemeut,

1 N AMER I C A. t^

tiementi proceeded to make his difcoveries on the
continent of America : but the Indians, after fomc
■fruitfefs oppofition, retired, burning their corn-fields,
9f4 defo)ating their country : they grew jealous of
the Engliih, who, as they advanced, had every
thing to fear from the favage inhabitants. Lane
•however proceeded, and being perfuaded by Win-
gina, an Indian prince, that he might meet with
great treafures near the fource of the river Moro-
|ock, failed up that river in boats, but failing in
point of provifions, and not being fupplied by the
Indians, who difappeared as fall as he advanced, he
returned, with his half-familhed crew, in great dif-
treft tptheiUand, Meanwhile, his falfe friend Win-
&m amufed him with vain hopes, at the fame
tmc that he was in reality employed in concluding
treaties with the other Indian nations, for the total
extirpation of the Englifh. His defign was indeed
difcovered, and his perfon fecured ; yet the little
colony was in danger of deftrudion, when happily
Sir Francis Drake arrived on the coaft. Wearied
and harrafled as they were, they had no longer any
inclinations to fettle on the inhofpitable Ihore, but
went on board the fleet and gladly fet fail for
England. •

They had not long been gone, when Sir Richard
Grenville arrived there with three fliips. Though
he found no traces of his countrymen, yet he had
the boldnefs to leave fifteen men, vidualled for two
years, upon the illand.

i I

v <!

t, ii

< ^1

30 BRITISH EMPIRE

Ih 1587, Raleigh equipped three other ihipi, on
board which were an hundred and fifty adventurers.
Thefe he incorporated, by the name of the Borough
of Raleigh in Virginia. One captain White was
conftituted governor, in whom, together with a
council of twelve perfons, the legiflative power was
veiled. Thefcj, after a difficult paflage, arriving tt
Roanoke, found no other marks of the colony left
there by Sir Richard Grenville, than the fkeleton of
a man who had been murdered by the Indians^
and a houfe which had been built by the firft fet-
tlers. Anxious to know the fate of their country-
men, and in fome meafure doubtful what might
prove their own, they made all manner of inquiries
after thefe unhappy j^erfons; and fome lime
after, they were informed feven of them had
b^n killed by the favages, and the reft whc> ef-
caped had gone over to another iiland near Cape
Hatteras, and were never heard of afterwards.
The colony of which we are now fpeaking, enter-
ing into hoftlUties with the neighbouring Indi-
ans, found it neceflary to fend their governor to
England, to follicit fupplies, which he had much
trouble in obtaining. He fet fail with a reinforce-
ment, on his return, but being attacked "by a great
ftorm, he put back again to England. The fetrlers
were left to themfelves, and periihed to a man, by
fomine, or the fword of the enemy. Thus, for
want of a proper attention, thefe unhappy perfons
loft their liv^s ^ an4 th^ir countrymen, for the pre-

fent.

i If A M E ft 1 C A«

3»

fent, all their hopes of eftablilhing colonics on the
North Eaft continent of America.

In 1602, however, the captains Gilbert and Gef-
nold failed from Plymouth, to that part of Virginia
called New England, and built a fort on a little
iHand, which they named Elizabeth; but, quarrel-
ing with the Indians, it proved only a trading
voyage, the profits of which defrayed the expence
of the undertaking. Another enterprize, of like
nature, was fet on foot by Mr. Hacluit, prebendary
of Briftol, which met with the like fuccefs. In
1605, the lords Southampton and Arundel fent a
Jhip to Hudfon's River, under captain Weymouth ;
but his men kidnapping feme of the Americans*
the intent of the voyage, to plant colonies, was
fruftrated.

Thus mu'jh of time and labour was thrown away
in fruitlefs undertakings ; but in the year 1606, a
company of gentlemen and merchants obtained a
patent to raife a fund for attempting new fettle-
ments in Virginia. — As to Raleigh*s grant, before-
obtained, it was forfeited when he was attainted,
and neceffarily reverted to the crown. Every one
who has read the Englifh hiftory mull be acquainted
with the charader of that great man, his enter*
prifmg fpirit, and the barbarous treatment he re-
ceived from King James I. — The fpirit of trade
and colonization however, which was ftirred up
in the people, notwithftanding their repeated difap-
pointments, ftUl fubfiiled, and the body of men

above-

If BRITISH EMPIRE

above-mentioned were incorporated ilnder thd
names of the London and Briflol Com^ftoies. M.
the head of the latter were Sir J. PdphaiA^ chief
juflice, and Ferdinand Gorget, govcmoir. of Ply*
mouth ; Sir Thomas Yates, and Sir Geor^ Sum*
mers were likewife ading men in this undertaking^
About an hundre^^ ^venturers fet out ta tJtree yd^
fell, under the command of captain Newport, fur*
niihed with every accommodation that could be
thov^ht necellary for their purpofe. They came
10 an anchor in the bay of Cheffapcak, at the latter
end of April, in bad weather, and fell in with a
party of Indians, whom they had the good fortunt
to defeat; and the next day, entering the town^
received their fubmiflions.

On their departure from England, the colonic
had received fealed inftruftions relating to their in-
ternal government. The time was now come la
which they were to be opened. This was done ia
full afleiiibly ; and fome caufes of difpkafure tQ
particular perfons were occafione^. by the contentf-
of them, and the refult of the fubfcquent eled:ion ;
this was in fome meafure no more dian what might
be expected. In all cafes of this nature, fome will
be oftended, becaufe all cannot be alike preferred,
I Ihall not however flop to expatiate on thefe griev-.
ances, but proceed to the more interefting parts o£
the hiltory *. ui;it

* 'the names of the council were, Bartholomew Gcfnold,
Edward WinglieW, Chriftopher Newport, John^Smith, John
RatcliS^ John Martin, and George Kendall. Mr. Wingfield

The

IN AMERICA.

The emigrants now began to treat with the
ncighbo«ring Indians, and obtained leave to
build a fort, and ercft houfes on a Cpot near the
river Powhatocj-tfiis little eftablilhment they
called James-Town, and gave the river the Englifh
name of James-River likewife; but, notwithftand-'
ing all thefe negociations, they foon found them-
felvcs fubjedted to the attacks of the favage
inhabitants i and, in confequence, were obliged
to amend their fortifications, and to put themfelvcs
more upon their guard.

After having proceeded in the necefla y bmn-
ches of agriculture, the fleet was dii> ached
back agam to England, one hundred anu four
men being left in James-Town. Thefe had not
remained there long before they found themfelves
reduced to great necefTity, and alike purfued by
difeafe and by the fword. Several people of con,
fequence perifhed, and the colony was in the ut-
moft diftrefs, when they thought fit to chiife
their rejected member. Smith, for their prefident :
who accepted the office, and endeavoured to re-
trieve their almofl ruined fortunes. He enRaged
the Indians with various fuccefs * ; and, by fre-

wa. chofen prefident, and Smith left out of the council ; though

•hey had received from England.

nalv'"°"',f '^"^' ^"gagements he wastakcn prifoner bythe
nauves, and being condemned to die, was pr.lerved by the gene-

VoL. L F

^m^'

■4

BRITISH EMPIRE

quently defeating thei^, kept \\p the fitiking co-
lony. But the villany of fome, and the careleffncfs
of others, together with many accidental caufes all
working together, contributed again to fink the
colony to the lowefl ebb. At laft a patent was
obtained for the appointment of a governor, with
greater privileges, and more authority th^n before.
Lord Delawar was pitched upon for this purpofe j
who conftituted Sir George Summers, Sir Thomas
Yates, and captain Newport, his deputies. They
fet fail with nine Ihips : eight of thefe, with near
five hundred perfons, got fafe to Virginia ; but the
ninth, on board of which were th-: deputy-gover-
nors, was Ihipwrecked on the iilands of Bermudas ;
meanwhile thofe who arrived were rendered un-
able, by party-divifions, to do any fervice to their
countrymen or themfelvcs. Difcord reared her
baleful head, and ftill continued to threaten
their abfolute deftrudion : diforder, and the de-
ftroying fword were rife amongft them : in a word,
they experienced every evil that could enter into
the heart of man to conceive, when firft the de-
puty-governors, and afterwards the Lord Delawar
himfelf arrived to their affilbnce. The former of

rofity of an Indian woman, who not only obtained j( the chief,
her father, the grant of his life and liberty, biii alfo held a corre-
Jpondence with hinr ; in the couife of which rtic informed him of
all her countiymens plots againfl the Englifli ; fo that he was ever
picpared for, and ready to defeat them. This circurnftancc may
appear romantic, but it i§ well enough attefted,

tbefe

IN AMERICA. 35

tkfe gentlemen had made ^ift to condrua two
veflels out of the timber found on the iflands, that
had conveyed them in fafety to this fcene of con-
fufion, which however they were fo little able to
reduce to order, that the whole colony had adually
defcrted their town, and were ready to fail for Eng-
land, when the latter arrived, who by his prudence
and juflice, and a due exertion of his extraordinary
abilities,, prevented their defertion, obliged them to
retutn to the fettlement they had forfaken, and
made fuch wife regulations as again rellored the co*
lony to a more comfortable and happy ftate.

Thus by the conduct of one fenfible and fpirited
man was James-Town again rendered an habita-
tion fit for Engliflimen, and a fettlement revived,
which if it had then untimely expired, would pro-
bably have thrown fo great a damp upon the ar-
dour of the.Englifh adventurers as might in future
have prevented all thofe advantages which Great
Britain has fince reaped from colonization. This
governor made many appointments, fet about a re-
formation of manners, banilhed, in a great mea-
fure, all party difcontents, and held the fword of
juftice with fuch a fleacfy hand as failed not to ren-
der him at once beloved by his friends and dreaded
by his enemies. He difpatched Sir Thomas Yates
over to England with the molt flattering account
of the flate of the colony. Soon after he himfelf
returned likewife for the recovery of his health, to

I' ' if

BRITISH EMPIRE

lit

.' ii

'VS

■1 'i'

his native country. Still however the affairs of his
government were his great care, and thefe he re-
prefented in fuch a light as engaged the new com-
pany to fend fupplies of men and money to Vir-
ginia. Firft captain Dale with three ihips, and after-
wards Sir Thomas Yates arrived there with nine
more, in quality of Lord Delawar's deputy. At
this time an Euglilh captain marrying the daugh-
ter of an Indian chief, fecured the friendlhip of one
who was before a foe, and greatly benefited the
affairs of his countrymen in thofe parts.

In the year 1618, Lord Delawar reimbarked
for Virginia, but ended his days on the paffage.
My. Argol was now entrufted with the adminiftra-
tion of affairs ; but as he was thought to attend
more to the difcovery of new countries than to the
good government of his province, he was recalled,
and Sir George Yardley fucceeded him in the go-
vernment. The cultivation of tobacco was greatly
owing to this gentleman, who befides altered the
form of the conftitution, fo as to refemble as nearly
as poffible that of Great Britain. The council was
modelled by the Houfe of Lords, the general af-
f^mbly by that of the Commons, and in 1620,
thefe eftates of the province met at James-Town
for the dlfpatch of bufinefs.

This m^ght properly be called the rife of our
firft fettlements in North America, the fuccefs of
which gave birth to many others ; and in procefs
of time the new world, became the af}'luni of all

who

;,i'»ii«

1 N A M E kl C A. 37

who were male-contents, either in regard of reli-
gion, or politics, of all who were made uneafy by
their private circumllances at home, or who by a
difpofition for roving, chofe to feek their fortunes
abroad: before fuch adventurers all toils and dan-
gers feemed to vanilh, or even when they really felt
them they were generally alhamed to complain of
the choice they had niade, and were only diligent
in proportion as they had more difficulties to en-
counter with. Thus, one fettlement producing an-
other by a laudable induftry they laid the foundation
of a great empire, and equally benefited themfelvcs
and their mother country.

But in this place we \vill flop to give the reader
fome account of the climate and natural produd:ions
of New England. The fummer feafon is warm,
but of Ihort duration. For the fpace of two months,
the Iky continues perfedly clear, which renders the
country fo healthy, that it is reported to agree bet-
ter with Britiih conftitutions, than any other of the
American provinces. The winters arc long and
fevere, the wind often boifterous, and the air ex-
tremely Iharp, but not intolerable. Naturaliils af-
cribe the early approach, the length, and tlie leve-
rity of the winter feafon, to the large freih water
lakes, lying to the north weft of New England.
Towards the fea, the land is low and marlhy;
but, as you approach the interior country, ir rifes
kito hills, and on the north-eaft becomes altogether

rocky

i I

W !i

it :i

Ji*^'

.'11'

3« BRITISH EMPIRE

rocky and mountainous. Round Mftffachufets Bky^
the foil is black, and as rich as in any part of Eng^
land; and the firfl planters found the grafs above
a yard high, but rank for want of mowing. The
uplands are lefs fruitful, being for the moft a mix-
ture of fand and gravel, inclining to clay ; though
even there a fufEcient quantity of corn, and culi-
nary vegetables are produced for the fubfiftence of
the inhabitants.

Few countries are better watered with rivers and
lakes than New England, though the latter are hot
fo confiderable as thofe to the weft and northward.
Seven of the rivers are navigable, all abound in fifh>
and many of them ahfwer every purpofe of com-
merce. Gonnedticut river, in particular, may be
navigable a great way by the largeft veflels. It
rifes in the northern froniier of the province, and
runs diredly fouth, through the diftrid: of its own
name, until it difcharges itfelf between the towns
of Saybrook and Line, after a courfe of two hun-
dred miles. The other moft confiderable ftreams
are the Thames, Piicataqua, Merimech, Saca, Ken-
nebe<fty, Patuxet, Cufco, and a few others ; and to
the convenience of fo many fine rivers, may we
afcribe the gxeat number of large and populous
towns in this province. Befides river filh, the coaft
abounds with cod ; and formerly there was a whale-
fifhery between New England and New Yorkj,
^ hich is now entirely cngrofted by the Newfound-
landers.

II III

AN AMERICA. 59

landers. The cod taken here are faked and export-
ed, not dniy to the fugar colonies, but likewife to
Europe, conftituting a very coniiderable article in
the trade of the province.

The country is fruitful in all kinds of efculent
plants, pulfe, and corn ; but Indian corn, or maize
which the natives call Weachin, is the moft culti'
vated, and was alone known here on the firft ar-
rival of the Europeans. The following is the ac-
count of it, communicated to the royal fociety by
Mr. Winftrop, and judged worthy of being infert-
ed m the Philofophical Tranfadions. « The ear
IS a fpan long, compofed of eight or more rows
of grain, according to the quality of the foil, and
about thirty grains in each row; fo that each ear,
at a medium, produces about two hundred and forty
grains, which is an aftonifhing incrcafe. It is of
various colours, red, white, yellow, black, green,
&c. and the diverfity frequently appears not only
m the fame field, but in the very fame ear of corn;
though white and yellow be the mofl common,
55trong thick hufks ihield the tender ear from cold
and norms ; and in many of the provinces in North
America, the ftalk grows feven or eight feet high,
and proportionably flrong and thick. It is ob.
fervable, that the maize dwindles, the farther you
advance to the northward, whence it appears that
Avarm climates are more congenial to its nature ;
and indeed its luxuriance in the hotteft climes on
the coaft of Africa fufficiently evince the Indian

corn

#..^=^

. 1«

'i^iif

!:'• W

■I

Jlfi'

40 BRITISH EMPlUfe

corn to be a native of thft more foiithern latitude!.
The flalk is jointed lii: a cane, is flipplied with a
juice as fweet as that of the fugar cane ; but from
the experiments that have been made, it appears
to be incapable of being rendered ui"?fuU Every
joint is marked with a long leaf or ilag, and, at
the top, ihoots a branch of flowers like rye blof-
foms. The ufual time of fowing, or, as it is here
called, of planting, is from the middle of April to
the middle of May ; but, in the northern countries,
the com is not riir in the ground before June ; yet
the harveft is vlpe in di^^ -f^afon, owing to the ex-
treme warmth of the futii' ter months. This corn
the Indians boil till it is teiKlei, and eat with fiih,
fowl, or flelh, as bread, S unetimes they bruifc it
in mortars, and then boil k ; but the moft ufual
method is to dry the corn high, without burning,
to fiti and beat it in mortars into fine meal, which
th? In.):3ns either eat dry or mixed with water.
The Englifli bake it into bread in the fj^me man-
ner as flour ;, but the beft food made from it is
called Samfi ; the corn b^ing fteeped in water, for
half an hour, beat in a mortar until it is thorougidy
cleared of the hufk, then fifted, boiled, apd eatqn
with milk, or butter and fugar, like rice ; which
is not only an agreeable, but an wholefome diet.
Good ftrong beer may alfo be brewed from it,
green, without ufing the cxpenfive European me*
thod of malting.

New

"■1

IN AMERICA.

inidei. ^
with a
t from
ppcars
Every
md, at
'e blof-
is here
Lpril tc
jntries,
ic; yet
the ex-
lis corn
ith fifli,
jruife it
[t ufual
urning,
which
water.
le n\an-
m it is
ater, for
rougi.ly
id eatQii
which
me diet,
from it,
ean me*

Ne%v

. New England produces a great variety of fowls ;
fuch as geefe, ducks, turkies, hens, partridges, wid'
geons, fwans, herons, heathcocks, pigeons, &c. Nor
h the feathered kind in greater plenty than are the
quadroped& more immediately neceffary to human
fubfiflence md convenience. All kinds of Euro-
pean cattle thrive here, and multiply exceedingly •
thehorfes of the province are hardy, mettlefome
and fcrviccablc^ but fmall. Here alfo are elks
aeer, hares, rabbits, fqulrrels. beavers, otters, mon'
keys, racoons, fables, bears, wolves, foxes, ounces
and a vancty of other tame and wild quadrupeds '
iome of which are imported into Great Britain, as
foreign curiofities. But the moft extraordinary of
thefe animals is called the Mofe, which is thus
defcribed by Mr. JofTelyn, in his rarities of New
England,

"The Mofe is about twelve feet high, having'
^^ four horns, and broad palms, fome diflant near'
twelve feet from the tip of one horn to the other.
" His body is about the fize of a bull's ; his neck
" ^^^embles a flag's ; his tail is fomewhat longer,
and his fleili extremely grateful." This author
defcribes the manner of hunting the Mofe ; but as
we believe that diverfion is no^v pretty well over,
we.lliQll not extend an extra^:, which many readers
may afcribe to credulity. The rattle-fnake is an-
other natural curiofity of this country, though n r

peculiar to New l^ngland. The account given of this
vol. I. G

-* venomous

'iM

' (

42, BRlflStt EMI^iiE-

venomous animal is, that Nattire hai i;<rifely pro-
vided it Ihould give warning of its mdfldiw bj^ a
rattle of twenty loofe, hard, cartilagh^ibiiiiTi^^ Hi
the tail, which ihake and beat as it mo^e*, wit^otit
any voluntary exertion* Some, indeed, ilicdj^^ it
only makes a noiffe when the animil apprehends
ttfelf in danger, and calls out for alfif^iice. In
length, this fnake is commonly about fo^f ot fivi
feet, is lefs hazardous than other ferpents, arid fel-
dom attacks any human creature withotit provoca-
tion ; is provided like the viper with a poifoSious
bag, at the root of a hollow forked tooth, which,
being compreffed, as the animal fixes its jaws, pour«
out a ftrong poifon on the wound, that is mortal in
a few hours, unlefs proper remedies are applied-
New England abounds in excellent timbet, oak,
aih, pine, fir, cedar, elm, cyprefs, beech. Walnut,
chefnur, hazel, faffafras, famach, and other Woods
ufed in dying, or tanning leather, carpenters work,
and (hip-building; yet fuch was the deftruftion
made in the forells, that a law was paffed to prevent
the wafte of woods, by inflifting j^enalties on thofc
who cut down trees of a certain kind, before they
were arrived at a fpecified growth and age. The
pines are equal to thofe of Norway in growth and
ftraitnefs ; and it is certain, Great Britain might be
provided from this country with all the materials
of ihip-building, at prefent purchafed in the north-
ern kingdoms, at the expence of a confiderable
film of ready money to the natioq. The oak, in-
deed,

ti^ AMERICA. 41

^ed, b repoitcd to be inferior in quality to that of
England ; but as the forcfts of Great Britain arc on
the decline, it is certainly politic to be careful of
this valuable commodity.— But it is now time to
return to our hiftory.

OF NEWFOUNDLAND AND
NOV A- SCOT I A.

WHILE the colony of James-Town was in-
creafmg, other fettlements had been cftabliihed
along the coaft ; and Newfoundland was peopled
by the Engliih.— Sebaftian Cabot, in the year 1497,
firft difcovered this ifland, which is fituated be-
tween 46 and 51 degrees north, and is bordered on
the north and fouth by Canada and Nova Scotia,
the latter being feparated from it by a narrow
channel.

A fruitlefs expedition thither was undertaken by
fome privatij adventurers in the reign of King
Henry VIIL In 1519, Mr. Cotton of Southamp-
ton fent captain Whitburn to fifh on the great
bank ; and he was afterwards employed by Mr.
Crook of the fame place for the like purpofe.
While this gentleman ftayed on the ifland, Sir
Humphrey Gilbert arriving there, took poffeffioh of
it for Queen Elizabeth. About fourteen years after
this, Sir Laurence Tanfield, Sir John Doddridge-,
and Sir Franci§ Bacon, with feveral other perfons
of note, obtained a grant of lands from Cape Bona-

O z vifta

i * - li-

fe: m

!«

44 BRITISH EMPIRE

vifta to St. Mary's, whither a colony was fent un?
dcr the condudt of Mr. Guy. In 1614, captain
Whitburn again failed thither with a commiilion
to enquire into divers abufes among thofc who car--
ried on the filhery, which was bemtv-e rp rvextcnfive.
The next year a little c^'- ' . iounded at
Cambriol, on the fouthern pate ot Newfoundland,
of which the fame Whitburn was appointed go-
vernor. Sir George Vaughan, a Roman Catholic,
alfp obtained the grant of that part of &: j'^ii'l
lying between St. Mary's to the fouthward, and
the Bay of Bulls to the eaflward ; and the puri-
tans reforted thitht'. Captain Edward Wynne ar-
rived before Sir Geoige, with a fmall colon}', at
Newfoundland, to prepare every thing neceflary
for him ; and bore the commiflion of governor.
He placed hinifelf at Ferry-land, erede'd grana-
ries, and accommodated every thing as \vell as the
iituation would admit of. Lord Faulkland, lieu-
tenant of Ireland, alfo fent a colony to Newfound-
land : but at this time the proprietor, who was
made lord Baltimore, returned to Enghnd, where
he got a grant of Maryland, on the continent of
North America; notwithftai "ng which ' - flill
kept his fettlcmcnt at F<jrry-land, which he go-
verned by his deputies. Colonics were in a few
years planted in various parts of the ifland ; and
the French, not to be behind hand with us, ffntcd
themfelves at Placentia. From the time ^owr cr,
that thefe laft arrived, they were conftanti ]v '•ell-

ing

IN AMER ic A.

fcg with their neighbours, and frequent chl e-
ments happened between them with various luc-
ceffcs : but peace at laft determined the matter,
and fecured to us our rights, unlefs the French
thall be m a condition to break the treaty.

The weather, in this country, runs upon ex-
tremes; t,ie fummers r^re very hot, the winters
cxceffively cold, and exhibit a difagreeable pro-
fped of fnow and ice for whole months toaether ,
and, whatever fome vifionary writers may have
dreamed of rhe fertility of its foil, and the beauty
of Its landfcapes, it is certain, that rV ground is
m general barren, yielding mofs inftead ^rafs
and fo little of corn and other natural procW
and that the inhabitants a-e obliged to be dei^n-
dant on their fupplies from Europe for the necefla-
ries of life. Timber, however, is plentiful here, and
t^ie country auounds in deer, hare, and beavers;
Butthe (ea. is th. -reat 1 nine of treafbre it can
boaft : , IS for the i '<e ot the cod-fifhery, fo often
difpuied between .e En ^ifh ,id the French, that
both nations have fo ea. >ly defircd a fettlement
mthisjfland The natives a . people of a mild
difpofir,op, but much given to pilfering and other
mean tncks, of which they are not at aP ifliamed
They paint their bodies, and are beardlel, a cir'
cumft ince which feems to arife from a method
they have of plucking the hairs ort by the roots
tne mo.nent they appear. They are fhorr flrpng
ipen, uith broad faces, but in general liJ-ihaped
and often mucli deibrmed in their features. '

Nova

'ill

■I

^6 BRITISH EMPIRE

Nova Scotia, on which Ncwfpyndland l^dcr$^
is the next Britifh fcttleijientt wc ^^1 con<i4er, an4
which <:omprehen4uig Acadia, i» boundccji to the
eaft and fouth by the ocean ; on th? ^orth-eaft aiwj
north-weft by the river St. Laurence, and on the
weft and fouth-weft by Canada and New England,
extending from the 43d to the 51ft degree of
north latitude, and including a Ipace of near fix:
hundred Englifli miles *.

In 1618, governor Argol failed to Cai>e Cod,
where being informed t1 at the French had made||
fettlement to the northward, at St. Croix, he pro-
ceeded thither, and found a little colony, with a
fmall fort, and a (hip at anchor ; of the latter he
niade himfelf mafter, and then turned his arms a*
gainft the garrifon, who furrendered at difcretion. He
aftei ards diflodged the French from another poft
at Port Royale, the garrifon and people of which were
tranfported to Canada, where, by their unwearied
induftry and artful policy, they raifed at kft a flou-
rilhmg colony. It appears, that king Charles the
Firft, confidered Nova Scotia, and Canada as the
property of England, and he made out grants f

* The French ftill call thi» country L'Acadic ; but under
that name numbcrlefs have been the difputes with regard to its
toundarics: thcfe our good neighbours having always endea-
voured to fecure to themfelves the moft beautiful and bell culti-
vated fpots, woulil gcneroufly have permitted us to plant colonies
on all the barren rocks in North America.

I To Sir David Kirk and Sir William Alexander.

accordingly.

I ii

IN AU^KltA. %

ktibvrh td himfdf, he itlinqufflicd Ais ri^t; but
'Cfomwcl, hiore fplrlted, took the matter into ton-
iWirarion, and fent major Sedgwick info Canada,
Ivho reduced the country, and obliged the French
b rubmit at lifcfetion. Treaty confirmed it to the
Englifli, in the year 1655**.

When the French were fettled in their p()fl*eflions,
having formed alliances with the natives, whofe
friendfhip they ufed every art to cultivate, they
foon became very troublefome to the Engli/h
colonies, and together with their favage allies,
they were guilty of fuch infults and depredations, '
as it was thought highly proper to chaflife them
for. Colonel Phipps was accordingly fent in the
year 1690, with feven hundred men, to attack Vort
Royale, which wa« r. a ftrongly fortified place.
The governor capituiated, and was fent to Ca-
nada. This advantage was yielded up by treaty,
but in 1709, the French were a fecond time
obliged to evacuate Port Royale, to which rfie
name of Anrr polls Royal was given. By the
peace of Utrei ht, the whole province was ceded to
Britain, together with an extenfive right of fiiliin^
on the coaft. ^

* The French pretended to hare made « purchafe of thh
Qou.itry for five thoufand poi-nds, a price which was never paid
zl\ov.ing that ther« was iuch » Urgain;^that tl..-,e was il
much t« be doubted. '

But

1:*

48 BRITISH EMPIRE

But the French, regardlefs of the treaty^ adlei
from time to time, in open violation of it; they
were always engaged in cabals with the Indians, and
frequently proceeded to open adts of hoflility.
By means, of thefe, they infulted the Englilh veflel^
fifhing on the coaft, killed feveral Europeans, and
attacked Annapolis, but were repulfed with lofs.
•^ova Scotia, which feems to have been little at-
tended to by the Englifh, was foon reduced to a
ruinous condition ; and, in 1745, the French at
Louifbourg, having firft feized Canfo, and co-
vered the Ibas with privateers, made an attempt oii
Annapolis, under the condud of a French miffion-
ary named Luttre ; but the arrival of a privateer
from Bofton, obliged him to decamp; yet the
principal inhabitants fent their moft valuable ef-
feds thither.

Du Vivier foon after joined the French miilion-
ary with a body of Indians and fixty of his regu-
lars. Being encamped at Minas, he repeatedly
fummoned the garrifon of Annapolis to furrender,
but in vain ; they held out bravely, and the con-
fcquence was, that he was obliged to defift from
his enterprize.

The government of Mafrachufet Bay, about
this time declared war with the Indians of Cape
Sable, forbidding all the natives who were in al-
liance w^ith the Engllfh, from holding any corref-
pondence with the enemy ; but they forbade in
vain. The French found the means of drawing

them

IN AMERICA. 45

them off from their allegiance, and one thou-
fand of them joining M. Marin, a Canadian,
once more befieged Annapolis, but were called
away to deifend Louifbourg, which was then at-
tacked by the Englilh both by land and fed.

M. Ramfay, and M. d'Anville, again fuccefTivc-
ly attacked this feemingly devoted place, but both
met with the fame Ul fortune as their predeceffors
m command had done. After various fuccelTes in
thefe parts, the French at lafl, at the peace of
Aix-la-Chapelle, ceded Nova Scotia to Great-Bri-
tain ; but the treaties of that nation, like the
oracles of old, generally admitting of equivoca*
tion, this formal ceffion prevented not a feries of
difputes concerning the limits of the territory in
quedion, and contributed to give rife to another
war.

Annapolis and Canfo are the chief towns in this
province, the former of which has an excellent
harbour, capable of containing a thoufand veflels.
Canfo is fituate on the eaflern ihore, is chiefly ufe-
ful on account of its fifliery. But here we muft
not omit to mention the town of Halifax, which
owes its firft eflablifhment to the earl of that name.
—Three thoufand families were tranfported to the
new fettlement in this country in 1743, and fol-
diers ftationed there to proted them from the in«
fults of the natives.' Halifax has a fine harbour,
and is othcrwile very commodioufly fituated; it
makes no contemptible figure ; yet the ground is

Vol. I. H .

^^ not

56 BRITISH EMPIRE

not well improved, as it is difficult to be cklrtd,
aod far from being very fertile. The inairfions of
the Indians here are very frequent and very troU-
blefome, and prevent the colonifts from carrying
on their works of agriculture. They are obliged to
New England for moft of the neceffaries of life,
having little of their own befides the filhery to
fubfift on.— There is alfo a little fettlement of
Germans from Halifax, at a place called Lunen-
burg. — The Cape Sable coafl is valuable on ac-
count of filhing, and is famous alfo for good
harbours. —■ The ifland of Sables lies within the
fame iuril"di<ftion.

Cape Breton is the largefl ifland in the gulph of
St. Laurence, fituate from 45 to 47 degrees of
north latitude : it commands the fiflieries in the
bay, and, in the hands of the French, might prove
a great annoyance to our Newfoundland trade.
When the fort of LouiilxDurg on this ifle was laft
taken by our troops, it was demolifhed, and
left in ruins. St. John's ifland belongs likewife
to theEnglifli in thefe parts ; but it is a place of too
little confideration to be d\velt upon in this hif-

lory.

The whole territory of Nova Scotia, fcems to
have been rather kept as as barrier and defence of
our colonies, than for any vail: profits of another
kind w hich could accrue to either party from the
pofldTion of it ; fmce, as we have already ob-
fcrved, the foil is far Iwm being fruitful, and

were

E) •

IN AMERICA. 51

were the afliftance it receives from the mother
country withdrawn from it, it would at once fall
to nothing ; yet here it was, on this unlovely fpot,
that the French, as we have already obferved, made
their early fettlements, and from hence overfpread
Canada, and the adjacent country. We have now
got rid of thefe troublefome neighbours ; and not
only this province, but a vail trad of North Ame-
rica, formerly in their territory, acknowledcres
our fovereignty, and pays obedience to a Britilh
government : thus have thofe difturbers of the
peace by a jufl difpenfation of Fate, not only lolt
what they unjuilly contended for, but alfo their
own pofleffions with it.

iJ'A

OF NEW ENGLAND AND THE
CHARTER. GOVERNMENTS.

^ HAVING thus defcribed thefe northern colo-
nies, we fl^all now return to the affairs of New-
England, or Virginia, of which being the firft
previoufly fettlement, we were under ^a neceffity
to fay fo much, and have already made mention
of a numerous colony at James-Town there.

The diflenters, who began to be very much per-
fecuted at home, had by this lime, made a ^-ttle-
ment m another part of the countrv. Some of
thefe, who were retired to Leyden, whofe pallor
was named Eobinfon, formed a dcfign of goinp-
over to New-England, and, through the interce^

fiorv

I! i'

■i 1

52 BRITISH EMPIRE

fion of Sir Robert Naunton, the fecretary of flate,
obtained leave from king James I. to put it in excr
GUtian. After many difappointments, they failed
from Plymouth in two Ihips, containing one hun-
dred and twenty palTengers befides feamen ; but
either through treachery or miflake, were obliged
to land at Cape Cod, where it feems they had no
inclination to have difembarked. Mr. John Carver,
was chofen their governor, went with fixteen
men to Barnftaple county, to find a convenieut
fpot to fettle on, but returned difappointed. Ano-
ther party, going in fearch of a harbour through
Patuxet cQuntryj met with better fuccefs. They
found a traft of land wliich feemed proper for
their purpofe, fettled themfelves there, and called
it New Plymouth. Many of thefe new o ifts
died the fucceeding winter. In the fpring, a
Sc£^amore, one of the Indian chiefs, vifited them,
and afterwards prevailed upon the great Sachem
Maffafoit, with a train of fixty perfons to do the
fame. It is faid, this chief made them a prefent
of the land whereon they had built New Ply-
ipouth, and all the adjacent country.

Mr. Bradford, who fuccecded Carver in the go-
vernment, being informed of certain depredations
committed by fome of the favage tribes of Indians,
who feemed determined to keep no terms with
the Engliih, detached captain Standilh, with a
fmall party of men to reduce them, which he did

fo effeduully, (hat it is faid, the neighbouring

chiefs

'•m>/'.:J

:m p.

IN AMERICA. 53

chiefs made a formal fubmiffion *. The planters
had now great hopes of fuccefs, to enfure which
however, their ihip the Mayflower, was difpatch-
ed to England, in the fpring of the year 1621. A
great number of paflengers arriving foo« after,
with one Wefton, provifions grew fcarce ; and as
thefe new fettlers had brought none with them, it is
likely a famine would have enfued, but that the
arrival of an Englifli merchantman on the coaft
prevented it. Wefton produced a patent for efta-
bliihing a new fettlement, at a place called Wafu-
gufquafet, in order to propagate the dodrines of
the church of England. He was juftly difguiled
at the formal cant of fome of the puritans, and
they were no lefs difpleafcd with his religious prin-
ciples : the confequence was, that the two colo-

* In the accounts which mention this fubmiflionj we find a
copy of an inftrument, whereby they bound themfelves, which
runs as follows :

" Know all men by thefe prefcnts, that we, whofe names are
** hereunto annexed, do acknowledge ourfelves the legal fub-
" jefts of James, Jcing of Great-Britain. In witncfs whereof,
«• and as a teftimony of the lame, we hare fubfcribed our
** names or marks, as followeth : [Obquamehud, Cawnacome,
« Obbatinua, Nattamawhunt, Coubatant, Chillaback, Quada-
«* quina, Huttamoiden, Apadnow.]'* — This ftory however car-
ries with it rather too much of the air of & romance. Firft,
bccaufe it is unlikely the fav^gcs fhould be fo generous as to
make fuch a grant ; and, Secondly, becaufc it is almoft certain
that they were ignorant of the nature of xviiiten deeds ; and if
|hcy did really fign fuch agreement, they knsvf not what they
<^id, and n^ight the xnore eafily be i^jpofeci m,

nies

( • ''J

^'•^11

^4 BRITISH EMPIRE

nies became ui their hearts inveterate enemies. A
conspiracy of the Indis^ns was ^< thi* time reported
to be formed againft the new comers, which the
^iflenters attributed to the irregularities thiy pre-
tended to have feen praetilbd by thofc men ; though
others are of opinion, that all this was no more
than a fcheme of the formalifts to ruin the fettle-
ment, and to gain honour by fuppreffing a plot that
they themfclves had firft encouraged, or \yhich had
perhaps no real exiftence. — This latter opinion
feems to be the more truly founded, as captain
Standilh from New Plymouth, affifted by eight
men only, fupprelled this dreadful confpiracy.

This colony now grew to a flour iihing ftate, and
plans were laid in Old England, tor introducing
cpilcopacy among them. Mr. Gorges, fon to Sic
Ferdinando Gorges, arrived there wdth feveral fa-
milies, and a church of England clergyman.
They oppofed him ; the true fpirif of fanatic
obilinacy prevailed, and, weary of contending with
a people whom he found it impoffible to bring to
reafon, he returned with all his aflbciates. The
New-Plymouthers fome time afterwards made
feveral ove^-tures toward? purchafmg the patent 06
the Plymouth company. In this they met with
fome obftacles ; but at lafl, fending over Mr.
Winflow, he obtained it for their governor, who
furrendered it to tiie general council. The affiftants
were increafed to five ; for the republican f})irit of
thefc colonifts rendered them extremely fearful of

rruding

IN AMERICA/ - "Ij

trufting poWfcr eveh w jth one who had neVer donS
any thing to forfeit their efteem and coniiddnce. Mh
Winflow, returning from his negoclatioh in th«
year 1624, brought over, amongft oth*r fupplifes,
a bull and three heifers, the firf.t ever feen in thofe
parts. He alfo furnillied the colonifts with hoo-s
and poultry, which increafed exceedingly. At
this time the towii of New Plymouth containe<i
thirty-two houfes, inhabited by one hundred and
eighty people. It ^^'as half a mile in circumfe-
rence, fenced in with pales, and had a watch-tower
in the middle. The lands around it were cleared
and cultivated, on which many planters lived like
our farmers with their families.

In 1626, captain Woolafton came over wdth d.
view to fettle on Mailachufet Bay, at a place
now called Braintree, but failing in his defign, he
went from thence to Virginia, vrhe-.e his men mu-
tinied, and chofe one Morton for tiieir chief, w^ho
having committed tiie heinous crime of dancincr,
w^ith his men, round a maypole, in contcmnr of
the puritans *, the government of New Plvinouch
fent captain Standilh with a party to fecure hiu,
which was done witli difficulty, and he was fent over

■* Some of their paity accufed lilm Ilkevvife of having taught
the Indians tl?e ufe of fire-arms, which, if it tvcrc true, was at
that time a very wrong aition ; but it is likely this charge Ud
its birth from the Jiliike hh contempt of the puriuns had ex-
cited in their bofoinr ; and that they only took this opportunity
t© vex hira who haj iliifpiicd thr.ri.

,Li

^ BRITISH EMPIRE

to be tried by the New England council, who
deeming his impeachment a frivolous one, took no
notice of it ; and thus the matter ended. — It is
remarkable in this proceeding, that the colonifts
fought not to punilh Morton for mutinying againft
his fuperior ; that they deemed pardonable j but a
contemptuous treatment of them and their forma-
lities was a crime never to be forgiven. I only
obferve this, in fupport of a very juft maxim,
** That contempt is worfe to bear than hatred it-
« felf, and that one might more fafely attack the
« perfons of fome men than their ridiculous opi-

<< nions."

This delign of Woolafton*s having thus mifcar-
ried, Mr. John White, minifler of Dorchefter, got
a patent from the council of Plymouth, to Sir
Henry Rofwel, Sir John Young, and many others,
for that part of New England which is fituatc
three miles north of the river Merrimach ; and as
many to the fouth of Charles-River, which falls
into the fea, at the bottom of Maffachufet-Bay.
The fiift pattentees aflbciated to themfelves foon af-
terwards a number of other gentlemen, which ob-
liged them to take out a new patent in March,
1628, being incoriX)rated under the title of ** The
Goveinor and Comiiany of MalTachufet Bay, in
New England." They had the iK)wer of eleding
a governor and magiftrates, and of making laws, not
repugnant to thole of the mother-country, with
a full liberty of confciencc granted to the fet-

tlCiS.

TN AMERICA. 5^

ders* Charles h gave them a patent to hold
thofe lands, yielding to his majefty a fifth of all
the gold and filvcr ore that Ihould be found in the
country.

Mr.Endicotwas, in the mean timcj difpatched
by Mr. White with fupplies, and a reinforcement
for the new colonifts, but loft many of his men
by ficknefs. — Six Ihips were prepared, and about
three hundred and fifty perfons were embarked on
board them, with cattle, and other neceflaries of
life, AS dlfo warlike ftores and provifions. The go-
vernment of New Plymouth was of great ufe to
thefe; but they made their conditions, that they
fhould adopt no other fyftem than that of the puri-
tans, to which they were obliged to agree, thouo-h
k was contrary to the conftitution of the colonies^
and diredtly oppofitc to the firft defign of them,
which was to allow liberty of confcience ,- but fo
far were thefe men from ading up to the fpirit o£
toleration, which they had formerly profefled,
that they fent home two brothers of the name
of Browne, for no other offence, than that of
following the church of England, although
they were patentees. This condudt was highly
•bfurd and blameable, and favoured fo ftrono-ly of
i^rfecution, that many of their friends in England
cenfured the proceeding ; but thefe were placed at
too great a diftanee for their cenfuies to be re-
garded.

Vol. L

The..

'^i

111

58 BRITISH EMPl/flfE

The firft governor c " this colony was Mattktw
Craddock, Efq. (whde deputy wai Mr. John En-
dicot) to this firft mentioned ge-rteiiian futeceedwj
Mr.\^'inthrop, who had fold his eftate to raifc mo^
ney for the colony ; to EndieOt, fucceedcd ©lull^y,
once a foldier, but now a zealous puritan. 'On
board this fecond fleet were t\vo hundred pAffen-
gers, who arrived at Salem in a bad ftate of kealdii
An hundred of the colonifts, in the mean whHe,
whom Mr. Endicot had carried dver, died of difi
cafe, a circumftance which muft have been owit»g
to the unwhoUbmenefs and inconveniences arifi^g
from an uncleared country, to fuch as were accuf-
tomed to dwell in great cities and cultivated fpots
of ground ; the greatell proof of which is, that,
fince the number and induftry of the colonics have
promoted the works of agriculture, and altered; the
face of the country, we no longer hear of fuch
mortalities.

The new colonifts being illvided into two jjar-
ties, one fettled .it a place called Dorcheftcr, at the
bottom of MaffachufetBax , and the other at Charles-
Town; but the latter iuon after removed toBofton,
and founded that metropolis fmce fo remarkable
in the annals of New England*.

It was now that the fettlement grew flourilhing
and fo formidable as to attrai^t the jealoufy of the

* Wilfon, Warehz-m, Hooker, and Elliot puritan minifters
were the chief promuttvi of this colony, the laft of whom the
formaliits affcdeil to call the apolUe of the new worW.

natives.

Mim

"EN AMERl C A. 5^

natives. 7 key watched thefe inmates with an en.
Vwm& eye, and began to med ate mifchief againft
them^ when their mgrtal enemy the (ni^ll-pox de*
fcatedall their fchemes, and Jmoft extir^^ated the
whole race of Indians inhabiting that part of the
country.

Nor were the colonifts behind-hand with the
ikvages in revenging, xvhen it was in their powcr^
tdic ill offices and inlults done or defigned to be
4toafi them by the favac^es; perhaps 'they fome-
times carried their refeniii.eni too far, and were
not over fcrupulous in confidering the natural
rights of th- Indians, imt often adojLed maxims
which er neither juli politic in this regard,

neither :re they always (, .olerant fpirit to^heir
countr-men, fome of whom they took pr. "mers
and fent home to Old ..agland upon very frivolous
pretences*. About this time, two Englilh gentle-

* Among thefe was Sir Chrlftopher Gaullner, a gentleman
•who having lived extravagantly in his youth,, fettled amonglt
the Indians near Bofton with his la.ly, in order to pafs his life
in retirement. Some bufy pcrfons having perfuaded the go-
vernor that he was a catholic (though he profclTed himfelf, and
in all probability was, a dilfenter) the Indians were en^ red to
take him prifoner, which they did with great ditficulfy, Sr
having made a brave refiftance, he received fome wounds ' ' jie
encounter, which being firft cured, he was afterwards carried
hack to England, where not a fingle article of impeachment
was exhibited againft him. He vcy ju% exclaimed againll thefe
jVQceeilings, and was ever after an avowed enemy to the colony.

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23 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, NY )4S80

(716) B72-4S03

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<s'^«*

6o BRITISH EMPIRf

men fetting out in a fmall veffel from New Eng^
land towards Virginia, fcized two Pequot Indians^
a tribe inhabiting the neighbourhood of New Ply-
mouth, to pilot them up Connecticut river. To
revenge this ii^iury, and perhaps to prevent greater
which they fufpedcd were planning againft them,
the Indians furprizcd and put to death the tvo
agreflbrs, together with fix of their attendants; and
the veflel was blown up, either by chance or det-
fign, after it had been plundered of what they deem^
cd moft valuable. *

The differences between the EngU H and thefe
natives ftill increafing? it was though proper to

Sir Hpnry Vane the younger, in the year 163^, went over to
New England in a fleet of twenty fail, well provided with
ftorcs at>d paflTengers of all kinds. He is faid to have been en-
couraged to this voyage by Charle« I. himfelf^, who wanted to
be rid of him, and perfiiaded his father to let him be abfent for ^
three years. A man of his figure and reputation highly engag-
ed the attention of both Old and New England ; and, jnftcad of
forming a fcttlement, as he propofed to do, on the banks of Con-
necticut River, he accepted of the government of Maflachufet,
tvhich wa« offered him, His fchcme of government was en-
tirely different from the principles of the ruling party there,
who, moft inconfiftently with their own fcondud, demanded a
rigorous conformity, through all their colony, in matters of re-
ligion. Sir Henry, (who, if he h;^ any principle, adopted that
which was afterwards c;|lled independency) was for a compri-
henfion of the baptifls, and all the other fcftarias who diffented
from the church of England ; nor would he be dieted to by
the minifters and their ruling elders. Being as violent as they
^ere obftinate, at the next ejection he was fet aiide, and Mr.
Winthrop was Replaced in the government; upon which Sit

make

IN AM Eft I C A.

make i fcttlement on Conne^iicut River, in order
that it might prove a check upon the latter. A de-
tachment was accordbgly fent thither under Mr;
Hooker ; thefe buik the tovm of Hertford on the
banks of that river. Several others were built af-
ter\vards by fucceeding fettlers ; and, notwithftandj-
ing they were ill fupplied with provifions, and
many perfons deferted the colony, to go back to
their former plantation, who loil their lives in the
attempt, yet in 1636, it was in a very promifing
ftate, and was erected into a feparate governments
It was now become a prevailing cuftom in Bri-
tain for people to emigrate to North America.
\the earl of Warwick obtained a grant from the

Henry returned to England, where he afted a part fufficicntly
known in biftoiy.

One Mr. Williams, the miniftcr of Salem, had broached fe-
veral wrong>headed opnions, and amongft others the following,
viz. That it was not lawful fa: good men to join in family
prayer with the wicked; that it was unlawful to take an oath
to the civil magiftrate ; and that the king of England having no
right over the Indians of America, his patent was invalid ; with
feveral other principles of the like tendency. Williams was fo
obftinate, that he defended his doftrines, for which he and his
followers were driven out of Maflachufet colony, and took re-
fuge on the hanks of an adjoining river, where they built a
town, which they called Providence, lying to the fouthward pf
Plymouth, oppofite Rhode-Ifiand, and in the country of the
Narragantfets. Williams, in other refpeds, feems to have been
p wife, virtuous, worthy man, and proved afterwards to be one
of the greateft benefa&ors to the »ew fettlci^eat that ever went
fr^m Old England.

king

w \

'M 1

.1 (

mmt

BUCTISH EMFIttE

king of certain lands^extending.forttfeeijoco «
ieagpes from the river Njurangiut,, whichr he m»d^
over ta the lordsi Brooke and Say, Charles Fiennc§,
Efq. Sir Nathanael Rich, Sir RichwdSakoaitti
Richard Knightly, Efq; John Pym, Efq, John Hanap*
den, Efq. and Mr» Herbert Pelham. But a» thefo
gentlemen imagined from - fome ap|>arent cil^um-
ftances, that affau's. in England* would take ai di^
ferent turn from what the)' had done for fome lame
paffed, and as. the court began to take meajfures
for reftraining the fubjedts from emigrating, they
difpofed of their lands and laid afida their defign of
leaving their native country.

Meanwhile, Sir Arthur Hafelrig, Oliver Crom-
\vel, and others, were prevented from trying their
fortunes in New Enghmd, by an embargo laid up-
oh the Ihipping by king Charles I. whereby eight
veffels were prevented from failing for thofe parts.— r
Let us view this meafure in what light we pleafe,
the abfurdity of it ifr equally ttriking ; it was no
lefs impolitic than unjuft; and by it that unhappy
prince fealed, as it were, the warrant for his own
death. If thefe men were become troublefome to
the church and ftate, where co'^^ a fairer oppor-
tunity be found to get rid of them ? At home tliey
were malecontents ; abroad it was evident they
might be of fervice to their mother-country. Jx
would therefore have been the wifdom of govern-
ment to have given them all manner of affiftance
in their emigrations, rather than to have reftrained

them

I,K<, ifltM ERiIiC ^

Hanap*
i& the^
circuai-T
6e ai di^
tnetime

lefigtiof

f Crom-
ng their
laidup-
by eight
parts,—:
e pleafct

waanQ
Linbappy
his own
efome to
:r oppoi^
jme tlicy
ent they
ntry. fx

govern-

ifliflance

eilrained

them

ttf

thorn; but fueh«iethods of educing geadi«u,a
evU, were meafures unknown , to this 4iofottui»to
n^.'^M prohibition iacwtfesdefirejffofthejpowflr
Of ^e-court was ,not:aifficientto-,preveat people fifom
iraofporting themfelves to Aimmsi. a^he jcotei^ of
Mftfliiqhufct .Bay Was overftocked with i^katcrs:;
teore-jaads iwrexpurobafedef.the .lod^s betvv^eeh
GoHrtfiAicut River and New ¥orX; aad the gmem-
merit (of Newhjkvcm^was founded, ^hkh ^together
wisfii LoBg-^Iiland was eomprehcnded in theipur*
ch8fe,.«ndwafrfeon filled with towns. .nj

►The iDutch were,,by this time, fettled m the croim-.
try mow diftingmfhed by the name of iNew-Yoak,
ana *^an to be u«cafy at the «fuccefs of their
TO^bours the ^Englilh, the French dlfo who .^wie
fcated.iin.Canada4ared ^11 poffiWe means to diftupb
«nd incommode ;them; and the new colony was
bdTides vexed ^vith internal feuds and dilfentioras.
aiieiPequots (Who weie engaged ina \v»rwith
•riieir;neighboiirs Che Narag^tfets) took^very oc-
cafion to alarm and difturb the EnglHh, who had
rhitherto borne their infults only beoaufe they were
•not in very good condition to revenge them. [But
-at this period, as the four iifter-coionies could iraife
^feven thoufand men, the Indians ^Vifely enough pw-
'tended :to enter .into alliance ^^'ith them. — Aft^r
-many fruitlefs overtures, they at length deciareri
they -would-be friends to the Engiiih, if they could
•bring about a peace between them.and the Nara-
tgantfcts : but this ^ould not eafily .bc.effa^fecd,. and
* '. rhe

64 BRITISH fiMPlkE

the favagcs, once more giving way to their eVJI Ih^J
cUnations, killed fevcral Engliflimcn at Weathers-
field, a town fituats on Conntdticut River, and
took two young^ maidens prifdfters, who would
have fallen the viaimi* of thdir cruelty and luft, and
in the end been put to death by torture, had not
the Sachem's wife, a woman of a moft noble and
mmiable charafter, interceded for them, with a
tendernefs truly becoming her fex, delivered them
from the favage fury of her countrymen, and taken
them under her protection. — An hundred and
twenty men, under the conduft of captain Endi-
Got were fent by the Englilh to demand fatis-
■feaion for thefe depredations* The Indians fled
before them, but, on their retreat, attacked the Eng*
lifh fort edled Seabrook, where being repulfed, they
killed fome flragglers in the fields, and made ap*
plication even to their enemies the Naragantfets
for aid, which thefe not only refiifed, but joined the
colonifts againfl them, to whom they granted a free
"sHage through their country to attack them»

Saffacus, Sachem of the Pequots, was fo brave
and warlike a chief, that he was deemed invincible.
On intelligence of the approach of the New Eng-
land men, he had divided his troops into two
bodies and made them retire into two forts on the
river Miftic. The firft of thefe the Englifh fur-,
prifed in the night, fet fire to it, ^nd put w the
fword all who efcaped the flames. Were it not
from a confideration of the neceffity of thefe fevere

proceedings,

IN AMERICA.

f i^e<»diftgs where an enemy is at the fame time fo
numerous and fo favage, this aaioh c6uld with no
ihadow of Juftic^ be called any thing elfe than a
barbarous maflacre, in which aboVe four hundred
•ileeping perfonS loft their lives, many of whom
€ouId really be charged with no offence againft the
EnglJfli or their allies. By this time the Indian
chief Saffacus had coUeded a body of fix hundred
men with Which he harrafled the rear of the Eng-
Irfh army ; but the good fuccefe which the latter
met with in their Undertakings, occafioned his faith^
lefs tfoops to kave their brave prince. Meanwhile
i fecond pgfty of the colonifts arrived from Maf^
fachufet Bay, who committed many cruelties in
the Pcquot country, putting to death two of their
fachems, and fparing a third, on condition only
that he fliould betray Saffacus, -who made his ef-
cape, however, to the country of the Mohocks,
where he was treacheroufly murdered. — Had his
own men ftood by him it is certain that he
would have given his enemies a great deal of trou-
ble before they could have completely vanquilhed
him ; but the favages were fo flruck with the fu-
pcriority of the Engliih, and fo much furprifed at
feeing them gain any advantrge over a chief whom
they counted almoft immortal, that they refufed to
be brought to the charge, and by flying, moft pro-
bably, loft more of their people than the}^ would
have done by fighting; but their fears overcame
Vol* I. K their

66 BRITISH EMPIRE

their reafon, ^nd gave their neighbours evert more
advantages than they coyld have pxpe^tccL

A party of the colonifts in one of their expeditions,

clrove eight hundred of the Indians, with two

hundred of their wives and children into a fwamp.

A fog arifing, favoured .ae efcape of the former,

though not without leaving feveral dead and

wounded behind them. But the helplefs women

and infants remaining, were obliged to furrender

at difcretion to the conquerors. The fachem's

wife who had delivered the Weathersfield maidens,

was among them. She made two requefts, which

arofc from a tendernefs and virtue not common

among favages. The firft was, that her chaftlty

might remain unviolated, and the fecond, that her

children might not be taken away from her. The

amiable fweetnefs of her counten^tice, and the mo-

deft dignity of her deportment, were worthy of the

chamber ihe fupported for innocence and juftice,

and were fufficient to Ihew the Europeans that even

barbarous nations fometimes produce inftances of

heroic virtue.

The women and children taken in this attack,
were difperfed through the neighbouring colonies,
the male infants excepted, who were fent to the
Bermudas. The Engliih feemed fully determined
on deftroying the whole race of the Pcquot In-
dians, whofe lands were diftributed among the
fettlers ; fome quitting their own country, and others
furrendering to the vidtors, who were no longer

willing

Wililttg
ted theii
bdUring
But V
ried on,
by diflei
in confi
difputes.
** the c(
** rence^
and thii
fuch ar
howdvei
Aflcmbl
natics, i
the fpiri
Antinon
to grov^
New E
fet up fc
out; w
length,
the afFai
chafed
foon w
rifliing
even d
and con
creafe o

IK A M G R 1 C A,

Veiling to let them remain a nation, but dirtribu*
ted them among the Nardgantfets, and other neigh-
Injuring Indians.

But while theCe affairs were fo ibccefsfully car-
ried on, the colonifts began to be made unhappy
by diilenfions among themfelves, which happened
in confequence of fome ridiculous theological
difputes. ** Whether the covenant of works, ot
** the covenant of grace ought to have the prefe-
** fence,** -was become a moft important queftion ;
and this took its rife from women, whom alone
fuch arguments could bcfeem. Their hufbands,
however, caught the contagion of their nonfenfe.
Aflemblies were holden in the houfes of female fa-
natics, and difcoui-fes delivered, equally contrary to
the fpiritof goodfenfe and of true religion. The
Antinomians thus foftered rn thefe parts, began
to grow extremely ttoublefome t6 the clergy of
New England. The loweft of the people were
fet up for preachers, and the old minifters Tned
out ; with many fuch fooleries. The magiftrates, at
length, called a fynod, which took cognizance of
the affair, and condemned the fcftaries, who pur-
chafed the land called Rhode^Ifland, which was
foon well peopled, and is at prefent a very flou-
rifhing colony, Thus good arofe from e\'il, and
even difputes and debates produced population
and convenience. Evefy thing tended Co the in-
creafe of the inhabitants. All difficulties Were fur-

K 2 . mounted

69 BRITI^SH BMPIRP

mounted by the induftry of the planters, and tkc^r
toils were crowned with the deferved fijccjsfs.

At this time there happened alfo fom^ civil
cantentions among the New England people. The
inhabitants of Hingham, in Suffolk county, htv-
iag broken the peace, Mr. Winthrop, the deputy-
governor of Maflachufet Bay, committed tlve rio-
ters to prifon, on refufingto give bail. A petition
was foon afterwards prefented by fome of the inha-
bitants» who infifted on a right of appealing to the.
Englifli' parliament, for which they were, fined and
imprifoned. Mr. Winthrop was the chief objeft of
their complaints, and, on the trial, was ordered to
defcend from the bench and vindicate himfelf. He
did fo, to the univerfal fatisfadion of the magiftratesi
and people, and the fines of the offenders were in.-
creafed. He then refumed his feat and office, arid
harangued the affembly m a manner which did
equal honour to the integrity of his heart, and the
foundnefs of his underflanding *.

* Th« excellent fpeech here alluded to was couclicd m the
following terms.

♦* Gentlemen,
*♦ I will not look back to tlie paft proceedings of tHscourt^
nor to tlw perfons dierein concerned: I am fadsfied that I was
publicly aocufed, and dut I am now publiply acquitted; bu^
give me leave to fay fomething on tiiis occalion, that may rec-
tify the opinion of the people, from whom thefe diftcmpcrs of
the ftate have arifen, Tht queftions that have troubled the
countr}^ of late have been about the authority of the magiftrale,
and the liberty of the people. Magiftrates are certainly an ap-

M
«{

i(
(t
(I

IN AMBRIC^

«f

xd thqr

n^ civU
e. T)ie
y, htv»
depwity-
tlve rio-
petition
he inha-
)% to th^,
il^ed and,
3bjedt of
rdcjr^d to
elf. He
igiftrates
were in.-
fice, and
hich did
, and the

clied in tific

»f this court^
that I was
quitted; buE
at may recr
liftempcrs of
troubled the
: imgiftrate^
tainly an ap-
It

ft is necdTary to take notice that the four
provincct of New England united themfelves
in a general confederacy, yet retained the confti-
tution and independency of their feparate govern-
ment This in its form fomewhat refembled the
imion of the feven provinces. The deputies fate
like the dates of Holland, but were fubjedt to no
other controul than that of their conftituents ; and
thus they eredted themfelves into a fort of republican
government, though they acknowledged themfelves
the fubjefts of a limited monarchy.

This prqjeft had been long in agitation, and,
at laft, on the feventh of September, 1643, ^^^
fame was efFedted by an inftniment under the fol-
lowing title, viz. " Articles of confederation, be-
** tween the plantations under the government of
** the Maflachufets, the plantations under the go-

*' polntment of God; and I intreat you to confider that you chofe
•* thera from among yourfelves, and that they are men, fubjtft
«• to the like paflTions with yourfelves. —We take an oath to
•* govern you according to God's laws and our own, to the bcft
•* of our Ikill; if we commit errors, noi willingly, but for want
•' of fkiU, you ought to bear with us. Nor would I have you
** miflake you? own liberty. There i" a liberty in doing what
•* we lift, without regard to law or ju; ' k . : this liberty is indeed
•* inconfiflcnt with authority ; but civil, moral, federal liberty
•* coniifti in ?very one's enjoying his property, and having the
** benefit of the laws of his country; this is what you ought to
** contend for, with the hazard of your lives; but this is very
•* confiftent withaduefubjeftion to the civil magiftrate, and the
*• paying him that refpeft that his chara^er in common requires.**

vernment

I If

7«

BRITISH EMPIRE

" vcrnment of Plymouth^ the plantations tind^
" the government of Connedicut, and the govcrn-
** ment of Ncwhaven, with the plantations in
*• combination therewith." — By thofe articles they
declared that they all came into thofe parts of
America with the fame errand and aim, to ad«
vance the chriftian religion, and enjoy the liber-
ty of their confciences with purity and peace;
that two commiffioners ihould annually be cho-
fen, who Ihould have full powers from the ge-
neral court of each fettlement to meet at an ap-
pointed place to concert and conclude matters
of general concernment, fuch as peace, or war,
and other affairs conducive to the general wel-*
fare of the confederacy*.

* Here it may not be improper to take a view of certain laws
and cuftoms, peculiar to this government of the four provinces
thus united, as we find them fet down in Douglas's Summary,
and other writers of authority.

For many years from the beginning, the governor, afliffants,
or council, not imder fc\ on, and deputies or rcprcfentatives In a
Itgiflative capacity voted together; but from long experience
divers inconveniences were found to arifc, and it was ena^ed in
i:6jff , that the magiftrates [governor and council] Ihould fit and
vote apart, constituting a fcparate negative.

Their cnaiting ftyle was, // is ordered By thh courtf and the
authorily thereof.

The governor, deputy governor, and alTIftants, or council
called magiiirates, were the fuperior court for appeals in civil
cafes ; and were the court of oyer and terminer in cafes of life,
jpember, b^niihrnent, and divorce. After they were conflituted

The

IN AMERICA. ^s

The colony cf New Plymouth was, before
this period, fo filled with planters that they began
to forfake the fettlement, the foil of which was by
this time pretty much worn out, and removed to

two diftina houfes, If they happened to aiffer In any cafcs of
judicature, civil or criminal, the affair was to be determined by a
vote of the whole court met together. The general court only
had power to pardon condemned criminals. The governor, when
prefent, was prefid».nt in all courts. No general court to be con-
tinued above on* year. The governor, deputy-govemor, gr
wajorily pf the aflillants, may call a general affcmbly ; but this
affembly is not to be adjourned or diflblvcd, but by a vote of thje
£une>

County courts may admit freemen, being church-members,
that if, of the independent or congregational religious mode ;—
only freemen were capable of voting in civil alfcmblies : 1662,—
upon the kings letter, this law was repealed.

Formerly fome townfliips had it in their option, to fend or not
to fend deputies to the general affembly. The deputies of Dover,
and fuch other towns as arc not by law bound to fend deputies^
may be cxcufcd.

Th^ officers ainually elcfted by the freemen in general (not
ty their reprefgntotivcs or deputies in the general court 01 affem*
Wy) were the governor, the deputy-governor, the affilrants or
council, the treafurer, the major-general, the admiral at fea, the
commiffioners for the united colonies, and the fccrctary.

By an ad in 1641, tlie freemen of any ftiire or town, have li-
terty to ch^f(p deputies for the general court, cither in their own
(hire or town, or clfewhere as they judge fitteft ; fo they be
freemen and inhabiting this jurifdi£tiou.

By a law made in 16^4, no perfon, who is an ufual or common
attorney in any inferior court, fhail be admitted to fit as a deputy
h thf general court or affembly.

a place

72 BRITISH EMPIRE.

a place called Narnfet, where they purchaffid land
of the natives and built the town of Etfthalli in B»A-
ilaplC county.

The New Englanders now began to tUnl their
thoughts on the converfion and civilizing of the
Indians. Mr. Elliot, a minifter, undertook to learn

Where the country or colony laws are deficient, die cstfe ft»ll
be determined by the word of God.

E^sfranchifement, and banlfhmsht, were tjic ufoal jihalties

for great crimes.

Governor and deputy-governor jointly peeing, or aiy cf
their affiftants, consenting, have power out df tourf, to re-
prieve a condemned malefaaor, till the next court of affiftants,
©r general court; and the general court only hath ^ower to
saidon a condemned malefaftor.

" i6^z. Enaftcd, That a mint-houfc be ercfted In fioftoit, to
coin filver of fterling alloy in lid. 6d. and 3d. pieces, in
▼alue left than that of the prcfent Englifh coin by 2 d. in the
lulling; the ftamp to be, within a double ring; on the one
fide ** Maffachufets/* witha tree in the centre ; on the other fide
«* New-England," with tiie year i6c'2, and the figure Xii,
♦i, and III, according to the value of feach piece ; with a pri-
vate mark. Excepting Englifh coin, no other money to be cat-
rtnt in this common-wealth \ 5 per cent, for charges of cbining;
tb be allowed by the owners of the filver brought into the mint
to be coined. Exportation of this coin, except twenty (hiDings
for neceffary expences, is prohibited, tn pain of confiffcation of
all vifible eftate.— Coinage is a prerogative of the fovereignty,
not of a colony. Scarcely any of this coin now appeafs; with
all other filver coin, it is driven away by a multiplied fallacioM
bafe paper-currency.

Befidts fome fmall duties of impoft upon ftrong liquors impor-
ted; and a fmaU excifc of i», 6d. per hogftead, on cyder,

the

IN AMERICA.

7.^

the language of the favage?, and to' preach the
gofpel among them. In 1646, he advanced into
their country whom he intended to convert, hav-
ing previouily fent proper perfons to apprize them

and malt HqHors retained; and tfrtinage 6//. per toinipon fliip-
ping; theonlinnry revenue was a poli-tax or capitation upon all
male V'hites of fix teen years of age and upwards, and a ratt of
— d. in the pound of principal ell ate at IhuU valuaiions : thu3
for inllance, anno 16^1, the tax was 20 d. per poll, and a rate
of I d. in the pound ettatc.

Anno 1692, when the old charter expired, a tax of 10. f. poll,
and a rate of 30 j:. upon every 100/. of principal elktc, was
. computed to raife 30,000/. value eoual to proclamation money.
^ Anno 1639, a court-merchant is appoj- .1. Whenal!ra;if-ci'3
aiFairs do not allow him to tarrj- the ordinary terms of the couits ;
the governoj or deputy, with any three of the alliiiants, may
call a fpecial court.

Several ads for fairs and markets in fcveral towns ; for inf-
tancc, in Bolton two yearly fairs, and a weekly market upon
the fifth day,

Enaited, a fmall body of good maritime laws In twcnty-feven
fedions. #

The oecononiy of theii' militia was after this manner : All

white men of iixtecn j cars of age and upwards, v;ere inlirtcd ;
no company of foot to be urjd^n- fixty-four private men (fmuU
towns are to join) no trocps of hoife to exceed feveniy men.
The non-commilfion o;!icei3 to he appoint^id by the commiii-on
officers of the company. The conimiiiloa oHicers of a ccmpany
to be chofen by a mijorlty of the men inlillcd in L:at
company, to be appi-ovcd by the county-court, or feilious. All
the companies of one county or regiment, by a majoiiLVor the
men bdongintr to that rci^iment are, to chafe a fcijeanwriujor of
the county, the conimanucr of that regiment The c.mu.anJ
iS all the militia ol the colony was in a major-general, annualiy •

Vol. I. L of

I !

^]i

74 BRITISH EMPIRE

of his coming. The Indians met him at their
borders, attended to his preaching, and fuffered
him to fettle in their country, where numbers were

cliofen by the general affcmbly. Any feven affiftants, wher«o£
the governor or deputy-governor to be one, may imprefs fol-

diers.

To prevent opprcffion, any pcrfon talcing exceflive wages for
work done, or unrcafon'ble prices for neceffaiy merchaftdife;
Jhall be fined at the difcretion of the court where the offence is
prefented. The feled men to regulate the wages of porters.

The forms of their judicial oaths were : — By the name of
the Living, and fon^tlmes Ever-living God.-By the great name
of the Ever-living Almighty God. —By the great and dreadful
name of the Ever-liiing G«U— Thefe were ufcd according to the
folemnity of the ocoaiion.

Any perfon may view and have atteftcd copies of any records ;
the journals of the council excepted.

Powowers to be fined five pounds. Jcfuits, or any Roman
catholic ecclefiaas, to be banilhed; if they return, to fuffer
death.— This law was afterwards extended to the quakcrs.

Anno 165^. None of that curfed fed of heretics, lately rifen
Up in the world, which arc commonly called quakers, are to be
imported : penalty upon the mailer iool. per piece, and 405.
per hoar, for any other perfon harbouring or entertaining

them. . .^ , • f

1658. A quakcr convided, (hall be banifhed upon pam ot

*^' Punalty for playing at cards or dice p. for obfervlng any fuch
day as Chriibnas 5 s. prutaners of the fabbath-day, for the bxi\
offence '- be admonilhcd, but for after-offences to be fined.
Drinking hcilths aboard of veffels 20 8. every health. Re-
vlllng magiltrates or miniftcrs 5I. or whipping.

,633. Conftablcs arc to prefent unprofitable fowlers, and to-
bacco-takcrs, to the next magillratc.

brought

IN AMERICA.

brought over to thr hriftian faith. The govern-
ment of New En<> uid gave him all manner of
countenance and affiftance. A town was built
on the fpot, and the tools proper for agriculture

No motion of marriage to be made to any maid, without the
eonfent of her parents. Births, marriages, and deatlis to be
recorded in each town : to be returned yearly to the county-
court or fefflons.

The general affembly having received and perufcd a letter
from the privy-council in England, with an ad of parliament
12 Carol. II. for the encouraging of fhipping and navigation ;
they appointed naval officers in all their fea-ports, the tranfac-
tions to be tranfoiitted to London once a year by the fecretary.

"Women, girls, and boys, are enjoined to fpin. The feleft
men of each town, are to alTefs each family, at one or more
fpinners : when they have avocations of other bufinefs, they are
to be deemed half or quarter fpinners. A whole fpinner (hall
fpin every year, for thirty vireeks, three pounds every week of
linen, cotton, or woollen.

Five years quiet poflefllon to be deemed a good title. In
commonages five fheep (hall be reckoned equal to one cow.

1667. No licenfed peifon to fell beer, but of four bufhels
barley malt at leaft, to the hogfliead, and not to be fold above
2 d. the ale quart ; not to be mixed with malaffes, coarfc fiigar,
or other materials. No mackarel to be caught, except for
fpending whilft frelh, before the firft of July annually. Sur-
veyors appointed to view all fliippiag in building.

Wampumpeag to be a tender in payment of debts not exceed-
ing 40 s. at eight white, or four black a penny, — This was re-
pealed anno 1661.

After a vote paflTed in an affembly or civil court, a member
may enter his diflent, without entering his rcafons of diffcnt
to be recorded.

L 2 and

76 BRITISH EMPIRE '

andorlrr neceflary employments : being furnilhed
to the favages, the EnglUli began to form them into
well-ordered focieties, and brought them to fubmit
to feveral regulations* not ill calculated for the

In allaflemHies, neuters, that ts filent, fliall be iocoutited
votes for the n'^gative. Any two magiflrates, with the clerk of
the county, may take probate of wills, or grant adminiftra-
tion.

In old charter times, the colony was at firft divided into the
three counties of Suffolk, Effex; andMiddlefex : when they
afn-.med the jurifdictlun of New-KampHiire and the province of
Main, and fettled compaiVly upcn Connefticut River, the co-
lony, in 1671, was divided ioto thefc fix counties :

Counties.

Suffolk,
Norfolk,

Pifcataqua,
Uliddlefex,,
Yovkflnre,
Ham p 111 ire,

Shire-Towns,

Bofton.

Salifbuiy and Hampton.
Salem and Ipfwich.
Dover and Portfmoiith.
Cliarles-Tov\ n and Cambridge,
York. . .: , ,

Northampton and Springfield.

* The regulations here mentioned were as follow,—*' If
** any man be idle a foitnight, he Ihall iV.ifeit five fliillings.—-
*' If two unmarried people commit fornication, the man IhaU
** pay twenty fhilUngs. • If any man (hall beat his wife he
*' fh.U be bound and publicly puniflied. — Eveiy young man
*' who Is unm;;rried and not another's fcivant fliall fct up a
•* wigvvatn [or dwtll'nq] for himfeJf, and not fhift up ami down
** ill thofo olotheis, If any woman ihall wear her haircut like
** a man's or 'langing loufc, (he f>.J.l! pay five (hillings. — Any
*' woman cvpofin^ htr breafls with')ut a covering fliall forfeit
«* five fl'.illines. -All men who wear long locks ihall be
«' fined the Ume fum."

firfl

IN AMERICA.

Brfi: advances towards civilizing thefe barbarians.
The inhabitants of the neighbouring town of Con-
cord^ were fo well pleafed with the report of thefe
amendments, that they likewife defired to be con*-
verted. Mr. Elliot accordingly went and built a
town among them. He prevailed upon them to
abolifh the infamous conjurings and other ridicu-
lous impofitions pradifed by their priefts; to
make murder and adultery capital crimes, and to
eftablilli many other regulations of a limilar nature
to thofe he had before introduced amono; their
neighbours. Their bodily welfare was likewife
provided for, and doaths, and other neceflaries dif-
tributed to them. But now forae of the heathen
fachems, finding themfelves furrounded by the
"Englifh, began to fear a total fubverfion of their
ancient cuftoms, by the introdudion of chriftians
into their territories. One of them, named Cutfha-
moquin, made heavy complaints againfl them, and
prohibited all fuch of his people as changed their
religion from building any towns within his do-
minions, alledging, that his praying fubjecfts did
not pay him tribute as formerly. — After many
debates about the matter, however, his Indian ma»
jefly turned chriftian himfelf, for the fake of in-
creasing his revenue. The converts now built a
town in the middle of the MaiTachufets, confift-
ing of three flreets, two of them feparated from
the third by a river, but joined by a wooden bridge,

A larg«

j9 BRITISH EMPIRE

A large houfe, built after the European manner
ferved for a church, a (lore houfe, a fchool-room,
and a dwelling houfe, for Mr. Elliot. The .In-
dians became fchoolmaflers, preachers, and even
magiftrates, in confequence of the wife and juft
meafures at this time taken by the fettlers, which
tended to the eltablilhment of peace and tranqui-
lity, and the advancement of the interefts of the

colony.

Yet the heathen Indians, and efpecially fuch as
had been roughly treated by the Englilh, continu-
ed to look with an evil eye upon them, and not
to entertain the higheft notions of their juftice
and humanity*. However, 5000 favages^ were
converted, and a focicty for the propagation of
the gofpel in thofe parts was formed, and encou-
raged by ads of parliament pafled in England,
where a corporation was elVabliflied for that pur-
pofe, with liberty to purchafe lands to the yearly
value of fix hundred pounds.

Two years before this period, the French had
engaged fome Indians to mafihcre the magiftrates
at Newhaven; but the fchemc mifcarried. The
New Eng landers delivered from their enemies,
began afrefh to perfecute their brethren. As foon

• As an Inftance of this, one Mr. Mayhew endeavouring to
conTct a fachem, the Indi.in bad him " Go, and make the
« En.^lid- good firft." A Ihrewd reply of the favage,^ ^vhic-h
(hewed in how little cflimation he held tlie morals of his pray-
ing neighbours.

^ I N AMERICA. 79

as the prefbyterlans had received the fanftion of
the civil power for their ecclefiaftical government,
they bpgan to treat the different fedaries among
themfelves with more feverity, than they had for-
merly been treated with by the church of Eng-
land; the anabaptifls and the quakers were the
objefts of their religious fury, and to thefe they
ihewed no mercy.

The perfecution firfl broke out at Rehobeth, in
Plymouth county, where feveral anabaptifls who
had fevered themfelves from their brethren, were
fined, whipped, and imprifoned. Thefe, likemoft
- bigots were as ready to bear punifhments, as their
adverfaries were to inflict them, and made great
boafls of what they termed *' fuffering for the
** gofpel of truth.'* All feds grow by oppreflion ;
and it is not too bold to fay, that to this principle
under Divine Providence, chriltianity itfelf, owed
the flourifliing ftate to which, through fo many
firey trials, at laft it arrived. — Some years after-
wards the quakers in the new world as feverely
felt the iron hand of power. Many of thefe had
come from the Wefl-Indies to fettle among the
puritans : they were ordered back again, and it
was immediately enacted that all mailers of veiTels
bringing any (Quakers to New England fliould
forfeit a hundred pounds; that all quakers land-
ing in that government fliould be fent to the houfe
of corredlion, to be whipped and kept to hard la-
boUa", with many other claufes fuihciently fevere.

Yet

8o BRITISH EMPIRE

Yettothcfe upon a more mature delibttiation, Wfic
added the following. —

" A quaker returning to New England after
" banilhment, if a man, to have one ear cut off,
« and kept to hard labour in the houfe of correc-
" tion, till he can be ihipped off at his own
" charges. For the fecond offence, to lofe the
" other ear, and l^ kept in the houfe of correc-
<( tion. — If a woman, to be whipped and kept
" as abovementioned.— For the third offence, whe-
*' ther men or women, to have tlieir tongues bored
" with a hot iron, and then to be detained in the
«« hoiife of corre<5tion till they can be Ihipped off
<* at their own chnrgcs." All thefe laws, hard as
they were, feemed rather to invite the quakers,
than to deter them from flocking to the colonies.

Endicot, the governor, was himfelf a violent en-
thufiaft. No bounds, confccpiently, were fet to the
perlecution of thefe people. It was at length made
capital for a quaker tu return after having been
trafnported from the colonics. Four of them (three
men and one woman) were executed upon this
aa.— Charles II. who was by this time rellored,
difapproved of thefe meafures, and fent orders to
flop all proceedings agalnll: the quakers ; — thefe
\vcre not fo much attended to as they ought to
have been; but they occafioncd a repeal of tliat
bloody law which condemned thefe wretched peo-
ple to death for their ridiculous opinions.

. One

IN AMERICA* ^

Ont cannot help remarking here the pcrverienofs
of mankind, that has, in almod; every age, turned
that principle which was intended for the greateft
gjood into the greateft evil. — With what juftiee
did the primitive chriftians cry out againft their hea-
then adverfaries for the feverities inflided upon
them ! How nobly did they ftand the teft, and feal
with their blood tliofe dod:rines they came to
preach! The good maxims they inculcated, the
fimplicity andfpotlefs purity of their lives, their
generous forgivenefs of thofe who injured them,
and above all their conftancy in fufferings, and
their love for one another, at laft overcame even
barbarifm itfelf, and forced the nations to confefs
the power of that religion which feemed fo clofely
to copy its divine original. — Chriftianity was fa-
vourably received in the world. Mighty princes
and great ftates countenanced and proteftedit.— •
What was the confequence ? — Thofe who, during
the perfecutlons of the heathens, had been infc-
parably united in the bond of love, and walked
like brethren together in the fteps of their great
mailer, began now to be divided amongft them-
felves about vain points of fpeculation. They fplir
into different fedts, and whichever of thefe was up-
permoft failed not to vex and harrafs the reft.
Councils were called; articles exhibited; decrees
made, and men, at length, punilTied in their per-
ibns for mere matters of opinion. I'he chriftians
then forgot themfelves ; they were no longer -the

Vol. I. U children

BRITISH EMPIRE

children of one father, the fervants of one lord,
the followers of the meek and humble Patron of
their faith;— they appeared rather like fo many
favages who were entered into a folemn compad:
to endeavour the deftruftion of each other. — And
fince thofe times, there has fcarceiy been any churck
or feft of men, who have not, in their turns when-
ever they had the authority, played the tyrants
over their brethren. — The proteftants feparated
themfelves from the Romilh church of whofe per-
fecuting fpirit they with juflice complained; yet
they could not refift the opportunity of perfccuting
the diirenters. The zeal of the latter infpired them
with an ardour and conftancy which got the better
of all oppofition. — Some wrought the fubverfion
of the (late at home, whilft others pafled vaft
oceans, fled to woods and, wilds, and with an in-
defetigable induftry (never too much tc be com-
mended) procured to themfelves dwellings of peace
jjind fecurity among the haunts of favages, facrifi-
' cing to the enjoyment of their rights and liberties
every focial tie, and all their neareft and deareft
CQpnexions. — Let us behold thefe very people now
reaping the fruits of their labours ; their new fet-
tJemcnts perpetually flouriihing and extending
themfelves, chiefly on account of their being con-
fldered as a retreat for all manner of perfons from
the mother-country. In this view, can any thing
be jnore abllird then to perceive fuch a fociety

endeavouring

IN AMERICA.

«3

endeavouring to overturn its own eftablifhments,
and perfecuting vith the moft implacable hatred
a fet of poor deluded wretches, wLom their con-
tempt would have been the moft cffe<ftual means
of vanquiihing ? — Surely this is a proof at once
of the weaknefs and of the depravity of human
nature, where pride and fclf-love are fuffered to
predominate; and it is the moft humiliating cir-
cumftancc to a philanthropift, to confider that the
fame fpirit has reigned fo univerfally through the
world, which defeats the ends intended to be an-
fwcrcd by true religion, converts that great lit^ht
firom heaven into the groflhefs of darknefs, and
leaves us in a labyrinth of error. Would man-
kind confider themfelves as brethren, would they
but refledt that the great intent of religion is to
make them charitable neighbours to each other;
that love and obedience are the moft acceptable
facrifice to the Creator, and that the torments or
deftruftion of his creatures, on any pretence what-
foever, muft neceflarily be difpleafing in his fight:
I fay, would they but meditate ferioufly upon
thefe things, it is likely they would become better
men and better chriftians. — I could not help in-
troducing a reflexion, which I hope the reader
will pardon, as it naturally occurred at this period
of the hiftory. — But to proceed. —

After the death of the fachem Mafiafoit, his
two fons came to New Plymouth, where they
were baptized by the names of Alexander and

M 3 Philip.

il s

84 BRITISH EMPIRE

Philip Tl latter of thefc being fufpcftcd of fomc
michi :itio. ^s tgainft the Englilh, and being by
them taken .rifoner, as he was a very haughty
man, brooked hii confinement U> ill that he fell
feck of a fevtr whkh put an end to his life» — His
ferofher Philip, a prince of great fpirit, renewed his
alliance >vith the colonilb, ana ven went fo far as
to oblige himfelf, by a written deed, not to alienate
any of his lands without their confent and appro-
bation ; while they, on their parts, entered into 9.
folemn league offenfive and defenfive with one who
afterwards proved their biftereft enemy.

The Bartholomew adt now taking place in Eng-
land, by which all nonconformifts were turned out
of their livings. New England was filled with paf-
tors and with theological difpntes ; — a moft fat^l
dclufion fucceeded, which if it had not been
timely put a flop to, might have ended ia the de-
flrudlion of almoll the whole colony.

An unaccountable fancy poflefl'ed the pious puri-
tans, that they were under the power of witches
and evil fpirits, which produced fome of the
ftrangeft confequences ever heard of in hiftory. It
was at a town called Salem, in New England, that
this delufion firfl began. One Paris was the mini-
ller thf^re. He had two daughters troubled ^' ""h
convulfions ; which being atiended with forrc- c>
thofe extraordinary ap])earances not imfrequcnt in
fuch diforders, he imagined they were bewitched.
As fc" 'i as he concluded upon witchcraft as the

caufe

I.N AMERICA. $5

ij^ufc of the diilenfiper, the next inquiry was, hcyrj
tfi fipd put the perfon who bai. bewitched th<" -
He cail his eyes \ pon an Indian fervant woman ot
his own, whom he frequently beat, and ufed lier
with fuch feverity that Ihe at lift conttiicd herfelf
the witch, and was committed to goal, where flic
lay for a long time. The imaginations of r)ie peo-
ple were not yet fufficiently heated to make a very
formal bufinefs of this; therefore they were- content
to difchargc her from prifon after a long confine-
nuent, and to fell her as a Have for her fees. How-
ever, as this ejc;imple fct the difcourfe about witch-
icraft on foot, fome people, troubled with a fimilar
conjpiaint, began to think themfelves bewitched
too, Perfons in ^n ill (late of health are naturally
^nd of finding out caufes for their diftempers ; ef-
pecially fuch as aye extraordinary, and call the eya«
of the public upon them. There was perhaps
fomething of malice in the affair befides ; fojr one
of the firft objedts whom they fixed upon was Mr.
Burroughs, a gentleman who had formerly been
minifter of Salem: but, upon fome of the religious
difputes which divided the country, he differed
with his flock and left them. This man was tried
with two others for witchcraft, by a fpecial coni-
miflion of oyer and terminer, dircdted to fome of
the gentlemen of the beft fortunes, and reputed to
be of the beft underftandings in the country. Be-
fore thefe judges, a piece of evidence was delivered,
the moft weak and childilh, the moft repugnant to

itfclf.

mLJist

BRITISH EM? IRE

itfelf, and to common fenfe, that perhaps ever was
known upon any ferioiis occaiion. Yet by thofc
judges, upon that evidence, and the verdift founds
ed upon it, this minifter, a perfon of a moft uncxcep.
tionable charafter, and two others, men irreproach*
able in their lives, were fentenced to die, and were ac-
cordingly executed. Then thefe vi^ims of the po-
pular madnefs were (tripped naked, and their bodies
thrown into a pit, half covered with earth, and left
to the difcretion of the birds and wild beafts.

Upon the fame evidence, in a little time after,
fixteen more fuffercd death; the greatefl part of
them dying in the moft exemplary fentiments of
piety, and with the ftrongeft profeffions of their
innocence. One man, refufing to plead, fuifered in
the cruel manner the law direfts on that occafion,
by a flow prefTure to death. The moft ordinary
and innocent adtions were metamorphofed into ma-
gical ceremonies, and the fury of the people aug-
mented in proportion as this gloom of imagination
increafed. The flame fpread with rage and rapidity
into every part of the country. Neither the ten-
demefs of youth, nor the infirmity of age, nor the
honour of the fex, nor the facrednefs of the mini-
ftry, nor the refpecftable condition of fortune or
charadlcr, was the leaft protection. Children of
eleven years old were taken up for forceries. The
women were ftripped in the moft fliamcful manner
to fearch them for magical teats. The fcorbutic
ftains common on the fleins of old pcrfons, were

III

: I N A M E R I C A* 87

called ihe devil's pinches. This was indifputable
evideiwe againft them. As fuch they adimtted
every idle flying report, and even ftories of ghofts^
which they honoured with a name, not found in
our law books: they called them Speftral Evi-
dence. Some women owned they had been lain
with by die devil, and other things equally ridi-
culous and abominable.

The wretches who fuffcred the torture, being
not more preflcd to own themfelves guilty than to
difcover their aflbciates and accomplices, unable to
give any real account, named people at random,
who were immediately taken up, and treated in
the fame cruel manner, upon this extorted evidence.

An univerfal terror and conflernation feizcd upon
all. Some prevented accufation, and charged them-
felves with witchcraft, and fo efcaped death;
others fled the province ; and many more were
preparing to fly. The prifons were crowded; peo-
ple were executed daily; yet the rage of the ac-
cufers was as freih as ever, and the number of the
witches and the bewitched increafed every hour.
A magiftrate, who had committed forty perfons for
this crime, fatigued with fo difagreeable an em-
ployment and afliamed of the fliare he had in it,
refufed to grant any more warrants. He was him-
felf immediately accufed of forcery ; and thought
himfelf happy in leaving his family and fortune,
and cfcaping with life out of the province.

lii

itii

(1 ill

A jury,.

■■■

\ n

i'is A 1

uMi

i' EM

mil

tifll

■

lU'

I^H 1

[Ml

IB^^S

^^H

S§ BRIttl^rt fiMPlAE

A jury, ftruck witk th6 skffeftJhfe m^ilhcr ftfid
the folcmn affuf atices of . mi!«&6entt df a wb^alfl
brotijght before them, ventured !d i6quk hef ; but
the judges fent theltti out agalii j iftd in ifi iittpeirl*
ous mSinner forced them to fitid the W()ifiai4 guilty j
and flie was executed inlin^iAtdy. The ifiag^^
trates and minifters, whofe ptudenc^ ought to have
been employed in healing this difttfrtiptt and tf*
fuaging its fury, threw in ndw coinbuftlble matter.
They encouraged the acciifers ; they affifted at thfc
examinations, and they extorted the ccmfeffions, of
witches.

None fignalized their zeal more upon this bcca-
iion than Sir William Phips, the governor, a New
England man, of the loWeft birth, and yet meaner
education; who, having raifed a fudden fortune by
a lucky accident, was knighted, and afterwards
made governor of the province. Dod:or Increifc
Mather, and dodtor Cotton Mather, the pillars of
the New England church, were equally fanguine.
Several of the moft popular miniften, after twenty
executions had been made, addrelfed Sir William
Phips with thanks for what he had done, and with
exhortations to proceed in fo laudable a work.
The accufers, encouraged in this manner, did not
know where to flop, nor how to proceed. They
were at a lofs for objefts. They began at lad to
accufe the judges themfelves. What was worfe,
the ncarcft relations of Mr. Increafe Mather were
involved, and witchcraft began even to approach

the

IN AMERICA.

the governor's own family. It was now high time
to give things another turn. The accufers were
difcouraged by authority. One hundred and fifty,
who lay in prifon, were difcharged. Two hun-
dred more were under accufation ; they were pafled
over 5 and thofe who had received fentence of
death were reprieved, and in due time pardoned.
A few cool moments (hewed them the grofs and
ftupid error that had carried them aw ay, and which
was utterly invifible to them ail the while they
were engaged in this ftrange perfecution. They
grew heartily alhamed of what they had done. But
what was infinitely mortifying, the quakers took
occafionto attribute all this mifchief to a judge-
ment on them for their perfecution, A general
faft was appointed ; the puritans praying God to
pardon all the errors of his people in a late tragedy,
raifed amongft them by Satan and his^ inftrumeTits.

Such was the end of this extraordinary madneft,
which had fo fatally pofleffed thefe p^ple, and
which was one of the (trongeft ebullitions of
enthufiafm ever known among them. — As there
are few things fo bad as not to conduce to fome
general good, fo it is likely this temporary lunacy
contributed in a great meafure to work off the ill
humours of the New England people, and to brin^
them to a more free ufe gf their reafon. Many evils
have their removal in their own extremes^ Thif
was the remedy which though fqueezed from tl)e
very heart of fanatlcifm, was t^ befl application
Vol. I. N whereby

go BRITISH EMPIRE

whereby to effedl a cure on fuch as were tainted
with its poifon. It is certain, that whatever yvtrt
the follies of the puritans, rtluch of their bigotry
was loft after this period, and expired with the
witchcraft delufion.

The extraordhiary fcene was no fooner clofed
than the magiftrates began to reflea that they had
in Reality no right to inllia any capital punilh-
ments. Upon this, John Winthrop, Efq. fon to the
lute governor of Mallachufet, was employed by the
colonifts of Connedicut and Newhaven to folicit
the charter for them which united them into one
body corporate.

Upon the breaking -out of the Dutch war, his
majcily, who fecmcd ftill to have been uneafy about
the conftitution of New England, made a grant to
the duke of York of all the lands poffefled by the
Dutch on both fides of Hudfon's Bay, and a fqua-
dron of ihips, with land forces, were fent to drive
them away, under the command of Sir Robert Car,
and colonel NichoUs. That fervice being perform-
ed, the two commanders, with other two com-
miffioncrs, Cartwright and Maverick, were order-
ed to repair to New England, there to decide ali
controverted points amongll the colonifts. Arriv-
incr there, thev prefented to the governor and coun-
cil of New Plymouth a letter from his majefty,
*in which he promifes to prcferve all their liberties
and privileges, both eccleliaftical and civil, \vithout
the leaft violation. " This," (continued his majefty)

" we

IN AMERICA.

*« wd prerume will difpofe you to manifeft by all
♦' the ways in your power, your loyalty, and afFedion
" to us, that all the world may know that you
'* look ujwn yourfelves as being as much our fub-
*^ jetfls, and living under the fame obedience to us,
" as if you continued in your natural country."
Though thofe expreflions from a king of England
to one of his colonies were juilifiable, yet the pre-^
fence of the commiffioners was not very acceptable
at New Plymouth. •• ■' -^'^'^ "^^^

''"■■ Soon after this, upoji foi-rte extraordinar>', though
natural appearances in the air, the magifirates, ^vho
feem to have been as much fuperflition-ftruck as
the loweft of their people, wrote circular letters to
the minifters and elders of every town to promote
the reformation of manners, as if fome very dread-
^^1 event had been at hand. The only thin^r of '
that kind, however, that happened was a renewal
of their own perfecutions of the baptifts and the
quakers, whom they now ruined by basiilliments,
fines, and imprifonments. This produced an in-
terpofition from the heads of the prelbyterian clerj^y
in England, for a mitigation of the fulferings of the
baptifts, addrcfled to John Leverett, Efq. governor
of the Maflachufets. At the lame time, the chief
of the London quakers obtained a like letter, fio-n-
cd by eleven of the moil eminent diflenrin^^- divines
m favour of their brethren ; but all was to little or
no purpofts While the government of New Eng-
land was thus, our of zeal for chriftianit\', cxercif-

N 2

ino-

9i BRITISH EMPIRE

ing a moft unchriftian fpirit, Philip, king of the
Wami)anoags, the fame we have already mention-
ed, mindful of his brother's difgrace, was medi*
nting a moft fevere revenge againft the Engliih,
and condudied himfelf with as much policy and
courage, as his namefake of Macedon could have
done, had he been in the like circumftances. In the
year 1673, there was no difpute in America be-
tween the courts of France and England ; but it
appears, at the fame time, that this was owing to
the tamenefs of the court of England, which wt*
perfuaded by the French to order its fubjedts to
leave the fine fettlements they had upon the banks
of the river Kennsbek, which they accordingly did,
and retired to New England, which nov/ far ex-
ceeded the French boalled colony at Quebec, in
populoufnefs, ftrcngth, riches, commerce, and every
circumftance that could render the lives of the co-
lonifts fecure and agreeable. The French, there-
fore, confidered Bofton as the Carthage that was,
at any rate, to be demolillied, and early entered
into fecret connexions with king Philip. He faw
they were not then in a condition to aflift him ;
and, though he was a complete matter of diffimu-
lation, the Engli/h at New Plymouth began to
fufped his intentions., and ordered him to repair to
Taunton. Philip obeyed, confirmed his former
treaty with that government, and confented to pay
a hundred pounds for damages done by himfelf
and his fubjects ; and, to Ihew that he was a vaffal

I N A M E R I C A, 93

to the colony of New Plymouth, he agreed to fend
them every year, by way of tenure, five wolves
heads.

If the colony demanded this, it was iinjuft, as^
they could have no fuch claim of fuperiority over
a native and independent prince. If the fubmiffion
was voluntary, yet it was impolitic in them to accept
of it, as they mull know that it was diifembled.
Upon the whole, it appears but too plainh-, that
thofe colonics, now thinking themfelves invincible,
proceeded againll Philip and his allies too haughti-
ly, and unguardedly, and with too great a contempt
of their power. Philip had a fecretary, one Sanfa^
man, but whether he was his natural-born fubjecl;
does not appear, though he probably was. He was
the fon of a converted Indian ; but growing up, h«
returned to the religion of his forefathers, from
which he apoftatized, and again turning chriftian
and a preacher, he was fent upon the Wampanoag
miffion. Having in his heathenilh ftate been fecje-
tary to Philip, fuch an apoftle could not be a very
agreeable guefl in his dominions ; and, as he was
travelling the country, be was murdered by fonie
of Philip's counfeilors, at which we ought to be
the iefs furprifed, as we are told that, during his
miffion, he held a correfpondence with the Engliih.
The governor of New Plymouth, fufpe^ing tlic
truth, ordered the body to be taken out of its
grave, and, the coroners mqucft fitting upon it, they
brought in their vcrdid *^ wilful murder," upon

which

BRITISH EMPIRE

which one Tobias, one of Philip's counfellors, and
his fon, were upon tlie evidence of an Indian, and
the ridiculous one of the body's bleed inp; at the
touch of Tobias, tried by a jury, half Englilh, half
Indians, convicted, and cxecutcci.

About this time, fome pirates ran away with a
ihip, after putting the mafler and fome of his men
on board the long boat; and both parlies happened
to meet at the very fame time in the port of Bof-
ton ; upon which the pirates were feized, tried, and
the rin2;leaders executed.

King Philip's patience was, by this time, worn
out, nor can we be furprized at it, confidering the in-
dignities he had fuffered. — His iirft hoflilities broke
out near Mount Hope, where he plundered an Eng-
lifh plantation ; but, inllcad of giving fatisfaclion as
ufual, to the governor of New Plymouth, who de-
manded Ir, his Indians murdered three Engliihmen
in the fields by day, and fix others in the town of
Swanfey by night. This was in the year 1675;
and the governor of New Plymouth immediately
demanded from the confederate colonics their ftipu-
lated affiftances. The Plymouth forces lay at Swan-
fey, under captain Cudworth, and the Maflachufets
colony detached captain Prentice, with a troop of
horfe, captain Henchman, with a company of foot,
and captain Mofely, with another of volunteers, to
join him. — The Indians feldom or never could be
brought to Hand a pitched battle with the Euro-
peans ; and this jundion being formed, they fled

into

■"^7^

I N A M E R rc A. 95

into the woods, upon which the Englifh took pof*
fcffion of Mount Hope, and ravaged their country.
They then com^jelled the Naragantfets to renounce
their alliance with king Philip, and to enter into
articles to aflift the Englifh againlt him, and all
their other enemies ; and, by way of encourage-
ment, they were promifcd two coats for every liv-
ing, and one for every dead Wampanoag, and
twenty good coats for Philip's head.

How far this reward for the life ofafovercign
prince ^vas agreeable to juftice or the law of n^a-
tions may be juftly doubted, efpecially as it did not
then judicially appear that he authorifed the bar-
barities that had been committed by his fubjeds.
In the mean while, captain Cudworth marched to
prevent the Pocalfets, anothei- Indian tribe, froiii
joining with Philip ; but he found that they had
already taken arms, and he was too vv'cak to reduce
them. — Philip knew perfectly well how to avail
himfelf of the Indian manner of fighting, which
was by ambufcades and furprifes. ' The Englifh
officers, on the other hand, finding their enemies
fled, fcoured the country-, with little or no precau-
tion, and were often over-reached bv the Ibaia-
gems of the barbarians. The head quarters of the
Englifli were then at Taunton, froiii M'hencc th-y
broke up, upon advice that Philip ^vtls in a hvampV
lying on a fpot called Pocafik-Neck, bctuccn
Rhode-Ifland and Monument-Bay, about eighteen
miles dillant from Taunton. Thitiicr they march-

9$ BRITISH EMPIRE

ed ; but, after lofing fome men, they found them*
fclves obliged to turn their attack into a blockade,
which they formed with two hundred men, in hopes
of llarving out Philip, or obliging him to furren*
der.

This fervice was performed by the Engliih with
neither conragc nor conduct ; for Philip, in the
mean time, crofled the river on a raft, and made
his efcape into the country of the Nipmucks ; one
liundued of his men, however, were mide prifo-
ners.-— The Nipmucks were Indians, lying between
Connecticut and New York, and had already made
fuch devaftations in Suffolk county, as had obliged
the Engliih to draw off great part of their troops
from their expedition againft Philip to fupprefe
them. — At firft, the Engliih endeavoured to detach
them, by a treaty, from Philip's intereft ; but they
no fooner heard of that prince's arrival in then-
country, than they fired upon captain Hut ;hinfon,
one of the two officers fent to negotiate with them,
killed fome of his men, and obliging the reft to fly.
Philip, who was by this time very ftrong, purfucd
them, and drove them, to the number of about
fe\'enty, into a houfe, where they muft probably
have l^een taken or burned, had they not been re-
lieved by major Willard, another Englifh officer,
who, at the head of no more than fifty men, fur-
prifcd the Indians in the night-time, killed eighty
of them, and obliged Philip, in his turn, to retreat,
which he did towards the Nipmuck country.

By tl

tlic field

obferve

great al

from hi

with a f

dancy ar

hoftages

Nipmuc

fo attach

own kir

marched

the capta

fix of the

The reft

the colon

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fered the

inland to

and burn

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Beers was

he was nr

himfelf a

to fly to ]

larger de

brought c

of ftarvin

Vol. I

IN AMERICA.

By this time, the Connedicut forces had taken
tlic field under major Treat, who was dircded to
obferve Philip's motions. A proof of that prince's
great abilities, we will not fay virtues, arifes
from his infpiring all the favages in thofe parts
with a palfion for recovering their native indepen-
dancy and country. When the Engliih demanded
hoftages from the favages on the borders of the
Nipmuck country, inftead of obeying, they were
fo attached to Philip, that they cut in pieces their
own king for liftening to the propofition, and
marched to join Philip. They were purfued by
the captains Lathrop and Beers, who killed twenty-
fix of them, with the lofs of ten of their own men.
The reft joined Philip. All the out-fettlements of
the colonifts of New England were now ravaged
by the natives, whom Philip had every where
roufed into arms ; but the Connedricut colony fuf-
fered the moft. The inhabitants of Deerfield, an
inland town, after feeing their plantations deftroyed
and burned, fh^it themfelves up in a flight fortifica-
tion, where they defended themfelves. Captaia
Beers was fent at the head of thirty-fix men ; but
he was met by the favages, who put to the fword
himfelf and ten of his foldiers, and obliged the reft
to fly to Hadley. Major Treat, at the head of a
larger detachment, had better fortune, for he
brought off the befieged ; but they were in danger
of ftarving, having left their com behind them.

Vol. I,

Captaij^

98 BRITISH EMPIRE

Captain Lathrop, on the fifteenth cf September,
went, at the head of a large detachment, confiding
almoft of the whole force of Eil'ex county, with
carts to fetch It off ; but he was furrounded by the
Indians, and, endeavouring to fight them in their
own manner, he himfclf and feventy of his men
were Ihot dead, through the fuperior dexterity of
the Indians in managing their fire-arms. This was
the grcatcll lofs of men the New England colonies
had ever fuftained at one time ; nor was it repaired
by captain Mofeley, w ho, though he came too late
to fave his countrymen, killed above one hundred
ot' the Indians, lofing but two of his own men.
Lathrop's defeat encouraged the favages upon Con-
nedicut lliver to declare for Philip ; and the hofta-
gcs they had given for the prefervation of the
peace, had the addrefs to make their cfcape.
Springfield, a town lying on that river, was the
firft objed of their fury. There they burned down
thirty-two houfes, and would have maflacred all
the inhabitants, had they not been put upon their
guard by Toto, a faithful Indian, and retired into
the ftrongell places of the toun, w hich they de-
fended till they were relieved by a detachment un-
der captain Appieton. It is probable, however,
that all Haniplliire muft have been deftroyed, had
not the government ordered the Connecticut forces
to cover its frontiers, erpecially in the towns of
Hadley, Northampton, and Hatfield ; all of them
lying upon, or near Connc«fticut River. This was

done

I N A M E R I C A. 99

done with fo much fecrefy, that an army of eight
hundred Indians fell upon Hatfield *-'it being re-
pulfed with great lofs, they retreated ro the coun-
try of the Naragantfets, whom the commiflioners
for the aflbciated colonies voted to be enemies to
theEnglifh, for fheltciing them.

Though it was now far in the winter, the ne-
celfity of chaftifing the Naragantfets was fo great
that Mr. Window, the governor of New Ply-
mouth, put himfelf at the head of a hundred men,
and, having for his guide one Peter, a Naragantfet
renegade, about the beginning of September,
he carried fire and fword into their country,
burned a hundred and fifty of their wigwams, and
killed or took prifoners about a dozen of their in-
habitants. But the operations of this winter cam-
paign foon aflumed a new face. The enemy flill
continued their ravages and murders, particularly
about Peteciuamfet ; and Winflow underftood from
Peter, that the whole flower of the enemy's force
was ihut up in a fort, the moll regular that had
ever been raifed by the Indians, built upon a kind
of an iHand, acceflible only by one way. Winflow,
being joined by a hundred and fifty Mohegins,
bravely refolved to lofe no time, but inftantly to
attack this fort. The officers under him were the
captains Mofely and Davenport, who led the van ;
Gardner and Johnfon, who were in the centre ;
and major Appleton and captain Oliver, who
brought up the rear of the Maflachufet forces : by

O 2 which

lOO

BRITISH EMPIRE

vvliich it is probable that Winflow had hceit
conlidcrably re-inforced by the Englilh. — He
himfelf, as general, with his New Plyipouth men,
coimanded in the centre, and major Treat, with
the captains Gallop, Mafon, Senly, and Willis,
fervcd with the Conned:icut forces in the rear.
All of them were under the diredtion of Peter,
who conducfted them through the fwamp to a
breach, but of what kind we are not informed,,
which was attacked and defended with equal obili-
nacy and refolution.

The fire of the favages was fteady ; and no fewer
than fix brave Englifli captains, Davenport, Gard-
ner, Johnfon, Gallop, Senly, and Marlhall, were
killed in the attack. The Engliih foldiers, ex^^'jC"
rated that fo many of their gallant officers ihould
fall by the hands of the barbarians, whom they
were ufcd to defpife, at laft carried their point. The
enemy w^as beaten from poll to poll into a cedar
fwamp at fome diftance. Their fort was burned
down ; the fctifications were levelled ; feven hun-
dred of the favages, with arms in their hands, were
put to the fword, amongft whom were twenty of
their chief captains ; three hundred, befides, died
of their wounds, and a great number of defence-
lefs men, women, and children, who had taken
refiige in the fort, believing it to be impregnable,
pcrilhed, either by the fword or in the flames.
The lofs of the Englifh, befides the fix captains.

I N A M E R I C A. loi

was eighty-five men killed, and a hundred and
fifty men wounded.

Count de Frontenac, a haughty and fufpicious
man, being then governor of New France, and
having a mortal antipathy to the Englifli Ame-
ricans, he openly and fecretly fupported the
infurrcdtion of the favages againft the colonifts.
If we are to believe our New England hiftorians,
he, this winter, fent a detachment from Canada,
who aaied in concert with the barbarians, and
threatened the very extinftion of the Maffachufet
colony.

They burnea down the town of Mendham, and
corned off all the live ftock of the inhabitants ;
whofe farms were generally as well flocked al
thofe in England. They plundered or burned the
town of Lancaftcr, and carried forty-two perfons
into captivity. Marlborough, Sudbury, Chelms-
ford, and Medfield, where they killed twenty
Enghfli, underwent the fame fate; and they fpread
their ravages within a few miies of the gates of
Bofton. —The fuccelTes of the barbarians feem to
be owing to two caufes. The firft was, that th(^
Enghlh colonifts were fo intent upon proteftine
their properties, that they fplit their ftrength into
too many fubdivifions ; while the French had
taught the barbarians to march in a body, to move
quickly from place to place, and to mind no other
objed, but the fpreading around them as much

defolation

1 '

' liHlHa

iioii

J 1 ) ll'ltlin'

1 1

ftS

;

'a!

I02 BRITISH EMPIRE

defolation as pofliblc. The fecond caufe is afligned
% Mr. Ncal, who informs us, that the cold of
t^s. winter was fo extremely intenfc, that ther
Ehglifh durft hardly look out of their quarters.
Notwithftanding thofe two reafons, fomcthing dill
fecms to have been wanting on the part of the
Englilh, who, while purfuing their enemies, left
their own country expofed, and, before the cam-
paign opened, had not taken proper precautions to
defend themfelvcs. — In the fpring of 1677, a
party of feventy Englilh and one hundred Indians,
under captain Dennifon, flew feventy-fix of the
goftile Indians,, and a party of the Conneaiaits'
billed or made prifoners about forty-four. Canen-
chet, fon of Miantonimo, the chief fachem of the
Naraganfets, was amongft the prifoners. He was
accufed by the Englifli of having concluded a
peace with them at Bofton, fix months before, and
of having broken it as foon as he returned home.
We arc to obfervc, however, that his father, who
was no friend to the Englifh, was alive and pof«
Med of the government. Be this as it will,
she Indians delivered him into the hands of the
Mohocks, and they cut off his head, out of hatred
CO. his father. — Philip had commanded in the fa-
mous defence of the fort, and was one of thofc
who had efcaped to the fwamp, from whence he
went to the Matjuas, one of the Mohock nations,
to excite them to a war with the Englifli. Findnig
that diey were backward in anfw cring his folici-

tations,

tationsj

which

barban

woods,

own h

he infc

Englifli

butchei

one of

wound(

fachem

againft

gainft t

diately

was, by

vice to 1

longer r

habitant

cord, h

fometim

the fma

them.

carried c

efcape,d

ait Rive

captain '

who pu

drowned

an ambi:

from Bri(

' »

IN AMERICA.

loj

rations, he fell upon an expedient to induce them,
which could be fuggefted only by a more than
barbarous fpirit of revenge; for, going into the
woods, he murdered fome of theMaquas with hi&
own hands, and, returning in the utmoft hurry,
he informed the prince of that people, that the
Englilh had invaded his lands, and were then
butchering his fubjedts. Unfortunately for Philiii,
one of the favages happened only to be feverely
wounded, and crawling home, he informed the
fachem and his people of the truth, which turned
againft Philip all the rage they had conceived a-
gainft the Englilh ; for their whole nation imme-
diatcly declared for the colonifls. Their alliance
was, by giving a diverfion to Philip, of infinite fer-
vice to the Engliih ; for his Indians could now no
longer march in large bodies ; and though the in-
habitants of Plymouth, Taunton, Chelmsford, Con-
cord, Havenhill, Bradford, and Wooburn, were
fometimes alarmed, they did not fuffer much, from
the fmall numbers of the favages who attacked
them. Several, however, were killed, and fome
carried off', but two Englilh boys, who made their
efcape,defcribed a place towards the falls of Connedi-
ait River, where a body of Indianswere furprifed by
captain Turner, with one hundred and eighty men,
who put a hundred of them to the fword, and
drowned as many. He afterwards was killed in
an ambulh of the Indians, who had been driven
from Bridgewater.

*i i

i. ^HRf^B

,64 BittTISH EMPIRE

In ihort, the fortune of the war was now in-
tirely inclined towards the Englilh^ who had pro-
fited by their misfortunes, and, in a Ihort time,
cut off about fix hundred of the favages. Famine
co-operated with the arms of the colonifts ; for thofe
thoughtlefs barbarians had been fo intent upon re-
venge, that they had negleded their harveft ; and
two hundred of them threw themfelves upon the
mercy of the Englilh at New Plymouth ; — all
of thefe were pardoned but three, who, being
convidied of atrocious crimes, were hanged.
Philip ftill kept the field; but, being at the head
of no more than two hundred favages, he could do
nothing efPediially, and returned to his old retreat
at Mount Hope, where his chief employment was
to plan ambulhes againft the cobnies. Major
Bradford, with a party of Engliih, happily efcaped
one of them ; and, marching into the land of
the Taconets, obliged the queen of that country,
with her whole army, wtiich confifted of ninety
men, to receive the Engliih yoke.

About the end of July, a fachem or fegamore
of the Nipmuck Indians, with one hundred and
eighty of his men, fubmitted to the Englilh, and
delivered up Matoonas, the firft favage, who, in
that war, had appeared in arms againft the Englifh.
Wc fliall, once for all, obferve, that the colonifts
fcem to have atted, all this time, upon princi-
ples that felf-prefervation alone could juftify. If
thofe Indians were the fubjcds of England, it

was

It,

IN AMERICA.

105

^as neceflary for the colonics to have had legal
powers from England for proceeding capitally a-
gainft their fellow-fubjetfts. If they were indepen-
dant, it will perhaps be difficult to affign a reafon
why they ihould be put death, becaufe, in the
lad cafe, they could only be prifoners of war.
The colonifts feem to have been fomewhat ap-.
prifed of their own doubtful fituation; for, in-
ftead of putting Matoonas to death themfelves,
they ordered the Nipmuck fegamore to fhoot hinj,
which he accordingly performed ; but the fon Was
pardoned. A great many other fkirmilhes, (all
of them, in general to the advantage of the Eno--
liih) happened about this time ; but they were of
very little confequence.

As to Philip, all his arts could not keep up the
fpirits of his party when they met with ill fuccefs.
One of his allies, the queen of PocafTet, as Ihe is
called, dcferves particular mention. Being furprif-
cd by the Englilh, flie animated her men to hold
out to the laft ; but they meanly deferted her, and,
in endeavouring to efcape upon a raft, llie was
drowned. Her body being found, the Englifh,
not knowing whofe it was, cut off her head, and fet
it, with others, upon a pole at Taunton, where it
was foon recognifed by the Indians, and her obfe-
quics were celebrated with bowlings which tefli-
fied the high cfteem Ihe was held in by her country-
men. Philip, notwithllanding all his misfortunes.

Vol. I. P conr

\i i

! m

S M

J.'*

io6 BRITISH EMPIRE

continued the undaunted and irrecciicilcablef cnqr.y
of Engiiiliiiien, and went lb far as even to cut tp
pieces witi: his own hands an Indian, who had
dared to mention propofals for a peace. One of
his friends and counfellors, who probably was of a
pacific difpofition likewife, taking warning by the
fate of his feliow-lubjc*'!:^, lied to Rhode-Ifland ;
' — there he difcovered to the Englifh where Philip
was, and the means by which he might be fur-r
prifcd. Captain Church, upon this, went with a
fmall party, and found him, with a few attendants,
in a fwamp, which, by the defcription, is a place
furrounded by fordable llagnated waters. Philip
endeavoured to efcape, but was fmgled out by an
Lnglifhman and an Indian. The Engliihman*s
piece milled fire, but that of the Indian laid him
dead. His body, being taken up, was quartered,
and his head was carried in triumph to New Plj'-
mouth, where his IkuU is to be feen at this

day.

Thus ended what is very pro])erly called the
Philippic war ; and it is obferved, even by the
New England hiflorians, that the Indians to the eaft-
ward were an independant people, their country
lying without the line of the charter of the Maffa-
chulets. 'I'hey continued the war, even after Phi-
lip*s death, with feme advantages, till the govern-
ment of Boilon interpofed, and fent a body of
men, who made four hundred Indians prifoners,
two hundred of wijom were fold for flaves, and

thQ

IN AMERICA. 107

thfe reft, excepting a few who luid been m?.de ex-
amples of for having been guilty of murders,
were fent home, on promife of behaving better for
the future. In the relation of this war, we hnve
piirix)fely omitted many little ikirmi flies, that have
been defcribed with great minutenefs by the New
England hiftorians ; bur they confiil: only of fiir-

furprifes of very fmall bodies. After the

death of king Philip, major Waldcren was fent to
make up matters with the fachcm of Penobfcot,
in which he fucceeded but indifferently ; and, after
all, when a kind of general peace was conclu-
ded, the Englilh were obliged to allow the In-
dians of the eaftern parts a certain quantity of
corn yearly, and to pay a fmall quit-rent for their
lands which they pofleffed, or rather had ufurped
from them.

Though the war was extinguifhed in one part
of New England, yet it flill continued in another,
where the natives rcfented the grofs affronts and
impofitions of the fettlers ; efpecially upon the
borders of Hampfhirc. The favages had now heard

that the EngliHi were not invincible : while

the war was raging in the w efl, they fell upon
the plantations in the eafl, where they murdered
all the Englilh they met; and the latter made fe-
vere reprifals. The government of Roffon, though
fufficiently employed in the war with king Phili|),
fent a body of men, under captain Ha\\thorn, to,
the relief of their eaftern neighbours ; and they fur-

P 2 urifed

,o8 BRITISH EMPIRE

prifed foui* hundred Indians as they were plunder-
ing major Walderen's houfe, and made them all
prifoners. Half of thefe were fold for ilaveS,
the other half, excepting a few, who were exe-
cuted for atrocious crimes, were difmiffed on pro-
mife of a more pacific behaviour.

This, in faa, finiftied a war which gave oc-
cafion for many ferious reflediions to the Englifli.
They found the vail inconvenience of their having
no ftrong places to defend them againft the
flying attacks of the Indians ; and therefore they fet
themfelves to build fome at Scarborough, Falmouth,
Falmouth, York, Dover, and other parts. The
war had occafioned a negled of agriculture, and an
uncomrtion profligacy of manners among the people;
and therefore, in the year 1 679, a true prefbyterian fy-
nod, in which lay-members were admitted to vote,
was held at Boflon, for the reformation of manners.
About this time, the province of New England in
general met with three fevere blows, in the deaths
of Mr. Winthrop, the governor of Connedicut and
Newhaven; Mr. Leveret, the governor of the
Maflachufets ; and Mr. Winflow, the governor of
New Plymouth colony ; all of them gentlemen of
great experience and honell intentions. The firft
was fuGceeded by William Lee, Efq; the fecond
by Simon Bradllrcct, Efq: and the third by Robert
Treat, Efq; but Charles II. towards the end of
his reign, getting the better of his parliament, the

province of New Engl-ird underwent a fevere

per-

IN AMERICA.

lO^

pcrfecution. A quo warranto was brought againft
the New Ply nouth colony, and judgement was en-
tered in chancery. The Maffachufets colony In the
years 1683 and 1684, had pretty much the fame
fate ; but when the quo warrant* was fent againft
Conne^icut and Newhaven, their governments
were given to underftand, by a letter from the
king, that if they quietly refigned their charter,
they might have it in their option to be aflbciated
either under New York, or Bofton. Finding their
fate inevitable, they wifely chofe the latter. Rhode-
Ifland, whofe charter is faid to have been very va-
luable, gave it up without a ftruggle ; and New
Hamplhire and Maine refigned into the hands of
the crown the aflbciation under which they were
conftituted; fince which time their governor and
council have been named by the king, but their go-
vernor has generally been the fame with that of
the Maffachufets.

Henry Cranfield, Efq; was the firft governor
under this regulation ; and, upon his arrival in
New England, he uirncd out Mr. Bradftreet, Mr.
Lett, and Mr. Treat. Cranfield was -turned out of
his government upon the death of Charles II. and
fucceeded by Thomas Dudley, Efq; a New Eng-
land man. This governor endeavoured to fupporr
himfelf in the favour of the court, by favouring the
church of England againft the prcft^yterlans, which
fo provoked the New England men, that, by a very

un-

110 BRITISH EMPIRE

uncommon ftrain of liberty, they depofed and fent
him ])riibner to Old England. Sir Edmund Andros,
who is faid to have been a poor knight of Guern-
fey, came over to be governor of New England
juft at the time the people had refumed their chai>
ter-governraenf. It was likewife about the fame
time, that captain William Phipps, a New Eng-
land man, made his fortune in a very extraor-
dinary manner. Underftanding that, about the year
1640, a large Spanilli galleon had been h^ near
Port d^ la Plata, he obtained of Charles II. a fmall
frigate of eighteen guns, and ninety-five mep, with
which he failed to Hifpaniola, and continued div-
ing for her, but without any fuccefs, and was oblig-
ed to give up the enterprize : notwithftanding
w^hich the duke of Albermarle, fon to the reftorer
duke, being in dcfperate circumftances, adopted
the defperate undertaking of Phipps, who pro-
profed to divide the contingent prize-money into a
number of Ihares, each proportioned to the ihare
of expence advanced by the adventurer. A fhip
of about two hundred tons was bought, witl^
which Phipps fct fail to the old fpot of explora-
tion ; but after various and tedious attempts by a
canoe and a tender, on board of w^hich were divers
of all kinds, he was about to have given over
the attempt again, when the wreck was difco-
vered; and fo induftrioufly did they work, that,
in a few days, no lefs than thirty-two tons of fiU
ver was brought up, with an immcnfe treafure in

gold,

IN AMERICA. ui

gold, pearls, diamonds, and othet commodities. It
13 laid, that the whole, when brought by Phipps
to Engbnd, amounted to three hundred thoufand
pounds, of which ninety thoufand came to the
ihare of the duke of Albermarle ; and twenty
thoufand to that of Phipps, wlio was knighreJ by
king James II. ~> A long calm in the at}ws of
New England fucceeded, and continued ro the
time of the revolution, when the Indians began to
complain of the little attention that was i)aid to
the treaty by which they were to have an allow-
ance of corn. They complained, at the lame time,
of their being interrupted in their lilhery upon
Saco river ; that their fields were trefpallbd upon
by the English cattle ; and that the government of
Boilon had given away their lands. The truth i*,
that the planners of New England, about this
time, were a little too free with the natives, and
alfo with the French. They took upon them.
felves to affix new boundaries to their jurifdidion,
by which they feized a great deal of French pro'
perty, particularly fome belonging to one St. Caf-
teen. The French ambaflador had i)rocured an
order from theEnglifh court, for rcftoring Caf-
teen's goods, and, particularly, a parcel of wine,
which the colonifls had arbitrarily feized; but no,
regard feems to have been paid to it. It is proba-.
ble that the people of New England, by this
time, began to fufped that king James's go-
vernment would be but very fliort-lived ; Tnd

they

BRITISH EMPIRE

they had conceived at once a contempt and an a-
verfion for their governor Andros. Cafteen was
himfelf an almoft naturalized Indian, having mar-
ried the daughter of one of their fachems or fega-
mores ; and, therefore, in the bad humour the na^
tivcs were, he had no great difficulty in perfuading
them to enter upon holVilities. They accordingly
killed fome Englilli cattle, which they pretended
to be trefpaffers upon their grounds ; and one
Blackman, a bufy juftice of the peace, took
up about tv/enty of the offenders, and fent them
under a ftrong guard to Falmouth. This produced
reprifals'on the part of the Indians, who feizcd
fome Engliih, particularly the captains Rowdcn
and Gendal ; the former of whom died itt their

hands. • -/v u

It would have been eafy for the Englifh, by
making proper conceffions, to have brought the
Indians' to reafon ; but the latter were diffuaded by
the French, and killed fcveral of the inhabitants ot
New Yarmouth, which obliged the others to take
Ihcltcr in their fortifications. Andros was then at
New York ; but, upon his r turn to Boflon, he.
difapproved of Blackman's conduct, and ordered
aJl the Indian prifoners in the hands of the Englilh
to be rclcafed, without infilling ujwn any equiva-
lent.

The favages confidered this pufillammous con-
dua, as proceeding from weaknefs, and captain
Gendall, whom they had releafed, being fent with

a party

IJ^ AMERICA. i,^

a party to. New Yarmouth, was attacked by them;
but mofl of his men, whom they had taken pri-
foners, were afterwards recovered. In the mean
time, the Indians murdered two Englifh fiimilies
near Kennebek, and all the frontiers were filled
with blood and devaftarions. Andros put himfelf
at the head of one thonfand men, and marched
towards them in the very depth of winter, but
without any fuccefs ; and^ in confcquence, is accufed
by the New England hiftorians, 4iot only of neo--
leding the colony, but of perfecuting thofe who
flood up for its defence, and even of correfpond-
ing with the French in Canada, and of fetting the
Indians, who had been guilty of murder, at li-
berty. They fay, that the government of New
England, at this time, was in a moft deplorable con-
•dition :— That the governor, with four or five Gran-
gers of his council, men of defperate fortunes nd
bad, if any, principles, made what laws, and levied
what taxes they plcafed on the peciple: — Thatthefc,
without an affembly, rai a penny in the pound
on all eftates in the countr^ , and two-pence on all
imported goods, bofides twenty-pence per head,
poll-money, and a large excifc on wine, mm,
and other liquors : —That feveral perfons having,
in an humbk addrefs, reprefented this proceeding
as a grievance, were committed to the countv uil
for a high mifdemeanor, denied the benef]!. of the
Habeas Corpus a<ft, trieil out o'f riieir own
county ; fined exorbitantly, and ob],iged to pay
Vol. I. Q^ one

■

Vi4 BRITISH empire;

one hundred and fixty pounds for fees, when the
profecution would hardly have coft them fo many
Ihillings inGreatBritain;— and that, to complete the
oppreffion, when, on their trial, they claimed the
privileges of EngliOimen, they were fcoffingly
told, " Thefe things would not follow thkm to the
ends of the earth." — Such were the complaints
exhibited againft this gentleman, for whom the
•New Engknders feemed to have entertained ^
moft inveterate hatred. — Sir William Phipps was
then in England, and being a kind of favourite
with king James, he took the liberty to remon-
ftrate againft the behaviour of Andros and his
counfellors, and to folicit the king to reftore hia
countr)men to their charter-government, but in
vain. King James, however, created a new kind
of pod for Sir William; for he made him, by
patent, llieriff of New England, which gave much
umbrage to the governor and his friends.

At laft, Mr. Increafe Mather, reftor of the col-
lege at Cambridge, with two other gentlemen, were
Vent over to England, to complain ofSirEdmond
Andros to the king and council. The revolution
was then in agitation ; and news arriving at New
England of the prince of Orange's landing, Andros
not only imprifoned the bearer, but publilhed a pro-
clamation for preventing any one commiflioned by
the prince from landing in the province. Thofe
violences introduced a fancy that Andros and his
favourites intended to maflUcre the inhabitants ; and

it-

It was i
portunit
o^ April
ly made
the towi
like was
itport c
whereve
into jail,
of the,
himfelf
they fer

" Sir
" Oi
" this t
« pi'ifcc
« of th
•** norar
^* necef
*' the (
** ing i
." they
" tend
" fary,
" up t
« fervc
*' dired
« fudd
" fecui
** your

: I N A M ER I C A. 115

It was artfully kept up, to give the people an op-
portunity of confederating together. On the i8th
or April, 1689, proper difpoiitions being previous-
ly made, a retort was fpread at the north end of
the town that the fouth end was in arms, and the
like was fpread of the north, in the fouth end. This
Tfeport eflfefted the thing; the governor's people,
wherever they were found, were fecured and thrown
into jail. The principal inhabitants took poffeffion
of the council-houfe, and the governor ihuttiii^^
himfelf up in the caftle, to draw hin. from thence,
they fent him the following letter.

*' Sir,

" Ourfelves and many others, the inhabitants of
** this town, and the places adjacent, being fur-
pififed with the people's fudden taking of arms,
of the firft motion whereof we were wholly ig-
•^* norant; being driven by the prefent accident, are
^* neceflitated to acquaint your excellency, that, for
*' the quieting and fecuring the people inhabit-
ing in this country from the imminent danger
they many ways lie open and expofed to, and
tendering your own fafety; we judge it necef-
fary, that you forthwith furrender and deliver
up the government and fortifications, to be pre-
'* ferved and difpofed of, according to order and
** dirediion 'from the crown of England, which
fuddenly are expcfted to arrive ; promifing all
fecurity from violence to yourfelf, or any of
your gentlemen, or foldiers, in perfons or ef-

tare

'^'11

< ^li

' ffl

ill i

■1 If

^-s

m6 BRITISH EMPIRE

** tate: otherwife wc are aflured they will cn-
** deavour the taking the fortification by ftorm,
** if any oppofition be made,

^< White Winthrop, Simon Bradftreet, William
. *' Stoughton, Samuel Shrimpton, Bartho- .

** lomew Gidney, William Browne, Tho- .

** mas Danfurth, John Richards, Elilha
: *' Gook, Ifaac Addington, John Nclfon,

** Adam Winthrop, Peter Sergeant, John

*f Fofter, David Waterhoufe."

This letter was a fufficient intimation that the
writers of it, were refolved to carry their point.
Andros at firft flood upon his defence, and fent for
arms to a king's frigate then lying in the port.
But they were intercepted by a party of the '
townfmen under John Nelfon, Efq. who demand-
ed the furrender of the fort ; and the governor,
finding he had no farther means of refiilance, gave
it up, Thefe men then repaired to the council-
chamber, from whence they read a long and la-
boured declaration of their grievances to the peo-
ple, about three thoufand of whom were in
arms. They fummoned a general alTembly, con-
fiding of the reprefentatives of the united colonies;
and, on the 24th of May, by their own authority,
they rcfumed their charter-government*, which pro-

* In the year 1685, Charles II. having, hy a meffagc to the ge-
neral aflcmbly of Maflachufet Bay, dcfired, that, in confMleration
of fcveial complaints entered againft thcin, they would furtender

ceeuing

IN AMERICA ' 117.

cecding of theirs was approved of by king Wil-
liam and queen Mary, who confirmed the reftpred
magiftrates in their power. — This was- no wonder,
confidering on what principles their majefties af-
cended the throne. — Sir William Phipps was in

England at the time of the revolution ; and king

their charter to the king's pleafure j this, by a vote of general
aflembly was refufed. Thereupon, in coufeqiicnce of a tjuo %var-
ranta., zni/cire/acias^ 1684, in chancery, In Trinity-term, judge-
ment was entered againft their charter, and it was vacated ; the
colony*s agents or attornies not appearing. Robtit Humphrey,
Efq. agent for Maffachufet Bay colony, in his letter to the go-
vernor and council, dated Inner-Temple, May 2, 1685, and
read in the general affembly, July 8th following, writes, '* The
** breaches affigned againft you, are as obvious as unanfwerable';
** fo that a^' *'^e fervice your council and friends could have
** done yo' , would have only fcrved to deplore, not to pr«-

" vent, that inevitable lofs. I fent you the lord-keepcr'd order
** of June 15, i6k54, requiring your appearing on the firft day of
♦* Michaelmas-term, elfe judgement entered againft your charter
<* was to ftand. When this firft day came, your letters of at-
" torney neither were, nor indeed could be, returned; accord-
** ingly, I applied to the chancery for farther time : — where
*« judgment paffes by refault, there may be a rehearing.— Inflead
♦t of fending letters of attorney, the colony fent only an addrefs
«* to the king, without the colony-feal, or any {ubfcriptiort/<?r or-
** der ; therefore it was not prefented. I herewith fend you a
« copy of the judgement againft your charter. Colonel Kirk
«* %vas fixed upon, by Charles II, to be yoirr governor; and
*' James II, is faid to have renewed his patent for your govem-
•« ment." — Tiis atfair, however, was ne^^kaed, and the New
England colonics continued for fome time in the enjoyment of
their charter privileges.

James

■I !i

i!;i'i,'

El li Q
I

n8 BRITISH EMPIRE

James offered him the government of New Eng-
land : but he is faid to have declined it. The re-
volution, at this time, taking place, an open war
enfued between the French and Englilli in America,
as well as in Europe. The French, who had been
at great pair*^ to win over the natives, now endea-
voured to perfuade them that the Englifli, being
rebels, were abandoned by God and man ; and
promifed to fupport them with all the power of the
Quebec colony.

A new charter was granted to the colonifts, bear-
ing date the feventh of Oftober 1691, which, after '
reciting the former grant, was thus continued:
** Whereas the faid governor and company of Maf-
fachufet Bay in New England, by virtue of the
faid letters patent, are become very populous and
" well fetded ; and whereas the faid charter was
•' vacated by a judgement in Chancery, in Trinity-t
" term, in the year 1684; the agents of that colo-
" ny have petitioned to be rC'incorporated by a
" new charter ; and alfo to the end that our co-
«* lony of New Plymouth, in New England, may
« be brought under fuch a form of government,
** as may put them in a better condition of de-
** fence : We do, by thcfe prefents, incorporate into
*' one real province, by the name of the province
** of Maflachufet Bay in New England; viz, the
« former colony of Maflachufet Bay, the colony
*« of New Plymouth, the province of Main, the
" territory of Acadia, or Nova Scotia, and the track

lying

((

€(

IN AMEB:IC A. 119

" lying batween Noya Scotia and the province of
" Main,, the north half of the ifles of fhoals, the
** ifles of Capawock, and Nantucket, near Cape
** Cod, and all inlands within ten leagues diredly
" oppolite to the main-land within the faid bounds.
*' To our fubjedts, inhabitants of the faid lands and
their fucceflbrs, quit-rents, a fifth part of all
gold, and filver, and precious ftones, that may be
** found there : Confirming all lands, hereditaments,
&c. formerly granted by any general court to
perfons, bodies corporate, towns, villages, col-
leges, or fchools ; faving the claims of Samuel
** Allen, under John Mafon, and any other claim.
** Former grants and conveyances not to be pre-
judiced for want of form. The governor, lieu-
tenant governor, and fecretary, to be in the king'?.
" nomination ;' twenty-eight counfellors, whereof
" feven at lead fhall make a board, A general court
" or aflembly, to be convened the laft Wednefday in
** May yearly ; confiding of the governor, council,
** and reprefentatives of the tov/ns or places, not
** exceeding two for one place; qualification for
" an eledtor forty ihillings freehold, ^r fifty pounds
" fterling perfonal eftate. The general alfembly to
** ele(ft twenty-eight counfellors, eighteen of them
" from the old colony of MalTachufet Bay, four
** from Plymouth late colony, three from the pro-
** vince of Main, one for the territory of Sagada-
" hock, and two at large. The governor, with
" conlcnt of the council, to appoint the officers iw

" the

ii-f

1 20

BRITISH EMPIRE

« the courts of juftice. All born in the province,
«« or in the paflage to and from it, to be deemed
«* natural born fubjeds of England. Liberty of
« confcience to all chriftlans, except papifts. The
« general affembly to conftitute judicatories for all
" caufes, criminal or civil, capital or not capit^il.
" Probate of wills, and granting of adminiflrations,
" to be in the governor and council. In perfonal
« a<ftions, exceeding the value of three hundred
« pounds fterling, an appeal lies to the king incoun-
« cil, if the appeal be made in fourteen days after
" judgement; but execution not to be (laid. The
« o-cneral affembly to make laws, if not repugnant
" to the laws of England ; to appoint all civil of-
" ncers, excepting the officers of the courts of juf-
" tice ; to impofc taxes to be difpofed by the go-
" vernor and council. The converfion of the In-
« dians to be endeavoured. The governor to have
" a negative in all adts and eleaiions. All afts
" of affembly to be fcnt home by the firll oppor-
** timiry to the king in coimcil for approbation ;
« if not difallowcd in three years after their being
" prefented, fhall continue in force until repealed
« by the affembly. The general affembly may
«* grant any lands in the late Maffachufet Bay and
" Plymouth colonies, and in the province of
" Main ; but no grant of lands from Sagadahock
« River to St. Laurence River ihall be valid, with-
« out the royal approbation. The governor to
« command the militia, to ufe the law martial in

" time

« the
** portf
** confi
« law
« of tl-
" lieut(
*' want
" powc
" to th

« jea c

« thefc
** may i

^ poffei
** for I
*' upwa
** ing u

" vate|
« for c
" poun(

Majoi
a frontie
tained A
leave to
morning
of the Ir
diftance,
about tv
led offt\
mitting c

Vol. ]

I N A M E R I C AmS T21.

"* tim« of z€tm\ war, to erea forts and demolilh
•* the fame at pleafure. No perfons to be tranf-
** ported out of the province, without their own
*' confent, or that of the general aflembly. The
** law martial not to be executed without confent
" of the council. When there is no governor, the
" lieutenant-governor is to act; when both are
** wanting, the majority of the council to have the
" power. The admiralty jurifdiiftion is referved
*' to the king, or lords of the admiralty. No fub-
*' jea of Ejiglaud to be debarred from filhing on
*' the fea-coaft, creeks, or f-dt-water rivers, and they
" may ered lodges and ftages in any lands not 'in
poff^lfion of particular proprietors All trees fit
for malls, of twenty-four inches diameter and
upwards, twelve inches from the ground, grow-
ing upon land not heretofore granted to any pri-
" vate perfons, are referved to the crown;— penalty
" for cutting any fuch referved trees a hundred
pounds fterling for each tree."
Major Walderen then commanded in Quacheco,
a frontier fort of great importance. He had enter-
tained Mefandonit, a fachem, and had given him
leave to lodge in the fort ; but the barbarian, in the
morning, unbarred the gates, and admitted a party
of the Indians, who had lain in ambufh at a little
diftance, and who, ruihing in, killed the major, atid
about twenty-two men, burned feveral houfes, and
led off twenty-nine Englilh prifoners, befides com-
mitting other ads of murder and violence. Cap-
VoL. i: R taia

! IMIlM

122 BRITISH EMPIRE

tain Noycs was ordered to march with a party to
Penecook; but the favages had retired from thofc
quarters before he could come up to them. He
had, however, the fatisfaaion of laying wafte their
country, and deftroying their wig\vams. The fa-
vages afterwards furprifed Pemmaquid fort, and
killed fourteen Englifhmen; they likewife broke
the capitulation upon which the fort furrendered,
by butchering the garrifon, and fome troops who
were advancing to its relief; upon which the inha-
bitants of Sheepfcot and Kennebek retired to Fal-
mouth. In the time of the lad Indian war, the
New England men were fully convinced of their
error in adiing by fmall detachments ; and now,
feeing that the French were aiming at the abfolute
ruin of their colony, they raifed a thoufand men,
five hundred of whom were fent from the Maffa-
chufets, under major Swayne, and five hundred,
under major Church, from New Plymouth ; but,
by this time, the French had taught the barbarians
their own arts, particularly thofe of gaining intelli-
gence by means of corruption. They had every
where their fpies, who informed them of the mo-
tions of the Englilh, many of whom were thereby
cut off; and the favages were fo well inftrufted m
all the arts of treachery, that they behaved towards
the Engliih with a brutality even foreign to their
nature, barbarous as it was. Particular mention is
made of the bravery of two Englilh boys, who de-
fended a fort that was furprifed by the Indians, and,

though

though 1
render i
was inf
dered tl
boys, w]
jors Swj
the Fren
the Eng
figns ; H
Point, \
without
notice.

The:
the Fren
root of
Quebec
pofleffio
Quebec,
— The
was giv
a frigate
fixteen,
diately 1
garrifon
with eig
not tena
lifh arm;
neval, tl
Sir Wii:
vemor :

IN AMERICA.

123

though reduced to the laft extremity, refufed to fur-
render it, till they obtained a capitulation, which
was infamouily broken by the enemy, who mur-
dered three or four children and one of the
boys, whilfl the other made his efcape. The ma-
jors Swayne and Church were, by the practice of
the French, who had found means to corrupt even
the Englilh Indians, difappointed in all their de-
figns ; fo that the former, after garrifoning Blue
Point, was obliged to retire into winter quarters,
without effeding any thing farther worthy of
notice.

The Englilh government was fully fenfible of
the French practices, and refolved to ftrike at the
root of the evil, by attacking, at one time, both
Quebec and Acadia, [or New Scotland] then in the
pofleffion of the French. Of the expedition againft
Quebec, I Ihall take notice in its proi)er place.
— The command of that intended againft Acadia
was given to Sir William Phipps. It confifted of
a frigate mounting forty cannons, another Ihip of
fixteen, and a third of eight. Sir William imme-
diately bore down upon Port Royal, where, the
garrifon confifted of no more than eighty-fix men,
with eighteen unmounted cannons, and the works
not tenable. On the 2 2d of May, 1690, the Eni^-
Hlh armament appeared before the place ; and Man-
neval, the French governor, fcnt a prieft to know
Sir William's demand, which was, that the gO;-
vemor ihould furrender at difcretion. This was

R 2 peremptorily

i»4 BRITISH EMPIRE

peremptorily refufed by the pried, who produced
articles of capiti'lation ready drawn up. The firft
was, That the foldiers, with their arms and bag«
gage, Ihould be tranfported to Quebec in an Eng*
lilh veflel. The fecond, That the inhabitants Ihould
be maintained in peaceable pofleffion of their pro-
perties, and that the honour of the women {hould
be preferved. The third was. That the inhabitant!
ihould have the free exercife of the Roman catho-
lic religion, and that none of the church goods
ihould be touched.

Phipps, agreed to thefe conditions, but refufed to
lign them, faying, that his word, as a general, was a
better fecurity than any fignature. Manneval was
obliged to put up with this verbal aiTurance ; and,
the next day, came on board the Englifli iliip, where
the capitulation was ratified, and the keys of the
fort delivered to Phipps, Upon entering it, the
latter was furprifed at the weaknefs of the place,
and repented his having given the garrifon fuch
good terms, . According to the French writers, he
foon found means to break them. While Man-
neval was on board the Engiilh ihip, fome ftores,
belonging to the former governor, were feizcd up-
on by certain drunken foldiers and the inhabitants^
Phipps conltrued this into a breach of the terms,
wdilch undoubtedly it was, as the fadt is not de-
nied : therefore, making a handle of it for dif-
owning the capitulation, he difarmed the foldiers,
and Ihut tliem up in the church. He confined

Manneval

centme
and pli
the pr
ed his 1
an oat
Mary,
they w
The w:
ly by
bee, in
and thi
thoufan
tlieir mi
One.
wood,
frontier-
carried
turing <
four or
killing ]
the plac
of their
This caj
ridiculoi
their lav
major E
to Quel
natives.

iN A M E R I C A. t25

i^Jil to his own houfe, under the care of a
centinel, ftrippcd him of his money and cloatha,
and plundered the people, without fparing either
the priefts or the churches, and then re-imbar Ic-
ed his men, after obliging the inhabitants to take
an oath of fidelity to king William and queen
Mary. As to the reft of Phipps's undertakings,
they will be all mentioned in their proper places.
The whole colony of New England fullered great-
ly by his ill managed expedition againft Que-
bec, in which a thoufand of its natiycs perilhed ;
and the public there ran a hundred and forty
thoufand pounds in debt, befides lofmg almoft all
tlieir men and Ihips in their return.

One Artell, a French Canadian officer, and Hoop-
wood, a Huron chief, attacked Salmon Falls, a
frontier-town, where they killed thirty people, and
carried off fifty prifoners. Lieutenant Clark, ven-
turing out of Cafco, was furprifed by a body of
four or five hundred Indians and Frei -h, who, after
killing him and thirteen of his men, burned down
the place; the garrifon furrendering, on condition
of their being carried to the next Englilh town.
This capitulation, however, was broken, on the
ridiculous pretence, that the Englilh were rebels to
their lawful Ibvereign. Some of the garrifon, with
major Davis, the commandant, were fent prifoners
to Quebec, and the reft were murdered by the
natives. Tiie garrifons of Papcodac, Spamwick,

Black

,,i ,. Vw 111,

ill

126 BRITISH EMPIRE

Black Point, and Blue Point, were thrown into
fuch confternation by the dcrtrud^ion of Cafco, that
they fled as far as Suco, which garrifon likewife
abandoned its polls, and Hoo}>wood, the Huron,
purfuing them, dcllroved all the open country
round, and murdered all the inhabitants, who fell
into his hands. The captains Floyd and Greenleaf
at laft came up with him, routed his party, and
wounded himfelf. He was afterwards killed by
the French, who miftook him for an Iroquois.
The French and Indians, after this. Had the advan-
tage in many encounters, which, though of too lit-
tle confideration to be feparately particularifed, vet
formed, upon the whole, a very confiderable jfs
both of men and propert}'.

The only expedition worth notice, was that un-
dertaken by major Church, with three hundred
men, to Cafco Bay, where he burnt fome French
and Indian forts, and releafed a few Englifh cap-
tives. The war afterwards continued with various
fuccefs, but by no means to the advantage of the
Englifh ; and, at laft, a celiatiori of arms, till May
3691, was agreed on both fides.

Sir William Phipps, all this time, was bufied at
the court of England in foliciting to be put at the
head of a new expedition to Quebec : but the ter-
rible war, in which the king was engaged, and
the bad fuccefs of his late attempt, rendered all
his endeavours fruitlefs. Sir Henry Aihurft and
Mr. Increafe Mather were at the fame time in Eng-
land,

IN AMERICA.

land, as agents for the people of New England, fo-
liciting the reftoration of their old charter. But
neither king William nor his minifters were of
difpofitions to encourage any motion that tended
towards the indei>cndancy of the colony uix)n the
prerogative ; and the renewal was in effedt rcfufed.
They then contented thcmlelvcs with petitioning
for a new charter with more ample privileges.
They obtained, indeed, a new charter ; but their
privileges, even under the late one, were abridged
or rather annihilated. By king William's charter, the
crown has the nomination of rb-^, pernor, lieutenant-
governor, fecretary, and Me ofhf ts of the ad-
miralty, (all which was be/oi o in ths people) and
the power of the militia w, veited in the go^
vernor. All judges, juftices, and iheritfb, were
appointed by the governor, with the advice and
confent of his majcfty's council; and he like-
wife was to have a negative upon all laws, and
public adts of the general alTembly and council.
Laftly, all laws, when approved of by the gover-
nor, were to be tranfmitted to England, and to be
void, if difallowed of, in the fpace of three years ;

— all which has been Ihewn at large already.

In Ihort, all the favour the New England peoj^le
obtained, was the power of eledlng their firit
governor ; and their choice fell upon Sir William
Phipps. Scarcely was this important affair fettled,
A\'hen hoflilities were recommenced by the Indians
near Berwick, Exeter, and Cape Nidduck. Upon
this, fome officers, with four hundred men, jnarched

Hnnii

U8 BHITISH tllPIttE

to Pcchvpfot; but, not ohferving difclplirie, dief
were attacked by the favagcs, and dHVcn, wkh
ibme lofs, to their Ihips. This'Was followed by
barbarities and murders in many other places ; and
the Maffachufet itfclf was attacked from die eaft-
ward, which it never had been before. This
filled the colony with alarms; and the fort of Cape
Nidduck, one of the ftrongeft in thofe parts, was
abandoned by its garrifon, which had been greatly
thinned by draughts.

The French favages were now likewife in mo-
tion, and attacked the town of York, where they
killed fifty of the inhabitants, and carried a hun-
dred into captivit}\ The government, upon this.
Tent parties under different officers to redeem the
prifoners ; but they found that French officers
headed the Indians; that French foldiers were
intermingled with them ; that no fewer than five
hundred Hurons were in the field, and that four
or five Indian chiefs with their troops were confe-
derated againft them. An Englilh captain, one
Convers, is mentioned on this occafion with ^eat
honour, for having maintained a poft with no
more than fifteen or twenty men, and beating off
two hundred cf the barbarians, headed by Mox-
us, one of their chiefs. Convers, after this, took
the command of the Eiiglilh, and beat the French
and favages from Sagadahock, the French com-
mandant La Broffe, being killed in the action.

k w

the baj

with th

« andi

intercoi;

-miffionz

their int

jfived in

ter, wi

After c(

he dech

Indians

ified thaj

j^ative o

feat of

acquaint

about it

four hu

building

of the i

was ere

howevei

nated tl

from Sir

be only

of their

fort and

great i:

and thij

vices in

Vol. I

tm AUB^ It A. 15,9

It wa« Tcm^rked, that 4wii>g this exixcdit;ip9,
the barbarians charged thjc N,ew E^gl^tod ipei?
with thefc Englilh words, iin tlaeir mouths, " Fire
** and fall on, brave boys!" a proof of thjcir great
intercourfe with t;he Engllfh, though the French
4nti5onaries h^d the addrefs to detach them from
their intereft. — Sir William Phipps was now ar-
i:ived in New England with the colony's new char-
.ter, which gave great difTatisfadion to many.
Aft^r confirming the laws enaded by the affeirbly,
he declared his refolution of marching againft the
Indians in perfon. No jnan could be better quali-
fied than he was for fuch an undertaking, being a
^^iative of that part of the country where t..j chief
feat of war lay, near Kennebek. River, and well
acquainted with every fpot and lurking-place
about it. He immediately marched eaftward with
four hundred and fifty men ; and gave orders for
building a fort at Pemmaquid. Accordingly, one
of the llrongeft and largeft in all North America
was ereded there. The charge of building it,
however, was ^o great, that it is faid to have alie-
nated the affedlions of the New England colony
from Sir William ever afterwards. But this coul^
be only the effedt of private refentment on account
of their charter ; for it is certain, that both that
fort and the others which he conllruAed, were of
great ufe to the eaftern parts of the colony,
and this governor likewile performed many fer-
vices in his own perlbn agaii.ft the favages, who
Vol. L S wero

M n

.51

130 BRITISH EMPIRE

were become more unruly than even ■Being

ilill fpirited up by the French, they hkd been
guilty of many murders, towards the north of the
rivers Merimack, Oyfter, and Connedticut. Ihe
governor gave Convers, noAv a major, the com-
mand of the eaftern garriibns, and fent three hun-
dred and fifty men to reinforce him ; with which
aiTiftance he was enabled to invade the Indian
country, and to deftroy all their lands and habita-
tions about Taconet. Near Connecticut River the
Indians, who were there in arms, were attacked
by the Englilh, who gave them a total defeat, and
retook the captives they were carrying off; while
Sir William, the better to bridle them, built ano-
ther fort 9t Saco. All thofe difpofitions, w^ith the
fear of bringing a Mohock war upon their hands,
inclined the barbarians to a peace. The French
aorent, or, as he is called, ambaflador, (who, as
ullial, wzs a prieft) at the courts of their fachems,
did all he could to perfuade them to continue the
war, and, probably, he might have been fuccefsful,
had the French in Canada been in a condition to
have fent them the arms and afliftance they had
promifed. But that not being the cafe, the bar-
barians adually begged for a peace ; and a con-
grcfs was held at Pemmaquid fort, fmce called
fort William Fuiiry, between three Englifh com-
miflioners, and thirteen Indian fachems with pro-
per interpreters. This meeting was very formal
an.l important, and, by the articles then con-
cluded

IN A M E R I C A. 131

eluded, the Indians acknowledged themfelves fubjcdl
to the crown of England ; confirmed them in
poffeflion of their lands, renounced their alliance
with the French, and fubmitted their commerce
between themfelves and the Engliih to the general
aflcmbly.

The witchcraft delufion of which we have al-
ready fpoken, had fpreaditfclf abroad during Sir Wil-
liam's government, though we chofe to place the ac-
count of it in a manner, which rather anticipated the
hiftory, that it might not break in on our narra-
tion of the public affairs of the province. — It is
likely how^ever, that the above-mentioned perfccu-
tion happening under his adminiilration, did the
knight no great honour, but co-operated with
many greater caufes to render him dlfagreeable to
the people. Whilft articles of com}>laint were ex-
hibiting againft this gentleman, be died of a . ..
lignant fever in London *, and was fucceeded in

* ** Sir William Phipps (fays Douglas) was the fon of a blackfmlth,
born in 16^0, at a plantation on the liverQuenebcc, after keeping
fheep fome years, he was bound apprentice to a Ihip-carpcnter for
four years; he afterwatds went to Bollon, learned to read and
write, followed the carpenter's trade, and married the widow of
Mr. John Hull, merchant. Upon advice of a Spanifh wreck
about the Bahamas, he took a voyage thither, but without fuc-
ccfs. In 1685, in a king's frigate, the Algier Rofe, he was
fitted out upon the dlfcovery of another Sj aaifh wreck, near
Port de la Plata upon Hifpaniola, but returned to England un-
fuccefsful. Soon after 1687, he prevailed with tKe duke of
Albemarle, at that time governor of Jg,niaiia, and fome other

S 2 his

132 BRITISH tUTtKE

KiS office by William Stoughton, Efq. who Sd
not find the affairs of his government in the heUt
order imaginable. The Canadians were becortie
very powerful and very troiiblefome. It was the
policy of the French nation to win the Indians

perfons of quality, to fit bim out with a royal patent or com-
miffion to filli upon the Spaniih wreck which had been loft
about fifty years fince. By good luck, in about feven or eight
fathom water, he filhed the value of near three hundred thou-
fand pounds llerling (the Bermudians found good gleanings there
after his dc]iarture) whereof he had about fixteen tholifand
pounds fterling for his (hare, and the honour of knighthood ;
and obtained of king James II. by purchafe, to be conftituted
high (herifF of New-England, but was never in the execution
of this patent, and returned to England, 1688, (N. B. he had
not received baptifm until March 1690, JEt. 40.) and foon after
came back to Nevir England. Upon the breaking out of the
Indian ivar, in 1688, he follicited an expedition againft Nova,
Scotia, May 1690, and had good fucccfs againft the French ;
but his fiibfequent expedition in autumn, againft Canada, the
fame year, was difaftrouf, and came to nothing; and, in
the words of Mr. Mather, ♦' Though uied to diving for
*♦ p" ite, this was an affair too dctp for him to dire into,"
Amongft other bad confequcnces of this ill-contrived and worfe
manaped Canada expedition, was the introducing of a pernici-
ous, fraudulent paper-currency, or bills of public credit, to pay
the charges or debt incurred. The operation of this injurious
currency is fuch, that all pcrfonal eftates (fpccialties excepted)
are rtduced to one for eight, reckoning by heavy pieces of
eight (or fevcn-eighths of an ounce of filvei) at fix Ihillings ;
the lofs of men was of very bad confcq\ience to an infant co-
lony, which was not by the enemy, but by a camp fever, the
fmall-pox, and difafters in returning home; notwithftanding,
as Dr. Mather exprcfles it, " the wheel of prayer for themMn

over

i :f^ AMERICA. iii.

over t6 their religion, and then to ftir them up
4giin{i thcit' TieighboUrs. Thefe were fupplied with
mortey and irms from Otd Frahce, and a grand
^xp^ditibn was planned againft the New England
fettleihehts. T^he fea armament for which was
put under the corrtmand of the chevalier Nef-
morid, who- Was to be joined by one thoufand five
hundred French from Canada.

The count Frontenac, was at that tiflie governor-
general of New France ; he was a politic man,
and did every thing in his power to excite the fa*
i'age nations to break their treaties, and to rife for
the utter extirpation of the Englifli colonies. Twelve
months were not expired, after the conclufion of the
treaty at Pemmaquid, before the French invaded
the town of Oyfter-RiVer, from whence they car-
ried off a hundred prifoners. They afterwards
murdered one Mrs. Cutts and her family, and fall-
ing upon the open countr) , committed many cruel-

<* New England was kept conftantly going round." Soon after
his return to Bofton he went for London, to petition the court
of England (notwithflanding former difafters, and his own inca-
pacity to manage the affair) to encourage another expedition
againft Canada. Upon obtaining a new charter, dated 06tober 7,
1691, at the defire of the New England agents, Sir William
Phipps was appointed governor of the province of Maflachufet
Bay and territories thereto belonging ; he arrived with the new
charter, May 14, 1692 ; and, June 8, the aflembly under the
ndw charter, met for the firft time. Being ordered home, he
died at London, as we have above related, on the eighteenth
day of February, 1693." • '

ties

4'i

134 BRITISH EMPIRE

ties and devaftation* ; which, though often re-
pulfed, th. y rs often rei)cated. At laft Bomafeen,
one of the principal Indian fachcms in their inte-
tereft, was made prifoner and ient to Bofton. This
event occafioned the trib:*s to ceafe hoftilities f<:>r
fome time, and enter into treaties £ot the releafe ef
their Englilh captives ; but neither party being;
much in earneft about the matter, the negotiation
was dropped, and the war renewed with greater fury
than ever.

The Indians improved daily in the art of v/ar,
zud now, for the firft time, were feen on hoi feback
at Billericay. I'hf French had by this time re-
folved upon taking; Pemmaquid fort from the
English. Ibeivill? and Ibnaventure, two of their
beft officers, m ere pitched upon to command the
expedition planned out for this purpofe. They
had orders to rafe the fort as foon as it fliould be
taken, and then proceed to the deftrudion of the
Englifh in other parts of their fettlements. One
Chub was the governor of this devoted fortifica-
tion, who had behaved very treacheroufly to fome
of the Abenaquais Indians, two of whom he Ihot
dead while he was treating with them ; an adion
which was returned on the fide of the favages,
with their, ufual afts of fury and inhumanity. —
The two French commanders at this junfture ar-
rived before Pemmaquid, Iberville firft having taken
the Newport, an Englilh man of war of twenty-
four guns.

:orc

IN AMER IC A. M^s

Before any firing began, the French fummoned
Chub to furrender the place, and he anfwcred vnth
great ihew of refolution, that he was determined
to hold it out to the laft, though the French fliould
cover the fea with their Ihips, and the land with
their Indians. Upon this a fmart firing began on
both fides, and Iberville coming on fhore, raifed a
battery, from whence he played with five bombs,
•This daunted Chub and his garrifon, efpecially as
they were informed by the French, that, if the
place were taken by florm, they would be left to
the mercy of the favages. A capitulation was then
begun ; and it was agreed, that the Englifli Ihould
be fent with all their goods and efFeds to Bollon to
be exchanged for an equal number of French
and favages ; and that, in the mean while, they
Ihould be protefted from the fury of the Indians.
The French fay, that Chub was forced by his gar-
rifon, which confifted of no more than ninety-two
men, (the Englilh fay two hundred) to accept of
this capitulation. When the enemy entered the
fort, they there found one of the natives in irons,
and ready to expire under the fe verities he had fuf-
fered in his confinement. The fight of this cap-
tive put the Indians into fuch a fury, that the
French faid, it was with great difiiculty they could
prevent the favages from falling upon the garrifon.
It is generally admitted, that this fort might
have held out a long time, had it been garrifoned
by brave men, they having fifteen c«nnon, and

ill

i||||5

Dleiitv

jil

•

111'

\ '

M i

■1, '1.

136 BRITISH EM PI R E

plenty of ammunition and provifion?, Tfce ^pi-
tulation met with fomc difficulties in the execution
of it. The French commandant feot, indeed a few
of the garrifon to Bolton ; but he demanded, at
the fame time, that all the French and Indian pri-
foners in New England ihould be fet at Jiberty, in
exchange for the remainder of die garrifpn, and the
crew of the Newport, which amountisd to above
one hundred men ; and, in the mean time, he dc-
molilhed die fortifications of Pemmaquid. Before
he received an anfwer, he departed to execute the
reft of his commiffion ; but, perceiving that he
was falling fliort of provifions, he fent all the
Englilh prifoners to Bofton, except the officers. —
Such is the policy of Frenchmen, and fuch the re-
gard they generally pay to treaties ; namely to keep
them jull as far as they are convenient.

This lofs threw a great damp upon the fplrits of
the New England men. The governor, when it
was too late, fent three fliips in purfuit of the French
fquadron. Colonel Gedney alfo marched with five
hundred men to fcour the country, which however
was deferted by the French and their Indians.
Chub was carried prifoner to Bofton, and deprived
of his commiffion. — Either he was not deemed guilty
of the fault charged upon him by fome, of delivering
up a place he might have preferved, or elfe the
government of the province did not, at thrt time,
think proper to be fevere in their punilhments. —
The Indiana now began to def])ife the Engliffi. They

fell

IN AMER IC .V , ^37

fett upon the people of Hiverhill, In ElFex-county,
and took fevcrai prifoners. There w'as among
thofe whom they attacked, a woman of amazing
ftrength and courage, whole name was Hannah
Dunftcr. She had been but a few days brought
to bed, bur, perceiving herfelf on the point of
falling a viclim to the cruelty and brutalities of
the favagcs, iTie, together ^vith her nurfc and an
luiglifh bo\:, killed ten of the Indians,' and ef-
caped to Boilon, where all three wcie handfomely
fewarded.

The French rtill planning the total deflruftion
of our colonies were bufily employed in fitting
out- an expedition, the raifcarriage of which, we
ihall have occafion to fpeak of more at large
hereafter. The rumour of the preparation once
more roufed the fpirits of the New England men :
— Major March being difpatched to the eafhvard,
drove the lavages from Cafco Bay, and repeated
his check fo effeftually, that he difpirited the In-
dians, and prevented, in all probability, their in-
tent of joining the French, who afterwards re.
turned difappointed to their own countr}^ , •

King William now beftowed the government of
New England (with \%hlch that of New York
\\'as alfo joined) on the earl of Bellamont, ^ peer
of Ireland. As to Stoughton, ^vho, as it fcems,
had never obtained a formal commiflion for him-
felf, he aded as deputy-governor, during two
years that his lordlhip remained in Endand.

lllilill

138 BRITISH EMPIRE

About this time, complaints being made of the
piracies of the people of New England, one cap-
tain Kidd, was fent with a fhip fitted out as a
privateer, to fupprefs them; but meeting with
indifferent fuccefs in h^ nndertaking, he turned
pirate himfelf, and s-re av ^y for the lall Indies,
where he commirted many depredations on the
fubjeds of the Great Mogol.

The Indians continued to maflacre the Englilh
fettlers ; cnlonel Bradllreet, and c"' .'-^ Chub, of
whom we have already l]x)ken, were murdered by
them ; but they were repulfed from Deerfield on
Connei'Vicut River, by one Williams, the miniiter,
at the head of the inhabitants. The treaty of
Ryfv.ick at laft reftored peace for fome time to
the country ; and count Fronttnac gave the fava-
ges in the French intereft to underftand, that they
muft make the bed terms the could with the
Englifh for themfelves, as he had no longer orders
to ?ffift them — A negotiation enfued for the re-
ftitution of prifcners, between tlic count and earl
of Rcllamonr, which met with many difF ilties ;
and the former died (ocn after, in the feventv-
eighth year of his age. -—He as a very politic
man, and had don ^rcai ferviccs to his country-
mens intcrefts in America. — A congrefs was flill
held at Penobfcot, beiween the Englilh commif-
.fioners and the fachems of the Indian naticiis,
with whom a treaty was at length concluded, and

\»h«

who be]

of fubm

" Wl

" fion

•* the e\

** hay^

" majeft

" delive

« liih ii

" they c(

" Wh

" fubfcri

" men oi

" Keiine!

" adjacei

<< foily, i

" miffion

" ings ar

** ourfelv

" m^ lei

<* for t\

" latioiis

** into hi*

** and in

** Indians

" aforefai

'* of Gre

** profefs

** crown

'* tify and

IN AMERICA.

}i9

((

Who befides:, fubfcribed the folio g inftrument
of fubmiffion to the crown of EngL J :

" Whereas, notwithftanding our late fiibmif-'
fion and agreement, certain Indian through'
the evil counfel and inftigation of the French,'
hay? perpetrated fundry hoftilities againft his
majefty's fubjeds the Englifh, and have not'
delivered ind returned him the feveral Eng-
" lilh in their hands, as in the faid fubmiffion
** they covenanted.

" Wherefore we, whofe names are hereunto

"fubfcribed, fegamores, captains, and principal

" men of the Indians, bek nging to the rivers of

" Kennebeck, Ammonofcoggir Saco, and parts

" adjacent, being fenfible of our great offence and

*< folly, in not complying with the aforefaid fub-

" miflion and agreement, and alfo of the fuffer-

*' ings and mifchrefs that we have hereby expofed

** ourfelves unto, do in all humble and fubmiffive

" m;.: ler cift ourfelves upon his majefty's mercy,

<* for th pardon of all our rebellions and vio-

" latiohi of o If promifes, praying to be received

" into his m. 's gn e and proteftion; and for

" and in behalt c urfelves, and of all the other

** Indians belonging to the feveral rivers and places

" aforefaid, within the fover-ignty of his majefty

" of Great Britain, do again acknowledge and

♦* profefs an hearty and fincert obedience ro the

<* crown of England, anc. do lole inly renew, ra-'

'* tify and confirn), all and every rhe articles ivi

((

agree*

140 BillTISH EMPIRE

<« agreements contained in the aforefaid recited
** rubmiflion : and in teftimony hereof, we, the
*.* (aid feganiores, captains and principal men,
" have hereunto let our hands and feals, at Cafco
** Bay, near Mare's Point, the fcventh day of Ja-
*' nuary, in the tenth year* of his rnajefty kin^
** William the third, in the year 1698."

Subfcribed by Moxus, and the reft of th?
fegamores prcfent,

In the prefence of James Convcrs, Cyprian
Southack, John G) les, interpreter, Scodook,
alias Sampfon,

The carl of Bellamont coming to Boflon ii»
1699, convened a general aficmbly there, though
he fixed his refidence at New York, He was al-
lowed a falary of one thoufand pounds a 5Hrar, and
a prefent of five hundred pounds, and Teems to
have been a very proper pcrfon for the govern-
ment to which he was apjiointed. He feized Kidd,
at Boflon, and fent him over to England, where he

was tried and executed. Tiiis nobleman died

ft)on after, on his return to New York, anrl
Stoughton for a while refumed the government.
An interval of tranquillity now fucceeded, which
was only interrupted by a dreadful fire, that did io
piuch damage as might defervedly occafioii it to
l?e reckoned a public calamity ; ?ind the fiicceeding

war

IN AH E R IC A. t4t

vtr the cblonifli were in a good condition of dcj
fence.

In June, 1702, Jofeph Dudley, Efq. arrivecl
with a commiffion, to take upon him the govern.
meat of New England. The miniftry at home
had now planned out a fcheme for the conqueftof
t^ebcc; this dcfign was for a time laid afide,
but was revived again at the inftances of colonel
Nichollbn, who had recovered Nova Scotia for his
countr>'men, and went over to England, carrying
with him fome Indian chiefs. The miniftry were
prevailed on to fend five regiments of foot, and a
battalion of marines, the latter under the com-
mand of colonel Charles Churchill, on this expe-
dition, and the Edgar, Monmouth, Devonfliirc,
Humber, Swiftfure, Kingfton^ Sunderland, Mon-
tague, and Dunkirk, failed from England with'
them. T is force was to be joined by an addi-
tional number of troops and Ihips when it arrived
in New England, which was the iirft place of its
deftination. It does not, however, appear, that the
people of New England had received any inftruc-
tions for that purpofe; or if they did, they feemed
to have neglefted them. The armament failed
from Plymouth on the fourth of May, and arrived
atBofton the fourth of June 171 1. So little was
it expedted, that upon its firft appearance, a troop
of guards, and a regiment of foot that were in
the town, put themfelves under arms, and the in-
habitants made the jMroper difpofuions for repelling

jin

'A 4

iil|!!

14* BIl'ITISH EMPIRE.

an enemy, but were foon undeceived. The gene*-
ral and the admiral had at firft no thoughts of
landing their men here ; but coming on ihore, after
fomc conference with the inhabitants, found that
they themfelves were not in the fecre*^ of the mi-
niftry. The latter had often brought fevere
charges againft the whigs for entering on dcfigns
not laid before parliament, and for which no fup-
pUes had been given, and the parliament had a
little before declared, that to enlarge the fcrvice,
or increafe the charge beyond the bounds prcfcrib-
^d, and the fupplies granted, wis illegal, and
an invafion of their rights. This perhaps fill-
ed the patrons of this expedition with apprehen-;
fions, and they had nothing to truft to but fuccefs
lor being indemnified. Looking upon fecrecy as
being one of the great means of fuccefs, they had-
cither concealed their defign from the New Eng-
land men, or explained it fo impcrfedly, that
when the admiral and genenl came on Ihore they
were amazed to find that no provifions were in
furtherance for their proceeding on the expedition ;
fo that, all their own provifions being f^wnt, not-
withftanding the Ihortnefs of the paflage, the men
were landed out of the ftiips, and encamped on
Noddes ifland near Botton, where colonel Nichol-
fon Kkewife was. This delay, probably, was the
ruin of the expedition; but it is owned on alb
bands, that the New England men fetjing the good,
appearance the troops and ihips made, and per4

ceiving

ceivmg

pedited

ready tl

time tl

it was

troops 1

fine reg

NewTi!

Vetch.

men of

of warl

tenders,

board 1

was the

for the

colonel '.

York,

where t

New Je

about as

the Cafi

voufed, 1

comman

ler, and

Canada <

TheE

Bay, nea

eighteen!

hard fror

tranfporti

^^tN AMERICA. 143

celving the officers to be thoroughly in camcft, ex-
pedited the raifing their quota of men, and got
ready the provifions demanded of them in a ihorter
time than could have been well expected ; yet.
it was the twentieth of July, before the Britilh
troops re-embarked, and they were joined by two
fine regiments of one thoufand New England and
New York men, under the colonels Walton and
Vetch. The whole fleet then confifted of twelve
men of war, and fix ftore-lhips, with all kinds
of warlike flores, befides fire-fhips, bomb-ketches,
tenders, and tranfports, with forty horfe on
board for drawing a fine train of artillery. It
was the thirtieth of July before the fleet failed
for the river St. Lawrence. At the fame time
colonel Nicholfon fet out from Bofton for New
York, from whence he proceeded to Albany,
-where the forces of New York, Connedicut, and
New Jerfey, about one thoufand Palatines, and
about as many Indians of the Five Nations, under
the Cafiques who had been in England, rendez-
voufed, to the number of about four thoufand men,
commanded by colonel Ingoldfby, colonel Schuy'
ler, and colonel Wiilting, who marched towards
Canada on the twenty-eighth of AuguH.

The Englilh fleet proceeding, arrived off Gafpe
Bay, near the entrance of the river Canada, on the
eighteenth of Auguft, where the wind blowing
hard from the norrh-w^ft, they anchored, left the
tranfports fhould be leparated and driven to lee*

ward.

!.;|l'il"l

:::l::«

'44

BRITISH EMPIRE

ft
if"-

•jvard* Here they burned a French filhing veflel, and
on the twentieth of the lame month held on theiif
courfe, the wind veering wefterly. But the two
fucceeding days proved very foggy, and the gaje
at length Ihifting to the tiorth-eaft, rendered it al-
rnoft impoflible to fleer any courfe with fafety,
having neither fight of land, foundings, nor an-
chorage. The veffels then, by the advice of the
pilots, were brought to with their heads to the fouth-
ward ; ncverthelefs, about ten at night, they found
themfclves among the northern rocks and jhoals,
where eight tranfports, which had upwards of
nine hundred foldiers and fearaen on board, were
loft, and the men of war efcaped with great diffi-
culty.

After this misfortune, and when Sir Hovenden
Walker had plied two days with very hard gales,
between the weft and the fouth, to fave what lives
and ftores he could, he called a council of war,
when after examining the pilots, and weighing
ever)' circumftance, it was judged impradicable
for a fleet to get up to Quebec ; and it was, befides,
the opinion of all the pilots, that had the fqua-
dron been higher up the river, with the gales they
met with, all the ihipi would have been inevitably
loft. At this council of war there were j>refent,
b^fidcs the rear-admiral, the captains J()f:ph
Soames, John Mitchell, llobcrt Arris, (ieorge Wal-
ton, Henry Gore, George l^uUlon, John Cock-

byrn, and Auguftlne Ruuic.

I;-.

In AMERICA;

Oh the fcventh of September, th6 fliips being
joined, another council v/as called, of fea and
land-officers, to determine, whether j under the pre*
(ent circumftances of the fleet and army^ it were
advifeable to attempt any thing againft Placentia ;
but it appearing that they had not ten weeks pro-
vifions, and that fupplies were uncertain, it was
unanimoully determined to return home* At this
board were prefent, befides thofe fea-officers who
were at the laft, general Hill, colonel Charles
Churchill, colonel William Windrefle, colonel
Campenfelt, colonel Clayton, and colonel Kirk;
together with Vetch and Walton, who commanded
the New England forces ; and purfutnt the deter-
mination of thefe gentlemen, the whole armament
let fail for England, where they arrived in Odp"
ber, without having cffedled any thing*

The whole conduft of the miniftry in this af-
fair, was indeed fomewhat furpriiing. In the firll
place, we find that the matter was k< . a fecret
from the board of admiralty, and feconoiy, not at
all, or at beft, but very imperfe(ftly communicated
to thole who v^'ere likely to bear fo great a Ihare in

it, the people of New England* An erroi

of this kind is the more extraordinary,, as the
opennefs of the Englilh is generally a proverb a-
mongft the nations. Whatever occjiftoned thofe
who had the management of affairs at this pilriodj
to run into the other extreme, it is certain, that
their ailopting fuch a maxim contributed much tt>

Vot. h W thU

f'lW

ipl

111
I'

I4« BRITISH EMPIRE

the ill fuccefs of the expedition ; though it if ab*
furd to imagine with fomc that there was any
deep dcfign in the matter. It is true indeed, a fet
of men, who were denominated Whigs, in a fuc-
ceeding reign, made this one of the articles of the
earl of Oxford's impeachment ; but that is a cir-
cumftance which proves little to any one who is
"acquainted with the blindnefs of party zeal, and
the extraordinary prejudices which once or twice
in a century blind the people of this ifland. It is
plain tha* Sir Hovenden Walke; was neither privy
to, nor fufpefted the mlniftry of any double de-
fign. He ufed to fay, that the expedition was in-
deed unfortunate, becaiife it failed; but he added,
tliat it would have been much more fo, if the
fleet had advanced up the River St. Lawrence :
" For," faid he, " our mens pr ...ons would then
" have been reduced to eight or nine, perhaps to
** fix weeks allowance ; — no relief could pofjibly
" have been hoped for in lefs than ten months; —
" the Feverlham, and three llore-lliips, laden with
" the provifions dcfigned for their fupply, being
" call away in their paflage; — fo that, if we had
** cfcaped ihipwrec':, (which would have been a
V** very great chance) between ten and twelve
-** tboufand men mull have inevitably perilhed with
" cold and hunger, and the Ihips have become a
,*^ prey to the returning enemy. — On the other
hand, had the enemy held out till our people
had fpent all their provifions, the latter muft

" have

((

5 J .IN AMERlCAii rW

5* have laid down their arms, and have furrendered
■ *• at difcretion, to avoid death in its mofl frightful
Ihape, that of famine; or, even if they had
taken the place, either by ftorm or capitulation,
the remaining provifions of a fmall garrifon
** would not have gone far towards fubfifting ib
." large a number ; nor could they, at that feafon
" of the year, have marched through the country
** in fearch of more. — And the cafe would have
/** been iimilar, had they afterwards attempted Pia-
, " centia."

The governor alfo apologized for the colonifts
in a fpeech which was certainly very proper;
for the Americans were not in the leaft charge-
able with the mifcarriage of the Quebec expedi-
tion. They fmccrely and juftly believed the go-
vernment to be in earneft in their intentions (what-
ever ibmc over-wife politiciani might urge to the
contrary ; and, accordingly, they really chearfully
aflifted to th<; utmofl of their power. Tney wese
not however, ignorant how imprudently meafures
were concerted in England, and the confequenc-e
was, that they did all in their power to remedy
the defedt. they obferved, and by their own dili-
gence to make amends for the remiffnefs of their
mother country. That all thefe endeavours proved
abortive, was partly chargeable on che ill condud:
of the miniftry; whofe ralhnefs no prudence of
their fervants could compenfate, and partly to ac-
cidents which it was 'K4. inhuman policy to prevent.

^2 Queen

i| . !

i 1

I""
II

,1 'ii

imm nam

148 BRITISH EMPIRE

Queen Anne dying in the year 17 14, George,
eledor of Hanover, fuccceded to the crown of
Great Britain. That prince appointed colonel
Shute to the government of New England, a gentle*
man, who had ferVed under the duke of Marlbo-
rough, and was generally cfleemed a good and
prudent governor. In his time the province wai
jfo well cultivated, that inftead of giving encou-.
ragement to the planters for clearing the country,
by felling trees, an a^: was paffed in England, to
prevent any more from being cut down ; as ap^
l^ears from the following fpeech of this goTernor
to the affembly. " Notwithftanding," fays he, " the
*^ law paffed in England for encouraging naval
« (lores, and for the preffervation of white pine
?^ trees, his majefty has been informed that great
^^ fpoils are daily commited in his woods, in the
" province of Main, and in fome parts of Maffar
^* chufet bay, by cutting down, and putting to
«* private ufe fuch trees as may be proper for the
" navy royal ; therefore he recommends that
*' all laws againft it may be put in exetutioh, and
f< new ones be made, if thefe are not fufficient.**
In the fame fpeech he recommended the rebuild-^
ing pf the fort Pemmaquid, or erecting a fort in
that neighbourhood. In 17 17 he met the heads
^i the eaftern ladians near Kennebek river, and
found that the French priefts from Canada had
been again tampering with them to renounce their
alliance with, and fubmiflion to the crown of

Gtcat

IN AMEEICA.

Great Britain. This appeared in the haughtinefs of
the behaviour of the fachemi, who, with a pe-
remptory air, demanded that the Engliih ihould
build no more forts, nor make any more fettlc-
nientg on their lands ; to which the governor refo-
lutely anfwered, that he would not part with an
inch of ground that belonged to his province, and
threatened to build a fort upon every fcttlement
in it. Upon this, the favages departed to a neigh-
bouring illf^nd with a fhew of refentment ; but
upon the governor's ordering the ihip of war
which attended him, to put herfelf in a failing
pofture, they fent to dcfire another conference,
which with fome difficulty was granted ; and the
fachcms, to the number of twenty-three, renewed
their fubmiffion to the crown of England, and all
the articles of their former agreement, faying at
the fame time, in their native flyle, that they
hoped it would kC: as long as the fun and moon
endured. Upon then veturn home, however, the
French renewed their practices with them, and
two hundred of them marched, unuer French co-
lours, to the town of Arrowf ck; fronp whence
they fent a menacing letter to thr , \;vernor, who
laid it before the affembly. This produced a new
expedition, which was attended by five of the
counfellors, and which foon diffipated the danger.
Colonel Shute, at this time, endeavoured in vain
to get a falary fettled upon him by the colony ;
and the affembly gave him fo much trouble, that

1 i'iiiii

lf>!i|iiiii

! r'

! fci

III!

ft f*

%c was u laft forced to carry over to England «
i^mplaint «gainft them, confilling of fcven arti»
ties for invading the royal prerogative : viz.
*f h Their taking pofleffion of royal mails cut
into logs. IL Refufmg the governor's negative
of the fpeaker. III. Aiiuming authority jointly
*' with the governor and council to appoint fafts
" and thankfgiyings. IV. Adjourning themfelves
" for more than two days at a time. V. Dif-
mantling of forts, and ordering the guns and
(lores into the treafurer's cuftody. VI. Suf-
pending of military officers, and mutilating
" them of their pay. VII. Sending a committee
** of their own to muftcr the king's forces."

Mr. Cook, the agent for the houfe of reprefen-
tativcs, admitted the firfl, third, fifth, fixth and
feventh articles to be true ; and on the part of his
conilituents he acknowledged their fault, but laid
the blame upon the precedents of former aflem-
blies. As to the two articles not acknowledged,
an explanatory charter was made out in the twelfth
year of George the Firfl, in whichis the following
claufe : " Vi^hercas in their charter* nothing is di-
" rcAed concerning a fpeaker of the houfe of rfr.
prcfcntativcs, and their adjourning themfelves;
it is hereby ordered, That the governor or com-
mander in chief, Hiall have a negative in the
tiedlion of the fpeaktr, and the houfe of wpre-
" fentatives may idijurn themfelves, not exceed-
ing two days at a time.**

William

€i

/ WiHidm Burnet, Efq. foa to the biftiop of th«
name, fuccecdcd colonel Shute. When he entered
upon his government he found the people more m>.
merous than thofe of any colony in the world ; their
commerce flourilhing, and their riches immeniie;
but they had not laid af the independent princi-
ples of their anceftors; and the government of
England jnjlly thought that they affefted powers
inconfiftent with their duty to their mother country^
To put them to a tefl of their obedience, Mr. Burv-
net had an inftrudion peremptorily to iniift upon a
fettled provifion for him as governor, which was as
peremptorily refufed by the affembly. The dif-
putes on this head increafed fo much, that for fome
time no public bufinefs could be tranfaded. Bur-
net was a zealous promoter of the good of the co-
lony, and had many fchemes for its fervice, which
were fo juft that he had credit enough to carry them
into execution. It is thought that he would even
have given up the point of his falary had he not
been tied down by his inilrudtions from England.
But this would have been impro^jer, he having
given up a very lucrative place in Great Britain
for the government of New York, in which he fuc-
ceedcd governor Hunter, as colonel Montgomery
did him. The province of Maflachufet perceiving
they could gain nothing upon their governor in the
matter of his falary, fent over Jonathan Belcher,
Efq. to join with Mr. Wilks in an application to
the government of England to get a revocation of

his

IH^t.

l!<l! Hi

ii.i

r!?>

15* BRITISH EMPIRE

his inftruftion on that head. The Engliih «im-
ftry bcin» at that time, divided among themielvei^
the New ^.ngland agents, who were charged with
other complaints a^lnft their governor, befides that
of his infifting upon a falary, received great enco i-
ragcment from one part of the adminiftration, and
were threatened by the other that the affair Ihould
be laid before the parliament ; but Burnet dying in
September, 1729, Mr. Belcher was appointed to fuc-
eeed him as governor of New York. In the mean
time, Mr.Dummer ;»Jtcd as lieutenant governor.
Mr. Belcher arrived at New York on the eighth of
Auguft 1730, and was received with great joy by
the natives, who thought that under their own
countryman they had nothing to apprehend, efpe-
cially as he had fo lately been employed by them as
their agent; but they were deceived. The firll
ftep he took in his government was to lay before
the affembly of N'ew Hampshire his aftrudtions to
obtain a falr^: ?, and they accordingly granted him
two hundrtcl < unds a year. But their example
diet not further his main end, which was to obtain
a proportionable fum from the affembly at Bofton.
The general affembly of New England met at Cam-
bridge, on the ninth of September, and was opened
by the governor with a fpecch, in which he ufcd
the following expreffions : " Gentlemen, the king's
" placing me at the head of his government here,
" taken in all circumftances of it, (without affum-
ing any perfonal merit to myfelf) is fuch an in-

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IN AMFRrCA. 153

•* ft?ncc of his majcity*8 grace and favour to the
^* people, a I want words to exprefs. The '^<^-
" nour of the cro vn, and the intcreft of (ivi
" Britain, are doiutlefs v ' compatible witl
privileges and berties ot ht : plantations ; ; -d
it bt ng my duty to fupport the former, it will
" alfo be my c re to prote<!it the latter. I have in
" command to communicate to you his maji fty'i
*' twenty-feventh inftrudion to me, ref|^e«tting the
** fupjx)rt of his governors in this province tor the
" fuLure: I therefore delire, from the a^''^"'^ ite
regard I hre for my native country, you

will give your mod calm and deliberat- cention
to this affair, of fo nice a confequence, ..nd now
brought to a crifis." The crifis he mentions was
the former tl. of obtaining the fan<flion of a Bri-'
tilh parliame.it for fixing a falary ; and Mr. Bel-
cher, to fhew he was not to be baffled, infifttng up-
on the arrears due to the late governor bui net's
children at the rate of a thoufand pounds a year for
his falary. At length his falary was fixed by a bill
pafTcd in the aflembly, but in fo ambiguous and
uncertain a manner, that he refufed it his confent.
The council however, was willing to have agreed
to his terms; but the houfe of repr entatives ftill
flood out. On the firfl of January being the very
day before the governor diliblve' aeni, they enter-
ed the following minute in their books, " After
" the moft -Tious confideration of his majefty's in-
« ftruttion for fixing a falary an his excellency and
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154 BRITISH EMPIRE

his fucccflbrs, together with the rights and privi-
leges of the people, we apprehend the houfe
ought not to accede thereto; but at the fame
time, we efteem it, the duty of this houfe, .as
well as their honours, willingly and unanimously
to give their votes in pafling a^ts for the ample
and honourable fupport of his majefty*s gv/-
vernor."

The aflcmbly which met upon the above difib-
lution, being as refractory as that which was dif*
folved, it met with the fame fate, and a new affem-
bly was called, to whom the g")vernor again urged
die neceflity of their complyin ; with his majefty's
twcnty-fcventh inftru(ftion, relicing to his falary.
At lafl, after various expedicucs had been propofed
and rcje<5ted, the governor was prevailed on to ac-
cept of one thoufand pounds a year, but in fuch z
manner as that the payment of it (hould not bf ob-
ligatory upon future allemblies. Other matters of
great moment to the peace and profi)crity of the
colony happened about the fame time, particularly
a difputc between the province of Maflachufet Bay
and that of New Hampihire, about the white pines,
already mentioned to be fo eflcntial to the Ihipping
of Great Britain* It is almoft impoffiblc, confidcr-
ing the vait extent of territory, where the white
pines grou', to afcertajn thofc feveral boundaries
between the king antl the private fubjetft. It is
certain that Ralph GuHlon, Efc}. who was con-
traiftor for the ihip-timbcr for the royal navy, m^t

with

IN AMERIC A,--

€t

((

■With fuch difSculties in executing his contract, that
he was forced to have recourfe to the governor's
authority, who referred the affair to the aflembly.
After fome deliberation, a proclamatbn was iffued
by dcfire of the houfe, to prevent any kind of mo-
ieftation being given to Mr. Gulflon or his agents ;
and Mr. Dunbar, the furvcyor-general, gave the fol-
lowing publication.

^f Whereas a number of people, who call them- •
fclves proprietors of lands in Sheepfcot River, and
other parts to the eaftward of Kennebek River,
have, by their agent Mr. Waldo, petitioned his
majefty upon their faid claims, and are, as I am
informed, providing to fend thither and take pof-
fcflion of the faid lands, without waiting for hi*
•* majefty's pleafure and determination thereupon :
« I do hereby give notice to all perfons concern-
«« ed, that I am dire^ied, by his majefty's roydl in-
« ftruftions, to lay afide three hundred thoufand
acres of land, bearing the beft timber, as conti-
gu€)us as may be to the fea-fhore and navigable
rivers within the province of Nova Scotia, to b<r
f* referved as a nurfery of trees for the royal navy:
" I have, in obedience to my faid inftruftions,
made choice of feveral places from the eail-fide of
" Kennebek River, and more efpecially in Sheep-
** {cot River.'* It is here proper to take notice,
that by the charter granted to the colony, all
trees of the diameter of twenty-four inches and

X 2 upwards.

Imm

liii ii

ti6 BRITISH EMPIRE

upwards, twelve inches from the ground, growing
in the province, were referved to the crown.
Mr. Belcher had the fate of his predeceflbrs ;
for notwithftahding all his public-fpirited en-
deavours for the good of the colony, letters
were fent over to the government of England,
-complaining of his adminillration, his tyranny,
and his being an enemy to the diflenting intereft
in New England. Thofe letters, moft of which
were "WTitten in the incendiary flrain, would
have had very little effed, had not the governmefit
of England rcfolv^d to adopt a new fyfteni, with
regard to their American affairs. They were pro^
voked to this, by a difpute raifed by the affembly
of New England, about the diiiwfal of public mo-
pcy, which they pretended, becaufe they granted
it, ought to be yefted folely in them. This was
talking in a very high flrain of independancy ; and
ujion its being checked by the governor, a com-
plaint was carried over to England, where it was
voted in parliament, " That the com))laint, con-
^* taincd in the New England memorial and peti-
tion, was frivolous and groundlefs, an high in-
fult upon his majefly's government, and tending
*' to lliake off the independancy of the faid colony
." upon this kingdom, to which, by law and right,
",they are, and ought to be, fubjeft." The affem-
bly ^ven ventured to cenlure Mr. Dunbar, for giv-
ing evidence before the houfe of commons in a bill
relating to the better fecuring and encouraging the
trade of the fu gar-colonies in America; upon vvhicl

((

IN AMERICA.^

((

tliat houfe voted unanimoufly, " That the prcfuming
to call any perfon to account, or pafs a ceniiire
upon him, for evidence given by fuch perfpn be- ,
fore that houfe, was an audacious proceec^ng^
and an high violation of the privileges of that
«« houfe."' -^^<.i

In 1741 the government nominated William
Shirley, Efq. to fucceed Mr. Belcher, of wrhofe con-
duct we Ihall have occafion to make particular -
mention in the fequel. of this hiftory ; but at pre-
fent we (hall break off to give fome account of the
neighbouring colonies, under the Britilli dominion,
having firft added a few obfervations concerning
the government of New England. —

The general aflembly of New England, is the
fupreme legiflative body in the colony. In con-
currence with the governor, it impofcs taxes,
makes grants, enadts laws, and redreffe* public
grievances of every kind. It confifts of the magif-
trates, and a certain number of reprefcntatives,
which form two chambers fo nearly refembling
our lords and commons, that the confcnt of the
majority of both is necclfary before any bill can
be prefented to the governor for his affent. But
as we have an authentic reprefentation from the
commiffions of trade to the houfe of lords in Janu-
ary 1733, we cannot do better than to repeat
their fenfe of the general government of New
England, viz. They obferve that there arc
three c.harter governments, of which the chief
• is

1^8 BRITISH EMPIRE

h the province of Maflachufet Bay, commonly
cslkd New England ; the conftitution whereof is
of a mixed nature, the power being divided be-
tween the king and the j>eople, in which tlie latter
have much the greatcft Ihare ; for here the people
do not only chufe the aflembly, but the a^mbly^
chuies the council alfo ; and the governor depends
upon the aflembly for his annual fupport, which
has too frequently laid the governors of this pro-
vince under temptations of giving up the preroga-
tive of the crown, and the intereft of Great
Britain.

Connecticut and Rhode Ifland, are the othef
charter governments, or rather corporations, where
almoft the whole jwwer of the crown is delegated
to the people, who make an annual eleftion of
their aflembly, thew* coui cil, anl their governor
likewife; to the majority of which aflembliesi
councils and governors refpe^ively, being col-
leftivc bodies, the jwwer of making laws is grant-t
cd ; and, as their charters are worded, they can,
and do make laws, even without the governor**
aflcnt, and dire<^ly contrary to their opinions, no
negative voice being referved to them as governors
in thfc faid charter : and as the faid governors are
annually chofen, their office generally expires be-
fore his majcfly's approbation can be obtained, of
any fecurity taken for the due obfervance of the
laws of trade and navigation, and hold little or no
eorrefpondencc with our office. Thefc colonial

have

IN AMERICA.

«59

have the power of making laws for their bettet
government and fupport, provided they be not re^
pugnant to the law* of Great Britain, nor detri"
mental to their mother country : and thefe law*,
whea they have regularly paffed the council, and
aflembly of any province, and received the govern
Dior's affent, become valid in that province, yet
temain repcalable by his majefty in council, upon
juft complaint, and do not acquire a perpetual
force, unlefs they are confirmed by his majefty in
council. But there are fome exceptions to thit
rule in the proprietary and charter-governments.
Thus, in the Maflachufet Bay, if their laws are
not repealed within three years after they have
been prefented to his majefty for his approbation
or diikllowance, they are not repealable by the
crown after that time : and the provinces of Con*
ncdticut and Rhode Ifland are not under any obli*
gation, by their refpcdtive conftitutions, to return
authentic copies of their laws to the crown for
approbation or difallowance, or to give any ac*
count of their proceedings. There is alfo this
fingularity in the governments of Connedlicut and
R-hode Ifland, that their, law? are are hot repeal*
able by the crown, but the validity of them de«
pends upon their being not contrary, but as near
as may be agreeable to the laws of England.

There has been from the beginning, an of-
iiee ereded by law in every count)', where aM con-
veyances of land are entered at large, after the

granters

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(fit J
ft

i
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Hiiirii

i i
ilUlhlH

i6o BRITISH EMPIRE

granters have firft acknowledged them before a
jufticc of peace, by which means no perlon can
fell his efb.te twice, or take up more money upon
it than it is worth. Provifion has likewife been
made for the fecurity of life and property, in the
eleftion of juries, vho are not returned by the
iheriflf of the county, but are chofen by the iniia-
bitants of the towns ; and this eleftion is under
the exadeft regulation that human prudence can
fuggeft, for preventing corruption. The Iheriffs
in plantations are comparatively but little officers,
and therefore not to be trufted like ours. Redrefs
b the New England courts of law is very quick
and cheap ; all procefles are in Englilh, and no
fpecial pleadings or demurrers are admitted ; but
the general iffue is always given, and fpecial mat-
ters brought in evidence, which faves time and
cxpence : and in this cafe a man is not liable to
lofe his eftatc for a dcfeft in form, nor is the
merit of the caufc made to depend on the niceties
of clerkfhi[>. By a law of the country-, no writ
may be abated for a circumftantial error, fuch as a
flight mifnomcr, or any informality : and by ano-
ther law, it is enafted, that every attorney taking
out a wrir from the clerk's office, fhall indorfe his
name upon it, and be liable to pay the advcrfe
party his coits and charges in cafe of non^profecu-
rion or dilcontinuance, or that the plaintiff be non-
fuitcd, or judgement pafs againlt him. And it is
provided in tL lame ad. That if the plaintiff

1 fT A M ER I C A.

i6i

ihall fuffcr a non-fuit by the attorney's miilaying
the aaion, he ihall be obliged to draw a new
writ without a fee, in cafe the party ihall fee fit to
revive the fuit : for the quicker difpatch of
caufes, declarations are made parts of the writ,
in which the cafe is particularly fet forth. If it
be matter of accompt, the accompt is annexed to
the writ, and copies of both left with the defen-
dant, which being done fourteen days before the
fitting of the court, he is obliged to plead direftly,
and the iffue is then tried. Nor are the people of
New England opprefTed with the infinite delays
and expcncc that attend proceedings in chancery.
But as in all other countries, England only ex-
cepted j«i y aquum are held the fame, and never
divided ; fo it is here, a power of chancery being
vefted in the judges of the courts of common law,
as to fome particular cafes, and they make equita-
ble conftru^ions in others. The fees of officers of
all forts, are fettled by ads of ^ flembly at mode-
rate prices.

Adultery, blafphemy, llriking or curfing a pa-
rent, is by them punilhed with death ; as is ^^er^
jury, where lifie may be affe(ftcd. No perfon lan
be arretted if he has the means of making any fa-
tisfra:ion. Quakers, jefuits and popilh priefis are
fcr death. Great care is taken, by their laws, of
of the morals of the Indians, and to prevent
drunkennefs, fwearing and curfing; and one of

Vol. I, Y theit

i62 BHITISH EMPIRE

:{ht\T laws> which they much boaft of, is, th^t
Chriftian Itrangcrs flying from tyranny, are to be
maintained by the public, or othenvife provided
for. . '

Every town, if it contains thirty bnrgeflV^, can
fend two reprefentatives to parliament ; if tv.rntt'',
one ; but Bofton nominates four. There is in the
aflembly the peculiar privilege of felcding the
members of the council, or what we may call the
houfe of lords, who ad as nf^ftants to the gover*
nor ; but he mufl approve of the elc(^on. The
prudence of the colonies of Connecticut and Rhode
•Jiland ferved them in great ftcad when their char-
ters were called in by Charles II. for they furrcn-
dered only that which had been granted them b\'
the crown ; but, when the revolution took plact,
they produced that which they held from the Maf-'
fachufet company, which never had been revoked,
and which entitled them annually to elcdt their
own o-overnor, and to command their own militia.
They went fo tar in aflerting this lafl privilege,
that when king William appointed Benjamin
Fletcher, Efq. who was governor of New York
and Penniylvania, to command the Conned:icuC
forces, tlie province refufed to obey him.

The foreign trade of New England confills of
various articles. At th2 mouth of the river Pe*
nobfcot there is a mackarel filbery, from which
•the inhabitants fuppiy Barbadocs, and other Bri*

tifll

I N A M E R I C A, 4lfe *

tifli iflaiuis in Amciica. They likewiii: ^ih iA
wkter for cod, whkh they dry vx the froft, Their
iik works *re upon the improving hand ; 9nd it ii
laid they will foon have fait fufficient to ierv?
themlelvcs. Rich mines of iron of a moft excel-
lent kind of temper have been difcovcred in New
England, and if improved, in a ihort time they
may fupply Great Britain, without having re^ourfe
to the northern nations for that commodity. Be-
fides mackarel and cod, they fend to Barbadocs
md the other BritiQi iilands, bifcuit, meal* fait,
provifiona, fometimes cattle and horfes, planks,
Jioops, fliingles, pipe-ftaves, butter, cheefe, grain,
oU, tallow, turpentine, bark, calves-ikins, tobacco,
.apples and onions ; and of thefe merchandizes
Barbadoes takes annually to the value of one hun-
dred thoufand pounds fterling. Fropi Barbadoc*
and thofe illands, they bring, in return, fugar, cot-
ton, gipgcr, and various other commodities. From
Europe they import wine, filks, woollen cloth,
toys, hard-ware, linen, ribbands, fluffs, laces, pa-,
per, houfe-furniture, hufbandry tpols of nU kinds,
tordage» hats, flockings, llioes, and India goods,
to the value of above four hundred thoufand
pounds a year. In J ort, there is no Britifh manu-
ja^ure that fervgs the purpof^s of ufc, luxury, or
ornament, which tlie people of New England do
. not import. Their money, till lately, was all pa^
per, ftruck into what they call province-bills,^
which occaftoned many incpnveniencies, and thpv'

11^

wi^'

1^4 BRITISH EMPt RE

manufiiftures are as yet not many ; nor ait they
much encouraged by their mother country : — they
arc however daily improving, and the two laft
wars with France and Spain have intrc^.uced
abundance of hard money.

With regard to religion, befo»e the year 1740,
the province of MaflTachufct Bay contained above
one hundred Engliih congregations, befides thirty
afiembhes of Indian chrilVians. But of all thofe
congregations not above three or four of them
followed the forms of the church of England,
JBvcry j^articuiar fociety amongft them is indepen-
dant of all other ecclefiaftical jurifdi(ftion ; nor
does there lie any appeal from their punilhments
or cenfures. Their church-government admits of
fynods ; hut thofe fyno'Js have no power to inforce
their own a<fls, or to eftablifh any thing coercive ;
all they can do is, to deliberate on general mat-
ters, which are to be laid before the feveral
churches, w ho have ])ower to rejod: or approve of
them as they fee proper. The majriftrates have
jwwer to call a fynod u})on any particular exigen-
cy, and even to give their opinion in it. The ml-
nifters of Bolton depend entirely on the generoiity
of their hearers for their fupport ; a voluntary
contribution being made for them by the con-
gregation every time divine fcrvice is celebrat-
ed. The police ,of the inhabitants of New Eng-
land, with regard to their morals, is as rigid as
that of any in the world. Every town of fifty fa-
• / milies

IN A M E R 1 C A,

165

iMlies IS obliged to maintain a fchool for reading
and writing, and of one hundred families a gram-
mar fchool for the inftruAion of youth. Thils
vices that arc common in all other parts of the
Avorld, might be unkno\vn in New England, if
the increafe of power and riches had not intro-
duced them. Their children being early habitu-
ated to induftry, could otherwife have no ideas of
cxpenlive pleafures or enervating debauches, their
conftitution in church and ftate confirming them in
this fobriety of habit. They have no holydays
but ^at of the annual eledtion of the magiftrates
of Bofton, and the commencement at Cambridge.
Thus an uninterrupted courfe of induftry and ap-
plication to bufmefs prevails all the year round.
The province is divided into twelve counties,
each county town containing a guildhall, arid the
whole confifts of fixty-one marker-towns, twenty-
•feven fortified places upon eleven navigable rivers,
and two colleges. Before the year 1743, their
flipping was faid to have confifted of, at leaft one
thoufand fail, exclufive of their filhing barks;
but fince that time it has been fo very greatly
increafed, that it is on a moderate calculation
thought, that during the late war, the i)rivateers
pf New England only were equal to all the royal
navy of England in the reign of queen Eliza-
beth.

We have taken notice of feveral towns there,
Vinder regular ma^iftraclcs and government; but

the

j6d BRIT I'tS JHi lEM ^IJR E.

the &ae& of aU theft and the metropolis of the
Engliih coionies is 6o(lon. >■■ ' ' TIais is « htad^
fome city, £r.uated on a peainfula, at tiie bot-
tom of a fine cai^acious and fafe hwrbour, which
jis defended from the outrages of the lea, by a mun~
bfiTj^pf lilaiid% and rocks whkh appear above wa-
ter. It if entered but by one lafepaifage; and that
is narrow, and coverfid by the cannon of a regu-*
lar and very ftrong fortrefs. The harbour is more
than fiifficient for the great numba* of veflels,
which carry on the extcnfive tracje of jSoClon. At
the bottom of the bay is a noble pier,, newr two
thouftnd feet in length, along which on the north
iide extends a row of warehoules. The h,cad of
this pier joins the principal flreet of the l(*wn,
which h, like moft of the others, fpacious md well
buik. The town lies at the bottom of the har^
bonr, and forms a very agreeable view. It has
a town houfe, where the courts meet, and tlie cx»
change is kept, large, and of a very tolerable tafte
of archittdiure. Round the exchange, are a great
number of well-furniihed bookfellcrs fhops, which
find employment for live printing prefTes. Tlvere
are ten churches within this town ; and it contains
at leafl twenty thoufand inhabitants.

That we may be enabled to term fome judge-
ment of the wealth of this citv, we muft obfervc
that from Chrillmas 1747, toChriftmas 1748,, five
hundred veflels cleared out from this port only,
for a foreign trade; and tour hundred and thirty

IN AM EKX C A. t^

ivtre ttitcted inwards; to fay nothing of coaftiiig
ind fifhing veffeh, both of which arc extremely
numerous, and faid to be equal in number to tht
others. Indeed the trade of New England it great,
as it iuppHes a large quantity of goods from witb-
in itfelf; but it is yet greater, as the people of
this country are in a manner the carriers for all
the colonies of North America and the Weft-In-
dies, and even for feme parts of Europe, They
may be confidcred in this rcfpea: as the Dutch o^

America.

The commodities which the country yields aff
principally mafts and yards, for which tliey con-
trad largely with the al navyj pitch, tar, wd
turpentine; ftaves, lumber, boards; all foru oC
provifions, beef, pork, butter and cheefe, in Urge
tpiantities; horfes and live catde; Indian corn and
peafe; cyder, apples, hemp and flax. Their pelr
trjr trade is not very confiderablc. The codfiihery
which they have always upon their coaft, em-
ploys a vaft number t>f their people; they arc ena-
bled by this to export annually above thirty^wo
thoufand quintals of choice cod fiih, to Spain,
Italy, and the Mediterranean, and about aiactcen
thoufand qumtals of the rt-fufe fort to the Weft-
Indies, as food for the negroes. The quantity of
fpirits, which they diftil in Bofton from the mo-
laflcs they bring in from all parts of the Wcft-
Indies, is as furprifing as the ch^ap rate at whicli
they vend it, which is under t^vo fhiUings a gal-
lon*

i68 BHITISIJ EMPIRE

lort«>' With this they fupply jlmoft all the coa-
(iimption of our colonies in North America, th&
Indian trade there, the vaft demands of their own
and the Newfoundland fifhery, and in a great mea-
-fure thofe of the African trade; but they are more
&mous for the quantity and cheapnefs, than for
the excellency of their rum.

They are alntioft the only people of our colonies
who have any of the woollen and linen manu-
factures. Of the former they have nearly as much
as fuffices for their own cloathing. It is a clofc
and ftrong, but a coarfe ftubborn fort of cloth.
A number of prefbyterians from the North of Ire-
land driven thence, as it is faid, by the feverity of
ihcir landlords, from an affinity in religious fentiv
ments, chofe New England as their place of refuge.
Thofe people brought with them their ikill in the
linen manufaftures, and meeting with very large
encouragement, they exercifed it, to the great ad-
vantage of this colony. At prefent they make con-
liderable quantities, and of a very good kind; their
principal fettlement is in a town, which, in com-
pliment to them, is called Londonderry. Hats are
ttiade in New England, which, in a clandeftine
way, find a good vent in all the other colonies.
The fetting up of thefe manufadures has been in
« great meafure a matter neccffary to them ; for as
they have not been properly encouraged in fome
ilaple commodity, by which they might commu-
nicate with their motlier country, while they were

IN AMERICA. i6^

cut off from ^U other refoiwces, they muft ekhcf
have abaiidc 1 the country, or have found means
of employing their own &ill and induftry to draW
out of it the neceffaries of life. The fame necef-
fity, together with their convenience for building
and manning Ihips, has made them the carriers
for the other colonies.

The bufmefs of Ihip-building is one of the moft
confiderable which Bofton or the other fea-port
towns in New England carry on. Ships are fome-
times byilt here upon commiffion; but freqnently,
the merchants of New England have them con-
ftrufted upon their own account; and loading
them with the produce of the colony, naval (lores,
fifh, and fifti-oil principally, they fend them out
upon a trading voyage to Spain, Portugal, or the
Mediterranean; where, having difpofed of their
cargo, they make what advantage they can by
freight, until fuch time as they can fell the veffel
herfelf to advantage, which they feldom fall to
do in a reafonable time. They receive the value
of the veflel, as welV as of the freight of the goods,
which from time to time they carried, and of the
cargo with which they failed originally, in bills
of exchange upon London; for as the people of
New England have no commodity to return for
the value of above a hundred thoufand pounds,
which they take in various forts of goods from
England, but fome naval ftores. and thofe in no
great quantities, they are obliged to keep the ba-
Vol. I. Zi laoce

1^70 BRITISH EMPIRE

lance fomewhat even by this circuitous commerce,
which, though not carried on with Great Britain
nor with Britilh vcifels, yet centers in 'its profits,
where all the money which the colonies can make,
in any manner, muft center at laft.

By thcfe obfervations collected from the beft
authorities, is may be feen how flourifhing this
fettlement is in itfelf, and of how much ufc it;
may be made to the mother country.

OF NEW YORK AND NEW JERSEY.

NEW York is faid to have been fiift dilco-
vcred by one captain Hudfon, an Englifhraan, v^ ho
fold it to the Dutch about the year 1608. James I,
then king of England indeed protefted againft the
fettlement ; but his neighbours flill kept pofleffion.
At length Sir Samuel Argol governor of Virginia
attacked and deflro)ed their colonies. This the
Dutch com[>lained of as an outrage, and applied to
the king of Etigland for a confirmation of the con-
veyaice. They could only obtain leave to build
fome cottages for the convenience of their fhips.
But they found means to enlarge upon this per-
miffion fo far, that at laft this province, which they
called the New Netherlands, rofe to a flourilhing
(late. — The extent of the government or jurifdic-
tion of New York is as follows ; from north to
fouth, that is, from Sandy Hook, in latitude forty
degrees, thirty m'nutes to the fuppofed Canada line
in the parallel of forty-five degrees latitude are

. three

IN AMERICA. 171

three hundred and thirteen Englifli miles ; the extent
from weft to eaft is various, i. From the eaft
foutherly termination of the boundary line, between
the Jerfeys and New York, in latitude forty-one de-
grees upon Hudfon*s River, to Byram River, where
5ie colony of Connefticut begins, are one hundred
miles. 2. From the weft northerly termination o£
the faid boundary line between Jerfcy and New
York, on the north branch of Delaware River, ia
latitude forty-one degrees, forty minutes to Con-
nefticut weft line, including the oblong, are eighty-
two miles, whereof about fixty miles from Dela-
ware River to Hudfon^s^ River, and twenty-two
miles from Hudfon*s River to the prefcnt Connec-
ticut weft line, oblong are included. 3. From forty-
one degrees forty minutes on Delaware River, New
York runs twenty mile* higher on Delaware River
to the parallel of forty-one degrees latitude, which,
by Pennfylvania royal grant, divides New York
from the province of Pennfylvania. Upon this pa-
rallel New York is fuppofed to extend weft to Lake
Erie ; and from thence along Lake Erie, and along
the communicating great run of water, from Lake
Erie to Lake Ontario or Cataraqui, and along Lake
Cataraqui, and its difcharge Cataraqui River, to the
aforefaid Canada fuppofed line with the Britilh co-
lonics. We ftiall inftance the breadth of New
York province from Ofwego ; as being a medium
in this line. Ofwego fort and trading place, with
many nations of Indans upon the Lake Ontario,

Z 2 Cataraqui

t^l

BRITISH EMPIRE

Cataraqui or Ofwego, in latitude forty-three dcr
grccs lies weft northerly from Albany about
two hufldred miles, and about twenty miles from
Albany to the weft line of the province of Mafla-
chufet Bay, in all about two hundred miles. Mon-
treal lies north by eaft of Albany above two hun-
dred and twenty miles.

Several iflands belong to the province of New
York, fuch as Long Illand, which the Dutch call
Naffau, and is about one hundred and twenty miles
long from eaft to weft, but no more, at a medium,
than ten broad. The eaftern part of this illand
was fettled from New England, but two thirds of
the ifland is a barren, fandy foil. Staten Ifland is
about twelve miles in length north, and fix in
breadth, and is inhabited by Dutch and French,
as well as Englifli. Nantucket^ Martha's vineyard,
and Elizabeth Iflands, formerly belonged likcwife
to New York,, but were, by the new charter of
Maflachufct Bay, granted at the revolution, an-
nexed to that colony. New York contains four
incorprated towns, which have feveral exclufive
privileges, and fend reprefentatives to the general
aflembly. The names of the towns are as follow :
I. New York and its territory, which was eftab-
liflied by colonel Dungan, and fends four reprefen-
.tatives to the general aHembly. 2. The city of
Albany, which fends two reprefentatives. 3. The
town of Wcft-Chefter; and, 4. That ot" Schenedtady,
each of which fends one. The climate and foil of

New

IN AMERICA. 173

New York being greatly fuperior even to thofe of
New England, had made it an objea: greatly
defireable by the Englilh. The hiftory of New
York, during the time the Dutch held it, affords
little or nothing material, but what will be found
in that of Canada. Its firft Dutch governor waj
Henry ChriiVian, who difcovered Martha's vine-
yard, and he was fucceeded by Jacob Elkin, who
was appointed to that government by the Dutch
Weft India company, to whom the country be-
longed. When the Dutch war became inevitable,
in the year 1664, king Charles II. made a prefent
of vaft tracks of land in thofe countries to his bro-
ther the duke of York, in which New York was
included, and the duke let it out in other fuWivi-
fions to other proprietors. To render thofe gifts
cffedtual, Sir Robert Car, an Englilh commander
^f great courage and fpirit, before the declaration
of the firlt Dutch war, was fent with a ftrong fqua-
dron, and three thoufand land forces, the greateft
armament that had been ever fent from Europe to
America, with orders to difpolTefs the Dutch of
this fine country, and to put the duke of York in
poffeffion of it. He was attended, by colonel Ri-
chard Nicholls, Efq. George Carteret, Efq. and Sa-
muel Meverich, Efq. and he dlffcmbarked his land
forces on Manehattan ifland, towards the end of
the year 1664, and he and Nicholls marched di-
rci^tly agaiuil the town of New Amfterdam. The

Dutch

UIHAJ.,*), ,1- I . IHIM

JliM

174 BRITISH EMPIRE

Dutch governor, though a brave man, being un-
provided to receive them, was obliged to capitu-
late, and to deliver up the place. The ca])itula-
tion was wife and honourable ; for all the Dutch
fubjefts who were willing to fubmit to the Eng-
lilh government were at liberty to rcfide in the
place, and protected in their pcrfons and elfecfts.
The town, at that time, was one of the handfomeft
in all North America; and above half of the
Dutch inhabitants chofe to fubmit to the Englifli
government, while others were at liberty to carry
off their cffedls ; and were fucceeded by the Eng-
lilh, who gave the colony the name of New York.
The firft Englilh governor of New York was co-
lonel Nichoils, who, thirteen dav8 after the furren-
der of New Amfterdam, marched to Orange Fort,
which was likewife furrendered to him ; and all
the draggling plantations in that country fell under
the power of the Englilh. Nichoils adted as go-
vernor, under the duke of York, till the year 1683,
and feems to have been « wife, provident perfon.
It \vas he who concluded the ufeful treaty between
the Indians of the five nations and the Engliih in-
habitants, which fubfifts to this day. The Dutch,
however, recovered New York in 1672, but reftor-
ed it, a few months after, by the treaty of peace.
Nichoils was fucceeded in this government in 1683
by Sir Edmund A ndroi, whom we have already
mentioned in the hiftory of New England, and
Andros by colonel Dungan, afterwards earl of

Limericks

Dungan^

-IN AMERICA. 175

Ihingan, was a catholic; but he had the juftcft
fenfe of the interefts of England, and was an irreconr
cxleablc enemy to the French in America. While
l^ing James was on the throne, an order came to
him from England, to admit French miffionaricsfrom
QueVec, to make converts to their religion in New
York. Tiie colonel could not difpute the order ;
but fufpeding their intention was to debauch
the five Indian nations from their friendlhijl with
England; he turned them out of the colony. The
French complained to the court of England of
ofDungan's honeft proceeding, and fome pretend to
fay that he mull have loft his government had king
James continued much longer upon the throne. When
the revolution took place, his religion difqualified
him from continuing in the government of New
York ; but king William had fo juft a fenfe of bis
. meri:, that he is faid to have offered to procure
him a confiderable command in the Spanilh army,
which Dungan refufed to accept of, on account of
his obligations to king James. After the revolu-
tion, the French found means to f\nrit up the Hu-
rons againft the inhabitants of New York; and co-
• lonel Benjamin Fletcher, the next governor, wa^
ordered to carry over from England thither fome
land forces for the proteAion of the colony. In
the mean while, in 1690, colonel Peter Schuyler,
an inhabitant of New York, railed three hundred
Englifti and three hundred friendly Indians, with
whom he marched againft Quebec. I'his feems to

have

.'^^d^'A^J^ -ii'^-^'-'

17^

BRITISH EMPIRE

have been an ill-digeftcd expedition, as it was cafy
to forefee that the Engliih force, which was dcfti*
nite of heavy artillery, was infufficient for mafter-
jng any ftrong place. Schuyler advanced into Ca-
nada with great intrepidity, and was oppofed by a
fiiiTerior army of French, which, he engaged ; but
after killing three hundred of them, perceiving his
ftrength to be too fmall to attempt any thing of
great confeqiience, he returned home. Soon af-
ter this, the French invaded the province of New
York, took and burned the town of Scheneftady,
arttl murdered the inhabitants. It was abfurdly re-
ported that this invafion was favoured by certain
friends of Andros. The truth is, Fletcher not ar-
riving, the government of New York was at this
lime in a ftate of anarchy, when colonel Lefley put
himfelf at t'le head of the affairs of the province,
in eonjunt^ion with one Mr. Jrtcob Milbourne.
Thcfe two adbciates were wrong-headed enough to
imagine, that they would be continued from Eng-
land in their government, and that they were even
|!rong enough to hoKl out againft the governor
named by king William. In the mean while,
Fletcher arrived with his trcxips, and fummoned
J.efley and Milbourn to give up the fort of New
York: which thev not on] v refufed to do, but kill-
cd one of his foldiers, Fletcher, however, foon
gcr poflci1i'.)n of the fort, and ordered Lefley and
Milbourn to be tried for high treafon, which they
were, and condemned, and executed accordingly. .

After

Tjpf!»jpjf'if|T-w«

:: IN AMERICA. 177*

: After this, .the fon of New York was provided
■with a igular garrifon, to prevent fiirprifes from
the 'French or their Indians. During Fletcher's
government, Frontenac, the French governor of
Canada, invaded Albany, the Engliih barrier of
New York, with three thoufand French and Cana-
dians. He advanced by Hudfon's river, and, after
a march of three hundred miles, he fell into the
country of the Onondagoes, one of the five nation!
in friendihip with the Engliih, where the count
deftroyed their habitations, corn,, and proviiion,
Fletcher hearing of this invafion, advanced againft
him, and was joined by feveral of the friendly
Indians, who were highly exafperated againft the
French and the Hurons, Upon this the count re-
treated, but with confiderable lofs, the Englifli and
the Iroquois falling upon his rear, and killing a
great many of his men. Colonel Slaughter fucceed-
ed Fletcher in this government, as Jofeph Dudley,
Efq. did him. In the year 1697, the earl of Bel-
lamont, as we have already feen, was named to
the joint governments of New York and New Eng"
land : and Mr. Nanfan aded as his deputy for the
former. In 1 700 Mr. Nantan refufed admittance, by
orders from England, to the Scotch ihips from Da*
fien; a proceeding which was thought to be in-
human. The lord Cornbury, eldeftfon to the earl
of Clarendon, upon lord Beliamont's death, was
appointed governor of New York, and carried over
thither his wife and family. His lordlhip is faid
Vol, I, ' A 5^ t«

I 4

1^1 BRITISH EMPIilE

t^^tvtctrriH matters with a very, high hind;
to the affiiiri of the colony were under hkn inr
cjccciicnt order. In 1710, five of the friendly *In*
dkn kings were fcnt to England, where they wcr«
kindly reccu d at court; and they addreffcd queea
Annp in the following terms:
" Great Queen,
Wc have undertaken a long voyage, which
none of our prcdeceflbrs could be prevailed with
" to undertake, to lee our great queen, and relate
*.* to her thofe things which we thought abfolute»
** ly ncceffury for the good of her and of us her
allies, on the other ftdc of the water.
" We doubt not but our great queen has been
acquainted with our long and tedbus war, ia.
" conjunction with her children, againft her cne*.
" mics, the French; and that we have been afe
" a ftrong wall for their fecurity, even to the loff
*' of our beft men. We were mightily rejoiced
when we heard our great queen had refolved to
•* fend an army to reduce Canada; and immc«
** diately, in token of friendship, we hung up the
•* kettle, and took up the hatchet, and, %vith ono
•* confcnt, affiftcd colonel Nicholfon in making
'* preparations on this fide the lake: but at length
•* we were told, our great tjueen, by ior.it:. impor-
'* tant affairs, was prevented in her r^ei^g!* h prc^
** fcnt, which made us forrowfiil^ left the French,
** w ho had hitherto dreaded us, Ihould now think
*^ m unable to make war againft them. The re^

" duftion

y^iWPWig ^^^^.

•« A\x&\on of Canada i of great weight -^ our free
«« hunting; fo that if our great ^u«c'. <*. ^uld not
*« be ni ndful of us, e mull, with our families,
•< forfake our counrrv, and feck other habitations,
*• or (land neuter, either of which will be m\3ch
<* againft our inclinations.

'< In token of the fincerity of t^efe nations, we
« do, in their names, prefcnt our great queen
*« with the belt! of waAnpum, and., in hopei of
" our great queen's favour, leave it to her moft
** gracious confideration."

It was in confequence of this addrefs, the ex-
pedition under colonel Hill and Sir Hovenden
Walker againft Canada, which we have mention-
ed in the hiftory of New England, was unucr-
taken. General Nicholfon was to command in
chief the New York forces; of which, befides
Indians, three regiments were raifed, under the
command of the colonels Ingoldlby, Schuyler, and
Whiting. They accordingly marched towards Que-
bec; but, upon Walker's mifcarriage, they return-
ed to New York. After this, great numbers of
Palatines and German proteftants arrived, and
were fettled in the colony, but a vote of the houfe
of commons paffed againft it, as bein^ an extra-
vagant and unreafonable charge to the kingdom,
tending to the increafe and oppreflion of the Eng^
Hfti poor, and of dangerous confequence to the
church. But the new colonifts were fettled on
. both fides H idfon's river, between eighty and a hun-

A a 2 dred

- ft-

i8o BRITISH EMPIRfi

dred miles above the city of New York. Lord
Cornbury, at the fame time he was governor of
New York, was appointed governor of the Jerfeys ;
and, when recalled from his government, he was
fucceeded by lord Lovelace, who arrived at New
York, November 13, 1708, but died in May fol-
lowing. He was fucceeded by colonel Ingoldfby,
a captain of one of the independant companies, as
li'eutenant-governor; from which poll he was re-
moved by a letter from the queen to the council
of New York. In 1710 colonel Hunter was ap-
pointed to the government of New York, where
he arrived on the 14th of June that year, carrying
with him two thoufand feven hundred Palatines to
fetde in that province. No more than ten acres
were allowed to one family; upon which they
were obliged to go to Pennfylvania, where they
fettled, and became part of that flouriiliing colo-
ny. As to Mr. Hunter, it is generallv allowed
that his abilities and integrity were equal to thofe
of any governor that ever went from England to
America. Having a true fenfe of the intereft of
the colony, he renewed the treaty, or, as it is caUed(
the covenant-chain, with the five friendly nations
of the Indians. He was afterwards made gover-
nor of Jamaica.

Mr. Hunter was fucceeded in his government by
William Burnet, Efq. fon to the famous bilhop of
Salifbury. This gentleman has been already men-
tioned in the hiftory of New England. The fatal

South

- IN AMERl C A, i8x

South Sea year had affeaed his fortune ; fo that he
found it expedient to change his place of comptrol-
krrgeneral of the culloms at London, which was
given to Mr. Hunter, for the government of New
York and New Jerfey. Before his arrival, advice
came to New York, that the friendly Indians v/ere
meditating an expedition . againft fomc diflant fa--
vages, and that they entertained amongft them one
Coeur, a Frenchman. The government of New
York thought that fuch an expedition would be
iletrimental to the interefts of the colony; and Pe-
ter Schuyler, Efq. then prefident of the council,
and the commander in chief of the province, ap-
pointedfeveral gentlemen, as his plenipotentiancs,
to treat with the Indians, and to diffuade .
them from their purpofes, efpecially from enter-
taining Cocur. The Indians accordingly met thofe
gentlemen at Albany; and it appears, from the
minutes of the conference, that the gentlemen of
New York were very defirous that the favages to
the fouthward Ihould trade with their province;
while the deputies of the five nations endeavoured
toevade the queftion, as excluding themfelves from
that commerce:-they offered, however, to treat
with their fouthern brethren, if the latter would
come to Albany, but not elfe. As to the affair
of Coeur, they fairly told the gentlemen, that they
could not take it upon themfelves, but that the
Enghfti might do it if they pleafed, or complam
<.f him to the governor of Canada. As to the ex-
° pedition

'••ill

"• i

1 m

l82

BRITISH :e*MI>1RE

^edition they were about to undertake, they ewil-
•ed that they had fuch an intention, but that thdy
could fay nothing farther concerning it, till th^
confulted at home with their young men and their
iachems that were to head them ; and thus the
conference broke off. The ftate of affairs between
the Engliih and the five nations oceafioned an-
other conference with the latter, at which, h©-
fides the governor of New York, were prefent the
governors of Pennfylvania and Virginia. This
conference ended to the mutual fatisfad:ion of aU
parties. It is allowed on all hands that governor
Burnet underllood extremely well the. interefts of
his government. The building of Ofwcgo, a foD-
lified warehoufe for the convenience of trading
with the Indians, was owing to him ; and he, at
laf^ fucceeded in making the people of New
York fully fenfible, that it was not ibr their in-
tereft to encourage the great trade carried on
between them and the French in Canada. In
the year 1720, the governor obtained from the
aflembly an adl, prohibiting, for three years, all
trade betwixt New York and Canada. Upon the
expiration of this adt, the London merchants who
fupplied the New York men with the commodi-
ties that they ufed to fend to Canada (nine hun-
dred pieces of woollen cloth having been carried
from Albany to Montreal in one year) finding
themfelves deprived of this beneficial commerce,
applied to the king and council againft the conti-v

nuance

nisince of the law i chiefly, on pretence^ that thf
Ifrench could be fupplicd otherwiic ; and that if
they were deprived of the EagliAi commodities,
the French Canadians would apply thcmfelves to
the woollen and other manufadures. This petition
wsis by the council referred to a committee of the
board of trade and plantations, who tranfmitted a
copy of it, with the reafons on which it was-
founded, to governor Burnet; but his reply prov-
ed fo fatisfadory, that the ad was continued, and, >^
in 1727, it was, by the aflembly, made perpetual, '5!^ ^
and afterwards confirmed by the king and council ^ '

in England. The good effcfts of this meafure were:

foon feen.

The diftant Indians, who came to traffic, in*
ftead of purfuing a long fatiguing journey to
Montreal, ftopt at Ofwcgo, which had been built
at the governor's private expence, on, Lake Onta-
rio, and was always garrifoned by twenty foldiers
and a lieutenant. There the favages furniflied
thcmfelves from the Englifli, at half the price
tliey uied to pay the French, with all the commo-
dities they wanted. This naturally increafed the
trade of New York, and brought great numbers
pf Britiih fubjei^is into that province ; fo that it
was no longer monopolized by a few overgrown
merchants, but divided into many channels, to the
immenfe profit of the colony.

Befides the main-land of New York, we have
mentioned fome iflands belonging to it. i. Long-

Illand

! i

18^4 BRITISH empire;

Ifland, called by the Indians Matowacks, and bjr'
the Dutch, Naflau. This lies in length from call to
weft about one hundred and twenty miles, and, at'
a medium, is about ten miles broad • its ihore is a
fandy flat, as is all the eaft Ihore of North Ameri-
ca from Cape-Cod of New England, in north
latitude, forty-two degrees, ten minutes to Cape
Florida, in about twenty-five degrees north lati-
tude. Upon the fhore of Long-Illand are very
few inlets, an(;J thefe very Ihallow : its north fide
is good water, there being a found between it and
the main land of Connefticut ; the wideft part of
this near New-haven df Connedricut, does not i
exceed eight leagues. Two thirds of this iiland is
a barren fandy foil. The eaftern parts were fet-
tled from New England, and retain their cuftoms ;
the weftern parts were fettled by the Dutch,
where many families to this day underftand no
other language but theirs. It is divided into three
couHties, viz. Queen's county. King's county,
and Suffolk count}'', and pays confiderably above
one-fourth of the taxes or charges of the governs
mcnt of the province. Hell-Gate, where is the
confluence or meeting of the eaft and weft tide in
Lon<i--inand found, is about twelve miles from the
city of New York. 2. Staten-Ifland. This at it^
eaft end, has a ferry of three miles to the weft of
Lona--IIlLind; at its weft end is a ferry of one mile
to Perth- Ambo}', of Eall-Jcrfics ; it is divided from
flaft-Jcifies by a creek ; is in length about twelve

miles

IN AMERICA.

185

miles, and about fix miles brotd, and makes one
county, called Richmond, which pays fcarce one
in one and t\venty of the provincial tax ; it is all
in one parifli, but feveral congregations : viz. an
^ Engliih, Dutch, and French congregation ; the in-
habitants are mofUy Englifn ; only one confider-
able village, called Cuckold's-town. 3. Nantucket,
Martha's vineyard and Elizabeth iflands were for-
merly under the jurifdidlion of New York ; but
upon the revolution they were annexed by the new
charter of Maffachufet Bay, to the jurifdiaion of
Maflachufet Bay; not many years fmce, fome of
the freeholders of thefe iflands when oecafionally in
New York, were arretted for the arrears of the
general quit-rents of thefe iflands. 4. Manhatans,
the Indian name. New Amfterdam the Dutch
name, or New York the Englifli name, may be
called an ifland, though it has a communication
with the main-land, by King's-bridge ; the whole
ifland being about fourteen miles long, but very
narrow, is all in the jurifdiftion of the city of New
York ; — it lies on the mouth of Hudfon's River.

In the province of New York are four incorpo-
rated towns, which hold courts within themfelves,
fend reprcfentativcs to the general aflcmbly or le«
^flature, with fundry exclufive privileges, i. The
city of New York and its territory, formerly eftab-
liflied by colonel Dungan, fends four reprefenta-
tives. 2. Tlie city of Albany probably had their
charter alfo from colonel Dungan, and js nearly the
^°^-I- Bb fame

• ('

.i86

BRITISH EMPIRE

t<
it

fame with that of New York; fends two reprcfert*
tativesw 3. The borough of Weft Chefter; and,
4. The townihip of Schenedtady* It feems theft
two corporations had their charters before the re-
volution, and each of them fend one reprefentative
to the general aflembly.

The old charter of the city of New York is
a full and exclufive one, and runs as follows:
" Whereas the city of New York is an ancient
city, and the citizens anciently a body politic
with fundry rights, privileges, &c. as well by
prefcription as by charters, letters patent, grants
and confirmations, not only of divers governors
and commanders in chief in the faid province,
but alfo of feveral governors, direftors, generals,
" and commanders in chief of the Nether Dutch
*' nation, while the fame was or has been under
their power and fubjeftion. That Thomas Dun-
gan, Efq. lieutenant governor of New York,
under king James II. Auguft 27, 1686, by a
" charter confirmed all their former cjrants not re-
" ]>ugnant to the laws of England and provlncd of
" New York, with fome additions, granting to
them all the unappropriated lar.ds to low-water
mark in Manhatan's iiland, under the yearly
quit-rent of one bcaver-fkin, or the value there-
of; their jurifdiftion to extend all over the
iHand, &c." And this charter was confirmed
by a fubfequent charter from lord Cornbury go-
vernor, April 19, 1708, with fome additions grant-
ed

JN AMERICA. i8^

cd to them the ferries, &c. — As fome queftion- '
ed the validity of their former charters, becaufe
they were in the governor's name only, and not
in the name of their kings and queens,, they peti-
tion governor Montgomery for a new charter, con-
firming all their former privileges, with fome ad-
ditions ; granting to them four hundred feet below
low-water mark in Hudfon's River, &c.

In 1 727, on the acceffion of his majefty George II,
to the crown of Great Britain, Mr, Burnet being
promoted to the government of New England, was
fuccceded in that of New York by colonel Mont-
gomery. Under this gentleman fome doubts arofe
concerning the validity of the charters, obtained •
from former governors, in whofe names they ran,
and not in thofe of the kings and queens of Eng-
land, They therefore petitioned their governor to
procure them a royal charter, which he accordingly
did, not only confirming their privileges, but en-
larging their bounds ; and the purport of the char-
ter bearing date the fifth day of January is a?
follows ;

<' They are incorporated by the name of the
** mayor, aldermen, and commonalty of the city of
*< New York. — The city to be divided into {even
" wards, yiz. weft-ward, fouth-ward, duck-ward,
" caft-ward, north-ward, Montgomery-\\'ard, and
** the out-ward divided into the Bowry divifion and
" Harlem divifion. — The corporation to confift of
" one mayor, one recorder, and feven aldermen,

Bh z feven

Wl ■ 1

!.. 11

-^m^mm

188 BRITISH EMPIRE

« fcven afliftants, one fhcriff, one coroner, one com-
'* mon clerk, one chamberlain or treafurer, one
*^ high conftable, fixteen afleflbrs, feven colledlors,
^'^ fixtccn conftables, and one marfhal. The mayor,'
« with confent of the governor, may appoint one
" of his aldermen his deputy. The governor
" yearly to appoint the mayor, Iheriff, and coroner,
'* and the freeholders and freemen in their refpec-
^" tive wards to chufe the other officers, excepting
II the chamberlain, who is to be a]>pointed in
" council by the mayor, four or more aldermen,
•* and tour or more afllftants. The mayor to ap.
« pomt the high conftable. All officers to take thei
" proper oaths, and to continue in office till others
I' have been chofen in their room. When any offi-
'I cer dies, the ward is to chufe another; upon re-
" fufal to ferve in office, the common council may
I* impofe a fine, not exceeding fifteen pounds, for
II the ufe of the corporation. The mayor or re-
H corder, and four or more aldermen, with four or
" more affiftants, to be a common council to make
" by-laws, to regulate the freemen, to leafe lands
and tenements, &c. but to do nothing inconfiftent
with the laws of Great-Britain or of this pro<
vince ; fuch laws and orders not to continue in
force exceeding twelve months, unlefs confirm^
ed by the governor and council. They may punifh
by disfranchifing, or fines for the ufe of the cor-
poration. The common council fhall decide in
" all controverted eledions of officers. The com-

" moa

IN AMERICA. .[ 189

« mon conncii may be called by the raayorj of in
«* his abfence by the recorder:— fine of a member
" for non-attendance not exceeding twenty-fhil-
" littgs for the ufc of the corporation. The cor-
" poration may eftablifh as many ferries as they
" may fee fit, and let the fame. To hold a mar-
" icet at five or more different places ever}' day of
the week, excepthig Sunday : to fix the afilze of
bread, wine, &c. 1 he mayor with four or more
" aldermen may make freemen, fees not to exceed
" five pounds : — none but freemen fliall retail goods
•' or exercife any trade, (penalty five pounds) no
** aliens to be made free. To commit commtm
vagaljonds, cred work-houfes, goals, and almf-
houfes. The mayor to appoint the clerk of the
market, and water bailiff; to licenfe carmen,
porters, criers, Scavengers, and the like ; to give
** licence |to taverns and retailers of flrong drink
" for one year, not exceeding thirteen Ihillings per
** licence ; felling without licence five pounds cur-
** rent money toties quoties. The mayor, deputy
" mayor, recorder, and aldermen for the time be-
ing, to be jullices of the peace. The mayor,
deputy mayor, and recorder, or any of them,
" with three or more of the aldermen, fi-iall hold
** quarter feffions, not to fit exceeding four days.
*^ Moreover, recorder, and aldermen, to be named
" in all commiffions of oyer and terminer, and goal
** delivery. The mayor, deputy ma/or, recorder,
** or any one of them, with three Qr more of tha
• ' " aldermen,

'■if \

I tl

190 BRITISH EMPIRE
" aldermen, Ihall and may hold every Tueftfay a
court of record, to try all civil caufes, real, per,
fonal, or mixed, within the city and county. May
adjourn the mayor's court to any time not ex'
ceedmg twenty-eight days. The corporation to
have a common clerk, who fhall be alfo clerk
« of the court of record, and feflions pf the peace •
« to be appointed during his good behaviour, by
the governor. Eight attornics in the beginning,
but as they drop, only fix to be allowed, during
« their good behaviour, for the mayor's court •
« the mayor's court to have the direction and cog!
« nifancc of the attornies, w ho, uix)n a vacancy,
** Ihall recommend one to the governor for his ap!
" probation. The mayor, recorder, or any alder-
" man, may, with or without a jury, determine in
" cafes not exceeding forty Ihillings value. No
'' freeman inhabitant fhall be obliged to ferve in
" any office out of the city. A grant and confir-
«* mation to all the inhabitants of their heredita-
** ments, &c. paying the quit-rent referved by their
•* grants. The corporation may purchafc and hold
" hereditaments, &c. fo as the clear yearly value
" exceed not three thoufand jxjunds fterling, and
« the fame to difpofe of at pleafure. To pay a
** quit-rent of thirty ihillings proclamation money
*' a year, befides the beaver fkin, and five ihil-
" lings current money in former charters required.
" No adtion to be allowed againft the corporation
** for any matters or caule whatfocvcr prior to this

** charter.

IN AME R I C A. ,91

« charter. A pardon of all profccutions, for-
" feitnres, &c. prior to this charter. This grant
" or the inrolment thereof [record] ihall be valid
«* in law, notwithflanding of imperfedtions, the
" imperfcaions may in time coming be rcftified at
" the charge of the corporation."

Colonel Montgomery, during the fhort time he
aded as governor there, was charged with mak-
ing judges without the advice of the council ; but
he died in July 1731, and his government in ge-
neral has been greatly applauded. He is particu-
larly mentioned, as having been a great promoter
of mathematical knowledge in the colony. At the
time Mr. Montgomery died, Rip Van Dam, Efq.
being prefident of the council, afted in the capa-
city of governor and commander in chief of New
York. It unfortunately happened for our Ameri-
can provinces, at the time we now treat of, that a
government in any of our colonies in thofe parts,
was fcarcely looked upon in any other light than
that of an hofpital, where the favourites of the
miniftry might lie till they had recovered their
broken fortunes; and oftentimes they ferved as afy-
lums from their creditors. Upon the death of co-
lonel Montgomery, the French and their Indians
became extremely troublefome to the people of "
New York, and the prefident gave notice accord-
ingly to Mr. Belcher at Bolton, who took the pro-
per methods for obviating the danger. It was m
the year 1732, when colonel Colby arrived at his

government

.1 i

x9« BRITISH EMPIRE

government at New York ; and in the mean
while, the prcfident Van Dam, had, at the colo-
nel's EC(nieft, advanced feveral fums on his ac-
count, which, on the governor's arrival, he not
ouly refurt'd to repay, but commenced adions for
arrears of i>cr(iuirites and fees belonoing to him,
"iviiich he alledgcd had been received by Van Dam.
Thefc altercations were attended with very bad
confetjuences to the civil and commercial ftate of
the colony j for the governor availed himfelf of
his fuporior authority in the colony to opprefs Van
Dam ;— but the chief juftice Morrice gave his opi-
nion flatly in contradidVion to the governor, w hofc
claughtcr was marued to lord Auguftus Fitxroy^
then captain of a man of war upon that ftation.
It was during the government of that gentleman,
that the French and their Indian allies grew extreme-
ly troublefome to the people of New Kiigland,
which drew from the pen of riic very intellio-cnt
Mr.Dummer, the New England agent, the ^fol-
lowing reproaches agaiiifl the government of New
York : " New York has always kept iifelf in a
•* ftate of neutrality, contributing nothing to the
" conamon fafety of the Hritifli colonics, vvhile the
'* Canada Indians, joined by parties of the French,
** ufed to make their route by the borders of
«* New York, without any moleftation from the
" Englilh of that province, and fall upon the out-
«* towns of New England. This behaviour was
** the more unpardonable in that government ; be-.

** caulc

IN AMERICA. 193

'* caufe they haw Auur hundred regular troops
« maintained them at the king's charge, and
" have five nations of the Iroquois on their con-.
" fines, who are entirely dependent on them, and
" might eafily, had they been engaged in the
" common caufe, have intercepted the French in
" their marches, and thereby have prevented the
** depredations on his majefty's fubjecls of New
" England. Solemn and repeated applications
" were made to the government of New York by
" the governors of the Mallachufets, Connefticur,
" and Rhode Ifland, in joint letters on this fubjedt,
" but in vain. The anfwer was, They could not
" think it projier to engage their Indians in adual
" war, left they Ihould endanger their own fron-
" tiers, and bring upon themfelves tn expencc
" which they were in no condition to provide for.
♦* And thus the poor colonies, whofe conftitution
" was charter-government, were left to bear the
" whole burden, without any help from thofe
" provinces, whofe governors held their commif-^
♦* fions from the crown.'*

By this change, it appears, that the people of
New York in general thought they were by no
means obliged to involve themfelves in inconveni-
ences on account of their neighbours; and, to
fay the truth, the profperlty of their colony was,
in a great meafure, owing to their cultivating a
good underftanding widi the native Indians of all
nations, not to mention, that, by the fituation of
Vol. I, C c theif

' '(

»,•„■)

ill

1914 BRITISH EMPIRE,

their country, their frontier was more expofed than
that of any other colony to the inroads of thofe
barbariansp This ap})eared m the "year 1734,
when the mo'tions of the Indians, under the French
influence, made tliem apprehenfive of an invafion,
Upon this occafion, the afTembly, without entcr^
ing upon any offenfivc meafures, came to feveral
refolutions for their own defence. Six thoufand
pounds were voted for fortifying the city of New
York ; four thoufand for ereding a ilone fort, and
other conveniences for foldiers and artillery at AlV
bany ; eioht hundred for a fort and blockhoufes at
Schenedlati}'. and five hundred for managing the
Scnecas, and, if pradicable, for bu'Mino- fortifi,
Rations in their country.

In the mean time, the eondut^l: of the governor
Cofb)', became more obnoxious to the inhabitants,
He had altered the chief juflice Morrice out of hij?
place, for o])ponng him in his difpute with Van
Pam, and he nad turned the courts of law into a
court of chancery -, againft Nvhich the lawyers of the
province had flatly given their o])inions ; faying,
that the conllitution of the courts in that colony
were originally the famo ^vith thofe in England,
Thofe }>roceedings rendered the governor and his'
^tlminilb-acion h unpopular, that one John Peter
Zenger, a jn'inter, was ])rivatcly encouraged by
rhc inhabitants, to publifn a weekly journal, \vhere.
\i] ^e pulidcal -^tUirs of the colony, and the go,

yeri^of

IN AMERICA. 1^5

Vernof and his council, were very boldly treated.
About two months after the firft publication of
this paper, De Lancey, the new chief juftice,
charged the grand jury to find a bill againft Zcn-
ger, which they refufed to do. Upon thisj a
committee of the council and the afieiftbly con-
ferred together, and the former required the lattei*
to join with them in a vote fot* burning three
numbers of the faid jorurnaU But when the
committee of aflembly reported the refult of
the conference, it was refolvcd to take hd
concern in the matter, and they returned the |)a*
pers left with them by the committee of the coun*
cil. The latter, upon this, ordered, by their owrt
authority, the papers in queilion to be burned,
which was executed by the hands of the Iherilf*
One Hamilton, a lawyer of Philadelphia, cime to
New York on purpofe to plead Zenger's caufe^
and the jury brought in the prifoner not guilty*
Mr* Cofby, was fucceeded in the adminiftratioii iti
1736, by Geofge Clarke, Efq. and in May 1741,
the honourable George Clinton, Efq< uncle to the
carl of Lincoln, and afterwards admirsrl of the
white, was nominated to the government of NcW
York. Nothing remarkable happened with re-
gard to this colony during the two laft adminiftra-
tions, till the breaking out of the late war with
France, of which we fliall treat in its proper
place, that we may avoid impropriety as much as

C c a pofJibl^

:\l

196 BRITISH EMPIRE

pofliblc, as the hiftory of all the Britifh empire In
America, without dull repetitions is our defign.

This is a crown-government, adminiftered by a
governor, who has his commiffion under the broad
feal of England. The legiflative power and au-
thority is lodged in the governor ; the council,
who are t\velve in number, appointed by the king,
but are filled up by the governor when vacancies
happen, and t^venty-feven reprcfentatives elcdled
by the people. In other refpeds the government is
as conformable to the laws of England as that of
a colony can be. The exercife of the government
IS m the governor and council ; of whom five is a
quorum, and upon the death or abfence of the
governor, the firfl in nomination in the council is
to prefide. The people chufe their reprcfentatives
the numbers of whom are fixed by the crown ; and
thofe reprcfentatives have much the fame privileges
with the members of the Britifh parliament AH
modes of the chriflian religion not detrimental to
fociet)^ are tolerated in this colony, but that of the
Homifh church ; an impolitic exception, too much
praftifed m our colonies, which ought by their na-
ture to admit all nations and religions in the world
to long as they demean themfclves as good citizens'
and dutiful fubjeds to the form of governmen;
by law duly eflablifhed.

As to the trade of New York, it confifls In
Wheat, flour, fkins, furs, oil of whales, and fea-calves,

iron

IN AMERICA.

197

iron and copper, of both which very rich mines
have been difcovered there. There is a very
great intercourfc between this colony and the
Indians. The induflry of the inhabitants is equal
to that of any people on the face of the globe.
They trade not only with England but with
Spain, Portugal, Africa, and all the Weft-India
iflands, not excepting the French and Dutch, and
even with the Spaniih continent in America, by
which means they are enabled to pay in gold and
filver for the manufadtures they bring from their
mother-country. The foil of the province is fer-
tile almoft beyond belief. All kind of black cat-
tle are more numerous here than in any European
country, and they have a breed of excellent horfes
of their own. The trade of the inhabitants is
chiefly carried on by water-carriage, and ihips of
five hundred tons may come up to the wharfs of
the city, and be always afloat. Hudfon*s river,
where it runs by New York, is above three miles
broad, and proves a noble conveyance for the
goods of the counties of Albany, Ulfter, Dutchefs,
Orange and Winchcfter to that city, of which
we fliall give a circumftantial defcription before
we conclude this feftion.. The facility of the
voyage from New York to England and tlic
Weft Indies, has been of infinite fervice to
this colony; for by the lownefs of the freight,
-they purchafe furs at a very cheap rate for ftrouds,

[a woollen

.'Ji

198 BRITISH EMPIRE

fa woollen mannfaa:iire eftabliflied at Stroud in
England] and other woollen goods ; all which Zf6
fure of a ready vent ^^^Ith the Indians. Briftol is
the chief .place in Englaiid, which the colonifls of
New York trade with, and they generally per-
form, at leaft, two voyages In a year with fo much
fafety, that the infurance upon fhipping in time of
peace is no more than two {^er cent. As to the
amount of their trade with their mother country,
it was feven years ago computed that their imports
from it was annually about one hundred and fifty
thoufand poimds ; but they are fince fo much in-
creafed with the trade of the colony, that wc can*
not venture to aflign them a value.
^ Ofwego, formerly mentioned, is a fort, and In-
dian trading place in times of peace, with agar-
rifon of foldiers taken from the four indepen-
dent regular companies, to prevent any diforders
in trade, this being in the feafon a kind of Indian
fair : laft French war the garrifon confiflcd of two
hundred men of regular troops and militia, and the
French did not find it convenient to moleft them. Our
traders with the Indians fit out from Albany, and
pay a certain duty upon what they vend and
buy at Ofwego : their route is from Albany to
Schcnedady town, or corporatbn upon Mohocks
river, fixteen miles land carriage; thence up Mo-
hocks river ; in this river is only one fhort carry-
Ing place at a fell in that river ; from Mohocks
river a carrying place of three to five miles ac-
cording;

ill

IN AMERICA.

199

wording to the feafops, here arc convenient Dutch
land carriages to be hired, to a river which fallf
into the Oneidas lake ; then from this lake down
Onondagocs river to Ofwego trading place upon
lake Ontario ; there is a Ihort fall in Onondagoei
river» Ahuoft the whole of the eaft iide of the
Ontario lake lies in the Onondagoes country^
From Ofwego fort to Niagara falls, on French fori
Dononville are about one hundred and fixty miles,
and from Ofwego fort) -fix miles to fort Frontenac,
alfo called Cataraqui fort, where the lake vents
by Cataraqui river, which with the Outawac ri-
ver makes St, Laurence river called the Great Ri-
ver of Canada ; this fort Frontenac is about two
hundred miles down that rocky river to Montreal.

By conje^ure of the French Coureurs des bois
in round numbers, the circumference of five great
lakes or inland feas of North America, are, Onta^
rio, two hundred leagues, Erie, two hundred
leagues, Hurons three hundred leagues, Mihagan,
three hundred leagues, and the upper lake fivQ
hundred leagues.

The Mohock nation of our allied New York,
Jndians live on the fouth fide of a branch of Hudx
fon's river, called Mohocks river, but not on the
north fide thereof, as is reprefented in the French
maps. The Oneidas nation lie about one hundred
miles weft from Albany, n^ar the head of the
Mohocks river. The Onondagoes lie about one
hundred and thirty miles weft from Alba^iy. The
• Tufca-

01'

Jlif

too BRITISH EMPIRE
Tufcatoras, an adventitious or fixth nation live
partly with the Oncidas, and partly with the
Onondagocs. The Cayugas about one hundred
and fixty miles weft from Albany. The Senecas
Who live upon the frontiers of Pennfylvania are
. about one hundred and forty miles weft from Al-
bany. A noted French writer, M. dc Lille, calls
thefe nations by the name of Iroquois.

Formerly the French had popilh miffionaries
with the Oneidas, Onondagoes, and Cayugas, and
endeavoured to keep them in their intereft.

There is fcarce any beaver in the country of the
Five Nations ; therefore their hunting at a great
diflance from home, occafions frequent jarrings
with other Indian nations ; this trains them up by
praftice, to be better warriors than the other Indian
nations.

The province of New York has two cities;
the firft is called by the name of the province it-
felf. It was denominated New Amfterdam when
the Dutch poflefTed Ir, but it has changed itj '
name along with its mafters. This city is moft
eommodioiilly fituated for trade, upon an excellent
harbour, in an illand called Manahatton, about
fourteen miles long, though not above one or two
broad. This ifland lies juft in the mouth of the
river Hudfon, which difcharges itfelf here after st
long courfu This is one of the nobleft rivers in
America. Ir is navigable upwards of two hundred
Jiilcs. The tide ihws one hundred and fiity.

Tiie

^ili

IN AMERICA.

201

The city of New- York contains upwards of two
thonfand houfes, and above twelve thoufand inha-
bitants, the defcendants of Dutch and Enalifli.
It is well and commodioufly built, extending a mile
in length, and about half that in breadth, and has
a very good afpedl from the fea ; but it is by no
means properly fortified. The houfes are built of
brick, in the Dutch tafte ; the ftreets not regular,
but well paved. There is one large church built
for the church of England worlhip ; and three
others, a Dutch, a French, and a Lutheran. The
town has a very flourifliing trade, and in which
great profits are made. The merchants are wealthy,
and the people in general moft comfortably pro-
vided for, and with a moderate labour. From the
year 1749 to 1750, two hundred and thirty-two
veflels have been entered in this port, and two
hundred and eighty. fix cleared outwards. In thefe
veflels were fliipped fix thoufand feven hundred
and thirty-one tons of provifions, chiefly flour,
and a vaft quantity of grain j of which I have no
particular account. In the year 1755, the export
of flax-feed to Ireland amounted to twelve thou-
fand five hundred and twenty-eight hoglheads.

The inhabitants of the province are between
eighty and an hundred thoufand -, the lower clafs
eafy, the better fort rich and hofpitable ; great
freedom of fociety ; and the entry to foreigners
made eafy by a general toleration of all religious
perfuafions. In a word, this province yields to no
Vol.. I. D d part

i02

BRITISH EMPIRE

part of America in the healthfulnefs of its air,
and the fertility of its foiJ. It is much fuperioi*
in the great convenience of water-carriage, which
fpecdily, and at the fiightefl: expence, carries the
protkid: of the rcmotell farms to a certain and pro-
fitable market.

Upon the river Hudfon, about one hundred
and fifty miles from New- York, is Albany ; a
town of not fo much note for its number of
houies or inhabitants as for the great trade which
is carried on with ihe Indians, and indeed, by
connivance, with the French for the ufe of the
iame people. '! his trade takes off a great quan-
tity of coarfe woollen goods, fuch as ftrouds and
dufllls ; and with th^>fe, guns, hatchets, knives,
hoes, kettles, powder and fnot j befides fliirts and
cloachs ready made, and fevcral other articles.
Here it is that the treaties and other tranliiclions
between us and the Iroquois Indians are nego-
tiated.

The province of New Jerfcy was formerly
under the lame governor as New- York ; and it
formed part of New Holland when conquered
from the Dutch. It is certain, however, that it
was not inhabited by the hnglilh long after the
difcovcry, and the firfl: Europeans we iind fettled
here were the Swedes, who chiefly feared on the
fcuth of the river Raritan, now called Delaware
river, towards the iiontiers of Pcnnfylvania. Here
they had three towns, Chrillina, Gottembourgh and

Elfun-

I' I

i:ii

Mil

!N AMERICA. 203

filfunboiirg, which lafl retains its name to this
day. Notwithftanding this, it was afterwards found,
or pretended, when Charles II. perceived it con-
venient for his purpofe, that Scbaftian Cabot had
formerly taken poffcflion of all this coaft in the
name of Henry VII. of England. Be this as it
will, it is certain that the Swedes in general hav-
ing no great turn for commercial affairs or territo-
rial improvements, fuffered their fettlement here to
languilh ; fo that the Dutch almoft entirely planted
the north parts of New Jerfey by the name of
Nova Belgia, and, about the year 1665, Rizing,
the Swedilh general, fold to them all the Swedifli
pofleffions. After this, New Jerfey, with the
three lower counties of Pennfylvania upon Dela-
ware river, became part of the New Netherlands
or Nova Belgia. When the reduction of this pro-
vince was refolved upon by Charles II. he made a
previous grant of both the property and govern-
ment of it to his brother the duke of York, by a
deed, dated March 12, 1663; and the duke
afligned the government of that port, which is
called New Jerfey, to the lord Berkley and Sir
George Carteret. This laft grant was pofterior to
the duke of York's commiffion granted to gover-
nor Nichols. The firft lieutenant-governor of
New Jerfey, fo called from the great property Sir
George Carteret had in the illand of Jerfey, was
Philip Carteret, Efq. who entered on his govern- ,
ment in Auguft \h(yc^. The duke of York's grant b

» I'

.•»}'.

D d

wa:v

**p^ ':%^"^f!»''

liil

ao4 BRITIS-H EMPIRE

was from the Noordc Rivicr, now called Hudfon'i
river, to the Ziiydc Rivier, now called Delaware
river ; and up Hudfon's river to forty-one degrees
north latitude, and up Delaware river to forty-one
dci'-fces forty minutes, and from thefe two itationi
headt:d by a ftrait line acrofs. It does not appear
that, when this grant was made, the Dutch oppofed
it, or the fettlement that was made by the proprie-
tors under the duke of York. When the New
Netherlands were con(,uered from the Dutch, it
was thought proper, that king Charles Ihould re-
new lus J.', rant to his brother, who bylealeand releafe,
on tlietwcn^y-eighih and twenty-ninth of July, 1674,
conveyed to Su- George Carteret the caftern diviflon
of New Jcrfeys, divided from the weftern divifion
of the Jeifeys, by a ftrait line from the fouth-eaft
point of I^ittle Egg Harbour, on Barnegate Creek,
being about the middle between Sandy Hook and
Cape May, to a kill or creek a little below Ren-
cokus Kill on Delaware river, and thence (about
thirty -five miles) by a ftrait courfe along Delaware
river, up to foity-one degrees forty minutes north
latitude, the north diviiional line between New
Yoik and the Jerfeys. When Mr. Carteret enter-
ed upon his goxernment, which comprehended the
joint coiicern of both the proprietors, the people of
Elizabeth rown \\ere extremely unmanageable,
and upon the commencement of the quit-rents,
on the tv.enty-fiUh of March, 1670, they refufcd to
pay them, under pretence that they held their poflcf-

fions

■<W"F^W*»IW*»

IN AMERICA.

205

fions by Indian grants, and not from the proprie-
tors. This mutiny went fo far, that they, in tad^
difplaccd their governor, and chofe a new one, a
dilfolute fon of Sir George Carteret, fo that the go-
\-ernor was obliged to go to England with hi»
complaints. In the mean time, the conqueft of
the New Netherlands happening, every thing grew
more quiet, and governor Carteret returned in No-
vember, 1674, with new conccffions, as they were
called, which confirmed the public tranquility.
Sir George Carteret, as we have feen, having ob-
tained Eaft Jerfey, the Weft Jerfcy, which borders
upon Pennfylvania, remained to lord Berkeley;
and he, in 1676, refigned his right therein to Wil-
liam Penn, Efq. Mr. Gawen Laurie, of London,
merchant, Mr. Nicholas Lucas, of London, mer-
chant, and Mr. Edward Bylling, who agreed
vipon a new partition with Sir George Carteret,
which was confirmed by the duke of York, and
afterwards by a general affembly of the Jerfeys.
On the twenty-fifth of December, 1678, Sir George
Carteret made over Eaft Jerfey to certain truftees,
who were to fell it at his death ; and accordingly,
on the fecond of February, 168 1, they affigned it to
the following twelve perfons : William Penn, Ro-
bert Weft, Thomas Rudyard, Samuel Groom,
Thomas Hart, Richard Mew, Thomas Wilcox,
Ambrofe Riggs, John Haward, Hugh Hartlhorn,
Clement Plumfted, and Thomas Cooper ; and
thcfc twelve proprietors conveyed one half of

tlieir

, -tT,Ty.,|.

£o6 BRITISH EMPIRE

their intercft to twelve other perfons fepiratcly
i^z. Robert Berkeley, Edward Bylling, Robert
Turner, James Brien, Arcnt Soumans, William
Gibfon, Gawen Laurie, Thomas Barker, Thomas
Evarner, James earl of Perth, Robert Gordon,
and John Drummond. This conveyance was af-
terwards confirmed by the duke of York. Soon
after this, the proprietors fold fhares of Eaft New
Jeifey to James Drummond, earl of Perth John
Drummond, Efq. Sir George Mackenzie, Robert
Barclay, and David Barclay of Ury, Efquires; Ro-
bert Gordon, Efq. Mr. Robert Burnet, Mr. Gow-
en Laurie, Mr. Thomas Nairn, Mr. James Braine,
Mr. Wilham Dockwra, Mr. Peter Soumans, Mr.
William Gibfon, Thomas Cox, Efq. Mr. Walter
Benthal, Mr. Robert Turner, Mr. Thomas Barker,
and Mr. Edward Bylling. The conveyances to thofe
gentlemen were likewife confirmed by the duke of
York ini682. A governor and lieutenant-gover-
aor were then provided, the nomination of the for-
mer, falling upon Robert Barclay, the famous
quaker, and of the latter upon Gawen Laurie.

It muft be confefled that the mixture of proprie-
tors in this fetrlcment was very extraordinary.
They confiiied of very high prerogative men, (cf-
pcctally thole fn^m Scotland) of diflenters, papifts,
and quakers. It is pretended by fome people,
that this heterogeneous mixture of different re-
ligions was privately encouraged by the duke of
York, that he might make an experiment of that

favourite

IN AMERICA. to>

favourite toleration, which he aftenvards, fo fatally
for himfclf, attemptca to introduce into England.
It is remarkable, that though all the patentees of
lord Berkeley's divifion of Weft New Jerfcy, ex-
cepting one, were proprietors of Eaft New Jerfcy,
yet their governments ftill continued to be diftinft.
The Scots, however, who were the principal fet-
tlers, were ill fitted for fuch an undertaking ; and
the fettlement of Eaft New Jerfey languiftied moft
miferably. The proprietors chofe Mr. William
Dockwra for their regifter and fecretary, and one
Lockhart for their marlhal. They then proceeded
to fchemes of partition, and laid out counties,
parilhes, and towns, referving to themfelves one
feventh. — The terms of purchafe were, that every
mafter of a family was to have fifty acres fet out,
twenty-five for his wife, and f h. of his children
and fervants, oaying twelve-ptnce a head to the
regifter ; fervants, when their times expire*', were
to have ity acres. All perfons to pay two-
pence all acre quit-rent, or purchafe their freeholds
at fifty Ihillings for ev jry twenty-five acres taken
up. — Mr. Laurie, who had a confiderable intereft
in Weft New Jerfey, was thought to be partial to
that divifion ; for while he iield the government
before Berkeley's arrival, he relufed to obey the
proprietors in removing tht courts from Elizabeth-
town to Perth Ambov, the fituatlon of which
pointetl it out as the ca]iltal of the province; but,
had every thing elfe fuccceded with our fettlers,

they

ion

BRITISH EMPIRE

they were under one capital defed, that muft have
overthrown all their fchemes ; we mean, the
want of induftry and inhabitants. After the revo-
lution, in 1696, colonel Andrew Hamilton was
appointed governor, and was fucceeded the next
year by Jeremiah BaflTe, Efq. who being recalled,
colonel Hamilton, was reinftated in the government,
which a few months after was given to Bafle.
The latter was fucceeded by colonel Andrew
' Brown, who held it at the time that the proprie-
^ tors furrendered the fovereignty of it to queen
Anne, in 1701.

As to Weft Jerfey, or lord Berkeley's divifion,
from the year 1674, Sir Edmund Andros, whom
we have fpoken of in the hiftory of New Eng-
land, fome fay by virtue of a commiffion from the
duke of York, wrefted the government from lord
Berkeley's affignees ; but they recovered it, and
having obtained a new grant in 1680, they chofc
Edward Bylling, Efq. for their governor. In
1690, Dr. Daniel Cox, of the college of phyfici-
ans in London, having purchafed the greateft part
of the property of Weft' Jerfey, appointed himfelf
governor, but never went over thither, and at laft
fold all his intereft there for nine thoufand pounds,
to Sir Thomas Lane. All this while, the conten-
tions amongft the Iharers of both the Jerfeys, as
well as about matters of property the right of ap-
pointing a governor, had reduced the two pro-
vinces to a moft lamentable condition ; and ' the

pro-

IN AMERICA,

209

proprietors wtfely refolved to rcfign ks government
to the crown, refcrving all their other rights. Ac-
cordingly, on the twenty-fccond of April, 1702,
Sir Thoi^as Lane, in the name of the proprietors
of Weft New Jerfey, and Mr. William Dockwra,
in the name of thofe of Eaft New Jerfey, having
refigned the governments of thefe refpeftive pro-*
vinces to queen Anne, her majefty immediately
appointed the lord Combury for their governor ;
and his fecretary was Mr. Bafle, the late governor.
At the fame time, the proprietors obtained of the
crown, in favour of themfelves and of the people, a
fet of ftanding inflruftions, which were to ferve as
rules for the coridudt of future governors. The
heads of thofe inftruftions were well calculated >
for the good of the colony. The firft was. That
the governor Ihould confent to no tax upon lands
that were vacant or unprofitable. The fecond, That
no lapds fhould be purchafed of the Indians, but
by the general proprietors ; and the third, which
was a moft excellent provifion, was, That all lands
pu:chafed ihould be improved by the poffeflbrs.
The government of the two Jerfeys was then held
by a governor, cou'xcil, and alTembly. The coun-
cil was to be chofen by the governor, who had
power to appoint his lieutenant governor ; and
though the price of lands was Hill very low, yet
afrer the two provinces came into one government,
the affairs of the colony took a very favourable
turnr It then appeared that the two provinces of
Vol. I .t: ? the

1 i

2110 BRITISH EMPIRE

the Eaft and Weft New Jerfeys, had in faft been
made jobbs of by different proprietors, who had
bought them, without the leaft regard to the good
of the colonies, but that they might fell them
again. For many years, the governors of the pro-
vince of New Jerfey (for fo it was called) was
vefted in ihe governor of New York; and, before
the i^eace of Utrecht, it was thought to contain
above fixteen thoufand inhabitants. Upon the
death of colonel Colby, it appears that the govern-
ment of the Jerfeys was wholly detached from
that of New York, and was given to Lewis Mor-
rice, Efq. who had been chief juftice of New
York, and died May 14, 1746. He was fucceed-
cd by Jonathan Belcher, Efcj. whofe firft meeting
with the provincial aflembly was on the twenty-
fecond of Auguft the fame year. The hiftory of
New Jerfey now falling in with that of the other
Britilh colonies of America, during the laft wars
with France, we Ihall therefore ])rocccd to its
civil hiftory.

In the civil conftitution of New Jerfev, we find
there were three negatives, i. That of the governor,
who is likewife vice-admiral and chancellor of
the province, z. That of the council, which,
with the governor, forms a court of error and
chancery. 3. Of the houfe of reprefentatives,
twenty of whom ferve for counties, and the re-
maining four for the two towns or cities, as they

are

IN AMERICA.

2IX

are called, of Perth Amboy and Burlington. This
houfe, though no court of judicature, has the
privilege of inquiring into the mal-adminiftration
of the courts of jufticc. Upon the duke of
York's granting the two Jerfeys to lord Berkeley
and Sir George Carteret, NichoUs, who was then
governor of New Jerfey for that duke, appre-
hending that he might be fuperfeded in his govern-
ment, took advantage of the inftrudions of his
patent, and gave leave to certain perfons to pur-
chafe lands from the Indians, fubjea to certain
quit-rents ; and the like was done by Carteret,
the firft governor under the affignees. Such pur-
chafes being expreflly againft the fpirit of the duke
of York's grant, and yet good in law, created
inexpreflible difturbances and confufion in this
government ; but the Indian purchafers feem to
have had the better in the difpute, which, we ap-
prehend, was never fully decided.

New Jerfey, according to the common maps, is
bounded on the fouth-eaft by Delaware Bay ; and
by that river on the fouth and weft ; and, on the
north, by New York and unknown countries ; and
by the Atlantic Ocean on the caft. It lies between
thirty-five degrees forty-one minutes, and thirty-
nine degrees ten minutes of north latitude ; and
between feventy-threc degrees forty-fix minutes,
and feventy-five degrees fifteen minutes weft longi-
tude. It is in length on the fea-coaft, and along
Hudfon'sRiver,thatis,from fouth to north, about one

JLc I hundred

tcv^d

fU*

212 BRITISH EMPIRE

hundred and forty miles, and about eighty where
broaden ; but this menfuration is all conjedurc.
Eaf! Jcrfey is divided into four counties, viz. thofe
of Monmouth, Middlefex, Effex, and Bergen. It
contains a town called Middleton, which is twenty-
fix miles fouth of Pifcataqua ; but its principal
town is Shrewfbury, which is the moft fouthern
town in the province, and contains about thirty
thoufand out-plantation acres. Between Shrewf-
bury and Middleton is an iron-work. The chief
to\i'n of Eflex-county, and indeed in both the Jer*
feys, is Elizabeth town, which lies oppofite to the
weftward of Staten i/land. The greateft part of
the trade of the province is here carried on.
Newark is another town in Effex county, and
has annexed to it about fifty thoufand acres ; but
part of them remains ftill to be cultivated. Mid-
dlefex county has for its chief town Perth Amboy,
which, in reality, ought to be the provincial town
of Eaft Jerfey. It (lands near the mouth of Dck-
ware river, as it runs into the mouth of Sandy
Hook bay, which is never frozen, and is capaci-
ous enough to contain five hundred fhips. It is
generally allowed that this might have been ren-
dered one of the finefl towns in all North America,
had it not been for the extraordinary mifmanage-
ment of the Scotch planters, and the bad condud:
of Gawen Laurie, the deputy-governor. Ber-
gen county lies upon Hudfon's River, and is ex-
tremely well watered ; but, in general, it is but

thinly

Uvtttp

1 N A M E R I C A. 4f3

ihir.ly inhabited. Bruniwiek -is another town in \f ,^
this province, where a college for the inftmftion
of youth was cftabliilied Oftober 22, 1746, by
governor Belcher. The trullees of this college
are generally prelbyterians, and it is governed by a
prelident.

As to Weft Jerfey, it was intended by Dr. Cox
to be laid out into feven counties ; but this pro-
ject never took effcdt. It is not fo well planted
as Eaft Jerfey, though it lies equally commodioui
for trade. The only fpot of ground that retains
the name of a county is that of Cape May, which j , ^
lies at the mouth of Delaware Bay, dividing the /^^*^' '
two Jerfeys. Burlington, which lies in an iHand
in the middle of Delaware River, oppolite to Phi-
ladelphia, is the capital of the province, the courts
and the affemblies of Weft Jerfey being holden here.
It is well fituated for trade, the town is well built,
with town-houfcs, and two bridges. Weft New
Jerfey has an eafy communication by the river
iEfopus with New Yoi-k, and with Maryland by
another river, which comes withm four miles of
Chefapeak-bay. A project was once on foot for
joining this river and the bay by an artificial canal ;
but it met with fuch oppofition from the inhabi-
tants of Virginia and Maryland, that it came to
nothing.

Notwithftanding the inexpreffible difadvantages
under which Ntw Jerfey fo long laboured from
the nature of its conftitution, the multiplicity of

■ ''«

Its

214

BRITISH EMPIRE

its owners, and the uncertainty of their tenures ; yet
the inhabitants have made a moft furprifing pro^
grefs, both in trade and agriculture lince they
were under the government of the crown. This
is owing to their commodious fituation, which, in
a manner, invites commerce to refide amongft them,
and from their being lefs expofed than many of
their neighbours are to the infults of the favages.
The people of New Jerfey had their fhare of the
trouble and expence of the Canada expedition in
lyid ; but iince that time they have recovered
their credit fo greatly, that their paper-cutrcncy,
to the amount of fixty thoufand pounds, has more
credit than that of either Pennfylvania or New
York, for the Pennfylvania bills are not received at
New York, nor thofe of New York at Pennfylva-
but the New Jerfey bills circulate through

nia

both thofe provinces. As before the peace of Utrecht
the inhabitants of New Jerfey were computed at fix-
teen thoufand, fo at prefent they amount to near fixty
thoufand. During the wars between France and
England, they contributed very confiderably towards
carrying them on; and in the year 1746, when there
■was a fchcmc for invading Canada, they raifed
and vi<5tuallcd five companies of one hundred
men each. As to the trade of New Jerfey, it is
an excellent corn country ; and it is faid to raife
more wheat than any other colonies ; they like-
wife raife fome flax and hemp. They chiefly trade
with New York and Pennlylvania, where they

difpofc

IN AMERICA.

215

difpofe of their grain; but of late they htve
come into a confiderable trade for provifion with
the Antilles; and they fend to Portugal, Sptin,
and the Canaries, tobacco, oil, filh, grain, and
other provifions. By means of employing ne-
groes, as their neighbours do, in cultivating their
lands, they have of late more than double their
value ; and they now work a copper ore mine,
and manufa<fl:ure iron ore into pigs and bars. To
give the reader fome idea of the prefent value of
this country, the property of half of which fome
rears ago was thought dear at nine thoufand
pounds, and, indeed, was deemed not worth
holding, we Ihall here infert fome articles of their
imports and exports from the twenty-fourth of'
June, to the fame day next year. — [Exported,
Flour, fix thoufand four hundred and tsventy-four
barrels ; bread, one hundred and fixty-eight thou-
fand five hundred weight ; beef and pork, three
hundred and fourteen barrels; grain, feventecn
thoufand nine hundred and forty-one bufliels ;
hemp, fourteen thouflmd weight. Some firkins of
butter, fome hams, beer, flax-feed, bar-iron, fome
lumber. Imported, rum, thirty-nine thoufand,
fix hundred and fe\'enty gallons ; molaffes, thirty-
one thoufand, fix hundred gallons; fugar, two
thoufand eighty-niue hundred weight ; pitch, tar,
and turpentine, four hundred thirty-feven barrels ;
wines, one hundred twenty-three pipes ; fait,
twelve thoufand feven hundred fiftv-ninc bulhcls.]

Th?

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ai6 BRITISH EMPIRE

The principtl rivers in the province of New Jcf,
fey,- are the Noorde Rivier or Hudfon's River,
which we have already delineated in the feaion of
New York, and Zuide Rivier or Delaware River.
We ihall here take notice, that in the Jerfey
fide of this River are feveral Ihort creeks. Thefc
of Cohanfy, and of Salem twenty miles higher,
^^. make one diflrict of cuitom-houfe ; at Bridlington
twenty miles above Philadelphia is another cuftom
diftria:. — Thefe two cuftom-houfe diftricls, their
quarterly entries aud clearances of veiTels, are ge-
nerally little, and fcarce deferve the name of preven-
tive creeks. The main branch of Delaware River
f:ome from Cat-kill mountains, a few miles weft
of the fountains of Scoharie River, a branch of
the Mohocks River. Raritan River falls into San-
dy Hook Bay at Amboy point ; the tide flows twelve
miles up to Brunfwick : — at the mouth of this river
is the only confidcrable fea-port and cyftom-houfe
of New Jerfey. Here is the city of Perth Amboy,
it is the capital of the province of New Jerfey,
and here are kept the provincial records : there is
a good deep water harbour and promiling coun-
try ; but notwithftanding, it has only the appear-
ance of a mean village. The name is a compound
.of Perth, the honorary title of the late Drummond,
earl of Perth, and Amboy its Indian name.

The lea line of New Jerfey, is Arthur Cul Bay,
and Amboy Sound, between Staten Illand and

IN AMERICA.

217

the main, about <-wenty miles fouth. Thefe receive
the rivulets of Hackinfack, Paflaick, Bounds Creek,
and Raway; from Amboy Point to Sandyhook
(Sandy Hook is in Eaftjerfey) twelve miles caft from
Sandy Hook to Cape May, one hundred and twenty
miles fouth wefterly, is a flat and dojuble fandy
ihore, having fome inlets pradicable only by fmall
craft.

There are fcveral chains or ridges of hills in this
province, but of no conlideration.

Perth Amboy is the provincial town of Eafl
Jerfey ; Bridlington is the province town of Well
Jcrfey, diftance fifty miles, where the general af-
fembly of all the Jerfey s fits alternately, and where
the diftindt provincial judicatories or fupreme courts
fit rcfpedtivcly. Bridlington, commonly called Bur-
lington, is a pleafant village-. Elizabeth Town
is the moft ancient corporation and confiderable
town of the province. ^Br uiifw iek in Eaft Jerfey ^
is nearly the centre of the Eaft and Weft Jerfeys ;
where is lately eftabliflied. a college for the iiiftnic-
tlon of youth, by a charter from governor Belcher,
dated October 22,1 746^ with power to confer all de-
grees as in the univerfities of England ; the prefent
truftees are generally prefbyterlan, a majority of
feven or more truftees have the management;
each fcholar and pays four pounds per annum, at
eight Ihillings an ounce filver ; Mr. Jonathan Dic-
kenlbn w^as their firft and, Mr. Burr is their

Vol. I, F f prefent

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fti8 BRITISH EMPIRE

pfcfent prefident; in this college Odlober 5, 1749,
commenced- feven batchelors of arts.

The road as in prefent life, from New York
city to Philadelphia, is, from New York to Eli-
zabeth Town feventeen miles, thence to Brunfwick
twenty-two miles, thence to Trent Town Ferry
thirty miles, thence to Philadelphia twenty miles ;
being in all from the city of Nev^ York to Phi-
ladelphia one hundred and four miles.

From Cape May to Salem are about fixty miles,
thence to Bridlington fifty miles, thence to Trent
Town falls fifteen miles. Thefe are the firft falls
of Delaware River, and fo high the tide flows :
below thcfe falls when the tide is down and no
land floodings in the river. — The driver itfelf is

fordable.

. In the province of the Jcrfcys are five corpora -
tions with courts; whereof three are in Eaft Jerfcy,
the city of Perth Amboy, the city of New Brunf-
wick, and the borough of Elizabeth Town; and
two in Weft Jerfey, the city of Bridlington, alias
Burlington, and the borough of Trent Town. Of
thefe only two, Perth Amboy and Burlington, fend
leprefentatives to the general aflembly.

The two new out counties of Morris, and Trent,
feem hitherto not to have been reduced to any re-
gulations.

IN AMERICA.

219

OF PENNSYLVANIA.

PENNSYLVANIA is inhabited by full'two
hundred and fifty thoufand people, half of whom
are Germans, Swedes, or Dutch. Here you fee
the Quakers, Churchmen, Calvinifts, Lutherans,
Catholics, Methodills, Meniftb, Moravians, Inde-
pendants, the Anabaptills, and the Dumplers, a fort
of German fedt, that live in fomething like a re-
ligious fociety, wear long beards, and a habit re-
fembling that of friars. In fhort, the diverfity of
people, religions, nations, and languages here, is
prodigious, and the harmony in which they live
together no lefs edifying. For, though every man,
who wiihes well to religion, is forry to fee the di-
verfity which prevails, and would, by all mild
and honeft methods, endeavour to prevent it ; yet,
when once the evil has happened, when there is
no longer an union of fentiments, it is glorious to
preferve at leall an union of affed:ions ; — itis a beau-
tiful profped:, to fee men take and give an equal
liberty; to fee them live, if not as belonging to
the fame church, yet as to the fame chriftian religi-
on ; and if not to the fame religion, yet to the fame
great fraternity of mankind. I do not obferve, that
the quakers, who had, and who Hill have in a
great meafure, the power in their hands, have
made ufe of it in any fort to j^rfccute ; except
in the finglc cafe of George Keith, whom they firfl;

F f 2 imprifoncd.

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BRITISH EMPIRE

imprifoncd, and then banifhcd out of the province.
This Keith was originally a minifter of the church
of England, then a quaker, and afterwards return-
ed to his former miniftry. But whilft he remained
with the friends, he was a troublcfome and litigi*
ous man, and was for pulhing the particularities
of quakerjfm to yet more extravagant lengths, and
for mak ng new refinements, even where the mod
enthuHaftic thought they had gone far enough;
which ralh and turbulent conduct raifed fuch a
ftorm, as fhook the church he then adhered to,
to tiie very foundations.

This little fally into intolerance, as it is a fingle
inftance, and with great provocation, ought by no
means to be imputed to the principles of the qua-
kers, confidering the Uinple and humane latitude
they have allowed in all other refj^edts. It was
certainly a very right policy to encourage the im-
portation of foreigners into Pennfylvania, as well
as into our other colonies. By this we are great
gainers, without any diminution of the inhabitants
of Great Britain. But it has been frequently ob-
ferved, and, as it Ihould feem, very juftly com^
plained of, that they are left dill foreigners, and
likely to continue fo for many generations ; as they
have fchools taught, books printed, and even the
common news papers in their o\\'n language ; by
which means, and as they poflTels large trad:s of
the country without anv intermixture of Englilh,
there is no appearance of their blending and be-
coming

I N A M E R I C A. ill

coming one people with us. This certainly is a
great irregularity, and the greater, as thefc foreign-
ers, by their induftry, frugdity, and a hard way
of living, in which they greatly exceed our people,
have, in a manner, thruft them out in feveral
places ; lb as to threaten the colony with the dan-
ger of being wholly (oreian in lai guage, manners,
and perhaps even inclinations. In the year 1750,
were imported into Pennfylvania and itsdcpenden*
ces, four thouland three hundred and feventeen
Germans, whereas, of Britifli and Irilli but one
thoufand arrived j .' confiderable number, if it were
not fo vallly jvcrbaUr.ced by that of the foreigners.

I do by no -Pcar:. think that this fort of "tranf-
plantations ou^^..^ to be dilcouraged ; I would only
obferve, that tlie manner of their fettlement ought
to be other wife regulated, and means fought'^to
have them naturalized in reality.

The late troubles very unhappily reverfed
the fyftcm fo long purfued, and with fuch great
fucccfs, in this part of the world. The Pennfyl-
vaniuns fuffered feverely by the incurfions of
the favage Americans as well as their neighbours;
but the quakers could not be prevailed upon,
by what did not diredly afT;:^ thofe of their own
communion (for they were out of the way of
milchief in the more fettled parts;, to relinquifli
their pacific principles ; for which reafon, a con-
fiderable o-pofition, (in which, however, we muft
uo the quakers the juftice to obferve they were

not
4

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222 BRITISH EMPIRE

not unanimous) was made, both within their af-.
fembly and alfo without doors, again ft granting
any money to carry on the war 5 and the fame, or
a more vigorous oppofition, was made againft pafl-
ing a militia bill. A bill of this kind has at length
paired, but fcarcely fuch as the circumftances of
the country, and the exigencies of the times, re-
quired. It may, perhaps, appear an error, to have
placed fo great a part of the government in the
hands of men who hold opinions diredly contra-
ry to its end and defign. As a peaceable, induf-
trious, honefl people, the quakers cannot be too
much cheriflied j but furely they- cannot ihemfelves
complain that, when they value themfelves upon
non-refiftance, they (hould not be entrufted with. .
cares fo opppfite to their principles *..

• Mr. Pcnn, when, for his father's fervices, and by his own
interell at court, he obtained the inheritance of this country
and its government, faw that he could make the grant of value
to him only, by rendering the country as agreeable to all peo-
ple, as eafe and government could make it. To this purpofe,
he began by purcliafrng the foil, at a very low rate indeed, from
the original poff.flbrs, to whom it was of little ufe. By this
cheap aft of jaftice at the beginning, he made all his dealings
for th'- luturc the more eafy, by prepolTefling the Indians with
a fr.'.cunble opinion of him and his defigns. The other part
cf his plan, which was, to people this country, after he had fe-
ciued the pofl ffion of it, he faw much facilitated by the unea-
fmcfs of his brethren the quakers in England, who, refufing
to pay the cythcs and other church dues, fufFcrcil a great deal
from the fpiritual courts. Their high opinion of, and regard
for the man, who was an honour to their new church, made

Thetc

IN AMERICA.

223

There are fo many good towns in the province
of Pennfylvania, even exceeding the capitals ot
fome other provinces, that nothing could excule
paffing them by, but Philadelphia's drawing the
attention wholly to itfelf. This city Hands
upon a tongue of land, immediately at the con-
fluence of two fine rivers, the Delaware and the

them the more ready to follow him over the vaft ocean into an
untried climate and country. Neither • /as he himfelf wanting
in any thing which could encoiurage thera. For he expended
large fums in tranfporting and finding them in all necelfaries ;
and, not aiming at a fuddcn profit, he difpofed of his land at
a very light purchafe. But what crowned all was, that noble
charter of privileges, by which he rendered them as free as any peo-
ple in the world ; and which has fince drawn fuch vaA numbers,
of (o many different perfuafions and fuch various countries, to
put themfelves under the protection of his laws. He made rfjc
moft perfed freedom, both religious and civil, the bans of this
eftablifliment; and this has done more towards the fettling of
the provi nee, and towards the fettling of it in a ftrong and per-
manent manner, than the wifeft regulations could have don«
upon any other plan. All perfons who profcfs to believe one
'jod are freely tolerated; —• thofe who believe in Jefus Chrift,
of whatever denomination, are not excluded from employments
and polls.

This great man lived to fee an extenfive country called after
his own name; he lived to fee it peopled by his own wifdora,
the people free and flourifhing, and the m.oft flourifhing people
in it of his own perfuafion ; he lived to lay the foundations of
a fplendid and wealthy city; he lived to- fee It promife every
thing from the fituatlon which he hinifclf had chofen, and the
encouragement which he himfelf hiiJ given it : but he died in
the Fleet priioi'.

Schuikil.

824 BRITISH EMPIRE

Schulkil. It is difpofed in the form of an ob-
long, defigned to extend two miles from river to
river ; but the buildings do not extend above a
mile and a half on the weft fide of Delaware in
length, and not more than half a mile where the
town is broadeft. The longeft ftretch, when the
original plan can be fully executed, is to compofe
eight parallel ftreets, all of^^o miles in length:
thefe arc to be interfedlcd" by lixtcen others, each
in length a mile, broad, fpacious, and even ; with
proper fpaces left for the public buildings, churches,
and market-places. In the centre is a fquare of
ten acres, round which, moft of the public build-
ings are difpofed. The two principal ftreets of the
city arc each one hundred feet wide, and moft of the
houfes have a fmall garden and orchard. From the
rivers are cut fcveral canals, equally agreeable and
beneficial. The quays arc fpacious and fine; the
principal one is two hundred feet wide, and to
this a veffel of five hundred tons may lay her
broadfide. The warehoufes are large, numerous,
«nd commodious, and the docks for ftiip-building
every way well adapted to their purpofes. A great
number of veflels have been built here; twenty
have been upon the ftocks at a time. The city
Contains, exclufive of warehoufes and outhoufes,
about nvo thoufand houfes; moft of them of brick,
and well built; — it is faid, there are feveral of them
worth four or five thoufand pounds. The inhabi-
tants are now about thirteen thoufand.

There

IN AMERICA. 225

There arc in this city a great numbejr of very
wealthy merchants ; which i§ no way furprifing,
when one confiders the great trade which it car*
ries on with the Englilh, French, Spanilh, and ^
Dutch colonies in America ; with the Azores,
the Canaries, and the Madeira Wands ; with Great
Britain and Ireland; with Spain, Portugal, and
Holland ; and the great profits which are made
in many branches of this commerce. Befides the
(quantity of all kinds of the produce of this pro*
vince, which Is brought down the Rivers Dela-
ware and Schulkil, (the former of which is navi-
gable, for velfels of one fort or other, more than
two hundred miles above Philadelphia) the Dutch
employ between eight and nine thoufand v/aggons,
drawn each by four horfes, in bringing the pro* ,
dud: of their farms to this mark-^ i the year 1 749,
three hundred and three veiTels w'ere entered in-
wards at this port, and two hundred and ninety-
one cleared outwards. There are, at the other
ports of this province, cuitom-houfe ojEficers ; but
the foreign trade in thefe places is not worth notice*

The city of Philadelphia, though, as it may be
judged, is far from complereing the original plan,
yet, fo far as it is built, is carried on conformably
to it, and increafes in the number and beauty of
its buildings every day ; and as for the province,
of which this city is the capital, tli^re is no part
of Britiili America in a more growing condition.
In fome years, more people have tranlportcd thera-

VoL. I. G g (elves

226 BRITISH EMPIRE

felves into Pennfylvania than into all the other
fettlements together. In 1729, fix thoufand two
hundred and eight perfons came to fettle here, as
paffengers or fervants, four fifths of whom at leaft
were from Ireland. In Ihort, this province has
increafed fo greatly from the time of its firfc efta-
blifliment, that, \Vhercas, lands were given by Mr.
Penn, the founder of the colony, at the rate of twen-
ty pounds for a thoufand acres, referving only a
fhilling every hundred acres for quit-rent, and
this in fome of the bell lituated parts of the pro-
vince : yet now, at a great diftance from naviga-
tion, land is granted at twelve pounds the hundred
acres, and a quit-rent of four Ihillings referved ;
and the land which is near Philadelphia, rents for
twenty ihillings the acre. In many places, and
at the diftance of feveral miles from that city, land
fells for twenty years purchafe.

The Pennfylvanians are an induftrious and hardy
people ; they are moft of them fubflantial, though
but a few of the landed people can be confidered
as rich ; but they are all well lodged, well fed,
and, for their condition, well clad too; and this
at the more eafy rate, as the inferior people ma-
nufadiure moft of their own wear, both linens
and woollens. There are but few blacks, in all
not the fortieth part of the people of the province.

King Charles the Second's patent of the pro-
vince of Pennfylvania is dated March 4, 1680, of
which an abftrad is: " To our trufty and well be-
loved

IN AMERICA. 227 '

" loved fubjed, William Perm, Efq. fon and heir
** of Sir William Penn (deceaied) to reduce the fa-
ce vage nations, by gentle and jull manners, to the
*' love of civil fociety and the chriftian religion
" (with regard to the memory and merits of his
" late father, in divers fervices, particularly in the
fea-fight againft the Dutch 1665, under the
duke of York) to tranfport an ample colony
towards enlarging the Englifli empire and Its
trade, is granted all that track of land in Ame-
" rica, bounded eaftward on Delaware River from
twelve miles northward of Newcaftle, to the forty
third degree of northern latitude, and to extend five
degrees in longitude from the faid river; to
" be bounded northerly by the beginning of the
" forty third degree of northern latitude, and on the
** fouth, by a circle drawn at twelve miles dif-
" tance from Newcaftle northward, and weftw^ard
unto the beginning of the fortieth decree of north-
ern latitude; and then by a ftrait line weftw^ard
to the limits of longitude abovementioned ; fav-
ing to us and our fucceflbrs the allegiance and
foverelgnty, to be holden as of our caftle of
Windibr, In the county of Berks, paying for quit-
rent tw^o buck-fkins to be delivered to us year-
ly, in our caftle of W^indfor, on the firft of Jan-
uary ; and the fifth of all gold and filver ore,
" clear of all charges. Eredted into a province and
*' feignory, to be called Penn{\lvania. The fa'j
« William Pcnn, &c. and his lieutenants, with the

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228 BRITISH EMPIRE

" aflent of a majority of the freemen or their dft-
" legates aflembled, to raife money for public ufef,
« to eftablilh judges, juftices, and other magif-
" trates; probateof wills and granringof a-'minif-
" trationr. included; to pardon ortcmit all crimeS^
" and oflences committed within the xnd proviru e,
^* (treafon and wilfr.l murder excepted) which,
'* however, they miv reprieve until the king's
" pleafure beknowiu The judges by them confti-
" tuted to hold plea? as '.veil criminal as civii,
", ptifonal, real, and mixe<i. Their laws co be con-
"* fonant to resfon, and not rejiUgnaiii: to the VaWS
** of Ens^i^nd, referving to us, &c. a powder to
^' hear and determine upon apneals. In all matters
** the laws of England to take place, where nd
** pofitive law of the province appears. A du-
** plicate of all laws made in the province, fl>aH;
*' within five years, be tranfmitted to the privy-
** council ; and if, within -fix months, being there
" received, they be deemed inconfiftent with the
'* prerogative or laws of England, they ihall be
" void, A licence for our fubicd:s to tranfport
** themfelves and families unto the faid country.
** A liberty to divide the country into towns, hun*-
** dreds, and counties, to incorporate towns into bo*'
** roughs and cities, and to conftitute fairs and mar-
*' kets, A liberty of trade with all our other do*
** minions, paying the cuftomary duties. A power
*' to conftitute fea-ports and ruays, but to admit
** of fuch officers as ih^U, fr lime to time, he

" appointed

IN AMERICA.

22^

** appointed by the commiffioners of our cufloms.
** The proprietors may receive fuch impofitions
" upon goods as the affembly ihall cnadt. The
" proprietors to appoint an agent or attorney to
** refide near the court in London, to anfwer for
« the default of the proprietors; and where da-
" mages are afcertained by any of our courts, if
<* thefe damages are not made good within the
" fpace of one year, the crown may refume the
<* government, until fuch damages and penalties are
" fatisfied, but without any detriment to the par-
" ticular owners or adventurers in the province.
** To maintain no correfpondence with our cne-
** mies. A power to purfue enemies and robbers
** even to death and to transfer property, and
" creA manors, that may hold courts baron. And
** the crown ihall make no taxation or impo-
iition in the faid province, without the confent
of the proprietary, or aflcmbly, or by adt of
parliament in England. Any inhabitants, to the
number of t^venty, may, by writing, apply to
the bilhop of London for a preacher, or preach-

((

ers.

Befides thcfe, and Mr. Penn's charter of liber-
ties and privileges to the people, there wefe fome
other fimdamental laws agreed upon in England,
[ " Every reiident who pays fcot and lot to the go-
vernment, Ihall be deemed a freeman capable of
tlefting and of being elefted. The provincial
council and general aflcmbly to be folc judges in

the

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230 BRITISH EMPIRE

the eled:ions of their refpcdtive members. Twen-
ty-four men for a grand jury of inqueft, and twelve
for a petty jury, to be returned by the iheriff.
All perfons wrongfully imprifoned or profecuted
at law, Ihall have double damages againfl the
informer or profecutor. Seven years ixyfleffion Ihall
give an unqueftionable right, excepting in cafes
of lunatics, infants, married women, and perfons
beyond the fea. A public regifler eltablilhed.
The charter granted by William Penn to the in-
habitants confirmed. All who acknowledge one
Almighty God, fball not be molefled in their reli-
gious perfuaiions, in matters of faith and w^orlhip,
and fhall not be compelled to maintain or frequent
any religious miniflry. Every firft day of the week
ihall be a day of reft. None of thefe articles Ihall
be altered without confent of the governor or his
deputy, and fix parts m £cven of the freemen met
in provincial council and general allembly."} This
was figned and fealed by the governor and free-
men or adventurers, in London, the fifth day of the
third month, called May, 1682,

There were certain conditions agreed upon by
the proprietor, and the adventurers and purchafers,
July 1 1, 168 1 ; for inftance,[" Convenient rpads and
highways to be laid out before the dividend of acres
to the purchafers. Land to be laid out to the
purchafers and adventurers by lot. Every thou-
fahd acres to fettle one family; All dealings with
the Indians be to 19 public market.

All

IN AMERICA.' 231

" All differences between the planters and native
Indians to be ended by fix planters and fix na-
tives. Laws relating to immorality to be the
fame as in England. In clearing of land, one acre
of trees to be left for every five acres, to prelcrvc
uak and mulberries for (hipping and filk

" None to leave the pro\ince, without publication
thereof in the market-})lace three weeks before"]

By a new charter from the proprietary the fc*
cond day of April, in 1683, there are fome
alterations made in his firft charter, principally
as to the numbers of the provincial council and
aflembly.

This charter, as inconvenient, was furrendered
to Mr. Penn, in May, in the year 1 700 by fix
fevenths of the freemen of the province and terri-
tories, and a new charter granted. As this is now
their ftanding charter, we Ihall be more particu-
lar. The preamble runs thus :

" Whereas, king Charles II. granted to Wil-
" Ham Penn the property and government of tlie
" province of Pennfylvania, March 4, 1680; and
" the duke of York granted to the faid Penn the
" property and government of a track of land, now
" called the territories of Pennfylvania, Auguft
" 24, 1683: And whereas, the faid William Penn
" for the encouragement of the fettlers, did, in
the year 1683, grant and confirm to the free-
men, by an inllrumcnt intitlcd, The frame of
the government, &c. which charter or frame

*^ beinsr

((

n
lai

;!»^

'■^'-'^^

•'^^S!«Pf

«3«

BRITISH EMPIRE

'k I (<

■

♦* being found, in fomc part of it, not fo fultahltf
<* to the prcfcnt circ imftances of the inhabitants,

« was delivered up as above, and at the rcqueft

" of the aflfembly, another was granted by the pro-

** pvicffiry Mr,*Penn, in purfuance of the rights

** And i-ovvcrs granted him by the crown, confirm-

*^ mg to all the inhabitants their former liberties

" and privileges, fo far as in him licth. — Firft,

" No i^erfons who l^pi'eve in one Almighty God,

** and live peaceably under liic civil government,

" ihall be molefted in their religious perfuafions,

" nor compelled to freijucnt or maintain any rc-

** ligious worihip contrary to their mind. That

** all i->erfons who profefs to believe in Jefus ChrifV,
" are capable of ferving the government in any

" capacity, thefe folemnly ]>romifing, when re-

" quired, allcgia ice to the crown, and fidelity to

" the proprietor and governor. .^cLi^ndly, That

" annually, upon the firft day of October for ever,

" there ihall an aliembly be chofen, to fit 0*1 the

" fourteenth day of the ^^me month, ViZ. four

" perfons out of each count}', or a greater num-

" bcr, as the g /ernor and alfemblymay, from

■" time tu time, .^gree, > ith all the powers and

" privileges of an afiembly, as is ufual in any of

" the king's plan Ations ir America; two thirds

" of the whole number that 01 y,ht to nr :et ihall

" be a quorum; 10 fit u]K)n their own adjourn-

** ments. T* il' The freem-n at their meet-

" ing for elc n^^ :cprefenLati^ s to chuic theriS

«< and

* »

IN AMERICA,

the rcfpecti

((

« and coroners. ic juftices
« counties to nominate clerks of the peace. Fourth-
« ly. The laws of the government Ihall be in thb
« Ityle, [By tkc governor, with the confent and
" approbation of the freemen In general affembly
" met.] Fifthly, No perfon to be licenfed by the
" governor to keep an ordinary or tavern but luch
" as are recommended by the juftices of the coun-
" ty. Sixthly, No alteration to be made in this
♦* charter without the confent of the governor and
<« fix parts of fevenof the affembly met. [SignedWil-
^* liam Penn at Philadelphia in Pennfylvania, Oc-
" tober 28, 17 1, and the twenty-firft year of my
government.] Notwithftanding any thing for-
merly alledging the province and territories to
" join together in legiflation, Mr. Penn hereby
" declares, that if at any time hereafter, within
" three years, their refpedive tffemblies Ihall not
" agree to join in legiflation, and Ihall fignify the
" fane to me; in fuch cafe, the inhabitants of
" each of the three counties of the province ihall
** not ' :ive lefs than eight reprefentatives, ana the
*' Lu vn of Philadelphia, when incorporated, ihall
" have two reprefentatives. The inhabitants of
" each cour"^ in the territories Ihr'' 'vweasmany
" perfons to rt ^refent them in a uiitir iffembly
" fortheterritMries,aslhallbe^yihcmrcquefted. Pro-
" vincc aa<^ territories ihall enjoy the fame char-
" ter, liberties and privileges
Vol. J. H h Xhc

t34 BRITISH EMPIRE

The report is probable, that Mr. Penn, befides
his royal grant of the province of PennAlvania,
had, moreover, a grant of the fame from the duke
of Yofk, to obviate any pretence, that the pro-
vince was comprehended in a former royal grant
of New Netherlands to the duke of York.

Mn i'enn's firft charter conceffions, as we have
already taken notice of, or form of government to
the fcttlers, conllitured a Icgiflature of tliree ne-
gatives, viz. the governor and two diftin«fl houfcs
of X reprefentatives chofen by the freemen ; one
called the provincial council of feventy-two mem-
bers, the other was called the provincial aHcm-
bly of tu o hundred members ; the council had
an exorl itant power of exclufive deliberating
upon, and preparing all bills for the provincial
allembly ; the executive part of the government
was entirely with them. The provincial aflembly,
in the bills to be enaCled, had no deliberative pri-
vilege, only a Yes or No ; thcfe numbers of pro-
vincial council and provincial aflembly leem to be
extravagantly large for an infant colony. Perhaps
he was of opinion with fome good politicians, that
there can be no general model of civil govern-
ment ; but that the inclinations, and numbers
of various focieties muft be confulted andvarioufly
fettled : — a fmall fociety naturally requi.es the .deli-
beration and general conl'cnt of tlidr freemen for
taxation and legillature ; when the fociety becomes
too numerous for fiich univcrfal meetings, a re-
prcfcnration or deputation from fcvcral diflriifls is

a more

IN AMERICA. #35

•ft more convenient and cafy atlminiftration. I lis
laft and prcffnt. Handing cbaitcr to the inhabitants
of the province and territories of PennlVlvania,
Odober 28, lyoii runs into the (ithcr extreme.
The council have no negative in the legillature, and
prtly ferve as the propriefary's council of advice
to the proprietary's governor. In 1746, by adt of
parliament, the negative of the board of aldermcii
4ri London, for certain rcafons \N'as abrogated. A
council chofen by the people, to negative refolves
of reprcfentatives alfo appointtd by the people,
fcems to be a wheel within a wheel, and incon-
gruous ; but a council appointed by the court of
Great Britain '^s a negative, feems to be a good
polic)', by way of controul upon the excefles of
the governor on the one hand, and of the people,
by their reprcfentatives, on the other hand.

The province of Pennfylvania fome years fince
was mortgaged to Mr. Gee, and pthers, for fix
tlioufand fix hundred pounds fterling. In the year
1713, Mr. Penn, by agreement, made over all
his rights in Pennfylvania to the croWn, in con-
fidcration of twelve thoufand pounds fterling ; but
before the inftrument of furrender was executed,
he died apoplectic, and PenniVlvania ftill remains
witii the family of the Penns, who reap the ad-
vantages which their firft founder took fo much
pains to fccure.

II h

ttsfi

BRITISH EMPIRE.

OF MARYLAND.

It wai in the reigp of Charles the Firft, that the
lord Baltimore applied for a patent for a part of
Virginia, and obtained, in 1632, a grant of a
track of land upon Chefapeak bay, of about one
hundred and forty miles long, and an hundred
and thirty broad, having Pennfylvania, then in the
hands of the Dutch, upon the north, the Atlantic
Ocean upon the eaft, and the river Potowmack
upon the fouth ; — in honour of the queen, he called
this province Maryland.

His lordlhip was a catholic, and had formed
his defign of making this fettlemcnt, in order to
enjoy a liberty of confcience, which though the
government of England, was by no means dif-
pofed to deny him ; yet the rigour of the laws
threatened, in a great meafure, to deprive him
of, the feverity of which it was not in the pow«
er of the court itfelf, at that time to relax.

The fettlement of the colony coft the lord Balti-
more a large fum. It was made, under hit aufpi-
ces, by his brother, and about two hundred per-
fons, Roman catholics, and moft of them of good
families. This fettlement, at the beginning, did
not meet with the fame difficulties which embar*
raffed and retarded moft of the others we had
made. The people were generally of the better
fort ; a proper fuburdinaiion was obferved amongft

them *

I N A M E R I C A, 437

them ; and the Indians gave and took fo little of-
fence, that they ceded one half of their principal
town, and fome time after, the whole of it, to
thefe ftrangers. The Indian women taught ourg
how to make bread of their corn; their men
went out to hunt and fifli with the Englilh ; they
ailiiled them in the chace, and fold them the
game they took themfelves, for a trifling conside-
ration ; fo that the new fettlers had a fort of town
ready built, ground ready cleared for their fubfif-
tancc, and no enemy to harrafs them.

They lived thus, without much trouble or fear,
until fome ill-difpofed perfons in Virginia infinuated
to the Indians, that the Baltimore colony had de-»
figns upon them; that they were Spaniards and
not Englilhmen ; and fuch other idle ftorics as
they judged proper to fow the feeds of fufpicion
and enmity in the minds of thefe people. Unon
the firft appearance, that the malice of the Vir-
ginians had taken effed:, the new planters were not
wanting to theaifdves. They built a good fort
with all expedition, and took every other necef-
fary meafure for their defence ; but they continued
Hill to treat the Indians with fo much kindnefs,
that, partly by that, and partly by the awe of
their arms, the ill defigns of their enemies were
defeated.

As the colony met with fo few obftiudiors,
and as the catholics in England were yet more
fcverely treated, in proportion as the court party

declined.

z$% BRITISH EMPIRE

declined, numbers conftantly arrived to replenlih
the fettlement, which the lord proprietor omitted
no care, and withheld no expence, to fupport and
encourage; until the ulurpation overturned th*
government at home, and deprived him of his
rights abroad. Maryland remained under the go-
vernors appointed by the parliament and by Crom-
well until the reftoration, when lord Baltimore
was re-inftated in his former poffeffions, which he
cultivated with his former wifdom, care, and mo-
deration. No people could live in greater eafe and
fecority ; and his lordfhip. willing that as many as
foffiblc Ihoiild enjoy the benefits of his mild and
equitable adminiftration, gave his confent to an ad:
of Jjfiemblv, which he had before promoted in hii;
province, for allowing a free and unlimittcd tolera-
tion to all who ])iofefred the chriftian religion, of
whatever dcnominatioi^ This liberty, which v.as
never in the leaft inftance violated, encouraged a
great number, not only of the church of I'.nglnnd,
but of prelbytcrians, (}uaker?, and all kinds of
diffenters, to fettle in Mar)'land, which before that
♦ime, was almoft wliolly in the hands of Roman
catholics.

It is faid, that king James called in quelbon
this nobleman's charter. In kiiig William's time
he was deprived of his jurifdicftion ; but the profits
were l>ill left to him ; and when his defccndants
afterwards confornncd to the church of England,
they \vere reflored to their rights aed privileges ag

fully

IN AMERICA.

fiilly as any other proprietors are indulged iff
them.

When, upon the revolution, power changed
hands in that province, the new men made but an
indifferent requital for the liberties and indulgences
they had enjoyed under the old adminiflration*
They not only deprived the harmlcfs catholics of all
fliare in the government, but of all the rights of
freemen ; but they even adopted the whole body
of the penal laws of England againft them ; they
are always meditating new laws in the fame
i\nnt, and they would undoubtedly go to the
greatell lengths in this refped:, if the moderation
and good fenfe of the government in England did
not let fome bounds to their bigotry, thinking
very prudently that it were highly unjuft, and
efpially impolitic, to allow an afylum abroad to
any religious perfuafions, which they judged it im-
proper to tolerate at ho'^e, and then to deprive
them of its protection, r. -oUedting and at the fame
time, in the various changes which our religion
and government have undergone, which have in
their turns rendered every fort of party and reli-
gion obnoxious to the reigning powers, that this
American aAlum, which has been admitted in the
hortefl limes of pcrfecution at home, has proved
of infinite fervicc, not only to the prefent peace of
England, but to the profperity of its commerce and
the cftablilhment of its power. There are a fort
of men, who will not fee lb plain a truth ; and

thev

? I
■i 1

1. 1

a40 BRITISH EMPIRE

they arc the perfons who would appear to contend
moft warmly for liberty ; but it is only a party li-
berty for which they contend ; a liberty, which
they would flretch out one way only to contract it
in another ; — they are not alhamed of ufing the
very fame pretences for perfecuting others, that
their enemies ufe for perfecuting them.

This colony, as for a long time it had with
Pennfylvania, the honour of being unftained with
any religious perfecution, fo neither they nor the
Pennfylvanians have ever, until very lately, been
harrafled by the calamity of any war, ofFenfive or
def«nfive, with their Indian neighbours, with
whom they always lived in the moft exemplary
harmony. Indeed, in a war which the Indians
made upon th^ ^Dlony of Virginia, by miftake
they made an h.wurfion into the bounds of Mary-
land ; but they were fenfible of their miftake, and
atoned for it. But later troubles have fince x:hanged
every thing, and the Indians have been taught to
laugh at their ancient alliances.

Maryland, like Virginia, has no very confider-
;able town ; but Annapolis is the feat of govern-
ment, which is a fmall though beautifully iitu-
ated town, upon the river Severn.

Here is the feat of the governor, and the prin-
cipal cuftom-houfe colle^ion. The people of
Maryland have the fame eftablifhed religion with
thofe of Virginia, that of the church of England ;
but here the clergy are provided for in a much

IN AMERICA.

241

more liberal manner, and they are the moft de-
cent, and the beft of the clergy in North America.
They export from Maryland the fame things in all
refpcfts, that they do from Virginia. Their tobac-
co is about forty thoufand hogfheads. The white
inhabitants are about forty thoufand^ the negroes
upwards of fixty thoufand.

OF THE INDIAN NATIONS.

THE North- American natives are, in general,
a wild and a faithlefs fet of men. Their manners
are a complication of ill-chofen cuitoms, favage,
ridiculous, and barbarous. Whatever fome may
fay of their genius, it is certainly not equal to that
of the inhabitants of our world; and America is,
in this fcnfe, juftly ftyled the younger filter of
Europe. The pains taken to inftrua: thefe favages
in the laws and religion, have been moltly
thrown away, and fo bigotted are they ^ their o\s-n
manner of living, that forr. of them who have
been regularly bred, cloached, and educated, have
thrown away their cloaths, run into the woods
forfaken fociety, and returned to their own bar-
barous manners, preferring what they fooliAly term-
ed Liberty, among their favannahs and vaft forells
to all the benefics enjoved in a well-ordered ftste:
^ From whence thefe people were originally de^
rived v.e !iave already offered fome conjedures.
The r rench were very inquifuive about thi« matter,

^"^* ^« I i an4

I ":

242 BRITISH EMPIRE

and abfolutely employed a civilized Indian in the
bufinefs cf enquiring into it, who, after long
travelling, and a variety of adventures, returned,
without being able thoroughly to fatisfy his cu^
riofity, or that of his employers *.

^ * M. Le Page du Pratz, being extremclj' defiroui to Inform
' himfelf of the origin of the American nations, was continiul-
ly enquiring of the old Indians concerning it, and was at laft
fo fortunate as to meet vwith an old man, belonging to the na-
tion of the Jazous, called Moncacht-ape, who was a man of
fcnfc and genius, and having been poffeflcd with the fame cyrio-
lity as himfelfj had fjiared no pains nor fatigue, to get inform-
ation of the country from whence the North American nations
came. With this view be travelled from nation to nation,
expeding to difcover the country from whence their father*
iiad come, or to approach fo near it, u to get fome furer in-
telligence and more particular traditions concerning their ori-
gin. In this expedition, he fpent eight years, and M. Le
Page du Pratz, having infinuated himfelf into his good graces,
by all forts of kindnefs, had from him the following account.

** Having loft my wife and children, I refolved to travel,
*♦ in order to difcover our original country, notwithftanding
*' all the perfuafions of my parents and relations to the contrary,
** I took my way by the high-grounds that are on the calt-
'* era bank of the river St. Louis, that I might only have
the river Ouabache to crofs, in order to join the Illinois,
** at the village of Tamaroua, a confiderable fettlemcnt of the
*1 Canadian French. As the grafs was Ihort, I arrived there
** in a little time. I ftaycd there eight days to reft myfelf,
*' and then coDtinued my route along tic ealtern bank of the
" fame river St. Louis, till I was a little above the place
** where the River MifTouri falls into it.

. *' I then made a raft of caiics or reeds, and crolfed tke ri-
" ver St. Louis, and when I was near the oppoiitc fide. I fuf-

The

IN AMERICA.

«43

The Efqulmaux, (which is an Indian word fig-
nifying an eater of raw-flefh) are, of all Indians
the fierceft, the moft mifchievous, and untameable.
By their beards they are thought originally to pro-

«♦ fercd my raft to be carried down the ftrcam, till I came to
*' the confiux of the two rivers. Here I had the pleafure of
*' feeing the rivers mix, and of obferving how clear the waters
" of the river St. Louis are, before they receive the nuiddy
*' ftreams of the Miflburi. I landed here, and travelled along
« the north fide of the Miflburi, for a great many days, till,
«* at laft, I came to the nation of the M liTouris : — with them I
*' flayed a confiderable time, not only to repofe myfclf after
" my fatigue, but,alfo to learn their language, which is fiioken
<' or underftood by a great many nations. In this country
<' one fcarce fees anything but large meads, above aday's jour-
*' ney, and covered with large cattle. The Miflburis feldom
« eat any thing but fle(h ; — they only cultivate as much maize
" as may fcrvc for a change, and prevent their being cloyed
*♦ with beef and game, with which their country abounds. Dii-
*' rirj the winter, which I fpent with them, the fnow fell to
*' the t'e^t'i of fix feet.

** As Toon as the winter was over, I refumed my journey
** along the banks of the Miflburi, and travelled till 1 came
«' to the nation of the welt, fhie I was told, that it was a
*' long journey to th« ccmtry, f-om whence both they and we
*' came; that I nnlft yc: t-ivel during the fpace of a moon
*' [a month] towards the fource of the Miflburi, that then I
*' fliould turn to the right, and go direilly north, and, at the
*' end of a few days, I ftiould meet with another river, which
*' ran from caft to weft, quite contraiy to the courfe of the
" Miflburi; then I might fall down this river at my eafe upon
♦' rafts, until I came to the nation of the Loutres, or Otters,
" where I might reil, and receive more ample and particular
*' inflviidions.

I i 2 ceed

'11

ill: i?|

t ■

144

BRITISH EMPIRE

ceed from Greenland, and they have fomething
exceffively Ihocking in their air and mien. Their
flature is advantageous and their fkin is white, be-
caufe they never go naked. — They wear t kind of

** In purfuance of thefe dlrciSlions, I travelled up the Mif-
*' Iburi, above a month, being afraid of turning off to the right
*' too foon : when one night after I had kindled my fire, and
*' was going to reft, I perceived fome fmoke at a diftance, to-
** wardi the place where the fun fet; I immediately concluded
*' that this was a party of hunters, who propofcd to pafs the
*' night there, and that probably they might be of the nation
*' of the Loutres. I immediately made towards them, and
*' found about thirty men and fome women. They feemcd to
*' be furprifed, but received me civilly enough. We could only
" underlland each other by ligns. After I had been with them
** three day«, one of the women being near her delivery, Ihe
*' and her hiilband left the company, in order to return home
*' by the "eafieft road, and took me along with them.

" Wc travelled yet up the Milfouri fcven cafy days journey,
** and then went directly north for five days, at the end of
**' which time we came to a river of very fine, clear water.
*' When we came to the place where the hunters had left their
*' canoci, we all three embarked in one of them, and fell down
*■ the river till we came to their village. I was very well
*' received by them, and foon found that this wai indeed the
*• nation of the Loutres, which I was in qucft of. I fpent the
" winter «.ith thtm, and employed myfclf in learning their lan-
*^ guage, which tbev told me vras undcrllood by all the nations,
** which lay between them and the great water.

** The winter was fcarccly enJed, when I embarked in a canoe
** with fome provifions, a pot to rook them, and fomcthing to
•* iir OKI, and defccnded the river. In a little time, I came
** rw a vrrv fmall nation, wbcjfe chief happciu^ig to be upon the
♦» ba::ks, bluntly demanded — Who art thou' What bufnicfs haft

ihirf

I N A M E R I C A. 445

ihlrt made of bladders, or the inteftines of filh,
neatly fewed together; above this they wear a
furtout made of a bear's, or fome other fkin. To
the Ihirt is fixed a cowl or hood, which covers the

thou here ih thy fhort hairs?— I told him my namewat
Moncacht-ape, that I came from the nation of the Loutres,
that though my hair was fhort, my heart wai good, and thea
hinted the defign of my journey. He replied, that though I
might come from the nation of the Loutrei, he faw plainly
I was not one of that nation, and -vondered at my fpcaking
the language. I told him that I had learned it of an old man,
whofe name was Salt-tear. He no fooner heard the name
of Salt-tear, who was one of his friendi, than he invited me
to ftay in his village as long as I would. Upon this I land-
ed, and told him, that Salt-tear had ordered me to fee an old
man, whofe name was the Great Roebuck. This happened
to be the father of the chief: he ordered him to be called*
and the old man received me at if I had been his own fon,
and led me to his cottage.

" The next day he informed me of every thing I wanted to
know, and told me that I Ihould be very hofpitably received
by all the nations between them and the great water, on
telling them I was the friend of the Great Roebuck. I only
ftayed two days longer : I then put on board my canoe a flock
of provifion, prepared from certain fmall grains, lefs than
French peafe, which afford an excellent food, and immediate-
ly embarked, and continued to fail down the river, not flay-
ing above a day with each nation I met with in my way.
" The lafl of thcfe nations is fettled about a day's journey
from tho fea, and about the race of a man [near a league}
from the river. They live concealed in the woods for fear
of the bearded men. I was received by them as if I had
been one of their own countrymen. They are continually
upon their guaul, on account of the bearded men, who do

head,

i4^ BRITISH E M P I R F

head, and terminates in a nift of hair that han ■'s
down over their foreheads : — their Ihirt fills no low-
tr than their loins, ?nd their furtout hangs lower
behind; but that of the worn .n defccnds to her

•* all they can to carry off youag people, without doubt, to
•* make them (lavci. They told me tlicfc ucarded men were
** whites, that they had a long black beard, which fell down
•* upon their brcait, that their bodies were thick and (liort, that
•« their heads wer large, and covered with Itufft, that they
•* w«re always cloathed, even in the hotf ft feafonc, and that
•♦ their cloaths reached to the middle of tht 5r 'cgs, which, as
•• w«ll as their feet, where alfo covered with red or yellow
•* fluffs; that their weapons made a great noife, and a great fire,
« and that when they faw the red men [the natives] we e more
«♦ numerous than themfelves, they retired to a great an^ a
** fmall fliip, without doubt] which contained about ly of
•< them. They added, that thefe ftrangcrs came from n place
•' where the fun feis [the weft] in queft of a loft yc' <w vood,
«' which yields a yellow liquor of a fine fmcll, and which dyes
** a fine yellow colonr; > 1 that obfcrving they came every year
■^■^ as foon as winter was over to fetch this wood, they had, ac-
•*^ cording to the advice of one of their old men, cut down and
*»» deflroyeJ all the trees, fince which time they had not been
" fo often troubled with the vifits of thefe bftardcd men; but
«» that they Hill vifited every ycai- two adjacent nations, who
•' could not imitate their policy, becaufc the yellow wood was
" the only wood their countiy produced ; and that all the neigh-
" bouring nations had agreed to arm and join together, the
«• approaching fummer, in order to deftroy thofe bearded men, at
*' their next coming, and rid the country of them.

" As I had feen fire-arms, ami was not afraid of them, and
«* as the route they purpofcd to take was the way to the nation
" I was in quell of, they propofing my going along with them,
" I readily agreed, and as foon ai famaiev came, I maiched

mid-Iegj

IN AMERICA.

•#»

mid-leg; the men wear bree '^^s made of (kins
with the hair inwards, and *o the outfide

witi. furs ermine. They 1' uc wear pumps
or flioes, m-ide yf ikins, and 1 )ts of the fan e

!i'

" with the warriors of thii natioa to the general rcndczvwii,
•* The bearded men came later than uf'ul this year. AVhilc w«
« waited for them, liic natives flic red me the ^ i^ce where they
** ufcd to lay their great canoe [the Ihip.] It was be*
" twcen two high and long rocks, which formed the mouth of
" a fliallow river, the banks w f ^cre covered with yel-

" low wood. It was agreed to ambufli for the bearded

*' men, and that when they had j, and were bufy in cutting

*« the yellow wood, we flioul e, furround them, and cut
** them off. At the end of fcventeen days, two great canoes
" appeared, and they came to their ulual place between tlie
ocks. The firft thing the bearded men did after their arrival,
'* ( for there were two men privately placed upon the rocks to
" obferve them) wai > fill certain >vooden veffels with watti.
" A the end of the fourth day th j irmcd and landed, an4
" went to cut wood. They had no fooner begun to cut than
" they were attacked on all fides, but notwithltanding our ut-
" moli efforts, we killed but eleven, all the reft gained their
** little canoes, and fled to their great ones, which foon
" launched into the great water, and difappeared.

** Up<m examining the dead, I found them to be lefs than we
" are, and very white ; their bodies were thick, and their heads
" large: about the m" .Idle ■ their head their hair was long.
" They wore no hats as you do, but had their heads bound
" about with a great ^i of fome fort of fluff; their cloaths
" were neither of wi,, x nor hark, but of fonietliing like your
" old fluits, very foft and fine, and of different colour., [filk
" without doubt.] The coveri of their legs and feet were all
" of a piece ; I endeavoured to put on one of them ; but my

.ibove

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248 BRITISH EMPIRE

above them, and, over thofe, other pumps and
boots, with the hairy fide always inwards, and
they are fometimes fliod three or four times in that
manner. Their weapons are arrows, pointed with

•* fcct were too large. Of the eleven that were killed, only
•* two had fire-arms, powder and ball. I tried thefc pieces, and
•* found they did not carry fo fax as yours : their powder was
** mixed of three forts of grain, large, middle, a»d fine ; but
•* the large made the greateft part.

" Thefe were the remarks I made upon the bearded men, after
•* which, leaving the warriors with wh'^ ai I came, to return
" home, I joined thofe nations, who w re fettled upon the
** coaft, farther towards the weit ; and we . llowed the courfe of
** the coaft, which is dircftly between tu. north and the weft.
*' When we came to their fettlements, I obferved that the days
** were a great deal longer than with us, and the nights very
** Ihort. I alked them tha reafon of it, but they could give rae
** none. I refted with them a confiderable time. Their old
*' men told me that it was in vain for me to proceed any far-
** ther. They faid, that the coaft extended itfelf yet a great way
** between the north and weft ; that it afterwards turned Ihort to
** the weft, and having run, for a confiderable diftance, in that
** direftion, it was cut by the fea directly from north to fouth.
*** One of them added, that, at low water, one might fee
** eafily rocks and (hallows in the channel, which had for-
** merly been dry land. They all joined to difluadc me from
*♦ travelling any farther, afliiiiiig me, that the country was cold
** and defert, dcftitiite of animals and inhabitants, and advlfed
** me to return to my own country. I accordingly took their
** advice, and returned by the way that I came.

*' Such is the account Moncacht-ape gave of his travels,
** and M. Le Page du Pratz cbfcrves, tiut the good fenfe and

the

IN AMERICA.

249

tht teetK of a fea-cow, or, when they can pro-
core it, with iron; they are very adive, and all the
fummer live in the open air, and in winter they
lie promifciioufly in caverns. On the fouth of
Hudfon's Bay, being the weftern part of Canada,
lies a vaft track of unknown countries, inhabited
by nations to which we ^are llrangers. The French
mention the Matallins, the Mofonis, the Chrifti-
naux, and Affiniboils. The latter have a dialcft
of their own, and are thought to inhabit a very
diftant country; the other three fpcak the Algon-
quin language. The Chriftinaux live to the north-
ward of Lake Superior. The Indians in the neigh-
bourhood of the River Bourbon, and thofe on the
River St. Terefa, differ intirely in their language;
but it is faid, that a hundred leagues from the
mouth of this river, it is unnavigable for fifty
more ; but that a paflage is found by means of
rivers and lakes which fall into it, and that after-
wards it runs through the middle of a very fine
country, which continues as far as the lake of the

it,

'* and proHity of the man, left him but little room to
«* iloubt of the truth of it. He alfo thinks it probable that the
»' beauled men aft the inhabitants of fomt ifles in the n«igh-
*' bourhootl of ja^n. The (liftance, in a ftrait line, from the
«* YaKOiis to l3ie fartheft nation Moncacht-ape vifited, upon the
<* ftiorcs of the north- weftern ocean, according to the beft efti-
*<■ mate M. du Prati could make, from the number of his days
*♦ journeys, and rate qf travelling, fecms to be about a hyndicd
'* Icdgues."

Vol. I. K k Affiniboils,

' el

250 BRITISH EMPIRE

Afliniboils, from whence the river takes its rife.
Thofe Indians are extremely fuperftitious, and, lil;e
the other Indians of Canada ; — they have notions
of a good and an evil genius; and believe the fun
to be the great divinity of the world. They have
even a fpecies of facrifices, and when they delibe-
rate upon any matter of importance, their co\incils
are attended wlA feveral folemnities. They aflem-
blc at the houfe or cabin of. fomc of then- chiefs by
break of day, and the mafter of it, after lightings
his pipe, prefcnts it three times to the rifmg fun ;
he then turns it with both his hands, from the
call towards the weft, and invokes the favour of the
deity. Thefe nations, though various and diftind:
from each other, generally go under the name of
Savannois, becaiafe of the favannahs, or low lying
grounds, which they inhabit.

The Savannois arc often at war with a kind of
Indians, inhabiting the banks of the Danilh River
and the Sea-wolf River, to the north of Hudfon's
Bay, ^vhich go by the name of Flat-fidcd Dogs ;
but it is obferved, that fuch wars are not attended
with thofe circumftances of horror and cruelty as a-
monft the other Canadians, for they are contented
with keeping one another's captives in prifon. The
Savannois have a notion of a future ftate; they think
that a man who dies old, is born again in the other
w orld at the age of a fucking child, and that if a
man goes young out of the world, when he arrives at

thq

kes its rife.
IS, and, lil^e
have notions
licve the fun
They have
they delibe-
helr councils
They aflem-
eh' chiefs by
?ter lightings
! rifing fun ;
s, from the
'avourofthe
and diftind
he name of
T low lying

h a kind of
)anilh River
)f Hudfon's
idcd Dogs ;
lot attended
cruelty asa-
c contented
prifon. The
; they think
in ,the other
id that if a
^e arrives at
thq

IN AMERICA. 251

the country of fouls, he becomes old! Either
their natural indolence, or the barrcnnefs of their
country, renders the life of theSavannois fo mlfera-
ble, that when their hunting feafon is over, they
are deftitute of provifions, and fome have even
faid that they eat their own fpecies. Their
doarine of tranfmigration has a very fingular
cffea:, for when a man grows old, fo as to be a
burden both to himfelf and his family, he
fixes a rope about his neck, and prefents' the
two extremities of it to the fon he loves bell,
who inftantly flrangles him with the utmoft ala'
crity. The fon-in-law is obliged to live with
the father-in-law in a kind of fervitude till he has
children; and their marriages are aJvays mah
with the confent of their parents. They burn their
dead bodies, and, after wrapping the aihes in the
bark of a tree, they b.iry them in the ground,
and raife a monument to the deceafed, to M'hich
they affix tobacco, and if he was a hunter, his
bow and arrows ; for, with all the barbarians in
almoft every part of the globe, they believe that
the deceafed are fond of the fame enjoyments in
the next wodd, that gave them delight in this.
The charaa:er of a hunter is with them equal to
that of a warrior, and the candidate takes a de-
gree in it much in the nature of that of the an-
cient knights errant. To qualify himfelf for this
degree, the candidate's face muft be painted with
black, and for three days h(? muft tafte nothing ; a

K k 2 teaif

< -il

iti

! 3 ^>1I»II

4^2, BRITISH EMPIRE

fcaft is then prepared, and a morfel of each of
the animals, commonly the tongue and muzzle,
which on other occafioni is the perquilite of the
hunter himfelf, is offered up as a facrifice to the
great fpirit. As to the charaaer of ihofe Indians,
th€y are faid to be a difintcreited kind of people,

and to hate lying.

In all the vaft extent of Canada, there are but
three radical or mother tongues, the Sioux, Al-
gonquin and Huron. As to the firft, it is impoffible
to fay how far it extends ; and neither the French
nor Englifli are much acquainted with thofe who
fpeak it. In their manner of life, all we know
is that they greatly refemble the Tartars ; for
they wander from place to place, but generally
dwell in meadows, under large tents of well
wrought ikins.— Their food is wild oats, and the
flelh of the buffalo. It is thought, by their finia-
tion, and their roving difpofition, as well as rhe
commerce they carry on, that the Sioux, which
name is a contraaion of the word NadoccefTioux,
know more than any other people of the weftern
parts of North America, to.^^^hich the Europeans
are ftill fo much ftrangers. They cut ofl' the
tips of their nofes, and part of the fkin upon the
top of their heads, and fome imagine that they
creatly refemble the Chinefe in their accent and
lan<yuage. Before the Iroquois forced the Hurons
amrOutawas to take refuge amongft the Sioux,
the latter were a harmlcfs people j and though the

IN AMERICA.

253

moft populous of all the Indian nations, till they
became warlike by their intercourfe with thofe iwo
people, they knew little of the ufe of arms.

The Affiniboils inhabit the borders of a lake of
that name, of which the Europeans know very little.
This, perhaps, is the reafon why fo many wonders
are reported of it. Probably it is the refervoir or
iburce of the greateft rivers and lakes in NortJ\
America ; but it is certain that it is next to inac-^
ceflible by reafon of the mountains and woods
which furround it; though its circumference is
fix hundred leagues. Though it lies to the north-
weft of Lake Superior, the climate is faid to be
mild. The natives report, that men are fettled in
their neighbourhood, refembling Europeans, an4
in a country where gold and filvcr is put to the
pioft common ufes, but all thefe ftories are very
wnccrt^ain. As to the Affiniboils themfelves, they
are remarkably phlegmatic ; and in this they differ
froiji their neighbours the Chriftinaux, who are
^c moft volatile and 'talkative of all the Indians,
being perpetually dancing and finging. The Af-
iiniboils are great travellers, formed for fatigue, tall
and robuft in their perfons.

By an acquaintancg with the Algonquin and Hu-
ron languages, a pcrfon may travel one thoufand
five hundred leagues in this country without an in-
terpreter i for though he may vifit above one hun-
dred different nations, each of which has a parti-
oilar idiom, yet he can make himfclf underftood

)v 1 .'..-ki I

154 BRITISH EMPIRE

by all ; and even amongft the Indians of New
Eijgland and Virginia. Towards the north of tlic
ifland of Montreal the country is thinly i>eopled ;
but a few villages belonging to the old inhabitants
are ftill to be met with. Mention is made, parti-
cularly, of the Nipiffings, fo called from a lake
of that name, who are the defcendants of the
Algonquins, and ftill preferve the purity of that
language. As to the Outawas, though formerly
a numerous nation, few of them are now to be
met with. The French eftabliflied fome pofts on
the banks of Lake Superior, where they carried on
trade with the Chriftinaux and Afliniboils. In
ihort, a traveller can know very little of- this
country from the obfervations he may make in
his journeys. He may wander over tboufands of
miles on the banks of the fineft lak^s and rivers
in the world, without meeting with a human
creature ; and thoi^ he does meet, are gene-
rally fo ftupid, fo cruel, fo barbarous or Ihy, as
fcarcely.to deferve that denomination. The few AU
gonquin nations ftill to be fecn appear to be void
of all notions of agriculture, and fubfift upon
filhing and hunting ; and thefe daily dccreafe in
populoufnefs, though they allow themfelves a plu-
rality of wives. Few or none of their nations
contain above fix thoufand people, and many of
them not two thoufand.

The Indians to the fouthward of the river St4
Laurence, as far as Virginia, fpeak the Huron

language.

I N A M E R I C A, 7,35

language, though it is certain, a diflercnt dia-
iedt is ufed in almoft every vUlage ; even
the five nations or cantons, which form the Iro*
quois commonwealth, have each a different pro-
nunciation. It is obferved, that the three radi-
cal languages we have mentioned have annexed
to them three different original proi)crties. The
Sioux, fo far as the Europeans are acquainted
with it, is rather a hiffing than an articulation of
words. The Huron language has great energy,
pathos, and elevation. The miffionarics do not
even fcruple to compare it with the fincft language
that is known. Many have furmifed, that it has
a common origin with the Greek tongue, and
that words of a limilar found and fignification
occur in both. This, if true, would bid fair to
derive the Iroquois and the Hurons from the
Celts, whofe language was the mother of the
Greek; but the Algonquin tongue excels that of the
Hurons in fmoothnefs and elegance. There is
an evident partiality in the French mifi 'aries, in
favour of the Huron nation. According to them,
the true Hurons, who are called Tionnonatez, and
who appear to have been a prerogative tribe
amongft thofe Indians, have an hereditary chief-
tainlhip anfwering to the European royalty, and
their police and form of government is more ra-
tional and regular than thofe of the other Indian
nations, who likewife fall fliort of them in forti-
fying and improving their land, and in their

buildings.

»56 BRITISH fiMPlRE

buildings. They did not adnftit of polygamy j
tnd y€t they were more populous than any of
their neighbouring tribes, and they were in every
refpeft more focial and better polifhed than their
neighbours.^ — But in vain have all European au-
thors fcarched for the maxims, and even the forms
by w^hich thefe people govern themfelves. The
true Hurons are now reduced to two middling
villages at a great diftance from each other, and
yet they govern the councils of all the Indian na«
tions round them. But, notwithflanding all that
the French fay of this favourite race, they feem to
have been inferior in war to the Iroquois ; and
this makes it neceflary to give fomc account of
thofe two nations immediately before the French
fettlemcnt at Qtiebec ; for, as they have no hifto-
tical monuments, we cannot be expedled to give
any certain accounts of them till near that period.

Some years before the time we fpeak of, the Iro-
quois had made a league with the Algonquins»
who poflTefled great tracks of land near Que-
bec, poffibly from Tadouflac to the lake Nipiffing,
and all along the north fhore of the river St. Lau-
rence. The Algonquins had no rivals in all North
America, as hunters and warriors, the only two
manly characters that thofe barbarians have any
idea of. In the alliance between thofe two people
the Algonquins were obliged to prote<5t the Iro-
quois from all invaders, and to let them have a
ihare of their venifen. The Iroquois, on the other

hand,

IN AMERICA.

*57

hand, were to pay a tribute out of the culture of
the earth to their allies, and to perform for thcnl
all the labours of agriculture and the menial du-
ties, fuch as flaying the game, curing the flefh^
and drefling the fkins. By this compromife it is
plain, that the Algonquin nation had the poft of
honour ; but the Iroquois at laft came to be piqued
at the fmall efteem in which they thought their
neighbours held them. By degrees they aflbciatc4
in the hunting matches and warlike expeditions of
the Algonquins, who, at firft, were far from hav-
ing any jealoufy of them ; but, in procefs of time,
the Iroquois began to fancy themfelves as well
qualified as the Algonquins were, both for war and
hunting. One winter, a large detachment of both
the nations went out a hunting, and when they
thought they had fecured a vaft quantity of game,
fix young Algonquins, and as many Iroquois were
fent out to begin the ilaughter. The Algonquin*
by this time, probably, had become a little jealous
of their aflbciates, and, upon feeing a few elks,
wanted them tc go back, on pretence that the Iro-
quois would have employment fufficient in flaying
the game they fliould kill. The fix Algonquins,
however, after three days h rning, killed none,
on which the Iroquois exulted, and in a day or
two they privately kt out to hunt by themfelves,
being provoked by the reproaches of the Algon-
quins for their inferiority. The Algonquins find-
ing the Iroquois gone, and feeing them at night
Vol. I, L I return

I '

■ I

tjt BHItlSH EMPIRE

tetumliden ^th game, cortceivedfo viotenti hlitrecl
j^inft thenii riiat> before morning, they butchered
all thfc Iro(]uoiS who were in the exj^editionk This
bltxkly ihaflk<bre W93 the effedt of that capricious
j^aldufy of which thofe barbarians in general ..ic
fo ftifceptible. In vain did the Iroquois demand
fiitisfadiion^ for they received nothing but infults ;
ib great was the contempt the Algonquins had for
them. Exftfiierateil by this treatment, and yet
tfraid to try rheir ftrength with the Algotiquins>
thef ftifled their refentment ; and to enure them-
ielvfes to War, they fell upon other lefs powerful
nattous^ till, in a ihort time, they became fo well
|>ra6tiied in the art of blood, (for war it ought not
to be called) that they thought themfelves a match
for the Algon^ins, and fell u[K>n them with a
fury, which ihewed as if they could be fatiatcd
tvith nothing lefs than the extermination of the
^Algonquin race.

The Hurons could not be neutral ; for theit
country ^\'as environed by thofe of the two belli-
gerent powers ; they therefore took i^art with the
Algonquins, and the war was carried on, on the
part of the exafperated Iroquois, with diabolical
fury. The Iroquois, it is true, were generally
vi^orious : but no quarter being given on either
fide, the war threatened an utter extind:ion of all
the three nations. Amongft thofe barbarians no
viAory can be decifive : for the numbers in which
they fight, arc fcldom above three or four hun-
dred

I N A M 5; R I C Ai ,(| j9

dred on a fide, ar J every thing bcii^ done by fut-
priic^ the inhabitants of" a whole village, even qf
the conquering party, may be cut off ^U at o(k^
BloQdfhed and lofles ferve only to cxafix?ratc thet^
and the vidors feek death and dagger at fuch di^
tancc* from their own homes, that conque(l itfclf is
fure to diminilh their ni^bers. It is at this pe-
riod of time, that we arc properly to take u^
the hiilory of Canada, which begins with its firft
difcovery, while thofe wars between the Iroquoisi
the Algohquins, which \ye |i;^ve ipo^cn of, an4
HuroBs were raging*

And here we think- it proper to fubjoin the dci
fcription given by father Marquette, a French wri-
ter of the tribe of Indians, known by the name of
Illinois, who differ in: many refpedts from th^
Jroquois and other nations of North America;—,
and with this account we ihall conclude the fec-
tion» . .

The word Illinois, in their language, ^gnU
fies men, as if they ihowld look upon the other
favagps as beafts ; and^ truly, it may be confeffed,
that they arc not altogether in the wrong, for
they have more humanity than moft of the other
Indian nations, and alfo differ from them in mjiny.
of the cufloras and manners which they adopt.

They are divided into feveral villages, whereof
fome arc remete from thofe that I have feen, they
call them Perouarea. But as they live fo fas^

hi z one

r *

6ne from the other, their language is tlfo verj'
different: however, it is a dialcft of the Algon-
quin, and thefe latter are able to underftand
^hat they fay, and to convcrfe with them. They
are good-natured men, tractable and eafy. They
keep feveral wives, and yet they are exceedingly
jealous; they obferve with great care their be-
haviour, and if they find them in any fault as to
their chaftity, they cut their nofes and ears ; and
there are feveral of them, who carry upon their
faces thefe marks of their infidelity.

The Illinois are very well Ihaped, and very
dextrous. They are good marks-men \vith their
arrows and fmall guns, with which they are fup-
plied by the favagei, and have a commerce with
the Europeans. This makes them formidable to
other nations, inhabiting to the wcftward, who
have no arms. The Illinois knowing how much
thefe are frighted at the noife of their guns, make
excurfionl very f&r to the weftward, and being
ilaves from thence, which they barter with other
Indians for the commodities they want. Thofc
nations are altogether ignorant of iron tools, and
their knives, axes, and other inftaiments, are made
of flints, and other iliarp flones. When the Illi-
nois go upon any expedition, the whole village
mufl have notice of it, and therefore they ufe to
make an out-cry at the door of their huts the
evening before they go, and the morning they
arc to fet out. Their captains arc diftinguiflied

from

IN AMERICA.

from the foldiers by certain fcarffs, made with the
hair of bears, or wild oxen, that are curioufly
wrought. They have abundance of game; and
their foil is fo fertile, that their Indian corn feldom
fails, and therefore they feldom fuffer by famine.
They fow beans and melons, which are excellent, and
cfpecially thofe whofe feed is red.

Their cabins are very large ; — they are made,
covered, and paved, with mats of marih rulhcs.
Their dilhes arc of wood, but their fpoons are made
with the bones of the ikuUs of wild oxen, which
they cut fo as to render them very convfenient to
cat their fagamite, or pottage. They hav^ phjrfi-
cians, towards whom they are ry liberal when
they are fick, thinking that the operation of the
remedies they take, is proportionable to the prefents
they make to thofc who have prefcribed them. They
have no other cloaths but the Ikins of beafts. By
an extraordinary fuperftition, feme of the lUinoit
and Nadonefians wear women's apparel. When
they have taken the fame, which they do in their
youth, they never leave it off; and certainly there
muft be fome myftery inth is matter; for they never
marry, and work in the cabins -with women,
which other men think it below then* to do. They
may go, however, to the wars ; but they muft
ufe only a club, and not bows and arrows, which,
are fit, as they fay, only for men. They affift at
all the fuperftitions of their jugglers, and their
folemn dances in honour of the Calumet, at which

they

\ .1

|$« BRITISH J&MpiRE

tiiey may fing, but it is not Uwful for them tf
dnicc. They are called to their councHs, anc^
90tbiiig is determined without their advice; for
tewtfe of their extraordinary way of living, they
aregeBeraliy looked upon as great and incomparably

The Calumet, ^s the moft extraordinary thing }i|
^nWorld. The fccptrea of our kings are no| fo
DBUch refilled; for the iavages l>ave fuch a de-<
£rfe»:e for this pipe, that theyfeemtotlnnkit the gO(t
t^p^9f:Cf and war, and the arbiter of lif<5 and death*
Ope, v^tih this C^umet^ may venlui:^' aipiong hi%
tnfft6^si^ and in the hottcft engagements, they lay
4wtou ^cir arms before the iacjed piipe- Their
CalpiiJct of peace is different fionA,t)iiit: of war.
They make ufc of the former to |«(l;^heit alliances,
aod treaties, to travel with fafety, aind receive ftran^^
gcfs ; and the other is to proclawi war. It is made
of a red Jione, Hkc our marble;, the head is like
car conurion tobacco pipes, but larger; and it is
fixed to a hollow reed m hold it for fraoaking.
They adorn it with ftne feathers of feveral colours^-
sftd they called it the €aiiimet of the fun, to whom
they prefcnt it, efpecially when' they want a change
cf weather, thinking that that ptoet can have
iu> leis refi)edt for it than. men have, and therefore
that th^y ihall obtain their dcfirei. Tl^y dare not
waih themfclves in rivers in the beginning of the
fummer, or taftc tlie new fruit of trees, before
i • ■ , they

IN AMERIC/L

*^l

tky have dinced the '^aiutnet, whidi diqr do m
tbe fbilowing manncf

• Tkisdancxrof cheaiiumet is afolemn oefenioo|'
amofigft the iavages, ^ich they perform upon
tmportaat occaifions, to confirm an alliance^ or
to make peace with their neighbours. They ufe it
alio to entertain any nation that comes to vifit
them; and, in this cafe, we may confider it as their
badl. They perform it in winter time in their
cabins, and in open fields in the fummer. They
chufe for this purpofe, a fet place among trees, t9
&eiter themfelves againft the heat of the fun, and
lay in the middle a large mat as a carpet, fct-
ting upon it the god of the chief of the company
who give the ball; for every one has his [peculiar
god, whom they call manitoa: it is fometimes a
ftone, a bird, a ferpent, or any thing elfe that they
dream of in their ileep; for they think that this
manitoa will profper their undertakings, as filhing,
hunting, and other enterprlfes. To the right of
their manitoa, they place the calumet, as their great
deity, making round about it, a kind of trophy
with their arms. All things being thus def-
pofed, and the hour of dancing coming on, thofe
who are to fing take the moil honourable feats
under the Ihade of the trees, or the green arbours
they make, in cafe the trees be not thick enough to
Ihade them. Every body fits down afterwards
round about, as they come, having firft of all
ikluted the manitoa, which they do by blowing

the

^(Si

■-.I

'^54 BRITISH EMPIRE

the fmoke of their tobacco upon it; afterward^
every one of the company, in his turn, takes the
calumet, and, holding it with both his hands, dan^*
cet with it, following the cadence of the fongs.

This preludium being over, he who is to begin
the dance appears in the middle of the alTembly,
and, having taken the calumet, prcfents it to the
iiin, as if he would invite him to fmoke; then he
moves it into an infinite number of poftures, fome-
times laying it near the ground, then ftretching itt
wings as if he would make it fly, and then pre-
lenting it to the fpedrators, who fmoke with it one
•ftcr another, dancing all the while. This is the
^rft fcene of this favage ball. The fecond is a
fight with vocal and inftrumental mufic (for they
Ixave a kind of drum, which agrees pretty well
with the voices). The perfon who dances with die
calumet, gives a fignal to one of their warriors,
who takes a bow and arrows with an axe, from the
trophies already mentioned, and fights the other,
who defends himfelf with the calumet alone, both
i>f them dancing all the while. The fight beingj
over, he who holds the calumet makes a fpeech,
wherein he gives an account of the battles he has
fought, and the prifoners he has taken, and then
receives a gown, or Ibme other prefent from the
chief of the ball : he then gives the calumet to
another, who having afted his part, delivers it to
a third, and lb to all the others, till the calumet
returns to the captain, who prefents it to the nation

iDvited>

IN AMERICA.

265

invited unto the feaft, as a mark of their friendihip,
and a confirmation of their alliances.

Such is the account of the ceremonies of thefe
people, which, for their oddity, we thought
worth prefenting to the reader, and with which
we ihall conclude, for the prefent, our account of the
Indian nations inhabiting North America, and pro-
ceed to fpeak of the French fettlement of Canada,
now, both by conqueft and ceflion, become a pro-
vince of the Britilh empire.

O F C A N A D A.

CABOT, the famous Italian adventurer, who
failed under a commiffion from Henry the Se-
venth of England, was the firft who difcovered that
vaft extent of country, that now goes under the
name of Canada ; but the frugal maxims of that
prince, probably, hindered his making any regular
fetdement there. The difcovery, however, took air,
and we find the French fifhing for cod on the
banks of Newfoundland, and along the fea-coaft
of Canada, in the beginning of the fixteenth cen-
tury. Nay, about the year 1506, one Denys, a
Frenchman, drew a map of the Gulph of St, Lau-
rence, and within about 'two years, Aubert, a
Ihip-mafler of Dieppe, carried over to France
feme of the natives of Canada. Some time after,
the Spanilh conquefls in South America began to
make a great noife all over Europe ; but the difco-

VoL, I. Mm very

266

BRITISH EMPIRE

•very of this new country not promiling the fame
amazing mines of gold and filver that Peru and
Mexico contained, the French, for fome years,
feem to have entirely neglected it. Francis I.
of France, a fenfible and enterprifing prince, at
laft, in the year 1523, fent four Ihips, under the
command of Verazani, a Florentine, to profecute
\difcoveries in that country. We are in the dark
is to the particulars of Verazani's firft expedition.
All we know is, that he returned to France, and
the next year he undertook a fecond, in which he
touched at the iiland of Madeira, from whence he
directed his courfe to the American coaft. In ap-
proaching it, he met with a violent ftorm ; but
came fo near the coaft, that he faw the natives on
Ihore, and could difcern Ihem making friendly
iigns inviting him to land. This being found im-
pra«5ticable, by reafon of the furf upon the coaft,
one of the failors threw himfelf into the fea ; but,
endeavouring to fwim back to the fhip, a furge
threw him on fhore, without figns of life. He was,
however, treated by the natives with fuch care and
humanity, that he recovered his ftrength, and Was
fufFered to fwim back to the Ihip, which immedi-
ately returned to France; and this is all that is
known of Verazani's fecond voyage. After this,
he embarked on the third expedition, but was
no more heard of; and it is thought that he and
all his company periftied before he could form
any colony.
"'^ ' Though

IN AMERICA.

267

Though Canada gave the French no aflurance of
gold, filver, or diamond mines, yet they kdew '
enough of the country to be fenfible of the vaft
importance to which it might arrive. Not difcou-
raged, therefore, by Verazani's want of fuccefs,
one Jaques Cartier, a native of St. Malo, in April,
1534, fet fail, under a commiflion from the French
king, and, on the tenth of May following, he ar-
rived at Cape Bonavifta in Newfoundland. He
had with him two fmall ihips, containing one
hundred and twenty-two men, and he cruifed
along the coaft of Newfoundland, on which he
difcerned inhabitants, probably the Efquimaux, in
the drefs we have defcribed. But though he found .
many commodious harbours, yet the land was le
uninviting, and the climate fo cold, that he fet
fail for the gulph, and entered the Bay of Cha-
leurs, or Heats, as he called it, on account of the
fultry weather he then met with. This bay is
by fome called Spanifh Bay. Leaving it, Cartier
landed at feveral other places along the coaft of
the gulph, and took poUeffion of the country in
the name of his moft Chriftian majefly — a cheap
method of obtaining dominion, — Returning to
France, that monarch, upon his report, in 1535,
gave him a commiflion, and fent him out with a
large force. After meeting with various ftorms
and feparations, the three Ihips he had with him
rendczvoufed in the gulph ; but he was compelled
by St tempeft to take refuge in the port of St.

M m a Nicholas.

a68 BRITISH EMPIRE

Nicholas. From thence he failed, on the tenth of
Augult, and gave the gulph the name of St. Lau-
rence, from his entering it on the day of that fefti-
val; and the river now^ retains the fame name.
Faffing by the ifle of Anticofti, to which he gave
the name of AflTumption, he failed up the river Sa-
guenay, and anchored by a fmall illand to which he
gave the name of Coudres, or Hazels, from the num-
bers of thofe trees growing upon it. Returning
from thence, and proceeding up the river St.
Laurence, he came to an illand fo full of vines,
that he called it the ille of Bacchus ; but it now
goes by the name of Orleans. He had, the laft
time he was in Canada, the precaution to cany
two Americans with him to France, where they
learned as much of the language as enabled them
to ferve for interpreters between him and their coun-
trymen. Sailing up a fmall river, he had an inter-
view with an Indian chief called Donnacona, and
he then heard of an Indian town, called Hochela-
ga, which was, as it were, the metropolis of the
whole country, lying on an ifland, now known by
the name of Montreal, provided with fome kind of
palifadoes, and other works fufficient to defend it
againlt a fudden attack. The* inhabitants proba-
bly were the Hurons, whom we have already men-
tioned, and they treated Cartier and his at-
tendants^ with an equal degree of hofpitality and
aftoniihment at their perfons, drefs, and accoutre-
ments. He had at this time with him only one
-ihip, and two long boats, having left the reft at

... St,

IN AMERICA.

169

St. Croix, to which he returned, and there fpent
the winter, which proved fo fevere, that he and his
people muft have perifhed of the fcurvy, had they
not, by the advice of the natives, made ufe of a
decoAio'n of the bark and tops of the white pine.
Carrier was ungenerous enough to kidnap his In-
dian friend, Donnacona, and to carry him, in the
fpring, to France. But, not being able to produce
gold and filver, all he faid about the utiliy of the
fettlement, and the fruitfulnefs of the country was '
defpifed by the public ; fo that in the year j 540,
he was obliged to ferve as pilot to monfieur de Ro-
berval, who was by the French king appointed
viceroy of Canada, and who failed from France •
with five veflels. Arriving in the Gulph of St.
Laurence, they built a fort, and Roberval left Car-
tier to command a garrifon in it, and went back in
perfon to France, from whence he returned with
additional recruits to his new fettlement. He after-
wards failed up the river St. Laurence, as far as that
of Saguenay, where, by means of a Portuguefe,
he endeavoured, but in vain, to find out a north-
wefl: paflage to the Eaft Indies. The expeditions
and captivity of Francis L for fome time, diverted
the attention of the French from improving this
fettlement; but in 15491 Roberval and his bro-
ther, of whom we have a great charader, with a
numerous train of adventurers, embarked for the
river St. Laurence, and never were heard of

more.

This

■i

i70 BRITISH EMPIRE

This fatal accident difcouraged the public, and
government of France fo greatly, that fof fifty
years no meafures were taken for fupplying the
French fettlcrs that ftill remained in Canada. At
laft, Henry IV. apix)inted the marquis de la Roche.
a Breton gentleman, lieutenant-general of Canada,
Hochelaga, Newfoundland, Labrador, and the
l>ay and river of St. Laurence, This gentleman
fet fail in a Ihip from France, in the year 1598,
and landed on the Ifle of Sable, which lies about
fifty leagues to the fouth-eaft of Cape Breton, and
rfiirty-five eaftward of Canfo. The marquis abfurdly
thought this to be a proper place for erecting a
fettlement but no place could be more unfit for it
than this was, being fmall, and without any port,
producing nothing but briars. It is narrow, and
has the Ihape of a bow. In the middle of it
is a lake about five leagues in compai*r>, and the
ille itfelf is about ten. It has a fand-br nk at each
end, one of which runs north-eaft and by ealt, and
the other fouth-eaft. It has fand-hills, which may
be fcen feven or eight leagues off. The hiftory
of the fettlcrs contains the hiftory of this ex-
pedition. The manjuls, after cruifing for fome
time on the coaft of Nova Scotia, returned to
France, without being able to carry them off the
miferable ifland ; and there he died of grief for
having loft all his intereft at that court. As for
his wretched colony, they muft have periftied had
not a French Ihip been wrecked upon the ifland,
and a. few llieep driven upon it at the fame time.

ame time.

tN AMERICA. vpi

With the boards of the wreck they ercAed huts ;
with the fheei, ^^^V Supported nature, and when
they had cat them up they lived on filh ; but their
deaths wearing out, they made coats of feals-fkins,
and in this miferable condition they fpent feven
years, when Henry IV. ordered Chetodel, who
had been pilot to La Roche to bring them to
France. Chetodel found only twelve of them
alive, and when he returned, Henry had the curio-
fity to fee them in their feal-lkin drcfles ; and their
appearance moved him fo much, that he ordered
them a general pardon for their offences, and gave
each of them fifty crowns to begin the world wirii
anew.

Though La Roche's patent had been very ample
and exclusive, yet private adventurers had ftill tra-
ded to the river St. Laurence, without any notice
being taken of them by the government. Amongft
others was one Pontgrave, a merchant of St. Malo,
who Ijad made feveral trading voyages for furs to
Tadouffac. Upon the death of La Roche, his pa-
tent was renewed in favour of Chauvin, a command-
der in the French navy, and he put himfelf under
the diredtion of Pontgrave. In the year 1600,
Chauvin, attended by him, made a voyage to
Tadouffac, where he left fome of his people,
and returned with a very gairtful quantity of furs
to France. Next year he renewed the fame voyage
with the like goo4 fortune, but he died while he
was preparing for the third. The many fpecimens

ftT* BRITISH EMPIRE ^

«f orof' .o brmade by the Canadian trade, had Ie<f
llK»fr ., Ji to think tavourably of it ; and de Chatte,
Ihe govcinr of Diep[)c, Picceeded Chauvin, as
governor of Canada. DcChac *s fcheme feems to
L,jve been, to hi? ve carried on that trade with France
by a company of Rouen merchants and adventu-
fcfi. An armament for ii s purpofe was accord-
ingly equipped, and the command of it given to
Pontgravc, with powers to extend his difcoverics
up the River St. Laurence. Pontgravc with his
fquadron failed in 1603, having in his company
Samuel Champlain, afterwards the famous founder
of Quebec, who had been a captain in the navy,
and was a man of parts and fpirit. Arriving at
Tadouflac they left their fliips there, and in a long-
boat they proceeded up the river as far as the FallLi
of St. Louis, and then returned to France. By
this time de Chatte was dead, and was fucceeded in
his patent by the Sieur De Monts, whofe commit-
fion for an exclufive fur-trade extended from forty
to fift}^-five degrees of north latitude, that is, from
Virginia almoft to the top of Hudfon's Bay. He
had. I'kewife the power of granting lands as far as
forty-iix ; and being lieutenant-gentral of that
waole extcnfive province, it may be faid that it
was at his difpofal. The French merchants ^vzrc
now fo well reconciled to the Canadian trade, th ':'■;.'
Monts was foon enabled to form a company iiiore
confidcrable than any that had yet undertaken it,
and >-!io refolved to avail tliemfelves of their ex-

Clulivc v'TJt. With

IN AMERICA;

With this view they fitted out fourfliips: D(-
Monts in perfon took the comma I of two of thcr
and was attended hy Champlain, and a gentleman,
called Pontrincourt, with a number of volnnrcer
adventurers. Another of the Mps was deftined
to carry on the fur-trade at Tadoulfac, and the
fourth was given to Pontgravc, who, after touch-
ing at Canfo, in Nova Scotia, was ordered to fcour
the fea between Cape Breton and St. John's Ifland ;
and to clcai- k of all interlopers. It was on the
feventeenth of March, 1614, when De Monts, fail-
ed from Havre dc Grace, and, touching at Acadia:
he there confifcated the Nightingale, an interlop-
ing veflel which he found in the harbour.
— He then fleered towards another haven,
which he called Mutton-haven, on account of a
iheep that tumbled over board there, and where
he remained for a month. Charnplain was all
this while in a long-boat in fearch, of a proper
fituation for a fettlement, and at lafl he pitched
upon a little ifland which he called by the name of
L'ifle de St. Croix, about twenty leagues to the
weftward of St. John's River, and about half a
league in circumference. He was followed to this
ifland by M. De Monts; but it foon appeared that
they had made a very injudicious choice of a fitua-
tion fur a fettlement ; for though the corn they
fowcd there produced very line crops, and though
they had been very fuccefsful in clearing the
^^^- I' N n ground.

174 BRITISH EMPIRE.

ground, they found themfelves, when winter came
on, without frelh water, without wood for firing,
and, to crown their misfortunes, without frelh
provifions. To fave themfelves the trouble of bring-
ing frelli water from the continent^ many of the
new fettlcrs drank melted fnow, which filled the
little colony with difeafes, particularly the fcurvy,
ind fwept many of them off. Thofe inconvenien-
ces determined De Monts to remove his fettlement
to Port Royal, which has fince been called An-
napolis Royal, and which, during the winter, had
been difcovered by Champlain. By this time,
Pontgrave was returned to St. Croix from France;
and found that colony almoft ruined, but agreed
with De Monts in fettling at Port Royal. Pontrin-
court was fo much enamoured of this new fitua-
tion, that De Monts, in virtue of his commiffion,
made it over to him, and appointed him, at the
fame time, to be his lieutenant-general, upon Pon-
trincourt's propofing to fend for all his family to fet-
tle at Port Royal. De Monts then returned to
France, where matters had taken a turn not at
all in his favour; for the French court began to
think they had gone upon very miflaken maxims
in the exclufive privilege that had been granted
him. The maders of the fifhing vefltls, the bed
trade which France then had, made the miniftry
fenfible that De Monts, on pretence of preventing
the trading with the natives, kept them from the
nccellarics fit for filhing, and that they were upon

the

IN AMERICA.

175

thei)oint of abandoning the fiiheries; upon which
Dc Monts's patent was revoked, though ten yean
of it were ftill to run. This did not damp De
Monts; he entered into new engagements with
Pontrincourt, who was then likcAvife in France;
and the latter again failed for America, in an arm-
ed veflel from Rochelle in 1606. By the time they
had arrived at Canfo, the fettlement at Port Royal,
which had been left to the care of Pontgrave, was
reduced to fuch difficulties, that he was obliged
to re-imbark all the inhabitants but two, whom
he left to take care of the effecfls he could not car-
ry off. Before he left the bay of Fundy, he heard
of Pontrincourt's arrival at Canfo, upon which
he returned to Port Royal, where the other ar-
rived about the fame time. The relief which
Pontrincourt brought to his infant colony, came
fo feafonably that it again held up its head; but
its profperity was, in a great meafurc, owing to
the fpirit and abilities of Le Carbot, a French law-
yer, who, partly from friendlhip to Pontrincourt^
and partly through curiofity, had made this voy-
age. At this time, Pontgrave, the ableft man by
far of any concerned in the projed, had refigned
his command, and all concerns with Pontrincourt;
and De Monts, who had fomewhat retrieved his
affairs, abandoned all connexion with Acadia, and
was applying himfelf tothc fur-trade at Tadouffac.
His company, who never had forfaken him, fitted
out two fliips, which failed for the River St. Lau-

rei»ce

::r; !

' ''5?

^76 BRITISH EMPIRE

rence in the fprlng of the year 1608. THe fur-
trade was now become very confiderablc, and the
company, which was mollly compofed of St. Male
merchants, throve exceedingly ; but De Monts,
finding their interefls were hurt by his remaining
at their head, entirely withdrew from the aflbcia-
tion; upon which the company was re-inftated in
their privileges, and the ufe which they made of
them, was for thei- private emolument.

Very different w^ere the views of Champlain,
who, after examining all the moft promifing places
in Acadia, and on the river St. Laurence, at lafl
chofe Quebec to fettle in. He arrived there on the
third of July, 1608, and, after building fome bar-
racks for lodgings for his people, he began to clear
the ground where they fowed wheat and rye, which
produced vafl returns. Champlain then went back
turned to France, but revifited his colony in 16 10,
and found them in a healthful, profperous condi-
tion. It was at this time that the Iroquois bade
fair to -exterminate the Algonquins, and the Hu-
rons, in whofe country Quebec was fituated, and
who, in hopes of the French afliflance, were ex-
tremely complaifant to the new fettlers. Champ-
lain, on the other hand, did not fail to give them
all the encouragement they could defire, and fup-
plied them with provifions when the hunting fea-
fon was over, and when they were reduced to the
grcatcft diftrcfs. The Hurons, in the f])ring of the
year 16 jo, widi their afTociatcs, prepared to take

the

' 11* AMERICA. 27^

the fidd, and Champlain, ignorant of the great
power and fiercenefs of their enemies, was perKiad-
ed to join With them. This ftep was impolitic
in Champlain, who did not forefee that, inftead
of humbling the Iroquois, and uniting all the In-
dians of that continent with France, he was for-
cing the Iroquois to throw themfelves under the
proteftion of the Englilh and Dutch. He em-
barked on the River Sorel, then called the River
of the Iroquois, with his allies; but after advanc-
ing up it for about fifteen leagues, he was flop-
ped by the Fall of Chambly, and forced to fend
back his chaloup to Quebec. Though he had
been affured that this Fall would flop his chaloup,
he continued to march, attended only by two French-
men, who refufed to leave him. Having carried
their canoes over the bearing places, as they are
called, they launched them again above the Fall,
and then he purfued their voyage through a lake, to
which he gave his own name, which it Hill re-
tains, and where the River Sorel ends. They
aftenvards found a fecond fall at the farther end at
the communication with Lake Sacrament.

During this voyage, Champlain received great
pleafure from the promifing appearance of the
illands by which he had pafled, but was lliocked
by the fuperftitions of his new allies, and the im-
pofitions of their fpiritual jugglers. One of thofe
always attends upon their armies, and covering
himfelf up with Ikins, from thence he emits various

founds.

»7S iBRITISH EMPIRE

founds, but fuch as do not refcmblc hur^stn, and
ivibich he pretends come from the god of war.
The fame jugglers pretend to the fpirit of divina-
lion ; and when Champlain ufed to reproach them
for their repeated failures, in what>they had fore-
told, they had always fomc excufe ready. The
tricks of thofe mountebanks, however, were at-
tended with one very bad effed:, that they infpircd
their votaries with a fpirit of raflinefs and care-
leflhefs, by generally prediding to them good fuc-
<3efs.

Upon the borders of the Lake Sacrament ftood
the Iroquois it battle array, though the Hurons
thought to have furprifed them in their village.
It being then late, it was agreed, on both fides,
to defer the battle till next morning. Champlain
in the meantime, attended by a party of his fa-
vages, and his two Frenchmen, withdrew to a
neighbouring wood ; fo that the Iroquois, who
were in number about tw^o hundred, feeing but a
handful of their enemies, made themfelves fure of
vkflor)'. They were commanded by three chiefs^
who were diftinguilhed by larger plumes of feathers
on their heads, than thofe the others wore, tnd
were pointed out by the Hurons to Champlain,
who, as foon as the battle began, ifllied with hisf
party out of his retreat, and, with the firft dii^
charge of his firelock, killed two of their chiefs,
and dangeroufiy wounded the third. The confter-
jiation and ailoniihment of the Iroquois at the ap-
pearance

IN AMERICA. 47^

pcirance of Champlain with his two companions,
as well as at the report and execution of his fire-
anns, was inexpreffiblc; and, while he was recharg-
ing his mulkct, his two companions having kill-
ed fome more of the Iroquois with theirs, the ene-
my fell into a total rout, and fled as faft as they
could before the vidiorious allies, who killed fome^
and took others prifoncrs. The allies then, hav-
ing none killed, and only fourteen or fifteen wound-
ed, fell upon the fpoils of the field, confiiling of
fome maize, which they devoured, and it proved
a very feafonable relief to them, their own pro-
vifions being now entirely exhaufted.

As amongft thofe barbarians, the conquerors, as
well as the conquered, make their retreat with
all the difpatch they can, the vid:or Hurons, af-
ter travelling about eight leagues, flopped and inti-
mated to one of their captives, that he muft die by
the fame cruel torments that his nation had fo
often inflicted upon their brethren, who had fall-
en into their hands. Champlain ftrongly remon-
(Irated againft this jnhumanity ; but all he could
gain, either by his authority, or his intreatics,
was, that he ftiouid be mailer of the captive's fate,
upon which he immediately Ihot him dead. The
vidors then opened the body, threw the bowels
into the lake, cut off the head, the arms, and
legs, but without touching the trunk, though be-
fore they have been faid to feed upon it. The
French lay, they kept the Icalp, and cut the heart

^So

BRITISH EMPIRE

in pieces, which they forced the prifoners to eat m
fmall pieces; but that the brother of the c^eceafed,
who \vas amongft the captives, fpit out his part
after it had been crammed into his mouth. The
nations of the allies, in this expedition, were the
Algonquins, the Hurons, and the Montagnez.
The firft remained at Quebec; the fecond retreat-
ed to their own country, and the lafl to Tadouflac,
where they were joined by Champlain. As they
approached that village, they tied the fcalps to long
poles, as the fignals of their triumph. Their wo-
men no fooner faw them than they threw theni-
ielves into the river, fwam to their canoes, and
feizing upon the fcalps, hung them round their
necks by way of ornament. They offered one to
Champlain, but he refufed it, and they made him
a prefent of fome bows and arrows, which they
had taken from the enemy, and which they begged
Mm to prefent to the French king, he being now
upon his return to France.

Champlain, not meeting with a Ihip at Tadolif-
lac, returned to Quebec, from whence he and
Pontgrave once more embarked for France, leav-
ing the command of their promifing colony to Pe-
ter Chauvin. They waited upon his moll Chriflian
majefly at Fontainblcau ; and then it was that Ca-
nada received the name of New France, by which
the French afterwards affeded to diftinguilh it.
Two merchants, I.e Gendre and Collier, chiefs of
the compan}^, foon procured two new ihips for

Cham-

r, chiefs of

IN AMERICA. 281

Champlain and Pontgrave, and, embarking on the
feventh of March, 16 10, they arrived the twenty,
fixth of April at Tadouffac, There they put them-
fclves at the head of the Montagnez, and proceedr
ing up to Quebec, the allies again marching to the
river Sorel, which w^as the place of rendezvous ;
but when Champlain arrived there, he was no;
joined by near fo many Indians as he expcfted;
and he was there obliged to abandon his chaloup!
No fooner was he landed than all his Indians dif»
perfed, and he was left alone with four French,
men, the reft of the crev/ remaining to guard hi-j
chaloup. He began to be diftrefled by the Av^m,
pinefs of the ground over which he was obliged
to march, and the continual bitings of the gnats
and vermin that infefted the air, when one of his
favages came running, to tell him that bis allies
were engaged with their enemies, Upon this he
quickened his pite, and foon fouqd that the Hurons
and Algonquins, having attacked their enemies ip
their intrenchments, had met with a repulfe ; but he
and his party being reinforced by feycn French-
men, made fo furious an attack, that almoft all
the Iroquois were killed or taken prifoners. While
the vl^flor Indians were exercifing their ^nielti^s
upon thevanquilhed, Champlaii; r^quefled his al,
lies to give him one of th^ Iroquois captives,
which thay did. He likewife prevailed upon theQi
to receive a Frenchman into their fociety, thai- he
might learn their language, and Xo fend a youi:ig
Vol, I, Q Q Hvro;i

£92

BRITISH EMPIRE

Huron to France, in order to fee that kingdom,
that he might make a favourable report of the
fame to his friends and countrymen upon his
return.

Henry IV. being dead by this time, by De Mont*s
advice, Champlain applied to Charles of Bourbon,
count of Soiflbns, to be the father of New France,
an honour which that prince readily accepted of,
and, having obtained a proper commiffion from
the queen-regent, he nominated Champlain to be
his lieutenant with unlimited powers. The count
dying foon after, the government of Canada, or
New France, devolved upon the prince of Conde,
who continued Champlain in his government.
Some commercial differences that happened amongft
the company detained Champlain in France all the
year 1612; and, on the fixth of March, 16 13, he
embarked on board a veflel commanded by Pont-
grave, for Quebec, before which place he landed
on the feventh of May. They found the Quebec
colony in fo thriving a flate that they immediately
proceeded up to Montreal, and foon after Cham-
plain returned to France with Pontgrave. But
in 1615, he formed fomc new engagements
with the merchants of Paris, Rouen, and Ro-
chclle ; which were confirmed by the prince of
Conde, who had now afliimed the title of viceroy
of New France.

Champlain, leaving the Recollefts, went to Mont-
real, where he had another interview with his favage

allies,

IN AMERICA.

allies, and undertook to head them in a third expe*
dition againft the Iroquois. By this condud he
made himfclf cheap^ in the eyes of the Indians ;
but fo llrong was his propenfity to adion, that he
left Caron, one of the Recollea: fathers, who had
attended him, with the Hurons, and took their
promifc that they would not fet out on their expe-
dition, till his return from Quebec, whither he
was called by fome bufinefs.

This Caron was a thorough enthufiaft, and af-
pired to the crown of martyrdom. The favages
regarded Champlain fo little, that they fet out
for Montreal before he returned from Quebec, and
carried Caron with them and fome other French-
men. Champlain difpatching his bufinefs at Que-
bec, returned to Montreal with two- French-
men, and was there joined oy ten more of his coun-
trymen, that had been brought by Caron from Que-
bec, but found no Hurons. Though the difre-
gard ihewn him by the favages might have excufed
Champlain from fulfilling his engagements, yet,
pretending to be greatly concerned about Caron,
he proceeded to the Huron village, where he met
with his allies. Being now at the head of about
twelve Frenchmen, befides father Caron, who
thirfted to ihed the blood of unbelievers, he thought
himfelf invincible, and fetting out at the head of
his allies, found his enemies intrenched in a fort,
of no mean conftruftion for defence, with tree^
cut down to block up the paflages to it. Cham*

O o 2 plain

ti4 BRITISH EMPIRE

plain immediately led his party to the affault, but
was rcpulfcd with lofs. He endeavoured to fct
fire to the fort ; but the Iroquois Ibrefeeing that,
had provided plenty of water, which extinguilhcd
the flames. He then conftrufted a kind of a
wooden ftage, to overlook the building, fo as that
his mufqueteers being placed on it, might fire
down upon the enemy. Before this expedient took
effed:, he was wounded in the leg and knee, which
ilruck the favages with fo much dejection, that
th^y refufed to follow him ; and he was obliged to
abandon the attack with lofs indeed, but with-
out being purfued or lofing a man in his retreat,
which continued for five and twenty leagues, the
favages carrying their wounded all that way upon
hurdles.

After Champlain was cured of his wounds, he
demanded the guides that hadbeen promifed him, to
re-condu(fthim to Quebec; but they were tlv^nied him
in the harfheft manner, and he %vas therefore oblig-
ed to fpend the winter amongft the favages. He
then made the bell ufe he could of his time. He
vifited all the Huron villages, and penetrated into
thofe of the Algonquins, as far as the lake Nepif-
fing ; and as foon as the river became navigable,
having engaged ibme Hurons to be faithful to him,
he fecretly embarked with them, and arrived at
Quebec, with father Caron, on the eleventh of
July, 1616. Both of them were received with
the grcateft joy, and having flaid there for i

month,

eiltiniedhim

IN AMERICA. 2t^

month, Champlain, the fuperior of the mUfion,
and Caron, took fhipping for France, leaving only
t\vo of the Recolkds, D'Olbeau, and Dupleflys,
In New France.

During his abfence, his Indian allies giving vent
to the lulpicions they entertained of the French
intentions, formed a defign of cutting the throats
of all the French who were amongft them.
Champlain had fettled at Trois Rivieres a fmall
French colony, and two of them were murdered
by the natives, who aflembled, to the number of
eigh : hundred, near that place, to carry their bloody
intentions into execution. Champlain, returning
from France, demanded to have the murdereri
of the two Frenchmen delivered up to him. One
of them was fent, and along with him a quantity
of furs to cover the dead, which is an Indian ex-
preifion for making fatisfaftion for murder; and
he was obliged to put up with that kind of
atonement. In the year 1620, the prince of Conde
fold the vice-royalty of New France to his brother-
in-law, the raarlhal Montmorenci, who continued
he in his lieutenancy, but intruded all the
other affairs of Canada to M. Dolu. Champlain
then carried his family over to New France, where
they arrived in the month of May ; and fo greatly
was the company abufed, that at Tadouffac, he
found traders from Rochelle, not only trafficking
with the favages, but bargaining with them for fire-

arms,

lS6

BRITISH EMPIRE

arms, the rtioft pernicious commerce that could be
introduced, for the colony. — In the year 162 1, the
Iroquois ailembled in three bodies, being deter-
mined, if poffible, to exterminate the French from
asnongilthem; perhaps not more, from any refentment
againft them, than to gratify that vindiftrve fpirit
which they entertained againft the Algonquins and
the, Hurons. One of thofc bodies attacked the
pafs at the Falls of St. Louis, but were repulfed ;
fome of them ^vere killed, and others fled, carry-
ing with them Poulain, a French Recoiled. The
French, in vain, endeavoured to refcue him ; but
they gave one of their captives liberty to re-
pair to his countrymen, and to propofe to ex-
change the Recoiled: for one of the Iroquois chiefs,
who had been made prifoncr. The captive arrived
at the Iroquois village, juft as the fire was prepared,
for putting the Recoiled to a miferable death ;
but the terms he propofed were accepted of, and
the exchange was made. The fecond body of the
Iroquois went down in thirty canoes to attack the
convent of the Recolleds near Quebec ; but find-
ing the enterprife too hazardous, they fell upoij. a
party of the Hurons in the neighbourhood, and,
making fome prifoners, they burned them. There
is no account of what became of the third body.
Champlain, at this time, received a letter from his
moft chriftian majefty, highly approving of his
condud, and confirming him in his command ;
while the vice-roy, by another letter, exhorted him

I If AM E R'l G AM

tSf

t6 do all the fcrvice h^ cot]d to liie neW pt-
tcntees.

The whoI<j colony it Quebec did not ejcceod

the number of My pcrlbns, men, women, and chil-
dren; but an eftablilhment had been formed &t
^Trois Rivieres, and a brifk trade continued to be
carried on at Tadouflac. — The Hurons, at tha
time, notwithftanding all the fervices Champlpin
had done them, began to fufpcdt the views of the
French upon their habitations, and to hate them
even worfe than they did the Irocjuois, whom they
invited to join them ia an attempt to exterminate
the French fettlers in their common country,
Champlain, having undoubted intelligence of their
•defign, difpatched father Caron and two other
miffionaries, to keep the Hurons firm to their alli-
ance with the French ; but not trufting to this mif-
fion, he built the fort of Quebec, allof ftone, for
.the better proteftion of his colony. No fooner
was it finilhed, than his volatile humour, to the
amazement of the colonics, led him back to
France, to which, at the fame time, he carried his
family. From whence a body of fivejefuits was
font, under the condud of William de Caen, to
Canada, who was accufed of favouring Calvi-
nifm, and injuring the mifllon. — A few days
after their arrival, as two of the moll zealous
of them were preparing to fet out for the conver-
fion of the Hurons, they heard of the death of
Viel, and a young chriilian convert, who had been

overfet

1 :

mh1Bn9

■r

]

1
■■ 1

tZt EIIITX$H EMPIRE

overfet in a boat by thofe barbarians, feemingly
with defign, as they feized upon their baggage.
To the religious dilputcs that prevailed in France,
it wzSf molt probably, owing that, about the
year 1626, Quebec began to aflume the face of a
city; but as it was under a Hugonot direction, the
jefuits prevailed with the duke De Ventadour, to
write a Iharp letter to Caen, whom they reprefent-
ed as being the author of all the difficulties they
met with. This divided ftate of the colony had
almoft ruined it. The natives maflacred the French
wherever they could fecurcly do it, and religious
difputes in the colony came to fuch a height, that,
in 1627, when Champlain returned to Quebec, he
found no advances had been made, either ir^ uuild*
ing houfes or clearing the ground ■'•'.

* Richelieu was then the firft minlfter of France, whofe
charafter is well known to th? world, He hated the French
proteftants, and rpfolv?d entirely to alt?r the conftitution of
Quebec, by putting that colony and its trade into the hands of
» hundred partners, under the following regulations,— Firft, That
the partnerfhip (hould next year (1628) fend over to New France
two or three hundred workmen of all kinds ; and before the year
1645, engage to augment the French inhabitants to tlie number of
iixteen thoufand ; to lodge, n^aintain, and find them in ail neceffa-
rlcs for three years, and then to make an equal diftribution amongft
them of the lands that (hould be cleared, according to their refpec-
tive wants, fiirni(hing each family with feed to fow. Secondly,
That no colonift, who was not a native Frenchman, (hould be
admitted iu New France; and that all Hugonots, as well ad
ftrangers, (hould be excluded. Thirdly, That in every diftri^, at
\ciHtf three prielts ibould be mainuined, whom the partnerfhip was

Charles

IN AMERICA.

289

Charles the FIrfl quarrelling with France, David
Kertk, commonly called Sir David Kirk, a native
of Dieppe (probably inftigated by Caen, who was
piqued at having loft his cxclufive privilege) re-

to fupply with all neceflarles both for their perfons and miffions for
fifteen years; after which time they were to live upon ti-.o cleared
lands that were to be affigned them.

On the other hand, his moft chriftlan majefty, to indemnify the
partnerlhip for thofe expences, gave up to them in perpetuity the
fort and diftrift of Quebec, with all the territory of New France,
comprehending that part of Florida which had been fettled by his
predeccirors, with all the courfe of the Great River, till it dif-
charges itfelf into the fea; with alltheifles, ports, havens, mines,
and liberies, contained in that vaft extent of territory ; his majefty
referving to himfelf only the faith and homage of the inhabitants,
and a golden crown of eight marks weight, to be paid to every
new king of France, together with the provifions for the officers
of juftice, who were to be named, and prefented to him by the
aflbciates or partners, as foon as it (hould be requifite to eftablilh
a civil government there. The partnerlhip had likewife power
to call cannon, and to make all forts of arms, as well as to for-
tify places. The fecond article gave the partnerlhip a power of
conveying lands, in fuch proportions as his majefty Ihould think
proper, and to annex fuch titles, honours, rights, and powers^ to
them, as he Ihould prefcribe, according to the merits of the perfons,
but with certain reftriftions and conditions ; but that the erediou
of duchies, marquifates, earldoms, and baronies, fliould require
the royal letters of confirmation upon the prefentation of cardinal
Richlieu, great mafter, head, and fuperintendant, of the navigation
and commerce of France. The third article repealed all the former
grants of the fame nature, and gave the partnerfliip for ever all
the fur and peltry, and all otlier trades, witliin the before-mentioned
limits for fifteen years, except the filheries, which his majefty in-
tended Ihould be .in common to all his fubjeits. By tlie fourth ir-

VoL. I, . P p ceivcd

290 BRITISH EMPIRE

ceived the command of three Englifh (hips, failed
up the River St. Laurence, ravaged the country,
and then proceeded to Quebec, and fummoned the
governor to furrender.

The infant colony, at that time, was in a mifer-

ticle, the French fettled in Canada, and not depending upon tlie
partuerihip, might trade with the natives for furs, provided they
difpofed oF their beavers only to die -company's faftors, who were
obliged to take them at a certain price. The fifth article granted to
the company two fiiips of war, each of two or three hundred tons,
to be vitluaUed by the company, who were to replace them if loft,
unlcfs they were deftroyed or taken by an enemy. By tlie fixth ar-
ticle, the company was to repay to his majefty tlae price of two
ftiips, if, during the firft ten years of their contraft, they did not
carry ever one thoufand five hundred French men and women, to
New France ; and their patent was to be void, if tiiey did not
carry over the fame number during the laft five years. By the
feventh and laft aiticle, all militaiy officers, and foldiers of what-
ever kind, feut to Canada in thofe two (hips, were to be appointed
by his majefty ; but the company had the power of appointing all
the oflicers and foldiers of their own fhips ; and his majefty made
them a prefent of four culverins.

By another ordonnance, the king of France gave ftill greater
encouragement to the new colouifts, viz. All tratleftnen and
mechanics employed by the company, who Ihould chufe to return
to France, after refiding fix years in Cana<la, had liberty to prac-
tife their fevcral profefiions in Paris or any place in France;
merchandifcs mannfadurcd there, were to pay no impofts upon
being impoitcd into France for fifteen years ; nor was any tax to
be laid upon provifuMis of any kind exported to the n?.vv colony.
Ecclefiaftics, noblemen, aifd others, aflbciating in th.c conijiany,
might do it without dcro-itlon to their rank or honours ; and his
|naj«;fly w.is to create twclvs.: of the company nobles ; ami ail tliQ
aatlvcg of Canada were, to all iijicnts and p rpofes, to be re-

ablg

1 .1

r -T

I N A M E R I C A,

291

s in a mifer-

able iituation, being reduced to feven ounces of
bread a day for each man, and they had but five
pounds of powder in the garrifon. Notwithftand-
ing.this, Champlain and Pontgrave, who happen-
ed to be then at Quebec, after fome confultation,
returned for anfwer to the Englifh officer, that they
were determined to hold out the fort to the laft
extremity. This bravado, perhaps, would have
been ineffeftual, had not Kirk had intelligence from
Caen of a fquadron's having entered the river, under
Roqueraont, with provilions and all kind of ne-
ceflaries for the new colony. This Roquemont
had been governor and lieutenant-general of New
France under his moft chriftian majefty ; and in-
flead of avoiding Kirk, he met and fought him,
but ^vas defeated, and his fquadron taken.

This misfortune increafed the diftreffes of th^
colony, which now had nothing to depend on but
the labours of fome miffionaries, who had return-

putcd natives of Old France. And his majefty refervcd to hui>»
felf the qualification of the above articles, in cafe the company
(hould meet with any obftruftion frou; virar, either civil or fo-
reign. •— .

Thefe articles were figned on the nineteenth of April, 1627, and
tlie duke De Ventadour, at the fame time, refigned into his ma«
jefty's hands the poft of vice-roy. The company was called that
of New Franc" and its numbers loon rofe to one hundred and
feven ; at the head of whom were the cardinal Richlicii himfelfv
the marefchal Defiat, fuperintendant of the finances, and other
perfons of great diftindtion ; but the bulk was composed of rich
mtivhaHt? and traders.

P p 2 «^

2^i

BRITISH EMPIRE

,:i

ed to France to folicit their friends for relief. They
were fo fuccefsful as to procure a Ihip laden with
provifions of all kinds; but it was wrecked be-
fore it touched Quebec. This difafter reduced the
colony to the utmoft diflrefs, which was aggra-
vated by the divifions that prevailed amongft the co-
lonics themfelves, and the growing difrefpedt of
the favages for the French, the caufe of which
fome attributed to the Hugonots introduced amongft
them by Caen. In this extremity, Champlain made
war upon the favages out of mere neceflity; and
the colonifts, who confifted but of one hundred
people, were obliged to repair to the woods, and
there to dig roots for their fuftenance. Towards
the end of July, 1629, the Englifli, under Kirk,
again appeared off point Levi, and an officer was
fent on Ihore to Quebec to fummon it to furrender.
Champlain, in the fituation he then was, looked
upon this fummons as his deliverance, and the capi-
tulation was foon made between him and Kirk*s
two brothers, the one of whom was to command

' the fquadron, and the other to be governor of

. Quebec.

The treaty being thus finilhed, Champlain went

•. on board one of the Englifli fhips for Tadouflac,
and it was met, and would have been taken, by
a French ihip under the command of Emery dc
Caen ; but his crew being compofed of Calvinifts,
according, to the French writers, did not chufe to ex-

;,ert themfelves againll the Englifli. Upon Champ-
lain'*

1 .
r »'

IN AMERICA.

295

Iain's return to France, he perceived the public
there divided with regard to Canada; feme think-
ing that it was not worth the reclaiming, as it
had already coft the government vaft fums, with-
out bringing any return; and that it only ferved
to depopulate the mother-country. But thefe con-
fiderations were over-ballanced^ by the vaft advan-
tages of the fifhery, and by its proving a nur-
fery for feamen. Champlain fupportcd his plan
fo well that he carried his point; and not only
Canada, but Acadia, and the ifle of Cape Breton,
were reftored to the French by the treaty of St.
Germain's, in 1632. Emery de Caen carried the
treaty to Lewis Kirk, who had been left governor
of Canada, and who refigned his command to him.
By this time, however, the Englifh began to have
fome idea of the profits of the fur-trade ; for
though, by the treaty of St. Germain's, none but;
the French were to exercife it. Kirk carried it on
for a whole year after the furrender of Quebec.

In 1633, the company of New France re-entered
into all its rights in Canada, of which Champlain
was made governor; and fo indefatigably did he
adt, that, in a Ihort time, he was at the head of a
new armament, furnifhed with a freih recruit of
Jefuits, inhabitants, and all kinds of neceflaries for
the welfare of the revived colony. In 1 634, he en-
deavoured to fettle a million in the Huron coun-
try, but met with many difficulties. A):\ Algon-
<juia had killed a Frenchman, and Ghamplaia had

put

494 BRITISH EMPIRE

put the murderer in prifon; the miflionaries were
then ready to depart for the country of the Hurons,
but an Algonquin chief flatly refufcd to fuffer them
to embark in their canoes, (the only way by which
they could travel) unlefs his countryman was fet
at liberty. The reafon he gave for his obflinacy
in this point, was, that the parents and relations
of the criminal expe(5ted him, and that they durft
carry no Frenchman into their country without
him. It was in vain for the governor to reafon
with the chief on this occafion; for though the
Algonquin had feemcd to be fingle in his opinion,
yet it foon appeared that all the others were, in
concert with him, and that he fpoke their fenfe;
lb that Champlain perfuaded the miflionaries to drop
their journey for that time. — The zeal of Champ-
lain feems to have been increafed by the diflicul-
ties he encountered. The Hurons could not be
perfuaded to admit a mifliionary into their country
till they obtained their own terms ; and even then,
they appeared fo referved that the fathers looked
ujwn themfelves as fo many flieep in the midfl: of
wolves. At la]J they gained footing in a village
called Jouliatiri, where they made half a dozen
converts, and built a chapel which they dedicated
to St. Jofeph, whofe name they likewife gave to
the village ; and they began to gain fome footing
by their inflexible perfeverance. New France, all
this while, was gaining inhabitants, and the co-
lony was approaching to a degree of confiUcncy.

^ In

IN AMERICA.

295

In 1635, Rene Rochault, eldefl fon of the marquis
de Gamache, having entered into the fociety of
Jefus, refumed the defign he had before formed,
but which had been interrupted by the conqueft
which the Englilh had made of Quebec, of found-
ing a college there. While this affair was in agi-
tation, the indefatigable Champlain died, in Decem-
ber, 1635, at Quebec; and, in the year 1606,
M. De Montmagny fucceeded him in the govern-
ment of New France; and M. De L'Ifle command-
ed at the new fettlement of Trois Rivieres; both
of them being knights of Malta, and zealous
for the propagation of the catholic religion.
Montmagny encouraged the Hurons to fend their
children to Quebec, where he had projedted a fe-
minary for them in the college of the Jefuits. But
thofe barbarians ftudied little but their tempo-
rary advantage. While they were eating and
drinking, and receiving prefents, they feemed to
be all compliance, but retradted when they had
nothing more to expedt. Five or fix Indians agreed
to fend their fons to the feminary; but after they
were put on board the canoes, they purfued and
took them out of the hands of the fathers. They
foon found that the colony lay flill under great
difficulties. Montmagny proceeded upon Champ-
Iain's plan ; but nothing was to be done with the
favages without rewards. He found his funds
deficient in this refpett, and the ardour of the

natives

29« BRITISH EMPIRE

natives cooled every day, till, at laft, they came »o be
almoft eflranged from the French. The Iroquois,
who were ftill more untradtable than the Hurons
or the Algonquins, courted their enemies to take
part with them againft the French ; but the Hurons
depending on French affiftance, gave themfelves
very little trouble, till the Iroquois furprifed and
maffacred many of them. In the mean time the Jefuits
■wrote over to France in the moft afFeding and
pathetic terms, accounts of the difficulties, the dan-
gers, and the unfpeakable fatigues they daily un-
derwent. The Iroquois, notwithftanding all that
Montmagny could do to blind them, were fen-
fible of the real weaknefs of the colony, and even
infuked the governor of Trois Rivieres; fo that the
affairs of New France were in immediate danger
of being ruined, when the European Jefuits, who
had the poffeffion of the confciences of the French
court and miniftry, blew the flames of religion
with fuch efficacy as engaged the queen herfelf
and the princcflcs of the blood in the fupport of
the colony. In the beginning of the year 1628,
a contagious dillemper broke out in one of the
Huron villages, and, in alhorttime, communicated
itfelf to the whole nation. The favages, who ne-
ver reafon but from appearances, till this happen-
ed, had attributed all the calamities they met with
to the incantations and witchcraft of the chriftians
amongft them; but they were now undeceived.
Thok barbariajis were as ignorant in treating in-
ward

I N A M E R I C A. 297

ward maladies as they are excellent in curing
external wc inds; and the Jefuits adminiflered fuch
effedlual medicines as flopped the progrefs of the
diftemper^ and greatly reconciled them to their
company. The accounts of this animated the
court of France; fo that a fcheme was forpied of
ellablilhing a nunnery at Quebec, to which the
Urfulincs and the Hofpitalers offered their perfons
and their fervices with the moft lively zeal. The
commander of Sylleri was indefatigable in fecond-
ing the views of the Jefuits for erecting a fettle-
ment compofed only of chriflians and profelytes,
to be a bulwark for the colony againft the infults
of the Iroquois, and to promote the cultivation of
lands. With this view he fent workmen to Que-
bec, and requefted father Le Jcunc to pitch upon
a proper fpot for their fettlement. The father
chofe one on the north-fide of the River St. Lau-
rence, into which twelve chriflian families entered,
whofe numbers foon increafed, and the place at
this time retains the name of the founder. A
fchool for female children, and an hofpital for the
lick, were dill wanting. The hofpital was equal-
ly to ferve the colonifls and the natives, both being
as yet very indigent; and the fchool was to be un-
der the direftlon of French Urfulines, who were to
educate in it not only French, but alfo favage girls.
[The duchefs of Aiguillon undertook the foundation
of the hofpital, and, by her perfuaiion, the religious
Hofpitalers of Dieppe, all of them females, offered
Vol. I. Q^q ta

apS BRITISH EMPIRE

to facrifice all they had to the fcrvice of fick
Canadians. It was therefore thought proper to
make choice of no more than three, who accord-
ingly departed for the colony. The Urfuline foun-
dation encountered new difficulties. It is pofliblc
that the company of New France by this time
began to think that the good Jefuits were engrof-
iing too much power to themfelves; and it muft
be confelied that the colony at that jun'^ure wore
the face of a religious feminary rather than a na-
tional undertaking. For that reafon they had giv-
en no attention to the Urfuline foundation. No-
thing, however, could refill the ridiculous fpirit of
devotion that then obtained in France. A young
widow of Alen^on, Madame de La Peltrie, devot-
ed her perfon and fortune to this cftabliihment ;
and came to Paris to regulate her proceeding, and
removed from thence to Tours; — there Ihe found
two Urfulines lit for her ends, viz. (the illuftrious
Mary of the Incarnation, to fpeak in the terms of
Charlevoix, who has written her life) and Mary
de Sr. Jofeph. From Tours this widow removed
to Dieppe, where flie found a thirtl Urfuline pro-
per for her purpofe. Nothing can exceed the ab-
furd'ty of the miracles faid to be worked by thofe
holy fiftors, who have been always looked upon
by the Canadians as their tutelar angels. They
embarked on the fourth of May, 163Q, along widi
Madame de La Peltrie and father Vimond, who
had been appointed to fuccccd father Le Jcune, as

fu|x:rior

IN AMERICA.

299

fnperior of thejcfuit miflion in Canada; and after
a hazardous voyage they landed at Quebec, on the
firft of Auguft. This new kuid of mlffion makes
a great figure in the annals of Canada. The go-
vernor received the ladies, on their debarkment, at
the head of hi? troops, who were drawn up nnder
arms. They entered Quebec under a general dif-
charge of the cannon, and proceeded in triumph,
amidil the acclamations of the people, to the church,
where Te Deum was folemnly fung for their ar-
rival. This was a period of triumph to the Jefuits.
They held forth not only to the favages, but to
the colony, the infinite merits of thofe ladies, who
could exchange eafe and affluence in Europe, for
fatigue and difficulties in America; and the beha-
viour of the ladies themfelves confirmed all they
faid in their praife. Far from being fhocked at the
indigence, poverty, and mean appearance of the
Indian huts, they feemed to rejoice at their having
an opportunity to manifeft their zeal by their in-
tenfe labours for propagating chriflianity. The
enthufiafm of Madame de La Peltrie went to ex-
travagance. She not only dripped herfelf, that Ihe
might cloath the naked favages, but worked with
her own hands in cultivating the ground for their
fubfiitencc. The Urfullnes and the Hofpitallers
llrove to out-do one another in their zeal ; and the
former fettled at Quebec, as the latter did at Syl-
levi, where the hofpital was daily crowded with
patients. The labours of thofe good fillers, as well

Qjl 2 as

BRITISH EMPIRE

as the charities of the inhabitants of Quebec, were
inconceivable; but the company failed on their
part, and gave them little or no afliftance].

While the Canadians were rejoicing in their
zeal the war broke out afrelh between the Iro-
quois and the Hurons; which was attended as ufual
with barbarities Ihocking to human nature *.

* As a fpecimen of thefc cruelties, we here prefcnt the reader
with the following ftory. — One day, the Hurons having the ad-
vantage in a flci'-niilh, made an Iroquois chief captive, and he was
brought to one of tlie Huron villages, where the fathers aflenibled.
No fooncr was he arrived, than it was decreed, in an affembly
of tire ancient favagcs, that he fhould be prefented to one of their
old chiefs, to replace bis nephew, who had been killed in war,
or to be difiwfcd of as he (hould think proper. Brebeuf, one of
the Jefuits, inunediately rcfolved to convert him to chriftianity.
The captive was cloatlied in a new beaver habit, with a curious
necklace, and his temples were circled with a kind of diadem :
he v;as furroundcd by a troop of triumphant warriors, and feem-
ed to be quite unconcerned at his fate. When Brebeuf approach-
ed him, he perceived, that, before his fate was determined, he
had been tortiu-ed. One of his hands had been cruflied between
two Hints, and had loft a finger. His other hand had loft tv^o,
which had been cut off by a hatchet. The joints of his arms
had been burnt, and a great gafti appeared upon one of them.
All this had been inflicted upon the poor wretch, before he en-
tered the Huron village; for he no fooiier arrivijd there than he
was treated with the guateft endearments, and a yoimg woman
was alTigned him for his wife. Such was this barbarian's fitua-
tiou when he was converted by Brebe^if ; and he was eftcemed to
be the firft adult converr, that ever was made of the Iroquois nar
tion; being baptized by the name of Jofeph.

All tliii while tliC captive was loaded with carefles, and Bre-
beuf was fuffcred to take him to iris tent every night; but his

IN AMERICA. 301

Bt this time, the fcttlement of Trols Rivieres
began to be greatly reforted to, not only by the
Algonquins, but by the moft diftant northerly na-
tions, particularly the Attikamegue3, who lived in

fores now became putrid and full of worms. To increafc hi$
mifery, he was carried in triumph from village to village, and
wherever he came he was obliged to ling, fo that fomcnmes his
voice entirely failed him; nor had he the leaft refpitc, but when
he was alone with Brebcuf, or fome of the milfionaries. At laft
he was conveyed to the village where the chief lived who was
to be the difpofer of his fate. The captive prcfented hinifclf, with
an air perfeftly unconcerned, to his fuppofed uncle, who, after
furveying him, talked to him in the following ftraln. " Ne-
« phew," faid he, " you cannot im^'gine the joy I conceived,
« when I underftood that you were to fupply the place of him
" Vv-hom I have loft; I had already prepared a mat for you in
" my cabin, and it was wlch the utmoft fatlsfa6tion, that I re-
" folved to pafs the reft of my days with you in peace ; but the
" condition I fee you in, forces me to alter my refolu' \. It
« is plain that the tortures you fuffer, miift render ur life
«' infupportabk to yourfelf, and you muft think that I do you
" fervice in abridging its courfe. Th- who have mangled yoU'
" in this manner, have caufe^i )our death. Take courage, there-
" fore, my dear nephew ! Prepare yourfelf this evening to fhevv
" that you are a man, and that you are furperiot to the force of
" torments." The captive heard this difcourfe with the rreateft
indifference, and onl . aafwercd with a refolute voice, that it
was very well. The fifter of the decealed then ferved him with
victuals, and curdled him in the moft affectionate manner, while
the old chieftain put his own pipe into his mouth, and wiped
the fweat from his brows, with the moft tender diraoaftrations
of paternal love. Towards noon the captive, at ti .- expence of
his fiippoied uncle, made his farewel feaft, and while the in»»a-
biunts of tlic village were all afle-nblei around lum, he harangued

the

BRITISH EMPIRE

the neighbourhood of the lake St. Thomas, whom
the fathers who frequented that fettlement found
to be a very tradable race. Another miffion was
formed at Tadoufiac, the moll frequented ftation

thein as follows : " Brethren, I am about to die. Divert your-
" felves boldly around me : be convinced that I am a man, and
" that I neither fear death, nor all the toiments yoii can infli6\."
He then began a fong, in which he was joined by the warriors
who were prefent. He was then prcibnted with vittnals, and
when the fcaft was ended, he was carried to the place of execution,
which is called the cabin of blood, [or heads cut off] and always
belongs to the head of the village. About eight o'clock in the
evening all the favages of the village being airembled^ the
young r-en who were to be executioners of the tragedy, fonn-
ing the firft row round the prifoner, were exhorted by one of
their infernal elders to behave well, meaning thereby to put him
to the moft excruciating tortures. The prifoner was then feated
on a mat, where his hands were tied, and then rifing, he danced
round the cabin, finging his death fong all the time, and thca
replaced himfelf upon the mat. One of the elders then took from
him his robe, which he faid was deftined for fuch a chief [naming
him] that fuch a village was to cut off his head, which, with an
arm, was to be given to fuch another village, to feaft upon it.
According to the French writers, the good father Brebeuf encou-
raged tlie Viiilini tofuffer with the fentlments of chrlftianity, which
he did with a moft amazing firmnefs, without dropping the
kaft reproachable word. He even talked of the affairs af his
nation, with as much indifference, as if he had been at home
tvlth his family. Eleven fires had been lighted to torment him;
and the elders faid it was of confequence, that he fhould be alive
at fun-rifing, for which reafon his tortures were prolonged to
that tim.e, when the barbarians, fearing that he fhould expire with-
out iron, (another of their barbarous fuperftitious) canicd him

IN AMERICA. 303

in all Canada by the favages, particularly the Pa-
pinachies, the Berfiamites, the Mountaineers, and
the Porcupines. Sometimes all thofe nations met
together at Tadouflac ; but as foon as their traffic
was over, they returned to their wilds and forefls,
to which they were often followed by the miffion-
aries, who even attended them in their winter hunt^
ings, which prefented the moft dreadful and un-
comfortable Icenes, as the mofl frightful defarts
generally fupplied the greatcll plenty of game.
But fome of the favages, who refided all the winter
in the neighbourhood of Tadouflac, were there
converted. — The prefcnce of the French, how-
ever, in Canada, overawed the five Iroquois Can-
tons, who continued ftill the irreconcileable ene-
mies of the Hurons and the Algonquins; and the
war amongft them was ftill carried on, but began
to turn in favour of the Hurons. It appears, that
notwithflanding their docility to be inftrufted in
the chriftian religion, the miflionaries never could
prevail with them to abolifh the pravfl:ice of putting
their prifoners to death. All they could do was
to convert and baptize them before they liifFered;-
and, like the ancient Druids, they often rufhed
into the heat of the battle, w^here they baptized
the wounded, and the dying, or adminiftered to
them other fpiritual afliflaace.

out of the vllla.tre, and c.-t ofF one of his feet, a hanil, and hts
head, which were difpofcd of as piopofcd, while his body was
thrown into a caldron.

The

304 BRITISH EMPIRE.

The Iroquois having received a confiderable de-
feat, were cunning enough to lay a plan for dif-
uniting the French from their favage allies, by
exciting in the latter a fufpicion of their fidelity*
With this view, in all their excurfions, they treated
fuch of the French as fell into their hands
with great humanity, but the natives with
their ufual cruelties. A body of them gathered
about Trois Rivieres, which, for fome time, they
had in a manner befieged. M. Champfleurs had
lately fucceeded M. de L*Ille in the government of
that fcttlement, and when he lead expedted it,
they fent one of their French captives to propofe
a peace with him, provided the Hurons and Al*
gonquins were nor comprehended in it. Champ-
fleurs was in no condition to carry on the war;
but the prifoner cautioning him againfl the infin-
cerity of the Iroquois, he fent an account of what
w^as paffing to Montmagny at Quebec, who im-
mediately came up to Trois Rivieres, and from
thence fent two deputies to demand from the Iro-
quois, tliat their French prifoners ihould be fet at
liberty. The deputies were received with great
civility, and in quality of mediators, were feated
en a buckler. After this, the French captives
were brought forth, Hightly tied, and then one of
the Iroquois chiefs began a formal harangue, ex-
prclTmg the great defire he and his nation had to
live in friendfliip with the French. In the midll
of his fpeech he unbound the captives, and, throw-
ing

IN AMERICA,

501

arangiie, ex-

ing the cords over the pallifades into the river,
he wiflicd that the ftream might carry them away
never to be heard of more. He then prefentcd
the two deputies with a belt of wampum as a
pledge of their liberty, reftored to the children of
Ononthio, or the great mountain, (for fo they
called Montmagny) but when they fpoke of the
French king, they called him the grand Ononthio.
He then placed two bundles of beaver Ikins be-
fore the captives, to f^rve them for robesi it be-
ing, as he faid, unjuft to fend them away naked ;
and renewed the affurances he had already given
them of peace, begging in the name of his na-
tion, that Ononthio would conceal under his
cloaths the hatchets of the Algonquins and Hu-
rons, du ihe negociation, protefting that they
themfelves would commit no hoftility.

While the Indian was yet fpeaking, two Algoft-
qain canoes came in fight, and were immediately
chaced by the Iroquois. The Algonquins being
overpowered, fwam on Ihore, and their canoes
were plundered, in fight of the French general,
who was preparing to punifti their treachery, but
they inftantly vanilhed, and foon after plundered a
number of Huron canoes going to Quebec, laden
with furs. But in faa:, notwithftanding the accu-
fations brought agalnft the Iroquois on this occa- '
fion, it is no very eafy matter to fix upon them
the charge of treachery for what happened, as the
treaty was not concluded, and it was natural for

Vc. I. , R r the

l|l;, 'r

ikrM

306 BJllTISH EMPIRE

the Iroquois, upon the appearance of their prbfefled
enemies, to ftifpedl the intentions of the French.
However, the favages changed their language
after tl:is acciident ; but the affairs of the colony
continued ftill to be fo much negleded by the
conrpany, that k was on the point of being ruined,
■when a fpirit for the converfion of the Indians
again broke forth amongft the great in France,
^nd thirty-five perfons of quality affociated them-
felvcs together to fettle Montreal. — The new com-
pany proceeded upon a rational plan. Thpy re-
iblved to begin, by ereding upon that illand a
French fortification, flrong enough to refill all the
aflaults of the favages ; that the poor French inha-
bitants received into it, Ihould be put into a way
to earn their own bread, and that the reft of the
illand Ihould be fettled by favages, without refped
to their tribes, provided they were chriftians, or
willing to become fuch. It was likewife propofed
not only to afllire them of protedlion, againft all
their enemies in this new fettlement, but to pro-
vide them with medicines and fubfillence, till they
could be fo far civilized as to get their livelihood by
their own labour. To carry this plan into execu-
tion, the French king, in 1640, veiled the pro-
perty of the illand in the thirty-fivc aflbciates, and
next year one of them, Maifonneuve, a gentleman
of Champaigne, carried thither feveral French fa-
milies, amongll whom was a young lady of
condition, who was propofed to be iavelled with

the

1 N A M E R j C A. 307-

the fuperintendkncy of the female colonifts, Mai-
fonneuve being declared governor of the illand,
6n the fifteenth of October following. It was not
before the feventeenth of May next year, that thef
French entered into poffeffion of their new habita-
tion and chapel of this ifland, which they did,
with a fuperabundancy of religious exercifes,
which are too tedious to mention.

Notwithftanding the precaution taken by the
French fettlement at Montreal, the Iroquois ftili'
continued to make dreadful irruptions into French
Canada, into which they generally penetrated, by
a river called after their own name, but afterwards
by thofe of Richlieu and Sorel. At the entrance
of this river, Montraagny, who iufpedted that the
Iroquois were inftigated and fupplied by the Dutch
fettled in New Holland, now New York, began
to eredt a fort, and completed it, though the
workmen were interrupted by feven hundred of
the Iroquois, who attacked them, but were re-
pulfed with lofs. Amongfl other converts was
Ahaliflari, who was baptized by the name of E'l-
flace. He was a Huron chief, offuch diflinguilhed
power and authority that his example brought
an incredible number of his countrymen into the
pale of chriftianity. He raifed a large bod}'^ of In-
dian warriors, all of them chriftians ; and about this
time the Jefuits received an invitation from a re-
mote nation of Indians, that go by the name of
Pauoirigoudieuhak. Thofe favages inhabit a counr

R r a try,

308 BRITISH EMPIRE

try near the Falls of St. Mary, on the canal by
whic)i the Lake Superior difcharges itfelf into that
of Huron, and may be confidcrcd as lying in the
very heirt of French Canada. The Jefuit fathers,
Ifaac Jogues and Charles Raimbaut undertook this
dangerous miffion to the country of the Saulteurs.
Following the Saulteur deputies, they arrived at
their nation, where they were afFedtionately receiv-
ed ; but before they could make any confiderable
progrefs, they were recalled to Quebec. By this
time the Iroquois had entered into a confiderable
commerce with the Dutch at New Holland, to
whom they difpofed of their peltry, and who fur-
niflied them with fire-arms, by which means they
obtained a decifive fuperiority over the Hurons,
Upon their recall from their miflion on the thir-
teenth of June, 1642, the two Jefuits reached
Quebec, where they had indifpenfable bufmefs, and,
on the firft of . Augull, they fet out under a convoy
of thirteen armed canoes, manned with chriflians,
and converts, under the command of Euflace, and
other celebrated warriors, whom miilaken chriftia-
nity had now degenerated into miferablc bigpts ;
for inflead of making preparations to refill an at-
tack, little pafTed ami/ngft them but mutual ex-
hortations to fuflfer bravely in the caufe of Chrift.
About fixteen leagues from Quebec, they perceived
the footfteps of the Iro(|uois, but were fo fecurc
in their imagined fuperiority, that they proceeded
up che river without the leaft precaution, till they

came

rIN AMERICA. 30^

came to a pafs wjiere feventy Iroquois lay in am-
bufli, and where they were faluted with a brilk re»
gular fire, which wounded many of the chriftianv
and pierced their canoes. Some of them, upon this
fled; but the braveft amongft them, encouraged
by two or three Frenchmen who had accompa-
nied father Jogues, made a refiftance, till their ca-
noes were full of water, and then all of them,
but a ViTy few who efcaped in the confufion,
were obliged to furrender themfelves prifoners.
Jogues might have efcaped likewife, and his com-
panions even preffed him to it ; but his frantic zeal
for the crown of martyrdom detained him, and he
refolved to fh^re the fate of his dear children, as he
called the prifoners. He even baptized an Indian
amidft this fcene of /laughter, with all the comix)^
furc imaginable,, and then, with Couture, another
Frenchman, who was refolved to follow his for-
tune, furrendered himfclf prifoner to the barba-
rians. The French have been ^t great pains to re-
count all jhe particulars of the miferies this Jefuit
and his fellow prifoners underwent. Euftace fuf-
fered at the ftake ; but as to father Jogues, though
the barbarians had crushed his hands, cut off hijs
fingers, and filled his face and whole body with
wounds and fores, that had become putrid, yet he
furvived all his iufferings, and continued indefati-
gable in his profefiion of making profelytes. He
now paffed his time chiefly amongft the Agniers,
who, tiotwithftanding all the remonftranccs of the
I governor

■^m: BRITISH EMPIRE

governor of Canada^ refiafcd to part with him ;>
aftet a variety of adventures, he efcaped to New
YoiJt, and from thence to France.

lathe year 1644, ^^e colony of Montreal had
grained over a great number of Indians tjo the
chriftian f^ith. The Algonquins, who were featcd;
on an ifland formed by the Outawas, had the-
greateft commerce with our new colonifts ; but
they were headed by a chief who had an invinci-
ble avsrfion to the chriflian religion, though he
pretended to be a great friend to the French nation.
He was rather more fierce on this head than the
Iroquois themfelves. This barbarian had a ne-
phew who fettled at Montreal, together with his
wife ; and there, by the pcrfuafion of two Jefuits,
Vimond and Poncet,. they embraced chrillianity,
but were much grieved to think that their uncle
ihould flill continue in a ftate of obftinate infide-
lity. After feveral difcourfes held between this
profelyte and his ghoftly fathers, upon the means
of converting the uncle, who had been for fome
time gone upon an expedition, the latter appeared
in his nephew's cabin, and declared that, as he
was traverfing the wilds of the country, he was
feized with an irrefiftible impulfeto become a chrif-
tian, and that he^could have no peace of mind till
he fiiould repair t6 Montreal for baptifm, together
with his wife who was imprefled with the fame
fcntiraents. Maifonneuve and the Jefuits did not
fail to encourage thefe Indians in their pious dif-

pofitions;

IN AMERICA-

3x1

-pofitions ; and both of them were baptized with
great pomp and ceremony.

But about this time, the enemies of the fathers,
both in Canada and Europe, gave out that all their
labours tended only to eftablifli themfelvcs in the
fur-trade, which, in fadt, was now ingrofled by
the company of a hundred, or Canadian company.
The latter thought themfelves at laft obliged to
contradift thofe ijeports, which they did, in an au-
thentic declaration under their hands and feals.
During the wandering and painful life they led for
three years, having received no fupply of cloaths,
they were almoft naked : for want of communion
elements they could not adminifter the facrament 5
and when their wine had failed them, they were
even obliged to fqueeze the wild grapes the^
found in the woods. At laft, fomc Hurons ven*
tured to go in winter-time upon the ice to Quebec,
where they kid before the governor the diftr^es
of the miffion, and a fupply of provifions was or-
dered for their relief ; but the dangers of the jour-
ney; were fo dreadful that even the moft zealoui
declined it, till Breffani, a Roman Jefuit, under-
took it. He embarked towards the end of Aprils
1644, attended by a young Frenchman, and fix
Hurons, two of whom had been faved out of the
hands of the Iroquois ; but when they came to the
entrance of St. Peter's Lake, their canoe was
Wrecked ; and a thick fnow happening the night
^fter, feveral of the convoy were fo imprudent as

'*J=

312 BRITISH Empire

to fire upon fome favages, which difcovcred them
to the Iro<iuois, who inftantly feized the booty,
killed one of the prifoneri, and forced the reft to
travel night and day, fomctimes Iwimming, and
fometimes on foot, loading them all the way with
fcvere baftinadoes ; but they fplit the miffionary's
left hand between two ftoncs, and, after coming to
the firft village of the canton ot Agnier, his tor-
tures were redoubled, fo that he fell down lifelefs
jlind motionlefs ; and to recover him, they cut off
his left thumb and two lingers of his rigfit hand.
The tortures, manglings, and burnings, which
he afterwards underwent, are incredible ; fo
that his body became one continued fore, crawU
ing with worms and maggots, and emitted fo noi^
ibme a fmell, that none durft approach him. He
undcrftood at laft from the elders of the barba-
rians, that they were refolved not to put him to
death ; a favour which the good father attributed to
his devotions. He was then configned to a ma-
tron, who treated him with humanity; but the
ftench ilTuing from his fores remained fo offenfive,
that Ihe fent him to the next Dutch fettlement to
to be fold. Fortunately for him, he found a
Dutchman who bought him, and after ordering
his wounds to be carefully infpedted, they were
cured, and the father was put on board a ilvp
landed him at Rochelle towards the end of No-
vember.

The

1 1^ A M E R I C A. ' 3Y5

The Iroquois now amufed Montmagny with
jiropofals of peace, which he earncftl^ wiHicd for ;
but they had no other dcfign than to have an op-
portunity of learning flie litliation of the colony*
At lad Montmagny wns reduced to the moft defpi-
cable ihifts, and ()l)ligcd to foorhe the barbae
rians, to gain a little rcfjVife for himfelf and his
colony. About this time, Champfleurs, governor
of Trois Ptivieres, informed Montmagny that fome
Huron's had arrived at Trois Rivieres, ^vith three
Iroquois prifoners, one of whom they had given
■to the Algonquins, \\'ho had been, with much
difficulty, prevailed Upon not to put him to death,
till he could hear fiom Montmagny. Upon thi»
the latter immediately went Up to Trois Pviviercs
with fome prefents, and, fummoning together th6
heads of the Algonquins and ITuronSj he difplayed
his prefents before their eyes, and then informed
them, that, in order to prevent any impofirionS
from their common enemies the Iroquois, he only
wanted liberty to fend one of the prifoners to the
cantons of the Iroquois, to inform them, that ff
they meant to fave the lives of the other two pri-
foners, they muft immediately fend deputies, with
full power to treat of an accommodat'on. His
fpeech being finiflicd, an Algonciuih chief arofe*
and, prefenting his }.rlfoner to Montmagnv, he told
him, That he could reuifi^ nothing to his father';
and that if his prefents were accepted of, it was
only in order to dry up the tevirs of a family where

Vol. I. ' S f ' that

BRITISH EMPIRE

that captive v\ as to replace one of its dead ; but
•that thouj^jh he wilhed for a peace, he was afraid it
would be a very difficult matter to efTedt it. Mont-
maenv then turned to the Hurons to know their
fcnriments, and one of them told him with a re-
Xohice air, That he was a warrior, and not a mer-
chant ; that he* had not left his home to trade,
bit to fight ; that if the governor had fo great a
defire for prifoners, he might take them i that he
knew where to make more captives, or to die ; in
which laft cafe he would have the confolation of
dying as a man, but that his nation would fay,
thatOnonthio was the caufc of his death. Mont-
magny appeared difconcerted at this fpeech, when
another Huron, who, it feems, was a chriftian, ad-
drclled him, and gave him reafons why the ciders
of his nation, of whom none were then prefent,
muft take it highly amifs, if they, ^vho were all
of them young men, Ihould return with merchan-
difes inftcad of prifoners, with many other obfer-
vations equally forcible. — Mis reafoning was un-
anfwerablc : Montmagny agreed to it, telling the
aflembly, at the fame time, that it was more
their intercft, than that of the French, to make
peace. — The Hurons then departed with their pri-
ibner ; and, on their arrival, a general council of
their nation being called, they refolved that the
two prifoners Hiould be given up to Montmagny,
who had, by this time, fent home the captive
prefcntcd to him by the Algonquins. The Iro-
quois,

IN AMERICA.

-•^'S

quois, to manifeft their defire of peace at the fame
time, fent Couture, who had dill remained a pri-
foner with them after he had been taken along
with fiither Jogues, and the captive who had been
taken by the Hurons, and five deputies, with full
power to the Hurons for concluding a treaty. As
loon as thofe deputies arrived at Trois Rivieres,
Montmagny gave them audience in the fquare of
the caflle, which was covered at the top with can-
vas ; he himfelf being feated in an elbow chair,
and attended by Champfleurs, father Viniond, and
the principal inhabitants of 'jvj «.olony ; while the
Iroquois deputies, to fhev» their iefped: to father
Ononthio, as they called }^l'\-\i:\vApAy, were feated
at his feet upon a mat. '^..c Algonquins, and
other nations of their language, ranged themfelves
oppofite to Montmagny; but the French and Hu-
rons were feated together ; and the Iroquois had
brought along with them feventeen belts of wam-
pum, having run a firing between two poles
from one end to the other of the void fpace, on
which they were feverally to hang the belts *.

* At thU conference, the fpeaker of the Iroquois canton!
having prefentecl Montmagny witli one of the belts of wampum,
accompanied it with a fpeech to this efFed :

" Ononthio, lend an ear to my voice : all the Iroquois fpeak
« by my mouth ; my heart harbours no bad fentimeiits, and all my
« intentions are upright. We want to forget our fongs of war
" and to exchange them for fougs of joy."

Sf2

BRITISH TSMFIRE

It is the cnilom of thofe favages, that they ntU
ther give nor receive an anfwer the fame day that
a public propolition is made. Two days after,
Montmagny returned his in a meeting, which

He then begin fingingj and rliiowing hiniiclf into a thoiifand
r'uliculoua attitudes, walking about, and frequently looking upon
the fun: at length, in a calmer manner, he proceeded as follows:

"The belt, my father, which I here prcfent thee, thanks thee
**> for having refcued my brother from the tooth of the Algonquin :
*' b\it how couldft thou let him fetufn home by himfelf ? Had his
*' cance been overfet, who was to affift him to bring it to rights ?
*' Had he been drowned, or perifhed by any other accident, thou
*' wouldft have hsard no word of peace from us, and wouldft,
*' perhaps, have imputed to us the fault committed by thyfelf."

"When the orator had finifhed tliis fpeech, he hung the belt on
,^e cord ; then, taking another, he fixed it to Couture's arm, and,
turning again to Montmagny, he thus addrelTed him :

*' My father, this belt brings thee back thy fubjeiit ; but I was
*' far from faying unto him, Nephew, take a canoe, and return
♦♦ home : — never could I have been ealy till I had certainly heard
*' of his fafe arrival. My brother, whom thou haft fcnt us back
" fuflercd a great deal, and underwent many perils. He was
*' obliged alone to carry his own bundle ; to fwim all day, to
*' drag his canoe againft the falls, and to be always on his guard
" againil furprife."

The orator accompanied this fpeech with the moft exprefllve
»£tion, which leprcfcnted a man fometimes pufliing forvvard a canoe
with a pole, fometimes paddling with an oar ; fometimes he feemed
to be out of breath, and tl ,.n refuming his fpirits, he appeared more
cairn. He then fccn.cd as if he had hurt his foot againft a ftone in
carrying his bundle ; and, halting along as if he had been wounded,
he thus couthiucd his difcourfe : — " Hadft thou but affifted him in
*' furmonntiiig the moft difticult parts of his journey. — Really, my
** father, I know not what bccaqie of thy underftanding when thou

=i i». ^ \vas5

IN A M ER I C A. 317

'was as numerous as the former, and where he made
as many prefents as he had received belts of wam-
pum. Couture, on this occalion ferved as interpre-
ter, and performed' his office in a grave folemn
manner, fuitable to the dignity of the perfonage
for whom he interpreted. When he had finilhed
his fpeech, Piefkarct, who was efteemed one of
the bravcft men that ever Canada produced, made
his prefent of a ftone, which he faid he placed
on the tomb of thofe who died in war, t'; at none

'>'- fenteft ns Lack in this m<mner one of thy chilch-cn, without an
" attendant, and without, aififtance I did not ferve Coutm-e fo. I
•' faid to him, Come along, my nephew, follow me, I will reftore
♦' thee to thy family, at the peril of my own life."

The other belts were difpofed of in the fame manlier as the two
preceding; and each of them had a particular allufion to the terms
of the peace in agitation, which was explained by the orator in a
veiy picfturefque manner. One of them levelled the roads, another
of them fmoothed the river, a third fiuiuihed the contrailing par-
ries v/ith the meanr. of vifiting one another without difti-uft or
daufer. One was emblematical of the' feafts that were to pds
amongft them ; another of the alliance to be concluded, and their
intentions to icftorc the fathers, Jogues and Breffani ; others, of
?heJr impatience to fee them return, the cordial reception they
would meet with, and their thanks for the late deliverance of the
three Iroquoi". captives. When the deliveiy of a belt was not ac-
icompanied with a fpeech, it was with gefticulations and motion^,
fuffieiently expreffive of the meaning of the orator, who con-
tinued this fatiguing fcenc for the amazing fpace of three hours
without appearing to be heated ; for he afterwards led up a dance,
^nd joined in the linking and fe^fting, which concluded the con-
furence.

might

3i8 BRITISH EMPIRE

might dare to remove their bones or think of re-
venging their death. Negabamat, the chief of the
mountaineers, then made them a prefent of an
elk's fkin, faying, that it was to make Ihoes for the
Iroquois deputies, that they might not hurt their feet
in their return homewards.— The other nations
prefent, probably having with them neither chief
nor interpreters, made no fpeeches. When the
conferences were over, three cannons were fired,
as the governor ordered the favages to be told, to
carry every where the news of the peace. The
favages ^vere then feafted by the fuperior of the Jc-
fuits, and his good cheer rendered them extremely
eloquent, and drew from them many profeffions of
friendihip. Next day, the deputies returned
home, attended by two Hurons, and two Algon^
quins, for whom three Iroquois remained as hof-
tages. The treaty was ratified by all the cantons,
efpecially that of Agnier, which had been in open
war with France. Brcflani afterwards returned
to Canada, and underftanding, from the report of
the two Frenchmen, and four favages who had
attended the Iroquois deputies, that the people
were defirous of having miffionarics amongft them,
he eagerly offered himfelf, and even made inter^
eft for the miflion. Next winter, the Iroquois,
the Hurons, md the Algonquins, hunted together,
as if they had been but one nation ; a circum^
fiance which had not happened fince the arrival of
the French in Canada i but juft as the latter were be-

ginning

^ IN AMERICA 31^

ginning to tafte the fweets of peace, the Sokokiy
who were enemies to the Algonquins, and had
done all they could to hinder the Iroquois from
concluding the treaty, murdered feveral of the
chriftian favages after they had fettled at Sylleri
The Agniers, to exculpate themfelves, again ratl^
fied the treaty by new deputies, who hinted to
Montmagny, that he ought to be upon his guard
agamft all the favages who were not expreffly in-
cluded in the treaty, and that he had it in his
power to bring them in, by procuring the releafe
of fome of their prifoners who had been taken
by the allies of the French ; but this counfel never
was followed.

Father Jogues, a: well as BrelTani, returning to
Canada, being more zealous than ever for the crown
of martyrdom, petitioned the governor fc . ve
again .to vifit the Agniers ; which was granted
him, provided he came back after the treaty had
been ratified by the other four cantons of the Iro-
ciiiois, to give Montmagny an account of the
difpofitions he found them in. But the Algonquins
very earneftiy infilled, that in his iirft expedition,
he Ihould neither appear in the 'habit of his or-
der nor fpeak of religion, which advice he rom-
phed with. He fet out, on the fixteenth of Mav
attended by Bourdon, one of the moft confide;!
aole mhabitants of Quebec, and two Algonquins
who earned in their canoe prefents from their na-
tion to that of the Iroquois. At the full Ac^nier

viiiage

jao BRITISH EMPllltt

village Jogues came to, he wai^ known by fow«
of his former tormentor*, who loaded him with
careffes and compliments, fo that Jogncs came to
a refolution to fettle among them, and hurried
back to Richlieu, where Montmagny was, to be
difcharged of his promife. He aflurecl that gene-
ral, who well knew from what motives he fpoke,
that he might depend upon the friendlhip of the
Agniers; and, at laft, he was releafed from his
engagement, and returned to his miflion,* attended
by a Frenchman and four favages. By this time,
the Upper Iroquois, who compofed the four can-
tons that had not ratified the peace, had recom-
menced hollilities againft the Hurons, and had fur-
prifed one of their villages. The miflionaries,
however, felicitated themfelves upon the great
progrefs their labours had made during the Ihort
interval of peace ;-ni-but they were foon undeceived ;
Father Jogues had fcavcely paiTed Trois Rivieres,
when he was abandoned by his four favage guides,
and left alone with his young Frenchman, La
Land. This fudden change was matter of amaze-
ment to the good father, who began, as he
could fpeuk their language, to expollulate very
eloquently with them, but all to no pur])ofe :
all the favour they iliewed him, was, that in-
Head of burning him and his companion alive,
their heads were cut off' with a hatchet in their
cabins.

..:.. ... The

IS, and had fur-

began, as he

IN AMERICA. 321

. The hatred of the chriftians carried tlien:i to an
excefs of fury, for they murdered or. tormented
them to death, without regard to fex or age, when-
ever they fell into their hands. Amongft others
who died martyrs to their rage, was the brave Pief-
Jcaret, whom one of the parties met alone, and
not daring to attack him to his face, engaged in
a familiar converfation with him, and killed him
from behind. The Algonquin women nobly re-
filled their enemies on this occafion, and, fighting
their way to the French, were the firft who appriz-
ed them of their danger *.

* One of them, being taken prifoner, was carried to an Iro-
quois village, where fhe was ftrlpped naked, and her hands and
feet bound with ropes, in one of their cabins. In this condition
(he remained for ten days, the favages'lleeping round her every
night. The eleventh night, perceiving they were all afleep, flie
difengaged one of her hands, and foon freeing herfelf from the
ropes, went to the door, where ihe fnatched up a hatchet, flew
the favage that lay next her, and fpringing out of the cabin, con-
cealed herfelf in a hollow tree, that fhe had obferved the day be-
fore, near the place. The noife the dying pcrfon made, foon
alarmed the other favages, and all the young ones fet out in pur-
fult of her. Perceiving, from her tree, that all of them direded
their courfe one way, and that no perfon was near her, flie letc
her fanftuary, and flying by an oppofite dlrcdion, fhe ran into
a forefi: without being perceived. The fecond day after this hap-
pened, her footftcps wore perceived, and they followed her with
1uch expedition, that, on the third day, flic difcovered her purfuers
at her heels. Sh»,inftantly threw hcrfclt* into a pond of water
\\ hit-li was near her, where diving amongft fomc weeds and bul-
rutlics, flje could jufl breath above water without being perceived ;
ie tl.at her purfuers, after m;iking a moll: diligent fearch for her.

Voi. I.

T t

While

322

BRITISH EMPIRE

• While the Ircxjuois were thus Ihaking off their
chriftianity, it was taken up by the Abenaquais,
an Inuian nation lying between Lake Champlain
and New England, and divided into various tribes
who live on the banks of the river Per.i:r^i>-eoi:i
and, about this lime, the colony of New Eng-
land being very Ihong, and many diflenring mi-
nifters, who had been driven from ths^ir native coun-
try on account of religion, having fettled there,
fonie of them grev/ i:; zealous for the converfion
€)f the Indians as the Jefuits thcmf.lves were, ami
had made a very confiderabie prognrfs m it. Thii
nlariT:'-;; ':he French at Quebec; and father Gubriel
Dreuillet'fts vrM feiu: upon a mlfTion amongft the
Abena<[Luii'' for their converfion. The French fay
that thh liiillioD was folicitcd for b}' the Can-
nibas, an Abenaquais nation who uided with
Quebec. Their countrymen who had been con-

were forced to return. For five and thirty days this poor crea^
tiirc held on htr coiirfe, through woods and dcfarts, without any
other fuftcnance than roots and wild berries. When flie came
to the River St. Laurence, flic made with her own hands a kind
of a wicker raft, on which flie pafTcd It. As fhe went by Trois
Rivieres, without well knowing where fiie was, flie perceived
9. canoe full of Imllans, and, fcaiing they might be Iroquois, flic
?gain ran into the woods, where flic remained till fun-fet; but
fooi! after, continuing her courfe, flie faw Trois Rivieres. She
was then difcovered by a pa:ty whom flie i^ncw to be Huiuns,
and when they approached her, flip f(juaUed down behind a bufli,
calling out to them, that rtie w*s not in a condition to be fecii,
btcaufe flic was UiikeJv They inmiediatcly tiuew her 4 blanket,

verted

IN AMERICA.

3^3

ndidoa to be fccii,

verted by theEnglilh, and who lay neareft to New
England, beginning to thrive, and to live in much,
greater abundance than before, their lands being
much better improved, and their perfons better
cloathed; the Abenaquais, who lay neareflr to Ca-
nada, being miferably poor and lazy, no doubt
expefted the like defireable change of circumllances
from their converfion by the French ; and num-
bers were accordingly made profelytes to the chrif-
tian faith. —

At this period Montmagny received an order
from his court to deliver up his commiffion to d'Ail-
lebouft, who had for fome time commanded at
Trois Rivieres ; and he departed foi France with
a great charafter, both for his virtues and abilities.
His fucceflbr was faid to be a very deferving
perfon, but a zealot for the converfion of the
Indians. Having great experience in the affairs of
the French colony, high expedations "vvere form-
ed of his government ; and it was owing to negled:
and mifmanagement at home, that they were not
anfwered. — The Andades, a warlike tribe of In-
dians, now offered their affiilancc to the Hurons,
againft the Iroquois, who ftill continued to be their
implacable enemies; but the former fccmcd to have
exchanged for chriilianlty all their native courage

and conduaed her to the fort of Trols Rivieres, where (he re-
counted her ftory; the moft remarkable circiiniftance of whieh
is her innate dtlire of blood, that was fo ftrong as to induce her
to kill the favat-e, which oecafioned all tlic danger that at'terwards
iuirfucd her,

T t z and

mm I

■HHI

324

BRITISH EMPIRE

and love of their country. Depending on the pro-
tcdtion of the French, they civilly declined the of-
fer of the Andaftes, and giving way to their na-
tural indolence, they made no provifion for their
defence, till the Agniers fell upon their village
of St. Ignatius, and gave them a complete defeat.
Inftead of preparing to revenge their lofs, 'the Hu-
rons finding their enemies did not follow their
blow, rclapled into all their former fupinenefs; and
for fomc time the colony enjoyed a Hate of tran-
quility, while the French followed the fur-trade
about Trois Rivieres and TadoufTac, with great
fuccefs and profit. The Iroquois had forefeen the
fecurity of the Hurons; and, watching their time,
they fecrctlv armed themfelves, when they under-
flood that the greateft number of the young Hu-
rons were gone to hunt, and, on the fudden, they
invefled the populous village of St. Jofeph. Father
Daniel, an obftinate enthufiaflic miflionary, who
attended this village, was then faying mafs, and
had but juft time to flrip himfelf of his ecclefiafti-
cal habit, and t6 lock up the holy utenfils, when
he faw himfelf furrounded with the Iroquois, who
flaughrered all they found. The father intrepidly
Hepped into the midrt of the carnage, and, dipping
his handkerchief in water, he baptized by fprink-
ling, many who implored it in their laft moments;
and obllhiarely rcfufing to fly, he was himfelf the
laft victim of the fury of the Iroquois, who killed

him

I N A M E R I C A. 325

him with their arrows, and mangled his body in
a barbarous manner.

The people of New England, in 1648, fent to
the governor and council of Canada, a propofal
that there Ihould be a perpetual peace between
the two colonies, even though their mother-coun-
tries were at war ; but it came to nothing. The
Iroquois had difcontinued their maflacres for fix
months, and the chriftian Hurons continued to live
with their ufual indolence, as if they had no ene-
my to guard againft, when, on the fixtecnth of
March, 1649, before day, a body of oije thou-
fand Iroquois fuddenly furprifed the village of St.
Ignatius, and butchered or took prifoners moft of
the inhabitants.

Two hundred of the Iroquois, the main body
of whom had now returned to St. Louis, approach-
ed St. Mary's, a populous and well-fortified vil-
lage, but fell into an ambufcade of the Hurons,
who killed many of them, and, forcing the reft
to fly, purfued them as far as St. Louis, where
themfelves, who were but a handful, were fur-
prifed in trheir turn, and furrounded by their ene-
mies. They defended themfelves, however, very
bravely ; all of them were wounded, many were
killed, fome were made prifoners, but none of
them efcaped ; and in them fell the flower of the
Huron nation. The people at St. Mary's were
overwhelmed with confternation and defpair, at
hearing of this defeat; but the Iroquois, the next

day.

326 BRITISH EMPIRE

day were fcizcd with a pani , and returned home,
where they put their prifoners to death by the tor-
ture. — The miffionaries amongft the Indians of
St. Mary's, upon this, formed a projeft for coU
leding together f^'* remains of that nation, and
tranfportlnor *hci' ..uc place of fafety, where

they coulc^ not be uiiturbed by their enemies. For
thispurpclL they propofed the ifle of Manitoualin;
a narrow fpot, about forty leagues in length, lying
in the fouth part of lake ^ ' ; but this propo-
ial was rejected by the Hurons, bccaufe it wag
at too great a dillance from their native country;
and the}' pitched upon the little ifland of St, Jofeph,
lying within fight of their ancient habitations.
I'his place w as foon peopled, and the inhabitants
grew niimerou :., on account of the convenience
of filhing and hunting in the neigbourhcx)d ; while
the miflionarics, inftead of imtruding them in the '•t-
tional parts of chrilVianit) , and the arts of indullry,
fpent their time in myflic devotions, and baptized
three thoufand Ir.dians in a fhort time. — The fum-
mcr palled o\ er without any thing remarkable hap-
pening ; but w inter overtook them in a mod la-
mentable fitu 'on. So fer id had been theii' de-
votion, that iney had lowed little or nothing;
their filhery had ti'rncd out very ill, and all their
game \\as foon deHroyed; lu that indie autumn
they began to* feel the aj>pr nachcs of tamine.
This calamity was folio cd h a peililcnce; aid
\\hilc the inhalitants of ^ of St. Jofe »h were

plunged

IN AMERICA. 32;

plunged into thefe miferics, v$ came to the
Huron nation that three hun. red Iroquois had
taken the field, and feemed to meditate fome blow
againft the Tii nnontatez Hurons. This tribe waj
(o populous, that one of their villages, that of St.
John, contained upwards of fix hundred families.
The Huron chiefs, far from keeping upon their
guard, took the field in queft of their enemies,
who, giving them the flip, marched diredly to-
wards St. John's, where they killed and took pri-
foners all they met with, and put to death father
Gamier,

In the meantime, the miferable remains of the
St. Jofcph colony had left it ; and many of them
hnd perifl>-d in the lake, the ice breaking under
them Thofe who remained alive, who did not
exceed three hundred, applied to father Ragueneau,
?heir miffionary, to Ihelter them from the Iroquois,
bvconc^ia^ng them to Quebec, where, under the
pror^-ai.-n of the governor, they might cultivate
th iands that fhould be affigned them. The fa-
lacr, by he advice of his brethren, confcnted.
They let out ' the river of the Ouatawas, and,
def..air rendering them hardy, thev marched on
without being attacked hy their enemies. On the
r .ad they met BrefTani, ui o, being informed c . die
fate of the chrirtian Hui . ., thouf^ht he could not
do better than go back with Rn nieneau ; and accord-
ingly returned to Quebec. -- ^'.u h of the T \irons as
could not be DerfuaJed to ^-uve their native coun-
try

328 BRITISH EMPIRE

try, exi)€i lencetl great variety of milcrics. Some of
them fled for ihelter to other nations, who there-
by drew upon them the arms of the Iroqutns;
others of them fettled under the i)rGtcdtion of the
Englilh, on the borders of Pennfylvania; andfome
of the inhabitants of the villages which remained
ftill imdeflroyc' followed a different courfe ; for
they fubmitted to the Irocjuois, and were taken
into their friendihip and alliance.

The incrcafe of people at Quebec laid the French
color "fts there under inconceivable difficulties to
fubfift them; and they found thcmfelves become
almofl as contemptible as their Indian allies had
been, in the eyes of the Iroquois; whilft thofe
of the Hurons who had taken refugee under the
cannon of Quebec, having now wherewithal to
fubfift on, forgot their former miferies, and palled
from defpondency to prefumption. They alToci-
ated themfelves witk their countrymen at Sylleri,
with the Algonquins of Tfois Rivieres, and the
gleanings of their countrymen who had efcaped
the hatchets of the Iroquois, and madly formed
amongft thenifelvcs a confederacy to exterminate
the Iroquois, thofe profeffed enemies to the gof-
pel. Setting out upon this ill concerted expedition,
they difpatched a Huron, and an Algonc^uin, to
reconnoitre a village of the Agniers, which they
were to attack. The former fell into the hands
of the Agniers, and he betrayed his countrymen
to the enemy, l))- bringing them to the place where

tlicy

•IN A H E R I C ^ 32^

they were lying aflecp. They were awakened by a
difcharge of mufqiietry, which killed or difablcd
their bell warriors ; lor the Agnicrs had time to
take their aim. Some of them, however, fought
their way into a neighbouring wood, where they
faved themfelves; but all the reft were cither kill-
ed or bur»t alive, excepting two, who efcaped
to Quebec with the melancholy news. —

The French at Tadoulfac found it for their in-
tereft to indulge the Algonciuins and Hurons,
who repaired thither, with the ule of brandy, which
kejit them in a perpetual ftate tif intoxication ; and
their paffion for ftrong liquors grew every day
fo violent and intradiable, that no authority,
either civil or ecclefiaftic, could put a flop to it.
D'Aillebouft was now recalled, and M. de Laufon,
one of the chief diredors of the Quebec company,
was nominated to fuccced him; but he did not ar-
rive at his government till the next year. He had
great experience in the affairs of the colon)-, and
had negotiated the reftitution of Quebec by the
I^nglifh; but was amazed to find the colony in
fo miferable a ftate upon his arrival. The Iroquois
marched up to the very mouth of the French can-
non without fear, and infulted them on all hands.
Bochart, a man of capacity and virtue, was then
the French governor at Trois Rivieres, and had
prevented the vice of drunkennefs fi:om infeding
that fettlement, which^ under him, "was in very
good order. Perceiving thai the Indians extend-
VoL, L U II ed

fill

330 BRITISH EMPIRE

cd their infults to his government, he fomewhat
unadvifedly marched out in perfon againft tliem,
and was killed. His death increafed the inlb'ence
of the favages, and the new governor of C^iebec
found himfclf obliged to incU)le Sylleri with a
wall. The Abenaquais were the only chriftian
nation whom the Iroquois did not attack; but they
were probably reftrained by the reipcd: they bore
for the Englilh. Father Dreuillettes, who feems
to have had the lame zeal, but a much greater
capacity, than his brother miffionaries, had been
long employed with great fuccefs in converting

^ thefe, and having won their affedion, he formed
them into a barrier againft the Englilh fettlers. — -
It was about this time that father Buteux., in tra^

••veiling to convert Indians in undifcovered regions
of the north, was murdered by the Iroquois. At
laft, the perfeverar^ce and zeal of the Jcfuits began
to abate, and fome of them returned to Europe;
amonft whom was ^nther Breflani. - — The fettle-
ment at Montreal, partook of the general calami-
ties. Maifonneuve, who ftill continued to govern
there, found himfelf obliged to o-o to Old Franc*
for frefh recruits; and, in 1653, he returned with,
one hundred men, and a female houfe-keeper,
called Margaret Bourgeois, who afterwards inftitut-
cd the order of the daughters of the congregation.
While Maifonneuve was employed in guarding
Montreal from furprifes, ^bout fixty of the favagc
Iribe called Onnondagans, prefcnted th(.'mielvcs at

the.

i N A M E R I C Ai 331

^he gate of the fort, and demanded a parley, upon
\vhich fome of them were admitted into the place,
and declared that their nation was difpofcd to treat
of a peace. They accompanied their fpeech with
prefents, and frelh alfurances of their fincerity.
Upon this, they were fuffered to return to their
chiefs with the terms offered by the governor, and
in their way they engaged the tribes of Onneyouth
and Goyogouin to join them in the negociationv
T^he head of the latter not only named his deputies
to go to Montreal^ but fent along with him a
bfelt of wampum, as a token that five hundred
Iroq^-is were on their march to attack Trois Ri-
viereu^ f..vlaifonneuve acquainting I.aufon with his
danger, the latter immediately affembled all the
Hurons he could get together, and attacked a body
of the Agniers, whom he defeated, making their
chief and many of tha'iv leaders prifoners. An-
other party of the Iroquois marched up to the very
gates of Quebec, where they made fome prifoners *>

* Amongft tliefe was father Poncet, who was the darling of
the province, whom they ciiried into captivity. Foity Frenchj
and a number of favages inftantly entered into ail allbciation to
deliver their milFionary, and, fetting out from Quebec, dlfcovcred
the names of Poncet, and his fellow prifoners, engiaved on the
irunk of a tree, with the following note underneath : " Six Hu-
*' rons now naturalized Iroquois, and four Agniers have carried
" us off, but as yet done ui no harm." They foon had reafon
to alter their tone; for when they came to tht Agnier village,
where an afleinbh' was held, to deliberate on the fate of the pii-
f»n«r3^ a woman came up to the party, and prefented them with

U H 2 Pcacfi

'■?.

n r

i|| I -Ml

332 BRITISH EMPIRE.

Peace was at laft concluded, and a reciprocal
confidence fecmed to have been fettled on both fides.
Next year father Le Moyne was fent to Onnon-
dago, to ratify the treaty, and was fo well fatis-
fied with the cordial reception he had from the
favages, that he offered to take up his reiidencc
with them, which was readily accepted ; an apart-
ment was af!igned him, and he accordingly took
poH/?nion of it. He then fct out for Quebec,
loaded with prefents from all the Iroquois chiefs.

a firing of wampura, that (he might be permitted to cut off one
of the nHtiffionary's fingers. This favour was granted her : and,
to tlic great joy of the miirionary, who it fecms ufed

,2ttlcr

onn

the facred ccremouies with the right hand, it was the fore ffi.j,ci of the
left hand that (he cut off. Next day he was abandoned to the bar-
barous treatment of the children of the feveral villages througli
which he was to be carried; and, at laft, another council aflem-
lied, who pronounced fentence, that the Frenchman, his com-
panion, fliould be burnt alive, which was executed immediately ;
and that the father (hould be put into the hands of a matron who
had loft •», near relation in the war ; and fhe gave the miffionavy
lub life. Tluce days after, an Iroqtiois came exprcfs from Trois
Rivieres with an account that peace was upon the poii t of being
concluded, and that Ononthio had obliged the Iroquois to give
him hoftaiTcs, whofe lives were to be anfwerable tor tliat of father
Poiicet.

This news entire'y altered the father's fituation. They carried
Ijiin to Orange, the ncareil Dutch fetrlcnicnt, where he was new
cloathed, hib own cloaths being torn to pieces. Upon his return,
he was coiidu*i:1ed from one canton to another, with all denion-
ftraiious of the moft fip.ccre friendftiip; and at laft arrived, on tl;e
lit'th of November, at Quebec, where he was received with the
s^reateft joy by his countrymen.

IN AMERICA, , ^f

How'cver, before he had reached there, a proof
of the little dependance tliat is to be had upon the
faith of thofe favages. Being in a canoe with two
Onnondagans, and followed by other canoes. In
which were Algonquins and Hurons, when they
came near Montreal they were furrounded by feveral
boats filled with Agniers, who poured into his
canoes a fire of mufquetry, which killed all the
Algonquins and Hurons, and one of his Onnon-"
dagans ; and the enemy then took and bound the
father himfelf, as if he had been a prifoner of war.
They at the fame time told the furviving OnnoR-'
dagan, that he was at liberty to return home.
But the favage declared, that he never would aban-
don the miffionary, and threatened the Agniers
with the refentment of the Upper Iroquois ; fo that
the barbarians, perceiving him to be refolute and
inflexible in his purpofe, unbound the father, and
replaced him under the care of his faithful guide,
who conducted him to Montreal. Th aftion was
difavowed by the Agnier canton: but thefe In-
dians perceiving, that their own importance was
every day diminiihing, fccretly refolved to break
the peace, which obliged them never to appear
armed in the French colony, and not to interrupt
the miffionaries in their funftions. In a Ihort time
a miffionary was fovmd murdered and fcalped near
S}ileri, and it was plain, that the barbarians had
refolved upon a rupture.

This,

S54 BRITISH EMPIRE

This, and many other adts of treachery, at kft
obliged the French to take the field, which they
did, the rather becaule they knew the Agniers
could not, at that time, be fupported by the upper
Iroquois ; and this had fo good an effed: that thofe
barbarians apologized for their condujft) and not
only offered to enter into the treaty without any
reftri<5t:ion, but carneftly petitioned to have a mif-
fionary fent to inflrud: them. — About this timcj
the Iroquois fo efTediually exterminated a nation
called the P>ies, that no traces of them now re-
main, nor could it be known they ever had exifled,
were it not for the great lake, on the borders of
which they were fituated, and, which, for that
rcafon, flill bears their name. The Iroquois, at
the beginning of that war, were worfled; but
they purfucd it with fac^ nrelenting fury as to
effe6: the cataflrophe we have mentioned. The
French were under great apprehenfions, that this
fuccefs of the Iroquois might encourage them to
renew the war, which indeed might have been
the cafe, had not the canton of the Onnondagans
been (o well difpofed to chrifliauity, that they re^
fufed to enter into the quarrel. They went far-
ther; for they fcnt father Dablon, with a commif-
fion from their chiefs, to Quebec, to perfuade Mi
Laufon to fend a number of French to fettle amongfl
them. Dab) on, attended by a numerous retinue
of the natives, arrived at Quebec; and notwith-
ftanding all that an ancient Huron, who had lived

long

IN AMERICA. 535

long in the Onnondagan country, could do to dif-
iuade hira, Laufon refolved to grant the requeft.
Fifty Frenchmen, with the Sieur Dupuis, to com-
mand them, were chofen for the new fettlement.
Three miffionaries were affigned them, and though
the harveft had been but indiftercnt, Dupuis was
furnilhed with provifions to fiipply his colony for
a year, and to fow all the ground that (hould be
affigned him.

The Iroquois raifed four hundred men, whom
they fent out to attack the party under Dupuis on
their march; but, miffing their blow, they fell
upon fome ftray canoes, which they pillaged, pre-
tending that they did not know they belonged to
the French, but thought they were Hurons or Algon-
quins. The flower of the chriftian Hurons were
at this time fettled, to the number of fix hundred,
in the ifle of Orleans, where they had begim to
cultivate the grounds; but they were fo carelefs,
that the Loquois found means in one day tc carry
offfifty of them to their own country, where they
were put to death with mofl horrible tortures, with-
out being purfued by Laufon, though the barba-
rians, on their way homewards infulted him under
his own cannon.

The Iroquois having fubdued the Hurons, next
fell upon the Outa\^ as, but the latter left their
own country, and difperfed themfelves through
various parts of the continent, the bulk of them

fettling

b^B f

^^^^^^K

336 BRITISH EMPIRE

fettling on the borders of the river wliich flillbear^
their name. After the entire deftru(!ilion of the Hu-
ron liabitations, they were joined by the Tionnon-
tatez Hurons, and they moved fouthwards, till
they came to the River Miffiffippi, ^^'here, at firil,
ibme of them made an alliance with the Sioux ;
but, breaking with them, they were reduced to
the great;eft mifery, and obliged to divide them-
lelves into little parties, wandering wherever they
could find fubfiftance through the vaft tra6:s lying
to the caflward of the Mifliflippi. Two French-
men came up with about twenty of them, whom
they condud:ed from the banks of lake Michi-
gan, as they had fome furs with them, to Quebec;
where they were favourably received, on account
of their civilities to their two French conductors.
Laufon, bewaring that a fettlemcnt of thoie Oiita«
was had been made on the borders of lake Michi-
jjan, and feeing their furs to be of an excelleni:
-kind, immediately thought of fending fome French
to fettle among them. Thirty young Frenchmen of-
fered themielvcs voluntecis for that lervicc, nor
was there wanting plenty of millionaries, as ufuai,
to attend the Outawas on th-ir return. The ad-
venturers fet out from Quebec, about die twcllth
of Augull:, 1656; but as they drew near Trois Ri-
vieres, they met with an advice-canoe, fent to in-
form them that a party of the Agniers was. in the
neighbourhood. Being thus })ut upon their guard,
they cfcaped the ambufcade the barbarians had

planted

IN AMERICA.

337

planted for them, and arrived fafe at Trois Ri-
vieres. The French adventurers landing there, be-
gan lerioufly to reflet upon the dangers they were
about to encounter, efpecially as they faw their
favage friends but ill provided for an engagement.
All of them, therefore, but three, who would not
abandon their ghoflly fathers, refufed to proceed.
The Outawas, however, having provided them-
felves with fire-arms, with which they had been
before entirely unacquainted, diverted thcmfclves
with firing them off, which, when they were re-
cmbarked, inltrufted the Agniers, who watched
them, in the route they had taken ; and they had
fufficient leifure to prepare a frelh ambufcade. They
were then above the ifland of Montreal ; and the
Agniers, having chofjn a proper ftation, poured
into the fix firft canoes, which were filled with
Hurons, all but father Garreau one of the miflion-
arics, a full difcharge of their fire-arms, which
killed many of thtiii ; and then, the canoes being
attacked hatchet in hand, all who did not fall by
the firfl: difcharge, were killed or made nrifoners.
The Outawas, who were not engaged, came too
late to prevent the mifchief whitli rhey feemed
refolved to revenge; but, after a briik fkirmifh,
they intrenched themfelves, and the next day they
departed with all imaginable fecref)^, leaving be-
hind them the two Jcfuits, one of whom was mor-
tallv wounded, und the three Frenchmen.
Vot. I. X X The

A 1

ii <i'

I (' k „

338 BRITISH EMPIRE

The French undement great hardfliips in their
march to the country of the Onnondagans, being
difappointed in their fcheme of fupporting them-
felves by hunting and filhing ; and they muft have
perilhed for want of the mere neceflaries of life,
had not the elders of the Onnondagans fent them
provifions on the road in canoes. They were, at
the fame time, informed that a vafl number of the
Iroquois, and other favages were aflembled on the
borders of the lake Gunnentaha, to receive them;
upon which M. Dupuys prepared to enter the counr
try, and in fuch a manner as might ftrike the bar-
barians with refpedt. The French were received
with all the marks of honour, and even devotion,
that the favages could exprefs. Their moft re-
mote cantons demanded miffionaries for their in-
llruftion, and they were obliged to enlarge their
chapel to receive their converts. To give the ut-
moft proof of their friendihip, when the heats of
» the country introduced diftempers amongft the
French, the favages cured them by medicines i^-
culiar to themfelves, Thofe friendly appearances
impofed on the greateft part, but the moft fenfible
amongft the Frcach, advifed their countrymen to
be upon their guard, and to build a fort which
might brkile the natives. This a^lvice, however,
could not be complied with, becaule of the po-
verty of New France J though the neceffity of it be-
caaic every cay ipore gnd more apparent.

The

IN AMERICA. 339

The Hurons of the ifle of Orleans, thinking
they were not fafe there, had removed to Quebec,
and, in refentment for the French having, as they
thought, abandoned them to their enemies, they
had fecretly fent a meflage to propofe to the Agnicrs
an union, and to becon' one people ; and the
latter had embraced the propofiil ; but the
Hurons retracing it, they rcfolved to carry
fire and fword, as they did, into their country. A
great number of the ftraggling Hurons were ac-
cordingly put to death ; and, at laft, when the Ag-
niers thought they had been fufficiently humbled,
they fent a deputation of thirty of their chiefs to
Quebec to condudt the Hurons to their country.
This deputation behaved with intolerable haugh-
tlnefs. The chief of them demanded an audience
in a full aflembly, which Laufon was weak enough
to grant, and the manner in whi<fth he deli-
vered himfclf, together with the haughtinefs of
his demands, was as extraordinary as the humility
with which the French received them.—

The Hurons in general were greatly dif-
gufted with this tamenefs; fome of them w^re
for joining the Onnondagans, to whom they had
already made propofals for that purpofe; others
were for remaining in the protection of the French;
but the tribe of the Bear remained firm to their
engagements with the Agniers. Thofe points be-
ing fettled, the council was re-aflembled, and the
Agnier deputies called in, Laufon himfelf having

X X 2 the

'v4

i.i >i

fi.

€' m^

340 BRITISH EMPIRE

the meannefs to continue prefent. Father Le Moyi^
fervcd as interpreter on this occafioii, and thus ad-
c^refledhimfelf to the Agnier deputation, " Onnon-
** thio, faid he, loves the Ilurons, they are his
•' children, but he does not hold th< m i 1 pupil-
lage; thou haft undertaken to condudi them
hence ; they are of age to chv.fe for themfelvcs ;
" he opens his arms, and gives them liberty to go
" whither they plcafe : for my part, I will follow
*' them wherever they go. If they repair, Ag-
" nier, to cliy country, I will inftrudt tlic'e like-
•* wife in what manner the Author of all things is
" to be prayed to and adored ; but I cannot flatter
*' myfelf that thou wilt hear me ; I know L.ee
" and thy indocility ; but I will comfort myfclt
" with the Hurons. As to fomc canoes which
** have been demanded, if you want any, you niuf}
" make them. We have not enough for ourfelves."
T^v; chief of the Bear tribe then addrefled him-
felf t'l die deputies in the follow'ng manner:
** My brother, I am yours ; — I throw myfelf with
" my eyes fhut into your canoes, I am refolved on
" every thing, even to die ; but I intend that I
" and my family Ihall go firft. I will fuffer no
" others to embark with me ; if afterwards the
" reft of my n-ation lliall join us, it is well : but I
" fhall be ghid to fee, before-hand, how you treat
** me." He then prefcnted the deputation with
three belts, to prevail with them to treat him and
his family well. After this, the Bear tribe, and fa-

thei

I N A M r R I C A. 341

tSct Le Moyne embarked with the deputies ; and
fome days after their departure, deputies cat >om
the Onnondag. on the fame errand ; b ^
incenfed, when they ht 1 that the Bear tni nad
gone off with the Agnitrs, and began to ufc
threats againft the Hurons, who made the beft
apology they could, but to ver} little purpofe.
Laufon was then obliged to interpofe, nnd to teli
them, That they were wanting in the refpeft they
owed to their father ; that the Hurons in general
were ready to follow them ; but tha! .vives

and childu w^re terrified at their thi ad war-

like appearance, which were very in^ per while
they were applying to them as friends and bro-
thers ; tha*- if they would return to their country,
and adt r arly, the Hurons would wait for
them at Montreal, and give oflages for the per-
forman e of all thuy had promifed th This

fpeech, with good entertainment in eating and
drinking for fome days, pacified the deputies,
and they returned home, feemingly well fatisfied.
But the deputation of the Onnondagans was de-
trimental to the interefts of the French in Cana-
da, becaufe it expofed their weaknefs, and their

inability to proted their ^iend\ Indians

They came, as had been flipuh^ d at Quebec the
year before, to carry with the a the Hurons, who
were accompanied by two Jcfuits, and fome French-
men. Ou the day of embarkation, the latter
were furprifed when the Onnondagans rcfufed to

fuffer

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342 BRITISH EMPIRE

fuffer any but the Hurons to attend them. They,
however, at laft agreed to take fome of the French,
but were fo obftinate againft the Jcfuits, who
would by no means abandon their Huron difciples,
that thefe were obliged to embark on board a ca-
noe without any proyifion, but a fmall bag of
meal. This fpecimen of the behaviour of the On-
nondagans created many melancholy apprehenfions
amongft the Hurons, which were lioon verified. A
Huron woman had her brains beaten out by an
Onnondagan chief, who attempted to ravilh her ;
and foon after, a great r jmber of the moft con-
fiderable Hurons were m ffacred, and the furvi-
vors treated as (laves, f^rAc of them being even
burned alive. The two miffionaries and the four
French, who attended the Hurons, expe^^d every
moment the fame fate : but (for what reafon does
not appear) they were faved> and arrived with the
convoy at Onnondago, where they underftood from
Dupuys, that a rcfolution had been taken by the
favagcs to cut off all the French in their coun-
try *.

* This barbarous refolution took rife from tlie following occa-

fion. A bo<^y of Onneyouths had murdered three Frenchmen

near Montreal ; and D'Ailleboftt, the French governor at Quebec,
in the room of Laufon, who was recalled to France, feized and
jmprifoned all the Iroquois whom he could find in his colony, till
he fhoiild receive fatisfadion for the deatli of the Frenchmen.
This exafperated the favage tribes ; but inftead of proceeding im-
mediately to violences, they coolly refolved on the following fchenie

Such

IN AMERICA. 343

Such was the iituation of French Canada, when
the vifcount D^Argenfon, who had been appointed
governor-general of New France, arrrived at Que-
bec to take pofleffion of his government. His

of murder. Father Le Moyne was to be fent, attended by a nu-
merous convoy, to proted him, as they pretended, againft th«
infults of the young favages, to treat of the ranfom of the Iro-
quois. At the fame time, large bodies of other Indians were
to difperfe themfelves through the neighbourhood of Qjiebec, who,
as foon as they heard of the deliverance of their countrymen,
lyere to fall upon the French, and murder them wherever they
could be found, and the colony under Dupuys was to undergo the
fame fete. Thofe favages are inconftant in their refolutiojis, and
impatient till they come to aftion, wheii their motive is revenge;
fo that without waiting for Le Moyne, great bodies of the Ag-
niers, Onneyouths, and Onnondagaiw, took the field with all
their warlike equipages. This alarmed the fufpicions of Dupuys;
and being informed by a chriftian convert of the truth, he fent a
courier to M. D'Aillebouft, to warn him of his danger. As to
himfelf and his people, he cpuld think of no expedient of fafety
but to fly ; and he immediately fet them to work to make boats in
an outlying barn of the Jefuits, that they might not be difcovered
by the favages, and effefted his efcape, according to the French
writers, in the following wonderful manner:——.

A young Frenchman, the adopted fon of one of the favages,
perfuaded his father of adoption, that he dreamed of one of thofe
feafts, at which tlie guefts are obliged to ea^ all that is ferve^'i up ;
infilUd that fuch a (Qi&. (hould be msule, snd (aid he fhould die if the
finalleft morfel was left. The afFeftiongte Indian granted the fon's
requeft, and invited all the tribe to the feaft, which was fixed for
the fourteenth of March, the day on which the frcnch were to
attempt their efcape. Every thing lucceeded as the latter could
wiih : — the guptts feafted under the found of all the dioims arn^
tmnj^ets of the village, till aU of theoi fcU fatt aller p } urA ;he

344 BRITISH EMPIRE

firfl cxercife of power there, was to detach about
two hundred men, French and natives, againfi the
Iroquois, but thefe could not come up with them.
The favagcs marched next to furprife the fettle-
ment of Trois Rivieres ; they propofed to do this
by amufing De la Potherie, the French comman-
dant there, with a Iham conference, and dif-
patched eight of their countrymen to Trois Rivi-
eres for that purpofe: but Potherie was aware of their
intention, and inftantly feized on the eight fava-
ges, one of whom he detained in his own prifon,
and fent the other fevcn to the governor-generalj
by whofe orders they were put to death ; and this
feafonable feverity for fome time reftored tranquillity
to the province.

In 1659, a bilhop was fent to refide in Canada,
The firfl thing this new prelate did, was to de-
mand the famous father Jerome Lallemant, who

Freuchman, watching his opportunity, flipped out and joined his
companions, who, favoured by the noife, had, by this time, got off
in their boats ; and M. Dupuys, after enco.mtfiring vail difficul-
ties and fatigues, arrived in fifteen days at Montreal. There

he found confternation and confulion fpread through all the colony.
Parties of the Iroquois covered the country, and, without declar-
ing themlelves enemies, obliged tJie French to keep within their
walls. Tow;irds the end of May, father Le Moyne, who had
been preaching among the Agniers, was by ihcm fafely conduc-
ted, according to their promile, to Montreal; and they after-
wards joined the other Iroquois ; upon which, thole favages im-
iHljtliatcIy bjoke out into open hollllltlcs, and murdered the Algou-
^jiins, even under the canuou of the f«it of Quebec.

then

IN AMERICA. 345

then prefided in the college of La Fleche, from the
general of the Jefuits to attend him to Canada ?
and his reqiieft was accordingly complied with.
He, however, introduced a total alteration into the
ecclefiaftical difcipline and government of Canada,
where no priefts but Jefuits had hitherto found ac-
cefs ; fot he firft carried over with him monks of
other orders, who were inftituted to benefices;
but Montreal and its dependancies remained under
the diredion of the fathers of the feminary of Sr.
Sulpice ; and having obtained from the pope a brief,
appointing him apoftolical vicar of New France, and
being amufed with daily accounts of difcoveries of
nations to the north and weft of Lake Huron ; he
prepared, in concert with father Lallemant, who
had been again named fuperior-gereral of the mif-
lions, for their converfion.

In the year 1 660, an Algonquin met with numbers
of his countrymen r^ar Hudfon's Bay, who had fled
thither from the Iroquois. He found the natives as
well as his countrymen there, fo well difpofed to
join with the French againft the Iroquois, that they
fent him with prefents to the governor-general of
New France, to aflure him of their friendship and
affiftance. About the fame time, two Frenchmen,
who had wintered on the borders of the upper lake,
by travelling weftward, difcovered the nation of the
Sioux, who, at that time, had never heard of the
French, and who were but little known, even to
Vol. L Y y the

■ ■MttBii

akziiem^isbiim

346 BniTISH EMPIRE

the Hurdns and Algonquins. The Huron nations
of the Tionnontatez and the Outawas, whom
.we have already mentioned, trufting to their 6re-
arms, fought to make their quarters good amongft
the Sioux, to whom they fled for proteftion, and
even killed fome of them ; but th?fe people,
though ftartlcd at firft, attacked their guefts in a
Jjody, and defeated a gteat number of them,
while they maffacred others, whom they drove into
a kind of a pool, v/here unawares they found
themfelves entangled, and not one man efcapcd
death from the arrows of the enemy. This deter-
mined the Hurons to feek their habitations elfe-
•where; and they fettled to the fouth-caft of the
weftern point of the upper lake.

The Iroquois remained mailers of all the open
country, who ravagec' it from Montreal to Que-
bec. A body of feven hundred of them had de-
feated a large party of French and Indians, and
m^jny of the colonifts were making difpofitions to

lembark again for Old France. Even the

nuns were obliged to fly from their monafteries, to
take refuge at Montreal and Quebec ; and fo ciofely
|iad the favages blocked up the French within their
walls, that there was all the appearance of an ap-
proaching famine ; the Frenchmen, in many
places, not daring to llir abroad, either to reap or
fow ; and, towards the end of w inter, their enemies
appeared in more numerous bodies, and every where
butchered the French and Indians, Amongil the

former,

IN AMERICA.

147

former, fome pcrfons of rank loft their lives ; and
amongft the latter, the women, rather than
they would fall into the hands of the Iroquas,
fought as bravely as the men. To heighten
their misfortunes, the inhabitants were attacked
by a kind of hooping cough, which proved epi-
demical and turned into a pleurify that carried off
great numbers. — But while this deplorable ftate
of the colony continued, the councils of the On-
nondagans took a favourable turn for the French.
It ieems that, amongft thofe favages, the matrons
form a confiderable part of the government ; and
the men, knowing that moft of them were fincerc
converts, and friends to the miffionaries, had care-
fully concealed from their females the intended
maflacre of the French under M. Dupuys. On
difcovering that the French and the miffionaries
were gone, the women and their daughters ccle*
brated a general mourning, and, it is faid, afferted
their prerogative from the ufurpations of the men
fo refolutely that they fet at liberty all the French
prifoners, amounting to twenty, and converted one
of their cabins into a chapel, where great numbers
of chriftians prayed every day; and in effecting
this great revolution, they were affifted by the
chriftians of the cantons of Goyogouin and On-
neyouth, who continued In the faith. Soon after
this news came the Iroquois difappeared ; and,
towards the end of July, 1661, two canoes, with a
white flag, appeared before Montreal. Being fuf-

Y V 2 fered

BRITISH EMPIRE

fcred to approach, they were found to be deputies
from the cantons of Onnondago and Goyogouin ;
and the deputy from the latter had not only
the beft intercft of any man in his canton, but was
the moft determined friend the French hid amongft
all the favages. They brought with them fom*
Frenchmen, whom they propofed to exchange for
eight Goyogouin prifoners, and to fet at liberty all
their remaining French captives on the like terras.
.They prefented Maifonneuve, at the fame time,
with a letter of the remaining French prifoners, in-
forming him of the good treatment they received,
but at the fame time, that if the propofal of their
jcxchange were rejected, they muft infallibly un-
dergo the flames. Maifonneuve, not thinking him-
fclf fyfficiently authorifed to return an anfwcr to
thofe propofitions, fent an exprefs with them to
the governor-general, and, in the mean while,
lodged the deputies in his fort. D'Argenfon, who,
by this time, had become peevilh and four by his
fituation, and had demanded his recal, with fomc
difficulty agreed to the propofals ; but was at firft at
XI lofs to find a mifiionar)', who would venture into
the favage country, which the Indians infifled on
as an indifpenfable preliminary of the accommo-
dation ; but his uneafinefs was foon over ; for the
zealous father Le Moyne chearfully undertook the
cmbafly.

D'Argenfon was fucceeded in his government by
the baron D'Avaugour, who had been bred up in

the

IN AMERICA.

349

the wars of Hungary, and was eftecmcd an honcft
man, as well as a good officer, yet in other re-
fpeas was very ill qualified to be a governor-
general of New France. Having vifited the poftg
of Canada, he appeared highly furprifed and dif.
appointed at feeing them fo weak, and openly
declared, that if the French court did not fend him
the fupplies and re-inforcements they had promifed
him, he would leave his government, without
waiting for the appointment of his fucceflbr. By
thb time Lc Moyne had left Quebec, while the
fathers Dreuillettes and Dablon failed up the river
Saguenay, as far as the fource of the river Ne-
kouba, thereby to get a paffage into the North
Sea.— After they had pafTed the Lake of St. John,
they found fome favages, whom they converted to
chrillianity, about the fource of the River Nekou-
ba, beyond which they could not proceed, on ac-
count of the Iroquois, who were approaching, and
had lately deftroyed a whole nation. - Thou^ the
different tribes and townfliips of thofe favages are
independant of "one another, and though cac'^
adopts a form of government, as cuftom or ca-
price dire^s, yet they commonly have fome perfon
of high diftinftion among them, whom they con-
fidcr ao the chief of their nation, and who guides
them in their general delibeiations. The refolution
taken by the Onnondagans to maflacre Dupuys,
and his people, was only that of the tribe which
had fent deputies to Montreal ; for, from what fol-
lows.

K-^--

wM ^Bllf

■

i«

■

35b BRITISH EKfP IRE

lows, it docs not appear to have been the general
icnfe of the nation to break with the French. Fa-
ther Le Moyne, in his travels to the Onnoadagan
country, efcapcd feveral dangers from the Agniers,
the Onneyouths, and the Tfonnonthouans, who
had no chief in the deputation to Montreal.
When he came within two leagues of Onnonda-
go, he was furprifed to be n^et by Garakonthic,
the grand chief of the whole nation, and lord of
that canton in particular ; as he knew that thofe
iavages feldom or never advance above a quarter of
a mile to meet their deputies on their return. But
this Garakonthie was a very extraordinary perfon-
age, and had nothing about him of the favage,
but his birth and education. By his great credit
with his canton he had faved the lives of all the
French prifoners his people had made, and had
even the addrefs to deliver many who were in the
hands of the Agniers ; and he was inceflantly labour-
ing to bring about a firm alliance between the
French and his countr}'men.

On the rvvelfth of Auguft the deputies of On-
nondago, Goyogouin, and Tfonnonthouan, aflem-
bled in Garakonthie's cabin, to which Le Moyne
was invited. He accordingly repaired thither, and
opened his negotiation In a fdemn and mafterly
manner. Thofe Indians having deliberated upon the
father's propofals, determined that nine French
prifoners {liould be fent to Onnonthio, but that
they would rcferve the others in compliment to

him,

IN AMERICA,

351

him, to keep him company during the winter;
and that Garakonthie fliould be appointed head of
the deputation which was to be fent to Montreal
to conclude the peace.

In the middle of September, Garakonthie fct
out upon his embafly ; and, upon his arrival at
Montreal, he was received with diftindtions due to
the great fervices he had done the colony. In many
private conferences he had there with the governor-
general, the latter conceived fo high an opinion of
his iincerity, as well as capacity, that, upon his
promifing him to return in the fpring with the re-
maining French prifoners, all the Iroquois captives
were delivered into his hands. He imagined, that
the fuperior cantons of the Iroquois were fo far in-
volved in war with the Andaftes, and the Agniers,
with other nations, fupported by the Abenaquais,
that the delire of peace amongft all the Irequois
would become general : but he foon received in-
telligence, that the Iroquois were vid:orious over
all their enemies, whom they had either conquered,
or forced to fue for peace. The Onnondagans
hearing of this, and that the Agniers had again
puflied their ravages to the very gates of Montreal,
took arms againft the ».-ench. Being no longer
awed by the prefencc of Garakonthie, two hundred
of them invaded the French colonies, and, attack-
ing a great many of the inhabitants of Montreal,
who were at work in the fields, they cut in pieces
the town^major, who had fallicd out with twenty-

iix

. i

352 BRITISH EMPIRE

fix foldiei s, to bring off the people of Montreiil.
In the mean while Le Moync continued to cxcrcife
his functions amongft the Onnondagans, notwith-
ftanding the hoililitics their countrymen had been
guilty of againft the French; and, by a prudent
<:ourfe of diffimulation, he gained his ends. Gara-
konthie, loaded with valuable prefents, and, attend-
ed by the Iroquois captives, arrived at this critical
jundure at Onnondago, and, though greatly
ftartled at the alteration of his people's fcntiments,
he afted with lb much addrefs and firmnefs, that
he not only obtained a ratification of ihe treaty he
had concluded, but the delivery of all the French
prifoncrs into the hands of father Le Moyne, ex-
cepting one, who was put to death by his maftcr,
bccaufe he refufed to join himfelf to a female In-
dian, being already a married man.

The governor now wrote in the ftrongeft terms
to the court of France for re-inforcements, by
Boucher, the commandant of Trois Rivieres, who
was an honeft man, and extremely well acquainted
with the affairs 6i' Canada. The French king,
upon his reprefentations, appeared to be greatly
furprifed that fo piromifing a colony fhould have
been fo much negledicd, and immediately ordered
four hundred of his troops to embark for Canaila,
to ftrengthen the moft exiwOd ix)fts. Their arri-
val at Quebec, and Demont's promife of farther
re-inforcements next year, gave new fpirits to the
colony J but they wcr« foon damped by the ralh

condu<^

IN AMERTCA. ^S3

conduft of :1k governor-general. The ftrldleft or-,
dcrs had been IHlied by him for preventing the fell-
ing any brandy or fpirituous liquors to the lava-
ges ; and a Quebec woman having been detcdled
in this fad, was immediately carried to prifon.
Her tears and the interceflions of her relations
prevailed with father Lallcmant to apply for her
relcafe to the governor, who, with a ftrange
haughtinefs, anfwercd, that, fmcc the cr'me was
not punilhable in that woman, it (hould not be fo
in any other perfon. What is flill worfc, he ad-
hered fo Uridly to this declaration, that he thought
it a point of honour not to retrad it. This licence
introduced fuch a fpirit of debauchery, not only
among the Indians, but amongft the French fol-
diers, that the clergy were infulted, and all kind of
order and decency in the colony was difregarded ;
upon which the bilhop, defpairing of being able
to do any fervice by his authority, refolved to em-
bark for France, and there to lay his complaints
before the king.

About this time Canada was vifited WMth
mod terrible tempefts, fiery meteors and earth-
quakes. Trees were torn up by the roots, moun-
tains overturned, whole provinces wrapped in
flames, iffiiing in a mofl portentous manner from
the fubterraneous caverns of the earth. The
troubled ocean caft on fhore its monllers. All
nature was convulfed, and trembled as at its ap-
proaching difTolution. The clergy and religious

Vol. I. Z z orders.

354 BRITISH EMPIRE

orders confidered all thefe phoenomena as imme-
diate judgments fent from heaven upon the fms oi
the people. They magnified thefe calamities, fiiffi-
ciently terrible in themfelves, and continued perpe-
tually to exhort the Canadians to repentance, and
an amendment of life, which indeed was now be-
come highly and indifpenfably neceffary ; and it
was afterwards obferved by them, that though
nothing was more pliin than that all thefe cala-
mities proceeded from fupernatural caufes, yet that
Heaven, merciful in its chaftifements, had not per-
mitted any of the inhabitants to perilh amidfl the
horrors of its judgements. At the fame time they
took great pains to forctel a ftill more terrible ca-
tallrophc, if the people, obftinate in their wickcd-
nefs, fhould not turn from thofe evil courfes which
had awakened the anger of the offended Deity.

Their remonftrances were not loft ; they not only
brought the profeflbrs of chrilVianiry to a due fenfc
of their crimes and irregularities, but occafioncd
o-rcat numbers of fincerc converfions amongft the
natives, fo that nothing was now to be fcen, buf
public penances, faftings, alms, pilgrimages, and
proccflions ; and the illicit commerce in fpiri-
tuous liquors was folemnly decried and dctefted.
Upon the whole, though perhajjs, the Jefuits
have not ftuck to ft rid truth in their reprefenta-
tions of thefe amazing incidents, yet the face
of nature in Canada, to this day, affords fre-
quent evidences that the earthquakes and hurri-
canes.

IN AMERICA.

255

can<s, we have mentioned, were the mod dreadful
any country ever fuffered, that was not entirely de-
llroyed. The confternation even reached the Iro-
quois, who wer^ fo amazed, that though they a-
gain appeared in arms near Montreal, they loft all
courage, and were beaten in feveral fmall encounters
by the French and their Indians. The fmall-pox,
foon after this, fwept off great numbers of the ra-
vages ; and, at laft, they came to be fo well dif-
pofed towards a peace, that the Onnondagans not
only invited the French to refume their former fet*
tlement amongft them, but offered to fend their
daughters as hoftages to Quebec, there to be edu-
cated by fhe Urfuline nu -j, and feemed fmccrely
difpofed to favour the chriftian religion.

[Thus it often happens, that what the moft ra-
tional arguments, the force of virtue, and the fa-
cred authority of religion itfelf cannot effeft, a
feries of accidents, arifing merely from natural
caufes, is found fufficient to bring about. Afflid:ioii
is generally the bcft reformer of depraved mankind.
In the height of profperity and the hurry of the
paffions, men are deaf to remonftrance, and infen-
fil)le to the calm voice of Reafon ; but when Adver-
firy has feized upon them, when misfortunes fol-
lowing misfortunes, have opprefled and weighed
rhem down ; ^\ hen Anguilh has taken place of
Pride, and Gritf has foftcned the heart, then Vice
firfi a Pilars in her own hateful colours, and is de-
tellcd for the milcries entailed upon her ; then \ ir-

Z z 2 ttie

M
ill

■fl.

55^5 BRITISH EMPIRE

tue appears mod lovely, and is courted for that
happinefs which Ihe brings with her as a dowry. — .
It is, probably, for this realbn that we meet with fo
many examples of penitence among thofe whofe
comes have ruined their perfons or ellates ; and, on
the other hand, fo few, where fortune has fmiled
upon fuccefsful villany. The notion of a particu-
lar providence, has, in fome cafes, as in this be-
fore us, contributed to work wonderful reforma-
tions ; yet, if the matter be impartially confidered,
we fhall find that a perfon has occafion only to confult
hiflory and his own experience in life, to be con-
vinced of the abfolute abfuidity of fuch an opi-
nion. —But as arguments of this kind do not fall
within our province, after having faid thus much
on the fubjeft, we fhall leave them to theologians,
and proceed with our hiftory.]

The company of Canada, at this period, rcfigned
their right to the French king, who appointed De
Mefy to fucceed the baron D'Avaugour as gover-
nor, and the Sieur Gaudais to go as his commifTa-
ry, and to take poUeflion, in his name, of all New
France. Along with thofe two gentlemen a body of
troops, and one hundred families, for peopling the
colony, embarked, befides other officers of all de-
nominations. The commifiary began by receiving
:he oath of allegiance from the inhabitants, and
crtablifhing new courts, ^vhere new procefles of
Juflicc were introduced ; but thofe regulations had
« very dilforcnt effc^Jt from what his moft chriflian

majefty

1 N A M E R I C A. 357

majeflyexpe^ The French Canadians, till that
time, had bui very few difFe-rences among them*
felves, concerning matters of property ; and thofe
few were always decided by the governor-general,
upon the principles of equity and good fenfe. But
no fooner did the above-mentioned regulations take
place, than the Canadians, from being amongft
themfelves the molt inoffenfive i)eople in the worfd,
became the moft litigious. A council of ftate was
likewife eftablilhed in the year 1 663. It was com-
pofed of De Mefy, the governor-general, the bi-
ihop of Petree, Robert the intendant, four coun-
fellors, whom they were to name, a procurator-
general, and a head fecretarv.
- The Sieur Gaudais returned, according to order,
to France, that he might make a report to the
king of France, of the flute and difpofitions ' of
the colony, the conduct of D'Avaugour, whofe
fcverity had been greatly complained of, and the
manner in which the new governor, and regula-
tions had been received. All this he did j and
D'Avaugour having returned to Europe, had his
mafter's permimon to re-enter into the emperor's
fervice againft the Turks in Hunsarv, where he was
killed the next ye:^r. But the arrival of re-lnforce-
ments from France retarded the reftoration of peace
with the Itoquois ; for when it was on the point of
being concluded, a Huron, who was a naturalized
Iroquois, fpread a report, that, before he left Trois

Riv

icres.

358

BRITISH EMPIRE

#■

K.aB,^ !*.((.!

Rivieres, he faw thoufands of foldicrs landing at
Quebec, and that the French were in full march to
deftroy the dwellings, and exterminate the race of
the Iroquois. This report broke off, for that time,
the negociation* The favages flood on their guard,
but without venturing to invade the colony. Per-
ceiving, how^ever, by degrees, that the French had
no hoflile intentions : towards the winter they
made incurfions into the northern parts, where
they were guilty of enormous cruelties.

But fuch was the fpirit of thofe barbarians, that
though, in all probability, they believed the firfl re-
port of the French immenfe re-inforcements, it
did not produce from them one advance towards
a fubmiffion ; and it required all the prudence, and
credit of Garakonthie, to keep them from breaking
into farther hoflilities. He fuccecded fo far that
he aflembled the French prifoners, who had been
taken, in the cantons, and gave them an efcort of
twenty Onnondagans, to condudt them to Quebec.
In their voyage thither, they were attacked, on the
fudden, by a party of Algonquins, who took them
for enemies, and killed fcveral of the Iroquois; but
the French efcaped unhurt. This accident muft
have protluccd an immediate, and a frefh rupture,
had not Garakonthie perfuaded the Onnondagans,
that it was owing to a miftake. Some months
after, the Goyogouin chief agreeably furprifed the
colony at Quebec with a pacific vifit. He pre-

fentcd

IN AMERICA. 359

fented the governor-general with belts, on the parts
of all the cantons, excepting that ^f Onneyouth,
and declared, that they were fully refolved to live
in peace with the colony. The general, though
pleafed with the compliment, put on an air of
fuperiority, and acquainted the Indian, that he was
refolved to be upon his guard againft a nation that
had been fo often trufted by his predeceflbrs, and
had fo often betrayed them. He, however, treat-
ed the chief with great politenefs and civility. It
was about this time that the colony of Canada was
deeply affedied by the Englifh having gotten pof-
feffion of New York, as we have already mentioned
in the hifloryof that province.

The biihop had been the main inftrument in
procuring the recal.of the late governor d*Avau-
gour, and recommened De Mefy to fucceed him:
yet he fcarcely was fixed in his government, when
the bifhop found he had miftaken his man. The
bifhop patronifcd the Jefuits, De Mefy hated them;
and the colony was fplit into two parties. The
bifhop took advantage of fome unguarded adts,
which the governor could not difprove. But, not-
withftanding all the power of the Jefuits, M.Col-
bert, then firft minifter of France, though obliged
to give way to the recal of De Mefy, did not conceal
his opinion, that the good fathers were rather an
over-match for the credit that ought to be vefted
in a governor-general of fuch a province, and that
care ought to be taken to circumfcribe their power.

360 BRITISH EMPIRfi

and to lend over governors, who could do it with
more temper an4 prudence *.

The recal of Mefy being relblved on, the king
nominated Daniel de Remi, lord of Courcelles,
to be his fucceflbr. and M. Talon, to be intendant,
in the room of Robert, who never had gone to New
France, A commillion had likewife been iffued out
to empower thefe perfons together with the marquis
De Tracy, who was then in America, to enquire into
the condud of De Mefy ; and, if they thought him
culpable, to put him under arreft, and to try him.
At the fame time orders were expedited, for raifmg

* When the old Canada company refigned all their rights hi
that countiy, to his moft chriftian majefty, he tratisferred the
fame to the Weft-Iudia comp?.ny, together with the power of
nominating all the governors and officers of Canada; but the
company, politely enough, declined that honour, and left thofe
nominations in the hands of his majefty, on pretence that they
were not fufficiently acquainted with the affairs of the province
to make a proper choice of its high officers. In confequence
of this fa£lof felf-denial, De Mefy had been appointed governor-ge-
neral of New France, and his majt-fty alfo nominated the
marquis De Tracy, his viceroy over all America, with a com-
miflion to vifit the French Iflaiuls, and then to repair to New
France, where he was to pive orders for the future eftablifhmciit
of r".ie colony, and for fecuriiig it againft the Iroquois. This
commilfion wris expedited a little hefore the difputes betwte.' De Mefy
and the bifhop began, and when his moft chriftian majcily had,
in confequence of petitions from the colony, come t'j a fc-
rioiis refoUition to fend thit'ier a moft effe<itual and powerful fup-
ply, both of troops and inhabitants.

colonics,

it.Ml^ni.

IN AMERICA.^ 361

coloniftg, and for fending the regiment of Carignan
Salieres, (part of which was with De Tracy, who
was appointed viceroy) to Canada. In June, the
fame year, De Tracy arrived there, with three
companies of that regiment, and inftantly drove
back the Iroquois, who had again begun their
inroads, by which feafonable check the inhabitants
got in their harveft without any moleftation. Soon
after> the reft of the regiment of Carignan arrived
with their colonel, M. De Salieres, together with
Courcelles and Talon, on board a powerful fqua-
dron, which carried a great number of families,
rradefmen, articled fervants, the firft horfes that
had ever been feen in Canada, horned cattle, and
fheep. The viceroy then gave orders for budding
three forts towards the mouth of the River Riche-
lieu, one upon the fpot where Fort Richelieu had
Hood, the command of which was given to M.
Sgrel, from whom it is now called Fort Sorel.
The fecond was built at the foot of a rapid river,
called St. Louis ; but afterwards took the name
of its governor, M. Chambly, who was a great
proprietor of land there, and this was built
on the ruins of a former fort. The third fort was
€re<fled by M. De Salieres, and was called St. The-
refa. The conftruvftion of thefe, at fuft ftruck the
Iroquois with confternation ; and, towards the end
of December, Garakonthic arrived with the de-
puties of his canton, of Goyogoufn and of Tfon-
nonthouan. After delivering his prefents, and mak*
Vol, I, A aa ing

fell

^62, BRITISH EMPIRE

ing the general compliments of fubmiffion, from
the three colonies, he uttered a kind of funeral ora-
tion upon the death of father Le Moyne, which
had happened fome time before, in terms that af-
fedted and aftonilhed his hearers. He touched,
but with great modefty, on his own ferviccs to the
colony, and concluded with a demand of peace,
and the freedom of all the prifoners of die three
cantons, that had been made fince the la ft ex-
change : — the requeft accordingly was granted.

No fooner had they taken leave of the viceroy,
than two bodies of regulars were ordered out
againft the Agniers, and the Onneyouths, under
Courcelles, and SoreL The Onneyouths imme-
diately offered to make their fubmiffion, by fend-
ing deputies to Quebec, who are faid to have been
charged with the like commiffion on the part of
the Agniers; but they failed in the negociation;
for the laft mentioned favages had ftill parties in
the field, one of which killed De Chafy, the viceroy's
nephew, and two other French officers. Sorel
was all this while upon his march againft the Ag-
niers, but on approaching one of their villages,
he was met by a troop of the warriors. The chief
of whom w as a baftard Fleming, who, approaching,
made fignals for a parley, and acquainted Sorel, that
he was going to Quebec to treat of peace with
the viceroy ; upon which Sorel, \N'ithout any he-
fitation, accomjianied him thither ;> and being well
.received by the viceroy, he was followed in a day
or two by another Agnicr deputy. He too was

civilly

IN AMERICA. 363

civilly received ; and fo far were they from being
fufpedted not to be real deputies, that th^ viceroy
entertained them at his table, where mention w^s
made of M. de Chafy's death. Upon this, the laft
arrived barbarian, with a favage air of triumph,
ftretching forth his arm, faid, " Here, is the
« very hand that killed him." " Then," replied
the viceroy, " it never Ihall kill another ;" and he
ordered him immediately to be flrangled by the
common hangman, which was performed in the
prefence of the baftard Fleming, who was fent to
prifon.

Courcelles, who knew nothing of what had paff-
ed at Quebec, was then at Corhr, a fettlement
belonging to Albany, upon the borders of the Iro-
quois country 5 where, before he entered upon
hoflilititfs with the Iroquois, he prevailed with the
Engliih commandant to promife that he would
give no affiftance to the Agniers. Courcelles per-
formed this journey in the midft of winter, walk-
ing with fnow ihoes, and carrying his arms and
provifions like the meaneft foldier. When he en-
tered the country of the Agniers, he found their
villages abandoned, and that their children, wo-
men, and old men, had fecured themfelves in the
woods, while their warriors had marched againft
other nations, till they Ihould know the refult of
the Onncyouths negociation. All he could do
was to kill or pick up a few ftragglers of the fa-
vages» Returning to Quebec, he found De Tracy,

Aaa z though

364 BRITISH EMPIRE

though then above feventy years of age, ready to
fet ou! on an expedition againjft the Onneyouths
and the Agnicrs. His amy was compofed of fix
hundred re^nlars, the fame number of Canadians,
and one hunuitj favages of different nations; but
he carried with him r- more than two pieces of
artillery. While he was fetting out, new deputies
came from the uvo cantons to negociate an accom-
modation, but they were detained prifoners, and
the army began its march, in three divifions, on
the fourteenth of September. Their magazines of
provifions w^ere ralcubred to ferve them till he
ihould arrive in the enemy's country, where they
counted upon being plentifuHy fuppiied; but, be-
fore they had got half way, they found their provi-
fions at an end; and they muft adually have re-
turned, had it not been for a wood of chefnuts;
on which they lived, till they reached the enemy's
land. A body . of Algonquirs, who marched
before the firft divifion, alarmed the inhabitants
of the firft village they reached, which the French
general entered, with all the difplay of military
pomp: but he found no inhabitants there, excepting
a few oM men and women, who were too decre-
l>id to fly. Upon fearching tkrther, they difcovered
in amazing quantit)' of provifions buried under-
ground, fufficient to ferve all the colony for tw6
years — De Tracy, inftead of burning the provifions
he could not carry off, contented himfelf with
burning the cabins, of which he did not leave one
• ilanding

IN AMERICA. 365

(landing in the whole canton; and marched againft
the favarrs, who were too wife to hazard an en-
gagement with him, but bade him defiance in their
woods and fallnelTes.

It was now towards the end of Oftober, and,
confequently, too late to proceed againft the canton
of Onneyouth. In Dc Tracy's return, his troops
fuffered gre^y from the fatigues of their march,
and an officer and fome foldiers were drowned in
paffing Lake Champlain. Upon his arrival at
Quebec, he ordered fome of his prifoncrs to be
banged, and fent home the others with the Flemilh
baftard. The laft adt of his government at New
France was to eftablilh the Weft-India company
in all the rights of the old Canada company, and
then he returned to France. — Canada, notwith-
ftanding all his omiflions, might, however, date
the ara of her importance from his adminiftration.
The late expedition againft the Iroquois, had it
been properly purfued, muft have rendered her
colonifts refpe<ftable; but her government, notwith-
ftanding the fenfible remonftrances of Talon, went
upon %vrong principles. The bigots at the court
of Old France, who guided that king's confcience,
were devoted to the Jefuits, who appear, by all
their own relations, to have made the converfion
of the Indians the primary objeft of the colony ;
whereas, in purfuing thofe conversions, as they
did, it was threatened with ruin; becaufe the fa-
vajges no foQner became converts than they lived

I -4

366 BRITISH EMPIRE.

UhM drones, upon the j^ublic ftock, and indulged
■' ck irrcfiftiule proj)enfity to indolence.

The afccndaacy of rhe Jefuit couufels at the court
of France could nor, ii wever, render it entirely
infenftbie of their practices amongft the favagcs ;
and thercfoif repeated orders werQ fent to Talon,
that the miffionaries .' ouki, by all. means, inftnid
the children of the lavages in the French language.
Talon ftill exerted amazi/ig talents in promoting
the profperity and wmmcrce of the colony. He
had been told of filver mines that were to be found
in Canada; but in this he was foon undeceived
by experience; other mines, however, w«re dif-
covered in great abundance, and efpecially fomc
of iron; and Talon formed a fcheme for manufac-
-tiiring it, and Ihipping it to Europe from Gafpey,
tlien in poffeffion of the French. In Auguft, 1 666,
•he employed La Tefl'arie to difcover mines; and
he found a very fine one of iron, with a profped
of copper and other mines. Soon after, he himfelf
A\cnt to France, and prevailed with Colbert to
fend La Potardicre, a famous miner, to Canada,
where he matle a moll: favourable rejx)rt of the
mines, particularly thofe about the town of Champ-
lain, and Cape Magdalen, bet\reen Quebec and
Trois Rivieres. In the year i668, fu'^ liberty of
commerce was publiOi:'! I in Canada; P.rd '^ ■' to-
gether with the difcovery of the mints, arid a tan-
nery, which bad been fet up with great appearance
f>f fuccefs, raifcd high expedations in thofe who

hid

IN A M E R I C ^

3^7

had any concern with Canada. Yet notwitV^and-
ing all the promifing app ranees of this f ^.ly,
from its m les and man fiiduiea, thq' came to
nothing. The Jefuits who had the afccndancy,
thought, i>erhap3, if the i. habitants (hould once be
pollelied of a fpirit of commerce, their functions
muft ceafe of courfe. The Outawa^. whom we
have already mentioned to be feated on the up|)cr
lak«', now drove a great trade with the French
Cinadians in furs, and folicitcd that a Jefuit might
be fent amongft them, in hopes that other French
would follow him, and make a fettlcment in their
country. . This requeft was granted, notwithltand-
ing the dreadful fate of other miflionaries ; ant
father Allouez was employed in that milTion. He
furmounted incredible hardlhips, in his voyage
thither; and, according to the French writers, was
very fuccefsful in making profelytes among the
unconverted Indian nations of the Outagamis, the
Illinois, and even the Sioux, though with the latl
he could converfe only by his interpreters. — And
in exploits like thefe, the fathers took more pains
than in promoting the real intereft of the colony
to which they belonged.

In the mean time, the Iroquois cantons of A gnier
and Onneyouth, at the departure of De Trac}% per-
ceiving the French were now grown too powerful
for them in Canada, made their fubmiflions to
Courcelles, the. governor-general, who at their
requelt, fent the fathers Bruyas and Fremin to la-
bour

368 BRITISH EMPIRE

bour among them in the vineyard of converfions.
Father Gamier was fent after to affift them ; but
vifiting the chriftians of Onnondago, he was de-
tained there by Garakonthie, who built him a
cabin and a chapel, and engaged him to remain there
till he fliould return from Quebec, where he
was going to folicit for miffionaries to his own can-
ton, and that of Goyoquin. Garakonthie, after
fome flay at Quebec, returned to Onnondago,
with the fathers Carheil and Milet ; and the bilhop
of Petree "was fo aftive, that, excepting the can-
ton of Tfonnonthouan, all the favage nations in
America were provided with miffionaries; but,
notwithflanding all the pains the good fathers took,
their fuccefs in converfions was but very moderate.
The truth is, thofe favages now knew the fweets
of trade ; — gain was their only religion, and com-
merce their worfhip ; and the labours of the miffion-
aries were defeated partly by their own ill conduft
and enthufiafm, and partly by the paffion for
ftrong liquors which the French, Engliih, and
Dutch fettlers had too much indulged in the na-
tives of North America.

The colony of Canada, in 1668, put on a pro-
mifing afpeift. People of honourable families, but
fmall fortunes, in Old France, tranfported themfelves
to the New, where they had lands and lordlhips
affigned them; and, with a very moderate ihare
of induftry, they were foon enabled to live like
men of quality. Even foldiers were become pUn-

o, he was de-

I N A M E R I C A. 369

tcrs and colonifts, and every officer amongll them
was a great landholder. But as thefe habits were
of no long continuance, the French planters hav-
ing found means tofublift with a little outward
fliew and fplendour, their toil and application was
laid afide, which always gave the Englilh an im-
portant fuperiority in the folid pofleffions of life.
The tranquillity, however, which the colony en-
joyed was a proof of its profperity; fo that, to-
wards the end of this year, even the Tfonnonthou-
ans applied to M. Courcelles for a miffionary to
inftru<ft them, and he fent them father Fremin.
The Agniers, who had hitherto appeared the moft
determined enemies of the miffionaries, and who
had fo often embrued their hands in their blood,
became now reconciled to their dodlrines; and
vafl numbers of converts were made about the Falls
of St. Lewis; and the mountain. The Iroquois,
remaining in perfed peace, the Algonquins, whom
they had dillodged and driven away, returned to
their former habitations, all of them converts t6
chriftianity; butit is probable that moft of thofe con-
verfions were the efFedl of intereft and convenience
only, and feldom fincere.

A mifunderftanding now arofc between Cour-
celles, the governor-general, and Talon, the inten-
dant general of New France, who were both of
them men of great abilities, fo that they lived un-
eafily together, and Talon going over to France
WHS fucceeded by M. Bouteroue. This minifter

Vol. I. B b b brought

370

BRITISH EMPIRE

brought along with him a letter from M. Colbert
to Courcelles, which politely gave him to under-
ftand that he ought to live upon better terms than
he did with the bilhop of Petree and the Jefuits,
and that M. Bouterouc was preferred to the inten-
dancy of the province chiefly on account of the
great regard he had for that order.

For fome years paft a negociation had been on
fbot betweci the courts of France and Rome about
erefting Quebec into a bifhopric. As there was
srt this time but a very indifferent undcrllanding
between the two courts, his holinefs made great
difficulties on account of the independancy, which
a biihop of Quebec might affed: in fo diftant a
country. At laft, all difficulties were got over, and
his mod chriftian majefty, to make fuitable provi^
fion for the new bifhopric, gave to it, and the
chapter of the cathedral, the rents of the abbey of
Maubec, which was afterwards increafed with thofe
of the abbey of Benevent. In the mean time the
new bilhop of Quebec was fo poor that the bulls
of this creation lay four years at Rome for want
of money to defray the expence of paflTing them.
About this time, Maironneuvc, who had fo long
' snd io worthily governed Montreal, refigncd his
j->oll, and M. Brcronvllliers, as fuperior general of
the feminary of St. Sulpice, named M. Perrot, to
Aiccecd him. The latter, who had married a niece
ut Talon, thought it beneath his charadler to ad
'iinclfr a conuiiiffion from a private fubjed, and,

therefore,

:illteaMc»Siill!

I N A M E R I C A. 371

tliercfbre, had intereft enough to obtain a commif-
fion from the king, which, ho-wever, expreflly
mentioned that it was granted upon the nomination
of M. Brcttonvilliers.

Courcelles was extremely alert in every thing
relating to the intereft of New France, efpecially
with regard to the favages. Underftanding that
the Iroquois, who lay towards the Lake Ontario,
had fent prefents to the Outawas to engage them to
bring their furs to them that they might difpofe of
them to the Englilh of New York, he refolved to
check them. For that purpofe he embarked with
a body of troops on the River St. Laurence, and
notwithftanding the great number of falls he met
with between Montreal and Lake Ontario, he
ihewed the favages that it would always be in the
power of the French to invade them by boats ;
which had all the effed he could have wilhed for,
by their breaking off their commerce with the Ou-
tawas, and the other northern favages. This voy-
age, however, did fo much prejudice to his health,
that he foon after defired to be recalled. The re-
maining term of his government was chiefly taken
up in replacing the French fettlements of Acadia
and Newfoundland, which had been ceded to the
crown of France, by the treaty of Breda. In the
year 1670, M. Talon, who had retired from the
iatendancy of New France, only that he might
refume it with greater advantages, returned to Ca-
nada. That able minifter, notwithftanding all his

B b b 2 attachment

372 BRITISH EMPIRE

attachment to the Jefuits, was convinced that their
miniftry was prejudicial to the temporal affairs of
the colony; and, during his ablence in France,
he had obtained the re-eftablfliment of the Reccl-
lefts. Talon's view in this was to moderate the
influence and power of the Jefuits over the natives,
whom they abfolutely governed, not only by the
fway they had over their confciences, but by de-
barring them from, or indulging them in, the ufe
of fpirituous liquors. He obtained at the fame
time a recruit of five hundred families from his
mofl chriftian majefly for peopling Canada; but
after fetting fail with part of them, the ihip they
were in was wrecked and many of them loft. He,
however, foon raifed frefh recruits both of Recol-
Icfts and inhabitants, with whom he arrived at
Quebec.

His zeal for peopling Canada, was not with-
out its inconveniences ; for his colonifts imported
into the country vices till then unknown to the
inhabitants. Three French foldiers meeting with
an Iroquois chief, who had with him a valuable
cargo of furs, firft made him drunk, and then mur-
dered him; but notwithftanding all the precautions
they took, they were difcovered and thrown Into
prilbn. While their procefs was preparing, fix
Mahingan Indians, who weic pofTefTed of furs to
the amount of a thoufand crowns, after being
made drunk, were murdered and robbed by three
other French foldiers, who fold the furs as their

own

I N A M E R I C A. 373

own property, and had fo little precaution, that
they did not even bury the dead bodies, which
were difcovered by their countrymen. The latter,
imagining the Iroquois were the perpetrators of
the murderSj flew to arms, and demanded fa-
tisfadtion ; but one of the French foldiers, quarrel-
ling with his confederates, difcovered the truth,
and then both the Mahingans and Iroquois united
in a war againft the French. Four of the Mahin-
gans burned the houfe of a French lady with her-
felf in it; and the Iroquois were equally exafperat-
ed by the impeaching murderer's accufing his con-
federates of defigning to poifon all the favages they
met with. Matters were juft coming to extremi-
ties, when Courcelles arrived at Montreal, and, in
the prefence both of the Mahingans and Iroquois
who were there, put to death the French foldiers
who had murdered the Iroquois chief, promifmg
that the affaflins of the three Mahingans fliould
meet with the fame fate, as foon as they could be
difcovered. This example of fpeedy jultice charm-
ed the favages, and difarmed them of their wrath;
and, Courcelles promifmg to make good all the
damages that had been done, they laid afide all
farther refentment. Having thus eftablilhed his
authority by his juftice, he applied himfelfto com-
pofe the differences between the Iroquois and the
Outawas, which had broken out into open hofti-
lities ; and fo highly was he refpeded, that both
fides fent deputies to Quebec, where, chiefly by

the

374 BRITISH EMPIRE

the prudence of Garakonthie, all interefts were re-
conciled. That chief, who had a fecret under-
flanding with the French before the departure of
the deputies to their own country, publicly profeffed
his having been long a chriftian in his heart, and
his detefting the errors in which he had been edu-
cated, and earneftly defired the bifhop to baptize
him, which he accordingly performed. The name
he received at the font was Daniel ; and the cere-
mony was attended with a noble entertainment
given to the favage deputies.

While the province of Canada was in this fitua-
tion, a moft dreadful mortality broke out amongft
the northern natives, which carried off whole
tribes, particularly that of the Attikamegues, who
never have been fince heard of. About the fame
time, Tadouffac, which had hitherto been the chief
mart of the Indian favages in the fur trade with
the French, began to be deferted, as likewife did
Trois Rivieres, by means of the fmall-pox break-
ing out, which deftroyed one thoufand five hundred
favages at once. The French, however, main-
tained their fettlement at Trois Rivieres, though
they could not that at Tadouffac. The fame loath-
fome diftemper made likewife great havock at Syl-
leri, where all the converts died. It was at this
time that the chriftian Huron fettlement of Loretto,
was inftitutcd by Chaumont ; while the EngUfh
fubjeds of New York, in the neighbourhood of the

canton

IN AMERICA. 375

canton of Agnier, began to tamper with the na-
tives, and to endeavour to bring them over to
proteftantifm, but with little effeft. They then
ftrove to intimidate the women, by telling them
that the government of New York would not fuf-
fer them to appear with beads and other marks of
popery in their province ; but all was to no pur-
pofe ; and the women, on the head of religion,
proved Hill more intradtable than the men. Not-
withftanding this, many of the Agniers continued
to infult the miffionaries. A chief of one of their
cantons turned father Perron out of the aflembly of
the natives, and impofed filence on him; upon
which Perron threatened them with the refent-
ment of the king, and to complain of the affront
to the governor-general. This Ihew of refolution
in the miffionary, fo greatly daunted the Iroquois
chief, that he came and afked pardon of the fa-
ther, who reproached him for his infolence and
impiety, and would not even hear what the la-
vage had to urge in behalf of himfelf ; and he
immediately undertook to bring all his canton
into the pale of chriftianity. For this purpofc,
he went round to all its elders, and perfuaded them
to agree to a general aflembly, which being ac-
cordingly held, was opened by a fpecch from the
chief, which might have proceeded from the moft
zealous raiflionary. He was feconded by fa-
ther Perron, and Garakonthie happening luckily
to be there, he harangued in his turn, on the

fame

''Sm

Ikiii ./

376 B R I T I S H E M P 1 R E

fame fubjca: with fo much energy that the aflem-
bly unanimoufly came to the following refolutions :
Firft, No longer to acknowledge Agrelkoue, the
fuprcme deity of thofe fivages, as the author of
life, and that he Ihould be no longer worlhiped ;
Secondly, That their jugglers Ihould no longer be
called to vifit their fick ; and. Thirdly, To abolilh
ail indecent and fuperftitious dances.

Notwithftanding thefe promifmg appearances,
father Bruyas, the miflionary in the canton of On-
ncyouth, had very indifferent fuccefs, though he
was feconded by the indefatigable zeal of Ga-
rakonthie. The miffionaries attributed the aver-
lion of the natives for them to the neighbourhood
of New York, from which they were furnilhed
with fpirituous liquors. All the zeal of Garakon-
thie, and his affiftant miffionar/, could not prevail
with the favages to declare for them. They com-
forted themfelves, however, by peopling heaven
with a great number of children, whom they bap-
tized in the laft ftages of their lives. But they
haU better fuccefs with the other cantons of the
Upper Iroquois, who were farther removed from
the Englifh, and had been greatly mortified by the
late wars ; and they had ftill greater with the
Upper Algonquins, in whofe convcrfion not only
the miffionaries, but the government of New
France took great concern. A large quantity of
ground was cleared and fown with grain of all
kind, near the Fall of St. Mary, which was in the

heart

1! |:::

t \

IN AMERICA. 377

heart of their fettlements, and was the centre of a
conliclerable commerce.

Courcelles, ever fince the French expeditions
againft the Agniers, had treated all the nations in
the neiglibourhood of New France, as his mailer's
fubjedts, and had been at great pains in prefcribing
to them the terms of their pacifications with one
another. This haughtinefs had a confiderable cfFed:
upon the Indians lying in the neighbourhood of
the French, who found their account in the fame ;
but it was by no means relifhcd by the Tfonnon-
ans, who fell upon the Poutcoutamis, notwith-
ftanding Courcelles had but very lately concluded
a peace between « them. He immediately fent a
threatening meffage to the aflailants, and charged
them to keep the peace, on pain of his difpleafure.
The Tfonnonthouans icfentcd this haughtinefs, and
told the governor-general, that they neither were,
nor would be, fubjeds to France. Courcelles had
ordered them to give up the Pouteouatamis prifo-
ners. This, at firfl, they refufed to do ; but, after
feme deliberation, the great chief of the Goyo-
gouins, who has been already mentioned, and who
^vas next in credit with all the Iroquois to Gara-
konthie, perfuaded them to put into his hands
eight prifoncrs, out of thirty-five, of the Pouteoua-
tamis. He then delivered them up to Courcelles,
who received them as the whole, being glad of
getting off with Ibme Ihevv of credit in the iffair.
The Goyogouin chief, in prefcntlng the captives,

Vol. I, C c c acquainted

il.

37S BRITISH EMPIRE

acquainted Courcclles, that he had undertaken that
commiffion only vkh a view of being baptized
by the hands of the bifhoji. — r»This gave great
pleafure to all the JFrench.— -M. -^alpn, who was
by this time returntd to Canada^ \\'as his godfa-
ther, and gave him "the name of Lewis, and made
a grand entertainment for all the chriftian favages
at Quebec, Loretto,' and Sylleri, in the name of
the new convert. About this i^eriod, mod of the
chriftian Agniers (amongft whom were. toe emi-
nent female converts) removed id the Hu'r6n fettle-
mtnt of Loretto, where they \t^:re encourfged by
Courccllcs to refide, in hopes ^^^^ they would in
time prove a barrier againft-theit favage cuUhtr>'-
mcn, if they fhould renew tteit* inroads. .'As' their
numbers increafed, the Kfendv formed 'a fettle-
ment for the chriftian Irocpat)is, almoft op^x^fite to
Montreal, in a place called Magdalen's Meadow',
from whence it was removed foi)>i after two leagues
farther to the fouth ; and it is now called the mif-
fion of the Fall of St. Lewis. In the mean time,
Talon began to carry into execution a projeft he
had formed when he was lall in France, which
was to lend a jiroper mcffcngcr through the raoft
diftant parts of Canada, to engage all the different
Indian nation, to fend deputies to a certain place,
to treat concerning putting themfelvcs under the
proieftion of France. Having communicated his
|>roje(ft to Courcelles, the latter recommended
4»n:e Nicholas Pcrrot, as a proper pcrfon for this

negociation,

"!|

I N A M E R I C A. 370

negociarion, who was in the kri/icc of the Jefuits,
and, ^ing a maji of addrcf^, had been employed
by tMi in different parts of Canada. — Talon ap-
prOTimg of this. choice, Perrot received his inftrac-
tioQ0>'' and viiited'all the northern tiibes who were

•si* ' ' " *

knpwn to the French, and invited them to fend
thdr deputies, by a certain time, to the Falls of
St. Mary, there to meet one of the great Onon-
thio's commanders. From thence he went to-
wards the weft, and, edging to the fouth, he fell
down to Chica^u, which is iituated at the bottom
of Lake Michigan, then the refidence of the Mia-
mis, being efcorted all the way by a party of Pou-
teouatamis to pievent them from infults ; the fa-
vages being at war with each other. —— Perrot
found the chief of the Miamis, as well as his fub-
je<^s, to be very different from the other favages.
He could raife four or five hundred warriors, and
was always attended by forty of them as his body-
guard ; — he lived in a kind of ftate, and had his
minifters, to whom he ilfued his orders, without
communicating them to any other. Tetinchoaa
(for that was his name) being apprized of Perrot's
approach, who travelled under the title of envoy-
general of France, received him and his efcort in
a fplendid manner, and ordered him a handfome
apartment with a guard of fifty men ; and, when
he let out for St. Mary's Fall, Tetinchoua would
have attended him, but was dilfuaded by his fub-

C c c 2 jc<fts^

sSo

BRITISH EMPIRE

je<fts, on account of his great age and infir-
jjiiticj ; — and Perrot then would have vifitcd a
great many nations lying towards the Mifliflippi,
particularly the Mafcoutins, the Kicapous, and the
Illinois, but had iwt time.

In May, 1671, the grand alH^mbly was held at
St. Mar}'s Fall, while favages reforted to the meet-
ing, even from the fouthern part of Hudfon's Bay :
And, at the time appointed for the great congreis at
St. Mary's Fall, the Sieur Luflbn, a delegate for
the intendant of New France, afted under a fi>ecial
commiffion of all the country held by thofe people,
-and to receive them under the French kmg's pro-
teclion. The affembly was opened by father Al-
louez, who pronounced a fpeech in the Algonquin
tongue, magnifying the power of France, and ex-
plaining to the deputies the infinite advantages they
would receive by their acknowledging his moft
chriftian majefty for their head. Luflbn then aiked,
whether all of them agreed to what was proj^ofed,
which all having done, with loud acclamations of
" Long live the king !'* a crofs, and the arms of
France were immediately ereded ; and the French
king, by the Sieur Luffon, was pleafed to take
polVeflion of all the countries from which the
faid deputies came, and to receive the inhabi-
tants into his protcdion. Then the aflembly was
concluded with great civilities and careflcs, that
pafled on both fides, and \Nith a grand entertain-

ment

IN AMERICA. 381

mcnt given by ^he delegate. Luflbn, afterwards,
by Talon's order, vifited tl ^juthern part of Ca-
nada, w bere h« /ound many well-built Engliib fctr
tlements on the banks of Kennebek River ; but
he acquainted the owner% that, by the tranfaftions
of the late c^Higrefs, the lands, on which they
were buijt, had been ceded to his mod chriftian ma-
jefty ; arjd that they were now his fubjeifts. It it
to be obferved, that Luflbn pretended, in the me-
moirs he ^t on this occafion to his fuj^eriors, that
they willingly promifed obedience and fidelity to
the crown of France ; not\vithflanding which they
{Hll remained tiic fubjedts of England, even by the
acknowledgement of the French court.

The TionnoDtatez Hurons had now eflablilhed
thcmfelvcs near Michillimakinac, upon a fpot ly*
ing on the flrait that divides Lake Michigan from
Lake Huron ; and in the centre of thofe two lakc«
and the upper lake.-*-Tbis Situation was chofen for
them by father Marquette, though extremely in-
commodious on account of the cold occafioned by
the neighbourhood of thofe immenfe waters : — All
this while, the favages feem to have purchafed fome
little repofe by their pretended fubjedion to his
mofl chriftian majefty ; yet it appears, even from the
French accounts, that fome of the cantons had re-
fufed or negle^ed to fend deputies to the congrefs
at St. Mary's Fall ; and the Iroquois, in the mean
time, continued a cruel war with the Andaftes and
the Chaouanons, two nations which they a! mod

, exter-

1 ^ !

pi ' ■ t

!> „ m

kin^^

14 e-

IplITiSH EMPIRE

linatedV and the f^ who remsuncd, were
.^^.^rate4 into the canton^ gf the viftors, efpeci-
ally thofe of %fe Tfonnonthgpis^ to re-peojk their

countg. ^* • .

' €^UrceUe$ npw became fenfible that the fub-
mij^ of the Jpdiaii? was a moft precarious depen-
;i^ce, and that the Iroquois paid very little regard
IP liiS' authority : he therefore refolved, as he
couid not fubdue them, to endeavour to outwh
&n. For this purpofe, he fent meflages through
./tteir tribes, informing them that he had fomcthing
.|9f great confcquence to propofe, and defiring them
-■4b' meet him at Cataracuoy, as foon as poffible.
The favages, curious to know what tb ■> unportant
buGnefs was, rcforted thither, ;n jgreat numbers,
arid: were met by th^'^oyirnpr," .Aj^cr the ufual
introdu<ftion of fome.prei^t§y and \^yaft. number
of careffes, he iaformed them that -he had their
welfare .fo much at heart that he in:tended to
ered, near that fpot, a commodbus building, to
fcrve as a place of trade and refort in their deal-
ings with the French. The Indians, little fufpeft-
ingCourcelles intended to ered a ftrong fort for
bridling them, highly approved of his intention,
and urged him to fet about it immediately ; but this
was incompatible with his private views of return-
ing to France : — — he bad already folicited his
recal at that court ; and, ujx)n his return from
Cataracuoy to Quebec, he there found count Fron-
tcnac, who had been appointed to fucceed him.

After

'*»-i0'^^

''^■it

IN AMERICA,

After conferring toget
fort, the new^gidvi
iame, and, €ariy^
cuoy, where ne *b
name ; by whieh it

3^1
lY'tJie defign of the
a^ghwcd of the
Ifei 44i for Catara-
gav^ it has own
^^ .^^_ ^i^tfliighly dil^
tinguiihed ; but as it \vas tlius^ MxiMliMy ered:-
cd upon the lands belonging to M alffes, or the
the fubjeds, of England, the northern Iroquois,
the legality of the French title to it was even
then very doubtful. This important fortrefs ftands
upon the Bay of Cataracuoy, at the place where
the River St. Laurence difcharges itfelf into Lake
Ontario, and .thereby, con&nahds the pafl&^ be-
t\vcen Moiitrral ai^fthatrnke; fo that, tHiile m
the'h1inds*pf,thetFrenchVwfe to conneft that
dangerous chain Wforts^l which they had raifed,
for three thoufand miles^ along the fron^ers of the
Britilh colonies, Thelnew general, was a man
of "griat capacity and^ courage; had ftudied and
UMeriiood the true interefls of New France ; he
. s was moft indefatigable in promoting them ; and
*;*he had a remarkable talent of making himfelf re-
fpefted by the French Canadians, and their Indian
^^fubjefts, or, as they are called, their allies : Yet,
at tfi^Tame time, the general faults of almoft all
'Ajrner|pan^, governors entered into his compofi-
tion : for he J was pofitive, haughty', overbearing,
fufceptible of f)repolMons which he could never
ihake off, and lYutjk'atmo means, had' they been
njf:ver fo violent, to" reifioA'e all who oppofed,- of
hi dilputcd'

v«;

fj I'll

3*4

BRITISH EMPIRE

difputcd his pleafure. But thefe faults were conn-
terbalanceti, in the eye of his court, by his zeal
for the honour of the crown, and the profperity of
Canada.

Talon prefcntly underftood the true charafter of
Frontcnac, and foon after the latter's arrival, he
applied to the French court for his recal. It was
owing to this great minilter, that the famous river
of Mifliffippi was difcovered. It was known, in
general, from the accounts of the favages, that
there was fuch a river towards the fouthern parts
of New France ; but the people were ignorant
wherc it difcharged itfelf^ whetlier in the gulph of
Mexico, or in the South" Sea. Talon thought that
the profecution of this difcovery w^as a matter of
fo great importance, that he employed father Mar-
quette, and an inhabitant of Quebec, and one Joliet,
9. fpirited able adventurer, and well acquainted with
thofe countries, in the attempt *.

* Before thefe fct out they drew a map of the countries, through
which they fuppofed they were to pafs, from the infoimation of the
favages, and laid in their provifions, which coniifted of boiled
fltfti and Indian corn. They then went for the Bay of Puantes,
or Lake Michigan, but found all the people, through whofe coun-
try they pafled, ignorant and fuperltitious. Embarking on the
River des Renards, they failed up It, notwlthftanding its rapids,
and, after tra^'elling feme days by land, they re-imbarked upon the
River Ouifconfing, or Mifconfing. On the feventeenth of June,
1675, they entered the great River MiffiHippi, which anfwcred all
the high ideas they had conceived of it from the relations of the
{avagcs. Having failed down it a great way, they met with the

IN AMERICA*

385

In the mean while, every thing was in confu*
fion in the government of Canada. Frontenac was
violent and arbitrary, and had imprifoned the
abbot of Salignac Fenelon, who belonged to the

Illinois, who lived In three townfliips, three leagues below the
place where the River Miflburi difcharges itfelf into the Miffiffippi.
Thofe Indians entertained the travellers with great marks of favage
politenefs, and afterwards, to the number of about eight hundred,
condutfted them to their canoes. During their ftay with the Illi-
nois, they underftooil that the latter were apprehenfive of being
invaded by the Iroquois, and they implored the good offices of the
governor-general of Canada in their favour. Marquette and Jo-
liet, then re-imbarking, fell down the river till they canle to the
mouth of the river Ouabouikigou, where they found a numerous
nation, who inhabited thirty-eight villages, called the Chuoanous,
who were greatly harralTed by the Iroquois. Soofr after they met
with a nation of favages who had fire-arms, who infonned them
that they purchafed them, and their working utenfils from Europeans,
who lived to the eaftward, and that they were only ten days jour-
ney from the fea.— Before they reached the great village of
Akamfca, they met with another race of favages not fo poliflied,
fome of whom were for murdering the father and his companions,
fiom which they were diverted by the .luthority of their chief,
Marquette and Joliet here held a confultation with their compa-
nions, who were five Frenchmen, concerning their future .pro-
ceedings, and obferving, by their reckoning, that they were
within three days journey of the Gulph of Mexico, where they
could expea nothing but death from the Spaniards ; and, confidcr-
ing their provifions were now almoft fpent, they turned back to-
wards Canada. Amving at Chicagou on the Lake Michigan,
Marquette remained with the Miamis, and Joliet went to Quebec,
where he found Talon preparing to return tj France. Marquette
was received with great civility by the grand chief of the Mia-
mis. About the fame time, the fathers AUoucz and Dablon went

Vol. I. D d d feminary

1 )

Si.'Jin.Tua^E^<iti-i

386 BRITISH EMPIRE

feminary of St. Sulpice, as well as M. Perrot, late
governor of Montreal. In Ihort, he not only quar-
relied with all the clergy and miflionaries, but
with M. Du Chefncau, who had fucceeded Talon,
intendant of New France. He likewife fo ma-
naged the upper council, that it confifted entirely
of his own friends and creatures, and he iffued
more warrants in one year, than had been for fixty
before, fo that the whole colony was in the utmoft
confufion. The Iroquois not being fatisfied with the
fettlement they had made at Magdalen's Meadow;

up the River Des Renards, and preached, but without much fuc-
cefs, to the Indians, that inhabited to the fouth of Lake Michi-
gan. In their travels, they met v/ith the fragment of a rock,
which, at a certain diftance, bore fome refemblance to a human
heacl, and was worfhiped by the favages as an idol. The two
fathers had the courage not only to preach againft the idolatry,
but to tumble the idol from its ftation ; fo that neither it, not
its worlhip were ever heard of again.

Towards the fouth, the miflionaries entered the country of the
Mafcoutins, where the land is more free from wood than any in
North America. The Kicapous were the neighbours, and conftant
allies of the Mafcoutins. Here the two miflionaries found the
IMiamis chief, at the head of three thoufand of his own fubjeits,
Mafcoutins and Kicapous, whom the fear of the Iroquois and the
Sioux had brought to the field. The miflionaries were well re-
ceived by thefc people ; but all the fruit they gained from their ex-
hortatlons, was, that the favages hearing them talic fo weU, took
them for divinities, and inviting them to a great war-fcaft, peti-
tioned them to grant them the viftory over their enemies.— Soon
after, Dablon, to his great regret, was recalled to Quebec, and
father Allouez went to rcfide with the Outagamis, who, at that
»me, cohfilUd uf about a tbo.ifand families.

the

'-:|:-N AMERICA. 387

the miffionaiies, on their behalf, applied to the
governor for leave to remove to the Fall of St.
Lewis, and he taking no notice of the requeft,
Du Chcfneaii, as intendant-general, granted them the
fpot they petitioned for ; and notwithftanding the
refentment of Frontenac, which he difcovered in a
moft violent manner, they kept poflefHon of it.
. About this time the mifllonaries were driven by
the Dutch out of the canton of Agniers, and Ca-
nada was threatened by the Iroquois favages with
a freih invafion ; while the breach now grew
every day wider between the governor-general on
one part, and the bilhop and intendant on the
other. — The king had, in June, 1675, emitted an
ordonnance, by which the governor-general was to
have the firft feat in the council, the bilhop the fe-
cond, and the intendant the third, but that the
latter lliould col left the voices and pronounce the
fentences. Frontenac paid no regard to this ordon-
nance, and even threatened to throw the intendant
into prifon. His intereft, however, at the French
court prevented his moft chriftian majefty from
knowing the whole of his behaviour, and both he
and" the intendant received reprimands, though
that of Frontenac was the moft fevere, becaufe he
had expreflly difobeyed the king's ordonnance *.

* The letters, which brought over thofe reprlman(ls, efta-
blilhed feveral other regulations, particularly, againft a fet of
men called coureurs Jes hols, or rangers, who carried on an il,.
licit trade , both with the Knglifh and the natives, whom they

Ddd2 All

! :

iSl*''

38? BRITISH EMPlflE.

All this while, by the abfence of Talon, kM thfe
death of father Marquette, the difcovery bf tht
great River Mifliffippi had remained iinprofeclited ;
but it was now refumed by the Sieur La Sale, one
of the moft extraordinary adventurers of that age.
He wns at Montreal at the time \Vheh Joliet re-
turned from his difcoveries of the Mifiiffippij
and, after difcourfing with him, refolved to pro-
fecutc the difcovery, and to fail northward up
the fame river. He applied himfelf to Frontenac,
who agreed that he Ihould return to France, where
he was to lay before the court his plans, not only
for failing up the Mifliffippi, but for building,
peopling, and garrifoning the fort at Catarocouy,
and rendering its neighbourhood a populous and
thriving plantation ; fo as to produce all the ne-
ceflaries of life, and docks, and materials for
building veflels proper for the navigation of Lake

furninieti with ftrong liquors. Frontenac, on the other hand,
and his friends, with fome juftice perhaps, pretended, that the
flrong liquor trade was abfolutcly neceflary for prefervlng the in-
tereft of the French amongft the favagcs ; that the bilhop and the
Jefuits greatly exaggerated the evils attending it ; and that their
real dcfign was, by getting the trade into their own hands, to en-
grofs the management of the colony, and the afFeftions of the
natives. — At length the matter was referred, by the king, to the
archbilhop of Paris, and the famous father La Chaife, the king's
confeflbr, and himfelf a Jefult, who pronounced fentence entirely
jr. fa\uiir of the bi(hop and his miflionaries ; and the moft ex*
prvifs orders were given againft the traffic, under the moft heavy
penalties.

Ontario,

IN AMERICA. 389

Ontario. Being furnilhed with proper credentials
from Frontenac, he immediately repaired to France,
where hfc obtained all that he wanted. — Let*
tcrs of ikibiik^ were expedited in his favour j and
the iordfliip of Cataracuoy was granted him, to*
gethet with the government of the fort, provided
he would build it of ftone, and he likewife re-
ceived full powers for the exteniion of commerce
and profccuting his intended difcoveries.

Oi the fourteenth of July, 1678, La Sale and
Tontij with thirty other pedbns, fome of whom
were pilots, and others workmen, embarked at
Rochelk for Quebec, where they arrived on the
fifteenth of September following. After ^ very
fhort ftay there, they repaired to Cataracuoy, car-
rying with them father Hennepin, whom we hav^
already mentioned, and who was a Flemiih Recoi-
led. After that he travelled on foot throughout
all the canton of Cataracuoy, all the while carry-
ing on a trade by means of his bark, which was,
foon after, wrecked through the negligence of the
pilot.

La Sale applied himfelf with great fpirit and dili-
gence, as did Tonti, an experienced officer, whom he
had taken with him likewife, in repairing this lofs ;
and, in the mean time, both of them vifited the
different fa\^ges in the neighbourhood, with whom
they fettled a commerce ; and about the middle of
Augufl, 1679, the veflel being got ready. La
Sale embarked on board of it, with forty perfons,

390 BRITISH EMPIRE

of whom three were fathers Recollects, for Michil-
limakinac. In his voyage he met with fo fevere a
ftorm, that moft part of his attendants left him ;
but happening to fall in with the chevalier Tonti,
who had taken another route, he perfuaded them
to return. His veflel then failed to the Bay of
Puantes, from whence it returned to Niagara,
loaded with fiirs, while he himfelf went in a ca-
noe to the River St. Jofeph, where Tonti joined
him. After remaining there a fliort while, Tonti
went to the country of the Illinois, while La Sale
returned to Cataracuoy, where he received un-
doubted intelligence, that his new veflel, which
was called the Gryphon, was loft or deftroyed *.
• The Algonquin nations, the Outaowas particu-
larly, were now fhaken in their allegiance to the
French ; and even the French themfelves, at Cata-
racuoy, where La Sale then was, entered into

. * La Sale did not confult the true rules of policy in launcWng
io large a veflel upon the Lakes of Canada. The barbarians con-
fidered It as big with their deftru£tion, and his attempts as tend-
iug to engrofs tlie whole fur-Uade, and to bring them into a ftate
of entire dependance upon the French. It Is thought, not with-
out great probability, that this induced a party of the Iroquois to
furprife the bark when it lay at anchor, and no more than five
men on board, and, after plundering it of all its cargo, to fel it
on fire. The favages, in general, were, at this time, extremely
averfe to the French intereft ; and the Iroquois defeated the Illi-
nois, whom La Sale chiefly depended on, whi'e Tonti was
amongft them.

practices

I N A M E R I C A. 391

praftices againft his life, and gave his favage allies
very 'j? ^ impreffions of his dcligns.

It required all La Sale's iirmnefs and vivacity to
withftand fo many fhocks. He immediately re-
paired to the country of the Illinois, who, he per-
ceived, received him with a coldnefs very different
from the fentiments in which he had left them ;
and here his French attendants, feeing matters in
this fituation, confpired to poifon him ; but, being
difcovered, they fled. All he could then do, was,
to replace the fugitives by an equal number of
young Illinois, who were charmed with his intre-
pidity under his fufferings. He then difpatched fa-
ther Hennepin with one Dacan, to fail up the
Mifliffippi, if poflible, to its fource. The miflion-
^ry and his companion embarked at fort Crevecoeur
the twenty-eighth of February, and advanced up
the Mifliflippi as far as the forty-fixth degree of
north latitude. Here they were flopped by a fall
extending the whole breadth of the river, which
prevented their going farther, and which Henne-
pin called the Fall of St. Anthony of Padua. They
found means to be delivered by fome French Ca-
nadians from the hands of the Sioux, who had
made them prifoners ; and afterwards went down
the river as far as the fea, from whence they re-
turned to fort Crevecoeur. The French, however,
treat all the remaining part of this voyage, which
IS related by that RecoUet^t, as a mere fidion, and

tell

;if

39X BRITISH EMPIRE

tell us, that he returned to Crcvecocur by the
fame courfe he held when he went up to St. An-
thony's Fall, which had been built by La Sale, in
a very uncomfortable country, and under a very
miferablc fituation.

The court of France perhaps gave too much
into the romantic projeds of La Sale, who had
made himfelf a great number of enemies in New
France, by obtaining exclufive jvivileges of trade ;
but the Englifli are chiefly blamed by Frontenac
for this irruption of the Iroquois. The fiourilh-
ing ftate of the colonics of New England and
New York enabled them to be very troublefome
neighbours to the French, after they had obtained
the reflitution of Acadia by the treaty of Breda ;
and the French had negleclcd that country fo much,
that it again fell into the hands of the Englilh,
whofe diftance from London encouraged them to
pay no great regard to the negociations of that court.
As the acquifition of Acadia and the intermediate
country was of the utmoll confcqucnce to both na-
tion*;, the Englifli fettlcrs, more than probably,
. had encouraged the Iroquois in invading the Illi-
nois. Tonti, who was then at fort Crevecoeur,
with no more than five men, and two Recoiled
fathers, faw it was in vain to refifl: the Iroquois,
who were determined to drive the French from all
their pofts on the River Illinois ; fo abandoning
the fort, he made the bcfl: retreat he could, but not
without lofmy; one of the Pvccollcds, who was

murdered

IN AMERICA* 393

murtlerecl by the Itivagcs. La Sale had heard no-
thing of this retreat, and was lurprifed when, in
the ipring of the following year, on his return to
fort CrxVeccEur, he found it abandoned. He foon
re-inforced it with a new garrifon, and fent work-
men to complete the fortrefs he had marked out the
year before, and which he named Fort St. Lewis*
He then marched to Michillimakinac, where he
joined Tonti ; and about the end of Auguft, aftet
rambling backwards and forwards for three
months, he, once more, fet out for Cataracuoy,
to procure frefh fupplies of adventureus and provi-
fions ; and in his way thither, he vifited his two forts
in the country of the Illinois. Every thing was
now prepared for La Sale's grand expedition to the
Miffillippi, which he entered on the fccond of Fe-
bruary, i 582, by the River Illinois. On the fourth
of March, he formally took pOHeffion of the
country of the Akanfas, and on the ninth of April,
he came to the mouth of the river, where he
took pofleflion anew *.

* On the eleventh of* April, La Sale le-imharkcd on his
return 5 but falling ill on the lifreenth of May, he dif-
patched the chevalier De Tonti before him, to Michillima-
kinac. Notwithftaniling what is here related, the honour of
dlfcovering the Miflilfippi is vigoronfly conteflcd with ha Sale by
Hennepin; who fays, that his being the fiift lUfcOverer, excited
La Sale's hatred towards him fo much, that he was very ill treated
by the French court, and obliged to throw himltU" on the prot«c-»
tion of England.

Vol, L

E c e

394 BRITISH EMPIRE

In the mean time, the government of New
France had undergone fome revolutions; for the
mifunderftanding between Frontcnac and the inten-
dant grew to fuch a height that the French court
recalled them both. Le Fevre de la Bar re fuc-
ceeded, as governor-general of New France, and De
Meules as intendant. By their inftrudions, which
are dated in May, 1682, they were ordered to
correfpond in the moft cordial manner with Blenac,
the governor of the French American iflands, as
the opening a commerce between them and New
France, would be produdive of the greateft ad-
vantages to both. They were likewife inllruCted
to live in the greateft harmony with one another,
but the intendant w as always to lubmit to the go-
vernor. It appears that, for fome years, New
France had been in a declining ftate ; for, in 1697,
all the French in the colony, exclufive of thofe in
Acadia, whofe numbers were very inconfiderable,
amountetl to no more than eight thoufand five hun-
dred and fifteen perfons. — The Iroquois, notwith-
ftanding their barbarity, wen- now almoft as good
foldiers as the French Canadians ther.ifelves, and well
knew the wcaknefs of the colony : they therefore
inceflantly applied ihemfelves to bring off the other
Indians from their connexions with the French.
In this they w ere greatly aflifted by colonel Dungan,
the Englilh governor of New York, who gave
to the Irucjuois much greater prices for their furs
and commouicies than thu French Canadians could

afford,

IN AMERICA. 395

afford, on account of the exadlions of the new
French comj)any.

On the eleventh of September, Frontenao gave
an audience to the deputies of the Iroquois who
were headed by an Onnondagan captain named
Teganeflbrens, at Fort Catarocouy ; but underftand-
ing that the Illinois were to be excepted out of the
number of the French allies, he loaded Teganeflb-
rens with prefcnts, to induce him to prevent the
war between the Iroquois and the Illinois, which
he promifed to do. — It appeared, afterwards how-
ever, that this chief was not in the fecret of his
countrymen's real defigns.

While matters were in this fituation, the new
governor and intendant of Canada arrived; and it
was difcovered that all the negociation of Tega-
neflbrens was intended only as a blind to the French,
till the Iroquois could make difpofltions r a vi-
gorous var, which was aftually begun. — i^a Barre
arrived in New France with great prepoflbffions
againft the friends .u Frontenac, and La Sale in
particular, whom he accufed as being the author
of the war that was ready to break out between
the Iroquois and the French, before the latter were
prepared. He likewifc complained of father Ze-
nobe, who had accompanied La Sale in his difco-
veries, which he treated as impcfliures, or matters
of very little confequence. He allcdged, that all
had been tranfadted by a dozen or t\vo of vaga-
bond French and favages, who had proflituted his

E e e 2 mofl:

396 BRITISH EMPIRE

moft chriftian majefty's authority, and endeavoured
to engrofs to themfelves the commerce of New
France,— The French took the part of La Sale,
He had, by his letters, prepofleffed that miniftry,
particularly M. De Seignelay, greatly in favour
of his difcoveries, which he had magnified above ■
thofeof Peru and Mexico; and, when he came to
be heard at court, he met with a very fmall repri.
mand, but great encouragement.— La Barre ^yas
all this while flruggling under infinite difficulties,
He faw the poverty of the colony, and the impend,
ingwar of the Iroquois, without knowing how to
remedy the one, or to prevent the other. He fol-
lowed the v/ifeft coutfe. Being a ftranger, he fum-
moned a general affembly of all the principal inha-
bitants, ecclefiaftical, civil, and military, ^nd de-
mandcd their advice.

The affembly of New France laid before their
governor a full ftate of the province. They repre.
rented, That the colony could not arm above a thou-
fandmen; that, even to do that, they mufl negleft
tlieir agriculture; that they were deftitute of pro-
vifions; in ihort, that it was impoffible to enter,
with any profpei^ of fuccefs, upon the war, with-
out affiftance from France ; and that two or three hun-
dred men, at leaft, fent from thence would be ne-
ceffary for their frontier garrifons, particularly that
of Catarocouv ; — that the cultivation of their lands,
during the abfence of the inhabitants in the war,
would require a thoufand or fifteen hundred addi-

tioHal

IN AMERICA. 397

tionaV hands; and that they mull be furnlihcd with
funds to raife magazines, and to build veffels. All
thofe heads, with reafons, fliewing that, if they
were not complied with, the colony muft be utter*
ly ruined, were tranfmitted to France in a memo-
rial from La Barre, and were highly approved of
by the French king. Orders were given for
the immediate embarkation of two hundred regu-*
lars for Canada, and letters were fent to the go*
vernor, informing him that Dungan, whofe cha-
rafter we have already given, had received cx>-
prefs orders from the court of England to alter
his condud with regard to the government of New
France,

In 1683, La Barre had undoubted intelligence,
that fifteen hundred Iroquois were alTembled
at the chief village of the Onnondagans, and that
they intended to march from thence againft the
Miamis, the Outawas, and the other allies of the
French, — La Barre had recourfe in this danger to
the arts of negociation, — He difpatched a meflen-
ger, who arrived at the place of rendezvous, to
diffiiade tne favages from entering upon their ex-
pedition, and to prevail with them to lend depu-
ties to Montreal to treat of an accommodation.
They feemed to agree to both propofitions ; but
before the end of June, La Barre had advice that
fcven or eight hundred of the cantons of Onnon-
dago, Goyoguin, and Onneyouth, had marched
to attack the favage iillies of France, while the

Tfonnon-'

?;'"I3

398 BRITISH EMPIRE

Tfonnonthouans, and another body of the Goyo*
giiins,' were to fall upon the colony itfelf. La
Barre, upon this, difpatched another exprefs to the
French miniftry, with heavy complaints of the
pra(ftices of the Englifh, in exciting this cruel war ;
and requeuing that the duke of York ihould be
applied to, to fend orders to his governor of New
York not to fupport the Iroquois againft the
French.

La Barre, while he waited for the refult of thofe
difpatches, fent a frelh meffagc to the Iroquois,
in hopes of amufing them, defiring to know how
foon they would fulfil their promife in fending de-
puties to Montreal to treat of a peace : but they
anfwcred the mtflenger, with great contempt, that
they did not remember their having made any fuch
promife ; and that if the governor had any thing
to propofe, he mull repair to them. It appeared,
however, that thefe favages, though refolved upon
a war with the French Indians, were not fo for-
ward as they pretended in coming to a rupture
with the colony ; for in Auguft, the five cantons
aftually fent their deputies. The French miflEon-
aries and traders, who were beft acquainted with*
the charaifter of thofe nations, endeavoured to put
La Barre upon his guard againft their pradiccs,
which they faid were only to gain time, that they
might be the more fure of their blow. — He re-
ceived the deputies with great civilit}^ and accep-
ted of all their protcftatbns; at the fame time, he

took

IN AMERICA, 399

took poffeffion of Fort Cataracouy, which In fad:
was the private property of La Sale, and likewife
of fort Lewis, in the country of the Illinois ; all
which proceedings created great diflatisfaaion in
the colony. In the mean time, a body of the
Iroquois were making difpofuions for pofleffing
themfelves of both thofe forts. While a party of
them was on their march, meeting fourteen French
traders, they robbed them of goods to the value
of fifteen thoufand francs ; and aftewards ex-
cufed themfelves, by pretending that they thought
the traders belonged to La Sale, whom they were
at liberty, by permiffion of the governor, to plun-
der; a ridiculous excufe for a violence which,
perhaps, the French were not at that time in a
con", m to revenge.— De Baugy, an officer under
Li ;-..€, was then commandant at Fort Lewis,
where Tonti likewife ferved; and having intelli-
gence of the approach of the barbarians, they were
fo well prepared to receive their vifit that they killed
a confiderable number of them at the firft onfet,
after which they raifed the fiege. Upon this at-
tempt of the Indinas, and another againfl Fort
Cataracouy, which likewife failed, La Barre re-
folved upon an offenfive war; and La Durantaye,
a captain of the regiment of Carlgnan, who com-
manded at Michllllmakinac, and Du Luth, whq
aftcdas his lieutenant, received orders to excite all
the French Indians in thofe parrs to arms, and to

invite

ft) l!

400 BRITISH EMPIRE

invite them to meet him zt Niagara, where lie
was to be, with all the force of New France, on
the fifteenth of Auguft; and from thence to pro*
»ceed to make a vigorous war upon all the jlroquois
nations, particularly the Tlbnnonthouans. The
Jr'dians about the Bay of St. Lewis were very back-
ward in complying, on account of fome difcou-
ragements they met with in their trade, by orders
from the governor, who wanted to cngrofs it to
himfelf ; and when at lafl, four hundred French
and two hundred Canadians were affembled, the
chief difficulty ftill remained, which was how to
march them to Niagara. While the French were
deliberating on furmounting this obftacle, and when
the favageshad aiftually begun their march, the latter
were filled with unaccountable prepofleffions, fug-
gefted by their fuperflitious notions, that their ex-
pedition would be unfuccefsful; and after Duran-
taye and his officers had, with infinite difficulty,
brought them to Niagara, their word fufpicions
were confirmed by their not finding the governor
there, and their afterwards underftanding that a
peace had been made between him and the Iro^
quois. The three French officers expeded to be
facrificed to their refentmcnt ; but the favages con-
tented themfelves with coolly reproaching them
and the governor for having deceived them, and
promifing that they never ihould be again at On-
nonthio's call. The officers, however, found means
to appeafe them, by pretending that their intfireft

had

IN AMERICA. 401

had been confulted in the peace, which the dread
of them had prevailed upon the Iroquois to fue
for; and thus the Indians departed in friendfhip.

In the mean time, La Barre had ordered the
rendezvous of his troops to be held at Montreal.
Before he put them in motion, he fent a meflage
to colonel Dungan, requiring him, according to
the promife he had made in confequcnce of the duke
of York's orders, not to oppofe his expedition
againft a bloody prefidious nation, who would maf-
facre the Englilh if they had nothing to fear from
the French, and inviting him to join him in re-
venging the death of twenty-fix Englifh fubjeds,
who had, the preceding winter, been murdered by
the Tlbnnonthouans. After this, he applied to the
cantons of Gnnondago, Agnier, and Onncyouth,
to all whom he fent belts of wampum, informing
them that his expedition was only deiigned againft
the Tfonnonthouans. He then detached Du Tall,
one of his captains, at the head of fifty-fix men,
with a great convoy of provifions, to Cataracouy,
and to re-inforce the garrlfon of that fort, where
M. d'Orvilliers, a very able officer, was comman-
dant. He had, by La Sale's orders, in the fprlng,
reconnoitered the enemy's country upon Lake On-
tario, and marked out the Ipot moft proper for
making the defcent. The army then began its
marcli. It confiftiid of feven hundred Canadians,
one hundred and thirty reorulars, and two hundred
favages. The whole body embarked on the twent}-

VoL. L F f f fixth

ir ' m

402

BRITISH EMPIRE

ty-fixth and twenty-feventh of July ; and, on the firft
of Auguft, La Barre had undoubted intelligence,
that the cantons of Onnondago, Onneyouth, and
Goyogouin, had obliged the Tlbnnonthouans to
accept of their mediation between the French and
them, and that they required I.c Moyne to manage
the negociation. At the fame time, the general
received other intelligence, that in the war he was
about to wage with the Tfonnonthouans, he could
do them very little damage, as they had already
retired with all their effei^s and provifions into
their fallnefles, and that the profecution of it,
would ferve only to unite all the different
tribes of the nation againft the French. It was
added, that the heads of the Tfonnonthouans had
given affurances, that all they required was an in-
demnity for what had pafTcd, in which caie they
would perform even more than was required of
them, and abftain from all hoftilities againft the
allies of France; but that, if thole offers were re-
jeded, colonel Dungan, the governor of New
York, had offered to fupport them with four hun-
dred horfe; but this governor's violence defeate4
his own purpofcs *.

^ One Arnold was his envoy, wlio fpokc to the Onuoudagaus
ill ver\- haughty terms, and feeing them ftaitlcd on delivering
his comniiHion, very fooiiflily alked them, whether rhcy refiifed
to obev their lawful prince, the duke of York ? Tliis difcourfe
ihocked the Onnondjigans, who called Heaven to witnefs, that
An uid came only to trouble theix land. One of their chiefs then

?rs were re-

■; J N AMERICA. 403

La Barre's army, which was now on its march,
had been reduced to the moft deplorable condition;
and, through the mifmanagement of their general,
the troops were fo deftitute of provifions, and fo
fickly at the fame time, that they were preparing
to return, when the welcome news arrived that a

addrefled the envoy in the following remarkable ftrain of favage
eloquence :

" Know," faid he, »« that the Onnondago . places himfelf
" between his father Ononthio, and his brother Tfonnonthouan,
" to keep theni from fighting with each other. I thought that
" Corlar (for fo the favages called the goxernor of New York)
" would have ftood behin i me," and cried, " Well done, On-
" nondagan, let not the father and the fon come to blows together!
" I am greatly furprifed that his envoy fliould fpeak a very dif-
*' ferent language, and oppofe my difarming both of them. Ar-
*» nold, I cannot think Corlar'a difpofition to be fo bad as thou
" reprefenteft it. Ononthio did me great honour in being will-
*' ing to treat of peace in my cabin. — Should the fon diflionour
•* the father? — Corlar attend to my voice: Ononthio has adop-
" ted me for a fon; he treated and apparelled me, as fuch, at
^' Montreal. There have we planted the tree of peace. We
*' have likewife planted it at Onnondago, whither my father
" commonly fends his ambafladors, becaufe the Tfonnonthouans
" are dull of apprehenlion. His predeceflbrs did the fame, and
" both parties found their account in it. I have two arms: I
*' extend the one towards Montreal, there to fupport the tree of
" peace, and the other towards Corlar, who has been long my
" brother. Ononthio has been for thefe ten years my father,
'* Corlar has been long my brother, with my own gooo will J
" but neither the one nor the other is my mafter. He who made
" the world gave me the land I poflcfs. I am free;— I refpci:t
" them both ; but no man has a right to command me ; and none
*' ought to take amifs my endeavouring, all that I can, that this

F f f 2 treaty

404 BRITISH E M F* I R E

treaty %<^as concluded. La Barre's joy at this was
{o great, that the favages eafily i>erceived to what
difficulties he had been reduced. They found him
encamped upon a neck of land near Lake Ontario,
but in fuch diftrefs for provifions, that the fpot has
fmce been called Famine. Garakonthie and Ou-
reouati, the two chiefs fo friendly to the French,
were two of the deputies ; but the Tfonnonthou^
an deputy behaved with as great infolence as La
Barre did with meannefs ; for, upon the Indian's
declaring that his nation would never hear of any
peace with the Illinois, La Barre faid, that he
hoped the hatchet lifted up againfl the lUhiois
would not fall upon the French in their country.
When the Tlbnnonthouan had agreed to this, the
peace was made. The Onnondagan deputies en-
gaged that the Tfonnonthouans fhould make good
the lofles of the Frenchmen who had been robbed;,.
but La Barre, was obliged todecamp the very
next day.

Perrot, who was now governor of Montreal,'
having fome differences with the fraternity of St.
Sulpice, who were his fupcriors, as being proprie-,

«» land (hall not be troubled. To conclude; I can no longer dday
*' repairing to my father, who has taken the pains to come to
*' my very gate, and who has no terms to propofe but what
** are reafonable."

This interview was followed by a letter font from the favages
to the governor of New York, rcprefciiclng Arnold's bLhavionr,
and that they did not believe he had faithfully executed his corn-
mi Hlon.

tors

IN AMERICA.

405

tors of tW ifland, the French king gave him the
government of Aeadia ; and he was fucceeded in
that of MoBtrcal by the chevalier De Callieres,
the boundary of whofe government was marked
at Lake St. Peter, in the River St. Laurence. All
this while, the Iroquois, probably over-awed by
the re-inforcemcnt lately come from France, re-
mained quiet, though it was apprehended they
would not long continue fo. They never had
agreed to comprehend the French allies, efpecially
the Illinois, in the peace; and it was of the utmoft
importance for the French to protedl thofe people.
Towards the end of July, 1685, La Barre receiv-.
ed letters from Lamberville, miffionary at Onnon-
dago, informing him that the Tfonnonthouans
liad, during all the preceding winter, abftained
from hunting, fearing left the French ihould in-
vade their canton in their abfence ; that they com-
plained of the Mafcontins and the Miamis, , who,
encouraged by the protedion of Ononthio, had
taken and killed, and even burned, fome of their
nation ; and that the Mafcontins alledged in their
juftification the inftrudions they had received from
the governor of New France.

The Onnondagans were,, at this time, fo well
difpofed towards the French, as to do all they could
to. prevent a rupture; but could receive no other
anfwer from the Iroquois, than that they were at
liberty to do as they pleafed. The news of the
late peace being carried to France, it was eafily

forefcen

- ,/•

406 BRITISH EMPIRE

forefeen there) that it could be of no long conttnu*
ancc; and his moft chriftian majelly named Dc-
nonvillc to be governor of New France. He ar-
rived with a frelh re-inforcement of troops at Que*
bee, foon after La Barre had received Lambervillc's
letter, and his firft ftep xvas to vifit Cataracouy*
La Foreft had, by order from the court, been re-
placed in the command of that fort; but under-
ftanding that his principal, M. La Sale, was
amongft the Illinois, he repaired thither, aidd'Or-
villiers commanded in his abfence. During De-
nonville*s refidence at Catarocouy, he eafily faw
the neceflity of checking the Iroquois ; but he found
that the affairs of the colony in general were in a
badfituation, and thatthe government of Old France
had formed very falfe ideas with regard to their

colonies.

It now api>eared, that there could be no fafety
for the French, but by cutting off from the Eng-
liih all communication by the lakes, and particular-
ly to fecure that of Ontario, on the weft as well
as the eaft, by building a ftrong fort of ftone, ca-
pable to contain five or fix hundred men at Nia-
gara. This the French government thought was
a certain and infallible method to prevent the Ire*
quois from trading with the Englifh, who, they
computed, gained above thirty thoufand pounds
a year by furs. All this was rcprefented to the
French court by Dcnonville, who preffed the
building fuch a fort with the greateft affiduity.

^ Thi?

IN AMERICA, 407

This prqjed was not fo fex:retly carried on at
not to come to the knowledge of colonel Dungan,
who remonftrated ftrongly againft the building any
fort at Niagara, which, he faid, was the duke of
York's property, and likewife againft the vaft ma-
gazines of provifions and arms that were amafling
^t Catarocouy. Denonville anfwered Pungan's re-
inonftranx:es, by recriminating upon the Iroquois;
and endeavoured to ih/ew, that there was no reai
ground for their fufpicions, and that Niagara and
its .Dcighbourhood had been taken pofleffion of by
the French, long before the Engliib wer? fettled
in New York.

Dungan at this time addreffed himfelf to the
favages of Michillimakinac, by means of certain
traders, who convinced them of th« fuperior ad-
vantages they might have by dealing with th«
Englifli, inftead of the French; and in this he
, had all the fuccefs he could deiire. Durantaye was
then abfent from Michillimak. lac ; but returning
thither juft as the Epgliih traders had left it, he
fet out in purfuit of them. The Englilh, how-
ever, had forefecn this, and had prevailed with
the Hurons fettled at St. Mary's Fall to give them
a large efcort, who conveyed them to the country
of the Tfonnontliouans. Denonville now found it
necelTary to throw a ftrong garrifon into fort Catar
racouy, and to fend a confiderable xletachment by
Sorel River, to over-awe the Agniers, and to
S^sxnx Dungan ; he likewife Tent bacjk the jniifion-

arv'.

. -'4'

1 ' '1<IJ

1^ 'm

•'1

LIS. ^1

4oS BRITISH EMPIRE

try, who had lucceedcd in pcrfuftdin*; the iUvages

that the French were ready to fall upon tliem^

Bwt Denonvitte fending l/amber\4lle's prefetits to

the Indians, the waiTiors, who had taken the fieW,

were recalkdi negociations were entered into for

an exchange of prifoncrs, and the Hiirons, with

^ Outawas of MichilHmakinac, were prevailed

on to give the French governor-general a meeting

«t 'Cataracouy. Towards the end of September,

l,amberville returned to Quebec to inform Denon-

ville of his proceedings with the Iroquois, and more

particularly with the cantons of the Onnondagans,

who had returned their prifoners; but the Tfon-

jionthouans had refufcd to follow heir example,

|)retending that their captives chofe to continue

where they were.

' In the mean time, colonel Dungan, who afted
as governor-general of New England ar, well as New
York, difpoflelfed the French of their fettlemcntatSt»
Therefe, upon Hudfon's Bay. The court of Ver-
failles ordered Barrillon, their ambaflador at Lon-
don, to make a ftrong remonftrance upon their dif-
pofleffion; but it appeared that neither Charles
the Second, nor James the Second, had authority
enough over their American fubjeds to oblige them
to make reftitution, which themfelves were fincere-
. ly difpofed to do. The French were amazed to
the laf degree that fubjeds ihould difpute the
will of their fovereign; but the northern company,
who were the proprietors of Fort Therefe, perceiv-

ino;

I N A M E R I C A, 409

ing they could not fucceed by applying to the court,
rcfolved to do themfelves jufticc, and demanded
afliftance from D«nonville to repoflefs themlblvcj
of the fort. He accordingly fent eighty foldieri
with the chevalier De Troye at theii head, and
on the twencieth of June, 1686, they arrived at
the bottom of Hudfon's Bay. They firft ftormed
the Fort Monfipi upon the River Monfoni, and
made the garrifon, confifling of fixty men, prifon-
ers of war, feizing, at the fame time, a confiderable
quantity of ammunition and provifions. Iberville,
one of the French officers, then took a fmall veflel,
in which was the govir.or cf the bay; and, at
lafl, Fort Rupert upon ch^ Rivv Nemifcau, which
had been lately rebuilt, f>ut r. inained dill unfor-
tified, fell into his hands, i ne troops then proceeded
againft Quitchitchouen, which ihey likewife made
themfelvcs matters of.

The French court in the beginning of the year
1687, aini^d a It^low that bade fair to deftroy all the
Britiih intcreft in North America. Barrillon had
prevailed with king James to agree to a neutrality
between the fubjeds of France and England in
North America, which left the French in poffef-
fion of all their ufurped claims. But the unfettled
Hate of affairs in England, defeated all the intentions
of this treaty ; and the Engliih paid fo little regard
to it that they attacked Fort Quitchitchouen in Hud-
, Vol. I. . G gg fon's

f '

410 BRITISH EMPIRE

fon*sBay; but they were repulfed with fume lofs
by Iberville. In September Denonville declared
war againft the Iroquois, and, in effedt, againft the
Englifh. This was the year i686, but the war-
like operations did not commence till June, 1687, '
when Denonville having received all the re-inforce-
ments he exi)edted from France, took the field
\\'ith two thoufand French and fix hundred favages.
Under pretext of the orders his predeceflbr had re-
ceived to fend all the Iroquois he could make pri-
foncrs to the French gallies, before he had de-
clared war, he decoyed their chiefs to a conference
at Cataracouy, where he mofl perfidioufly put
them in ipons, and fent them to Quebec, to be
tranfported from thence to Europe. This did no
fervice to the French intereft. It funk the credit
of Lamb<:rville and Milet, the t\vo miffionaries,
in the eyes of the favages. Many of the natives
who had repaired to Cataracouy, were the bed
friends the French had upon that continent, but
thefe were now rendered their irreconcileable ene-
mies; as indeed was the whole nation of the Iro-
quois. Denonville perceived the injuftice of the
ftep he had taken, and difvowcd it, which only
fcrved to render him .more odious and defpicable
to the natives, sad to unite them more clofely widi
the Engliih.

Milet fell into the hands of the Onncyouths,
who immediately e«ndemncj hinc to the flames,
ana obliged hiinr to iliftcr iU the torments which

ufually

I N A M E R I C A. 41X

ufually preceded that punilhment; but, when he was
on the point of being executed, an Indian matron
adopted him, and faved his life, by carrying him
into her cabin. As to Lamberville, who remained
in the canton of Onnondaeo, no fooner had De-
nonville's treachery appeared, than the chiefs fent
for him to their aflembly, and expollulated with
him in the warmeft terms upon what had happen-
ed. He had, however, the good fortune to be
greatly in favour with the favages, who acquitted
him entirely of having any ihare in the j;erfidious
proceedings of Denonville, but acquainted him
that it was utterly improj^er he Ihould remain any
longer amongft them. — The indulgence ^^ ewn on this
occafion to Lamberville was, in a great meafure,
owning to Garakonthie, who ftill preferved his
credit in his nation. Notwithftanding the fentence
of this miflionary, the favages affigned him a guard,
whoefcorted him out of all danger; and the father
himfelf always afterwards acknowledged Garakon-
thie to be his deliverer. Denonville w^as more a
barbarian than the favages he was about to fight
with ; and knowing that matters were now brought
to extremities between him and the Indians, he
omitted nothing that could make the campaign
profperous on his fide. De Tonti, who had tra-
velled as far as the mouth of the Mifliflippi to
obtain fome tidings of La Sale, and who had re-
turned to Montreal, was ordered to repair to the
country of the Illinois, there to publifli the war ;

G g g 2 z.wSy

' * I

x^ .

4ii BillTISH EMPIEE

and, after aflembHng them in a body, as foon as
poffibic, to condut5t them towards the Tfonnon-
thouans, lying on the Ohio River; from whence
he was to detach parties, to cut off the retreat of
their women and children. Thofe in the neigh-
bourhood of the Bay of St. Lewis were irreconcile-
ably exafperated againft the Iroquois, who had the
fummer before carried off fome of their women.
Dcnonville improved this circumftance to his own
advantage, by defiringthem tojoin Du Luth, who
was intrenched at the ftraits of Lake Huron; a
fpot that was pitched on by him as moll proper
for the general rendezvous of his troops. Perrct
and another officer, Boifguillot, were ordered to
repair to Michillimakinac with all the French they
could affemble, confiflently with the fafety of their
effeds, and tofignify to the Sioux, that they ihould
have caufe to repent, if they offered to difturb the
French allies during the war. Durantaye, (who
flill commanded at Michillimakinac, and, on ac-
count of his good qualities, was highly acceptable
to the fivages) was ordered, at the fame time, to
colled all the force he could, and to proceed to
Kiacrara ; but in his march, to harrafs the Indians
who were enemies to the French, taking care
to make prifoners of as many of the Onnondagans
as he cuuld, not only bccaule they were the moft
harml'-'fs of all the Indian fwagcs at war with the
Frtiich, but that the governoi-gcneral might have

captives

IN AMERICA. 413

captives in his hands to exchange if there ihould
be any occafion.

De Tonti could bring to the field no more than
eighty Illinois. Having intelligence that the Tfbn-
nonthouans were preparing to fall upon their vil-
lages, they had put themfelves in motion to invade
them; but underftanding from colonel Dungan,
that the French were about to make themfelves
mailers of the Illinois canton, they returned home
to defend their own country ; and De Tonti joined
Du Luth at the entry of the flrait of Lake Hu-
ron. The miffionaries, on this occafion, faved the
French in Canada from deftrud:ion. The na-
tives, favage as they were, perceived that the
French intended to enflave them ; and all the au-
thority of Duraataye and Du Luth could not bring
the Hurons and the Outawas to join them. They
even entered into a treaty with the Iroq when
the miffionaries found means to gain over their two
chiefs, and fent them to treat with Denonville,
who, on this occafion, acknowledged to his court
the important fcrvice of the miffionaries, and en-
gaged the chiefs in his inte^'eft.

He was by this time in readinefs to enter
upon adlion, and was encamped at the ifle of
St. Helen, oppofite Montreal ; his army con-
fiding of eight hundred and thirty-two regulars,
one thoufand Canadians, and about three htindred
favages. The good underftanding between the go-

vernor-

r mi !«

' M

f, .l.M

4'j .uy;

4J4 BRITISH EMPIRE

vernor-gcneral and the new intendant, ferved |o
fupply this army with abundance of provifions.
After three days fail, Champigni, with thirty men,
detached himfelf from the main body, to difpofe
every thing at Cataracuoy for forwarding the expe-
dition. There Denonville received a letter from
Dungan, reproaching him with his intention of
making war upon the fubjedts of Great Britain ;
but the Frenchman feeing himfelf at the head of
an army, anfwered this letter in a very haughty ftile ;
and Durantaye attacked and plundered, upon Lake
Huron, fixty Englilh traders, who were bound to
Mlchillimakinac, under pretence that fuch a trade
was contraband, and contrary to the orders of the
two courts.

The main body of the French army then march-
ed into the country of the Tfnonnonthouans, where
they were attacked, and mud have been defeated, by
eight hundred of thofe favages, had not their own
Indians made head agamft them. Here they loft
father Aniebran, a Jefuit, one of the moft aftive
miflionaries, as he was fighting againft the enemy
in the forcmoft ranks. The lofs of the Tfonnon-
thouans amounted to forty-five killed, and fixty
wounded. — After this aftion, during ten days,
which thc}' fpent in ravaging and traverfing the
country, they did not find in it one inhabitant ; feme
part of the natives having fled to the country of
the Goyogouins, and the others to New York,
where they were kindly received, and furnifhed

with

IN AMERICA. 415

\vith arms and ammunition by colonel Dongan.
The mutinies of the favages who appear to have
been the moft ufeful body in this expedition, oblit^ed
the French general to leave the country of the
Tfonnonthouans, and to march towards Niagara,
which he did, after a moft difgraceful and unmanly
expedition, in which he met with little or no oppo-
fifition, and employed his arms chiefly on the de-
fencelefs houfes and ftores of the inhabitants.
Notwithftanding the inutility of this campaign,
Denonville thought he could clofe it by an impor-
tant fervice in building a fort at Niagara, where
the chevalier De La Troye was left with a garrifon
of a hundred men ; but being foon after attacked
by epidemical difeafes, they all died. In the mean
time, colonel Dungan left no methods untried to
alienate the affedtions of the favages from the
French interelt; nor was Denonville idle, on his
part, for he built the fort at Niagara ; and being
powerfully feconded by Garakonthie's intereft, pre-
vailed fo far upon the favages, that they broke off
their connexions with the governor of New York,

and preferved their friendfhip with the French.

After this he projcfted another expedition againft
the Tfonnonthouans, who, by this time, had form^
ed a fecret intelligence with the Indians of Michil-
limakinack, the moft ufefU allies the French had
amongft the favages. IPenonville, however, was
fomewhat embarralTed in executing his rdblution,
by the orders he received from his cgmt :o give

\f . .

Ill i^

- r,

. !

4,6 BRITISH EMPIRE

no umbrage to the Englilh.— A mortality now broke

oiv at Cataracuo} , Niagara, and in other parts of

C^^nad^ ; while the averfion which Penonville had

at treating with the favages, or even bearing

the fight of them, encreafed the miferie^ of the

colony. He mi depended on the piicific orders

Pungan received from the court of England, and

on the terror with which the favages were ilr uck by

his late expedition agaiaft th(? 1 fonnonthouans ;

but he was deceived ; for m iht third of Novem-

ber, Fort Chambly was on the futden V^efieged by

« large detachment of Agniers ^.nd Maliing-ar.s ;

vihx though they were obliged lo ab^dr", their

entevpdic, UiccecJed ib far as to burn (everal plan-

tations, lad to rarry off a number of prifoners.

The I' rench did not fail to attribute this attempt to

Pungan, and raifed him fo many enemies amongll

their'^Ividians, that he was obliged to keep in pay

a body of tw^elve hundred Iroquois, during all the

winter, to cover his government.

The bafe condua of Denonville, in feizing the
chiefs of the Iroquois at Cataracuoy had fufficiently
irritated thofe favages, and occafioned them to
make reprifals. . Lamberville who was fent to treat
with them apologifed for the governor's condud,
and prefented them with two belts of wampum,
the one to induce them to treat their prifoners well,
and the other to prevail with them not to take part
with the Tfonnonthouans in the war ; but both
thofe belts were immcdiatcl} fcnt to colonel Dun-

gan,

I N A M E R I C A, 417

gan, who foon after difpatched a meflcnger to
know the meaning of their having been prefented
by Lamberville to the Onnondagans. Penonville
fent father Vaillant du Guellis with his anfwer,
but, in fadt, to be a fpy upon Dunganj who,
after fome converfation, told him in plain terms,
that the French in Canada could never hope to be
at peace with the Iroquois, but upon four condi-
tions. The firft was, the returning their country-
men whom they had fent to the gallies ; the fe-
cond, that they Ihould oblige the Iroquois chrifti-
ans, who had been fettled at the Fall of St. Lewis
and in the highlands, to return to their native can-
tons ; the third, that the forts at Cataracuoy and
Niagara fliould be demoliflied; and the fourth,
that the Tfonnonthouans Ihould be indemnified for
all their lofTes during the late expedition. Dungan,
after this plain declaration, difmifled the miffion-
ary, without fufFering him to have any communis
cation with the favages.

The favages took Dungan's advice, by keeping
quiet all the remaining part of the winter ; but
early in the fpring of 1688, a party of them fur-
prifed and killed fome of a French convoy in their
return from Fort Cataracuoy to Montreal ; and the
colony of New France was fo weak, that Denon-
ville knew not how to check them. All he could
ilo was to employ Lamberville, to endeavour to
bring off' the Onnondagans from their union with
the other Iroquois cantons. By this time, the mif-

Vol. L M h h fionary

Is
III* '-i

T II

l^^<»f.'i^l

I 4

4i8

BRITISH EMPIRE

k-i

fionary Vaillant was returned to fort Cataracuo}',
attended by two favages, whom colonel Dungan
had appointed as his guard, to prevent his conver-
fing with the Agnicrs. Lamberville had the ad-
drefs to gain over one of thofe favages, and to
perfuade him to repair to the country of the On-
nondagans, where he was to lay before them the
interefted views of colonel Dungan, in bringing
them to break with the French. The favage found
all the cantons aflembled, and an army of one
thoufand men ready to take the field againft the
French, at whom they were greatly exafperated.
He fucceeded, however, fo far as to induce them
to fend deputies to treat with Denonville; but he
could not prevent a refolution which five hundred
of their warriors took, to attqnd thofe deputies as
fafeguards.

Haafkouaun who the mouth of the deputa-
tion, and laid before the French the miferable Hate
of the colony, with the ftrength of the Iroquois,
?ind endeavoured to make them fenfible with what
^afe the latter could drive the French »iit of Ca-
nada. He then made a merit of his having per-
fuaded his countrymen to advife the governor of
his danger, and to give him four days time to de-
(iberate, whether he would or would not accept of
ijie terms propofed to him by Corlar, (meaning
<plonel Dungan.) N'Sthing could be more morti-
fying ,than the fitiuitioii^ of the French colony at
this, time* yTNVilvc huntTred favages were ready to

attack

1 N A M E R I c A' 4,5

attack Montreal. The French inhabitants between
Sorel R^ver and Magdalen Meadow durft not ftir
abroad forjear of being furprifed ; an account had
come of the extinftion of the garrifon of fort Ni-
agara, and there was danger left the laft refource
of the colony the negociation with the Onnonda-
gans fcoiUd be cut off by the governor's entering
into hoftdmes with the other Indians. By this time
e.ght hundred of them had befieged the fort of
Cataracuoy ; Lake Ontario was covered with their
canoes ; and they deftroyed all the French fettle-
ments on its borders ; but the Onnondagan cap-
tives, whom Denonville had freed, arrived on their
return to thpir own country at Cataracuoy, almoft
at the mftant when the fort was about to be fur
rendered. One of the prifoners happening to be
nephew to the chief who command^ th! fiegt
his kmfman-s deliverance made fuch an impreffion
uponhun. that he immediately drewoff his troops.
On the eighth of June following, deputies fi-om
the Onnondagans, the Onneyouths, and the Goyo-
gPUins, arrived at Montreal to treat of peace
Which being concluded upon, Denonville agreed
and\ .T "Niagara ftould be demoiiled ;
and he difpatched a meflenger to the French court
requeftmg that the Iroquois chiefs, who had been
lent to the gallies, might be delivered up. At the
^metime, Dungan amufed the French with the or-
ders he faid he had received from the king his
mafter, to obferve the neutrality that had been

H h h 2 CO,,.

. ' ■>

4l6 BRITISH EMt^IRE
cbncluded bctwiien him and hie moft chriftUn mi*
jefty ; but th«(e d]>pearanre8 were not folloMv»ed by
proportionable effedits.— A convoy of provifion*
was order d for fort Catarflcuoy ; but the Iroquois
plimderw' 'he canoes, though they had left

five he" ^ , ' 'lie fccurity of the convoy. Soon
after, thefe Intlians appeared in arms in feveral of
the moft defencelefs poffeffions of the French.
lk\t the governor-general taking the field with all
the force he coulJ *auc, and cwmirig up with
the favages at Lake Sacrament, killed and took
prifoners feveral of the enemy, who, according to
the t'rench, had been prevailed upon by Colonel
Dungan, who had furnifhed them with arms and
ammunition, to comm.it thofe infractions of the
late treaty ; and this vigorous proceeding procured
fwme rcfpite to the colony. Meanwhile, though the
court of France paid little regard to fevca' . cmon-
ftrances which Denonville fent to them, yet the
continuance of the evils foon juftified his cofti-
plaints. The favages, even thofe who w^te othefi.
wife attached to tlic French, every day more and
more defpifcd them, fc* having had a peftce, in a
a manne <t)rc" 1 upo? hemb> thelroquoiSi •

The Abe.iaqiiis, however, are to be exc^pfefd
from this number, as wrre the If luois of the Fall
of St. Lewis and the highlands, with the Hui.'W of
Michillimakinac. The A' ennquais, while Detton-
ville was trearinji: t h the other favages, took th?

ils the Rive Sorcl, tk re

fur-

1, and mnrching q\

In a m f h t c a.

4tl

rurprtfed and killed fome ^ the mWing^, and
Ifoquois; and then, advene ig towards theEnrfKh
fettlcmetits, thev brought from thence a mmiWr of
fetliw, wi.ile the Iroquois of the Fall and the
highkndis, dW the fame in ^h parts of tl>c cdun*
tfy. The Hurons of MicWUimakinac weix; m\
more averfe to the peace, And the diflike both of
them and the other favages we have mentioned
towards the treaty bctweeti Denonville and thelro!
quois, moft probabljrarole h<m their belleviag that
the Iroquois wanted only to amufe the French go-
vernor into a treaty, that they might with the
greater eafe fall ujwn h'- alKes %

„* One Kondlaronk, furnamed the Rat, was at the heail of the
Mlchilliv. kInacHurons; and heis reprefented as having been a
favagc of more tliaw common refolution and accomplifhments '
Putting himfetf at the hetid of a chofen band, he marched fitml'
Mk^ilKmakbac towaids Cataracuoy, where the French governor
iflftmed nm of the treaty depending between DenonviUe and the
I»^«f «, ^hich, he faid» was fo far advanced that the goveajor-
::^«iaal wa» waitiag at Montreal fgr the ambafladors and hofta<rc,
of that tion aiUtng, that he could not do a more acceptable ftr-
v\m c Frencl than fcy returning home without offering the

fitttUi^ vi«k to the Iroquois.

The Rat heard this difconrfe without difcovering the fmalleft
esatifln at diaike ; but, leaving the fort, he ambuflied his com-
pany at a j.Uce by whic he knew the ambaflador ^id the
hoftages muft pafs; and, w hing lis oj^portunity, he k ..ai
itvac of litem, and took othcr_ prifijners, of v hic'i laft nuiT^er
i«»Tega»iflbren8, whcnfi we ha^ already mentioned, and ivho
WM one of Ae amhailkdors. Tht chief, after thi is faid to have
rctumctt to Citgracuoy, and t» ' ave boafted, *« tl.»c be had killed
** the peace."

P. M

}i 1,1

4l»i, BRITISH EMPIRp

At this time came letters from Androsi newly ma(le
governor of New York, enjoining them to break i
off all treaty with the French, but with the parti-
cipation of his Britannic majefty, who, conlidering ,
them as. his own children, would fuffer them to,
want for nothing. He, at the fame time, inform- ,
cdDenonvillc by writing, that he was not to ex-
pert any peace with the Iroquois, but upon the
terms that had been propofed by his predeceflbr ;
though, at the fame time, he acquainted him that
he was (o well difpofed to a good underflanding
with the French, that he had ordered all the Eng-
lifli fubjefts within his governments not to moleft
the inhabitants of New France.

At length the French laid a fcheme for con-
quering New York from the Engliihi ; and Cal-
lieres, took fhipping for France, to propofe it to
that court. He according!/ prefented a memorial
to the miniftry, fetting forth the neceflky of fuch
an cnterprize. He demanded to be put at the
head, of thirteen hundred regulars, and three hun-
dred Canadians. MTith this force he was to go up
the River Sorel to Lake Champlain, under pretence'
of making war ujx>n the Iroquois, but, in reality,
to fall upon New York, the conqueft of which he '
thought was very prafticable. He reprefented, that
the revolution which had now taken place in Eng-
land, the inhabitants of New York, who moft of
them were Dutch, would infallibly take part with
the prince of Orange againfl king James, which

IN AMERICA. 4,5

mn ftrengthcned the neceffity there was for fub-
duing them.

The armament was fitted out at Rochfort, and
Cafliniere, the commander, was inftriifted to follow
count Frontenac's orders, who was immediately tofail
withthefquadron forthe entry of the Gulph of St.Lau-
rence, from whence he was to repair to the Bay of
Canfo m Acadia, and then to Quebec; while Caf-
finiere remained on the coafls of Acadia, where he
was to make prizes of all the Engliih Ihips he met
with. Calheres was to be difpatched bcfore-hand,
the moment the fquadron entered the Gulph of
St. Laurence, where, he was to make preparations
for the expedition againft New York, but conceal-
ing his real objeft under different pretexts. As the
greateft diligence was neceflary, and as the enter-
pnze could be executed in no other feafon but the
autumn, Frontenac, on his arrival at Quebec, was
to fet out with the boats, attended by De Callieres
who was to aft as lieutenant-general, and, at the'
fame time, to difpatch an expreii in cypher, order-
ing Cafliniere with his fquadron to .fail diredly to
Manhatta in New York. During Frontenac's ab-
fcnce, Vaudreuil was to aft as his lieutenant in
Wew France ; and when New York was fubdued,
trontenac was to require from the Englifh catho-
lics an oath of fidelity to his ^noft chrirtian ma-
jelty, and to fuffer them to remain in their polfef-
tos. De Callieres v.ys to aCit' as governor of
Wew \ ork, under ths j^of ^rnor-general of New

France.

rF« In]

I'f

! H

t* ii

424 BRITISH EMPIRE

France. All the Iroquois villages near Manhatta,
or the city of New York, were to be Oeftroyed,
and the otliers put under contribution.

The French fquadron arrived on the twelfth of
September, at Chedabo<^ou, ;nd on, the eighteenth,
they were joined by the merchant Ihips, which
had been very roughly treated by florms on the
banks of Newfoundland. Next day, Frontenac
embarked on board a merchant fhip for Quebec,
but with very little hopes of being able, in
that advanced feafon, to fucceed againft New
York, and before he parted, he left a fet of in-
ibudtions for CaOiniere's conduct, who took a
great many ihips, but found it impoflible to
t tich at Port Royale through contrary winds ; and
the cafe of Frontenac, in his voyage to the Pierced
Ifland, was pretty much the fame ; fo that it was
the rvventy-fcventh of Oftober before he arrived at
Montreal. — Dcnonville continued to be governor
of New France till Trontenac's arrival ; but, when
the latter joined him at Montreal, he found the af-
fairs of the colony in a deplorable (ituation. On
the rwenty-fiftli of Auguft preceding, while the
inhabitants of that ifland thought themfelves per-
fedly fecure, fifteen hundred Irocjuois in the night-
time, fell upon J.a Chine, a fettlcment, which lies
three league^ farther up the river than the town of
Montreal. The favages, finding the inhabitants
aileep, maflacred the men ; and then, fetting fire
p5 the houfes, the remaining inhabitants fell into

their

IN AMERICA. ^,5

their hands The cruelties exercifed on the prifoners
are fa:d to have been very ihocking. They then pro-
ceeded towards Montn^al, and carried off two hun-
dred pr^oners, whom they put to death by the tor-
ture Denonville, being then at Montreal, ordered
an oftcer to take poflefllon of a fort, which he
was afraid the favages might feize. The fort xvas
immediately invefted, and its garrifon, being every
man of them, killed in defending it, but the officer,
who was defperately wounded, the fort fell into
the hands of the favages, who thereby became
mafters of all the open part of the ifland, which
they contnuied to ravage in a moft inhuman man-
ner, without oppofition. Frontenac beino- on his
arrival informed of thefe calamities, was" fenfible
that they were owing to his not being able to
come three months fooner to Montreal. The con-
fternation of the whole colony had been fuch, that
Denonville fent orders to Valrcnes, who com-
manded at Cataracuoy, to abandon that poll, to
blow up the fortifications, and to deihoy all the
provifions he could not carry off, in cafe he re-
ceived no reinforcement before November. Fron-
tenac hearing of thofe orders, oppofcd them
ftrongly ; but Denonville juftified them from the
inutility of the fort, in anfu-ering the purpofes for
which it was built, and the vafl cxpence it occa-
fioned both of men and money to maintain it.
Frontenac, who was the founder of this forr, was
affliaed beyond conception, when he heard 'from'
^^''^ J- li i Valrenes,

.i f

\:\

'1 '

'P f!'' ;

4t»*^

426 BRITISH EMPIRE

ValreneSj that the walls of the fort were under-
mined, and the place was, by that time, blown up.
It was now become more neceflary to invade
New York. Plans for this expedition were fent to
Old France; but the government there, excufed
themfelves from giving the colonifts any afliftance,
on account of the expenfive wars they had upon
their hands, and counciled the governor to adt only
upon the defenfive. — In the mean time the Iro-
quois, who had been lent to the gallies, were fet
at liberty, and returned to America. Amongft
thefe was one Oureouharc, a Go}^oguin, whom
Frontenac endeavoured, by every poffible means, to
bring over to his views. At Montreal was one
Gagniegaton, a deputy of the Iroquois, whom
Ouveouhare advifed to fend back, with four of
the Indian prifoncrs, inftrudling them to fpeak
much in favour of the , governor. In 1690, the
cantons met, and fent back deputies with their
anfwer to Montreal, who concluded a treaty, with
all the ceremonies ufual in fuch cafes. Thefe were
permitted to depart as foon as the rivers were navi-
gable, and Oureouhare gave them no lefs than
eight belts ; flawing at the fame time, that, for his
part, he would not leave Ononthio, till a depura-
tion fljould be fent to foUicit his return « He fpoke
much againft the Englilh fettlers of New York,
and told them, that they might go in fafety with
the chevalier D'Eau, who was appointed to con-
dw^ them to Montreal. The Outawas at this pc~

ood

IN AMERICA. 427

.riod, concluded a treaty with the Iroquois, with-
out confulting the French in the matter. Duran-
.taye however, and the miffionaries, found means
to become acquainted with the whole of their
proceedings, with which, by means of the Sieur
Jolier, he made Frontenac acquainted, w^ho brouo-ht
him a letter from the miflionary Carbeil, whTch
laid open the ftatc of the colony ; in anfwer to
which, he ordered Durantaye, to^afllire the Hu-
rons and Outawas at Michillimakinac, that they
fhould foon fee an alteration of affairs. He then
laid down his difpofitions for attacking the E;)gliih.
A company of a hundred and ten men, French
and favages, were raifed at Montreal, under the
command of two lieutenants, who had their choice
of the poft which they were to attack, and they
determined on that of Orange. In this refolution
they were vigoroully oppofed by the favages; and
they marched, without coming to any refolution,
till they arrived at a place, wh j the road fepa-
rated into t^vo ; one leading to Orange, and the
otb» to Corlar, which the favages agreed to at-
tack. This refolution being fixed, they proceeded
in a moft fatiguing march for nine days, to Corlar.
Being arrived within two leagues of it, the chief
of the Iroquois fettlement at the Fall of St. Lewis,
who was commonly called the Grand Agnier, in a
formal harangue, which he made to the whole
party, in a ftrain of frantic enthufiafm, inveighed
againft the Englifh, as being enemies to God. Soon

I i i 2 after,

■ft

,?' I

^••I

428 BRITISH EMPIRE

after, they were informed by four favage women,
whom they met, in all they wanted to know about
the ftrength and iituation of the place, which,
upon their arrival at it, they found open, even its
gates not being ihut, and they entered it in the
night *.

Upon the return of this party to Montreal, two
French officers, one of whom had been prelent at
the attack oftCorlar, raifed a party of popilh
Iroquois, and gave the command of it to the
Grand Agnier, to make excurfions againft the Iro-
quois. In this expedition, they took forty-two
prifoners, among whom were eight Englifh. Hear-
ing that a hundred Mahingans were waiting for
them, and their number being inferior, they march-
ed towards the Salmon '^'ver, which they reached
on ■ the fourth of June , and here they began to
make new canoes, they having left their own at a
great diftance. While they were buiied in this
employment, they were difcovercd by a party of
Algonquins and Abenaquis, who, taking them for
EngliHi, with whom they likewife were at war,

• Tlie accc ,nrs given of this boafted expedition by the French
authors rcprcfcnt it as a niai\erpiece of courage in warlike opera-
tions; whereas, infant, it was as cowardly as it was inhuman.
The party entering the place without refiilance, butchered men,
women, and children, till, tired with murder, they gave quai-'cr
to t'virty of the Engliih, whom tliey carried into llavery. Bur
Coudray, the governor, who, very poflibly, was in concert
with them, WHS favtd, and all hia property ; as wa» the houfc of
tt woman, to which one of the woundeil lieutenants was carried.

attacked

IN AMERICA. ^2^

attacked them before day, and the Grand Agnier
was killed at the firft onfet, as were fix other Iro-
quois. The miftake was foon difcovered by the
prifoners each party made ; but the French Iro-
quois, in refentment of their chief's death, refufed
to deliver up their captives. This produced a dif-
ference between the two parties, which all the art
and authority of the governor could not, for fome
time, compofe. Frontenac had likewife planned
two other expeditions ; one from Trois Rivieres, and
the other from Quebec, that a fpirit of emulation
might be raifed all over the colony, and the com-
mand of the whole was given to an officer, named
Hertel. After a fatiguing march, he came to an
Englilh fettlement, which the French name Se-
mentel, at fix leagues diftance from Pifcataqua in
New England. The French fvirprifed this fettle-
ment, and cut in pieces all they found in it, ex-
cepting fifty-four perfons, whom tney carried T
captives ; and, after burning all the houfes, an
Iheep and cattle in the ftabies, they prepared to
make their retreat, for fear it fhould be cut off by
the inhabitaats of Pifcataqua.

By this time, the Quebec party had taken the
field under one Portneuf ; and Hertel, upon his re-
turn, underflanding that he was within two days
march of them, difpatched hi? nephew with an ac-
count of his fucccfs to the governor-general, and
fet out to joi:i -lu Quebec paity, within four
leagues of Caia Ba)-, which they were determined

(!i

4 '

L. !

If- •

•I

i.f«.i«f«.

430 BRITISH EMPIRE

to attack ; though the place mounted eight cannon,
and was well provided with every thing neceffary
for a defence. Four favages, and two French,
were employed to alarm the fort, which they did,
by raifing the Indian cry ; and having killed an
Englishman, fiity of the garrifon marched out, and
received the fire of the French, who lay in am-
bufh, and who afterwards attacking the Englifli
party with fwords and hatchets, killed them all
but four, who regained the fort, but all of them
wounded. Towards the evening, Portneuf fum-
moned the governor of Cafco Bay to furrender;
but was anfwered by the latter, That he would de-
fend his fort to the laft. This, at firil, ilartled
Portneuf, whofe commifiion from Frontenac, only in>
ix)rted, thathefhould ravage the open country; but,
fummoning all his fpirit*, the reply he made to the
anfwer of the Engliih governor, was, That he mull
furrender the fort, with all the provifions and am-
munition within it : and, though the Englifh de-
manded fix days to confider, they were allowed
only one night. The defencekfs ftate of the place

* The French writers fay, that Sefitks the main fort at Cafco
Bay, four others had been raifeil, but all of them were evacuated,
in order to reinforce the principal garrifon. Thofe forts, how-
ever, appear to have k-cn only the detcncelcfs houfes of the inha-
bitants ; and the main fort, notwithltanding all the Fiench wri-
ters, who had their inf..«nnation only from thofe who had au in-
teieft in magniv)-ing their own exploits, was little better tha;\
defcncelefs.

obliged

IN AMERICA. 431

obliged the garrifon to capitulate; but Portneuf
would give the governor no other terms than
thofe of furrendering hiinfelf and his garrifon pri-
foners of war, which they accordingly did, being
reduced to the lall extremity. Scarcely was the
place evacuated when an Englifli fqu^dron ap-
peared to relieve it ; but its commander not feeing
the Britlfh colours flying, concluded that the fore
had been taken, and being confirmed in his opi-
nion, by none of his fignals being anfwered, he
returned back ; while Portneuf not only plundered
and demolilhed the fort, but all the houfes in its
neighbourhood. This inconfiderable conqueft,
though magnified by the French, was not, how-
ever, thought fufhcient to anfwer their main pur-
pofe ; which was that of bringing their favage
allies into a flate of independance upon the
Englilh.

Frontcna., about a month after PortneuPs re-,
turn to Quebt-.. fent De La Porte Louvigny, a
reformed captain, and Perrot, with a ftrono- con-
voy from Montreal to Micniliima •« inac, charged
with prefents from the go\ -riior -geierrO to the fa-
vages, and a commijQion to ir.peifede Durantayoe,
in that ftation. — This officer was cittended, in o-oing-
to take pofTefTion of his new command, by a hun-
dred and forty-three French ; many of whom had
large quantities of fur at Michillimakinac, which
they could not before carry of!' for fear of the ra-
vages. They were efcorted by two French officers,

and

I '

.-t'Si

hi^

432 BRITISH EMPIRE

and fix favages ; but on the twenty-third of May,
being the clay after they embarked, they difcover-
ed two Iroquois canoes. Upon this, Louvigny
detached thirty of his retinue in canoes, and fixty
by land, to furround the enemy, who were fuf-
pefted to be very numerous, though they did not
appear. The canoe men fell into an ambufcade
of the Iroquois, who killed far the greater part of
them. At firft, Perrot, under whofe command
Louvigny was during the journey, would not fuf-
fer the latter to march againft the favages ; but,
at length, he gave him leave, and Louvigny, at the
head of fifty or fixty French, killed about thirty of
the Iroquois, wounded a great number, and made
fome prifoners, the remainder of them efcaping
with great difficulty to their canoes.

The Outawas ambaffadors were now on the point
of fetting out from Michillimakinac, to conclude a
definitive treaty with the Iroquois ; but the news of
the victories of the French, and the magnificent pre-
fents they brought, gave a new turn to their fen-
tlmcnts ; which Perrot improved with fo much ad-
drefs, that they entered with more zeal than ever
imo the French intereft. A hundred and ten ca-
noes, loaded witii furs and fkins, to the value of
one hundreii thoufand crowns, under the convoy of
three hundred northern favages, immetliately fe?
out for Montreal, v* here they found the count Dc*
Frontenac.

The

he cQimt Dv?

I N' A M E R I C A. 433

The chevalier D'Eau, who had been fent as am-
baffador and fpy to Onnontague, and all the
French in his retinue, had been put in confine,
ment by the favages, and fent him prifoner to
Manhatta, to prove their averfion to any peace
with the French, and .;ey even went fo far, as to
burn two Frenchmen of his retinue. Frontenac
upon this, ordered two detachments of his beft
troops, one under the command of the chevalier
De Clermont, to guard the fouthern par^s of the
colony from Montreal, to the River Sorel ; and the
other, under the command of the chevalier De La
Motte, to fecure it from Montreal to Quebec.
The colonifts of Canada durft not venture abroad,
either to cultivate their lands, or cut down their
harvefts ; fo that the colony itfelf was threatened
with famine. On the eighteenth of Auguft, De
La Chaflaigne, commandant at fort La Chine, was
informed, that a great number of canoes were fcen
upon Lake St, Lewis. Frontenac, who was then
at Montreal, immediately concluding that they
were filled with Iroquois, gave orders for a vio-o-
rous defence, but he foon underflood that they
were no other than the grand convoy from Michil-
limakinac, which we have already mentioned.
The joy of the French at underflanding this, was
exceffive, and the convoy was received under peals
of acclamations from the inhabitants. In the
mean time, an Iroquois, who was nephew to the
grand Agnier, and who had been fent out to re-
VoL. I, K k k connoitrc

I'' Pi' •

'•' II, •

„ I

' a

434 BRITISH EMPIRE

connoitre towards Orange, had, in his return, du-.
covercd, that a large body of men were employed
in making canoes upon Lake Sacrament. This
Indian ^sas fo much attached to the French,
that the truth of his report, \vith mr ly -ircum.
ftances attending it, to do honour to himlen; was
fo far from being queftioned by Frontenac, that
be immediately gave orders for putting the town
and ifland of Montreal in a proper jM^fture of de-
fence. He called together all his favaG;e allies
who were upon the fpot ; and, after feailii.a^ -hem
with great profufion, he informed them, that he
was refolved never to make peace with the Iro-
quois, till he Ihould reduce them to b^ it upon
terms as advantageous to his allies as to the Fi-ench,
and th3t he confidered both as being equally his
children. His behaviour charmed the favag.
& de^^ee of enthufiafm for his perfon, and he was
anf'Xtel with peals of univerlal acclamation.
I^^ejft d«y, upon advice that great numbers of ca-
noes .'cre fcen on Lake Champlain, lignals were
given for alTembling the regulars and the militia ;
and on the thirty-firft of Auguft, Frontenac, upon
Magdalen Mead, reviewed the favages, who were
fo eager for the fervice, that all of them appeared
under arms, without their leaving a man to take
care of their merchandizes, and the army was
found to confift of twelve hundred men *.

* Some of the favages of the Fall of Sr. Lewis, took thU
•pportunity to Invite all the chicli of the other cantons to go to

eturn, du--
r employed
ent. This
\t French,
ly ircum-
imlea, was
tenac, that
g the town
\urc of de-
va'^e aUics
aftb.g '"hem
iiri, that he
ith the Iro-
beg it Upon
the Fi*cnch,
equally his
: lavsg*
and he was
icclamation.
ibers of ca-
ignals were
the militia;
:cnac, upon
, who M'cre
mi appeared
nan to take
army was
r*.

ewis, took tliib
intons to go to

1 xV A M ' R I C A. 435

Next day, the Icouts reported, that they could
difcover uo enemy, nor any footileps ol ie ;
upon which, army was difmiffed till fa

orders, and the inhabit rs fell to their u elt
work, which . as the main objeft of their cou-
cern. Some time after, a party of Iroquois fur-
prifed a deitiicele^ number of thr French inhabi-
tants and foldiers, careleflly at work in the field
and killed or took prifoners fix foldiers, eleven in-
habitants, and four women, befides putting to
death a number of horned cattle, anc^ i gthe

neighbour g Houfes and ftorehoufe^ l upon

an appearance of fome troops appr' ling, the
favages retired to the \\'Oods. Frontenac, incenfed
with thcfe ^arprilkls, reproached Oureouhare \vith
the infenl ky of his countrymen, as to all
the kindnellcs he had dc '^ to him and them.
The fivage made he beft apology he Id for

Ononthio's quarters. There being aflembled, one Lewis Athe-
vlhata, a popifli chief of Lewis's Fall, very artfully addrelled
himfelf to the company, but more particularly to the Outawas,
whom he atlvifeil to Uy before their father Ononthio, their in-
moft featiments, and to dilclole the true rcafons of their late
treaty with the Iroquois. The fpokeiman of the Outawas, upon
this, apologized in the beft tnanner he coul' fjr his countrymen,
and promifed an inviolable fidelity \o O'onthio in time to come,
in which he was lecondcd by all the < " chiefs prefenc. Fron-
tenac very properly thoug'at, that foi altercations might arlie, if
the company continued longer together, and alter t\ianking Lewis
Atlu-rihata for lb leafonable an interview, he promifed him
another meeting as foon as the enemy fliould be rcpulfed.

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73 WEST MAIN STREET

WEBSTER, NY 14SeO

(716) 872-4503

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43^

BRITISH EMPIRE

their behaviour ; and fo entirely difarmed Fronte-
nac of all refentment towards himfelf, that that
governor refolved to truft and employ him, more
than ever. While Frontenac was preparing to re-
turn to Quebec, an officer from thence brought
him two letters from Prevot, who commanded
there during the governor's abfence. The firft,
dated the fifth, gave him advice, that he had been
informed by an Abenaquis, of thirty ihips having
left Bofton^ in order to befiege Quebec. The fe-
cond letter gave advice of twenty-four Englifh
fhips, feme of which wer large, having appeared
off Tadouffac. Upon th''^. alarming account Fron-
tenac and Champigny immediately embarked on
board a fmall veffel for Quebec; and foon after
another courier came from Perrot, with advice
that two French ladies had been taken by a fleet
of thirty-four fail, which, at the time of his writ-
ing, might be at the ifle of Condres or Hazels.

An Englifh fquadron which had appeared off
Cafco Bay, did not come time enough to prevent
its falling into the hands of the French ; upon
which they failed to Port Royal, which furrendered
upon terms. Notwithflanding which, Phipps car-
ried off with him Manneval, a ferjeant, and thirty-
eight foldiers ; and he obliged the inhabitants to
take an oath of fidelity to king William and queen
Mar)', and that he had left his firfl ferjeant to com-
mand Port Royal, appointing fix of the principal
inhabitants to be of his council for adminiflering

juflice.

IN AMERICA. 43^

joftice. From Port Royal, Phipps failed to Che
dabouAou, where he fummoned Montorgeuil to
furrender it. Though that officer had no more
than fourteen men in garrifon, he made fo brave
a defence, that Phipps was obliged to fet fire to
the place before he would liften to a capitulation
which was at laft granted him upon honourable
terms; and he and his garrifon were condu«fted
m fafety to Placentia.

The chevalier De Villebon was now arrived from
France to take upon him the command of Aca-
dia, and had a narrow efcape from being taken
by two Englifli pirates, whom he in vain attemp-
ted to furprife, and who fell upon Port Royal,
where they are faid to have beep guilty of great
cruelties. This commander afterwards returning
to France undertook to drive the Englilh out of
Canada with the affiftance only of the Abenaquais
and other favages in alliance with his nation.
—The propofal had too great a Ihew of probabi-
lity as it feems in the eyes of the French court to be
rejefted, and he returned to Quebec in July 1691,
with all the power and encouragement he could
defire.

The expedition which the Englilh had con-
certed at this time againft Quebec, muft certain-
ly have fucceeded, even before Frontenac could
have been informed of their defigns, had not the
weather proved extremely unfavourable as it was.
—The firft thing the French governor did, when

438 BRITISH EMPIRE

he was convinced of the danger, was to fend the
commandant of Trois Rivieres with orders to
Callieres to come to Quebec direftly with all the
force he could raife. Fronrcnac entering the
city in Odtober, found all things well difpofed
for its defence. He heard, at the fame time, that
the Engliih were advanced as far as the Ille of
Orleans; and ilTued his orders that the command-
ers of the militia on that fide of the country fliould
not ftir from their pofts till the enemy had made
good their landing. — He took proper precautions
that the coaft ihould be well guarded, and his or-
ders were fo well obeyed, that the Engliih at
this time could not even fend a boat on Ihore.
Notice was given on all hands to prevent any of
the Ihipping which might arrive from being fur-
prifed; batteries were erected on the Ihore, and
every thing done which might contribute to the
defence of the place. At length the Englifh fleets
appeared, confifting of thirty-four fail, and hav-
ino- on board about three thoufand land forces.
Thefe coming to an anchor about ten in the
morning fent a long boat on Ihore with a trumpet
to the governor, whofe report when he returned
was fo very unfavourable to the Engliih that it
ftruck them with terror and amazement; and
Phipps, who commanded the expedition, feems
to have funk, all at once, from the very pin-
nacle of hope to the depth of defpair *.

* Some time before, Phipps had taken prifoner one Graiul-
villc, a French officer, who had been dilpatchcd by Prevot to

Two

.X \

IN AMEHIC A. 43P

Two days after the boats made good their land-
ing; however, an attack was made, in which the
En^ifli loll about one hundred and fifty men, and
were obliged to retreat before an inconfiderable
number of the French and Canadians.

obfervethemotlonsoftheEngUni, and who, on Lis examination,
frankly owned what he thought was the truth, that Quebec had
neither fortifications, troops, nor a general to defend it. This
account encouraged Phipps £o mHch,that he boalted he ihould
lip in the governor of Qji,ebec's palace that very night.

Frontenac feeing the long-boat, with the meflenger, who was
H trumpet, put off from the fleet, fent an officer, who met him
halfway, and muffling his eyes, carried him round all the for-
tifications, where the foldiers and inhabitants purpofely increafed
the noifes of military hurry all round him, and, at laft, carried
him to the grea^haU. He was aftonilhed, when unbUnded, to
find himfelf before the governor^gcneral, the b'ihop, the inten-
dant, and z large body of officers, all of them with looks of de-
fiance and refolution. This was fo much the reverfe of what he
expeded, that he trembled when he prefented ' the manifefto 6f
the Englifli admiral. It rej reached the French and their favages
with the cruelties which they had committed upon the fiibjefts of
England; demanded all theprifoners that they had fhoyld be deli-
vered up; that the governor, garrifon, and inhabitants Ihould
furrender themfelves at difcretion, and concluded, by giving the
|[ovemor-general only one hour to confider of his anfwer. This
fumraon being read aloud, created great indignation in the
Frenchmen, which was redoubled, when the trumpet, pulling
put a watch, faid he could not ftay after fuch an hour.

Some of the French officers then called out, that the trumpet
ought to be treated as belonging to a pirate, who was in arms
againft his lawful fovcrelgn, and who had afted as a true pirate,
by breaking the capitulation he had made at Port Royal with
IVJaruieval. Frontenac anfwered the trumpet, by reproaching

440 BRITISH EMPIRE

In the afternoon fucceeding this defeat, and the
day after the town was cannonnaded but with lit-
tle fuccefs, till the English, impatient of the fire
from the batteries, drew ofF, and the foldiers en-
camped near Beaupre, demanded to be led to a
clofe engagement. Accordingly they were drawn
out in line of battle; but had not proceeded far
on their march towards Quebec, before they were
attacked by M. St. Helene, a Canadian officer at
the head of two hundred men. They retreated
before thefe with lofs; but, gaining the flielter of
a wood, made a noble (land, and began a fmart
fire, in which adion St. Helene w^*s mortally
wounded, and the enemy was retiring when Fron-
tenac advanced with three hundred men, and claim-
ed the honour of a vidiory, which, by this time,
there was no one left to difpute; for he had come
too late for the engagement, and retired into the
city without feeking to renew it; while the Eng-
lifh, watching their opportunity, carried off all
the cattle they could find, in order to revidtual
their fleet.

Phipps and the EngUft, for their rebellion agaJiift their lawful
fovereign, [meaning king James the Second, who had lately ab-
aicated] in whofc right he faid he afted. He likewife men-
tioned the affair of Manneval with great indignation, and con-
cluded, by faying, that he would give no other anfwer to the
infolent fumn^on, but by the mouth of his cannon. He then
ordered the trumpet to be again blindfolded, and reconduced ty

the place where he was taken up.

The

• IN AMERICA. 44t

The next hight the admiral fent on fhore five
fix pounders, with which the Englilh flattered
themfelves that they fhould be able to batter the
town In breach.r-In the mean while the enemy
fo advantageoufly difpofed themfelves, that the be-
fiegers fell into feveral ambufcades before they
were obferved j and though they fought bravely,
and often repulfed the aflailants, yet the latter, at
laft, united all their parties, and made fuch a dread-
ful fire, that the Englifh were obliged to fly, leav-
ing behind them their cannon, powder, and ball •
^hilfi, on the fide of the French, if we may be-
lieve their writers, only one ranger was killed, and
a favage wounded. The Canadians leized the fpoils,
which they tept, in fpite of all the attempts of
the Englifti to regain them t and Frontenac pre-
fe.ited the militia with two pieces of ordnance
which themfelves had made prize of, as a reward
for the valour they had Ihewn in the aftion. la
the mean time, a body qf three thouland Englifh
and Indians had been drawing together, in order
to attempt the conquefl: of Montreal : but while
the former were on their march, the fmall-po^c
broke out amongfl: them, which they communicated
to dieir ravages ; eight hundred of whom dying of
the diftcmper, the army w^s mimcdiately broken
up.

As foon as Phipps received the difagreeable news
of the army's reparation, he thought it high time
to give over all thoughts of reducing Qiiebec (to

Vol. I. jLll the

4V2 BRITISH EMPIRE

the defence of which its governor had drawn to*
gether almoft all the whole force of the French
in America) and accordingly he entirely defifted from
profecuting a plan which had coft, accoiding to
the mod moderate accounts, the lives of above fix
hundred Ehgliflimen.

"When Sir William made his retreat, he had not a
tannon ball left •, and in his return, he loft no few-
er than nine fhips for want of mariners to work
them. — On the whole, this expedition feems to
have been ill planned, and worfe executed: na-
tural caufes concurred to fruftrate it, and never
did Englifh foldiers make a worfe figure than' in
this vain attempt. The unfkilfulnefs of their pi-
lots endangered the whole fleet ; of which only
Four returned to Bofton *. While the French fhip-
jping, to which Frontcnac had fent a timely caution,
concealed themfelves in the Kiver Saguenay, till
their enemies were returned home.

When thefe arrived, they found themfelves not
a little flraitened for the want of provifions, and
the inhabitants of Qiiebec were nearly in the fame
cafe, on the richeft of whom, however, the go-
vernor made free to quarter the foldiers, who
received them without murmuring. A noble in-
llance of their patriotilm and zeal for the welfare
of their country. '

* Several of them went in purfuit of fuch French vc/Tels as
were cruifing on the banks of Newfoundland.

... I,

IN AMERICA: 44J

It was fome time after this expedition, in the
year 1691, that deputies arrived from the Agnicrs
(who were m arms againft the French) to beg a
peace as- they faid, and a piece of ground in the
neighbourhood of the falls of St. Lewis. Thefe
Indians informed the government that one thou-
fand Iroquois were on the point of enterino- New
France nearTrois Rivieres—This body appeared
in the May following, at a little diftance from
Montreal, where they began hoftilities, and after-
wards difperfed themfelves in different parties, from
Kepentigny as far as the IHes of Richelieu— Vau-
dreuil at the head of above a hundred foldiers fur-
prized fifteen of the favages, who took fhelter in-
a lone houfe, from whence they made a vigorous
defence; and Bienville, a French officer of note,
loft his life in the adion. At length, Vaudreuil
fet fire to the building and the whole party was'
deftroyed, either by the flames, or the fwords of
their enemies *.

The Iroquois at this time had polled themfelves
on the Outawas River, where they propofed to

* Amongft the officers who diitinguiflied themfelves on this
occafion, was the chevalier De Crifafy, who, with hjs brother
the marquis of the fame name, was a Sicilian, and who, having un-
fuccefsfull) endeavoured to raife a rebellion in that idand, againft
the king of Spain, in favour of the French king, they were
obliged to fly to his proteftion ; but he gave them no other re-
ward for their treafons, than each of them a company in Canada,
where they behaved with great courage and fidelity tq the prince
whofe intercft they efpoufed.

L 11 2 murder

4i4 BRITISH EMPIRE

piurdcr all the French pafling and repalTing on the
joad to Michillimakinac*, and then to fall upon
the back fettlements \ but, perceiving their dcfigns
difcbvcred, and perhaps fearing for their own coun-
try, they broke uptheir camp^without being attack-
ed i whilft, in the fpring, two French officers found
means to pafs through the very midft of the Iro-
quois in arms, and brought to Michillimakinac
the account of the Englifti mifcarriage before Qiie^
bee.

In the fummer a plan was laid for retaking
Port Nelfon upon Hudfon's Bay from the Englilh \
but it caiTJC to nothing, and the commander\of

♦ The Onnondagan canton, on pretence of deploring the death
ef St. Helene, foir to Le Moyne, whofe family they had avlopt-
ed, fent a belt of wampum, together with two femalc-moun-
tnineers, who had been for fome time prifoners in their canton.
Thoft women were ihtrufted with two belts of T^ampum, ohe of
which they were fecrctly to give to one of the principal inhabit
tants of the villages of the mountain, and the other to Lewis
Atherihata, who was godfon to his moft chriiUan majefty, and
^as the principal inhabitant of the Fall of St. Lewis. The
intention of thofc belts was to invite them to return, with as
many of their friends and relations as they could bring with
them, to their mother -country, that they might Avoid being in-
volved in the general maffacre which was intended ftgainft all the
French. The belts were accordingly delivered j bvt the favages,
to whom they were intruded, carried them direSly to the
governor of Montreal, to whom they alfo fwore an mviolable
fidelity.— And it was from ths information of tliefe Indiarra
and the two women that fh^ French Were ti»neiy pvft upon their

the

IN AMERICA.

44#

the intended expedition changed his defign to that
of clearing the River St. Laurence of the JEn^iOi
privateers which infefted it.

At the inftigation of Phipps a new armament
was raifed in order to make attempts upon the
French in Canada, and five hundred men were aflem-
bled in the province of New York in order to at-
tack Montreal, while the French commandant
jiflembled his men in Magdalen's Meadow, and
reinforced Fort Chambly, which he underftood
the Englilh intended to attack. Some fmart ren-
counters enfued near that place, in which the French
loft M. St. Cyrque, and many of their foldiers.
At length, however, the Englifh and their Indians
were conftrained to retreat, leaving their enemies,
fbr the prefent, at liberty to get in their harveft ;
but thefe v/ere foon after interrupted by large bo-
dies of the Iroquois, and obliged to mingle war
with their induftry. Ourecohare was the great-
eft chief among the French Indians, and he did
them fignal fervice in repulfing thofe favages, who
would otherwife have made great havock among
them ♦.

The chevalier Villebon now arrived, and hav-
ing been nominated gov* ii.or of Acadia, he fet out

* He foon after p^d a vifit to Frontenac at Quebec, where
he was fo cordially received, that he declared, though many In-
dian nations offered to chufe him for their chief, he was refolved
to reftife them all and fpend the remainder of his days in tht
llervice (as he fkid) of his father Ononthio.

44^ BRITISH EMPIRE

on an expedition to Port Royalc, where we ate
told that he found the Englifli flag (lill flying,
but no garrifon. He ordered it immediately to be
tnken down and French colours hoifted in its place i
after which he once more took formal poflcfllon
for his countrymen *.

Frequent rencounters between the Englilh, the
Iroquois, the French, and their Indians filled up
the remainder of this year. In 1692, Callieres
afliembled a body of troops with intent to march
them to the Peninfula, where the Outawas River
joins that of St. Laurence, and D'Orvilliers was ap-
pointed to command them ; but meeting with an acci-
dent on his road, he returned to Montreal. On^
Beaucourt fucceedcd him in the command, and
marched his men to the Ifle of Taniatha, where
lie attacked, and routed (everal flraggling parties
of Indians ; but at length, fearing he might fall in
with fome larger bodies, he returned to Montreal,
from whence Frontenac difpatched Michel at the
bead of fome French and thirty favages, who fome

• One Des Goutins, who a£^ed as his commiflary, took this
opportunity of informing the affembly, that, when the placa
was taken by Phipps, he had buried one thoufand three hundred
livres in a certain fpot, which being accordingly dug, the money
which belonged to the king was found, and faithfully applied
by the officer to the fervice of the public 5 an aft of integrity, the
remembrance o£which afterwards procured his acquittal without
trial, when a charge of malveriation was brought againft him.

time

IK AM E R I CA;

A^f

time after fell into an ambufcade, and was taken pri-
foner by the favages*. Whilll thefc things were pair-
ing in the month of Auguft, Frontenac put hitn-
felf at the head of three hundred men, in order to
proted: thofe who were gathering in the harveft j and
near Montreal he found two hundred Outawas, to
whom he propofed an expedition againft the Iro-
<iuoisi but the favages declined the offer. / bout
this time the chevalier d'Eau arrived in Canada.

Intelligence now arriving, that the Englifh un-
der Sir William Phipps were about to attack New
France, a fquadron of Ihips was detached to Spanifh

• When Michel came to a place called the Carrying-place of
the Cats, he faw two Iroquois fcouts, and a great number of
canoes m the water; upon which he returned again to Mont-
real, where fixty French favages three days after arrived witlj
their cargoes of furs, having difpofcd of them, demanded
an efcort back to a certain place, where they were to fepa.
rate. Michel offered to accompany them, and an efcort, con-
fifting of thirty men, was accordingly appomted. W^hen they
arrived at the Long Fall on the River St. Lauruice, where
they met with a carrying-place, they received a fmart difcharge
of mufquctry, without perceiving from whom it came, which
made all the favages difappear, and killed and wounded a great
many of the French ; upon which the Indians rufhing from their
ambufcade, fell with the utmott fury upon the few furvivor$.
Mjchel, La Geraeraye, and the Hertels, two cnfigns, who
were brothers, defended themfelves with great valour, and
would have fought their way through the Iroquois, had they
not been abandoned by their own allies, by which means, Michel,
and the two Hertels, were taken prifonersj but Gcmeray; aad
ibme foldiers efcaped to Montreal,

Bay.

^M|

448 BRITISH EMPlUe

Bay, under the command of Du Palais, wild
fent a veflel to look intp the River St. Laurence,
which being difabled by ftref$ of weather never
returned : and, in confequence, the French com-
mander remained idle there, at a time when he
might have intercepted the fleet of his enemies.

The French governor pf Placcntia having re-
ceived advice on the fourteenth, of September that
a fquadron was anchored within five miles of that
place, the baron La Hontan was difpatched with
about fixty men, to poll himfelf where the Englifh
tvere moft likely to land 5 who, on die feventeenth,
manned their boats for that purpofe, but difcover-
infy the enemy, made a feint, and went on fhore at
another place j while M. Brouillan ereaed batteries,
and ordered a boom to be drawn acrofs the har-
bour ^

•About noon tliat fame day the governor dllcovered A boat
with a flag of truce } and a ferjeant was fent ouf, who brought
the officer that cairied it blindfold into the fort^ v/here he inform-
ed the governor that he came from Mr. Williams, who was the
Englilh commodore, with his compliments, and to beg he would
fend an officer on board his Ihip, to whom he would explain his
intentions, and treat with him concerning the releafeof certain
French feamen, who were prifoners on board the Englifh fleet.
The governor agreed to this requeft, and fent La Hontan, and
another ofitter, one Paftour, to confer with the commodore j
and, in the mean whUe the perfon, who carried the flag of
truce fummoned the governor, in the names of king William
,tod queen Mary, tofurrender the place, and all that the French
lukd in the b»y, which was refnfed in reiblute tenas*

\ The

I N A M E R I C A. 449

The Englilh fquadron the next day found that
they had no Icfs than three forts to attack. They
however at firft began a very brifk cannonade;
but about the evening of the nineteenth, they
were obliged to draw off, the example having
firft been fet them by the commodore ; and the ex-
pedition ended iii falling upop Point Veili, where
they burned many of the dwellings of the inha-r
bitants. ^

Both nations were guilty of capital errors In
their condudt, with regard to the affairs we have
here mentioned, — It was undoubtedly a grand mif^
take in the French to fuffer ir fhipping to lie
idle in the Spanilh Bay at a time like this, when
they ought to have attacked the enemy : but no-
thing could equal the ralhnefs of the Englilh, in
attacking a place, with the ftrength of which they
were not acquainted, or the precipitancy of their
retreat, ^^'hen the Frengh wqyq fo much in want of
ammunition, that they were even reduced to their
laft charge of powder, and are faid to have been
forced to return the balls which they picked up in the
engagement : — but it is fuppofed by fome, that a kind
of mutiny in the fquadron, obliged the commanders
to give over their cnterprize, and likewife that
this difturbance was occafioned by their ill con-r
dut^, of which they gave many glaring inftances.
On the whole, the expedition was far from doing
honour to the alfailants, who would moft probably
have fuffered mnch more feverely, had it not been

Vol. I. M m m fof

''ft

!l 'Sl"

-f

450 BRITISH EMPIRE

for the blunders and mifmanagement of the defen-
dants.

Notwithftanding this repulfe, Phipps ftill con-
tinued bent on attacking the French fettlements,
and direfted his chief aini towards Quebec. Mean-
while ViJlebon having fortified himfclf in Fort St.
John, \viiited for an opportunity to diilodge the
Englifli from other parts, from whence an attempt
had been made to drive him, but in vain.-^ —
Iberville, who had been commifioned by the court
of France to expel the Englilh from Port Nelfon,.
in Hudfon's Ba\', not arriving at Quebec till the
eighteenth of October, as it was judged too late
for hhn to proceed upon that expedition, he was
fent to inveft Fort Pemmaquid by land, while
Bonavcnture, who commanded the French fqua-
dron, was to attack it by fea ; but the latter hav-
ing no coalVing pilots, declined the enterprize, and
Iberville, with all his Indians, was obliged to retire
without gaining any thing but his labour for his>

pains ■\

Soon after, eight hundred Iro(jUois dividing them-
fclves into two parties on the borders of New

* Iberville, though an excellent otticer, had tvufted too. much
to I'luprirmg the fovt ; and an Engli(h gentleman, one Ncl-
fon, who was then pvifoner at Quebec, had bribed two French,
foldiers, who gave intelligence to the Englilh at Pemmaquid, and
who were therefore on their guard, which had induced Iberville
to abandon tVie imdertaking, to the great difcontent of the favages,.
who were with him, and who had formed great expeiUcions of
taking and plundering the place.

York-

IN AMERICA.

451

York, from whc they feemed to threaten • fome
terrible blow ; bt the vigilance of count Fronte-
nac, having put the French fettlers on their guard,
the favages gave over their defigns, and retired dif-
appointed. In the mean time, the French, who at-
tributed thefe difpofitions to the machinations of
the Agniers, detached a large body of French and
Agniers, to attack and deftroy their fettlements *.
They found the Agniers divided into three town-
fhips, which they attacked and deftroyed fuccef-
fively. But in their return, they were harraffed by
a body of Onneyouths, and being much perplexed
for want of provifions, were obliged to feparate
into fmall parties, and the ihattered remnant of
the army airived in a pitiful condition at Montreal,
where by this time an alarm was fpread of a de-
fign of theEnglilh to befiege Quebec with a power-
ful fleet and army.

By this time Michel, who had been taken prifo-
ner by the Indians, having efcaped from their
hands, arrived at Quebec, who informed the French,
that the Onnoiuiagans had built a flrong fort for

* The orders given on this occafion, were not to fpare any
inak capable of bearing arms, but to put every one of them to
Xht fword, and to carry oft' all the women and children captives,
to people the French Indian fettlements ; but their Indian allies,
notwithftanding they promifcd to obey thefe cruel injunctions,
obliged the Fretich to fpare a great number of thcii fellow favages,
who were accordingly carried away captives.

M m m 2

tiic

4^i BftltlStt lEkPlUE '

the defence of their women and children, in cafe
they ihould be attacked as the Agnier canton had
been. A report had, before this period, been fpread,
bf a refolution the Englilh had taken to raife ten
thoufand men, to meet at Bofton, fix thoufand of
Vvhom were faid to be deftined againft Quebec ;
but it now appeared that, how true foever the ac-
counts of thefe preparations might be, thofe who
communicated them had miftaken the place of
their deftination ; for they were not defigned againft
the French fettlements on the continent, but againft
Martinico, which expedition mifcarrying, the Iro-
quois parties returned, and left the French Unmo-

lefted.

During thefe tranfac^ions, one Tareha, an In-
dian chief, had arrived at Montreal, with propo-
fals for a peace from the Onneyouth tribe, to
which Frontenac liftened, but with caution, de-
mandirtg deputies from the canton ; to expedite the
fending of whom, Tareha was difpatchcd, promif-
ing to return at an appointed time ; he accordingly
came back, bringing with him a female Indian,
whofc good offices done to the French prifoncrs at
Onneyouth, were the only apology for the haughty
propofals he delivered from his countr)'mcn, who,
among other terms, expreflly demanded, that the
governor fhould fend to treat with them in their
own country, and that under the mediation of the
Englifh, a propofal which Frontenac rejefted with
difdain, and in fpite of the natural propenfity he

had

I N A M E R I C A. 453

had to recommend himfelf to the favages, could
not help throwing out fome menaces pgainft them
and their countrymen, which, perhaps, were not
without their effeds.

Garakonthie, and other Indian chiefs, ftill con*
tinued faithful to the interells of the French, who,
notwithftanding, found themfelves, at every op-
portunity, embarrafled by the Iroquois, who found
it always more their intereft to trade with the Eng-
lifh than with them. — On the whole, though it muft
be owned that the internal government of the Cana-
dians was better conducted than that of the New
England men ; and though their officers, both
civil and military, were in general, men of great
honour and abilities ; yet, it is certain, that the
taxes with which their commerce was loaded, and
the inconvenience of the channels through which
it pafled, overballanced all thefe advantages ; and
they loft more by the avarice of fome, than they
gained by the patriotifm of others. The neigh-
bouring Indians law this defedt, and were not
backward in taking advantage of it : — they drew
difagreeable comparifons between the affluence of
the Englifh, and the poverty of their enemies. —
They knew the fweets of trade and reliflied them :
they united the vices of the Europeans with their
own, and by this monftrous compound, formed
among themfelves, charadlers entirely unknown to
any other people or climate. On the other hand,
jf the Indians borrowed from the luxury of their

guefts

454 BRITISH EMPIRE

guefts, thefe were not behind-hand (the French efpcci*.
ally) in adopting the fraudful and barbarous manners
of their favage neighbours. The cruelties with which
the Indian wars were carried on, even by the poliihed
natives of France, were often Ihocking to humanity,
and fometimes even exceeded thofe of their American
friends. — it were to be wiflied^ for the honour of
our countrymen in thofe parts, that all charges of
this kind brought againft them were groundlefs ;
but though this is not the cafe, yet nothing i$
ri^9^e certain than that we mud yield ourfelves
far outdone by our ciiemies in thefe unmanly
frauds and unchriftian barbarities. It mull be al*
lowed on all hands, that the North American na-
tives were, in general, a faithlefs and perfidious
race, no longer to be depended on than while they
>vcrc bribed into fricndfhip, or awed into fubmif-
fion; — given to all manner of exceffes, and of fuch
>ycak heads and bad hearts, that when feafted and
inflamed with liquor, they a<flcd the part of mad-
men, deftroying their friends and deareft relations,
infomuch, that fome of them have been obliged
10 be difpatched to prevent farther mifchief. — Yet
thefe people, bad as they were, might have been
rendered more tolerable, had not the Europeans
in general, and the French in particular, employed
thofe arts which they Ihould have ufed to civilize
them in effcdling tlicir own partial purpofes. The
Jefuits who pretenilcd to be mod afTiduous in re-
ducing the favngcs to a iucial life, fddom fucceeded;

becaufu

I N A M E *R I C A. 455

becaufe fome of them had private ends of their
own in view, and the others were enthufiaftic bi-
gots^ who contented thcmrclves with the out-
ward forms of the religion which they fought to
propagate; and while they |M-etended to recom-
mend fome particular private virtues fapped the
foundation of thofe more comprehenfive ones which
are the balis of all public peace, good government
and tranquillity. Nor were the Englilh paftors
wholly irreproachable on this head : — there are bi-
gots in all religions. — A few plain moral rules
Would certainly have been of more ufe to the fa-
vages than all that fuperabundance of myfteries with
which they were burthened.— The Indians, wild as
they were, by the llnall light which nature had givti>
them, thought thefc people were enflaving their
underftandings,, and imagined their pcrfons would
fliare the fame fate : •— They aded accordingly ;
and regardlcfs of every other circumflancc, fa-
voured the French or the EngUlli, according as
their intereft led them ; and this generally, for the
reafons we have given above, induced the Iroquois
to take part with the latter.

Frontcnac, who was obliged to be perpctitally
diflembling wirh the lavages, had all along fet his
heart upon rebuilding the fort of Cataracuoy *,aplan

* All the force which Frontenac could nuiftcr up at this time-
did not amount to above two tlioufand men, even including the
militia and the French fiivagci ; fo that he was obliged to a6t
witli great addrdij in iMll keeping tlio Indians iu awe, and yet:

which

4^6 BRITISH EMPIRE

which he was refolved to put in execution at all
events. In the mean time fome of the Abenaquais
Indians, under the command of a famous chief,
named Taxus, took an Englilh fort, and carried on
their ravages, while Phipps was flattering his peo^
pie with the hopes of peace, even to the very
gates of Boflon ; and this is faid, by fome of the
French writers, fo much to have exafperated the
fubjedts of his government, that they rofe againft
him, and obliged him to retire to fort Pemmaquid

for fafety.

In the latter end of the year, Iberville and Se-
figny arrived at the River St. Therefe in two Ihips,

amufing them fo as to prevent their bringing into the field any
great bodies of men, the confequencev of which muft have been
fetal to the colony. As to the Englifli, their fleet at Bofton was
in too bad a condition to undertake a naval expedition, and
they could not att by land without the alTiftance of the Iro-
quois. Sir William Phipps, who remained ftill governor of
New England, could do nothing but by the mere dint of power,
of which he made but a poor ufe. Indeed, after building the fort
of Pemmaquid, fome of the Abenaquais had formally fubmitted
themfelves to the crown of England ; but the tribes who came in
were not of any great importance, and it is probable that even
this partial fubmiffion could not have taken place, had not the go-
vernment of New France depended fo much on the affe6lion of
thofe favages, as to leave them unprotected ; and many of their
countrymen being prifoners at Bofton, their deliverance was a
ftrong motive for the fubmiffion of others. So different was the
condutt of the two governors, and fo many difficulties did Fron-
tcnac ftruggle through to keep up the repuUtion of his country-
men in thefc remoter parts.

tfhe

I N A M E R I C A. 457

the Poll and the Salamander, where they debarked
the day of their arrival ; and, the following night.
Fort Nelfon, which commands the port of the
fame name^ was invefted on the land fide by forty
Canadiaris, and, on the twenty-eighth of Odober,
the Salamander came to an anchor a mile above
the fort, which was a very weak one, built of
•wood, and garrifoned by only fifty-three men,
.under the command of a trader who never had
feen fire. Every thing being dlfpofed for the fiege,
the governor was fummoned to furrender the fort ;
and a capitulation was accordingly fettled, by
which the officers were to remain in the fort dur-
ing the winter, with full fecurity to their perfons
and efFeAs, and, when the feas were open, to be
carried to France, from whence they might pafs
over to England. When the French took poflef-
fion of the fort, they found in it abundance of
provifion, of which they flood in great need ; and
had the two French officers arrived fooner before fort
Nelfon, they would have gotten a great booty in
fkins and furs, which had fome weeks before been
fent off to England. The party which made this
conqueft, was attacked by the fcurvy, which car-
ried off many of them ; but, in June, one hundred
and fifty canoes, laden with furs^ arrived at Fort
Nelfon, to which the French gave the name of
Fort Bourbon, as an earned of the vaft advantage,
of the trade they w-ere likely to reap from that
bay. But as their two fhips were preparing to fail
Vol. I. N n n with

•ts

453 BRITISH EMPIRE

with thcif cargoes, they were not only ftopi^d by
the ice ; but, upon a mufter, it was found, that the
crews of both were reduced to one hundred and
fifteen men, many of whom were unferviceable
through fickn« fs and other caufes, and the fcurvy
was daily gaining ground amongft them. At laft,
the fcafon permitting them to fail, after a mod te-
dious and dangerous voyage, they returned to
France, which they reached on the ninth of October.
La Ferret, with a garrifon of fixty-eight Cana-
dians, and fix favages being left governor of the
fortrcfs they had taken.

The French governor informed his court of all
that paffed in Canada ; but they did not feem fatig*
fied with the cautious councils he adopted ; ne-
verthelefs he went on in thofe meafures which
feemed beft in his own eyes, paying little regard
to what was faid by fuch as he was crmvinced did
toot comprehend the extent of his defir ns. — All his
officers oppofed him in his plan of re-eftabliihing
Fort Cataracuoy, but in vain. Arriving at Mon-
treal in July, he employed feven hundred men, to
put it in execution, and got it completed within
fifteen days ; and^ foon after, imderftanding that a
large body of Iroquois had appeared in the field,
he took fuch meafures for the defence of his peo-
ple, as entirely difconcerted their defigns. Thefe
favages afterwards marched towards the country of
the Miamis, with mtent cither to force them to
declare in their favour, or to drive them from their

fcttlements;

I N A M E R I C A. 459

fcttlements ; but were attacked and defeated by
their enemies, who were reinforced by M. Cour-
temanchc and a body of Canadians; and the
French entered into a treaty with the favagcs of Mi-
chillimackinac *.

* A Huron captain, one Le Baron, but one of thofe Hurooi
who were irreconcilcable to the French, was then at Michillimac-
kinac, where he had prevailed with the Hurons of that poft not
to be lb forward as the other favages there were in making war
againft the Iroquois. But all his exhortations were to no purpofe,
notwithlUnding which, he aded with fuch impenetrable diflimulu-
tion, that when he went with the other deputies to compliment the
governor-general, while he fent his fon, with thirty warriors, all of
them devoted to his fervice, to the country of the Tfonnonthou-
ans. There they concluded a treaty, in which the Outawas were
comprehended, and which was fo firmly made that Cadillac,
«ven when it was difcovered, could not break it, though he found
means to delay for fome time the execution of it on the part of the
Outawas. The favages, even fuch of them as were moft at-
tached to the French in his diftriA, had often complained to him
of the deamefs of ths French commodities, and the neceffity they
were tvnder, on that account, of trading with the Engliih. Though
Cadillac could give them no relief on that head, yet he advifed the
deputies, who were then going to treat with Frontenac, on ano-
ther account, and of whom Le Baron was one, to prefent him
with a belt of wampum, as an intimation that their countrymen
expefted that he would reduce the exorbitant price of the French
fnerchandifes. But when the favages came into Frontenac's pre-
fence, and prcfented their belt, they told him he had his choice of
peace or war ; which la<l he muft expe<ft, if they were not grati-
fied in their demands. The governor-general rejected the belt with
great hanghtineis, but at the fame time he knew how to foften his
vefufal, by fcemlng to be Ibny at the neceffity he was under o£
chaftlfiiig h:s children, and endeavouring to open their eyes to the

N n n 2 Sir

4«o BRITISH EMPIRE

S, W lam Phipps dving about this period, was
CuctrMt ' in the guverament of New England, as
we have ai. ildy taken notice in the hillot) of that
province, by one Stoiighton, « .(ring whofe admi-
niitration, many Abenaquais Indians being taken
j»rifoners, and Ibme of them murdered at a confe-
rence, their countrymen took irms, and rcfolved to
enter upon open hoftilities againil the Engliih.

Frontcnac had no fooner finifhed the conftruftion
of his forr, when he received exprefs orders from
the court of France, to proceed no farther in his
defign ; but he had been expeditious enough to
prevent its being fruftrated, as he expcdcd no lefs
than fuch a blow from the malice and envy of his
enemies. He thought fit, however, to fend fome
account of the motives which had determined hin?
to periill in his refolution ; and they w^ere fuch
as did honour to his genius, and the foundnefs of

conduft of the Iroquois, which, he faltl, tended to their deftruc*
tion, by detaching them from the French, that they might fall a
more ealy prey to the Englifli. Le Baron being urged to fpeak,
laid he had nothing in charge from his coinitrymen, but to hear
the fentimcnts of Onontliio, and to report them to his principals.
But Frontenac gave him to underftand that he was well acquainted
Tvith all his practices, and that he neither loved nor feared him.
Upon this the Outawas, and the Nipiffings, interpofed, hr lay-
ing, that they had no concern in anv thing Le fiaron mip,ni u'/e
done to difpleafe him, and the latter declared, that they wue .atla-
fied to remain vvitli the governor, till they (hould fee the event of
xlie war he had tlireatencd.

his

IN AMERICA. 461

hi5 underftanding in political matters * ; and '.n
the latter end of the year, he c^ iimiinicated a ; >:
for dellroying tl - Englilh fleet and taking Rofton,
which had it been adopted by the French minlftry,
would, moft probably have taken eftcct ; but it
was reic<fted, on account of the wars in Europe,
which occafioned them not to be able to turn their
attention towards thofe which were carrying on by
their <;0:t»nies in the wcftcrn world.

* " I was prcfll'd, faid he, (hi lils memorial) to attack On-
** nondago with all our troops, our inhabitants and allies; and
** with drums heating ; but I did not think fit to comply : Firft^
** Bccaufc I had not a force fufticient tor fuch an undertaking;
*♦ Secondly, Becaule, had I followed that advice, I fliould have
*♦ left this province open to the inroads of the Englilh, who
" might have attacked Montreal on the fide of Chanibly ; Third-
" ly, Bccaufe the undertaking itfelf was ridiculous, and could
*' have ended only in burning a few huts ; for the favages, fup-
** pofin<j them not to have had time to be alTifted by the Englilh,
" could have clca|,^d with their tapiilies into the woods. The event
** of M. Dononville's expedition againft the Tfonnonthouans fuf-
** ficiently juftifics my oblcrvation, and proves that the burning
" one or two vMlages never can fecure us from tire incurfions of
** the favages. The only way to humble them is by continuing
** to harrafs and alaim them by fmall parties, fo as that they tlare
*' not ftir abroad, which we Ihall be enabled to do by the rc-cfta-
"bliihment of Fort Frontenac, (meaning that of Cataracuoy.)
** If his majcfty (liall next year think proper to attack the fopt of
** Ptimnaquid, it wilt give great encouragement to our favages in
** thofe parts. It is even to b.; wiihcd, that fuch an expedition
•* '^lould be extended to the bouibardmcut of Bofton and New
'* York, which, I tliinlc, is by nf> means inipraiticable, and
** would, by one blow, cH'ttituully linilh the wai in diat country."

The

1 . !t

111

462 BRITISH EMPIRE

The French having planned out feveral expedi-
tions, were employed as ufual in endeavouring to
foothe and win over thefavages, whileM. Argenteuil,
publifhed at Michillimackinac, where Cadillac then
was, a pompQUS account of the difpofitions which
his countrymen were making to attack the Englilh
and Iroquois, and hoped to have been joined by a
large body of Outawas ; but in this he was difapr-
pointed. In the mean time Frontenac, who, at
firfl, intended to have fallen upon the Onnonda-
gans in the winter, %vas prevailed upon to defer
his undertaking till the fummef feafon. After
many confultations, and fome previous expeditions
againft the favages, the French being joined by their '
allies, on the feventh of July, began their march
into the country of the Onnondagans and Onne-
youths, which they ravaged with fire and fword *,
and were proceeding to treat the canton of Goyo-
guln in the fame manner, when Frontenac fuddenly

* The rage of the French and their favages, in this ravaging
expedition, went fo, far on this occafion, that a veneral)le Onnon-
dagan, about one hundred years of age, and therefore unable to
fly with the reft of his countrymen, falling into their hands, they
made formal preparations to put him to death with the moft excru-
ciating torments, which he eyed with the moft intrepid indiffe-
rence, \ipbi-aiding the natives all the while with being flaves to the
French, whom he fpoke of with the utmoft contempt. While
fome were endeavouring, cither through compaffion or rage, to
put an end to his life ; " You ought not, fays he, to be in fuch
'* hafte to fini(h my torments, but give me longer time to teach
" you how to die like men ; for my part, I die contented, be-

" caufe I can reproach mylclf with no meaanefa."

chanjicd

IN AMERICA.

463

changed his mind, and retreated with his army to
Montreal, after an expedition, which was produc-
tive of littk honour or profit, either to himfelf or to
the interefts of his countrymen ; for, notwithftand-
ail the terrors of his arms, the Indians, who were
more exafperated than chaftifed, came forth from
their woods and faftnefles, and attacked the French
Xvith as much fury as ever ; and the harveft not
anfwering the expeftations of the latter, they were
thi'eatened belides with an approaching famine.

The Englilh made reftitution to the favages fot
the loffes they fuftained by the invafion of their
country. The Agniers had fent deputies to Que-
bec, who behaved in a haughty manner; and
Frontenac detained two of their countrymen at
Quebec, Whilft orders were fent to gain the bell
information of what was paffing at New York ;
and in May, the favages of the Highlands offered
their fervice to the governor at Montreal, but were
ordered to remain in their own country.

At this time advice was received, that a fqua-
dron of ihips was appointed to fail from England,
to join another at Boflon, in order to attack Cana-
da, and that Fort Nelfon was again reduced by
the Englilh *. The Iroquois, upon this, were
encouraged to make irruptions as ufual ; —

* In the autumn, four Englifti fhips and a. bomb-veflel had
appeared in the road ; the Englifti cannonaded the fort, and had at-
tempted to land, but weve vepulfed. But afte? tliis, the bomb-ketch

Iberville

' "Wt

h H

464 BRITISH EMPIRE

Iberville was ordered to retake this fort, and ar-
rived at the mouth of Hudfon's River, towards the
end of July, which he took, but his fhip the Pc*
lican, was wrecked at the River St. Therefe *.

The ciiief of the Onneyouths came at this time
to Quebec with pacific propofitions, the fincerity of
which, however, Frontenac foon found occafion to
fuiped: ; for they appeared much fooner in the field
than was expefted, and renewed their inroads. —
The Sioux and the Miamis were apprehenfive left
the latter, who had already attacked a French fort,
fliould join the Iroquois, and at length it was re-
folved to ufe every means of maintaining the pofts
of the River Michillimackinac, and St. Jofeph, in
order to eftablifh a trade there with the natives.

The French now, being no longer in fear of an
attack upon Canada, were bufied in plotting the
fubverfion of the Britilh fettlements ; and the che-

played with fo much fuccefs xipon tlie fort, that it made a caphula-
tion, which, according to the French, was foon after violated; but
that account is not very probable.

* The terms of this capitulation were : Firft, That all his pa-
pers and books of accounts fhould be fafe. Secondly, That his
garilon. both officers and foldiers, (hould keep their chefts, cloaths,
and all that belonged to them. Thirdly, That they ihould be
trea-ed as well as the French thenifclves. Fourthly, That they Ihould
be fent diredly to England. And laftly, That the garrifon (hould
march our with all the honours of war, without being difanncd.
The garrifon confiftcd of no more than fifty-two men, of whom
fcvcntccn had belonged to the Hudfon's Bay, and had efcaped
from the Pelican when it was wrecked \ but had the benefit ot the
capltula'/ion. ^^^.^^

IN AMERICA. 465

valier Nelmond, had orders to join with ten Ihips,
the Rochfort fquadron, who were to drive the
Englilh out of Newfoundland, and afterwards to
attack Bofton, and dcflroy all the Britilh fettle-
ments between that and Pifcataqua. At the fame
time Frontenac was empowered by the French
court, to fubftitute Vaudreuil in his place, who, in
that cafe, was to be fubjed to the orders of Nef-
mond ; but if Frontenac commanded in perfon,
he was to be independant.

Nefmond did not arrive at Placentia till towards
the latter end of July, w hen a council of war be-
ing called, to deliberate whether the fleet Ihould
fail diredlly for Bofton, it was carried in the nega-
tive. In the beginning of Auguft it was refolved
to make a defcent upon St. John's, which the Eng-
lilh were bufied in fortifying, with a view, at the
fame time, of making prizes of thirty-four Englilh
veflels ; but in this Nefmond was difappointed ; he
miffed of the fleet, and was obliged to return,
baffled in all his fchefhes, to Old France *.

* The French having taken Fort Pemmaquid, as has been
mentioned in the Hiftoiy of New England, nfter levelling it
with the ground, Iberville and Bonaventurc, who commarded the
expedition, clpied an EngUfli fquadron, as rliey were failing out
of the River Pemmaquid : but the French held fo near the land,
that the Englifli (hips diirft not follow them, and they changed
their courfe towards the River St. John, while Iberville arrived
on the coaft of Cape Breton. Here he put all the favages on fhoie,
excepting three, who refufed to leave him, but could not reach La
Hcvc, where others were ready to embark with him for New-

VoL. I. O o o As

iii

ill.; 'I.

i !

-I

466 BRITISH EMPIRE

As the illand of Newfoundland was now di-
vided between the Englilh and the French, Iber-
ville, at length, projedted the total reduction of
it, for which purpofe he amved there on the
twenty-fourth of September, before which time,
Brouillan, the governor, had fet fail with eight
St. Malo veflels, to attack Fort St. John ; but

foundland, and where, on the twelfth of Auguft,he anchored in the
road of Placentia. In the mean time, the Englifh Ihips, which
he had efcaped, fell in with the chevalier de Villebon, who was
returning with a company of favages to his fort of Naxoat, and
made him prifoner. The Englifh then continued their courfe to
Beaubaffin, where one Burgefs, who had an eftate in thofc parts,
prefented the commodore with a writing, by which the inhabitants
of BeaubalTm, at the time that Acadia was conquered b^ Sir Wil-
liam Phipps, engaged themfelves to be faithful to king William.
At the fame time, two hundred and fifty P^nglifh and a hundred
and fifty favages were put on {here. The commodore received Bur-
gefs with great civilities, and the chief inhabitants of the place,
who, though they were Englifh fubjecls, had, in fact, revolted to
the French, welcomed to (bore the commodore and his chief ofti-
cers, who were entertained at Bmgefs's houfe. According to the
French accounts, the commodore had promiled full protcciion to
the inhabitants, and had ordered the foldicrs to take nothing in
their quarters without payment, and to kill no cattle that were not
immediately ncctflary for their lubfiftance; dotwithflaiuling which,
they were guilty of great irregulaiitics. The fquadron then pro-
ceeded towards the River St. John, where Villebon, who had ob-
tained his freedom, by producing a I'uflicient pais, commanding
again at Naxoat, they were diu-overed by an enfign of the tort,
who was reconnoitring with three or tour foVilers, and who,
efcaping through tlie woodji, gave Villebon intelligence of thulr
arrival. When the troops had advanced a little way on their
voyage, they were met by an Englifh frigate of thirty-two guas,

(quarrelling

IN AMERICA. 467

quarrelling with the St. Malo men, he was ob-
liged to return without being able to carry his de-
fign into execution, after having made himfelf
mailer of Fort Forillon, the commander of which
he made prifoner, with all his garrifon. At Pla-
centia he had fome differences with Iberville,
whofe Canadians refufing to obey any other com-
mands than thofe of that officer, threatened to re-
turn to Quebec: however, it was at length a-
greed, that they fliould proceed to attack Fort St.
John in feparate bodies, which they did, and took
it, after h aving defeated feveral parties of the Eng-
lifli, who were pofted to oppofe them. But, all things
confidered, this was no conqueft to boaft of, as
the fortrefs was poorly defended, and the garrifon
in want of the very neceffaries of life ; neverthe-
lefs the French magnified it extremely, and be-
ftowed the higheft encomiums on their countr)^-
men's valour upon this occalion.

■'Ui rff

:m(l two floops ; and their commander produced an order for them
to return and attack Fort Naxoat. It was the fixteenth of Odlo-
ber, when Villebon, who imagined the Engllfli by that time had
reached Bofton, was informed of their return ; and they befieged
his fort; but were repulfed, and were obliged to give over their en-
terprize, and the fiege was raifed ; yet Vil!cix)!i could not perfuade
his favagcs to purfue them. -

O O O 2

. Frefli

. lu.

^t'^n--

llll

468 BRITISH EMPIRE

Frclh difputes arifing amongft the vigors con-
cerning the manner of lecuring their conqueft,
a refduiion was taken to abandon it, after fetting
fire to the fort, and all the adjacent houfes, while
two Ihips were allowed for carrying the garrifon
of the place to England. Brouillan and Du Muys
returned to Placentia, whilft Iberville and his Ca-
nadians carried on the war till the Englilh loft-
all their fettlements in Newfoundland excepting
thofe of Bonavifta and the ifland of Carboniere,
which were too flrong to be taken by the
enemy. After this, the French commander
returned from this roving expedition to Placen-
tia, where he long waited for fuccours from the
mother-country which never arrived: — and thus
concluded the enterprize.

Frontenac, w order to keep the favages in awe,
kept on foot, all the fpring, a large body of re-
gulars, and ordered his Indian allies to hold them-
felves in readinefs to march againft the Iroquois;
but this was never done ; and the confequence was,
that the former were reduced to great ftraits for want
of fubfiftance, having ncgleded their hunting, in or-
der to be ready at his call ; fo that the colonifls
were obliged to fupport them; and juft at this
time the French court prohibited the officers, fol-
diers, travellers, and rangers, from carrying on
any commerce, an order which Frontenac thought
j)roper to remonftrate againft, but in vain. How-
ever, he afterwards took meafures which rendered it

i.i.y_ti . *(

■#fL'

IN AMERICA. 469

of as little eiFedt as poffible, as he knew the exe-
cution of it would confiderably leffen both his
power and profit. — It was about this period that
the famous Indian chief known by the name of
the Black Cauldron, with feveral of his followers,
while they were treating of a peace, were fet upon
and murdered by a party of Algonquins; and foon
after the French loft their old faithful allyOure-
couhare ; he expired of a pleurify, to the great
grief of his European allies, who beftowed the
highcft eulogiums on his valour and fidelity.

In February, 1698, advice arrived in Canada,
that the peace of Ryfwick was concluded, which
was confirmed, in May, by colonel Schuyler, who
brought fome French prifoners with him, and a
letter from the earl of Bellamont, demanding the
releafe of all the Indians as well as Englilh,
who were detained in Canada. But Frontenac
evaded the fending back the former, though he
confented to the releafe of the latter. In the mean
time, he availed himfelf of the peace to win the
Indians from their Englifh friends : but after the
death of Frontenac, which happened in the feventieth
year of his age, the Englilh intereft prevailed more
powerfully than before among the favages.

He was fucceeded in the government of New
France by De Callieres, a man of good under-
ftanding and much moderation; while the com-

mand of Montreal was given to Vaudreuil.

The

governor of New England had now brought a

claim

1;'' I 'V

r \-

I 1 "W

1 '', «

470 BRITISH EMPIRE

Glalm againft fome of the Abenaquais tribes, as
if the Canibas, fettled on Kenebek River, were the
fubjedts of England. De Callieres had received
orders to come to no conclufion in this matter,
till the limits of North America Ihould be fettled;
but he depended fo much on his Indian friends,
that he left them to negociate the matter themfelves
with the Engliih *.

The courts of France and England had
now lent letters refpedtively to De Callieres, and
the earl of Bellamont. His mofl chriftian majefty's
came under cover to the earl, and was by him
forwarded to Callieres, who, on the other hand,
was honoured with the delivery of his Britannic
majefty's letter, to the earl. The French governor
having obtained a duplicate of the orders that no-
bleman received from his mafter, in which he
was inftruded to difarm the Iroquois, at the fame

•* The preliminaries they infifted upon with the Englifti gover-
nor were: Firft, That he (liould order all the Engliih to retire
out of their country. Secondly, That he was not to pretend
they owed any allegiance to the crown of England ; becaufe they
profeflTed themfelves to be the voluntary and faithful fubjeas of his
moft chriftian majefty, from whom alone, and his generals, they
wcrc determined to receive orders. Thirdly, That they (hould
I,e at liberty to permit the French, and no other nation, not even
the Engliih, to fettle upon their lands. Fourthly, That, as they
hcanl, with fomefurprife, that the Engiini governor intended to fend
a-nongft them other miffionaries than French; they declared that
they never would change their rell-ion ; for which they were re-
folvcd, if neceffai^-, to fight and to die.

time

Sa&i.-a"Lasti

lon, not even

IN AMERICA. 47,

'^m ')V^f '^'^ °'^"" '" America were ex-
preffly forbidden to give them any affiftance; and the
Frenchman therefore, artfully managed to difnerfe
cop.es of th,s letter, among their cantons, foli-
cmng them to live as fubjefts of his government.
Thefe favages. on the contrary, ufed all their art
topreferye their freedom and independancy of boda
the Eng hfe and the French, with each of whom
they fa,d they were, however, equally deftrous
ofhvmg m peace and friendlhip, ; and the con-
iequence was, that neither nation chofe to pro-
voke them, left they (hould declare for the other-
a wife piece of policy in the Indians, who there-
by mamtained a fuperiority which they could never
otherwife have hoped for.

On the eighteenth ofjuly, ,700, two deputies
from Onnondago and Tfonnonthouan had an
audience of the governor, faying that they had
powers of deputation from the four upper can-
tons, and that the reafon why no deputies came
from the Onneyouths and Goyoguins was, that
they were gone to New England to enquire why
Schuyler had been fent from thence to difluade
them from going to Montreal, complaining at tlie
fame time, that while they depended on the faith
of treaties, they had been attacked by the Uita-
was and other Indian tribes; and they begged that
father liruyas, Maricourt, and Joncaire might be fent
with them, to whom they promifal to deliver up
all their French prilbners.

The

],;,

!:|f

If' ■ '

, i

±- .

• J

- -t!

471 BRITISH EMPIRE

The French governor exprcflcd his furprife that
the deputies of the Goyogouins and the Onney-
ouths, inftead of coming along uith their bre-
thren, ihould wait ujwn the Englilh governor about
a point that could require no farther explanation,
after the conclufion of the treaty between the French
and the Englilh. He added, that what they had
fuffered was owing to themfelve?, having at firft
attacked the Miamis, and having fo long trifled
.with him in the affair of the i>eace, and that he
'had done all he could with his allies to prevent
hoftilities during the negociations. That he was
forry for what had hapi^ned, but that, to prevent
the like accidents in time to come, he had ordered all
his allies to fend their deputies within thirty days
to treat ; and that if they (the Iroquois) were fm-
cerely inclined to peace they would likewife order
deputies from all their cantons to be prefent. That
in fuch a cafe, all the war kettles Ihould be over-
thrown; the great tree of peace eftablilhed, the
rivers cleaned, the roads made (Irait, and that every
one then might go and return as he thought pro-
per. As to the miflionary, and the two officers
they required, he confented to their going along
with them, but upon condition that they Ihould
bring back with them deputies furniihed with full
powers to conclude a durable peace ; and that Ui^on
their arrival at Montreal, all the Iroquois prifoners
ihould be fet at liberty; but that fome of the de-
puties there prefent, fhould remain as hoftages

with

IN AMERICA, 473

with the three perfons who were to go along with
the others. Upon this, four of the deputies offer-
ed to become hoftages ; and being accepted of.
the reft of the audience departed in good hu-
mour.

When the French ambafladors arrived among
the Indians, they were received with all demonftra-
tions of joy : but the fecond day they met in
council, a young Englifhman appeared, who told
them, that the earl of Bellamont defired them
to be on their guard againft the praftices of
the i-rench, and faid, that his lordfliip expefted to
meet them withm twelve days at Orange, where
they fliould be made acquainted with his farther
pleafure. But the haughty ftyle of this meflage
was rather detrimental to the Engliih ; and the
French failed not to expatiate on this circumilance,
and to turn it to their own advantage, while Jon-
caire, who was adopted by the Tfonnonthouans, fet
out for their canton, and was received there with
the warmeft affedion *.

■ • His bufinefs was to reclaim the French prifoners who we^e
there, ami whofe liberty was immediately granted them. What
followed, was fomewhat extraordinary. Moft, or all, of thofe
pnfoners had been adopted likewife; and the life of a fa-
■'vzgc was, m their eyes, fo much preferable to that of a Fi^nck
Canadian, that they refufed to return to their country. This
circumftance may be thus accounted for. Amongft the
lavages, they enjoyed in full exreut, not only that freedom, '
which they could not find under French government; but if they
nee iuduftrlou., more abundance; be aufc, what they acqui.^d
^^t. I. Ppp la

ii;t

\ m

! „

'i .

:474 BRITISH EMPIRE

In the mean time the general council of the Iro-
quois were again aflembled at Onnondago ; and the
young Englifhman, vvhom we have mentioned, was
prefcnt at it, and was told by the Indians, in their
phrafc, that they would firft plant the tree of
peace at Quebec with their father Ononthio, and
then repair to Orange, to learn the will of the earl
of Bellamont.

The deputies of the cantons returned to Mon-
treal, having been joined by Joncaire, with fix
Tfonnonthouan deputies, and three French prifon-
ers. Whilft thefe were on their journey, they
learned by a Tfonnonthouan from Orange, that
the governor of New York had taken fo much
umbrage at the proceedings of the Iroquois, that
they had put an Onneyouth in irons, on a fufpi-*
cion of having killed an Engliihman, with feveral
other alarming circumftances. The Iroquois, by
their deputies, greatly magnified the civilities they
had paid to the French ambafladors, and faid, that
for the fake of their countrymen, their cantons
would probably be involved in a war with the Eng'
lifh. — Callieres gave them till Auguft in the fuc-
ceeding year, to releale the prifoners of Franco

t»y hunting and fovvlng was tlieir own, without paying taxts or
iinpofts ; auil the civil aud inilitary diltles anioiigft the French,
were belidca more iiklome and laborious ttiau amongft the lavages.
Sonic" i»f thole captives, thcrrfore, rather than they would tol-
Tow Joncaire, concealed themrdves, while others plainly told
liiui, they would remain w^L ^lie Indians,

and

IN AMERICA, 475

and her allies, yet remaining in '>'»ir hands, ex-
horting them to revenge no private quarrels among ,
themfelves, but to refer them all to his particular
determination. The affembly approved of his pro-
pofals, and a treaty was accordingly agreed
upon *,

Callieres, in the mean time, gave all the intelll- .
gencc he could to Poncihartrain, of the Hate of af-
fairs in Canada, and intimated fuch meafures as he
thought it would be moft advantageous for the
French in thofe parts to purfue : but as to the earl
of Bellamont, if we may believe the French writers,
he behaved, at this period, with fo little policy and
fo much haughtinefs, as contributed very much to
alienate the affeiftions of the favages from him and
Cifrom his government. If we may give credit to
Charlevoix, he propofed to build forts in the can-
tons of Agnier, Onneyouth, and Onnondago, and
even went fo far, as to demand that the Iroquois
ihould hang up all the Jefuit miflionaries who came

* The manner In wliich this treaty ivas figned, Is faid to have
been very particular. After Callieres and his officers, civil and
military, with the ecclefiaftics, had put their hands to it, each of
the favage nations figned it with a particular figure peculiar to
themfelves. The Onnondagans and Tfonnonthouans, delineated a
fpider ; the Goyogouins, a calumet, or pipe of peace ; the On-
neyouths, a piece of cleft wood with a ftonc in it ; the Agnicrs,
a bear; the Hurons, a beaver; the Abenaquais, a kid; and
the Outawas, a hare ; and the treaty was dated the eighth of Sep-
tember, in the year 1 700.

P p p 2

among

I ^ ' ■

\i M

iWm

'■p-

476 BRlflSH EMPIRE

among thetti. A propbfal fo fliocking, was, how*
ev^r, fo little relilhed by tliOfe Indians, thtt his
lordfli';. ^as Obliged to drop it, ^nd to fuftain all
the blame bf the defign ^vithout having the fatis-
fA<ftion of feeing it put in execution.

One River in, who had formerly endeavouted to
eftablilh a fifhery at Mount Lewis, about this time,
made a focond attempt of the fame nature, but it
was defeated by the villainy of thofe he was con-
nefted with, while the Englilh faw themfelves
more fuccefsful in their undertakings of the lame
nature, and continued to carry on an advantageous
fishery uix>n the coafls of Acadia, in fpite ot all
the claims and oppofition of their neighbours *.

* It appears as if the French court had grown in<U&i%nt to-
wards that colony. A relation of one Le Bourgne, in right of
his predeceffbrs of that nanne, claimed the property of all the pe-
liiiifts'a of Acadia, reaching from cape Lcs Mines totvtirds L'lile
VtrtE to the weft; and, in confequcn:e of this claim; the English,
notw ithftanding the peace, continued ftill to trade iqjon the coaft
of Acadia, on pretence of being authorifed by Le Bourgne, to
whom they paid fifty crowns for each ftiip. Villeboii had indeed
ercfted Fort De Naxoat on the River St. John ; but receiving
no afliilance fionj. France, it was of very little ufe. He continu-
ed, however, to nuke fuch reprefentations to the French court,
that an engineer was fent over, by v^hofc advice, in the year
1 700, the inliabitants of Naxoat were tranfported to Port Royale,
No care, however, being taken to fortify that fettkmeut, or any
paits of the coafts of Acadia, the Englifh ftill went on to cngrol.3
the fifliing trade thete, and are charged by their enemies, witli the
fame practices which ilicy, on the contrary, have been cltargcd
\vith by the Eng'ifl).

■ - . • Villcbon

IN AMERICA. 47/

Villebon dying, was fucoeeded by De BrouUlan,
in the government of Acadia, who found the pro-
vince ih t very poor Situation, the New England-
men having ravaged the coafts, and driven the in-
habitants into the woods, or thrown them into pri-
fOns, from whence they were perpetually fending
complaints of the ill treatment they received. De
Callieres ftill continued to endeavour an union
among the Indian nations, and a general peace ;
but fome differences arifing between theOutawas and
the Iroquois, rendered this very difficult ; the latter .
likcwife made fome complaints concerning a fettle-
mcnt they found the French were making, be-
t\\'een Lake Huron and Lake Erie, called by the
French name of Detroit, and demanded alfo to
know, \s^hether there were at that time any likeli-
hood of a war breaking out between France
and England ; but, after all, it does not feem
that they obtained a fatisfadtory anfwer to their
demands. It appeared, however, during this con- ^
ference, that the earl of Bellamont had entertjuned
thoughts of building a fort at the fame place, a
circumilance which failed not to render the French
governor extremely obliging to the deputies, whom
he treated with the greateft refpedt, promiling
every thing on his own part, and that of his
cpuntrymen. -^ With thefe, on their return, tlic
three former French ambafladors were fent, who
were not a little furprifed to fee feveral English-
men

'if

!.!t

€S

478 BRITISH EMPIRE

men mingled with the favages who came to meet

them *.

Being conduced into the principal village, they
exhorted thelndians to fend their deputies to the .
general congrcfs to treat of peace ; ai\d thefe an-,
fwered, " That they would fend five to Montreuil, .
** and afterwards two to Orange, and that no-

thing was more agreeable to them, than to con-

elude a treaty, and live in peace, both with the
« French and Ehglifh"

Courtemanche, who with father Anjelran, had
been fent to Michillimackinac, there found the
Miamis, the Outagamis, and feveral other nations
w^ho were going to war with the Iroquois ; but
thefe he appeafcd, and perfuaded them to fend
their deputies to the apppinted meeting, as he
likewife did the Mahingans, when he arrived in .
their country, and feveral other of the remoter
cantons. On the fecond. of July, he returned to
Michillimackinac, where his colleague Anjelran
having fettled all things, they fet out for Montreal
with near feven hundred favages ; and, where ar-
riving on the twenty-fecond of the fame month,
they were received with great joy by the governor,
who took care, however, to found the deputies
before he invited them to meet in the congrefs,

* Thefe were probably fome of the retinue of an EngUHiman,*
who was lent by lord Bellamont, to tUfliiade the fa\-age» from re^
pairing to the Aug^ift congrefii. with the French. .-_ ; ^ :,./

which

IN A M E R C a/ 479

which was carried on with all the ufual ceremo-
nies, and in which the Rat was particularly ufeful
to the French, but moft unluckily, he was taken
extremely ill at this junfture. However, hewasfo
eameft in the caufe, that finding a little temporary
relief, he fuffered himfelf to be placed in an el-
bow chair, from whence he harangued the alTem- -
bly for the laft time, and died foon after the
breaking up of the affembly *.

The Iroquois having complained that they were
diftreffed in the affair of their prifoners, promifed
that if the governor would reftore them their coun-
trymen, he (hould have no reafon to repent his
confidence. This Callieres laid before the depu-
ties, and it being agreed to, he trufted them, and
had no reafon to repent he did fo, in the fequel.

An epidemical diftemper having now broken out
among the favages, the governor haftened the
4;onclufion of the treaty as much as poflible;
and it was determnied that it fliould be figned upon
the firft of Auguft. For this purpofp, a theatre of

* The French extol this chief as.an ornament to hiunan nature,
and fuperior in wit even to the French thenjfeives. At the time
of his death, he had the rank and pay of a captain in the French
army, and therefore received a noble military funeral, at which
the governor-general and all the chief officers aijDfted. Joncairc
on this occalion covered him, (that is, made prelents to his nation
on account of his death) at the head of fixty wariiors of the fall
of St. Lewis, — The infcription ugvn.hh tomb'ftgnc was, "Here
" lies the Rat, a Hurun t.hicf."

one

i'l

':i

' !

^o BRITISH EMPIRE

one hundred and twenty-eight feet long, and fe-
venty-two broad, was ertfted on a plain without
Montreal. At the end of this theatre was railed a
large box for the ladies, and all the people of
faihion in that city. De Callicres was attended by
Vaudreuil, and all his principal officers; and thir-
teen hundred favages were feated in order, within
the rails of the theatre, which were furrounded by
foldiers under arms. The meeting was opened
with a fpeech made by Callieres, upon the benefits
of peace, and of their being under the proteaioa
of their father the great Ononthio ; and his word$
were repeated to the feveral natbns by proper inter-
preters, and received with tl-^ higheft acclama-
tions. This being finished, each chief received a
belt of wampum, and rifmg, one after another,
they marched gravely up in their long fur robes to
the governor-general, and each prcfented him with
his prifoners, and a belt. Callieres received each
itt the moft gracious manner, and configned the
prifoners, as he received them, to the Iroquois.
The finery of the favages, their different manners of
iddrefs, the oddities of their devices in their attire,
and the whimfical (late they afiumed when they
fpoke to the governor, formed one of the ftrangeft
fcenes imaginable. The treaty of peace was then
figned by thirty-eight deputies, but with other de-
vices than thofe they made ufe of when they fign-
ed the former treaty. They brought at the fame
time, the great pipe of peace, out of which the

governor-

IN AMERICA.

481

governor-general fmoaked firll, the intendant after
him, and then Vaudreuil, and laftly^ all their
chiefs and deputies, each in his turn. After this,
Te Deum was fung, and then the great kettles
being produced, in which thirty oxen had been
boiled, the meat was ferved up to each with
great order and decorum, and the whole ceremony
was concluded by difcharges of artillery, and other
marks of joy and feftivity.

In the year 1702, the Iroquois fent deputies to
Callieres, to thank him for having given them
peace, and even requefted him to fend miffionaries
into their country. Thefe, at the fame time, in-
formed him of the death of Garakonthie, whofe
nephew proffered to fupply his kinfman's place,
and was kindly received by the governor, who
immediately fent fome Jeuiits among the favages,
who never failed to be ufeful to him on thofe oc-
cafions, in a double capacit)''.

The French government now aflured Callieres,
that Acadia Ihould be well peopled and fortified,
to which there was now the greater neceffity, as
war was by this time declared between France and
England. Yet it does not feem that the former
were fo very follicitous to perform their promifes,
as in good policy they ought to have been : — The
Iroquois faw daily the weaknefs of their new al-
lies, and according to their ufual cuftom of chang-
ing, renewed their intrigues with the Englilh.
They were obliged on many acQounts to trade with

Vol. I.

CLqq

the

1,*

482

BRITISH EMPIRE

i I

M#,

arm
^ HI

I'M.

n. ■

r. -^

fi.

the Englilh, and therefore found themfelves more
■and more inclined to join their interefts and come
into their views, which all the wifdom and good
management of Callieres, could not effeftually
prevent ; and he died in the midft of his prepara-
tions, to put the colony on a more refpedable foot-
ing, in May 1700, and was, of courfe, fucceeded
by Vaudreuil, who was then governor of Mont-
real, till the king's pleafure Ihould be known, and
who in the end, confirmed him m his command,
to the univerfal fatisfadion of the Canadians, in
Champigny, the late intendant having returned to

France.

The new governor took all imaginable precau-'
tions to conciliate the aftedtions of the Indians ;
and he began, by endeavouring to make fure of
the Tfonnonthouans, who, if we may believe the
French writers, made a formal ceffion of their
country to them ; but either this was not true, or
elfc it was only done by the Indians to ferve their
prefent purpofes, though it \\'as often afterwards
infilled upon by their allies in a very ftrenuous
manner, — and was, perhaps, often urged, merely
' to lengthen out dilputes between the two nations,
which nothing but the conqueft and ceffion of Ca-
nada in our favour could have been fufficient to put
an end to. —

Many Ikirmifhes happened at this time between
the people of Bofton and the Abenaquais Indians,
a party of whom the French had engaged in their
■. . fervice,

IN AMERICA. 483

ftrvlce, and who, after having made feveral de-
predations upon the New England fettlers, were,
at length, vifited by them in their turn, and oblig-
ed to apply to Vaiidreiiil to fend De Roiiville to
affift them, who is faid to have killed and taken
prifoners a number of the enemy.

But by this time, the Hurons of Michillimacki-
nac, heade(J by a chief, nick-named Forty-Pence,
who was a great favourer of the Englilh, who
went to vifit Detroit, began to make fome difpofi-
tions, which gave Vaudreuil uneafinefs. The
Outawas and Mlamis likewife murmured, becaufe
they wanted to renew the war againft the Iroquois,
whom they attacked under the very cannon of

Cataracuoy. In the mean time the Eng-

lifh had called a general aflembly of the Iro-
quois at Onnondago, where thefe points were agreed
upon : Firft, That the cantons Ihould banifli all
the miffionaries. Secondly, That the Abenaquais
Ihould be obliged to difcontinue their hoftilities.
Thirdly, That the Mahingans, who had for fome
time been fettled in the country of the Agniers,
ihould be obliged to return to their former habita-
tions near Orange. And, fourthly, That a free
pafTage Ihould be given through their cantons for
the upper favages to trade with the Englifli. And,
befides tliis, Detroit Fort fet on fire by fome of the
favages in the neighbourhood, whilft others re-
paired to New York, and were afterwards prefent
at the alfembly, held at Orange, whither Vau-

Q^q q 2 dreuil

■Wi

484 . BRITISH EMPIRE

dreuil having perfuaded the Tfonnonthouans and
Onnondagans, to fend their deputies, who were
in the French intereft, and who introduced theBairon
De Longrieve, brother of Maricourt there, and Jon-
caire, and father Valliant, were admitted alfo, not-
withftanding all that charter could do to hinder
them. The event was, that the affembly broke
up without coming to any refolution.

Some of the Abenaquais tribes being furrounded
by the EngUfh, and in danger of perilhing, ac-
cepted of a propofal of the French, to fettle them
on the River Bekancourt, where they ferved as a
barrier againft he Iroquois, whom, notwithftand-
ing, Vaudreuil foind himfel^ obliged to ufe every
method in his power, to keep in good hunwur,
and to. this end, fome differences betw^een them
and the Qutawas foon after contributed *.

TheEnglilh in 1704, undertook an expedition
againft Port Royale, in which they met with a re-
puHe, chiefly occafioned by their own mifmanage-

* The chief of the Outawas party, which had attacked the
Iroquois under Fort Cataracuoy, in his return to his own country,
paffed near Fort Detroit, where he difpkycd the trophies of his
viaor)-, and fun.moned all the OuUwas- fettled there to join him.
Tonti, who commanded there in the abfence of La Motte CadiL
lac to chaftife this grofs infult, ordered an officer with twenty
men to attack the barbarians, who, though they were fupported by
their countrymen at Detroit, were put to flight, and obliged to
leave behind them all their prifoners, who were immediately deli-
vered back to the Tfonnonthouans. A circumftance which did
I'cat fervice at that time to the French interefts in Canada.

*" ment

I N A M E R I C A, 485

ment and the differences which unhappily fubfiftcd
between the r land and fea-officers. The troop*
they landed, after having fallen into feveral ambuf-
cades, and being repeatedly obliged to retreat, re-
embarked en the twenty-firft of July, with about
fifty prifoners. De Brouill dying, was now fuc-
ceeded by M. Subercafe, a good officer, who had
formerly done much mifchief to the Englilh ; and
who improved as much as poffible the friendlhip
of the Abenaquais Indians. — At length, however,
the New England governor planned out an expe-
dition for the total expulfion of the French from
Canada, in which two regiments of militia, under
the command of colonel March, were employed.
Subercafe had placed fifteen men in a watch tower,
which commanded the narrow entrance of the ba-
ibn of Port Royale, who retreated to the forts,
and alarmed the garrifon on the approach of the
Englifh, who immediately after came to an an-
chor within half a league of the place. But their
forces being landed, fell into ambufcades in the
woods, which greatly diiheartened them ; a con-
voy of fix hundred men with live flock were alfq
defeat, and forced to retire to their camp. Al|
this while the fort had been put in fo good a poA
ture of defence, that an attempt the Englifh made
to ftorm it mifcarried; and though they com-
pletely inveflcd the place, the fhew of defence
which the governor made, flruck them with fuch "
a terror, that every flep they advanced, they ex-.

pefted

' 1 '

ill '■}

4«6 BRITISH EMPIRE

pe^ed fome hidden mine would be fprung to dc
ftroy tnem. The panic fpread from man td man>
and after having in vain endeavoured to deftroy
fome French veffels under the cannon of the fort,
they re-embarked, and on their return to Bofton,
were but ill received by the inhabitants there, who
thought themfelvcs fure of the reduction of the
place, and threw much blame upon colonel March,
whom the governor and council however acquitted
from any charge of mifbehaviour, and afterwards
confirming him in his command, reinforced him
vvdth about fix hundred men, with orders to renew
his attempt upon Port Royale* He did fo, but
with as little fuccefs as formerly ; and after falling,
as before, into the ambufcades of the enemy, were
forced to abandon the enterprize, and re-embark
with precipitation, after having narrowly efcaped
being attacked in their very trenches by the
enemy.

Meanwhile one Le Grange having taken an
Engliih veflel at Bonavifta in Newfoundland,
(though he was afterwards himfelf made prifoner
by the Englifh) his fuccefs, and fome other cir-
cumftances, encouraged M. Subercafe to refume
the old plan of driving the Engliih from all their
fettlements in thofe parts. — L'Epinay, commander
of the Wafp, had orders to take a hundred Cana-
dians on board, and to carry them to Placentia,
under the command of twelve officers, among
whom was M. De Montigny : and in 1705, Su-
bercafe

IN AMERICA. 487

•bercafe, fet out from Placentia with four hun-
dred and fifty men, and marched to Little Har-
bour, an Englifh port, within nine miles of
St. John's ; and being arrived there, attacked the
ftrongeft forts there, but were repulfed, and failed
in their attempt, and were contented with ravaging
the Englifli fettlements ; after this they deftroycd
Forillon, and made all the inhabitants prifoners,
and from thence fpread their depredations all over
the coafts as far as Bonavifta, to the great detri-
ment of the Englilh fettlers in thofe parts.

The Tfonnonthouans were now inltigated by
Schuyler, the governor of New Orange, to de-
mand a reparation for their deed, notvvithftanding
they had recovered their prifoners from the Outa-
was, who in their turn were clamorous for war;
and it required the greateft exertion of Vaudreuil's
abilities, to bring about a reconciliation between
them, which, however, he at laft effefted, and
fent home their deputies, who met at Montreal,
to all appearance, in tranquillity and peace.

But now frelh difturbances broke out between
the Miamis and the Outawas, a party of the for-
mer having killed the latter, for whofe death they
refufed to give any fatisfaftion. Cadillac was ap
plied to in this matter, who foon after having oc-
cafion to go to Quebec, told the Outawas at part-
ing, that as long as his wife Ihould remain at De-
troit they need fear nothing. The confequence of
which was j that when, about two months after,

ilie

488 BRITISH EMPIRE

fhe departed, the favagcs concluded that their de-
ftruftion was determined upon, in return for the
hoftilities they had committed againft the Iroquois.
Several circumftances concurred to confirm them in
their iufpicions, and being engaged by Cadillac's
lieutenant, together with the Hurons, the Miamis,
and the Iroquois, to go on an expedition againft
the Sioux ; though they appeared to confent, yet
they thought there was a plan laid by the latter to
deftroy them on their march. And in confequence,
they affembled, in all appearance, to begin their
route, but foon turning back, fell upon the Mia-
mis, and put five of them to death, (though with-
out intent to do any violence to the French. But
the remains of the Miamis taking flielter in the
fort, which immediately fired upon them, two
Frenchmen, (the one a Recoiled) fell in the en-
gagement. On this the fort fhut its gates, and
thirty of the Outawas were killed on the fpot ;
while the reft retired to their fettlements.

This affair greatly perplexed Vaudreuil, and the
more fo, as the Iroquois declared themfelves ready
to make war upon the Outawas, and required him
to withdraw his prote(ftion from them. But in
June, 1707? a deputation came condui^ed by
John the White, who had been very bufy in the
affair of Detroit, and made an apology for what
had pafled. Vaudreuil referred them to Cadillac,
by -whom he faid he would fignify his pleafure, and

commanded

I N A M E R I C A. 4821

commanded them in every thing to obey his injunC'*
tions.

This officer demanded Pefant, who was the
author of the maflacre ; and he accordingly ^vas put
into his hands, but whom he, perhaps, fomewhat
injudicioufly pardoned, at the requeft of his coun^
trymen, who interceded for him on their knees.
The Miamis difappointed ip their revenge, rcf
proached C^adillac with the breach of promife,
Cadillac had recalled the miffionary Aveneau from
their fettlement, on the River St. Jofeph, about
one hundred leagues from Detroit, not chufing
that a Jefuit fhould have fo much influence with
fo diftant a nation, After this, thefe Indians were
loud in demanding juftice upon Pefant ; and, at
iength, not finding themfelves regarded, they kill-
ed three Frenchmen, and committed feveral depre-
dations about Detroit, for which Cadillac was • .,
paring to take evenge upon them, when he was inti-
midated from his purpofe, by receiving advice that
fome of theHurons andlrv ^..ois had joined in a con^
fpiracy to maflacre all the French in that neigh-
l)ourhood j on which he thought proper to conclude
^ peace with the Indians, who, on their part, ob^
fprved it fo ill, that the French commander was
obliged to put himfelf at the head of a large
party of men, and force them to fue for peace,
which was granted, and the miflionarics (cw baclc
along with them, in order to reconcile tliem m^rqf
f ffe<^ually to the French interefts,

Vol. I, H r r While

r ■
I

{■ K

490 BRITISH EMPIRE.

While Jon aire was bufily employed among
the Iroquois cantons, whole language he fpoke
fluently, Schu)'ler, was no lefs adive in affairs
of the lame kind am.onglt the chriftian Iroquois,
tvho had likewife been, for a long time paft,
furniflied with flrong liquors by the Englilh, not-
withftanding the exprefs orders they had received
to the contrary.

.' At this time, a plan againft New England,
was formed in a full council at Montreal, at
which the chiefs of the chriftian favages were
prefcnt, where the proper difpofitions were made,
and the armament, confifting of about four hun-
dred men, were to take the route of lake Champ-
lain, where they were to be joined by the neigh-
bouring favages of Acadia. On the twenty-fixth
of Jul}', thefe began their march ; but when Cha-
lons and Rouille, who commanded the French
troops, came to the River St. Francis, they re-
ceived advice that the Hurons were ftruck with
a lupcrftitious panic, and had withdrawn themfelves,
upon which the Irocpiois, commanded by M. Per-
riere, under pretence of a contagious diftem-
• pcr having broke out amongft them, followed their
example. ^ Yet the expedition was ordered to pro-
ceed, even though they Ihould be abandoned by
all the reft of their Indian allies ; which, however,
was not the cafe ; for thefe remained faithful, and,
-in concert with the French, took the village of
Haverhill, which was garrifoncd by thirty foldiers

. - took

IN AMERICA.

491

took it, burned the houfes and in them a num-
ber of Englifh, belides a hundred whom they put
to the fword. — They had afterwards another engage-
ment with the Englifh, in which, according to
their own accounts, they performed wonders, and
returned to Montreal with fome prifoners, with
the lofs of five Frenchmen and three Indians, and
about eighteen perfons wounded j but brought
off no plunder: the reafon they gave for it was,
that they thought not of the fpoils till they were
involved in the flames themfelves had kindled.—^
Perhaps we may venture to queflion the validity
of this argument; but we give it only upon the
authority of the French, who do not always
Itridtly adhere to truth, in their relations. ■

The favages, of whofe defertion Vaudreuil afFefted
a fupreme contempt, were fo much wrought upon
by his conduct that, notwithftanding Schuyler
had endeavoured to win them over to his party,
they of themfelves took arms, and ravaged all
the neighbouring fettlements of the Englifli. The
French governor complained, that the Englifli
tampered with the Indians, whilft, on his part,
he faid he was willing to grant a neutrality for
New York. In anfwer to this, Schuyler plainly
told him, that he correfponded with the favages
only to induce them to remain neuter, and to pre-
vent their committing fuch barbarities in their
wars as were fliocking even to think on; — and it
feems the Englifh were of opinion that thofe

R r r 2 Indians,

. it'

;

Indians, who Were tnade profelytes to the catho^
!ic religion, were rather the worfe than the better .
for their converlion, and committed mote crueU
Hes than even the heathen favages themfelves. — .
On the whole, it may not be amifs to obrerve^ that
religious opinions (merely as fuch) feldom operate
fo llrongly on mens minds as to influence theit
condud in \i(e, unlefs, when the moral virtues
are properly enforced both by precept and ex^
^mple; a point in which it is more than probable
"that the millionaries were remifs, as they attended
jinore to the myfteries and ceremonials of religion
than to thoie eflentials, which alone could con-
duce to amend the hearty and to enlighten the un*
derftandingi

The French^ who always perceived the import-
ance of Newfoundland, were now put in poffef-
fion of its beds forts, by an adventurer of the
name of St. Ovide, a lieutenant of Placentia, and
kinfman to Brouillan, who, with about one hun-
dred and fifty men took and demoliflied St^
John's'^; and immediately difpatched an account

* They arrived on the laft of December, within five leagues
of St, J-.hn's, v/ithout being difcovei-ed ; and the commandant
advancing within three hundred feet of the firft pallifade he was
to attack, though fomc fhot were fired at him, pufliing forward,
he entered by the gate which had been left open, and calling out
Vive le Roy! the Englilh were fo much difpirited, that he and his
friends had time to fix their fcaling ladders to the main body of
the place ; which they mounted, and became mafters of, after a
very faiat refinance on the part of the Englilh), who begged for

1 W AMERICA. 49^

%3 Coftebelle (who had lent him a party of men)
t>f his good fuccefs; in confequence of which, to
ihis no great fatisfaftion, he received orders to dif-
inantle the forts and reuirn to Europe.

Vaudreuil) before the news of this fuccefs of
ISt. Ovide arrived, had been repeatedly alarmed by
accounts of the vaft preparations which the Eng-
liih were faid to be making againft Canada ; and
1:his proved ho vain furmife ; for there was foon
a certainty that two thoufand Englifli and as many
Indians were deftined to attack Montreal, their
rendezvous being fixed at Chicot, about fix miles
from Lake Champlain; from whence they were
to fall down in boats to Lake Chambly ; and fome
time after "^'"f^udreuil, when he found they were
upon th' iiarch, detached Ramezay, who had
before offered his fervice for that purpofe with
one thoufand four hundred militia and one hun-
dred regUlais to meet them. After this party had

Quartet; fo that ip lefs than half an hour the Engllfh governor of
iFort William being wonnded they took pofleffion of both forts.
This was the more extraordinary, as one of them mounted
tighteen pieces of cannon and four mortars, befides other artillery,
land had a garrifon of one hundred men under a good officer. In
the other fort were fix hundred inhabitants; but according to the
French accounts, they could not force open the door of a fub-
terraneous paflTage, which communicated with the firft fort, time
enough to come to the affiftance of the garrifon there. A third
fortrefs, which was likewifc well provided with artillery, and i
garrifon lying on the other fide of the harbour, furrendered upon
being fummoned.

marched

ii:

494 BRITISH EMPIRE

marched forty leagues in three days, the favagcs
upon fome falfe reports refilled to advance any-
farther. — Ramezay would ftill have proceeded, but
that he feared to be abandoned by his own officers,
and therefore reluftantly retreated. Retiring, he
received intei;igence that above two thoufand men
had been detached by the Englifh to build a fort
at the extremity of Lake Sacrament, and that fix
hundred of them and their allies had been fent to
take poft at Lake Champlain, whither Vaudreuil
repaired with a large body of troops; but waited
a long time without feeing any traces of the

enemy.

In the mean time the Iroquois began to Ihew
that they were not fmcere in their profeflions to
the Englilh, and perceiving that the latter affem-
bled a very powerful army, they thought of nothing
but how to deftroy it, as a method to fecure their
own freedom and indepcndancy 'K By their means,

* Charlevoix fays, that the Iroquois, to conipafs this end,
threw the fkuisof all the creatures they killed in hunting into the
river on which the Englifli lay, a little ahove the place of their
own encampment, which infected the water fo much that above
a thoufand Englilh died of drinking it. But this fecms to be a
romantic account, and it is more likely, that natural difeafee con-
curring with tlie nilfnndcrftandingd fuhfifting between the Eng-
!ilh and tlieir Indian allies, th.cir own difappointments, the
exaggerated accounts they received of the muubers of the enemy,
and feveral iimilar circiunibr.ees determined th.cm to retreat and
a]>andon an cnicrprlfc, in which ihcy had \oi\. all hopes of fuc-

CcCii.

and

IN AMERICA. 495

aiid fome other accidents which took their
rife from natural caufes, the army returned to
Nev/ York, having been difappointed of the aflift-
ance of their fleet, which was dellined to be em-
ployed in Portugal : and thus Canada was once
more delivered. —

At this time the Onnondagans and Agniers
fent deputations to Vaudreuil, who gladly received
them into favour; and they promifed, in their
phrafe, that they never more would take up the
hatchet againft the French.

Meanwhile, M. Mantet had attempted, with a
party from Canada, to make a conqueft of Fort
St. Anne, in Hudfon's Bay ; but he fell in the at-
tempt, his misfortune being chiefly owing to the
cowardice of his troops and the precipitancy of
his attack. The fuccelles of the French in New-
foundland had, how^ever, more than made amends
for fuch checks; encouraged by which, M. Coftc-
belle laid down a fcheme for reducing Carboniere,
the only fettlcmcnt of any confequence there which
remained to the Engllili. He cxped:ed rc-'niforce-
ments from Fiance; but as they did not arrive in
time, he rcfolved on the attempt with what troops
he had, dividing them into two bodies, the one
of which was to proceed by lanti, and the other
to embark on board two floops. Thefe under the
command of Bertrancl, a Placcntiun, arrived in
Trinity Bay, where they took an Englilh frigate
carrying thirty guns and one hundred and thirty

men.

Sii' ? '

Li. _.taaB»

4^ BRITISH EMPIRE.

iven, but Bertrand was killed in the engagement,
which (o much dilheartened the vidlors, that, or\
feeing two pitat^ veffels, they abandoned their priz^
and made all poffible fpeed to get clear out of the
harbour. In the mean time, the land force perceive,
ing there was no likelihood of being fupport^d by
the Hoops, contented themfelves with falling upon
the houfes of the inhabitants, and then retired to

Placentia,

In the fummer of 1710, the English had rcn
folved upon the reduftion of Acadia, to which pur,
pofe, vaft preparations were made; and, in July,
o-eneral Nicholfon arrived at Bofton with feveral
officers and colonel Reading's Marines. All the
governments of New England were to aflift him
in the expedition ; and adjutant general Vetch was
joined with him in command. Port Royal was
clofely blocked up in Auguft, in the middle
of September, the whole armament failed from
Bofton, and on the fifth day of Odober, the fleet
caft anchor before the fort*, the governor of
which, as well as the garrifon, which confifted of
only two hundred men, were difpofed to think

* It confifted of the Dragon, Falmouth, Leoftaff, and Fever-
{ham men of war, the Starlx>mb, and the MaiTachufet's province-
galley, with tranfports, in all thirty-fix fail; the land forces
on boajd, were, one regiment of marines from England, two re-
giments of Maffachufet's Bay, one regiment of Conneaicut, and
one regiment of New Hampihire and Rhode Ifland; and the l".ng,
li(h force confifted of three thpufj^d faur hundred pien, cxclut

five of officers jind failors^

themfelves

IN AMERICA. 497

themfelves abandoned. He made a (how of de-
fence as the Englifh advanced, who were obliged
to withdraw from the fire of his artillery ; then the
cannonade continued on both fides, and an Eng-
liih fire-ihip blew up in entering the harbour. The
fort was afterwards bombarded with little efFeft;
but as it was not in a defenfible fituation, a coun-
cil of war being called, a capitulation was at
length agreed upon *, and the name of Port koyale

* The ganifon were allo\yed to march out with fix cannon sx\A
two mortars; but the inhabitants having driven away all the cat-
tle, Subercafe could only retain orx mortar, and was obliged to
"ill the reft to Nicholibn for about three hundred and fifty pounds
fterling. According to the Englifh accounts, the garrifon con?
fitted of two hundred and fifty-eight foldiers, with their officers
and other inhabitants ; in all, four hundred and eighty-one per-
fon", male and female. But the French hiftorian fays, that
they confifted of only one hundred and fiftj-fix men. Thefe
were fent to Rochelle in France, but were replaced by
two hxmdred Englifh marines, and two hundred and fifty New
England volunteers.—- But fome^difputes between Nicholfon and
Subercafe afterwards happened with regard to the capitulation.
Livingfton infifting that all the country, except that pait which
was within reach of the Port Royale artillery, was excluded from
any advantage of the capitulation; and that the reft of the pro-
vince, with its inhabitants, w»5 at the difcretiop of the Englifh^
He alfo added great coinplaints upon the cruelties of the French
fayagea, and threatened, that, if they fliould continue to excr-
cife their barbarities on the fubjedts of Great Britain, repriial^
would be made pn the French inhabitants of Acadia ; and then
he propofed an exchange of prifoners. Vaudreuil on his pait,
laid all upon his Indian allies, and appealed to the good trea'mjut
which the Englirt) captives had always met with from tli§ Frg ci^.

Vol. I, S f f vvas

'*'

Jil

'^l!l

498

BRITISH EMPIRE

k'-n

^■''''-

"" fl

,'; 1

■-'-

amim

was changed into that of Annaiwlis, in compli-
ment to the queen, under whofe aufpices the placef
was taken.

Vaudreuil, in Auguft 1 7 1 1, received advice, that
a party of favages having defeated a numerous
body ofEnglifti, had, in concert with fome French-
men, invefted their new conqueft, the fort of Port
Royal, where many of the garrifon had died dur-
ing the winter feafon. Upon this, two hundred
men were difpatched toaflift at the fiege, under the
marquis D^Alogniers; but intelligence arriving that
the Englilh were making preparations againft Que-
bec, the defign was laid afidc.— The French mif-
fionaries however, in the interim, had worked fo
effe^ually upon the Indians, that they ftill con-
tinued to aft againft the Englifh, and having cut
off a party of fixty perfons (fent to burn the houfes
of fuch of the inhabitants of the country, as would
not acknowledge themfelves fubjefts of the crown
of England) three hundred of them adtually in-
vefted the fort, and the place would, in all proba-
bility, have fallen into their hands, if they had had

anil imputed all the miferies that had happened, in the courfe of
the war, to the Englifli having formerly rejefted a propofal for
a neutrality between the fubjefts of the two nations in America.
Livingfton had threatened that a number of French prifoncrs
equal to thofe of the Englifh, Ihould be put into the hands of the
Englifh Indians ; and Vaudreuil threatened, in that cafe, to do
the fame by putting his Englifh prifoncrs into the hands of the
French favages.

^ proper

IN AM^ICA. 499

A proper officer to command the fiege; for want of
which convenience they quitted th-ir defign ; but
ftill continued to harrafs the Englilh, and feemed
determined to purfue them with the moft inveterate

hatred.

At ♦New York the moft vigorous difpofitiona
were now making for war, and Vaudreuil, on his
part, fpared no pains to fecure the affe(ftions of the
Indians, and to put Quebec in a proi)er ftate of de-
fence, executing every duty of a valiant and a
prudent commander. Beaucourt, his engineer, had
put the fortifications into excellent order; they had
provifions fufficient for holding out a long fiege,
and all the garrifon were determined to defend the
place even to the laft extremity.— On the twenty-
fifth of September, advice was received of the ap-
pearance of ninety-fix Englilh veflels; but fome
days after the news of their return arrived, to the
great joy of the governor and the whole colony.

* The reafons for their retreat and the conduft of the whole
expedition has been already related under the feftion of New Eng-
land, to which we refer the reader. — It was reported that the
fleet had been (hipwrecked near the Seven Iflands in the River
St. Laurence; upon which Vaudreuil fent thither fome veflels,
who found the hulks of feven or eight large (hips, but with all
their guns and funiiture taken out, and printed copies of a mani-
ffifto, that general Hill was to have diftributed amongft the in-
habitants of Canada.— It is remarkable, that though fix hundred
Iroquois had joined colonel Nicholfon, yet thefe hatl left him,
even before they heard of his misfortune, and the return of the Eng-
Uili fleet.

S f f 2 Wc

I .MB

Ri.

^11

ill

500 BR I TIS^ EMPIRE

We have already taken notice, that after the de*
fign upon Quebec was found impracticable, it was
debated in a council of war, whether the Englilh
fliould attack Placentia, and this was carried in the,
negative, on account of the fcarcity of their provi-
fions and for other reafons we have already fet
down. The whole armament therefore returned,
after having fent word to colonel Nicholfon, to
defift from his expedition againft Montreal. And
this was all that the Englilh effeded by thefe
mighty preparations.

The firft intent of the Englilh was to take
Quebec; the fecond, Placentia; the conqucft of
which by the people of England was deemed, of
the two, to be both the mod prafticable and
profitable for them. When the Engliih fleet was
under fail for Quebec, it intercepted a pacquet from
Coftebelle to Pontchartrain, complaining of the
difmal ftate of Placentia, and of the French in ge-
neral in Newfoundland, wherein he faid, he could
not mufter a hundred men in all the ifland. It is
faid alfo, that when the Englilh returned to Spanifh
Bay, they had on board akove feven hundred and
fifty men; and, though their provifions could not
have lafted for above ten weeks, the conqueft of
Placentia would not have coft them above three
davs. But, when a council of war was fummoncd,
as if the members of it had been more than infa-
tuated, they not only voted againft any attempt

being

IN AMERICA. 501

being made upon Placentia, but that Nicholfon
fliould be ordered to defift in his expedition by
land, which, as we have obferved, came to no-
thing. All the advantage the Englilh derived from
this expenfwe expedition was the prefervation of
their new conqueft of Port Royale in Acadia, the
recovery of which became now to be a very lerious
confideration with the French miniftry. Pontchar- -
train again preffed Vaudreuil to undertake it with
what force he could raife in New France; and the
latter, to fhew his zeal, had nominated the marquis
D'Alogniers to the command of fome troops, who
were to affift the favages and the French of Acadia in
a kind of blockade, they had formed of Port Roy-
ale, but, upon the news of the Engliih invafion, he
was recalled from that place*

The merchants of Quebec, in 1712, raifed the
fum of fifty thoufand crowns for completing the
fortifications of that city. The late mifcarriagc of
the Englifh, had no\v rendered the French more
refpeftable in the eyes of the favages. The
deputies of the Iroquois now made the moft fmcere
profeflions of their attachment to the French; and
Vaudreuil anfwered them with a tone of authority;
but, before he difmiffed them, gave them confi-
derable prefents. It w as about this time, that the
Outagamis, who, for twenty-five years, hadfcarce-
iy been heard of, began to make a great figure in
North America. They were accounted to be more
fierce, refolutc, and vindidive, than even the moft

favagc

5o» BRITISH EMPIRE

favage of the Iroquois ; and, by mingling with
them, they had come over to the intereft of the
Engliih, whom they promifed to furprife Fort
Detroit, and to put it into their hands. With this
view, they lay very near the place, and omitted
no opportunity of infulting the garrifon, which
was )mmanded by one Du Buiflbn. The Kica*
pous and the Mafcontins were joined with them
in the fame defign, which was difcovered to
Du Buiflbn, by one Jofeph, a chriftiat> Outagamis,
who informed him that they were farther exafpe-
lated by their receiving intelligence that one hundred
and fifty Mafcontins had been cut off, as they were
coming to join them, by the Outawas. Bouiflbn
fcnt out to inform the French Indians of his dan-
ger; but they were gone on a hunting party.
Having taken all precautions againft a furprife,
he underftood that they were on their march to
f elicve him. Thefe ^oniifted of the Outawas, head-
td by a chief, one Saguima, who had cut off the
Mafcontins; the H^irons, the Pouteouatamis, the
Sakis, the Malhomines, the Illinois, the Ofages,
and theMiffourites; each of whom had a particu-
lar ftandard. " Seeft thou that fmokc," faid the
Hurons to this Saguima, (to animate him the
more to vengeance,) '* it arifes from the flames that
<* are now confumirg thy wife." — ^When the con-
federates approached the fort, Du Buiflbn ordered
them to be admitted, and, after addrefling them
in a moft affectionate, pathetic manner, they were

furniflied

IN AME^RICA. 50s

furnifliedwith rcfreflimcnts of all kinds, and even
with ammunition and warlike (lores.

The Outagamis had eredted a fort within
mulket-fhot of that of Detroit, where they waited
for their enemies. The befiegers Iheltered them<^
felves in an adjoining houfe^ againfl: whkh Du
Buiffon ordered cannon to be brought. After this,
the Oi^gamis demanded a parley, which he would
not grant without confent of the chiefs of his allies,
whofe opinion, upon confultation, was for it, that
they might draw out of rtieir hands three of their
women, whom the befieged held p'-'^oners; and the
next morning Pemoufla, thecliefof the Outaga-
mis, was admitted into theaflRm lyof rhe confe-
derates, where he prefented Du ^*iV?fioa with two
captives and a belt, and the chiets with the fame^
and begged for a delay of tv%^o days, that they
might confult their elders upon the means of ap-
peafing their father's wrath. Du Buiflbn told
Pemoufla, that he could enter into no farther trea-
ty with his people, till they fent him the three
women, one of whom was the wife of Saguima.
Pemoufla's anfwer was, that he could fay nothing
on that head till he had confulted the elders; and,
having obtained a farther refpite, he returned with
a flag in his hand, attended by two Mafcontin
chiefs, and the three women whom he prefented
to the governor, who referred him to the chiefs
of his allies, for what was farther to be done, on
the Outagamis demanding liberty to be gone.

Upon

504

BRITISH EMPIRE

:ifi

■i !

Upon this, the chief of the Illinois gave Pemoufla
to underftand that his people were to expedt no
mercy unlefs they furrendered at difcretion ; but he
gave them liberty to re-enter the fort, and to make
rhe beft defence they could. They accordingly
did fo, and the fire on both fides being renewed,
the befieged made fo vigorous a rcfiftance, that,
by difcharging arrows with lighted matches, they
ffit on fire fcveral houfes in the French fettlement,
which obliged the befiegers to cover the remaining
ones with ikins. This refolute defence fo greatly difpi-
rited the French and the favages, that the latter
were on the point of re-imbarking for Michillimac-
kinac; but Du Buiflbn found means to detain them
by prefenting them with every thing he was mafter
of, and then the war-fong was renewed, which
gave the befieged to underftand, that they had now
no fafety to expeft, unlefs they accepted the
terms propofed. They then begged for fome farther
time, and they were permitted to fend a freih de-
putation to the camp of the befiegers, who, not^
withftanding all their earneft inftances, ftill infifted
rupon their furrendering at difcretion; and Du
Buiflbn faid it was with difficulty that he hindered his
favao-es from putting the deputies to death. They
were fuffered to return to their fort, from whence
all of them efcaped under the favour of a tempef-
tuous night, after enduring, for nineteen days, un-
der all the exigencies of nature, a moft vigorous
fieo'e by very fuperior numbers,

*" ^ In

I N A M E K I C A, 505

In the morning the French and their favagea
purfued them, and found them intrenched on a lit-
tle tongue of land near the ifland of St. Clare,
Here they were again befieged ; but their defence
for four days was fo brave, that the French com-
mandant was obliged to bring up the heavy artil-
lery to force their entrenchments, upon which they
furrendered at difcretion. All who were found in
arms were immediately put to death ; the others
were divided as Haves among the confederate In-
dians.

Vaudreuil now applied himfelf to the re-efta-
blilhment of the poll of Michillimakinac, which
had fuffered greatly during the late commotions ;
and to which he fent proper officers and agents, to
re-unite the favages in one common intereft ; but
thefe could not be perfuaded to forbear their traffic
with the Englifli, in which they found fo great ad-
vantage, and in which they were followed even
by the colonized favages ; while the ftate of the
French affairs in Europe was fo low, that they
could receive f om thence no relief. The goods
fent from France to Canada, were fo trifling in
their value, that thq merchants there had no re-
turns to make equal to the furs imported by the
favages, who, for that reafon, were obliged to
throw into the hands of the Englilh, by far the
greater part of the fur trade. Before the treaty of
yrrecht was concluded, the governors of New
France and Ne^v England received pofitive orders

Vol. I. Ttt from

J_Jt

506 BRITISH EMPIRE

from their rcfpeftive fovereigns to defift from hofti-
lities. The Abenaquais, who remained firm to
the French, were then carrying their ravages into
the heart of New England. As thefe were, of
all the favages, the moft irreconcileable to the
Englifli government. Nothing was omitted on the
part of the latter to win them over. They ereftcd
a. free-fchool at the mouth of the River Kennebek,
and appointed a minilter, w^ho was to board and
teach their young at the public expence : But all
was in vain, fo flrong were the delufions of their
miffionaries. The governors of New England and
New York very wifely bore this with patience ; fo
that the Indians, by degi-ees, even encouraged the
ere<fting of ftorehoufes upon their lands, till they
faw them multiply fo fall, that they expreffed their
jcaloufy of them. The Englilh then remonftrated,
that their whole country had, by treaty, become
the i)roi)erty of the crown of England. The fa-
vages, though amazed at this, very fenfibly com-
plained to Vaudreuil ; he t-old them, that no men-
tion was made cither of them or their lands, in the
treaty of Utrecht. There could be no doubt with
regard to the fpirit and meaning of the treaty of
Utretchf ; but, from the moment that peace was
concluded, the go^ rnment of New France, from
confidering the Abcnatjuais as Haves, affedted to
treat them as in'dependant, and maintained amongft
them an intereil: Ibpaiate from the crown of Eng-
land,,

IN AMERICA.

507

land, which was extremely pleafing to the natural
vanity of thofe favages.

The Englilh found a great obftaclc to the con-
formity of the Indians, in the perfon of one Rafle,
an aftive zealous Jefuit, who had long refided
amongft them as a miffionary, and had gotten fuch
a pofleffion of their affedtions, that they impli-
citly followed his diftates in every thing. Being
an enthufiaft for his country, as well as religion,
he omitted nothing that could keep up the aver-
fion of the Abenaquais towards the Englilh. It
was in vain the latter, (who every day felt his in-
fluence with the favages) infifted upon his being
difmifled out of their nation, and fent to Quebec ;
and, at laft, they were obliged not only to fet ai
reward on his head, but to make an attempt to
poflefs themfelves of his perfon, in which t^
failed. This attack upon their favourite Jefuit exas-
perated the favages more than that which had
been made upon their independancy. They fent
deputies among all their brethren and allies, to
meet them at Narrantfouak, and began, by de-
molifhing the Englilh fettlements on the banks of the
rivers, where they dellro)^ed all the lands and houfes,
but without offering any farther violence to the per-
fons of the inhabitants, than by confining five of
them as hoftages for their deputies, who were pri-
foncrs at Bofton. The Englilh, on the other hand,
broke into Narrantfouak, where they Ihot the pef-^
tilent miffionary dead, burnt the cabins, plundered

T 1 1 2 the

|i<3.
ft

508 BRITISH EMPIRE

the church, and fome of the inhabitants, who op-
pofed them, while others fled ; and this feverity,
for fome time, reftored tranquility to New Eng-
land, but was far from reconciling the Abenaquais
to the Britilh government. The Englilh faid, that
they were in danger of lofing all the acquifltions
they had made in Acadia, and Newfoundland, by
the treaty of Utrecht, through the inhabitants,
French as well as favagess making ufe of the li-
berty which that treaty left them, to retire to
Cape Breton ; and therefore they gave them fuch
indulgences, that they did not feem to remember,
their having changed their fovereign.

They openly traded with Cape Breton, then in
the French poffeffion. They acknowledged neither
laws nor language, but what were French, and
their priefts publicly performed their facerdotal
functions, as if popery had been the eftabliflied
religion of the country. Richards very fenfibly
endeavoured to abridge thofe impolitic indul-
gences, DOth in Acadia and Newfoundland ; but he
was not fupportcd in this wife meafure, which, if
executed, might have prevented a vaft effufion of
blood and treafure, by the government at home.
King George I. indeed at that time, had fome
great connexions with the regent of France ; but
it was an unpardonable overfight to difpenfc with
the French Canadians and Acadians, as well as the
favagcs, who had become fubjcds of Great Bri-

tain,

I^^SL

IN AMERICA.

509

lain, taking an oath of fidelity to that cro^vn *.
The Outagamis, notwithftanding the blow they
had received in the affair of Detroit, were more
exafperated than ever againft the French. They
infefted all the communications betw^een the colony
and its mofi: diftant pofts, robbing and murdering
paflengers ; and in this they fucceeded fo well that
they brought over the Sioux to join them openly^
while many of the Iroquois favoured them under-
hand. In fhort, there was fome danger of a gene-
ral confederacy amongft all the favages againft the
French. This made Vaudreuil refolve, if poffible,
to exterminate the Outagamis out of Canada, and
he invited all his allies to join him. Louvigny, the
king*s lieutenant at Quebec, was named to com-
mand the expedition ; and he was foon at the head
of eight hundred men, fo determined againft the
Outagamis, that the extirpation of the race was no
longer doubted of. They were themfelves of the
iame opinion, and they lay intrenched, to the

IMI

„ 1

* The Englifli were able, at that time, upon the fame contl-
tlnent, to bring fixty thoufand fighting men into the field. Vau-
dnieil, the governor-general of Canada, faid, in his letter to
Pontchartrain, the French minifter. *' Canada contains actually
•' no more than fou? thoufand fo\ir hundred inhabitants, able to
*♦ bear arms, and the twenty-eight companies of marines, p^d by
*' the king, amount in number to fix hundred twenty-eight fol-
" diers." In the fame letter, he laid down a very fenfible
fcheme here, for the better peopling of his government, by
tranfjiorting thither couviiits and galley-flaves.

number

5IO BRITISH EMPIRE

number of fir.*; »itmdred warri(5rs, and three thou»
fand womerr, Ail a kind of palifadoed fort, before
which Louvigny formally opened trenches, having
with him two field pieces, ai)d a mortar for throw-
ing grenades *.

Louvigny had private Inftrudions from Iiis prin-
cipals not to puih matters to extremity, and
brought the Indians to confent to vvhat terms he pro-
pbfed. He obliged the Outagamls to give fix fons
of fiz of their chief leaders, as hof^ages for their
fendinj? deputies to ratity the peace at Montr i^al
with the govcii" M -gereral ; and the treaty being
ingroffed, containerr 'fett ^ exprefs ceffion of their
country to the Frentii ; of which, it is probable.,
the favages were ignorant. Unfortunately the
fmall-pox, which raged next winter, carried off
three of the hoftages, together with the famous
Outagamis chief, P^mouffa, before the treaty was
r.-!tiiied. This alarmed Vaudreuil fo much that he
went upon the ice to Montreal, from whence he
difpatched Louvigny to Michillimakinac, with an
order to execute the terms of the treaty, and to ,

*■ When Louvigny was preparing to fpring a mine, they de-
lired to capitulate, and their terms were rejefted. They after-
wards propofed otheis. Firft, That the Outagamis and their
confederates fliould make peace with the French and their allies.
Secondl)'^, That they (hoiild previoufly releafe all their prifoners.
Thirdly, That they fhould replace the dead by flaves, whom they
were to make prifoners from the diftant nations they w le at war
with ; and, Fourthly, That they (hoiild pay the charge of the
Wis.

brlnr';

IN A M E R I C A.* 5fi

bring the chiefs of the Outagamis to Montreal, to-
gether with all the rangers m thofe parts, to whom
his moft chriftian majefty had grantai a free pardon
for what had paffed- Louvigny fet out at the end
«:jf May, lyiy* and carried along with him one of
the furviving hoftages, who had loft an eye by the
fmall-pox, that he might bear teftimony to his na-
tion, with what tendernefs he and his companions
had been treated. As foon as he arrived at Mi-
chillimakinac, he difpatched the fioftage, attended
by two French interpreters, with prefents for co-
vering the dead hoftages, to the Outagamis. This
was fo agreeable to thofe favages, that they talked
of nothing but a lafting peace with the French.^
They then declared to the interpreters their grati-
t^ude to Ononthio, though they faid, for feme parti-
cular reafons, t;hey could not wait upon him till
next year : but never would forget that they
owed their lives entirely to his clemency. The
hoftage and the interpreters then fet out to rejoin
Louvigny at Michillimakinac ; bat, after travel-
ling about twenty leagues, he left them, it being
proper, as he faid, to. return home, that he mighc
j^eep his countrymen to their promife.

The hoftage however was never heard of after,
neither did they fend any deputies to the governor-
general ; fo that all the fruit, which Louvigny and
Vaudreuil reaped from this laborious journey, was
the bringing back the French rangers, and engag-
ing fome of the favages to bring their furs in

gteater

i3 1

I' <;;t

1 }

kw .J

512 BJllTISH EMPIRE

greater quantities to the colony, than they had
done for fome years before. The reafon the Outa-
gamis gave for this breach of faith, when they
afterwards met with the French in their excur-j
jRons, was, that they had no idea that an enemy,
Miho had been provoked beyond a certain meafure,
could ever be a reconciled friend. They were af-
terwards beaten in feveral encounters, and yet they
forced the Illinois to abandon their fettlements
upon their river ; where they formed a plantation,
which rendered the communication between Cana-
da and Louiiiana extremely dangerous, notwith-
ftanding all the loffes they had fuftained ; and
had, by this time, formed an alliance with the
Sioux, the mod numerous nation belonging to Ca-
nada, and with the Chichacas, or Chickefaws,
the braveft nation in all Louiiiana.

In 1725, i»Jew France enjoyed a tranquility, it
Jiad feldom known, and which greatly advanced
both its populoufnefs and profperity ; but the lofs
of the Camel, a French Ihip of war, which was
wrecked near Louilbourg, with every ptrfon on
board, gave it a gieat blow. Befides its rich car-
go, the intendant of Canada, Louvigny, who had
been appointed to the government of Trois Rivi-
eres, a fon of Ramezay, who the year before had
died governor of Montreal, together with a great
number of the officers of the colony, and eccle-
fiaftics of all denominations, periihed in the wreck.
To heighten this misfortune, the marquis De Vau-

dreuil^

IN AMERICA. 513

dreull himfelf died in the Odober following,
greatly lamented by the whole cglony, and was
fucceeded in his government by the chevalier Dcf
lieauharnois, who had none of his piedeceffor-a
difficulties to ftroggle with; and nothing occurs
remarkable in the liillory of Canada, byt that, by
the tranquility it enjoyed, for fome time, its
French inhabitants amounted to above fevepty
thoufand. In the year 1746, the encroachment^
they made upon the undoubted property of the
Englilli in America, had awakened our government
to a fenlje of its danger, A Brltilh fecrctary of Hate,
by order of his maje%, required all the Rritiih
governors in North America, to raife as many in-
dependant companies a» they could, of a hundred
men each, Thofe of New York, New Jerfeys,
Fennfylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, were to bo
formed into one corps, under the command of bri-»
gadier Gooch, lieutenantrgovernor of Virginia,
The colonies were to furnifh levy-money and vi^Ut
filing ; but his majelly was to be at the charge of
arming, paying, and cloathin^ thofe troops, Thofq
vaft prcparatipns in America, which were to b©
feconded by a fuitable armament from Europe^
were dellined for the reduction of Canad;i ; apd
the whole was to be under the command of
general Sinclair, The Englilli colonics, thereforcji.
proceeded with their levies. Virginia fent two
companies, Maryland three, Penfylvania four, the
Jerfeys five, and New York fifteen ; all to be under
the command of Gooch : and firfl to reduce Crown

\%]

Vol

y\]u

f'.

514 BRITISH EMPIRE

Point, and then Montreal. The yellow kvcr then
prevailing at Albany, the i>lace of rendezvous for
the troops was appointed at Santago, twenty miles
higher up Hudfon's Rivr,. i or : us fervice, Maf-
fachufct Bay raifed twenty cuiiipanies, Connefti-
cut ten. Pvhode-Ifland ihrec, New Hampfhire two,
in all thirty-five companies, who were to attack
Quebec, under general Sinclair, while Onnr>h was
proceeding ar;uinft Montreal ; and udmiral Leftoc
was to command the fleet; but all thcfe mighty
preparations In England, as it is well known, ended
in a fucccfTiefs attempt upon Port L'Orient in
France, rvliich is yet frelh in the peoples me-
mory.

Meanwhile the French fcnt all the force they
could fpare from Canada to Minas anc' Chiconefto,
and omitted no opportunity of harrafling and de-
flroying the Englifh fettlements. In 1-^6, the
Canadians receiving intelligence of the v ift prepa-
rations making againft them in England, Rame/ay
arrived at Minas, at tne head of fixteeen hundred
men, confiding of marines, regulars, C-nadian mili-
tia, wood-rangers, and : -ncli ' ndian This >ody
was to ad in concert with a ftrong fquadron, then
fitting out at BrcH, ur 1 - the dukr D'Anville.
That armament confided of eleven line of battle
ihips, fome frigates, two fire-lhips, trar/,)urts, &c.
having three thoufand one hund- ^ anr' fifty land-
forces aboard. The phm of D' ^.v 's inftruc-
tions f^.ems to have been formed upon thofe of
Frontenac and Pontchartrain. He was ordered to

retake

IN A M E R I C ' 515

rcjtakc and difmantle Louiftourg, wb ch was then
in the hands of the Englifti. He w as then to pro^
ceed againfl Port -loj'ale, now called Annapolis
Royal, in Acadia, which he was to take and gar-
rifon. He was next to deftroy Bofton ; then to
/ange along the coafts of North America ; and, at
laft, to pay a vifit to the Britiih fugar iflands,
D'Anville, fetting fail, detached three of his capi-
tal ihips and a frigate, under the command of M.
Conllans, to <}onvoy the French trade to Cape
Francois in Hifpaniola. The orders of Conflans
were to return, and join the grand fquadron under
D'Anville ; but, after cruifing aiong the Cape Sabl?
lliore, between Cape Negro and Cape Sambro,
-without eceivmg any intelligence of D'Anville,
he bore away diredlly for France ; where he arr
rived without meeting with any interruption.

The flee*^ a ter undergoing a moft tedious pafr

fage, and 1; ^ .ng in a ftorm near Cape Sable, i^

arrivec^ n the tenth of September, at Chebufto in

Nov Scotia v'hei D'Anville himfelf djed, as did

half «f his people of.lcorbutic putrid fevers and

■dyfenteries.. Though an Eriglifh fquadron was

then lying at Cape Breton, under admiral Town-

ihenrl, the French remaint unmolefled at Che-

binfto amidft all their diilr^fs About the end ot

September, R.imezay encamp d near Anr polls,

with a fhew of befiegii g li ; but the Chefter man

£)i war of fiity gmis, a frigate md a ichooncr "ipg

in the harbour, aua the French fleet departing to

f r&ace, hu decamped on the ^lie twenry-je ond of

y y u 2 > tobcr,

■vv, :

V '!

•J

516 »AlTl8rt EMPIRE

Odober, and returned to Minas, where he win*
tcred, that he might be in readinefs to join iht
French fleet* and land troop^ that were expeded in
the fprii.g from France, to reduce Annapolis,
^vhich, by this time, was re-inforced by three com-
|)anies of volunteers from Bofton* The Engliih
governor of Aunapolis, had laid a fcheme for pre-»
Venting the bad confequences of French influence
tn that neighbourhood, by procuring a re-inforce*
tnent from New "".ngland, which was accordingly
granted ; but their numbers did not anfwer his ex*-
bedlatiohs* However^ between four and five hun-
dred men arrived in the middle of December, at
Minas, and a detachment fet out for Annapo*
)is on the twehtj'-ninth of January, while the
T)ther8 were quartered at Grand Pre, in a very loofe>
fcattcred, and unfoldier^like manner* The French
were fufficiently informed of this, and on the
eighth of January they fet out from Chiconedo,
and arrived at Minas the thirty-firft of the fame
ttionth* About three in the morning, having diflri*
tuted their force, which confifted of about fix
hundred, into fmall parties, they attacked the
Engliih, and murdered many of them^ Colonel
Noble, who was the commander, and the lieuten*
nants Lechemere, Jones, Pickering, enfign Noble,
with about feventy ferjeants, corporals, and pri*
Vate Vnen, were killed, and about as many taken
prifoners ; at laft the Englifh formed themfelves
into a body, and furrcndered upon capitulation*

In J 747, the jundion of the Blreft and Rochfort
, Iquadrons

IN A M fi A 1 C A.

5t>

Iquadrons was eflfe^teti at Rochelle. Their deftint*
Hon was to the Eaft Indies and to Canada, and
their c<|iiiiMnent of this fqiiadron was no fecret
m England. As it threatened the deftrwftion of
oiir Afian, as \vell as our American lettlements,
the admirals Anfon and Warren failed from Ply*
mouth to Cape Finiflerrc, on the coaft of Galicia,
ir.d '• May met with the French fquadron, which
Irnnnedia'-ely formed a line of battle, confifting of
their chief Ihips of war, while the others, under
the protedion of their frigates^ made all the fail
they could to the place of their deftination. The
Englilh ihips were likewife drawn up j but Warren,
obferved, that the real defign of the French was
rather to fly than fight ; and therefore he pcrfuaded
Anfon, to haul in the fignal for the line, and to
lioift out one fbr the chace. After an obftinate con-
teft, the Englilh proved the vidtors, the enemy hav*
mg loft fix of their men of war, and all their India
vefll'ls, and a vaft number of Frenc'imen were
made prifoners ; feven hundred of them were killed
and wounded ; and the Englilh loft about five hun-
dred. This defeat totally deftroyed all the hopes
Ramezay, had entertained of reducing Nova Scotia,
and he returned to Canada, not a little chagrined at
the dreadful ifliie of the encounter.

A fcheme had been formerly laid for put*
chafing fomc lands from the Outawas upon the
River Ohioj a projea: which proved very difagree*
able to the French, becaufe it was likely to inter-
fere with their MiflilTippi fcheme; but it was not
carried into execution; on the coiitraq-, the French

cre<fted

51$ BRITISH EMPIRE

cre^ed Crown Point in the New York territor)'*
•—The peace of Aix la Chapelle being conchided,
this plan, which had been firft laid in the year
'1716, was then revived, but the Englilh took fo
little care to fecure the affedions of the natives,
that the latter foon ihewed themfelves no friends
to the undertaking. Some London merchants
idrading to Virginia, having been encouraged to
fettle cm the banks of the Ohio, in order to eftablifh
an exclulive trade with the Indians, fent a furveyor
to take a plan of the couitry, a circumftance
ivhich much difpleafed and alarmed the favages;
and their jealoulies were increafed by the French who
found it their advantage to foment them : thus the
undertakers loft all their intereft in that beautiful
country, while their neighbours continued to make
themfelves as ftrong as poffible at Niagara and on the
Lake Erie, even upon lands to which the fubje(fts
of Great Britain could produce jviilifiable claims.
Thefe things being known to Mr. Dimwiddie,
governor of Virginia, he alarmed the Englilh fet-
tlers, and even fent one major Walliington with
a remonilrance to the French governor of a fort
built on ths River au Bccuf, which difcharges it-
felf into the Ohio ; — he -eceiving no fatisfadtory
anfwer to this, planned out fort near the forks
of the river; but the Indians having not been
properly attended to, they were exafperated at the
mention of it, though the colony had refolved to
defray the expcnce, and had adlually provided the
jnatcrials for the bufincfs.

The ufc lIk" P\cnch ivaCx ui the treaty g( Ah

■*■■%■

IN AMERICA. 51^

la Chapelle was only to proceed with as little in-
terruption as poffible in erecting forts and fecur-
ing pafles which might form lines of communi*
cation between their mofl diftant fettlements, and
to confine the Englilh on every fide: in particulate
they aimed to reftridt all the claims of the latter
in Ndva Scotia to the Peninfula of that name;
while thefe juftly infifled upon their right to all
the ancient Acadia, as ceded by the treaty of
Utretcht. *

In the mean time, the town of Hallifax had hccA
credted by the Englilh, as we have already taker!
notice in a former part of our hiftory, under the
aufpices of the earl of that name.

Notwithftanding all the faith of treaties, noti
withftanding the repeated remonflranccs of the Eng-
lifh, their enemies no fooner faw this fettlement well
peopled, than they went on with their old pnnflices
of flirring up the Indians againft the new coloniflfjj
many of whom were murdered, and others car-
ried prifoners to the Canadian fettlements; while
even the Indian parties were headed by French
officers ; and notwithftanding repeated complaints,
no redrefs for thefe grievances could be obtained ;
thougli while the French were employed in this man-
ner in America, they pretended to debate upon the
claims of each nation at Paris; where the Englilh
and French commiflaries met for this purpofe.
The hiilory of their difputes is too long to be here
inferted; but it may futfice to fay, that they v\ere
not well conduced on either part; and as to the
French, their claims were e(iuiill) unUiii' and ridi-
culous

'M-

po BRITISH EMPIRE
tulous, and fuch as any but Frenchmen would
Jiave been afliamed of; neverthelefs, they were re-
folved to fupport them both by argument and arms
while the duke De Mirepoix, their ambaffador
at the court of London was making profeffions of
his matter's pcific inclinations, though copies of
the orders fent by the French rninillry to their officers
in Canada were produced in proof of the contrary.
At length the Englilh having received intelligence
.that a fleet was ready to fail from Breft, were no
ionger to be trifled with, and admiral Bofcawen was
ordered to fail with twelve men of war to watch
them; and was afterwards re-inforcqd by fix Ihips
of the line and a frigate under the command of ad-
iriiral Holbourne, while the French king gave or-
ders to his ambalTador, to intimate that, in cafe this
armament a^ed upon the offenfive, he would con ■
iider the firfl gun that Ihould be fired in tlie fame
Jight as a declaration of war.

Bofcawen arriving at Newfoundland, took his
ilation off Cape Race, and foon afterwards M, Bois
de la Mothc arrived with the French fquadron off
the fame coaft, but the Englifh fleet, on account
of a thick fog could not difcern them ; by which
means they efcaped an engagement ; but two of their
veficls, named the Alcide and the L^'s-, being fe-
parated from the refl, were taken by caj^tain Howq
and ca])tain Andrews, and were found to hava about
eight thoufand pounds on board ; and this ^ve a
rife to the war between the two nations, by which
the French in the end, loft all their pofiefTions in

CanaJa.

J^ND of the FiiisT VpLuMK.

n would

were rC"
and arms
nbaffador
feffions of

copies of
^ir officers

contrary,
itelligence

were no
awen was
■ to watch
' fix ihips
and of ad»
r gave or-
n cafe this
,'ould con-
\ the fame

, took his
is MtBois
|iiadron off
3n accounfj
by which
wo of their
^ being fe-
)tain How«
I hav^ about
this gave a
, by which
ofleffions in.

4K.