IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) %0 1.0 I.I IAS 121 1112.5 |5o "^ llliiH Hi Mm « 12.0 1.8 — i-^ 111^ Va /a %y y /A PhotDgraphic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 873-4503 ^o J^^ %0 ¥ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques Thi tot The institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checked below. □ Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur Pyj'' Covers damaged/ D D D D D n Couverture endommagie Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaurie et/ou pelliculte I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque I I Coloured maps/ D Cartes g^ographiques en couleur Coloured inic (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire) Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ ReliA avec d'autres documents Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La re liure serr6e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge intirieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces pages n'ont pas 6t6 fiimies. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppiimentaires; L'Institut a microfilmi le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a iti possible de se procurer. Les ddtails de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la mithode normale de filmage sont indiquis ci-dessous. I I Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagies □ Pages restored and/or laminated/ Pages restaur^es et/ou peliicuides r~*L/Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ U^ Pages dicoiories, tacheties ou piquies □ Pages detached/ Pages ditachdes Showthrough/ Transparence Quality of prir Qualiti inigale de I'impression Included supplementary materit Comprend du matdriei suppl^mentaire Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible The pes of filni Ori( b«fi the sior oth firs sior ori [""V Showthrough/ I I Quality of print varies/ r~~1 Included supplementary material/ I I Only edition available/ D The •ha TIN whi Mai diff •nti bag righ raqi mat Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc.. have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont M filmdes i nouveau de faqon d obtenir la meilleure image possible. This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est filmA au taux de reduction indiquA ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X aox J 12X 16X »X 24X 28X 32X Th« copy filmad h«r« has b««n raproducsd thanks to tha ganarosity of: L'axamplaira filmt fut raproduit grica A la ginArositA da: UniversM de Sherbrooka UniversM de Sherbrooks Tha imagas appaaring hara ara tha baat quality possibia conaidaring tha condition and lagibility of tha original copy and in kaaping with tha filming contract spacificationa. Original copiaa in printad papar covars ara filmad baginning with tha front covar and anding on tha last paga with a printad or illuatratad impraa- sion. or tha back covar whan appropriata. All othar original copiaa ara filmad baginning on tha first paga with a printad or illuatratad impraa- sion, and anding on tha laat paga with a printad or illuatratad impraaaion. Tha laat racordad frama on aach microflcha shall contain tha symbol ^^ (moaning "CON- TINUED"), or tha symbol ▼ (moaning "END"), whichavar appliaa. Las imagas suivantas ont St6 raproduitas avac la plus grand soin. compta tanu de la condition at da la nattatA da l'axamplaira film*, at an conformity avac iaa conditiona du contrat da filmaga. Laa axamplairaa originaux dont la couvartura an papiar aat imprimAa sont filmAs an commandant par la pramiar plat at an tarminant soit par la darnlAra paga qui comporta una smprainta d'imprassion ou d'illustration, soit par la sacond plat, salon la cas. Toua las autras axamplaires originaux sont filmto an commandant par la pramiAra paga qui comporta una amprainta d'impraaaion ou d'illustration at 9n tarminant par la darnlAra paga qui comporta una taila amprainta. Un das symbolaa suivants apparaitra sur la darni^ra imaga da chaqua microflcha. salon la cas: la symbols — *> signifia "A SUIVRE". la symbols y signifia "FIN". Mapa. plataa. charta. ate. may ba filmad at diffarant raduction ratioa. Thoaa too larga to ba antiraly includad in ona axpoaura Bf filmad baginning in tha uppar laft hand cornar. laft to right and top to bottom, aa many framaa aa raquirad. Tha following diagrama illuatrata tha mathod: Laa cartas, planchas. tableaux, etc.. pauvent dtre filmte A des taux da rMuction diffirants. Lorsqua la document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul cliche, il est film* d partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche * droite, et de haut en baa. en prenant le nombre d'imagea niceaaaira. Las diagrammes suivants illustrant la mAthoda. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ]a ,m7 1 1 .a over' i^AR N-5 '^'W" RARE flBLIOTH^QUE N rxl UNIVERSITY DE SKERBROOKE ^ 899j J q^lCl ■J- liillNllllliiil 3 1156 00131 0716 AN ACCOUNT |i^'«i4Hf-'*7'.rr or H /p/ ^•i' DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519, ▲ RD or. VOYAGE S TO AND ALONG THE Section UOifOE ATLANTIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA, FROM 1520 T O 1573. r V I preparedfor " The Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society.' BY CONWAY ROBINSON, Chairman of its Executive Committee, AMD PUBLISHED BT THE SOCIETV. RICHMOND: PRINTEn nr SHEPHERD AND COLIN. v^ObiMOn,^ Conway D^ooveries Voyages to and alou Notth Amerlcaj " '^ mond, 18' Ya. HfltC Boo. BIBLIOTHEQUE UNIVERSITE DE SHERBROOKE !'«'i:akb«,4Mt twt,". J ^K -. . ' , ' ' i. i''"WW '^;. 1»* ■ "'% \ < I / • , ■ 'W- ■i ■■">»!!:. 1 Entered according to Act of Congress, on the sixteenth day of August, in the year eighteen hundred and forty-eight, by Williabi Maxwell, Secretary of " The Virginia Historical and Philosophical Society," on behalf of the said Society, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Virginia. •''■ -1 .? V-i mUgprNatil) t^offectfon NOUOE PREFACE. \ / ,M^^ On the 29th of December 1831, some of the citi- zens of Virginia formed themselves into a society by the name of " The Virginia Historical and Philoso- phical Society." The general assembly of the state, by an act of the 10th of March 1834,* incorporated the society, and by a resolution of the 6th of Febru- ary 1835, directed to be presented to it, a copy of the large map of Virginia, and such books and papers be- longing to the library fund as the joint committee on the library might designate.! A leading object of the society was to collect and preserve books and papers, both in print and manu- script, relating to the history of America, and espe- cially of Virginia ; — to make its library a repository of every thing of the kind as far as practicable. It was also contemplated to publish from time to time, the most valuable of its collections, so as to dissemi- nate information of the matter thus acquired, and * Sess. Acts 1833-4, p. 253, ch. 901. f Sess. Acta 1834-5, p. 354. •"«"«u,i«4.ja«*i^'^ IV PREFACE. have the security against destruction or loss which a multipHcation of copies, by printing, would afford. Accordingly, as early as 1 833, the society published, in a pamphlet of 86 pages, some of the manuscripts collected by it. Its operations were suspended from the 20th of February 1838 until the 18th of February 1847. Then through the efforts of a few gentlemen, promi- nent among whom was William Maxwell, Esquire, the society was re-organized. Its first annual meet- ing, under its new organization, was held on the 16th of January 1848. On this occasion an appropriate address was delivered by the president, William C. Rives, Esquire ; and a report was made by the exe- cutive committee. \ K A part of " the plan of the committee," set forth in this report, "is to publish in chronological order, whatever matter relating to our history, it may deem worthy of publication. In preparing the matter for the press," the committee say, " a careful examination will be made, not only of Smith, Beverley, Stith, Burk, and other books with which a Vir- ginian is familiar, but of other works, hitherto not accessi- ble in this state. What is taken from each will be given in the language of the original author. It will be a lead- ing object to prepare the matter with such fullness, that in each volume published by the society, may be found all that is of value in the period of our history, embraced by it. While, at the same time, it will be attempted to make PBEFACE. V the volumes less repulsive to the general reader, than col- lections of historical societies usually are. The plan of preparing the matter in the order of time, will conduce to this, and entitle the volumes to the name which will be given them of ' Annals of Virginia.' " Before publishing those annals, it has been thought best that there should be a preliminary volume giving an account of the discoveries in this western hemis- phere until the invasion of Mexico in 1519; and of the voyages to and along the Atlantic coast of North America down to 1573. The chairman of the exe- cutive committee, from whom this account was de- sired, had, otherwise, ample occupation for all his time. To execute in a manner satisfactory to himself, the important work entrusted to him and his able coadju- tor by the general assembly, namely, the revision of the general statutes of Virginia, he had found himself under the necessity, during its progress, of diminish- ing considerably his professional business. For him, at such a time, to compile what the committe^^ wish- ed, was, to say the least, extremely inconvenient. He saw no way in which it could be done, except by his taking for it, in lieu of other relaxation, a part of each night for several months. In this way he has accomplished the volume ; it goes from him now to the members of the society, prepared as well as his other engagements would permit. mmmmm t4,^ihiMm. -ii. ^*^ PBEFACB. A good deal of matter not generally known, will, it is thought, be found in it. Nearly all the accounts which it contains, of voyages to Florida, and some of the other accounts, have been translated from "Voy- ages, relations et memoires originaux pour servir a I'histoire de la decouverte de L'Amerique, publics pour la premiere fois en Fran9ais, par H. Ternaux." From 1837 to 1841, twenty volumes were published in Ternaux's Collection, all of which have been exa- mined in the preparation of this volume, so far as their connection with the subject made it proper. Richmond, August 1848. Ml m -.^i;^^Jl^i£iA'J^J.- . CONTENTS BOOK I. OF DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519. CHAPTER I. Of the alleged discovery of America by the Northmen in the eleventh, by the Welch in the twelfth, and by Nicholas and An- tonio Zeno in the fourteenth century. CHAPTER II. Of Christopher Columbus ; his plan for reaching India by a route to the west ; the fate of his applications to the Court of Por- tugal from 1470 to 1484, and afterwards to the Court of Spain till 1492; a squadron then fitted out. CHAPTER III. Of the first voyage of Columbus to the west ; his departure on the 3d of August 1492 ; discovery of land in the West Indias on the 12th of October in that year; and return to Spain in March 1493. CHAPTER IV. Of the second voyage of Columbus ; discovery of other isles in 1493 and 1494 ; settlement at La Navidad destroyed and City of Isabella built. *^^^ Vlll CONTENTS. W^ CHAPTER V. Of the a)>plication of Columbus, through his brother Bartholo- mew, to Henry the Seventh of England ; the arrival of fiartho^ lomew at Hispaniola; and the meeting there of the two bro- thers in 1494. CHAPTER VI. Of the departure, in the absence of Columbus, of some of the malcontents for Spain; state of hostilities; bold exploit of Alonzo de Ojeda ; Indian prisoners sent to Spain to be sold as slaves; the interposition of Isabella for them; and the i^nifer- ings of the natives notwithstanding. CHAPTER VII. Of the arrival at Hispaniola of Juan Aguado as commissioner in 1495; the return of Columbus and Aguado to Spain in 1496; the favourable reception of Columbus by the sovereigns ; and their promise to him of another armament. CHAPTER VIII. Of the discovery of North America by Sebastian Cabot. Expla- nation of the difference between the legal year as used in Eng- land before 1753, and the year as generally used in historical chronology. Under a license which issued in February of the legal year 1497, Cabot having discovered North America in June following, that June shewn to be in 1498, and the disco- very therefore not in 1497 but in 1498. - CHAPTER IX. Of ^he discovery of the continent of South America by Colum- bus in 1498; and the treatment which he experienced after- wards. CHAPTER X. Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius with Alonzo de Ojeda, and of other voyages from Spain along the coast of South America in 1499 and 1500. j»f C0MTKNT8. IX w CHAPTER XI. or the accidental discovery of Brazil by the Portuguese in 1500 ; * the voyage of Amcricus Vespucius, under the King of Portu- gal, to that province in 1501 ; the voyage of Cortereal in the same year to the northwest; and the patents obtained from Henry the Seventh of England in 1501 and 1502, by Portu- guese, to enable them to make discoveries. CHAPTER Xn. Of the fleet and orders sent out with Ovando to Hispaniola in 1502 ; the voyage made the same year to the northern coast of South America by Alonzo de Ojeda; the last voyage of Co- lumbus ; and his wearisome detention at Jamaica. CHAPTER XHI. ' Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius to Brazil in 1503 ; and the name of America given to this part of the world. CHAPTER XIV. Of the return of Columbus from the West Indias to Spain in 1504, and his death in 1506 ; observations on his character. CHAPTER XV. U.Ji'/'i it Of the little port of Palos, where Columbus fitted out his ships; a pilgrimage to it by an American. CHAPTER XVI. Of Americus Vespucius from 1505 to 1508; his appointment then as chief pilot of Spain ; and the expeditions of Vicente Yanez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis in 1506 and 1508. CHAPTER XVII. ^f the subjugation of Hispaniola, and its government under Diego Columbus; also of the subjugation of Porto Rico in 1509, while Juan Ponce de Leon was commander in that island, ii '■♦.«»*« k&kvU CONTLNTS. m ki CHAPTER XVIII. Of the subjugation of Jamaica in 1509, and the armaments in the same year to found colonies along the isthmus of Darien ; the attempts of Alonzo de Ojeda to plant his colony ; his conflicts with the Indians ; and the formula read to them as an excuse for killing them. CHAPTER XIX. Of the voyage of Alonzo de Ojeda in 1509 from the isthmus of Darien for Hispaniola; his landing in Cuba, and his hardships there on his journey by land ; the little oratory which he built ; his course then by Jamaica to San Domingo, and his death there. CHAPTER XX. Of the proceedings of Diego de Nicuesa, the Bachelor Martia Fernandez de Enciso, Vasco Nunez de Balboa and Francisco Pizarro in 1509, 1510 and 1511 ; the settlement of the three last at Darien ; the conduct of the people of Darien to Nicuesa ; his hardships and death. CHAPTER XXI. Of the return of the Bachelor Enciso to Spain in 1511 ; the at- tack of Vasco Nunez upon Careta, the cacique of Coyba ; the peace made between them by Vasco Nufiez taking as a wife a young and beautiful daughter of Careta; his friendly visit to Comagre; the skill and solidity of the architecture of Com a- gre's village ; and the information received from the son of Co- magre, of a great sea and opulent country beyond the moun- tains. CHAPTER XXH. Of the death of Americus Vespucius in 1512, and the appoint- ment of Sebastian Cabot as his successor ; Bartholomew Co- lumbus sent this year from Spain with instructions to his ne- phew the admiral. »i ^ CONTENTS. *Xl CHAPTER XXIII. Of the discovery of Florida in 1512 by Juan Ponce de Leon. CHAPTER XXIV. Of several expeditions of V asco Nunez in 1512 ; the conspiracy this year by the natives and the defeat of their plan ; the ab- sence of news from Valdivia who had been sent on a mission to Hispaniola ; the stranding of Valdivia and his crew on the coast of Yucatan ; the sending of commissioners from Darien to Spain ; and the arrival at Darien of ships from Hispaniola with supplies. CHAPTER XXV. Of the journey by Vasco Nunez across the isthmus of Darien, and his discovery of the Pacific ocean on the 26th of Septem- ber 1513. CHAPTER XXVI. Of the voyage of Vasco Nunez along the coast of the Pacific ; the intimation received by him of the great empire of Peru ; and his return to Darien on the 19th of January 1514. CHAPTER XXVII. Of the appointment of Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called Pedrarias, in 1514, as governor of Darien ; the prosperous state of the colony under the management of Nunez when Pedrarias arrived ; the conduct of Pedrarias to Nunez ; the sickness of ' the colony soon after the arrival of Pedrarias ; his unsuccess- ful expeditions; and the despatches from Spain in favour of Nunez. CHAPTER XXVm. Of several expeditions in 1515 under Pedrarias, one of which was to the Pacific; also of the discovery of the Rio de la Plata. '•--■■ '■--r''VHiiiiiiiUifiiBMmi,vn- in i XII CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXIX. Of Juan Ponce de Leon ; his voyage to Guadaloupe in 1515, the ^ visit this year of Diego Columbus to Spain, and the death of Bartholomew Columbus; also of Sebastian Cabot, from 1515 to 1518. CHAPTER XXX. Of the reconciliation between Pedrarias and Vasco Nunez; a marriage agreed upon between Nunez and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias, to take place on her arrival from Spain ; autho- rity to Nunez in 1516 to make an expedition to explore the Southern Ocean ; his proceedings ; the perfidy of Andres Ga- rabito; the hypocrisy of Pedrarias, and his arrest of Nunez. CHAPTER XXXI. Of the trial and execution in 1517 of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the discoverer of the Pacific Ocean. m CHAPTER XXXII. Of the voyage of Juan de Ampies to Coriana in 1517; and the building of the town of Coro; also of Oviedo, the celebrated historian. CHAPTER XXXIII. Of the discovery of Yucatan by Francisco Hernandez de Cordova in 1517 ; the voyage thither of Juan de Grijalva in 1518 ; the rescue there in 1519 by Hernando Cortez of Jeronimo de Aguilar one of the companions of Valdivia, whose vessel was stranded on that coast several years before; and the famous voyage of Magellan. tlAcftc r'^>" ■ • ^'^M* ^- ' '^ i. «' CONTENTS. XUl BOOK II. VOYAGES TO AND ALONG THE ATLANTIC COAST OF NORTH AMERICA, FROM 1520 TO 1573. CHAPTER I. Of the voyages of Luke Vasquez d'Aylon to Florida in 1520 and 1524; and that of Juan Ponce de Leon in I52I. CHAPTER n. Of the project of Cortez in 1524, for examining the coast of the Atlantic as well as the Pacific. CHAPTER III. Of the voyage of John de Verazzano in 1524, along the coast of North America, from Carolina to Newfoundland. CHAPTER IV. Of the voyage of Stephen Gomez to the northwest in 1525. CHAPTER V. Of the voyage made by Sebastian Cabot in 1526. CHAPTER VL Of a voyage from England to the northwest in 1527. CHAPTER VII. Of the expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez to Florida in 1527 ; and Cabeca de Vaca's long and perilous journey on foot to MexicQ. >i^i*<^wiiiiiimiiii.iflMa,,.i.i>„. .^ XIV CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. Of the period from 1527 to 1534. CHAPTER IX. Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Newfoundland in 1534. CHAPTER X. Of the second voyage of Jacques Carthier, wherein he explored the St. Lawrence, in 1535. CHAPTER XI. Of a voyage of Mr. Hore and others, from England to the north- west in 1536. CHAPTER XII. Of the expedition of Ferdinand de Soto to Florida in 1539 ; and his march thence to the Mississippi ; his death in 1541 ; and the subsequent progress of his troops. CHAPTER Xm. Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Canada in 1540. CHAPTER XIV. Of the voyage of Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Rober- val, to Canada in 1542. CHAPTER XV. Of the voyage of Gregorio de Beteta on the Florida coast in 1549 ; and of Sebastian Cabot from his return to England in 1548, until his death in 1557. CHAPTER XVI. Of an examination of the coast of Florida in 1558, wherein was seen a bay, described as " the largest and most commodious bay of all on these shores," which was named then Philipina, CONTENTS. Z7 and afterwards Santa Maria Philipina; also of an expedition in 1559, to the port of Y'Chuse, in thirty degrees twenty mi- nutes, about twenty leagues south of the bay of Santa Maria ; and of a reconnoissance in 1561, to a^out thirty-five degrees. CHAPTER XVII. Of the dissensions existing in France in 1562 ; and the voyage thence to Florida this year under captain John Ribault. CHAPTER XVIII. Of the Huguenots in France from 1562 to 1564 ; and the voyage of M. Rene Laudonniere in 1564 from that country to Florida. CHAPTER XIX. Of Sir John Hawkins; his voyages from London to Africa to take negroes and sell them ; his visit to Laudonniere in Florida in 1565 ; and his going home by Newfoundland. CHAPTER XX. Of the voyage of Ribault from France to Florida in 1565 ; and the massacre there of the French by the Spaniards under Me- nendez. CHAPTER XXI. Of the Chevalier de Gourgue ; his chivalrous enterprise ; the man- ner in which the massacre of the French in Florida by the Spaniards in 1565 was avenged by him at the same place in 1568. CHAPTER XXII. Communication from Robert Greenhow, Esq., stating that the Spaniards in 1566, had knowledge of, and in 1573 visited a bay called Santa Maria, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees; and suggesting that this bay must have been the Chesapeake. .>.^<iiiHlti«i<^, aaI::.;i^^ ^^J^ _^ i P i*.m«i.5;j«*^ ■ '*' BOOK I. OF DISCOVERIES IN THE WEST UNTIL 1519, CHAPTER I. Of the alleged discovery of America by the Northmen in the eleventh, by the Welch in the twelfth, and by Nicholas and Antonio Zeno in the fourteenth century. Many elaborate dissertations have been written to prove that discoveries were made on the northern coast of America before the era of Columbus. The following is extracted from the second chapter of Mr. Wheaton's History of the Northmen :* "There was formerly, say the ancient Sagas, a man named Herjolf, who was descended from Ingolf, the first settler of Iceland. This man navigated from one country to another with his son Bjarne. and generally spent the winters in Norway. It happened once on a time that they were separated from each other, and Bjarne sought his fa- ther in Norway, but not finding him there, he learnt that he was gone to the newly discovered country of Greenland. * " History of the Northmen or Danes and Normans from the earliest times to the conquest of England by William of Normandy. By Henry Wtaeaton, hono- rary member of the Scandinavian and Ice- landic literary societies at Copenhagen," published at Philadelphia in 1831. ■,1"W^P^i~i^ '<^"*'^^^^>^^y.^.>».mM.,^^..,.ami4^..»..^.... f^fmmmir *mmm'm 2 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [book I. f Bjarne resolved to seek and find out his father, wherever he might be, and for this purpose set sail for Greenland (1001), directing himself by the observation of the stars, and by what others had told him of the situation of the land. The three first days he was carried to the west, but afterwaids, the wind changing, blew with violence from the north, and drove him southwardly for several days. He at last descried a flat country, covered with wood, the appearance of which was so diflferent from that of Green- land, as it had been described to him, that he would not go on shore, but made sail to the northwest. In this course, he saw an island at a distance, but continued his voyage, and arrived safely in Greenland, where he found his father established at the promontory, afterwards called Herjolfs- noBs, directly opposite to the southwest point of Iceland. "(1002.) In the following summer, Bjarne made another voyage to Norway, where he was hospitably received by Erik, a distinguished Jarl of that country. The Jarl, to whom he related his adventures, reproached him for not having explored the new land towards which he had been accidentally driven. Bjarne having returned to his father in Greenland, there was much talk among the settlers of pursuing his discovery. The restless, adventurous spirit of Leif, son of Erik the Red, was excited to emulate the fame his father had acquired by the discovery of Greenland. He purchased Bjarne's ship, and manned it with thirty-five men. Leif then requested his father to become the com- mander of the enterprize. Erik at first declined, on ac- count of the increasing infirmities of his old age, which rendered him less able to bear the fatigues of a sea-faring life. He was at last persuaded by his son to embark, but as he was going down to the vessel on horseback, his horse stumbled, which Erik received as an evil omen for his un- dertaking : — * I do not believe,' said he, ' that it is given to me to discover any more lands, and here will I abide.' Erik U CHAP. I.] VOrAOES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 3 retii.ned back to his house, and Lief set sail with his thirty- five companions, among whom was one of his father's ser- vants, a native of the South-countries, named Tyrker (Die- terich-Dirk), probably a German. '• They first discovered what they supposed to be one of the countries seen by Bjarne, the coast of which was a flat, stony land, and the back ground crowned with lofty moun- tains, covered with ice and snow. This they named Hel- luland, or the flat country. Pursuing their voyage farther south, they soon came to another coast, also flat, covered with thick wood, and the shores of white sand, gradually sloping towards the sea. Here they cast anchor and went on shore. They named the country Mark-land, or the coun- try of the wood, and pursued their voyage with a north- east wind for two days and nights, when they discovered a third land, the northern coast of which was sheltered by an island. Here they again landed, and found a country, not mountainous, but undulating and woody, and abounding with fruits and berries, delicious to the taste. From thence they re-embarked, and made sail to the west to seek a har- bour, which they at last found at the mouth of a river, where they were swept by the tide into the lake from which the river issued. They cast anchor, and pitched their tents at this spot, and found the river and lake full of the largest salmon they had ever seen. Finding the climate very tem- perate, and the soil fruitful in pasturage, they determined to build huts and pass the winter here. The days were nearer of an equal length than in Greenland or Iceland, and when they were at the shortest, the sun rose at half past seven, and set at half past four o'clock.* " It happened one day soon after their arrival, that Tyr- ker, the German, was missing, and as Leif ?ot a great value upon the youth, on account of his skill in various arts, he ♦Supposing this computation to be cor- Boston, the present capital of New Eng- rect, it must have been in the latitude of land. -••»•. *wS*6»^,»„i^ ,„ VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [MOOE 1. « sent his followers in search of him in every direction. When they at last found him, he began to speak to them in the Teutonic language, with many extravagant signs of joy. They at last made out to understand from him in the North tongue, that he had found in the vicinity vines bear- ing wild grapes. He led them to the spot, and they brought to their chief a quantity of the grapes which they had ga- thered. At first Leif doubted whether they were really that fruit, but the German assured him he was well ac- quainted with it, being a native of the southern wine coun- tries. Leif, thereupon, named the country Yinland. " In the spring following, Leif returned to Greenland. In the winter died his father, Erik the Red, and his brother Thorwald, not being satisfied with the discoveries made by Leif, obtained from him his ship, and engaged thirty com- panions to embark with him on a new voyage of discovery. On his arrival in Yinland, he passed the winter in the huts constructed by Leif, and subsisted by fishing. In the spring, he took with him a part of his ship's company in a large boat, and explored the coast to the westward, which he found a pleasant country, well wooded, the shores consist- ing of banks of white sand, and a chain of islands running along the coast, separated from each other by shallow in- lets, but no trace of wild beasts or of human inhabitants, except a corn-shed of wood. After spending the summer in this excursion, they returned to their winter quarters. In the following summer, Thorwald sailed in his ship to exa- mine the east and north, but was cast on shore by a storm, and the whole season was lost in repairing the vessel. Here he erected the keel of his ship, which was no longer fit for service, on a head-land, which he called, from that circum- stance, Kijalar-nes. He then pursued his voyage to the eastward, giving names to the various capes and bays which he discovered, until he came to a large inlet, where he cast anchor, attracted by the promising appearance of the coun- ■^ CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTITRT. try, which rose in high lands covered with thick wood. Here the adventurers disembarked, and Thorwald declared ' this is a goodly place : here will I take up my abode.' Shortly afterward, the adventurers descried on the shore three small batteaux made of hides, under each of which was a band of three natives. These they took prisoners, except one, who made his escape to the mountains, and in- humanly put them to death the same day. A little while after, their wanton cruelty was avenged by the natives, who approached in a multitude of batteaux, and took the com- panions of Thorwald by surprise, as they were imprudently sleeping, contrary to his admonitions. Thorwald gave them the alarm, and ordered them to shield themselves against the arrows of the natives by wooden balks set up against the sides of the vessel. Not one of his companions was wounded, and the natives took to flight, after discharging a shower of arrows at the Northmen. But Thorwald him- self received a mortal wound, and at his own request was buried at the point of the promontory, where he meant to have settled, and a cross erected at his head and another at his feet. The cape was named, from this circumstance, Krossa-nes. The colony of Greenland had been before this time converted to Christianity, but Erik the Red, Thor- wald's father, died a heathen. The survivors of Thorwald passed the winter in Yinland, and in the spring returned to Greenland with the news of their discoveries, and of the melancholy fate of Thorwald. " The native inhabitants found by the Northmen in Vin- land, resembled those on the western coast of Greenland. These Esquimaux were called by them Skroclingar, or dwarfs, from their diminutive and squalid appearance, in the same manner as their Gothic ancestors had given a similar appellation to the Finns and Laplanders. They found these aborigmes deficient in manly courage and bodily strength. VOTAaES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. [book I. " Erik left another son, named Thorstcin, who, having learnt the death of his brother Thorwald, embarked for Vin- land with twentjr-fivo companions and his wife Gudrida, principally for the purpose of bringing home the body of his deceased brother. He encountered on his passage con- trary winds, and after beating about for some time, was at last driven back to a part of the coast of Greenland, far re- mote from that where the Northmen colony was established. Here he was compelled to pass the winter, enduring all the hardships of that rigorous season in a high northern lati- tude, to which was added the misfortune of a contagious disease which broke out amongst the adventurers. Thors- tein and the greater part of his companions perished, and Gudrida returned home with his body. *• In the following summer, there came to Greenland from Norway, a man of illustrious birth and great wealth, named Thorfin, who became enamoured of Thorstein's widow Gudrida, and demanded her in marriage of Leif, who had succeeded to the patriarchal authority of his father, Erik the Red. The chieftain determined to effect a settlement in Yiuland, and for that purpose formed an association of sixty followers, with whom he agreed to share equally the profits of the enterprise. He took with him all kinds of domestic animals, tools, and provisions to form a permanent colony, and was accompanied by his wife Gudrida, and five other women. He reached the same point of the coast for- merly occupied by Leif, where he passed the winter. In the following spring, the SkroBlingar came in great multi- tudes to trade with the Northmen in peltries and other pro- ductions. Thorfin forbade his companions from selling them arms, which were the objects they most passionately desired ; and to secure himself against a surprise, he sur- rounded his huts with a high pallisade. One of the natives seized an axe, and ran off with his prize to his companions. He made the first experiment of his skill in using it by I CHAP. I.] VOYAQES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. Striking one of his companions, who fell dead on the spot. The natives were seized with terror and astonishment at this result, and one of theru, who, by his commanding air and manner seemed to bo a chief, luoK the axe, and after examining it for some time with great attention, threw it indignantly into the sea. "After a residence of three years in Vinland, Thorfin re- turned to his native country with specimens of the fruits and peltries which he had collected. After making several voyages, he finished his days in Iceland, where he built a large mansion, and lived in a style of patriarchal hospitality, rivalling the principal chieftains of the country. He had a son named Snorre, who was born in Vinland ; and Gudrida, his widow, afterwards made a pilgrimage to Rome, and on her return to Iceland, retired to a convent, situated near a church which had been erected by Thorfin. " We dwell upon these collateral circumstances, because they serve to confirm the authenticity of the main narra- tives, by reference to facts and incidents notorious to all the people of Iceland. A part of Thorfin's company still re- mained in Vinland, and they were afterwards joined by two Icelandic chieftains, named Helgi and Fiombogi, who were brothers, and fitted out an expedition from the Greenland colony. They were persuaded by Freydisa, daughter of Erik the Red, an intriguing and deceitful woman, to per- mit her to accompany them, and to share in the advantages of the voyage. During her residence in the infant colony, this female fury excited violent dissensions among the set- tlers, which terminated in the massacre of thirty persons. After this tragic catastrophe, Freydisa returned to her pater- nal home in Greenland, where she lived and died the object of imiversal contempt and hatred.* * Snorre, Saga af Olafl Tryggva Syni.cap. cv— cxli. Torftei, Hiat. Vinlandioi antiqu«, cap. i,— iii. 8 VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURV. [book r. " The Eyrbyggja-Saga relates, that towards the close of the reign of King Olaf the Saint,* Gudleif, the son of Gud- laug, made a trading voyage from Iceland to Dublin, and as he was returning along the western coast of Ireland, met with heavy gales from the east and north, which drove him far into the ocean towards the southwest. After many days, Gudleif and his companions saw land in that direction, and approaching the shore, cast anchor in a convenient harbour. Here the natives, who were dark coloured, approached them. The Icelanders did not comprehend the language, though it seemed to them not unlike the Irish tongue. In a short time, a great bod/ of the natives assembled, made the stran- gers prisoners, and carried them bound into the country. Here they were met by a venerable chieftain, of a noble and commanding aspect and fair complexion, who spoke Icelandic, and inquired after Snorre Gode and other indivi- duals then living in the island. The natives were divided in opinion, whether to put the strangers to death, or to make them slaves, and divide them among the inhabitants. But after some consultation, the white chieftain informed them that they were at liberty to depart, adding his counsel that they should make no delay, as the natives were cruel to strangers. He refused to tell his name, but gave to Gud- leif presents, of a gold ring for Snorre's sister Thurida, and a sword for her son. Gudleif returned to Iceland with these gifts, where it was concluded that this person was Bjorn, a famous Skald, who had been a lover of Thurida. and who left Iceland in the year 998.1 " No subsequent traces of the Norman colony in Ame- rica are to be found until the year 1059, when it is said that an Irish or Saxon priest, named Jon or John, who had preached for some time as a missionary in Iceland, went to Vinland, for the purpose of converting the colonists to Chris- *St. OInf died in 1030. t Muller, Sagabibliothek, torn. i. p. 193. CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN ELEVENTH CENTURY. 9 tianity, where he was murdered by the heathens. A Bishop of Greenland, named Erik, afterwards (1121), undertook the same voyage, for the same purpose, but with what suc- cess is uncertain.* The authenticity of the Icelandic ac- counts of the discovery and settlement of Vinland were re- cognized in Denmark shortly after this period by King Svend Eslrithson, or Sweno II. in a conversation which Adam of Bremen had with this monarch.f" Mr. Washington Irving, in his Life of Columbus,t states that he has not had the means of tracing this story to its original sources. He mentions as the au- thorities examined by him, Malte-Brun and Forster, the latter of whom extracts it from the Saga or Chro- nicle of Snorre, who was born in 1179 and wrote in 1215 ; long after the event is said to have taken p 'ace. Mr. Irving observes that as far as he has had expe- rience in tracing these stories of early discoveries of portions of the new world, he has generally found them very confident deductions drawn from very vague and questionable facts. But, he says, " grant- ing the truth of the alleged discoveries, they led to no more result than would the interchange of com- munication between the natives of Greenland and the Esquimaux. The knowledge of them appears not to have extended beyond their own nation, and to have been soon neglected and forgotten by themselves." It will be observed that in a note, {ante, p. 3,) Mr. Wheaton remarks that supposing the computation of the hours to be correct, the place referred to must *Munter, Kirchengeshichte von Daene- mark und Norwegen, torn. i. p. 563. 4 Adam. Brem. de Situ Dan. cap. 24C. 2 JNew York edition of 1631, vol 2, p. 270 to 272, Appendix No. xiv. 10 VOYAGES IN TWELFTH CENTURY. [book I. have been in the latitude of Boston. Mr. Irving, on the other hand, speaks of the sun being eight hours above the horizon on the shortest day, and (refer- ring to Forster's Northern Voyages, b. 2, c. 2,) says, " hence, it has been concluded that the country was about the 49th degree of north latitude, and was either Newfoundland, or some part of the coast of North America about the gulf of St. Lawrence." There is a tradition that Prince Madoc, the son of Owen Gwyneth, landed upon some part of the Ame- rican continent in the twelfth century. The tradition is, that after the death of Owen, his sons debating who should succeed him, Madoc left the land in con- tention, and prepared certain ships with men and mu- nition, and sought adventures by sea ; that he sailed west, and leaving the coast of Ireland far north, came to a land unknown, where he saw many strange things; that on his return home, he made a relation of the pleasant and fruitful countries he had seen without inhabitants, and alluded on the other hand to the wild and barren ground for which his brethren and nephews did murder one another, and prepared a number of ships and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietness, and taking leave of his friends, made a journey thither again. The story is that Madoc arriving in this western country in 1170, left most of his people there and returning for more of his own nation to inhabit that country, went thither again with ten sails. Hackluyt, in his Collection of Voyages,* and Smith in his History of Virginia,! have mentioned this tradition. It is given by them from a » Vol. 3, p. 1. t Vol. 1, p. 77 of edi. of 1819. ■ ifw." i..'^'^^*-T*f CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 11 ^ory IS 1170, more Ihither ion of have rom a History (or the Chronicles) of Wales; and at different times, various publications have been made to prove the tradition well founded. But all that we are justi- fied in saying about it is, that there is such a tradition. Another pretension to an early discovery of the American continent has been set up, founded on an alleged map and narrative of two brothers of the name of Zeno of Venice ; but it seems even less valid than those already mentioned. The following is Mr. Ir- ving's statement of this claim :* "Nicole Zeno, a noble Venetian, is said to have made a voyage to the north in 1380, in a vessel fitted out at his own cost, intending to visit England and Flanders; but meeting with a terrible tempest, was driven for many days he knew not whither, until he was cast away upon Frise- land, an island much in dispute among geographers, but supposed to be the archipelago of the Ferroe islands. The shipwrecked voyagers were assailed by the natives; but rescued by Zichmni, a Prince of the islands, lying on the south side of Friseland, and duke of another district lying over against Scotland. Zeno entered into the service of this prince, and aided him in conquering Friseland, and other northern islands. He was soon joined by his brother Antonio Zeno, who remained fourteen years in those coun- tries. " During his residence in Friseland, Antonio Zeno wrote to his brother Carlo, in Venice, giving an account of a re- port brought by a certain fisherman, about a land to the westward. According to the tale of this mariner, he had been one of a party who sailed from Friseland about twen- ty-six years before, in four fishing boats. Being overtaken by a mighty tempest, they were driven about the sea for * Irving*s ColumbiiB, vol. 2, p. 272, Appendti No. 14. ■ I 12 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. many days, until the boat containing himself and six com- panions was cast upon an island called Estotiland, about one thousand miles from Friseland. They were taken by the inhabitants, and carried to a fair and populous city, where tlie king sent for many interpreters to converse with them, but none that they could understand, until a man was fouTid, who had likewise been cast away upon the coast, and who spoke Latin. They remained several days upon the island, which was rich and fruitful, abounding with all kinds of metals, and especially gold.* There was a high mountain in the centre, from which flowed four ri- vers, which watered the whole country. The inhabitants were intelligent, and acquainted with the mechanical arts of Europe. They cultivated grain, made beer, and lived in houses built of stone. There were Latin books in the King's library, though the inhabitants had no knowledge of that language. They had many cities and castles, and car- ried on a trade with Greenland for pitch, sulphur and peltry. Though much given to navigation, they were ignorant of the use of the compass, and finding the Friselanders ac- quainted with it, held them in great esteem ; and the King sent them with twelve barks to visit a country to the south, called Drogeo. They had nearly perished in a storm, but were cast away upon the coast of Drogeo. They found the people to be cannibals, and were on the point of being killed and devoured, but were spared on account of their great skill in fishing. " The fisherman described this Drogeo as being a coun- try of vast extent, or rather a new world ; that the inhabi- tants were naked and barbarous ; but that far to the south- west there was a more civilized region, and temperate cli- mate, where the inhabitants had a knowledge of gold and * This account is taken from Hackluyt, vol. 3, p. 103. The passage about gold and other metals is not to be found in the ori- ginal Italian of Ramusio, (T. 3, p. 23,) and is probably an interpolation. 1 CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 13 coun- Inhabi- Isouth- [te cli- |ld and silver, lived in cities, erected splendid temples to idols, and sacrificed human victims to them, which they afterwards devoured. " After the fisherman had resided many years on this con- tinent, during which time he had passed from the service of one chieftain to another, and traversed various parts of it, certain boats of Estoliland arrived on the coast of Dro- geo. The fisherman went on board of them, acted as in- terpreter, and followed the train between the mainland and Estotiland for some time, until he became very rich : then he fitted out a bark of his own, and with the assis- tance of some of the people of the island, made his way back, across the thousand intervening miles of ocean, and arrived safe at Friseland. The account he gave of these countries, determined Zichmni, the Prince of Friseland, to send an expedition thither, and Antonio Zeno was to com- mand it. Just before sailing, the fisherman, who was to have acted as guide, died ; but certain mariners, who had accompanied him from Estotiland, were taken in his place. The expedition sailed under command of Zichmni; the Venetian, Zeno. merely accompanied it. It was unsuccess- ful. After having discovered an island called Icaria, where they met with a rough reception from the inhabitants, and were obliged to withdraw, the ships were driven by a storm to Greenlfind. No record remains of any further prosecu- tion of the enterprise. " The countries mentioned in the account of Zeno, were laid down on a map originally engraved on wood. The island of Estotiland, has been supposed by M. Malte-Brun to be Newfoundland: its partially civilized inhabitants, the descendants of the Scandinavian colonists of Vinland; and the Latin books in the King's library to be the remains of the library of the Greenland Bishop, who emigrated thither in 1121. Drogeo, according to the same conjecture, was Nova Scotia and New England. The civilized people to 14 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. the southwest, who sacrificed human victims in rich tem- ples, he surmises to have been the Mexicans, or some an- cient nation of Florida or Louisiana. " The premises do not appear to warrant this deduction. The whole story abounds with improbabilities ; not the least of which is the civilization prevalent among the inhabi- tants ; their houses of stone, their European arts, the library of their King ; no traces of which were to be found on their subsequent discovery. Not to mention the informa- tion about Mexico penetrating through the numerous sa- vage tribes of a vast continent, it is proper to observe, that this account was not published until 1558, long after the dis- covery of Mexico. It was given to the world by FVancisco Marcolini, a descendant of the Zeni, from the fragments of letters said to have been written by Antonio Zeno to Carlo his brother. 'It grieves me,' says the editor, 'that the book, and divers other writings concerning these matters, are miserably lost ; for being but a child when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, I tore them and rent them in pieces, which now I cannot call to remem- brance but to my exceeding great grief.'* " This garbled statement by Marcolini, derived conside- rable authority by being introduced by Abraham Ortelius, an able geographer, in his Theatrum Orbis ; but the whole story has been condemned by able commentators as a gross fabrication. Mr. Forster resents this, as an instance of ob- stinate incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the existence of the country of which Carlo, Nicolo and Anto- nio Zeno talk ; as original acts in the archives of Venice prove that the chevalier undertook a voyage to the north ; that his brother Antonio followed him ; that Antonio traced a map, which he brought back and hung up in his house, where it remained subject to public examination, until the * Hackluyt, Collect, vol. 3, p. 127. ! i CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 15 time of Marcolini, as an incontestable proof of the truth of what he advanced. Granting all this, it merely proves that Antonio and his brother were at Friseland and Greenland. Their letters never assert that Zeno made the voyage to Es- totiland. The fleet was carried by a tempest to Greenland, after which we hear no more of him ; and his account of Estotiland and Drogeo rests simply on the tale of the fish- erman, after whose descriptions his map must have been conjecturally projected. The whole story resembles much the fables circulated shortly after the discovery of Colum- bus, to arrogate to other nations and individuals the credit of the achievement." Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Sebastian Cabot,* comments in strong terms upon "that memorable fraud, the pretended voyage of Nicholas and Antonio Zeno." Speaking of an edition of Ramusio, the de- dication of which as originally published by Marcolini, bears date December 1558, Mr. Biddle says: " Ramusio died in July 1557 ; and of course it is impos- sible that it could have been published by him, or that he could have marked it for insertion. It does not appear in the Ramusio of 1559, but was interpolated into the second volume in 1574, seventeen years after his death. This cir- cumstance is decisive against its authenticity. Ramusio, a native of Venice, was not only a diligent and anxious col- lector of voyages, but, it appears by his work, was familiar with the family of the Zeno of that city, and he speaks with pride (ed. of 1559, torn. ii. fol. 65, D.) of the adven- turous travels of Caterino Zeno in Persia. Had the mate- rials for such a narrative existed he would have eagerly seized the opportunity of embodying them, and it is plain that the imposture dared not make its appearance in his life- * p. 392 to 326. 16 VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. [book I. time. Yet, from the subsequent interpolation, this tract, by ahnost unanimous consent, has been considered to bear the high sanction of Ramusio's name. " 'This,' says Forster (p. 180), 'is the account given of the affair by Ramusio.' The Biographic Universelle (art. Zeno) says 'Cette Relation a ete reimprime par RamusioJ And the Quarterly Review (vol. xvi. p. 165, notCf) speaks of certain things known ' before Ramusio published the Letters of the two Zeni.' In short, the misconception has been universal. " Nor is it merely from the silence of Ramusio that an inference is drawn against this pretended voyage. " He declares in the Preface to the Thud Volume, that he considers it not only proper, but in the nature of a duty, to vindicate the truth in the behalf of Columbus, who was the first to discover and bring to light the New World.* "He answers in detail the calumny that the project was suggested to Columbus by a Pilot, who died in his house, and refers for a refutation of the idle tale to persons yet liv- ing in Italy, who were present at the Spanish Court when Columbus departed. He recites the circumstances which had conducted the mind of Columbus, as an able and ex- perienced mariner and Cosmographer, to the conclusion that his project was practicable. " ' Such,' he declares, in conclusion, ' were the circum- stances that led to his anxiety to undertake the voyage, having fixed it in his mind, that by going directly west the eastern extremity of the Indies would be discovered.'! " He breaks into an apostrophe to the rival City of Genoa, which had given birth to Columbus, a fact so much more * " No pure 6 convene vole, ma par mi anco di esaere obligato a dire alquate pa- role accnmpagnate dalla veritil perdiffesa del Signor Christororo Colombo, ilqual fu il prima invcntore di discoprire et far venire in luce queata meta del mondo," t " Tutte queste cose lo inducevano & vo- ler far questo viaggio, havciido fisso nell' animo che andando a dritto per Ponente esso troverebbe le parti di Levant! ove sono I'Indie." ^■■'y.,.-..r» „ CHAP. I.] VOYAGES IN FOURTEENTH CENTURY. ir glorious than that about which seven of the greatest cities of Greece contended.* " The full force of this evidence cannot be understoou without adverting to the strength of Ramusio's prejudices in favour of his native city. He honestly acknowledges that their influence may mislead him when he is disposed to rank the enterprize of Marco Polo, of Venice, by land, as more memorable than even that of the great Genoese by sea.f " Yet this is the writer who is said to have given to the world undeniable evidence not only that the Venetian Zeno knew of these regions upwards of a century before the time of Columbus, but that traces had been discovered proving that the Venetians had visited them long before the time of Zeno. And in a work of the present day we have these monstrous assertions : " They [the Zeni] 'added a Relation which, whether true or false, contained the positive assertion of a continent ex- isting to the west of the Atlantic Ocean. This Relation was unquestionably known to Columbus.'X " The professed author of the book, Marcolini, was a bookseller and publisher of Venice. It bears his well- known device, of which Dr. Dibdin<§. has given a fac-simile. *" Genoua si vanti et glorii di cosi ez- cellente buomo cittadin suo et mettasi & paragone di quatunque altra citta percioche costui non fu Poeta, come Homero del qual sette citta dell maggiori che bavesse la Grecia contesero insieme affermando cias- cuna che egli era su Cittadino, ma fu un buomo il quale ha fatto nascer al mondo un altro mondo che € cfietto incomparabilment molto maggiore del detto di sopra." The terms in which he denounces the effort to disparage Columbus, on the ground of pre- tended hints from the pilot, assure us of the manner # lat ill ited a )f the have In gold. Im after- ^keios of to have itc some I vehicles "The English translator of Forster, referring (p. 189) to the alleged infidelity of Hakluyt, says : *' ' From many circumstances, it appears that Hakhiyt's collection was made principally with a view to excite his countrymen to prosecute new discoveries in America, and to promote the trade to that quarter of the globe. Considering it in this light, and that hardly any thing was thought worthy of notice in that age but mines of silver and mountains of gold, we need not wonder ai the interpolation ! ' " Thus has Hakluyt been made, alternately, the theme of extravagant eulogium and groundless denunciation ! The passage about gold is in the original (fol. 52) precisely as he translates it : ' Hanno lingua et lettere separate et ca- vano Metalli cfogni sorte et sopra tutto ahondano d^Oro et le lor pratiche sono in Engroneland di dove traggono pel- lerecie, . few days he sank into the grave.^ The letter of Columbus to the Spanish monarchs announcing his discovery, had produced the greatest sensation at court. Shortly after arriving in Seville, Columbus received a letter from them, expressing their great delight, and requesting him to repair im- mediately to court to concert plans for a second and more extensive expedition. He set out soon for Bar- celona, taking with him the six Indians and c^- her cu- riosities brought from the new world. His journey was hke that of a sovereign. About the middle of April he arrived at Barcelona, and thore had a most gratifying reception both from the court and the people. Notwithstanding tlie universal enthusiasm. * Irving'8 Columbus, vol. 1, p. 169 to 176. 50 INTEREST EXCITED BY THE DISCOVERY. [BOOK 1. however, no one was yet aware of the real impor- tance of the discovery. It was still supposed that Cuba was the end of the Asiatic continent, and that the adjacent islands were in the Indian seas; and therefore the lands which he had visited were called the West Indias : yet as he seemed to have entered upon a vast region of unexplored countries, existing in a state of nature, the whole received the compre- hensive appellation of " The New World."*^ Next to the countenance shewn Columbus by the king and queen, may be mentioned that of Pedro Gonzalez de Mendoza, the first subject of the realm ; a man whose elevated character gave value to his favours. He invited Columbus to a feast, where he assigned him the most honourable place at table. At this repast is said to have occurred the anecdote of the egg. A courtier present, impatient perhaps of the honours paid to Columbus, asked him whether he thought that in case he had not discovered the Indias, there were not other men in Spain who would have been capable of the enterprise ? Columbus made no immediate reply, but, taking an egg, invited the com- pany to make it stand upon one end. Every one at- tempted it, but in vain. Whereupon Columbus struck the egg upon the table so as to break the end, and left it standing on the broken part ; illustrating in this simple manner, that when he had once shewn the way to the new world, nothing was easier than to follow it.f The six Indians whom Columbus had brought to Barcelona, were baptized with great state and cere- * Irving'8 Columbue, vol. 1, p. 177 to 189. f Id. p. 183, 4. CHAP, HI.] INTEREST EXCITED BY THE DISCOVERY. 51 mony; the king, the queen and Prince Juan officiating as sponsors. Great hopes were entertained that on their return to their native country they would faciU- tate the introduction of Christianity among their coun- trymen. One of them, at the request of Prince Juan, remained in his household, but died not long after- wards. A Spanish historian remarks, that accordij;)g to what is called christian belief, he was the first of his nation that entered Heaven ?* During the year 1493, three editions were printed of the letter of Columbus to Gabriel Sanchez, trea- surer of Spain, giving an account of his discovery. The general interest which it excited is strongly evi- denced by this fact. Another example of a work printed three times in the same year, can scarcely be found in the fifteenth century. ♦ Irving'a Columbus, vol. 1, p. 190. 62 SECOND VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS. [book I. CHAPTER IV. Of the second Voyage of Columbus ; discovery of other isles in 1493 and 1494 ; settlement at La Navidad destroyed ; and City of Isabella built. After receiving every mark of honour and regard, Columbus took leave of the sovereigns on the 28th of May 1493. He arrived at Seville the beginning of June, and proceeded with all diligence to fit out the armament. On the 25th of September, the bay of Cadiz was whitened by his fleet, consisting of three large ships of heavy burthen and fourteen caravels. The two sons of Columbus, Diego and Fernando, witnessed the departure of their father.* Columbus arrived at the Canaries on the 1st of October. By the 24th he had made four hundred and fifty leagues west of Gomera. On the morning of the 3d of November, a lofty island was descried to the west, to which he gave the name of Dominica, from its being discovered on Sunday. Other islands rose into sight, one afi;er another. These were a part of the beautiful cluster, called by some the Antilles, which sweep almost in a semi-circle, from the eastern end of Porto Rico to the coast of Paria, on the southern continent, foi.ning a kind of barrier be- tween the main ocean and the Caribbean sea. To one of these islands he gave the name of his ship, "■ Irving'a Columbus, vol. 1, p. 191 to 202. CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. 53 Marigalante ; to another the name of Guadaloupe. On this the Spaniards landed the 4th of November, and met for the fir it time with the deUcious pine apple.* Continuing along this beautiful archipelago, Co- lumbus gave names to its islands as they successively rose to view ; Montserrat, Santa Maria la Redonda, Santa Maria la Antigua and San Martin. Other lands to the north he forbore to visit. On the 14th of November he anchored at an island which the In- dians called Ayay, and to which he gave the name of Santa Cruz. Here there was a skirmish with the na- tives. Pursuing his voyage, Columbus soon came in sight of a great cluster of islands : to the largest he gave the name of Santa Ursula ; and he called the others the Eleven Thousand Virgins. He arrived afterwards at a great island called by the natives Boriquen : to this he gave the name of St. Juan Bautista; it is since known by the name of Porto Rico. After remaining here two days, Columbus sailed for Hispaniola.f On the 22d of November the fleet arrived at the eastern extremity of this island. At the gulf of Sa- mana he set on shore one of the young Indians who had been to Spain. Favourable effects were antici- pated from his representations to his countrymen, but he was neither seen nor heard of again. One Indian of those who had been to Spain remained in the fleet ; a native of the island of Guanahani, named after the admiral's brother, Diego Colon. He con- tinued faithful to the Spaniards. Columbus anchored * Irving's Coluiubui, vol. 1, p. S03 to 310. f Id. 311 to 915. 54 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. [book I. on the 25th in the harbour of Monte Christi, and on the evening of the 27th near La Navidad. Two cannon were fired, but there was no reply. About midnight a canoe approached with Indians. One of them was a cousin of the cacique Guacanagari, and brought the admiral a present from him. The ac- count of this messenger (as well as it could be ga- thered,) was, that several of the Spaniards had died of sickness, and others fallen in a quarrel among themselves ; and the rest had removed to a different part of the island: and that another cacique had wounded Guacanagari in battle, and burnt his village. Next day Columbus sent a boat to the shore to recon- noitre. The crew found the fortress a burnt ruiu ; the pallisadoes beaten down ; and the whole present- ing the appearance of having been sacked and de- stroyed. They returned with dejected hearts to the ships, and related to the admiral what they had seen. Columbus was greatly troubled at this intelligence, and, the fleet having now anchored in the harbour, went himself to shore on the following morning. In the course of the day a number of the Indians began to make their appearance. Some of them could speak a few words of Spanish, and knew the names of all the men who had remained with Arana. By this means, and by the aid of the Indian named Diego Colon as interpreter, the story of the garrison was in some measure ascertained.* " No sooner had the depaFting sail of the admiral faded from their sight, than all his counsels and commands died * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1 , p. 21G to 231. The extract which follows is from p. 331 to 303. CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. 65 away from their minds. Though a mere handful of men, surrounded by savage tribes, and dependent upon their own prudence and good conduct, and upon the good will of the natives, for very existence, yet they soon began to indulge in the most wanton abuses. Some were incited by rapa- cious avarice, and, in their eagerness to amass private hoards of wealth, possessed themselves, by all kinds of wrongful means, of the golden ornaments and other valuable pro- perty of the natives. Others sinned through gross sensu- ality. Two or three wives had been allotted to each by the Cacique Guacanagari, yet, not content with this liberal allowance, they invaded the domestic tranquillity of the Indians, and seduced from them their wives and daughters. Fierce brawls incessantly occurred among themselves about their ill-gotten spoils, or the favours of the Indian beauties; and the simple natives beheld with astonishment the beings whom they had worshipped as descended from the skies, abandoned to the grossest of earthly passions, and raging against each other with worse than brutal ferocity. " Still these dissensions might not have been very dan- gerous had they observed one of the grand injunctions of Columbus, and kept together in the fortress, maintaining military vigilance ; but all precaution of the kind was soon forgotten. In vain did Don Diego de Arana interpose his authority ; in vain did every inducement present itself which could bind man and man together in a foreign land. All order, all subordination, all unanimity, was at an end. Many of them abandoned the fortress, and lived carelessly and at random about the neighbourhood ; every one was for himself, or associated with some little knot of confede- rates to injure and despoil the rest. Thus factions broke out among them, until ambition arose to complete the de- struction of their mimic empire. The two persons, Pedro Gutierrez and Rodrigo de Escobedo, whom Columbus had left as lieutenants to the commander, to succeed him in case M DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1493. [BOOK I. of accident, now took advantage of these disorders and aspired to an equal share in the authority, if not to the supreme control.* Violent affrays succeeded, in which a Spaniard by the name of Jacomo was killed. Having fail J in their object, Gutierrez and Escobedo withdrew from the fortress, with nine of their adherents, and a num- ber of their women; and, still bent on command, now turned their thoughts on distant enterprise. Having heard marvellous accounts of the mines of Cibao, and the golden sands of its mountain rivers, they set off for that district, flushed with the thoughts of amassing immense treasure. Thus they disregarded another strong injunction of Colum- bus, which was to keep within th« friendly territories of Guacanagari. The region to which they repaired was in the interior of the island, within the province of Maguana, ruled by the famous Caonabo, called by the Spaniards the Lord of the Golden House. This renowned chieftain was a Carib by birth, possessing the fierceness and the enter- prise of his nation. He had come an adventurer to the island, and had acquired such ascendancy over these simple and unwarlike people by his courage and address, that he had made himself the most potent of their caciques. His warlike exploits were renowned throughout the island, and the inhabitants universally stood in awe of him for his Ca- rib origin. *' Caonabo had for some time maintained paramount im- portance in the island ; he was the hero of this savage world, when the ships of the white men suddenly appeared upon its shores. The wonderful accounts of their power and prowess had reached him among his mountains, and he had the shrewdness to perceive that his own consequence must decline before such formidable intruders. The de- parture of Columbus had revived his hopes that their in- * Oviedo, Hist. Ind. L. 2, c. 13. CHAP. IV.] SETTLEMENT AT LA NAVIDAD DESTROYED. 67 trusion would be but temporary. The discords and ex- cesses of those who remained, while they moved his de- testation, inspired him with increasing confidence. No sooner, therefore, did Gutierrez and Escobedo, with their companions, take refuge in his dominions, than he consi- dered himself secure of a triumph over these detested strangers. He seized upon the fugitives and put them in- stantly to death. He then assembled his subjects pri- vately ; and, concerting his plans with the cacique of Ma- rion, whose territories adjoined those of Guacanagari on the west, he determined to make a sudden attack upon the fortress. Emerging from among the mountains, and tra- versing great tracts of forests with profound secrecy, he ar- rived with his army in the vicinity of the village, without being discovered. Confiding in the gentle and pacific na- ture of the Indians, the Spaniards had neglected all mili- tary precautions, and lived in the most careless security. But ten men remained in the fortress with Arana, and these do not appear to have maintained any guard. The rest were quartered in houses in the neighbourhood. In the dead of the night, when all were wrapt in unsuspecting repose, Caonabo and his warriors burst upon the place with frightful yells ; got possession of the fortress before the in- mates could put themselves upon their defence, and sur- rounded and set fire to the houses in which the rest of the white men were sleeping. The Spaniards were completely taken by surprise. Eight of them fled to the sea side, pur- sued by the savages, and rushing into the waves for safety, were drowned ; the rest were massacred. Guacanagari and his subjects fought faithfully in defence of their guests; but not being of a warlike character, they were easily rout- ed ; Guacanagari was wounded in the combat by the hand of Caonabo, and his village was burnt to the ground."* * Herrera, Hist. Ind. Decad. 1, Lib. 3, c. 9. Letter of Dr. Ctianca. Peter Martyr, Decad. 1, Lib. 3. Hist, del Almirante, c. 8 49. Cura de los Palacios, c. 130. MS. Mu- noz, Hist. N. Mundo, L. 4. 58 CITY OF ISABELLA BUILT. [book I. Columbus weighed anchor on the 7th of Decem- ber. Being obliged by the weather to put into a harbour about ten leagues east of Monte Christi, he was struck with its advantages. Here he founded the first christian city of the New World, and gave to it the name of Isabella. He dispatched to Spain twelve of the ships under the command of Antonio de Torres ; retaining only five for the colony. The ships put to sea the 22d of February 1494. In them were sent some men, women and children, taken in the Caribbee islands ; it was recommended that they should be instructed in the Spanish language and the christian faith.* In the mountains, about eighteen leagues from Isa- bella, Columbus caused a fortress to be erected, to which he gave the name of St. Thomas. Here lea- ving Pedro Margarite in command, with a garrison of fifty-six men, he returned to Isabella on the 29th of March. A message was soon received from the for- tress, that the Indians had manifested unfriendly feel- ings. Columbus sent a reinforcement and also pro- visions and ammunition. What, however, gave him most anxiety was the sickness, discontent and dejec- tion which seemed to increase in the settlement. Besides intermittent fevers and other maladies trying to European constitutions in the tropics, many of the Spaniards sufi'ered under the torments of a disease hitherto unknown to them ; the scourge, as was sup- posed, of their licentious intercourse with the Indian females, but the origin of which, whether American or European, has been a subject of great dispute. * Irving's Columbus, vol. J, p. 230 to 235. CHAP. IV ] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494, 50 Having taken such measures as seemed to him best, and left behind a president and council to administer affairs in his absence, Columbus took three caravels and proceeded on an exploring voyage. He set sail the 24th of April and steered westward. After touch- ing at Monte Christi and La Navidad, he arrived on the 29th at the port of St. Nicholas, whence he be- held the extreme point of Cuba.* Columbus sailed along the southern coast of Cuba twenty leagues, when he anchored in a harbour, to which, from its size, he gave the name of Puerto Grande, at present called Guantanamo. Then he continued westward and came to a harbour, which, it is probable, was the same at present called St. Jago de Cuba. On the 3d of May, after standing west- ward to a high cape, he turned south. He had not sailed many leagues before the blue summits of a vast and lofty island began to rise. He anchored in a harbour about the centre, to which he gave the name of Santa Gloria, and then coasted westward a few leagues to a harbour which he called Puerto Buene. Here there was a rencontre, in which, for the first time, a dog was used against the natives. To this island, Columbus gave the name of Santiago, but it has retained its original Indian name of Jamaica. After coasting it westward about twenty-four leagues farther, he approached the western extremity, when the breeze being fair for Cuba, he returned thither.f On the 1 8th of May 1494, the squadron arrived at a great cape to which Columbus gave the name of Cubo de la Cruz, which it still retains. Resuming * Irving'8 Columbus, vol. 1, p. 244 to 264. f W- P- 265 to 270. 60 DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494. [BOOK I. his course to the west, he came on the following day to where the coast suddenly swept away to the north- east for many leagues, and then curved round again to the west, forming an immense bay, or rather gulf. The navigation was rendered diificult by numerous keys and sand banks. To this labyrinth of islands, Columbus gave the name of the Queen's Gardens. They were generally uninhabited ; but on one of the largest, where they landed on the 22d of May, they found a considerable village. To this island, the ad- miral gave the name of Santa Maria. Having extri- cated himself from this archipelago, Columbus stood for a mountainous part of the island of Cuba, about fourteen leagues distant, where he landed at a large village on the 3d of June. Pursuing their voyage, the ships for the greater part of two days, swept along the open part of the coast, traversing the wide gulf of Xagua. Penetrating another labyrinth of islands, Columbus reached a low point of Cuba, to which he gave the name of Point Serafin ; within which the coast swept to the east, forming a deep bay. After exploring this bay to the east, he continued westward, and proceeding about nine leagues, came to a shore where he had communications with the natives, one of whom he took as a guide. He had not gone far, before he was again involved in keys, shoals and sand banks. For several days he continued explo- ring the coast. As he proceeded, he found it took a general bend to the southwest. He went near that deep bay called by some the bay of Philipina, by others, of Cortes. All on board considered the ex- tent they had coasted, too great for this to be an CHAP. IV.] DISCOVERY OF ISLES IN 1494. 61 he the ter a [hat by lex- an island ; they felt confident this land was a continent, and the further investigation of the coast was relin- quished. Columbus stood to the southeast on the 13th of June. He soon came in sight of a large island, to which he gave the name of Evangelista ; it is at present known as the island of Pines. He then stood to the south, but soon found himself enclosed in the lagoon of Siguanca. Leaving this lagoon, he retraced his course to the last anchoring place, and thence set sail on the 25th of June, navigating back through the groups of islands betwe^.u Evangelista and Cuba. At length they emerged from the cluster of islands called the Jardins and Jardinellos, and came to the open part of the coast of Cuba. On the 7th of July, they anchored in the mouth of a fine river, to which Columbus gave the name of Rio de la Misa. Here he remained till the 16th. On the 18th, he reached Cape Cruz again.* The wind being contrary for a return to Hispa- niola, Columbus on the 22d of July, stood across for Jamaica, to complete the circumnavigation of that island. For nearly a month, he continued beating to the eastward along its southern coast. On the 19th of August, he lost sight of its eastern extremity, to which he gave the name of Cape Farol ; it is called at present Point Morant. Steering eastward, he be- held on the following day, that long peninsula of His- paniola, known by the name of Cape Tiburon. To this, he gave the name of Cape San Miguel. About the end of August, he anchored at a small island or rather rock called by him Alto Vclo ; it rises singly * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 270 to 286. 6ft DISCOVERY or ISLES IN 1494. [BOOK I. out of the sea, opposite to a long cape, to whicli he gave the name of Cape Beata. For eight days he remained weather-bound in a channel opening be- tween Hispaniola and a small island, to which he gave the name of Saona. On the 24th, he reached the eastern extremity of Hispaniola, to which he gave the name of Cape San Rafael ; it is at present known as Cape Engano. Hence he stood to the southeast, touching at the island of Mona, situated between His- paniola and Porto Rico. Reaching now a known and tranquil sea, the excitement which had sustained him during his exertions, became abated, and mind and body sunk exhausted. He fell into a deep le- thargy, resembling death itself, and was borne in a state of insensibility to the harbour of Isabella.* * Irving'a Columbus, vol. I, p. 380 to 999. iiiiiWl m ^i^^nmmTr^^ffr- CHAP, v.] BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. CHAPTER V. Of the application of Columbus, through liis brother Bartholomew, to Henry the Seventh of England ; the arrival of Bartholomew at His- paniola ; and the meeting tliere of the two brothers in 1494. When towards the end of 1484 Christopher Co- lumhus was about to leave Portugal, he engaged his brother Bartholomew to depart to England, with pro- posals to the monarch of that country.* If at this time the elder brother contemplated going to Spain, he may have feared that Ferdinand and Isabella, like the King of Portugal, would refuse to forward his enterprise, and desired to avoid the loss of time that there would be, if he delayed till such refusal to bring the subject to the notice of another prince. The ship in which Bartholomew sailed was, on its way, robbed by pirates. Owing to this, and his poverty and sickness away from home, the proposals intended to be made to the King of England, were not sub- mitted to him for several years. At length, he pub- lished in London, in the year 1488, a Map of the World, with some Latin verses on it, which Ferdi- nand Columbus, the son of Christopher, has, in his father's Life set down, he says, " rather for their an- tiquity than for their goodness." They are inserted * Irving'g Columbus, vol. 1, p. 37 and 293. 64 BARTHOLOMEW COLaMBUS. [book I. in Hakluyt's Collection of Voyages,* with the fol- lowing translation : " Thou which desireth easily the coasts of lands to know This comely map, right learnedly, the same to thee will she^ir Which Shabo, Pliny, Ptolemy and Isidore maintain Yet for all that, they do not, all in one accord remain Here also is set down, the late discovered burning zone By Portugals, unto the world which whilom was unknown Whereof the knowledge, now, at length, through all the world is blown." A little under which he added : " He whose dear native soil, bright stately Genoa Even he whose name is Bartholomew Colon de terra rubra The year of Grace a thousand and four hundred and four score And eight, and on the thirteenth day of February more In hondun published this work. To Christ all laud therefore." No sovereign, to whom Columbus made proposals, attended to them with more promptness, after they were received, than Henry the Seventh. An agree- ment was actually made with Bartholomew for the prosecution of the enterprise, and the latter departed for Spain in search of his brother. On reaching Paris he first received the joyful intelligence that Christopher Columbus had already made the dis- covery, and returned to Spain in triumph. Bartholo- mew made great haste to meet his brother in Spain, but on reaching Seville, found that the fleet for the Indias had sailed. He immediately repaired to the court then at Valladolid, and received the command of three ships freighted with supplies for the colony. With these he reached Isabella just after the depar- ture of the admiral for the coast of Cuba.f The view of the little squadron of Columbus re- turning into the harbour, was a welcome sight to all * 3 Ilakluyt, p. 2, 3. \ 3 Hakluyt, p. 2,3. Irving's Columbus, vol, 1, p. 295. CHAP, v.] BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 66 le Ir- his friends in Isabella ; and to none more so than to Bartholomew. A joyful and heartfelt surprise awaited the admiral on his arrival, in finding this brother at his bedside. His chief dependence had hitherto been on his brother Diego, whom he had made president of the junto formed to administer the affairs of the island during his absence. But the mild and peace- able disposition of Diego rendered him little capable of managing the concerns of a factious colony. Bar- tholomew was a more efficient character. He could be of great assistance in the present state of the colony, if he had high official authority. Columbus, being anxious to relieve himself from the pressure of pubUc business, which weighed heavily upon him during his malady, immediately invested Bartholomew with the title of Adelantado, an office equivalent to that of lieutenant governor.* ♦ Irving's Columbus, vol. 1 , p. 263 and p. 295, 6. ill 66 LEAGUE OF THE CACIQUES. [BOOK I. CHAPTER VI. Of the departure, in the absence of Columbus, of some of the malcon- tents for Spain ; state of hostilities ; bold exploit of Alonzo de Ojeda ; Indian prisoners sent to Spain to be sold as slaves ; the interposi- tion of Isabella for them ; and the sufferings of the naUves notwith- standing. While Columbus was absent from Isabella, Don Pedro Margarite and father Boyle, accompanied by a band of malcontents, had taken possession of certain of the ships in the harbour, and sailed for Spain ; the first general and apostle of the Neio World, thus set- ting the flagrant example of an unauthori' ed aban- lAonment of their posts. Thf> departure of Margarite left the army without a head, and put an end to what little restraint and discipline existed at the time.* Immediately after the return of Columbus, while he was yet confined to his bed, the kind-hearted chieftain Guacanagari paid him a visit, and informed him of a secret league forming among the caciques, at the head of which was Caonabo, with whom there had been a state of war in his absence. f "To make war upon this subtle and ferocious chieftain, in the depths of his wild woodland territory, and among the fastnesses of his mountains, where at every step there would be danger of falling into some sudden ambush, would be a work of time, peril, and uncertain issue. In the mean- * Irviiig's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 297 to 305. t Id. p. 30C to 30t<. The following extract is from p. 308 to 310. His CHAP. VI.] ALONZO DE OJEDA. 67 [re Id In- while, the settlements would never be secure from his se- cret and daring enterprises, and the working of the mines would be subject to frequent interruption. While perplexed on this subject, Columbus was relieved by a bold proposi- tion on the part of Alonzo de Ojeda, who offered to take the Carib chieftain by stratagem, and deliver him alive into his hands. The project was wild, hazardous and romantic, characteristic of the fearless and adventurous spirit of Ojeda, who was fond of distinguishing himself by extravagant ex- ploits, and feats of desperate bravery. " Choosing ten bold and hardy followers, well armed and well mounted, and invoking the protection of his patroness the Virgin, whose image as usual he bore with him as a safeguard, Ojeda plunged into the forest, and made his way above sixty leagues at the head of his followers, into the wild territories of Caonabo, where he found the cacique in one of his mosi populous towns. Ojeda approached Cao- nabo with great deference and respect, treating him as a so- vereign prince. He informed him that he had come on a friendly embassy from the admiral, who was Guamiquina or chief of the Spaniards, and who had sent him an invaluable present, " Caonabo had tried Ojeda in battle ; he had witnessed his fiery prowess, and had conceived a warrior's admiration of him. He received him with a degree of chivalrous courtesy, if such a phrase may apply to the savage state and rude hospitality of a wild warrior of the forests. The free, fearless deportment, the great personal strength, and the surprising agility and adroitness of Ojeda in all manly exercises, and in the use of al kinds of weapons, were cal- culated to delight a savage, ard he soon became a great fa- vonrite with Caonabo. Ojeda now used all his influence to prevail upon the ca- cique to repair to Isabella, for the purpose of making a treaty with Columbus, and becoming the ally and friend of " X'. II: '(» ' " flMLC iawroe: atyy. -.-j, 68 ALONZO DE OJEDA. [book I. the Spaniards. It is said, that he offered him as a lure, the bell of the chapel of Isabella. This bell was the wonder of the island. When the Indians heard its melody sound- ing through the forests as it rung for mass, and beheld the Spaniards hastening towards the chapel, they imagined that it talked, and that the white men obeyed it. With that feeling of superstition with which they regarded all things connected with the Spaniards, they looked upon this bell as something supernatural, and in their usual phrase, said it had come from Turey, or the skies. Caonabo had heard this wonderful instrument at a distance, in the course of his prowlings about the settlement, and had longed to see it ; but when it was proffered to him as a present of peace, he found it impossible to resist the temptation. "The cacique agreed, therefore, to set out for Isabella; but when the time came to depart, Ojeda beheld with sur- prise a powerful force of warriors assembled, and ready to march. He asked the meaning of taking such an army on a mere friendly visit, to which the cacique proudly replied, that it was not befitting a great prince like him, to go forth scantily attended. Ojeda felt little satisfied with this re- ply; he knew the warlike character of Caonabo, and his deep subtilty, which is the soul of Indian warfare; he feared some sinister design, and that the chieftain might meditate some surprise of the fortress of Isabella, or some attempt upon the person of the admiral. He knew also that it was the wish of Columbus, either to make peace with the cacique, or to get possession of his person without the alternative of open warfare. He had recourse to a stra- tagem, therefore, which has an air of fable and romance, but which is recorded by all the contemporary historians, with trivial variations, and which Las Casas assures us was in current circulation in the island when he arrived there, about six years after the event. It accords, too, with the adventurous and extravagant character of the man, and with CHAP. TI.] ALONZO DE OJEDA. 69 re- his he night some also jeace thout stra- ance, rians, s was there, |h the with the wild stratagems and vaunting exploits incident to Indian warfare. " In the course of their march, having halted near the river Yagui, Ojeda one day produced a set of manacles of polished steel, so highly burnished that they looked like silver. These he assured Caonabo were royal ornaments which had come from heaven, or the Turey of Biscay ;* that they were worn by the monarchs of Castile on solemn dances, and other high festivities, and were intended as pre- sents to the cacique. He proposed that Caonabo should go to the river and bathe, after which he should be decorated with these ornaments, mounted on the horse of Ojeda, and should return in the state of a Spanish monarch, to astonish his subjects. The cacique, with that fondness for glitter- ing ornaments common to savages, was dazzled with the sight ; his proud military spirit, also, was flattered with the idea of bestriding one of those tremendous animals, so dreaded by his countrymen. He accompanied Ojeda and his followers to the river, with but few attendants, dreading nothing from nine or ten strangers when thus surrounded by his army. After the cacique had bathed in the river, he was assisted to mount behind Ojeda, and the shackles were then adjusted. This done, they pranced round among the savages, who were astonished to behold their cacique in glittering array, and mounted on one of those fearful ani- mals. Ojeda made several circuits to gain space, followed by his little l)pud of horsemen ; the Indians shrinking back with affright from the prancing steeds. At length he made a wide sweep into the forest, until the trees shut, him from the sight of the army. His followers then closed round him, and drawing their swords, threatened Caonabo with instant death if he made the least noise or resistance, though indeed his manacles and shackles effectually prevented the *Tlie principnl iron manufactories of Spain are eatablishcd in Biscay, where that mi- neral is found in abundance. 70 ALONZO DE OJEDA. [book I. latter. They bound him with cords to Ojeda to prevent his falling, or effecting an escape; then putting spurs to their horses, they dashed across the Yagui, and made off through the woods with their prize.* " They had now fifty or sixty leagues of wilderness to traverse on their way homewards, with here and there large Indian towns. They had borne off their captive by dint of hoof far beyond the pursuit of his subjects; but the ut- most vigilance was requisite to prevent his escape during this long and toilsome journey, and to prevent exciting the hostilities of any confederate cacique. They had to avoid the populous parts of the country, therefore, or to pass through the Indian towns at full gallop. They suffered greatly foia fatigue, hunger, and watchfulness; encounter- ina: maiiy perils, fording and swimming the numerous rivers of the plains, toiling through the deep tangled forests, and cbm jerinfj over the high and rocky mountains. They ac- ;3U»j>iishfid all in safety, and Ojeda entered Isabella in tii- Uitiph If-^P; this most daring and characteristic enterprise, with his wild Indian warrior bound behind him a captive." Columbus determined to send Caouabo to Spain ; in the mean time, he ordered that he should be treat- ed with kindness and respect, and lodged him in a part of his own dwelling house, where, however, he kept him a close prisor^er in chains, probably in the splendid shackles which had ensnared him.f The colony was suflcring greatly from want of provisions, when they were relieved by the arrival of four ships cominandcd by Antonio Torres. Colum- ♦ Thi? romantic exploit of Ojeda \s re- corded at larse tiy Liis Tasas, by liis copy- ist lU'trera, (Dfciid. 1, U. 2, c. l(i,) hy Fer- nando I'iziirro in lii? Varones Illustres do! Neuvo MunJo, and by Cliatlevoix in his History of St. Domingo, i'l'cr Maityr and othi^rs "lave given it more concisely, allu- ding to, 'nut nut inserting;, its romantic de- tails, t Irving'8 Columbus, vol. 1, p. 310 to 312. 'J id ■u- le- CHAP. VI.] FIVE HUNDRED NATIVES SENT TO SPAIN. 71 bus determined that his brother Diego should return with the ships, and take all the gold that he could col- lect, and also specimens of other metals, and of fruits and plants. In his eagerness to produce immediate profit, and to indemnify the sovereigns for those ex- penses which bore hard upon the royal treasury, he sent likewise above five hundred Indian prisoners, who he suggested might be sold as slaves at Seville.* " It is painful to find the brilliant ^enown of Cohimbus sullied by so foul a stain, and the glory of his enterprises degraded by such flagrant violations of humanity. The customs of the times, however, must be pleaded in his apology. The precedent had been given long before, by both Spaniards and Portuguese, in their African discove- ries, wherein the traffic in slaves had formed one of the greatest sources of profit. In fact, the practice had been sanctioned by the highest authority ; by that of the church itself; and the most learned theologians had pronounced all barbarous and infidel nations, who shut their ears to the truths of Christianity, as fair objects of war and rapine, of captivity and slavery. If Columbus needed any practical illustration of this doctrine, he had it in the conduct of Ferdinand himself, in his late wars with the Moors of Gra- nada, in which he had always been surrounded by a cloud of ghostly advisers, and had professed to do every thing for the glory and advancement of the faith. In this holy war, as it was termed, it was a common practice to make inroads ii io the Moorish territories and carry off cavalga- das, not merely of flocks and herds, but of human beings, and those, not warriors taken with weapons in their hands, but quiet villagers, labouring peasantry, and helpless women and children. These were carried to the mart at Seville, * Irvii.g's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 312 to 314. The extract which follows is p. 314, 15. h ■n ''\'i 72 INTERPOSITION OF ISABELLA. [book I. Ift or to other populous towns, and sold into slavery. The capture of Malaga was a memorable instance, where, as a punishment for an obstinate and brave defence, which should have excited admiration rather than revenge, eleven thousand people, of both sexes, and of all ranks and ages, many of them highly cultivated, and delicately reared, were suddenly torn from their homes, severed from each other, and swept into menial slavery, even though half of their ransoms had been paid. These circumstances are not ad- vanced to vindicate, but to palliate, the conduct of Colum- bus. He acted but in conformity to the customs of the times, and was sanctioned by the example of the sovereign under whom he served. " Las Casas, the zealous and enthusiastic advocate of the Indians, who suffers no opportunity to escape him of ex- claiming in vehement terms against their slavery, speaks with indulgence of Columbus on this head. ' If those pious and learned men,' he observes, ' whom the sovereigns took for guides and instructors, were so ignorant of the injustice of this practice, it is no wonder that the unlet- tered admiral should not be conscious of its impropriety.' "* When the Indians who had been captured in the wars with the caciques arrived in Spain, royal orders were issued for their sale as slaves in the markets of Andalusia.f "Isabella, however, had been deeply interested by the accounts given of the gentle and hospitable character of these islanders, and of their great docility. The discovery had been made under her immediate auspices ; she looked upon these people as under her peculiar care, and she anti- cipated with pious enthusiasm the triumph of leading them ♦ Las Casas, Hist. Ind. T. 1, cap. 122, MS. t Itving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 3Q8, 9. The extract following is also from p. 328,9. CHAP. VI.] HOSTILITIES WITH THE NATIVES. 73 )f |y Id from darkness into the path of light. Her compassionate spirit revolted at the idea of treating them as slaves, even though sanctioned by the customs of the limes. Within five days after the royal order for the sale, a letter was written by the sovereigns to Bishop Fonseca, suspending that order, until they could inquire into the cause for which the Indians had been made prisoners, and consult learned and pious theologians whether their sale would be justi- fiable in the sight of God.* Much difference of opinion took place among divines on this important question ; the queen eventually decided it according to the dictates of her own pure conscience and charitable heart. She ordered that the Indians should be sent back to their native coun- try, and enjoined that the islanders should be conciliated by the gentlest means, instead of being treated with seve- rity. Unfortunately, her orders came too late to Hispaniola to have the desired effect." The ySie of servitude was fixed upon the poor natives who stayed upon the island. A league which Caonabo had in vain attempted to accomplish when at large was produced by his captivity. The allied caciques were assembled in great force, within two days march of Isabella, when Columbus resolved to take the field and carry the war into the territories of the enemy. It was on the 2ith of March 1495, that he issued forth from Tx^abella with his little army. It did not exceed two hundred infantry and twenty horse; but they had aid of another kind — twenty bloodhounds.f "Columbus drew near to the enemy about the place where the town of St. Jago has since been built. Having * Letter of the sovereigns to Fonseca. Navarrete, Collection de los Viages, T. 11, Doc. 92. 10 f Trving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 315 to 318. The extract which follows is p. 318. 'V. a\ 74 HOSTILITIES WITH THE NATIVES. [book I. ascertained the great force of the Indians, Don Bartholo- mew advised that their little army should be divided into detachments, and should attack the enemy at the same mo- ment from several quarters: this plan was adopted. The infantry separating into different bodies, advanced suddenly from various directions, with great din of drums and trum- pets, and a destructive discharge of firearms from the co- vert of the trees. The Indians were struck with panic, and thrown into complete confusion. An army seemed pressing upon them from every quarter ; their fellow war- riors were laid low by the balls of the arquebusses, which seemed to burst with thunder and lightning from the fo- rests. While driven together and confounded by these at- tacks, Alonzo de Ojeda charged impetuously on their main body with his troop of cavalry, cutting his way into the centre with lance and sabre. The horses bore down the terrified Indians, while their riders dealt their blows on all T.ides unopposed. The bloodhounds were at tl^ same time let loose, and rushed with sanguinary fury upon the naked savages, seizing them by the throat, dragging them to the earth, and tearing out their bowels. The Indians, unac- customed to large and fierce quadrupeds of any kind, were struck with horror when assailed by these ferocious ani- mals. They thought the horses equally fierce and devour- ing. The contest, if such it might be called, was of short duration. What resistance could a multitude of naked, un- warlike, and undisciplined savages make, with no other arms than clubs and arrows, and darts hardened in the fire, against soldiers clad in iron, wielding weapons of steel, and tremendous firearms, and aided by ferocious monsters whose very aspect struck terror to the heart of the stoutest warrior ! " The Indians fled in every direction with yells and bowl- ings ; some clambered to the top of rocks and precipices, from whence they made piteous supplications and offers of yjtrnff^n! jtiiipiii I If"*' CHAP. VI.] SUFFEniNGS OF THE NATIVES. 75 5l, !rs !St IS, of complete submission; many were killed, many made pri- sotVers, and the confederacy was for the time completely broken up and dispersed." Having been forced to take the field by the confe- deracy of the caciques, Columbus now asserted the right of a conqueror. Anxious to make returns to Spain for the purpose of indemnifying the sovereigns for their expenses, and meeting public expectation, he determined to raise a large revenue from the island by imposing on the subjected provinces; heavy tri- butes. This imposed on the natives a .i.stant, ne- ver ending task. They were now obliged to grope, day by day, along the borders of the rivers sifting the sands for the grains of gold which every day grew more scanty ; or to labour in their fields, beneath the fervour of a tropical sun, to raise food for their task- masters. A desperate resolution was now taken by them. They agreed among themselves not to culti- vate articles of food, and to destroy those already growing ; hoping that thus, by producing a famine, they might starve the strangers from the island. This measure did indeed produce much distress among the Spaniards, but the most disastrous effects fell upon the natives themselves. The Spaniards pursued them. They took refuge in the most sterile and dreary heights ; flying from one wild retreat to another, the women with their children in their arms, or at their backs ; and all suffering dreadfully from fatigue and hunger, and harassed by perpetual alarms. Many thousands perished through famine, fatigue, terror, and the various maladies produced by their sufferings. '■■i lis ;. ( IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 1.25 k: Hii 112.2 1.4 6" II 1.6 V] -1l ^1^ n ^. "^i Jh > > ? W ^^ '^i '/ Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, N.Y. 14580 (716) 872-4503 4- [/. e ^ .\ ;V '■.»'!''-^\*Tf:v n SUFFERINGS OF THE NATIVES. [book I. The survivors returned in despair to their habitations and submitted to the yoke.* " Before passing on to other events, it may be proper here to notice the fate of Guacanagari, as he makes no further appearance in the course of this history. His friendship for the Spaniards had severed him from his countrymen, but it did not exonerate him from the general woes of the island. His territories, like those of the other caciques, were subjected to a tribute, which his people, with the common repugnance to labour, found it diflicult to pay. Columbus, who knew his worth, and could have protected him, was long absent, either in the interior of the island,, or detained in Europe by his own wrongs. In the interval, the Spaniards forgot the hospitality and services of Guaca- nagari, and his tribute was harshly exacted. He found himself overwhelmed with opprobrium from his country- men at large, and assailed by the clamours and lamenta- tions of his suffering subjects. The strangers whom he had succoured in distress, and taken as it were to the bosom of his native island, had become its tyrants and oppressors. Care, and toil, and poverty, and strong-handed violence, had spread their curses over the land, and he felt as if he had invoked them on his race. Unable to bear the hostili- ties of his fellow caciques, the woes of his subjects, and the extortions of his ungrateful allies, he took refuge at last in the mountains, where he died obscurely and in misery."^ * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 319 to 3S3. The extract which follows is from p. 333, 4. t Cbatlevoix, Hiat. St. Doming. Lib. 3. j^jift • J^y*- ■o--w.-.i;'Ti""-^- ^ ■/-».■ "--^''T-? -'T "■/-:-^■~-"^'"■3»_--^■^■ CHAP. VII.] ARRIVAL OF JUAN AGUADO IN 1496. 77 "% It 4. CHAPTER VII. Of the arrival at Hispaniola of Juan Aguado as commissioner in 1495 ; the return of Columbus and Aguado to Spain in 1496; the favourable reception of Columbus by the sovereigns ; and their promise to him of another armament. The prejudiced representations of Margarite and father Boyle, supported by the testimony of others who returned with them to Spain, were not without effect. Towards the end of August 1495, Juan Aguado sailed from Spain as commissioner, with four caravels freighted with supplies for the colony. Diego Columbus returned in this squadron to His- paniola, and arrived at Isabella in October, while the admiral was absent occupied in re-establishing tran- quillity. The news of the arrival and arrogant con- duct of Aguado reached Columbus in the interior of the island ; he immediately hastened to Isabella and ordered that Aguado's letter of credence should be proclaimed by sound of trumpet, in presence of the populace. Aguado, after collecting information, as he thought, sufficient to ensure the ruin of the admi- ral and his brothers, prepared to return to Spain. Columbus resolved to do the same. He felt that it was time to appear at court and dispel the cloud of calumny that was gathering against him. When the ships were ready to depart, a terrible storm swept the island, destroying the four caravels of Aguado, with 78 RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN IN 1496. [»0OK I. two Others which were in the harbour. The only vessel which remained was the Nina, and that in a very shattered condition. Columbus gave orders to have her immediately repaired, and another caravel constructed out of the wrecks of those destroyed. While waiting till they should be ready, he was cheer- ed by tidings of rich mines in the interior. After en- quiry into the matter, he gave orders that a fortress should be erected on the banks of the Hayna, in the vicinity of the mines, and that they should be dili- gently worked.* The new caravel, the Santa Cruz, being finished, and the Nina repaired, Columbus made every ar- rangement for immediate departure. He appointed his brother Bartholomew to the command of the island, with the title already given him of Adelan- tado ; in case of his death, he was to be succeeded by his brother Diego. On the 10th of March 1496, the two caravels set sail for Spain, Columbus being in one and Aguado in the other. Those who wished to visit their wives and relations in Spain, and others who could be spared from the island, returned in the caravels, which were crowded with two hundred and twenty-five passengers. There were also thirty In- dians on board, among whom were the cacique Caonabo, one of his brothers and a nephew. Co- lumbus had not then sufficient experience to make him work northward, so as to fall in with the tract of westerly winds ; he took an easterly course, and in consequence had a tedious struggle against the trade winds and calms which prevail between the tropics. m r**- * Irving'a Columbus, vol. 1, p. 324 to 33G. ■--J-rw, •■-*(''■ ^' CHAP. VII.] ANOTHER VOYAGE PROPOSED. 79 At Guadaloupe a female cacique conceiving a pas- sion for Caonabo, lefl; the island to accompany the natives of Hispaniola on board, taking with her also a young daughter. Leaving Guadaloupe on the 20th of April, they had again to work against the trade winds; and the provisions were so reduced during the long and tedious voyage, that by the beginning of June there was a famine on board. Land however was now soon seen. On the 11th of June, the ves- sels anchored in the bay of Cadiz, after a weary voy- age of about three months, in the course of which the unfortunate Caonabo died.* In the harbour of Cadiz, Columbus found three caravels, commanded by Pedro Alonzo Nino, on the point of sailing with supplies for the colony. They sailed the 17th of June. Tidings of the arrival of Columbus having reached the sovereigns, he received a letter from them, congratulating him on his return, and inviting him to court when he should have reco- vered from the fatigues of his voyage. He repaired to Bargus, where they were expected, and had a more favourable reception than he anticipated.f Columbus now proposed a farther enterprise, and asked eight ships; two to be dispatched to His- paniola, with supplies, the remaining six to be put under his command for a voyage of discovery. A compliance with this request was promised ; but there was great delay in the performance of the promise. It was not until the spring of 1497, that serious at- tention was given to the matter. The measures now taken are ascribed mainly to Isabella. The unhappy * Irving'8 Columbus, vol 1, p. 339 to 341. f Id. p. 343 to 344. 80 ANOTHER VOTAOE PROPOSED. [book I. natives were not forgotten by her. She ordered that the greatest care should be taken of their religious instruction, and the greatest leniency shewn in col- lecting the tributes imposed upon them. When the public safety should not require stern measures, a dis- position to easy rule was inculcated. While every disposition was shewn on her part to dispatch the ex- pedition to the colony, still difficulties arose. At length, the urgent representations of Columbus of the misery to which the colony must be reduced, caused two ships to be dispatched in the beginning of 1498, under the command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel, freighted with supplies. The queen herself advanced the necessary funds out of those intended to form the endowment of her daughter Isabella, then betrothed to Emanuel, king of Portugal. An in- stance of her kind feeling towards Columbus was also evinced in the time of her affliction by the death of her only son Prince Juan : the two sons of Co- lumbus, Diego and Fernando, had been pages to the deceased prince ; the queen now took them, in the same capacity, into her own service.* # % * Irving'8 Columbus, vol. 1, p. 345 to 359. CHAP. VIII.] VOYAGE OF CABOT. m CHAPTER VIII. Of the discovery of North America by Sebastian Cabot. Explanation of the difference between the legal year as used in England before 1752, and the year as generally used in historical chronology. Under a license which issued in February of the legal year 1497, Cabot having discovered North America in June following, that June shewn to be in 1498, and the discovery therefore not in 1497 but in 1498. Henry the Seventh, by letters patent, bearing date on the fifth day of March, in the eleventh year of his reign, that is to say on the fifth day of March 1491, granted to John Cabot, citizen of Venice, and to Lewis, Sebastian and Santius, sons of the said John, authority to sail to all parts, countries and seas of the east, of the west and of the north, with five ships and as many mariners or men as they will have them in the said ships, upon their own costs, to discover and occupy isles or countries, of the heathen and in- fidels, before unknown to christians, accounting to the king for a fifth part of the profit upon their re- turn to the port of Bristol, at which port only were they to arrive.* Of the voyage several accounts are to be found collected in Hakluyt. He gives the report of Galea- cius Butrigarius, the pope's legate in Spain, of a con- * Hakluyt*8 Voyages, vol. 3, p. 5. 11 82 VOYAGE OF CABOT. [book I. versation which Sebastian Cabot, when waxing old, had with him : it was to this effect : " When my father departed from Venice many years since to dwell in England, to follow the trade of merchan- dize, he took me with him to the City of Londorlf while I was very young, yet having nevertheless some knowledge of letters of humanity and of the sphere. And when my father died, in that time when news were brought that Don Christopher Colonus, Genoese, had discovered the coasts of India, whereof was great talk in all the court of King Henry the Seventh, who then reigned, insomuch that all men with great admiration affirmed it to be a thing more divine than human, to sail by the west into the east where spices grew, by a way that was never known before, by this fame and report, there increased in my heart a great flame of desire to attempt some notable thing. And under- standing by reason of the sphere that if I should sail by way of the northwest, I should, by a shorter tract, come into India, I thereupon caused the king to be advertised of my device vbo immediately commanded two caravels to be furnished with all things appertaining *o the voyage, which was, as far as I remember, in the year 1496, in the beginning of summer. I began therefore to sail towards the northwest, not thinking to find any other land than that of Cathay, and from thence to turn towards India; but after certain days, I found that the land ran towards the north, which was to me a great displeasure. Neverthe- less, sailing along the coast to see if I could find any gulf that turned, I found the land still continent to the fifty- sixth degree under our pole. And seeing that there the coast turned towards the east, despairing to find the pas- sage, I turned back again, and sailed down by the coast of that land towards the equinoctial, (ever with intent to find the said passage to India,) and came to that part of this 9 J n s n i S # CHAP. VIII.] VOYAGE or CABOT. 83 firm land which is now called Florida, where, my victuals failing, I departed from thence and returned into England, where I found great tumults among the people and pre- paration for wars in Scotland, by reason whereof there was no more consideration had to this voyage. Whereupon I went into Spain to the catholic king.'""* We see in this account no disposition to detract from the just fame of Columbus, nor any allegation of Cabot's making more than one voyage under Henry the Seventh. The particular year of his voyage, and its extent, are left by this report in some uncertainty ; it remains to be seen, whether they can be more defi- nitely fixed; other accounts will therefore be exa- f mined. ^ That taken from the fourth chapter of the second book of Francis Lopez de Gomara's general history of the West Indias is that Sebastian Cabot rigged up two ships at the cost of King Henry the Seventh, and n^ carried with him three hundred men, and " took the way towards island from beyond the Cape of Labra- dor until he found himself in fifty-eight degrees and better ;" that in the month of July it was so cold, and the ice so great that he durst not pass any further ; that the days were very long, in a mart;>er without any night, and for that short night that they had it was very clear ; that Cabot feeling the cold turned towards the west, refreshing himself at Baccalaos; and that afterwards he sailed along the coast unto thirty-eight degrees, and thence shaped his course to return into England.f * Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 3, p. 6, 7. f Id- 9- 84 VOYAGE or CABOT. [book I. In the sixth chapter of the third decade of Peter Martyr of Angleria, the statement is, that Sebastian Cabot furnished two ships in England, at his own charges, and with three hundred men directed his course so far toward the north pole, that even in July he found heaps of ice swimming in the sea, and in manner continuing all day light, yet saw he the land in that tract free from ice, which had been molten by the heat of the sun ; that seeing such heaps of ice before him, he was enforced to turn his sails ; that coasting by the shore, he was brought so far into the south, by reason of the land bending so much south- wards, that it was there almost equal in latitude with the sea Fretum Herculeum, having the north pole ele- vate in manner in the same degree ; that he sailed in this tract so far that he had the island of Cuba on his left hand, in manner in the same degree of longi- tude ; that he found the like course of the waters to- wards the west, but running more softly and gently than the swift waters which the Spaniards found in their navigations southwards ; that Cabot named the lands which he saw Baccalaos, because that in the seas thereabout, he found multitudes of fish which the inhabitants called Baccalaos.* These accounts (as given by Hakluyt) concur in sustaining the view, that what is frequently repre- sented as having happened in two voyages, all hap- pened in one, and that Cabot was on the coast of America as far north as the fifty-sixth or fifty-eighth degree of latitude. Mr. Biddle in his memoir of Cabot,t expresses the opinion, that he reached the 4 ^ m * 3 Hakluyt, p. 8, 9. t Id' P- 36 to 35. , / CHAP. Till.] VOYAGE or CABOT. 4 % #' latitude of sixty-seven degrees, perhaps sixty-seven and a half. And some support for this opinion is to be found in the account taken from the preface of Ramusius to the third volume of his navigations, namely, that Cabot sailed unto the latitude of sixty- seven degrees and an half, under the north pole, and finding the sea open, would have passed that way to Celhaia, if the mutiny of the ship-master and mari- ners had not hindered him and made him return homeward.* But the weight of authority seems to be strongly opposed to this account of Ramusius. The accounts as so given in Hakluyt, likewise au- thorize the conclusion that Cabot sailed south along the coast, for a very considerable distance ; and if the statement in Peter Martyr is to be relied on, he was as far south as what is now Virginia. For Hercules ColumnsB, being Hercules's pillar, (by the straits of Gibraltar,) and fretum meaning straits, /return Hercu- leunif is, doubtless, the straits of Gibraltar, through which the thirty-sixth degree passes ; and the same degree passes through what is now Albemarle Sound on the coast of North Carolina. The year of the voyage of Cabot is yet to be fixed. Dr. Robertson, in the ninth book of his his- tory of America, states that the patent was granted on the 5th of March 1495, in less than two years after the return of Columbus from America; that Cabot did not set out on his voyage for two years ; and that he embarked at Bristol in May 1497, and discovered land the 24th of June. Dr. Graham makes a similar statement in the first book of his co- *3 Hakluyt, p. 7, 8. CONFUSION IN CHRONOLOOr. • [lOOE I. lonial history. These historians and others writing on the same subject, have made a mistake in refer- ence to this matter, from not having their attention turned to the day on which the year commenced in England, in the latter part of the Afteenth century. It is left to legislators to determine on what day the year shall commence ; and very different times have been prescribed in diflerent nations for its commence- ment; some beginning it with the vernal equinox, which formerly happened on the 25ih of March ; some with the autumnal equinox ; and some at other different times. In England the civil or legal year formerly commenced on the day of the annunciation, the 25th of March, whilst the day of the circumcision, the 1st of January, was that on which the year gene- rally began in catholic countries, and that to which writers of history are usually supposed to refer. An act of the English parliament passed in 1751, (after March,) enacted that the year should thereafter begin on the 1st of January ; and the following 1st of January and the succeeding days to the 25th of March, were consequently dated as 1752, which other- wise would have been 1751. In respect to any matter happening (under the au- thority of England) before the 1st of January 1752, there has often been confusion in describing the year of the event, where it happened between the 31st of December and the 25th of March. A day during the intervening two months and twenty-four days which one would mention as in 1497, and correctly so men- tion, if regard was had to the legal year in England, another would mention as in 1498, and with equal 4 h CBAP. Till.] jn, AMERICA DISCOVERKO JUNE 1498. 4 h correctness, if regard was had to the year as it pre- vailed in cathoUc countries generally, or as it was usually understood in historical chronology. This might be so to the 24th of March inclusive, while the very next day (the 26th of March) and every subse- quent day to the 31st of December would have to be described by all as in 1498. Hence any matter hap- pening within the two months and twenty-four days, has to be expressed with care to prevent misconcep- tion. This should be done by placing two figures at the end ; thus, March 5, 149^ ; the upper figure (5 in this case) indicating the English legal year at that pe- riod, and the lower figure (6 in this case) indicating the year generally referred to in historical chronology, and the same that is now used in our calendar.^ To apply these remarks. The first return of Co- lumbus from America was in March 1493; consider- ing the year as having commenced (as it did in Spain and Portugal) on the 1st of January. The patent granted by Henry the Seventh, was (as has been al- ready stated) in the eleventh year of his reign. This king having ascended' the throne on the 22d of Au- gust 1485, the grant in his eleventh year was between August 1495 and August 1496, and being in March, was of course in the March which was after August 1495, and before August 1496, that is to say, in March 1496, according to the calendar as then used in Spain and Portugal, and as now used in England and Ame- rica. The grant was therefore about three years after the return of Columbus from America, instead of two '''From Nntitia nixtorica; Hone's Year Book under Sept. 3, p. 1037, of Lond. edi. of 1845} Drewater'g Edinburgh Encyclopedia, title Obronology. 88 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. [book I. as Dr. Robertson and Dr. Graham have supposed. There being no error in stating the grant to Cabot to have been on the 5th of March 1495, (according to the legal year as it then was) it is not surprising that this grant should have been mentioned as two years after the return of Columbus in March 1493 ; but it is not the less a mistake, t. „ ,r- . • • ^ The mistake is continued in inspect to the year of the discovery of North America By Cabot. It is cor- rectly stated that Cabot did not set out on his voyage for two years after the grant ; but taking this to be so, the May that he embarked was not May 1497, but May 1498. This is established by the document called by Mr. Biddle in his memoir of Cabot (and by others who have adopted his idea) a second patent. This document is a license granted by Henry the Seventh, on the 3d day of February, in the thirteenth year' of his reign, to John Cabot, to take in any place in England, six English ships, of the burthen of two hundred tons or under, with the necessary apparel, and receive into the said ships such mariners and other subjects as of their own free will would go with him.* The thirteenth year of the reign in which this license issued, commenced on the 22d of August 1497, and ended on the 21st of August 1498. The license, therefore, issued on the 3d day of February next after August 1497, and next before August 1498. This 3d day of February was in 1497, merely by rea- son of the fact that the year then ended on the 24th of March : the May following was May 1498. Yet it having been seen that the license issued in Febru- 4 % m © * Vol. 3 of Ilakluyt's Voyages, p. 6. Biddlc'u Memoir of Cabot, p. 75. CHAP. VIII.] jf, AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 89 % e ary 1497, and that the ships sailed the May following, the error has constantly been committed, of stating that they sailed in May 1497. Thus at page six of the third volume of Hakluyt, it is stated that in the year 1497, John Cabot and his son Sebastian, (with an English fleet set out from Bristol,) discovered that land, which no man before that time had attempted, on the 24th of June, about five of the clock, early in the morning. The ac- count proceeds : " This land, he called Prima Vista, that is to say, first seen, because, as I suppose, it was that part whereof they had the first sight from sea. That island which lieth out before the land, he called the island of St. John, upon this occasion, as 1 think, because it was discovered upon the day of John the Baptist." Although the matter here stated is men- tioned in Hakluyt, as taken out of the map of Sebas- tian Cabot, there is no siifl[icient ground for inferring that Cabot had put on the map that he made the dis- covery the 24th of June 1497. He may have put on it in one place Prima Vista and in another St. John ; and he may in some way have communicated the fact that the discovery was on the 24th of June, at five A. M. But the statement that the discovery was in 1497, is the mistake, probably, of some other person. Of the fact that the discovery was not in 1497 but in 1498, there is farther evidence. The time of the departure from Bristol is in the Chronicle of Robert Fabian (referred to in Hakluyt's Voyages* as in the custody of John Stow,) stated to be in the beginning of May, in the thirteenth year of King Henry the 12 ♦ Vol. 3, p. 9. 90 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. [book I. Seventh, which was May 1498, and is in Stow's An- nals (referred to by Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Cabot,*) stated to be in 1498, in the mayoralty of William Purchas, which mayoralty Mr. Biddle states to have extended from the 28th of October 1497, to the 28th of October 1498. In the Chronicle of Fabian there is mention also in the time of William Purchas being mayor, of three men taken in the new found island. "These," he says, " were clothed in beasts' skins and did eat raw flesh and spake such speech that no man could un- derstand them, and in their demeanor hke to brute beasts, whom the king kept a time after ; of the which, upon two years after, I saw two apparalled, after the manner of Englishmen in Westminster pa- lace which that time, I could not discern from Eng- lishmen till I was learned what they were, but as for speech, I heard none of them utter one word."f The statement in Hakluyt is that the three savages were brought home by Cabot, and presented to the king in the fourteenth year of the reign, that is du- ring the year ending the 21st day of August 1499. Mr. Biddle supposes the presentation to the king to have been in the seventeenth year of the reign. But this is entirely consistent with the fact that they were not brought to England till in or after 1498. .-- The conclusion that the first discovery of land by any of the Cabots was on the 24th of June 1498, is sustained by Mr. Hume. His History of England was published in 1761, only nine years after the com- mencement of the year was changed, and when for * p. 43. t Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 9, 10. 4 6 h CHAP. Vlll.J N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 91 4 o that reason the effect of the change was more hkely to occur to him than to others who have written at a later period. In his twenty-fifth chapter, after refer- ring to the accident by which England was deprived of the services of Columbus, he says : " Henry was not discouraged by this disappointment. He fitted out Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian settled in Bristol, and sent him westward in 1498 in search of new countries. Cabot discovered the main land of America towards the sixtieth degree of northern latitude : he sailed southwards along the coast and discovered Newfoundland and other countries, but returned to England without making any conquest or settlement." This conclusion is however opposed to Mr. Biddle's idea as to the purport of the license of the 3d of February 149i. He regards this license as reciting a previous discovery of land and isles by John Cabot. In reference to this it is to be observed that at the period in question the opinion of Columbus was uni- versally adopted that Cuba was the end of the Asiatic continent, and that the adjacent islands were in the Indian seas.* Cabot's object was, by a different route, that northwest, which he thought would be shorter, to come to the same land and isles which Columbus had then lately found. According to the account in Fabian's Chronicle, Cabot made himself " very expert and cunning in knowledge of the cir- cuit of the world and islands of the same, as by a sea card and other reasonable demonstrations he shewed ;" and therefore the king, in the thirteenth year of his * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 18-^. 92 N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. ["00* '• reign, caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol to search for an island which he said he knew well was rich and replenished with great commodities. Yet it is not to be inferred that he had seen that island. And so the circumstance of the license of the 3d of February ]49|, authorizing John Cabot to take ships with their apparel, and them " convey and lead to the land and isles of late found ; by the said John, in our name and by our commandment," should not be re- garded as necessarily importing that John Cabot had, before the date of that license, in the name and by the commandment of the king, found the land and isles, but rather as referring to the land and isles then of late found, and directing John Cabot, in the name and by the commandment of the king, to convey and lead the ships and men to the said land and isles. According to the report of the pope's legate it was when the father of Sebastian Cabot died, that the voy- age of discovery was made. So far as this statement goes, it furnishes further evidence that 1498 was the year of that discovery ; for the license of the 3d of February 1491, being to John Cabot, the inference is that he was then alive, and if the discovery was on the 24th of June next after his death, it could not have been earlier than the 24th of June 1498. Of the Cabots, Sebastian appears to have greatly excelled his father in genius and nautical science. Their place of residence was Bristol. But the ac- counts do not concur as to the birth place of Sebas- tian ; sometimes Venice and sometimes Bristol being mentioned as the place. From folio 225 of a volume of " Decades of the New World," published in 1555 4 # CHAP. VIII.] N. AMERICA DISCOVERED JUNE 1498. 93 4 by Richard Eden, Mr. Biddle has extracted* a mar- ginal note of Eden, to this effect : " Sebastian Cabot told me that he was born in Bristol, and that at four years old, he was carried with his father to Venice, and so returned again into England with his father after certain years, whereby he was thought to have been born in Venice." The precise day of the birth of Sebastian is not ascertained. But 1477 is generally set down as the year, which would make him about twenty-one at the time of the discovery in 1498 : he appears to have been early instructed in the knowledge proper for a seaman. In a life of Americus Vespucius, published at New York in 1 846, by Messrs. Lester and Foster,t it is stated that Sebastian Cabot was born in 1467 ; but no sufficient authority has been found for this statement ; and it seems improbable. Cabot died in 1557, and supposing him to have been born in 1477 was then at the advanced age of eighty. It will be seen hereafter that he joined in the dance the year before his death, and it is going far enough to sup- pose him then seventy-nine. The part of America first seen and named by Ca- bot is generally considered to have been the present Newfoundland. Mr. BiddleJ adverting to this matter states that in regard to it, an important, and in his opinion, conclusive piece of testimony is furnished by Ortelius, who had the map of Cabot before him and places an island of St. John in the latitude of fifty- six degrees immediately on the coast of Labrador. * Memoir of Cabot, p. 68. f P. 44. X Memoir of Cabot, p. 51. ■■■'vfr^"- 94 S. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. [book I. CHAPTER IX. Of the discovery of the continent of South America by Columbus in August 1498 ; and the treatment which he experienced afterwards. There is no foundation for the statement so often made that the voyage of Columbus in which he first saw the continent of America, was a year after Ca- bot's discovery. Notwithstanding the great delays in preparing the vessels for the third voyage of Colum- bus, he sailed from the port of St. Lucar de Barra- meda, on the 30th of May 1498 ; being the same month that Cabot sailed from Bristol. He arrived at Gomera on the 19th, and left there the 21st of June. Off the island of Ferro, he divided his squadron, dis- patching three of the ships direct for Hispaniola, to carry supplies, and prosecuting his voyage with the three remaining vessels towards the Cape de Verd islands. As he advanced within the tropics, the change of climate and the close and sultry weather which pre- vailed, brought on a severe attack of the gout which was followed by a violent fever. Yet he continued to keep his reckoning and make his observations. On the 27th he arrived among the Cape de Verd islands. Leaving Buena Vista on the 5th of July, and proceeding southwest, he found himself on the 13th, according to his observations, in the fifth degree of north latitude. Finding the heat intolerable, he al- tered his course and steered westward. Day after 4 CHAP. IX.] g. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. w % day passed without reaching land ; and the necessities of the ships became urgent. Wherefore, supposing himself in the longitude of the Caribbee islands, he sailed northward in search of them. On the 31st of July, three mountains were seen, which as the ships drew nearer, appeared united at the base. Colum- bus gave to this island the name of La Trinidad (the Trinity) which it continues to bear.* While coasting the island on the 1st of August, Co- lumbus beheld land to the south. It was that low tract of coast intersected by the numerous branches of the Oronoco. Columbus supposing it to be an island, gave it the name of La Isla Santa ; having no idea that he was then beholding the main continent. On the 2d of August he continued on to the south- west point of Trinidad, which he called Point Arenal. It stretched towards a corresponding point of Terra Firma, making a narrow pass, with a high rock in the centre, to which he gave the name of El Gallo. Near this pass the ships cast anchor. He afterwards proceeded through the strait to the inner side of Trinidad. To his left spread that broad gulf since known by the name of Paria. He continued north- ward towards a mountain at the northwest point of the island, about fourteen leagues from Point Arenal. Here he beheld two lofty capes opposite each other ; one on the island .of Trinidad, the other to the west, on the long promontory of Paria, which stretches from the main land, and forms the northern side of the gulf, but to which Colu tubus, mistaking it for an island, gave the name of Isla de Gracia. After sail- * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 355 to 360. 96 S. AMERICA DISCOVERED AUG. 1498. [book I. ing several leagues along the coast, he anchored on Monday the 6th of August, but seeing no person, continued further westward, and anchored in a river where he had friendly intercourse with the natives. Taking some of them as guides, he proceeded eight leagues farther westward to a point which he called AgQJa, or the Needle. On the neighbouring coast, called by Columbus the Gardens, the attention of the Spaniards was aroused by the strings of pearls which they saw around the arms of the natives. Columbus left the Gardens on the 10th of August, and conti- nued to coast westward somewhat farther, but finding it difficult to get along in this direction, changed his course, and on the 11th set sail eastward until he got through that formidable pass called the Boca del Dragon. On leaving this pass, he saw to the north- east, many leagues distant, two islands, which he called Assumption and Conception, probably those now known as Tobago and Grenada. On the 15th he discovered the islands of Margarita and Cabagua, afterwards famous for their pearl fishery. There was great temptation to linger near these shores, and to visit other spots which the Indians mentioned as abounding in pearls. The coast of Paria also con- tinued extending westward as far as the eye could reach, rising into a range of mountains, and pro- voking examination to ascertain whether, as he con- jectured, it was a part of the Asiatic continent. Co- lumbus was compelled, by a disease of his eyes, to forego this investigation, and bear away for His- paniola. After sailing for five days to the north- west, he reached that island on the 19th of August, 4 • / w CHAF. IX.] bOBADILLA's treatment op COLUMBUS. vr fifty leagues to the westward of the river Ozema, and anchored on the following morning twenty leagues nearer that river, under the little island of Beata. Here he procured an Indian messenger to take a letter to his brother Bartholomew, who was supposed to be at the river Ozema, where he had erected a fortress which was the origin of the City of St. Do- mingo. Columbus arrived off the mouth of the river the 30th of August, but was met on the way by a caravel, on board of which was his brother, who, having received his letter, had hastened to welcome him. The meeting of the brothers was a joyful one. Yet attached as they were to each other, Bartholo- mew could not but be deeply concerned to see his brother so much worsted. Columbus arrived almost the wreck of himself; haggard, emaciated and nearly Wind.* It is not proposed here to give any relation of the occurrences on the island during the long absence of Columbus. An interesting account of them is given by Mr. Irving,t who speaks of the ability shewn by Bartholomew Columbus, in the course of his transient government, yet remarks that his good intentions and judicious arrangements (as in the case of his brother,) were constantly thwarted by the bad passions and im- proper conduct of others. Neither is it designed here to give any history of the government of Columbus, after his arrival at His- paniola, or of the mission on , 'hich Bobadilla was sent from Spain in July 1500, or of the proceedings of this commissioner. These are narrated by Mr. * Irving's Columbus, vol. 1, p. 361 to 373. t «■ P- 379 to 411. 13 * 98 bobadilla's treatment or coldmbus. [>o<» <• f Irving in a manner to interest every reader.* It must suffice here to state that Bobadilla put Columbus and his brothers in chains, confined the former in a fortress and the latter on board the caravels, without permitting any communication between them, and sent all three in the vessels which sailed for Spain in October. Alonzo de Villeja, who was appointed to conduct the prisoners to Spain, was deeply moved at the treatment of Columbus. The master of the caravel, Andreas Martin, was equally grieved : they both treated the admiral with profound respect and assiduous attention. They would have taken off his irons, but to this he would not consent. " No !" said he proudly, " their majesties commanded me by letter to submit to whatever Bobadilla should order in their name ; by their authority he has put upon me these chains : I will wear them until they shall order them to be taken off, and I will preserve them afterwards as relics and memorials of the reward of my ser- vices." — " He did so," adds his son Fernando, " I saw them always hanging in his cabinet, and he re- quested that when he died they might be buried with him." The arrival of Columbus at Cadiz, a prisoner and in chains, produced almost as great a sensation as his triumphant return from his first voyage. A great re- action in the public mind was immediately mani- fested : the heart of Isabella was filled with mingled sympathy and indignation : and both sovereigns has- tened to give evidence that his imprisonment had been without their authority and contrary to their * Irvlng'8 Columbus, vol. 3, p. 3 to 56. CHAP. H.] bobadilla's treatment or columbus. 99 wishes. They sent orders that the prisoners should be instantly set at liberty and treated with all distinc- tion : they wrote a letter to Columbus, couched in terms of gratitude and affection, expressing their grief at all that he had suffered, and inviting him to court : they ordered that two thousand ducats should be ad- vanced to defray his expenses. Columbus appeared in court in Granada on the 17th of December, and was received by the sovereigns with unqualified favour and distinction. They expressed their indignation at the proceedings of Bobadilla, which they disavowed as contrary to their instructions, and promised that he should be immediately dismissed from his command.^ The person chosen to supersede him was Don Ni- cholas de Ovando. His government extended over the islands and Terra Firma of which Hispaniola was to be the metropolis.f • Irving'* Columbua, vol. 3, p. 57 to 60. f Id. p. 87 to CO. 100 AMERICUa VESPUCIUS. [■OOE I. CHAPTER X. Of tlie voyage of Americus Vespuciua with Alonzo de Ojeda and of other voyages from Spain, made along the coast of South America in 1499 and 1500. Americus Vespucius was born in Florence on the 9th of March 1451, of a noble but not at that time a wealthy family. His father's name was Anastatio; his mother's was Elizabetta Mini. He was the third of their sons, and received an excellent education un- der his uncle, Georgio Antonio Vespucci, a learned friar of the fraternity of San Marco, who was instruc- tor to several illustrious personages of that period. Americus visited Spain and took up his residence in Seville to attend to some commercial transactions on account of the family of the Medici of Florence, and to repair, by his ingenuity, the losses and misfortunes of an unskilful brother. The date of his arrival in Spain is uncertain.* In the Life of Americus by Lester and Foster, it is stated that his departure for Spain took place some time in 1490.t He seems to have gone to Barcelona,! and to have been there en- gaged in mercantile business before the 30th of Janu- ary 1492.^ Soon after this time he went to Seville. || After the return of Columbus from his first voyage, Ferdinand and Isabella contracted with Berardi to * Irring's Columbus, vol. S, p. 247, Appendix No. 10. t Life of Vespucius, p. 70. X U. p. 7Q. ( Id. p. 74. || Id. p. 75. CHAP. I.] AMCRICUS VESPUCIUS. 101 furnish and equip four armaments to be forwarded at different times to the new world, and Americus is found to be busily occupied, in connexion with him, receiving payments and entcri ig into obligations in his behalf and nnitie. Some have thought that he was only the agent of Berardi in these transactions ; but there is ground for supposing that ho may have been a partner in the house, as after the death of Berardi, Americus continued to manage the affairs of the armaments and was paid large sums of money by the government for equipments previously effected. It has been suggested by some historians that Ameri- cus accompanied Columbus upon his second voyage, but there is no evidence to sustain the opinion, and his own accounts tend to contradict it.^ While providing for the dispatch of the four cara- vels, Americus, of course, had occasional opportunity of conversing with Columbus ; he soon became anx- ious to visit the newly discovered countries. Hav- ing made himself well acquainted with geographical and nautical science, he prepared to launch in the career of discovery, and soon carried thi| design into execution.t Mr. Lester argues that Americus made a voyage in 1497, but says, after all, it is unimportant to come to any decision on this point. Even if Americus had discovered the main land before Columbus, by a few months, he admits this could take nothing from the name and fame of that great man. " He, at any rate, arrived at the continent, without assistance from any source but his own strength of mind, and to him. * Life of Veapucius, p. 75. f Irving'H Columbus, vol. 3, p. 348, Appendix No. 1. 102 VOVAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499. [book I. whatever may have been the good fortune of any of his cotemporaries, belongs the glory of the grand dis- covery of a new world. The first glimpse that he obtained of the luxuriant islands of the Western ocean rendered him immortal, and all subsequent discoveries followed his own almost as a matter of course."* There is, however, no evidence that Americus pro- ceeded on any voyage to the west until May 1499, when he accompanied Alonzo de Ojeda who sailed from Port St. Mary opposite Cadiz with four vessels. Ojeda pursued the route of Columbus in his third voyage, being guided by the chart he had sent home, as well as by the mariners who had been with him. The part of the continent reached by Ojeda was south of the part discovered by Columbus. It is supposed to have been the coast of Surinam. Hence he ran along the coast of the gulf of Paria, passing the mouths of many rivers, but especially those of the Esquivo and the Oronoco, and seeing none of the na- tives until arriving at Trinidad. He passed through the strait of the Boca del Drago, and then steered along Terr^Firma, landing occasionally, until he ar- rived at Curiana or the gulf of Pearls. Hence he stood to the opposite island of Margarita. This, as well as several adjacent islands, he visited and ex- plored ; after which he returned to the main land and touched at Cumana and Maracapana. Saihng again, he touched at the island of Curazao, and proceeding along the coast he arrived at a vast deep gulf, on the eastern side of which was a village of peculiar con- struction. From resemblances to the Italian city, * Life of Americua VegpuciuR, p. 103. CHAP. X.] VOYAGES FBOM SPAIN IN 1499. 103 r i Ojeda gave to the bay the name of the gulf of Ve- nice, and it is called at the present day Venezuela or Little Venice. Continuing to explore this gulf Ojeda penetrated to a port or harbour to which he gave the name of St. Bartholomew, but which is supposed to be the same at present known by the original Indian name of Maracaibo. Proceeding along the western shores of the gulf of Venezuela and standing out to sea and doubling Cape Maracaibo, Ojeda pursued his coast- ing voyage from port to port and promontory to pro- montory of this unknown continent until he reached that long stretching head land called Cape de la Vela. Then he changed his course and stood across the Caribbean sea for Hispaniola. After stopping there, he resumed his voyage and visited various islands, whence he carried off numbers of the natives. He at length arrived at Cadiz in June 1500, with his ships crowded with captives whom he sold as slaves. Yet when all the expenses of the expedition were de- ducted but five hundred ducats remained to be di- vided between fifty-five adventurers.* Another armament which departed from Spain, a few days after that of Ojeda, had a better pecuniary result. Pedro Alonzo Nino who had been with Co- lumbus to Cuba and Paria, sailed from the little port of Palos in a small bark about the beginning of June 1499. Guided by the chart of Columbus, Nino reached the southern continent, a little beyond Paria, about fifteen days after the same coast had been vi- sited by Ojeda. Proceeding to the gulf of Paria, he ; «,4 - t.n * Irving's Columbus, vol. 9, p. 25 to 30. Id, p. 214, 15, Appendix No. 2, and p. 248 to 2G0, Appendix No. 10. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 3 to 27. = V' 104 VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499. [book I. landed to cut dye-wood, and then passing by the Boca del Drago, steered for the island of Margarita where he obtained a considerable quantity of pearls by bar- ter. Nino and his companions skirted the opposite coast of Cumana, trading cautiously and shrewdly from port to port : they were convinced that this was a part of Terra Firma. After proceeding westward somewhat farther, they returned to Cumana and sailed for Spain. The little bark anchored safely at Bayonne in Gallicia about the middle of April 1500; after performing the richest voyage yet made to the new world.* Vicente Yanez Pinzon, one of three brave bro- thers who aided Columbus in his first voyage, sailed from Palos with an armament of four caravels in the beginning of December 1499. In the eighth degree of southern latitude he beheld land afar off on the 28th of January, to which he gave the name of Santa Maria de la Consolacion, from the sight of it having consoled him in the midst of doubts and per- plexities. It is now called Cape St. Augustine, and forms the most prominent part of the empire of Brazil. After taking formal possession of the terri- tory fon the Castilian crown, Pinzon sailed to the northwest until he came to the mouth of a river too shallow to receive his ships. After a hostile engage- ment here with the natives, he stood forty leagues to the northwest until he arrived in the neighbourhood of the equinoctial line, where ho saw a number of fresh and verdant islands in the mouth of an immense river. It was the renowned Muranon, since known ♦ Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 28 to 32. Irving's Columbus, p. 01. CHAP. X.] VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499, 1500. 105 to )d )f m as the Orellana and the Amazon. He continued along the coast, passing the mouths of the Oronoco, and entering the gulf of Paria, where he landed and cut Brazil wood. Sallying forth by the Boca del Drago, he reached the island of Hispaniola about the 23d of June, whence he sailed for the Bahamas. Here, in a hurricane in July, two of the caravels with their crews were swallowed up. The other two made the best of the way to Hispaniola, to repair damages sustained in the gale. Sailing thence for Spain, they anchored in the river before Palos about the end of September.* Scarcely had Vicente Yanez Pinzon departed on the voyage just mentioned, when his townsman Diego de Lepe likewise set sail with two vessels from the busy little port of Palos on a like expedition. No particulars of this voyage are known, except that Lepe doubled Cape St. Augustine, and beheld the southern continent stretching far to the southwest. f Another contemporary adventurer was Rodrigo de Bastides, a wealthy notary of Teraria, a suburb of Seville, who associated with him Juan de la Cosa, a veteran pilot who had sailed with Columbus and Ojeda. Their voyage extended the discoveries of the coast of Terra Firma from Cape de Vela quite to the port of Nombre do Dios. The vessels of Bastides being nearly destroyed by the worm, he had great difficulty in reaching Xaragua in Hispaniola, where he lost his two vessels, and proceeded with his crew by land to San Domingo. Here he was seized * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 33 to 41. Irving's Columbus, vol.3, p. 61,9. t id. p. 43, 3 of former, and C3, 3 of latter. 14 '^!i- im 106 VOYAGES FROM SPAIN IN 1499, 1600. [»00K >■ and imprisoned by Bobadilla, under pretext that he had traded for gold with the natives of Xaragua.* The expeditions mentioned in this chapter were undertaken by enterprising individuals under a ge- neral license granted by the Spanish sovereigns, who thus had their territories extended free of cost, and yet had their treasury benefitted by a share of the proceeds of the voyages, which was reserved as a kind of duty to the crown. * Voyages of Compan ions of Columbus, p. 43, 3. Irvine's Columbus, vol. S, p. 61 , 2. CHAP. »I.] VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1600. 107 CHAPTER XI. Of the accidental discovery of Brazil by the Portuguese iu 1500 ; the voyage of Americus Vespucius, under the king of Portugal, lo that province in 1501 ; the voyage of Cortereal in the same year to the northwest; and the patents obtained from Henry the Seventii of England in 1501 and 1503 by Portuguese to enable them to make discoveries. The design, which Prince Henry of Portugal had, in his lifetime, so much at heart, that of opening a route to India by doubling the Cape of Good Hope, had been accomplished at last by Vasco de Gama in 1497. Soon after Gama's return a fleet of thirteen sail was fitted out from Portugal to visit the countries of which he brought accounts. It sailed on the 9th of March 1500, for Calicut under the command of Pedro Alvarez de Cabral. Having passed the Cape de Verd islands, Cabral sought to avoid the calms prevalent on the coast of Guinea, by stretching far to the west. Suddenly, on the 25th of April, he came in sight of land unknown to any one in his squadron ; for as yet they had not heard of the discoveries of Pinzon and Lepe. After coasting it for some time, he became persuaded that it must be part of a conti- nent. Having ranged along it, somewhat beyond the fifteenth degree of southern latitude, he landed at a harbour which he called Porto Securo. He gave ano- li , *• '••'A m : 6 1 . i'v- rn- 108 VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1600. [BOOK I. ther name to the country. Having a cross placed at the top of a tree, with great solemnity, and blessed by the priests that he had with him, he named the pro- vince Sancta Cruz (Sainte Croix) ; for it was the 3d of May, the day on which the church celebrates the invention of the Holy Cross. After taking possession for the crown of Portugal, he dispatched a ship to Lisbon with the important tidings. Subsequently this province received the name of Brazil, because the wood brought from it for dying was red and resem- bled brass. The original name and its change are mentioned in a volume entitled, " Histoire de la Provence de Sancta-Cruz que nous nom- mons ordinairement Le Brasil, par Pero de Magalhanes de Gandavo dediee au tres illustre seigneur D. Lionis Pereirra ancien gonverneur de Malacca et de pinsicurs parties &. I'inde meridionale," published at Lisbon in 1576, and republished at Paris in 1837, by Henri Ternaux in his collection of ori- ginal voyages, relations and memoirs. Dr. Robertson, in recording this voyage of Cabral, concludes with one of his just and elegant remarks : " Columbus' discovery of the new world," he ob- serves, " was the effort of an active genius, guided by experience and acting upon a regular plan, exe- cuted with no less courage than perseverance. But from this adventure of the Portuguese, it appears that chance might have accomplished that great design, which it is now the pride of human reason to have formed and perfected. If the sagacity of Columbus had not conducted mankind to America, Cabrd, by a fortunate accident, might have led them, a few r CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE FROM PORTUGAL IN 1601. 109 years after, to the knowledge of that extensive conti- nent."* The tidings received from Cabral were followed by a voyage of Gonsalo Coella, who was sent by King Emanuel with three caravels to explore the country. The fleet sailed in May 1501 ; and it seems that Ame- ricus Vespucius who had left Spain went in it.f His account of this expedition is that after leaving a port of Ethiopia called Beseneghe in the fourteenth de- gree of north latitude, he sailed for the south through the Atlantic ocean, and in ninety-seven days, to wit : on the 17th of August, made land, distant seven hun- dred leagues from said port, and situated five degrees south of the equinoctial line, of which possession was thereupon taken in the name of the king of Portu- gal ; that departing from this place he sailed along in a southeastern direction, on a line parallel with the coast ; that he found at length that the line of the coast made a turn to the south and doubled a cape which he called Cape St. Augustin, which was one hundred and fifty leagues distant easterly from the land first made, and eight degrees south of the equi- noctial line ; that he then sailed in a southerly direc- tion and went so far south that he was beyond the tropic of Capricorn, where the south pole is elevated thirty-two degrees above the horizon ; that he ran al- together on this coast about seven hundred, and fifty leagues, to wit : one hundred and fifty from Cape St. Augustin towards the west and six hundred towards * Irving's Columbus, vol.2, p. 61 to 64. Robertsou'3 America, book 3. t Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 249, Ap- pendix No. 10. Preface to Uistoire de la Provence de Sancta Cruz. m. :;fc-ti ^ 110 VOTAOB TROM PORTUGAL IN 1501. [BOOK I. the south; that on the 15th of February, having con- cluded to take leave of the country, he left port, when the south pole was elevated fifty-two degrees above the horizon, and on the 3d of April had sailed from that port five hundred leagues ; that on the 7th of April, while driven by a storm, he came in sight of new land and ran within twenty leagues of it ; that being in great danger from the storm, it was agreed to steer for Portugal ; that they ran five days, making about two hundred and fifty leagues, continually ap- proaching the equinoctial line ; that it was their in- tention to go and reconnoitre the coast of Ethiopia, distant thirteen hundred leagues, and they arrived at it, touching at Sierra Leone where they stayed fifteen days; that they steered then for the Azore islands, about seven hundred and fifty leagues distant, where they arrived the latter part of July, and staid fifteen days ; and that they entered Lisbon on the 7th of September 1502.* Of another expedition, about this time, that of Caspar Cortereal, an account is preserved in a letter from the Venetian ambassador in Portugal to his bro- thers, written eleven days after the return of Corte- real, which is contained in a volume of Voyages and Travels published at Vicenza in 1507. From the letter which bears date the 19th of October 1501, the following is extracted : " On the 8th of the present month, one of the two ca- ravels which her most serene majesty dispatched last year on a voyage of discovery to the north, under the command * Life of VeopuciUB, by Lester and Foster, ch. 14, p. 223 to 333. CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1601. Ill of Caspar Cortereal arrived here, and reports the finding of a country, distant hence west and northwest two thousand miles, heretofore quite unknown. They proceed^ ^ along the coast between six and seven hundred miles, without reaching its termination, from which circumstance they conclude it to be of the main land connected with another region, which last year was discovered in the north, but which the caravel could not reach on account of the ice and the vast quantity of snow ; and they are confirmed in this belief by the multitude of great rivers they found, which certainly could not proceed from an island." This letter is set forth in the Memoir of Sebastian Cabot, by Mr. Biddle, who considers it clear that the country farther north, which Cortereal could not reach, but of which he rightly conjectured he had found a continuation, was that discovered by Cabot; and also clear that Cortereal began his course to the southward of the St. Lawrence. Mr. Biddle sup- poses however that he may have reached the gulf, and perhaps the southern extremity of Labrador.* Mr. Alfred Hawkins, in his interesting account of Quebec, at page 23, says, that " He reached the northern extremity of Newfoundland, and is con- sidered to have discovered the gulf of St. Lawrence. He also sailed along the coast of Labrador north- ward ; and appears to have penetrated nearly to Hudson's bay." He mentions that Caspar Cortereal was a gentleman who had been educated in the household of the King of Portugal, and represents him as a man of enterprising and determined cha- * Memoir of Cabot, p. 235 to 241. life rfc/i r 112 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1601. [BOOK I. racter, ardently thirsting after glory. Yet he men- tions that the character of this voyage was sullied by his bringing back to Portugal no less than fifty-seven of the natives, of whom, in the letter of the Vene- tian ambassador, it is said, " they are extremely fitted to endure labour, and will probably turn out the best slaves which have been discovered up to this time." Hawkins adds : " It has, indeed, been conjectured that the name, Terra de Laborador, was given to this coast by the Portuguese slave merchants, in consequence of the admirable qualities of the natives as labourers, and in full anticipation of the future advantages to be derived from this unchristian tralfic. " These cruel designs were, however, frustrated by accu- mulated distress and disaster. In a second voyage, in 1501, Cortereal was lost at sea; and a third, undertaken by his brother Michael, in search of him, was alike unfortunate. Neither of the brothers was ever afterwards heard of. The King of Portugal, feeling a great affection for these gentle- men, is stated to have fitted out at his own expense an ex- pedition, consisting of three armed vessels, v. hich returned without any information as to the manner or place of their death. One brother still remained, who was anxious to renew the attempt to discover their fate, but was overruled by the persuasion of the king. In an old map published in 1508, the Labrador coast is called Terra Corterealis; and the entrance into the gulf of St. Lawrence was long known to the Portuguese by the name of the gulf of the Two Brothers. On the strength of the voyage of Corte- real, the Portuguese claimed the first discovery of New- foundland, and of the adjacent coast of America ; and maps were actually forged to support these unfair pre- tensions." /■ CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. 113 These voyages of the Portuguese are Uic more remarkable, because by the treaty of 1494 between Spain and Portugal, the Spaniards seem to have sup- posed they were secured in the exclusive right of navigation and discovery in the western ocean. How- ever, notwithstanding the treaty, Portugal was not without ground of claim to Brazil, since by the treaty the papal line of demarcation, instead of remaining one hundred, was removed three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape de Verd island ; and it was only discoveries beyond this line that Portugal agreed should appertain to the Spanish nation.* Still the King of Portugal was a good deal tram- melled by the treaty, and it may have been for this reason that his subjects resorted to the King of Eng- land to give them powers of discovery. Mr. Biddle has published, in an Appendixf to his Memoir of Cabot, letters patent granted by Henry the Seventh on the 19th of March, in the sixteenth year of his reign, (to wit, March 150y,) to Richard Warde, Tho- mas Ashhurst and John Thomas of Bristol, and John Fernandus, Francis Fernandus and John Gunsolus of Portugal, authorizing discoveries to all parts, regions and ends of the sea, east, west, south and north. And he mentions! a subsequent patent, with very similar powers, granted on the 9th of December, in the eigh- teenth year of Henry the Seventh, (1502,) to three of the previous patentees, to wit, Thomas Ashhurst, John Gunsolus and Francis Fernandus, with the ad- dition of Hugh Elliott. * History of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. 3, p. 181. t See p. 306, aUo p. 222. t P- ^4. 15 i'ji MI ■Ml 114 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1501. [BOOK I. English history is rather barren of information as to what was done under these patents. Mr. Hume, in the 26th chapter of his History of England, after mentioning the discovery by Cabot in 1498, says, « Elliott and others made a Uke attempt in 1502," and cites Rymer, vol. xiii. p. 37. Discoveries in which Hugh Eliot w ^j instrumental, are also alluded to by Robert Thorne, in a letter written by him whilst at Seville in 1527, to Dr. Lee, the ambassador from England to Spain.^ In this letter Thorne says : " If I had the faculty to my will, it should be the first thing that I would understand, even to attempt, if our seas northward be navigable to the pole or no. I reason that as some sicknesses are hereditarious, and come from the father to the son, so this inclination or desire of this dis- covery, I inherited of my father which with another mer- chant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot were the discoverers of the New found-lands of the which, there is no doubt (as now plainly appeareth) if the mariners would then have been ruled and followed their pilot's mind, the lands of the West Indias (from whence all the gold cometh) had been ours. For all is one coast." This letter of Robert Thorne, it is to be observed, was written after the conquest of Mexico by the Spaniards. From the following entries in the account of the privy purse expenses of Henry the Seventh,t it ap- pears there was for a while some intercourse with the newly discovered region : * In Hakluyt'B Collection, vol. 1, p. 219. t In Biddlc'a Memoir of Cabot, p. 230,31. CHAP. »!.] VOYAGE TO THB NORTHWEST IN 1601. 116 " 17 November 1503. To one that brought hawks from the New founded island £ 1. "8 April 1604. To a preste* that goeth to the new island £ 2. " 25 August 1505. To Clay's going to Richmond with wild cats and popinjays of the New found island for his costs V:is. Ad. " To Portuguese that brought popinjays and cats of the mountain with other stutt' to the king's grace £ 6." * Mr. Biddle suppoiei tlili to mean prietf. 116 DEPARTURE OF OVANDO IN 1502. [book I. CHAPTER XII. Of the fleet and orders sent out with Ovando to Hispaniola in 1503; the voyage made the same year to the northern coast of South Ame- rica by Alonzo de Ojeda; the last voyage of Columbus; and his wearisome detention at Jamaica. Isabella urged the speedy departure of Ovando, to put a stop to the abuses of Bobadilla's government. She was particularly careful in providing for the kind treatment of the Indians. Ovando was ordered to assemble the caciques, and declare to them that the sovereigns took them and their people under their especial protection. They were merely to pay tribute Hke other subjects of the crown, and it was to be collected with mildness. Yet for the royal service, they might be compelled to work in the mines and in other employments. This (though they were to be paid as hired labourers,) led to great abuses and oppressions, and was ultimately as fatal to the natives as would have been the most absolute slavery. Ano- ther decree was made, which it may be proper to notice in this connection. It was permitted to carry to the colonies negro slaves born in Spain, the de- scendants of natives of Africa, with which a traffic of the kind had for some time been carried on by the Spaniards and Portuguese. This is the first trace of negro slavery in the new world.* , * Irving's Columbus, vol. 9, p. 69 to 71. CHAP. XII.] VOYAGE OF OJEDA IN 1502. 117 Ovando's fleet was the largest that had yet sailed to the new world. It consisted of thirty sail, five of them from ninety to one hundred and fifty tons bur- then, twenty-four caravels of from thirty to ninety, and one bark of twenty-five tons. The number of souls that embarked was about two thousand five hundred. The fleet put to sea on the 13th of Feb- ruary 1502. In the early part of the voyage it en- countered a terrible storm : one of the ships foun- dered with one hundred and twenty passengers ; the others were obliged to throw overboard every thing that was on deck, and were completely scattered. Yet only one ship was lost. The others arrived at San Domingo on the 15th of April.* Ojeda had reported that in his voyage in 1499 he met with English adventurers in the neighbourhood of Venezuela. The Spanish sovereigns were anxious to establish a resolute and fighting commander like Ojeda upon this outpost. And he found it easy to obtain authority to prosecute at his own expense the discovery of the coast of Terra Firma. He was in- structed to set up the arms of Castile and Leon in every place he visited, as a signal of discovery and possession, and to put a stop to the intrusions of the English. Ojeda and his associates fitted out four ships, and sailed in 1502. Arriving at the port des- tined for his seat of government, Ojeda found the country so poor and sterile that he proceeded along the coast to a bay which he named Santa Cruz, but which is supposed to be the same at present called Bahia Honda, where he found a Spaniard who had * Irving's Columbus, vol. 3, p. 71, 2. ■ - T ■f t 118 VOYAGE OF OJEDA IN 1602. [nooK I. been left in Citarma by Bastides about thirteen months before. At this place Ojeda erected a for- tress, which contained the magazine of provisions and a strong box in which was deposited the treasure amassed in the expedition. Vergara and Ocampo, two of Ojeda's partners, becoming dissatisfied vath him, informed him of their intention to convey him a prisoner to Hispaniola, to answer for offences which they alleged against him. He attempted to escape, but was seized, thrown in irons and conveyed on board of Vergara's caravel. The two partners then set sail, bearing off the whole community, its captive governor, and the strong box which was at the bot- tom of all these feuds. They arrived at the western part of the island of Hispaniola. While at anchor within a stone's throw of the land, Ojeda, confident in his strength and skill as a swimmer, let himself down the side of the ship in the night, and his arms being free, attempted to swim to the shore. But his feet were shackled, and the weight of his irons threatened to sink him. He was obliged to shout for help. A boat was sent from the vessel to his relief, and the unfortunate governor was brought back half drowned. He was delivered to the commander of the place, while Vergara and Ocampo (as he said) were taking from the strong box whatever they thought proper. All parties were in Saint Domingo about the end of September 1502, when the chief judge of the island gave a decision against Ojeda. He appealed to the sovereign, and after some time was honourably acquitted by the royal council; his property was ordered to be restored ; and he ordered CBAP. XII.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 119 to be liberated.* Nothing is known of him after- wards until 1505, when he is said to have made another voyage.f In the mean time, Columbus had conceived the idea of a voyage in which he hoped to surpass all previous expeditions. His idea was that the Terra Firma on which he landed in his voyage to Paria stretched far to the west ; that the southern coast of Cuba, which he considered a part of the Asiatic con- tinent, stretched onwards towards the same point; that the currents of the Caribbean sea passed be- tween these lands; and that there must be a strait thereabout, opening into the Indian sea. When Co- lumbus unfolded his plan for a voyage to discover such a passage, and thus link the new world with the opulent oriental regions of the old, it was promptly acceded to. He was authorized to fit out an arma- ment immediately, and for this purpose repaired to Seville in the autumn of 1501. When Columbus undertook this, his fourth and last voyage of disco- very, he already numbered sixty-six years. His squad- ron consisted of four caravels, from fifty to seventy tons each ; the crews amounting in all to one hun- dred and fifty men. He had the comfort of his bro- ther Bartholomew and his son Fernando as compa- nions. The squadron sailed from Cadiz in May 1502, and arrived on the 15th of June at one of the Carib- bee islands, called by the natives Mantinino. Then it passed to the west of the island and sailed to Do- minica, about ten leagues distant. Columbus conti- nued along the inside of the Antilles, to Santa Cruz, * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 46 to 53. t W- P- S*- m 11]^' 120 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [book I. then along the south side of Porto Rico. His prin- cipal vessel sailing badly, he steered for San Domingo, to exchange it for one of the fleet which had recently conveyed Ovando to his government.* Columbus arrived at the mouth of the river the 29th of June. The fleet which brought out Ovando was now ready to return to Spain, with many delin- quents and others on board. Bobadilla was to em- bark in the principal ship, on board of which he had put an immense amount of gold collected for the crown during his government. Roldan and other ad- venturers likewise shipped large quantities of gold. This was wealth gained from the sufferings of the un- happy natives. In one of the ships Alonzo Sanchez de Carvajal, the agent of Columbus, had put four thousand pieces of gold to be remitted to him ; being part of his property which had either been recently collected, or recovered from the hands of Bobadilla.f Columbus apprehending an approaching storm re- quested permission to shelter his squadron in the har- bour, but this was not granted. He then sent to the governor not to permit the fleet for Spain to put to sea for several days, as there were signs of an impen- ding tempest. This admonition was not heeded. The fleet set sail, but had scarcely reached the eas- tern point of Hispaniola, when the tempest burst over it with awful fury. The ship on board of which were Bobadilla, Roldan and a number of the most invete- rate enemies of Columbus, was swallowed up with all its crew, and with the principal part of the ill-gotten treasure, gained by the miseries of the Indians. Many ♦ Irvlng'a Columbus, vol. 2, p. 76 to 63. t ' 103- t Id. p. 85, 6. 16 I .,' 'if^ 122 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [book I. smaller islands that surround it. This groupe is within a few leagues of the coast of Honduras, to the east of the great bay of that name. Bartholo- mew landed with some of the men on the principal island, and saw a canoe arriving as from a distant voyage ; he gathered from the Indians in it that they came from a country rich, cultivated and industrious, situated to the west, and was urged by them to steer in that direction. " Well would it have been for Co- lumbus," Mr. Irving remarks, " had he followed their advice. Within a day or two, he would have arrived at Yucatan ; the discovery of Mexico and the other opulent countries of New Spain would have necessa- rily followed ; the Southern ocean would have been disclosed to him, and a succession of splendid disco- veries would have shed fresh glory on his declining age, instead of its sinking amidst gloom, neglect and disappointment."* The admiral, however, was, at present intent upon discovering the strait. He stood southwardly for the main land, and after sailing a few leagues discovered the cape now known as Cape Honduras. Proceed- ing along what is at present called the coast of Hon- duras, he arrived on the 14th of September at a cape where the coast, making an angle, turned directly south, to which he gave the name of Gracias a Dios, or Thanks to God. After doubling this cape, Co- lumbus sailed south along what is now called the Musquito shore. After sailing about sixty-two leagues along this coast, the squadron anchored on the 16th, where a boat sent to the shore was, in returning. I * Irving'^ Columbus, vol. S, p. B7, 8. CHAP. XII.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 123 swallowed up by a sudden swelling of the sea, with all on board : to this stream was given the name of The River of Disaster. On the 25th, they cast an- chor between a small island and the main land, where they remained for several days, during which they were kindly treated by the natives. Departing on the 5th of October, the squadron sailed along what is now called Costa Rica, (or the Rich Coast,) from the mines found in after years among its mountains. After sailing about twenty-two leagues, the ships an- chored in a great bay about six leagues in length and three in breadth, called by the natives Caribaro. Sailing on the 17th, he proceeded along what has been since called the coast of Veragua, and after sailing about twelve leagues, arrived at a large river which his son Fernando calls the Guaig. He an- chored afterwards in the mouth of another river called the Catiba, where nineteen plates of pure gold were procured. Here, for the first time in the new world the Spaniards met with signs of solid architec- ture, finding a great mass of stone and lime ; an in- dication that they were in or near countries where the arts were in a higher state of cultivation than in those before discovered. Columbus hurried along this coast, where wealth was to be gathered at every step, for the purpose of seeking a strait, which how- ever it might produce vast benefit to mankind, could yield little else to himself than the glory of the dis- covery.* On the 2d of November, the squadron anchored in a spacious and commodious harbour, to which Columbus gave the name of Puerto Bello; this it * Irving'8 Columbua, vol. 3, p. 88 to 99. n 124 VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. [book I. has retained. Sailing on the 9th, they proceeded to the point since known as JNombre de Dios, but being driven back, anchored in a harbour in the vicinity of three small islands, where they remained till the 23d, and then proceeded to another port called Guiga. He next stopped in a small harbour, to which he gave the name of El Retrete, or The Cabinet, where the squadron was detained nine days by tempestuous weather. The companions of Columbus now mur- mured against any further prosecution of the voyage ; they looked back with regret on the rich coast they had left behind. Bastides, in his recent voyage, had arrived from an opposite quarter to about where Co- lumbus had now reached. If Columbus knew the details of this voyage, he must now have seen there was but little probability of the existence of the strait he had imagined. But it is doubtful, at least, whe- ther Columbus was then acquainted with the particu- lars of the voyage of Bastides. They could scarcely have reached Spain previous to his sailing. For though some of the seamen of Bastides had got thither before that time, we have no evidence that the papers and charts pertaining to the voyage had then been transmitted. And though Bastides was on board the fleet which was wrecked at the time Co- lumbus was off" San Domingo, Columbus had no op- portunity of obtaining any information from him. However this may be, Columbus rehnquished the fur- ther prosecution of his voyage eastward for the pre- sent, and on the 5th of December sailed from £1 Re- trete westward, in search of the gold mines of Ve- ragua.* * Irving'a Columbus, vol. 3, p. 100 to 103. CHAP. XII.] VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS IN 1502. 125 Bartholomew Columbus went into the interior to explore the country. No port was found equal to the river of Belen, nor was gold to be met with in such abundance as iri the district of V^eragua. The ad- miral was convinced that he had reached one of the most favoured parts of the Asiatic continent. He resolved to commence an establishment here for the purpose of securing possession of the country, and of exploring and working the mines. It was agreed that Bartholomew should remain with eighty men, while the admiral would return to Spain for rein- forcements and supplies. But the serious hot ilities which quickly occurred, caused this purpose to be abandoned, even after Columbus was aboard and about to proceed on his voyage. There appeared no alternative but to embark all the people, abandon the settlement for the present, and return at some future day with a force competent to secure the possession of the country.* Towards the end of April 1503, Columbus sailed from the coast of Veragua. He continued eastward as far as Porto Bello, where he was obliged to leave one of the caravels, which was so pierced by the worms that it was impossible to keep her afloat. All the crews were now crowded into two caravels ; one having been left stranded in the river near Belen. Columbus passed Port Retrete and a number of islands, to which he gave the name of Las Barbas, now termed the Mulatas, a little beyond Point Bias. Continuing about ten leagues further, he approached the entrance of what is at present called the gulf of * Irving's Columbua, vol. 3, p. 103 io 1-2& ' -N m' 126 DETENTION OF COLUMBUS AT JAMAICA. [BOOK I. Darion. On the 1st of May, he stood northward, in quest of Hispaniola. On the 10th, he came in sight of two small islands now known as the Caymans. Continuing north, he found himself, on the 30th, among the islands south of Cuba, which he had named the Queen's Gardens. Here the vessels were greatly injured by a tempest. At the end of six days, he took an eastward course. Reaching Cape Cruz, he anchored at a village where he had touched in 1494. Being prevented by adverse winds from beat- ing up to Hispaniola, he stood, in despair, for the island of Jamaica, to seek some secure port; for there was great danger of foundering at sea. On the eve of St. John, the 23d of June, he put into Pu- erto Bueno, now called Dry Harbour, but meeting none of the native^s and suffering from hunger, they sailed eastward next day to another harbour, to which the admiral, on his first visit to the island, had given the name of Port Santa Gloria. Here the vessels, reduced to mere wrecks, had to be run aground : thatched cabins were erected at the prow and stern, for the accommodation of the crews.* Arrangements bemg made with the natives for sup- plying the immediate wants of the Spaniards, Colum- bus next revolved in his mind the means of getting from the island. The most likely measure appeared to be, to send to San Don^ingo and entreat Ovando to dispatch a vessel. But mere was no way of trans- porting a messenger, except in a light canoe ; and the distance being forty leagues across a gulf, every one drew back at tue thoughts of it. Diego Mendez * Irving'8 Columbus, vol. 3, p. IQG to 129. CHAP. XII.] DIEGO MRNDEZ. 127 ventured his life on this occasion. With him went a Spanish comrade and six Indians. Once they were taken hy Indians roving in canoes, but made their es- cape, and at length arrived at the end of the island, distant thirty-four leagues from the harbour. While waiting here for calm weather, they were taken pri- soners by hostile Indians, who carried them off three leagues, intending to kill them. During a dispute about the division of the spoils, Diego escaped, got to his canoe, embarked in it and returned alone to the harbour, after fifteen days absence. Nothing daunted by what he had undergone, Diego offered to depart again, provided he could have persons to accompany him to the end of the island and protect him from the natives. This was done, and two canoes started, in one of which was Diego, and in the other Bartholo- mew Fiesco, a Genoese ; each having six Spaniards f nd ten Indians.* A long time elapsed without any tidings of Men- dez and Fiesco. Yet after a trying voyage, they had reached Cape Tiburon in four days from their quitting Jamaica. Mendez took six Indians of the island and set off to coast in his canoe, one hun- dred and thirty leagues to San Domingo. After proceeding for eighty leagues, he was informed that the governor had departed for Xaragua, fifty leagues distant. He abandoned his canoe and proceeded alone and on foot, through forests and over moun- taii- until he arrived at Xaragua, achieving one of the most perilous expeditions ever undertaken by i\ devoted follower, for the safety of his com- ♦ Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 130 to 136. v\ W- 128 DIEGO MENDEZ. [book I. mander. Ovando made many promises of sending immediate relief, but sufTcrcd day after day, week after week, and even month after month to elapse without carrying his promises into eflbct. Mendez remained for seven months in Xaragua, detained there under various pretexts by Ovando. At length, by importunity, obtaining permission to go to San Domingo, he set out on loot for that place, distant seventy leagues, to await the arrival of certain ships which were expected, of which he proposed to pur- chase one on account of the admiral. It was not until after his departure, that Ovando dispatched a small vessel with a message to Columbus, expressing regret at not having in port a vessel of sufficient size to bring off' him and his people, and promising to send one as soon as possible. This message was re- ceived eight months after the departure of Mendez. In the mean time, the men left behind with Colum- bus had become impatient. There had been a mu- tiny, and most of those in health, taking ten canoes which he had purchased from the Indians, had em- barked in them, but after going to sea, had returned to the island and lived fit large about it. In a ren- contre with Bartholomew Columbus, their ringleader Parras was taken and the rest submitted. Two ves- sels were afterwards seen standing in the harbour ; one of which had been hired and furnished at the ex- pense of the admiral, by the faithful Mendez : the other had been fitted out by Ovando. On the 28th of June 150i, just one year after Mendez had ar- rived at Hispaniola, Columbus and his men sailed thi- ther from Jamaica.* * Irving'g Columbus, vol. 2, p. 136 to 158. ciiAr. XII. J DIEGO MENDEZ. 129 Mcndcz having seen the ships depart, proceeded to Spain on the further concerns of the admiral. When King Ferdinand heard of the faithful services of Mcndez, he bestowed rewards upon him, and per- mitted him to bear a canoe on his coat of arms. He continued devotedly attached to the admiral, serving him zealously ader his return to Spain, and during his last illness. Columbus retained the most grateful and affectionate sense of his fidelity. Mcndez after- wards engaged in voyages of discovery in vessels of his own, but met with many vicissitudes, and appears to have died in impoverished circumstances. In his will he desired that a large stone should be placed upon his sepulchre, on which should be engraved certain words which he directed, and on the model of which there should be carved an Indian canoe, with the word canoa engraved above it in large let- ters.* * Irving'* Columbui, vol. 3, p. 1S8, 9. 17 k» 130 VOyAGE OF VESPUCIUS IN 1603. [book I. CHAPTER XIII. Of the voyage of Americus Vespucius to Brazil in 1503 ; and the name of America given to tliis part of the world. In the preface of the French editor to the History of the Province of Santa Cruz, referred to on page 108, it is stated that after the voyage in 1501, under Gonsaloe Coella, the coast of that province was, in the succeeding years, visited several times by Portu- guese navigators who went to the Indias ; among others, by Alfonso d' Albuquerque in 1503. The letter of the 4th of September 1504, from Americus Vespucius to Piero Soderini, giving an ac- count of his last voyage under the King of Portugal, states that six ships sailed from Lisbon on the 10th of May 1503 to make discoveries with regard to an island in the east, called Malacca ; that after stopping three days at the Cape de Verd islands, they sailed in a southerly direction ; that the superior captain went to reconnoitre Sierra Leone, without there being any necessity for it; that they sailed from there to the south, and bore southwest; that after sailing three hundred leagues through the great sea, being then three degrees south of the equinoctial line, an island was discovered about twenty-two leagues distant, very high, and not more than two leagues in length and one in width, and the superior captain there lost his ship upon a rock, and went himself to the bottom ; that his (Vespucius') ship and one other arrived in seventeen CHAP. XIII.] NAME OF AMERICA. 131 days at the Bay of All Saints, distant three hundred leagues from the island they had left, and after waiting two months and four days in this harbour, without being joined by any other ship, proceeded along the coast two hundred and sixty leagues, where they built a fortress ; that they were in this port five months, building the fortress and loading the ships with dye wood ; and during this time some of the men went forty leagues inland ; that being unable to proceed farther for want of men and equipments, they deter- mined to return to Portugal, leaving twenty-four men in the fortress with provisions for six months, twelve pieces of cannon and many other arms; that this country was situated eighteen degrees south of the equinoctial line, and fifty-seven degrees farther west than Lisbon ; that in seventy-seven days the two ships entered Lisbon, to wit, on the 15th of June 1504, the other ships of the fleet having been lost.* Tht; name of America was first given to the pro- vince explored by Americus in his two voyages of 1501 and 1503. Next it embraced the whole southern continent. And afterwards it became the appellation of the whole of the new world.f More than two centuries ago it was said that it " most justly should have been called Columbina, and a great dccil better might have been styled Cabotiana than America."! A few years ago it was attempted to give to the British provinces of the northern continent the name of Cabotia. * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 950,51, Appendix No. 10. Lifo of Americus Vcs- puciuH, hy Lcsicr and Foster, p. 338 to -343. tN. A. Review April 1821, p. 339, 340. Irving'3 Columbus, vol.3, p. 250, Appen- dix No. 10. liife of Americus Vespiicius, p. 248 to 255. i Purchas'a Pilgrimf, vol. 4, book C, ch. 4, p. 177. i m ll m i\ p ,1 132 RETURN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN 1504. [BOOK I. CHAPTER XIV. Of the return of Columbus from the West Indias to Spain in 1504, and his death in 150G : observations on his character. Though Coiumbus and his men left Jamaica on the 28th of June 1304, adverse winds delayed his arrival at San Domingo till the 13th of August. The sojourn of Columbus at San Domingo was but little calculated to yield him satisfaction. He was grieved at the de- solation of the island by the oppressive treatment of the natives and the horrible massacres which had been perpetrated. The sanguinary acts of Ovando awa- kened equal horror and indignation in Isabella. With her dying breath, she exacted a promise from Ferdi- nand that Ovando should immediately be recalled from his government.* On the 12th of September, Columbus sailed with his son and brother. They had a tedious voyage ; it was the 7th of November that his shattered bark an- chored in the harbour of San Lucar. Hence Cohim- bus had himself conveyed to Seville. Soon after- wards he lost the friend on whom he most relied. After four months of illness, Isabella died on the 26th of November 1504, at Medina del Campo. During the winter and a part of the spring, Columbus continued at Seville, detained by painful illness. He had to rely * Irving's Columbus, vol. 3, p. 160 to 189. CHAP. XIV.] KETCRN OF COLUMBUS TO SPAIN 1604. 133 upon others to support his appUcations to the court. One of these was Americus Vespucius, who being at Seville early in 1 605, on his way to the Spanish court, in quest of employment, became the bearer of the following letter from Columbus to his son Diego ; it is dated February 5.* " My dear son, — Diego Mendez departed from hence on Monday, the third of this month. After his departure I conversed with Amerigo Vespucci, the bearer of this, who goes there (to court) summoned on affairs of navigation. Fortune has been adverse to him as to many others. His labours have not profited him as much as they reasonably should have done. He goes on my account, and with much desire to do something that may result to my advan- tage, if within his power. I cannot ascertain here in what I can employ him, that will be serviceable to me, foi I do rot know what may be there required. He goes with the '^termination to do all that is possible for me. See in what he may be of advantage and co-operate with him, that he may say and do every thing, and put his plans in operation ; and let all be done secretly, that he may not be suspected. I have said every thing to him that I can say touching the business, and have informed him of the pay I have received, and what is due, &c."t Mr. Lester argues that Columbus would not have written a letter like this if Vespucius had been en- gaged in injuring his reputation.! This argument would be very proper if it could be shewn that Ves- pucius had before the date of this letter, asserted to Columbus, or in any public manner, the pretension of ♦ Frving's Coliimlms, vol. 2, p. 190 ; also p. 951, Appendix No. 10. t Nuvurrcto, Cullec. Viag. T. 1, p. 331, X Lift) of Vespucius, p. 105. ! Ml 1* aii 134 DEATH OF COLUMBUS IN 1506. [boor I. his discovering the continent of South America in 1497, but we have no evidence that any such preten- sion had been so asserted. The accounts of such a voyage, purporting to have been written to Lorenzo de Pier Francisco de Medici of Florence, and to others, remained unpubhshed till after the death of Columbus.* It was not until May 1505, that Columbus was able, in company with his brother Bartholomew, to accom- plish his journey to court, which was at that time held at Segovia. Many months were exhausted by him in unavaihng attendance. Life was now drawing to a close. He was again confined to the bed, l)y a tor- menting attack of the gout, aggravated by sorrow and disappointment. One of his last acts was to send his brother to King Philip and Queen Juana, who had just arrived from Flanders to take possession of the throne of Castile ; in the daughter of Isabella, he trusted to find a patroness and friend. After the de- parture of Bartholomew, his maladies increased in violence. He died on the 20th of May 1506, being seventy years old, a little more or less. His last words were "/« manus tuas, Domine, commendo spiritum mevm:^^ into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit If His body was deposited in the convent of St. Fran- cisco, but was transported in 1513 to the Carthusian monastery of Las Cuevas of Seville to the chapel of St. Ann, or of Santo Christo, in which chapel was likewise deposited that of his son Diego who died * Irving'a Columbus, vol. 3, p. 349, Appendix No. lU. ] t Id. p. 191 to 108, and 229, Appendix No. 1. CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 135 in the village of Montalban on the 23d of February 1526. In 1336 the bodies of both were removed to Hispaniola and interred in the principal chapel of the cathedral of the City of San Domingo. More than two centuries afterwards, when by the treaty of 1795 between France and Spain, all the Spanish posses- sions in the island of Hispaniola were ceded to France, the remains of Columbus were carried to Havana and deposited with great reverence, in the cathedral, in the wall on the right side of the grand altar.* >^ About the same period the new world gave birth to an historian who has by his writings perpetuated the fame of Columbus, and erected to his memory a monument far more lasting than that ordered by Fer- dinand. This chapter cannot be better concluded than with the following beautiful tribute from Mr. Ir- ving :t ((i Columbus was a man of great and inventive genius. The operations of his mind were energetic but irregular ; bursting forth at times with that irresistible force which characterizes intellects of such an order. His mind had grasped all kinds of knowledge connected with his pur- suits ; and though his information may appear limited at the present day, and some of his errors palpable, it is be- cause that knowledge, in his peculiar department of sci- ence, was but scantily developed in his time. His own discoveries enlightened the ignorance of that age ; guided conjecture to certainty ; and dispelled numercTus errors with which he himself had been obliged to struggle. "•Irving'sCnlumbus, vol. 2, p. 198; also p. S09 to 219, Appendix No. 1. t Id. p. SOO to 205. 136 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book I. "His ambition was lofty and noble. He was full of high thoughts, and anxious to distinguish himself by great achievements. It has been said that a mercenary feeling mingled with his views, and that his stipulations with the Spanish court were selfish and avaracious. The charge is inconsiderate and unjust. He aimed at dignity and wealth in the same lofty spirit in which he sought renown ; but they were to arise from the territories he should discover, and be commensurate in importance. No condition could be more just. He asked nothing of the sovereigns but a command of the countries he hoped to give them, and a share of the profits to support the dignity of his command. If there should be no country discovered, his stipulated viceroyalty would be of no avail ; and if no revenues should be produced, his labour and peril would produce no gain. If his command and revenues ultimately proved magnifi- cent, it was from the magnificence of the regions he had attached to the Castilian crown. What monarch would not rejoice to gain empire on such conditions ? " But he did not merely risk a loss of labour and a dis- appointment of ambition in the enterprise : on hjs motives being questioned, he voluntarily undertook, and, with the assistance of his coadjutors, actually defrayed one eighth of the whole charge of the first expedition. " The gains that promised to arise from his discoveries were intended to be appropriated in the same princely spi- rit in which they were demanded. He contemplated works and achievements of benevolence and piety ; vast contri- butions for the relief of the poor of his native city ; the foundation of churches where masses should be said for the souls of the departed ; and armies for the recovery of the holy sepulchre in Palestine. " In the discharge of his office he maintained the state and ceremonial of a viceroy, and was tenacious of his rank and privileges : not from a mere v ulgar love of titles, but CFAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 137 because he prized them as testimonials and trophies of his achievements. These he jealously cherished as his great rewards. In his repeated applications to the king, he in- sisted merely on the restitution of his dignities. As to his pecuniary dues and all questions relative to mere revenue, he offered to leave them to arbitration, or even to the abso- lute disposition of the king ; but not so his official digni- ties; " these things," said he nobly, "affect my honour." in his testament, he enjoined on his son Diego, and who- ever after him should inherit his estates, whatever di^Tiities and titles might afterwards be granted by the king, auvays to sign himself simply * The Admiral,' by way of perpetu- ating in the family its real source of greatness. " His conduct as a discoverer was characterized by the grandeur of his views, and the magnanimity of his spirit. Instead of scouring the newly found countries, like a grasp- ing adventurer eager only for immediate gain, as was too generally the case with contemporary discoverers, he sought to ascertain their soil and productions, ?' 3ir rivers and har- bours. He was desirous of colonizing and cultivating them, of conciliating and civilizing the natives, of building ci- ties, introducing the useful arts, subjecting every thing to the control of law, order and religion, and thus of found- ing regular and prosperous empires. In this glorious plan, he was constantly defeated by the dissolute rabble which it was his misfortune to command ; with whom all law was tyranny, and all order restraint. They interrupted all use- ful works by their seditions ; provoked the peaceful Indians to hostility; and after they had thus drawn down misery and warfare upon their own heads, and overwhelmed Co- lumbus with the ruins of the edifice he was building, they charged him with being the cause of the confusion. "Well would it have been for Spain, had her discoverers who followed in the track of Columbus possessed his sound policy and liberal views. The new world, in such case, 18 ■:' 138 OBSEHVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book I. would have been settled by peaceful colonists, and civilized by enlightened legislators, instead of being overrun by des- perate adventurers, and desolated ')y avaricious conquerors. " Columbus was a man of quick sensibility, liable to great excitement, to sudden and strong impressions, and powerful impulses. He was naturally irritable and impetuous, and keenly sensible to injury or injustice ; yet the quickness of his temper was counteracted by the benevolence and gene- rosity of his heart. The magnanimity of his nature shone forth through all the troubles of his stormy career. Though continually outraged in his dignity, and braved in the exer- cise of his command ; though foiled in his plans, and en- dangered in his person by the seditions of turbulent and worthless men : and that too at times when suffering under anxiety of mind and anguish of body, sufficient to exas- perate the most patient ; yet he restrained his valiant and indignant spirit; and by the strong power of his mind, brought himself to forbear, and reason, and even to suppli- cate : nor should we fail to notice how free he was from all feeling of revenge ; how ready to forgive and forget, on the least signs of repentance and atonement. He has been extolled for his skill in controlling others, but far greater praise is due to him for the firmness he displayed in governing himself. " His natural benignity made him accessible to all kinds of pleasurable influences from external objects. In his let- ters and journals, instead of detailing circumstances with the technical precision of a mere navigator, he notices the beauties of nature with the enthusiasm of a poet or a painter. As he coasts the shores of the New World, the reader parti- cipates in the enjoyment with which he describes, in his imperfect but picturesque Spanish, the varied objects around him ; the blandness of the temperature, the purity of the atmosphere, the fragrance of the air, ' full of dew and sweetness,' the verdure of the forests, the magnificence of '^^TTf'f*'^'' CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 139 the trees, the grandeur of the mountains, and the limpidity and freshness of the running streams. New delight springs up for him in every scene. He extols each new discovery as more beautiful than the last, and each as the most beau- tiful in the world ; until with his simple earnestness, he tells the sovereigns, that having spoken so highly of the preceding islands, he fears they will not eredit him when he declares that the one he is actually describing surpasses them all in excellence. " In the same ardent and unstudied way he expresses his emotions on various occasions, readily affected by impulses of joy or grief, of pleasure or indignation. When sur- rounded and overwhelmed by the ingratitude and violence of worthless men, he often, in the retirement of his cabin, gave way to gushes of sorrow, and relieved his overladen heart by sighs and groans. When he returned in chains to Spain, and came in the presence of Isabella, instead of continuing the lofty pride with which he had hitherto sus- tained his injuries, he was touched with grief and tender- ness at her sympathy, and burst forth into sobs and tears. "He was devoutly pious: religion mingled with the whole course of his thoughts and ;ctions, and shone forth in all his most private and unstudied writings. Whenever he made any great discovery, he celebrated it by solemn thanks to God. The voice of prayer, and the melody of praise, rose from his ships when they first beheld the New World, and his first action on landing, was to prostrate him- self upon the earth and render up thanksgivings. Every evening the Salve Regina and other vesper hymns were chanted by his crew, and masses were performed in the beautiful groves that bordered the wild shores of this hea- then land. The religion thus deeply seated in his soul diffused a sober dignity and a benign composure over his whole demeanour. His language was pure and guarded, free from all imprecations, oaths and other irreverent ex- I 140 OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book I. pressions. All his great enterprises were undertaken 'in the name of the Holy Trinity,' and he partook of the holy sacrament previous to embarkation. He observed the fes- tivals of the church in the wildest situations. The Sab- bath was with him a day of sacred rest, on which he would never set sail from a port, unless in a case of extreme ne- cessity. He was a firm believer in the efficacy of vows and penances and pilgrimages, and resorted to them in times of difficulty and danger; but he carried his religion still farther, and his piety was darkened by the bigotry of the age. He evidently concurred in the opinion that all na- tions who did not acknowledge the Christian faith were destitute of natural rights ; that the sternest means might be used for their conversion, and the severest punishments inflicted upon their obstinacy in unbelief. In this spirit of bigotry he considered himself justified in making captives of the Indians, and transporting them to Spain to have them taught the doctrines of Christianity, and in selling them for slaves, if they pretended to resist his invasions. In doing the latter, he sinned against the natural goodness of his character, and against the feelings which he had originally entertained and expressed towards this gentle and hospitable people ; but he was goaded on by the mer- cenary impatience of the crown, and by the sneers of his enemies at the unprofilable result of his enterprises. It is but justice to his character to observe, that the enslave- ment of the Indian • thus taken in battle was at first openly countenanced by thu crown, and that when the question of right came to be discussed at the instance of the queen, several of the most distinguished jurists and theologians advocated the prnctice, so that the question was finally set- tled in favour of the Indians by the humanity of Isabella. As the venerable Bishop Las Casas observes, where the most learned men have doubted, it is not surprising that an unlearned mariner should err. CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. 141 " These remarks in palliation of the conduct of Colum- bus are required by candour. It is proper to show him in connexion with the age in which he lived, lest the errors of the time should be considered his individual faults. It is not the intention of the author, however, to justify Co- lumbus on a point where it is inexcusable to err. Let it remain a blot on his illustrious name, and let others derive a lesson from it. "A peculiar trait in his rich and varied character remains to be noticed ; that ardent and enthusiastic imagination which threw a magnificence over his whole course of thought. Herrera intimates that he had a talent for poetry, and some slight traces of it are on record, in the book of prophecies which he presented to the Catholic sovereigns. But his poetical temperament is discernible throughout all his writings, and in all his actions. It spread a golden and glorious world around him, and tinged every thing with its own gorgeous colours. It betrayed him into visionary spe- culations, which subjected him to the sneers and cavillings of men of cooler and safer, but more grovelling minds. Such were the conjectures formed on the coast of Paria about the form of the earth and the situation of the terres- trial paradise ; about the mines of Ophir in Hispaniola, and of the Aurea Chersonesus in Veragua; and such was the heroic scheme of a crusade for the recovery of the holy sepulchre. It mingled with his religion, and filled his mind with solemn and visionary meditations on mystic passages of the scriptures, and the shadowy portents of the prophe- cies. It exalted his office in his eyes, and made him con- ceive himself an agent sent forth upon a sublime and awful mission, subject to impulses and supernatural intimations from the deity ; such as the voice which he imagined spoke to him in comfort, amidst the troubles of Hispaniola, and in the silence of the night on the disastrous coast of Ve- ragua. 142 OBBBRVATIONS ON COLUMBUS. [book I. " He was decidedly a visionary ; but a visionary of an uncommon and successful kind. The manner in which his ardent, imaginative and mercurial nature was controlled by a powerful judgment, and directed by an acute sagacity, is the most extraordinary feature in his character. Thus governed, his imagination, instead of exhausting itself in idle flights, lent aid to his judgment, and enabled him to form conclusions, at which common minds could never have arrived, nay, which they could not perceive when pointed out. " To his intellectual vision it was given to read in the signs of the times, and to trace in the conjectures and re- veries of past ages, the indications of an unknown world ; as soothsayers were said to read predictions in the stars, and to foretel events from the visions of the night. < His soul,' observes a Spanish writer, ' was superior to the age in which he lived. For him was reserved the great enter- prise of traversing a sea which had given rise to so many fables, and of deciphering the mystery of his time.'* " With all the visionary fervour of his imagination, its fondest dreams fell short of the reality. He died in igno- rance of the real grandeur of his discovery. Until his last breath, he entertained the idea that he had merely opened a new way to the old resorts of opulent commerce, and had discovered some of the wild regions of the east. He supposed Hispaniola to be the ancient Ophir, which had been visited by the ships of Solomon, and that Cuba and Terra Firma were but remote parts of Asia. What visions of glory would have broken upon his mind, could he have known that he had indeed discovered a new continent, equal to the whole of the old world in magnitude, and separated by two vast oceans from all the earth hitherto known by civilized man ! And how would his magnani- * Cladera, Investigaciones Historicaii, p. 43. CHAP. XIV.] OBSERVATIONS ON COLU>IBUS. 143 mous spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of age, and the cares of penury, the neglect of a fickle public, and the injustice of an ungrateful king, could he have anti- cipated the splendid empires which were to spread over the beautiful world he had discovered, and the nations, and tongues, and languages, which were to fill its lands with his renown, and to revere and bless his name to the latest posterity !" 1 144 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I. CHAPTER XV. Of the little port of Pulos, where Columbus fitted out his ships: a pilgrimage to it by an American. The following narrative was commenced by Mr. Irving as a letter to a friend. It was inserted by him in the Appendix to his volume of Voyages and Dis- coveries of the Companions of Columbus, from an idea (justly entertained,) that many would feel the same sort of curiosity to know something of the condition of Palos and its inhabitants that led him to make a journey thither. "Seville, 1828. " Since I last wrote to you 1 have made, what I may term, an American Pilgrimage, to visit the little port of Palos in Andalusia, where Columbus fitted out his ships, and whence he sailed for the discovery of the New World. Need I tell you how deeply interesting and gratifying it has been to me ? I had long meditated this excursion as a kind of pious, and if I may so say, filial duty of an Ame- rican, and my intention was quickened when I learnt that many of the edifices mentioned in the history of Columbus still remained in nearly the same state in which they ex- isted at the time of his sojourn at Palos, and that the de- scendants of the intrepid Pinions, who aided him with ships and money, and sailed with him in the great voyage of discovery, still flourished in the neighbourhood. CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 145 " The very evening before my departure from Seville on the excursion, I heard that there was a young gentle- man of the Pinzon family studying law in the city. I got introduced to him, and found him of most prepossessing appearance and manners. He gave me a letter of intro- duction to his father, Don Juan Fernandez Pinzon, resident of Moguer, and the present head of the family. " As it was in the middle of August, and the weather intensely hot, I hired a calesa for the journey. This is a two-wheeled carriage, resembling a cabriolet, but of the most primitive and rude construction ; the harness is pro- fusely ornamented with brass, and the horse's head deco- rated with tufts and tassels and dangling bobs of scarlet and yellow worsted. I had, for calasero, a tall, long-leg- ged Andalusian, in short jacket, little round-crowned hat, breeches decorated with juttons from the hip to the knees, and a pair of russet leather bottinas or spatterdashes. He was an active fellow, though uncommonly taciturn for an Andalusian, and strode along beside his horse, rousing him occasionally to greater speed by a loud malediction or a hearty thwack of his cudgel. " If) this style I set off late in the day to avoid the noon- tide heat, and after ascending the lofty range of hills that borders the great valley of the Guadalquiver, and having a rough ride among their heights, I descended about twilight into one of those vast, silent, melancholy plains, frequent in Spain, where I beheld no other signs of life than a roaming flock of bustards, an*a distant herd of cattle, guarded by a solitary herdsman, who, with a long pike planted in the earth, stood motionless in the midst of the dreary landscape, resembling an Arab of the desert. The night had somewhat advanced when we stopped to repose for a few hours at a solitary venta or inn, if it might so be called, being nothing more than a vast low-roofed stable, divided into several compartments for the reception of the 19 / !l 146 THE LITTLE FORT OF FALOS. [book I. troops of mules and arrieros (or carriers) who carry on the internal trade of Spain. Accommodation for the traveller there was none — not even for a traveller so easily accom- modated as myself. The landlord had no food to give me, and as to a bed, he had none but a horse cloth, on which his only child, a boy of eight years old, lay naked on the earthen floor. Indeed the heat of the weather and the fumes from the stables made the interior of the hovel in- supportable, so I was fain to bivouac on my cloak on the pavement at the door of the venta, where, on waking after two or three hours of sound sleep, I found a contrabandista (or smuggler) snoring beside me, with his blunderbuss on his arm. " I resumed my journey before break of day, and had made several leagues by ten o'clock, when we stopped to breakfast, and to pass the sultry hours of midday in a large village, from whence we departed about four o'clock, and, after passing through the same kind of solitary country, ar- rived just after sunset at Moguer. This little city (for at present it is a city) is situated about a league from Palos, of which place it has gradually absorbed all the respectable inhabitants, and, among the number, the whole family of the Pinzons. " So remote is this little place from the stir and bustle of travel, and so destitute of the show and vainglory of this world, that my calesa as it rattled and jingled along the narrow and ill-paved streets caused a great sensation ; the children shouted and scampered along by its side, admiring its splendid trappings of brass and worsted, and gazing with reverence at the important stranger who came in so gorgeous an e jiiipage. "I drove up to the prii cipal posada, the landlord of which was at the door. He was one of the very civilest men in the world, and disposed to do every thing in his power to make me comfortable ; there was only one difll- -.- ">! p-- CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PAL09. U7 culty, he had neither bed nor bed-room in his house. In fact, it was a mere venta for muleteers, who are accus- tomed tc t-'v-i-ep on the ground with their mule cloths for beds and i:acK-saddles for pillows. It was a hard case, but there was no better posada in the place. Few people tra- vel for pleasure or curiosity in these out-of-the-way parts of Spain, and those of any note are generally received into private houses. I had travelled sufficiently in Spain to find out that a bed, after all, is not an article of indispensa- ble necessity, and was about to bespeak some quiet corner where I might spread my cloak, when fortunately the land- lord's wife came forth. She could not have a more oblig- ing disposition than her husband, but then — God bless the women ! — they always know how to carry their good wishes into effect. In a little while a small room about ten feet .square, that had formed a thoroughfare between the stables and a kind of shop or bar room, was cleared of a variety of lumber, and I was assured ihat a bed should be put up there for me. From the consultations I saw my hostess holding with some of her neighbour gossips, I fan- cied the bed was to be a kind of piece-meal contribution among them for the credit of the house. " As soon as I could change my dress, I commenced the historical researches which were the object of my journey, and inquired for the abode of Don Juan Fernandez Pinzon. My obliging landlord himself volunteered to conduct me thither, and I set off full of animation at the thoughts of meeting with the lineal representative of one of the coad- jutors of Columbus. " A short walk brought us to the house, which was most respectable in its appearance, indicating easy, if not affluent circumstances. The door, as is customary in Spanish vil- lages, during summer, stood wide open. We entered with the usual salutation or rather summons, ' Ave Maria !' A trim Andahisian handmaid answered to the call, and, on m p\ t48 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I. our inquiring for the master of the house, led the way across a little patio or court, in the centre of the edifice, cooled by a fountain surrounded by shrubs and flowers, to a back court or terrace, likewise set out with flowers, where Don Juan Fernandez -was seated with his family, enjoying the serene evening in the open air. " I was much pleased with his appearance. He was a venerable old gentleman, tall and somewhat thin, with fair complexion and grey hair. He received me with great urbanity, and on reading the letter from his son, appeared struck with surprise to find I had come quite to Moguer, merely to visit the scene of the embarkation of Columbus ; and still more so on my telling him, that one of ray lead- ing objects of curiosity was his own family connexion ; for it would seem that the worthy cavalier had troubled his head but little about the enterprises of his ancestors. " I now took my seat in the domestic circle and soon felt myself quite at home, for there is generally a frankness in the hospitality of Spaniards that soon puts a stranger at his ease beneath their roof. The wife of Don Juan Fernandez was extremely amiable and affable, possessing much of that natural aptness for which the Spanish women are remarka- ble. In the course of conversation with them, I learnt that Don Juan Fernandez, who is seventy-two years of age, is the eldest of five brothers, all of whom are married, have numerous offspring, and live in Moguer and its vicinity, in nearly the same condition and rank of life as at the time of the discovery. This agreed with what I had previously heard, respecting the families of the discoverers. Of Co- lumbus no lineal and direct descendant exists ; his was an exotic stock that never took deep and lasting root in the country ; but the race of the Pinzons continues to .thrive and multiply in its native soil. " While I was yet conversing, a gentleman entered, who was introduced to me as Don Luis Fernandez Pinzon, the CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 149 youngest of the brothers. He appeared to be between fifty and sixty years of age, somewhat robust, with fair com- plexion and grey hair, and a frank and manly deportment. He is the only one of the present generation that has fol- lowed the ancient profession of the family; having served with great applause as an officer of the royal navy, from which he retired, on his marriage, about twenty-two years since. He is the one, also, who takes the greatest interest and pride in the historical hono'irs of his house, carefully preserving all the legends and documents of the achieve- ments and distinctions of his family, a manuscript volume of which he lent me for my inspection. " Don Juan now expressed a wish that, during my resi- dence in Moguer, I would make his house my home. I endeavoured to excuse myself, alleging, that the good peo- ple at the posada had been at such extraordinary trouble in preparing quarters for me, that I did not like to disappoint them. The worthy old gentleman undertook to arrange all this, and, while supper was preparing, we walked toge- ther to the posada. I found that my obliging host and hostess had indeed exerted themselves to an uncommon de- gree. An old ricketty table had been spread out in a cor- ner of the little room as a bedstead, on top of which was propped up a grand cama de luxo, or state bed, which ap- peared to be the admiration of the house. I could not, for the soul of me, appear to undervalue what the poor people had prepared with such hearty good will, and considered such a triumph of art and luxury ; so I again entreated Don Juan to dispense with my sleeping at his house, pro- mising most faithfully to make my meals there, while I should stay at Moguer, and as the old gentleman under- stood my motives for declining his invitation, and felt a good humoured sympathy in them, we readily arranged the matter. I returned therefore with Don Juan to his house, and supped with his family. During the repast, a plan was 150 THE lilTTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I. agreed upon for my visit to Palos, and to the convent La Rabida, in which Don Juan volunteered to accompany me and be my guide, and the following day was allotted to the expedition. We were t<> breakfast at a hacienda, or coun- try seat, which he posseisrd in the vicinity of Palos, in the midst of his vineyards, and were to dine there on our re- turn from the convent. These arrangements being made, we parted for the night ; I returned to the posada highly gratified with my visit, and slept soundly in the extraordi- nary bed which, I may almost say, had been invented for my accommodation. " On the following morning, bright and early, Don Juan Fernandez and myself set off in the calesa for Palos. I felt apprehensive at first, that the kind-hearted old gentle- man, in his anxiety to oblige, had left his bed at too early an hour, and was exposing himself to fatigues unsuited to his age. He laughed at the idea, and assured me that he was an early riser, and accustomed to all kinds of exercise on horse and foot, being a keen sportsman, and frequently passing days together among the mountains on shooting ex- peditions, taking with him servants, horses and provisions, and living in a tent. He appeared, in fact, to be of an ac- tive habit, and to possess a youthful vivacity of spirit. His cheerful disposition rendered our morning drive extremely agreeable ; his urbanity was shown to every one whom we met on the road ; even the common peasant was saluted by him with the appellation of cahallero, a mark of respect ever gratifying to the poor, but proud Spaniard, when yielded by a superior. " As the tide was out, we drove along the flat grounds bordering the Tinto. The river was on our right, while on our left was a range of hills, jutting out into promonto- ries, one beyond the other, and covered with vineyards and fig trees. The weather was serene, the air soft and balmy, and the landscape of that gentle kind calculated to put one iv CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF FALOS. 151 r in a quiet and happy humour. We passed close by the skirts of Palos, and drove to the hacienda, which is situa- ted at some little distance from the village, between it and the river. The house is a low stone building, well white- washed, p.nd of great length ; one end being fitted up as a summer residence, with saloons, bed-rooms, and a domestic chapel ; and the other as a bodega or magazine for the re- ception of the wine produced on the estate. " The house stands tn a hill, amidst vineyards, which are supposed to cover a pc t of the scite of the ancient town of Palos, now shrunk to a miserable village. Beyond these vineyards, on the crest of a distant hill, are seen the white walls of the convent of La Rabida rising above a dark wood of pine trees. " Below the hacienda flows the river Tinto, on which Columbus embarked. It is divided by a low tongue of land, or rather the sand bar of Saltes, from the river Odiel, with which it soon mingles its waters, and flows on to the ocean. Beside this sand bar, where the channel of the river runs deep, the squadron of Columbus was anchored, and from hence he made sail on the morning of his depar- ture. " The soft breeze that was blowing scarcely ruflled the surface of this beautiful river ; two or three picturesque barks, called mysticks, with long latine sails, were gliding down it. A little aid of the imagination might suflice to picture them as the light caravels of Columbus, sallying forth on their eventful expedition, while the distant bells of the town of Huelva, which were ringing melodiously, might be supposed as cheering the voyagers with a fare- well peal. "I cannot express to you what were my feelings on treading the shore which had once been animated by the bustle of departure, and whose sands had been printed by the last footstep of Columbus. The solemn and sublime 152 THE LITTLE PORT OF FALOS. [BOOE I. nature of the event that had followed, together with the fate and fortunes of those concerned in it, filled the mind with vague yet melancholy ideas. It was like viewing the silent and empty stage of some great drama when all the actors had departed. The very aspect of the landscape, so tranquilly beautiful, had an effect upon me, and as I paced the deserted shore by the side of a descendant of one of the discoverers, I felt my heart swelling with emotions and my eyes filling with tears. " What surprised me was to find no semblance of a sea- port; there was neither wharf nor landing-place — nothing but a naked river bank, with the hulk of a ferry-boat, which I was told carried passengers to Huelva, lying high and dry on the sands, deserted by the tide. Palos, though it has doubtless dwindled away from its former size, can never have been important as to extent and population. If it possessed warehouses on the beach, they have disap- peared. It is at present a mere village of the poorest kind, and lies nearly a quarter of a mile from the river, in a hol- low among hills. It contains a few hundred inhabitants, who subsist principally by labouring in the fields and vine- yards. Its race of merchants and mariners are extinct. There are no vessels belonging to the place, nor any show of traffic, excepting at the season of fruit and wine, when a few mysticks and other light barks anchor in the river to collect the produce of the neighbourhood. The people are totally ignorant, and it is probable that the greater part of them scarce know even the name of America. Such is the place from whence sallied forth the enterprise for the disco- very of the western world ! " We were now summoned to breakfast in a little saloon of the hacienda. The table was covered with natural lux- uries produced upon the spot — fine purple and muscatel grapes from the adjacent vineyard, delicious melons from the garden, and generous wines made on the estate. The c f h CHAP. IV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 153 repast was heightened by the genial manners of my hos- pitable host, who appeared to possess the most enviable cheerfulness of spirit and simplicity of heart. " After breakfast we set off in the calesa to visit the con- vent of La Rabida, which is about half a league distant. The road, for a part of the way, lay through the vineyards, and was deep and sandy. The calasero had been at his wit's end to conceive what motive a stranger like myself, apparently travelling for mere amusement, could have in coming so far to see so miserable a place as Palos, which he set down as one of the very poorest places in the whole world ; but this additional toil and struggle through deep sand, to visit the old convent of La Rabida, completed his confusion — ' Hombre !' exclaimed he, ' es una ruina ! no hay mas que dos frailes !' — ' Zounds ! why it's a ruin ! there are only two friars there !' Don Juan laughed, and told him that I had come all the way from Seville precisely to see that old ruin and those two friars. The calasero made the Spaniard's last reply when he is perplexed — he shrugged his shoulders and crossed himself. " After ascending a hill and passing through the skirts of a straggling pine wood, we arrived in front of the convent. It stands in a bleak and solitary situation, on the brow of a rocky height or promontory, overlooking to the west a wide range of sea and land, bounded by the frontier mountains of Portugal, about eight leagues distant. The convent is shut out from a view of the vineyard of Palos by the gloomy forest of pines which I have mentioned, which cover the promontory to the east, and darken the whole landscape in that direction. " There is nothing remarkable in the architecture of the convent ; part of it is Gothic, but the edifice having been frequently repaired, and being whitewashed, according to a universal custom in Andalusia, inherited from the Moors, it has not that venerable aspect which might be expected from its antiquity. 20 154 THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [book I. « We alighted at the gate where Columbus, when a poor pedestrian, a stranger in the land, asked bread and water for his child ! As long as the convent stands, this must be a spot calculated to awaken the most thrilling interest. The gate remains apparently in nearly the same state as at the time of his visit, but there is no longer a porter at hand to administer to the wants of the wayfarer. The door stood wide open, and admitted us into a small court yard. From thence we passed through a Gothic portal into the chapel, without seeing a human being. Wo then traversed two interior cloisters, equally vacant and silent, and bearing a look of neglect and dilapidation. From an open window we had a peep at what had once been a garden, but that had also gone to ruin ; the walls were broken and thrown down ] a few shrubs, and a scattered fig tree or two, were all the traces of cultivation that remained. We passed through the long dormitories, but the cells were shut up and abandoned ; we saw no living thing except a solitary cat stealing across a distant corridor, which fled in a panic at the unusual sight of strangers. At length, after patrol- ling nearly the whole of the empty building to the echo of our own footsteps, we came to where the door of a cell, be- ing partly open, gave us the sight of a monk within, seated at a table writing. He rose and received us with much ci- vility, and conducted us to the superior, who was reading in an adjacent cell. They were both rather young men, and, together with a noviciate and a lay-brother, who offi- ciated as cook, formed the whole community of the con- vent. " Don Juan Fernandez communicated to them the object of my visit, and my desire also to inspect the archives of the convent to find if there was any record of the sojourn of Columbus. They informed us that the archives had been entirely destroyed by the French. The younger monk, however, who had perused them, had a vague recol- CHAP. XT.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 165 lection of various particulars concerning the transactions of Columbus at Palos, his visit to the convent, and the sailing of his expedition. From all that he cited, however, it ap- peared to me that all the information on the subject con- tained in the archives, had been extracted from Herrera and other well known authors. The monk was talkative and eloquent, and soon diverged from the subject of Columbus, to one which he considered of infinitely greater impor- tance ; — the miraculous image of the Virgin possessed by their convent, and known by the name of ' Our Lady of La Rabida.' He gave us a history of the wonderful way in which the image had been fonnd buried in the earth, where it had lain hidden for -«gt proclaimed to the inhabi- tants of Palos the order of *!.6 sovereigns, that they should furnish him with ships for his great voyage of discovery. This edifice has lately been thoroughly repaired, and, being of solid mason work, promises to stand for ages, a monu- ment of the discoverers. It stands outside of the village, on the brow of a hill, looking along a little valley toward the river. The remains of a Moorish arch prove it to have been a mosque in former times ; just above it, on the crest of the hill, is the ruin of a Moorish castle. " I paused in the porch and endeavoured to recall the in- teresting scene that had taken place there, when Columbus, accompanied by the zealous friar, Juan Perez, caused the public notary to read the royal order in presence of the astonished alcaldes, regidors and alguazils ; but it is difficult to conceive the consternation that must have been struck into so remote a little community, by this sudden apparition of an entire stranger among them, bearing a command that they should put their persons and ships at his disposal, and sail with him away into the unknown wilderness of the ocean. • " The interior of the church has notliing remarkable, excepting a wooden image of St. George vanquishing the Dragon, which is erected over the high altar, and is the ad- miration of the good people of Palos, who bear it about the streets in grand procession on the anniversary of the saint. This group existed in the time of ColumbuS; and now flourishes in ranovated youth and splendour, having been newly painted and gilded, and the countenance of the saint rendered peculiarly blooming and lustrous. CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 161 " Having finished the examination of the church, we re- sumed our seats iu the calesa and returned to Moguer. One thing only ren^ained to fulfil the object of my pilgrimage. This was to visit the chapel of the convent of Santa Clara. When Columbus was in danger of being lost in a tempest on his way home from his great voyage of discovery, he made a vow, that should he be spared, he would watch and pray one whole night in this chapel ; a vow which he doubt- less fulfilled immediately after his arrival. "My kind and attentive friend, Don Juan, conducted me to the convent. It is the wealthiest in Moguer, and be- longs to a sisterhood of Franciscan nuns. The chapel is large, and ornamented with some degree of richness, parti- cularly the part about the high altar, which is embellis'.ied by magnificent monuments of the brave family of the Puerto Carreros, the ancient lords of Moguer, and renowned in Moorish warfare. The alabaster effigies of distinguished warriors of that house, and of their wives and sisters, lie side by side, with folded hands, on tombs immediately be- fore the altar, while others recline in deep niches on either side. The night had closed in by the time I entered the church, which made the scene more impressive. A few votive lamps shed a dim light about the interior; their beams were feebly reflected by the gilded work of the high altar, and the frames of the surrounding paintings, and rested upon the marble figures of the vvarriors and dames lying in the monumental repose of ages. The so- lemn pile must have presented much the same appearance when the pious discoverer performed his vigil, kneeling be- fore this very altar, and praying and watching throughout the night, and pouring forth heartfelt praises for having been spared to Accomplish his sublime discovery. "I had now completed the main purpose of my journey, having visited the various places connected with the story of Columbus. It was highly gratifying to find some of 21 ifl 162 THK LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. [BOOK I. them so little changed though so great a space of time had intervened ; but in this quiet nook of Spain, so far removed from the main thoroughfares, the lapse of time produces but few violent revolutions. Nothing, however, had sur- prised and gratified me more than the continued stability of the Pinzon family. On the morning after my excursion to Palos, chance gave me an opportunity of seeing something of the interior of most of their households. Having a cu- riosity to visit the remains of a Moorish castle, once the citadel of Moguer, Don Fernandez undertook to show me a tower which served as a magazine of wine to one of the Pinzon family. In seeking for the key we were sent from house to house of nearly the whole connexion. All ap- peared to be living in that golden mean equally removed from the wants and superfluities of life, and all to be hap- pily interwoven by kind and cordial habits of intimacy. We found the females of the family generally seated in the patios, or central courts of their dwellings, beneath the shade of awnings and among shrubs and flowers. Here the Andalusian ladies are accustomed to pass their mornings at work, surrounded by their handmaids, in the primitive, or rather, oriental style. In the porches of some of the houses I observed the coat of arms, granted to the family by Charles V. hung up like a picture in a frame. Over the door of Don Luis, the naval ofllcer, it was carved on an escutcheon of stone, and coloured. I had gathered many particulars of tho family also from conversation with Don Juan, and from the family legend lent me by Don Luis. From all that I could learn, it would appear that the lapse of nearly three centuries and a half has made but little change in the condition of the Pinzons. From generation to generation they have retained the same fair standing and reputable name throughout the neighbourhood, filling offi- ces of public trust and dignity, and possessing great influ- ence over their fellow citizens by their good sense and CHAP. XV.] THE LITTLE PORT OF PALOS. 163 good conduct. How rare is it to see such an instance of stability of fortune in this fluctuating world, and how truly honourable is this hereditary respectability, which has been secured by no titles or entails, but perpetuated merely by the innate worth of the race ! I declare to you that the most illustrious descents of mere titled rank could never command the sincere respect and cordial regard with which I contemplated this staunch and enduring family, which for three centuries and a half has stood merely upon its virtues. " As I was to set off on my return to Seville before two o'clock, I partook of a farewell repast at the house of Don Juan, between twelve and one, and then took leave of his household with sincere regret. The good old gentleman, with the courtesy, or rather the cordiality of a true Spa- niard, accompanied me to the posada to see me of!'. I had dispensed but little money in the posada — thanks to the hospitality of the Pinzons — yet the Spanish pride of my host and hostess seemed pleased that I had preferred their humble chamber, and the scanty bed they had provided me, to the spacious mansion of Don Juan ; and when I expres- sed my thanks for their kindness and attention, and regaled mine host with a few choice cigars, the heart of the poor man was overcome. Ho seized me by both hands and gave me a parting benediction, and then ran after the cala- sero to enjoin him to take particular care of me during my journey. ' Taking a hearty leave of my excellent friend Don Juan, who had been unremitting in his attentions to me to the last moment, I now set off in my wayfaring, gratified to the utmost with my visit, and full of kind and grateful feelings towards Moguer and its hospitable inhabitants."* * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 39^ to 346. 164 AMERICUS VESPUCIUS FROM 1606 TO 1608. [BOOK I. CHAPTER XVI. Of Americus Vespucius from 1505 to 1508 ; his appointment then as chief pilot of Spain ; and the expeditions of Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis in 1506 and 1508. On the 11th of April 1506, Ferdinand made Ves- pucius a grant of twelve thousand maravedis; and on the 24th of the same month, letters of naturaliza- tion were issued in his behalf, in consideration, as they recite, of his fidelity and many valuable services to the crown. Shortly afterwards, he and Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon were named captains of an armada then contemplated from Spain. For this voyage ves- sels were procured and fitted out, and other prepara- tions made, but it was eventually abandoned. There are memoranda existing concerning it dated in 1505, 1507 and 1508, from which it appears that Vespucius remained at Seville attending to the fluctuating con- cerns of this squadron, until the change of its desti- nation, the sale of the equipments, and settlement of the accounts. During this time he had a salary of thirty thousand maravedis. On the 22d of March 1508, he receiv<"d the appointment of chief pilot, with a salary of seventy-fiv-; thousand maravedis. Seville was now the place of his residence. His chief duties were to prepare charts, examine pilots, superintend the fitting out of expeditions, and pre- ii. .y CHAP. XVl] EXPEDITIONS IN 1506 AND 1508. 165 scribe the route that vessels were to pursue in their voyages to the new world.* Mr. Irving states that in 1606, Vicente Yanoz Pinzon undertook an expedition in company with Juan Diaz de Solis, a native of Lebrija, the object of which was to find the strait or passage supposed by Columbus to lead from the Atlantic to a southern ocean ; but that no such passage existing, this voy- age was necessarily without success, as was also ano- ther made by them for the same purpose in 1508.t In the preface of the French editor to the History of the Province of Sancta Cruz, mentioned on page 108, after referring to the visits of the Portuguese naviga- tors to this province, amongst others to one by Al- fonso d'Albuquesque in 1503, and to another three years later, by Tustan d'Acunha, he says, " In 1508, the King of Spain, jealous of preserving the exclusive possession of America, dispatched to this country Vicente Yanez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis." It may be that the object of the expedition of 1508 was two fold, to find a passage by a strait from the Atlan- tic to the Pacific ocean, and also to take possession of Brazil, as far as practicable, so as to check the Portuguese in their endeavours to enlarge their pos- sessions in that country. * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 252. Ap- pendix No. 10. Life of Vespuciua, p. 256 to264, also p. 395,396. t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 40, 41. 166 JUAN PONCE DG LEON, [BOOK I. CHAPTER XVII. Of the subjugation of Hispaniola, and its government under Diego Co- lumbus ; also of the subjugation of Porto Rico in 1509, while Juan Ponce de Leon was commander in that island. After four other Indian sovereignties of Hispaniola had been subjugated, the downfall of Higuey, the last of those independent districts, was accomplished un- der the administration of Ovando. Juan Ponce, a native of Leon, generally called Juan Ponce de Leon, was commander of part of the troops. He had served against the Moors of Granada, had accompa- nied Columbus in his second voyage in 1493, and had distinguished himself in various battles with the Indians. In the campaign against Higuey, he se- conded his chief, Juan de Esquibel, so valiantly, that after the subjugation of the province, he was ap- pointed to the command of it as lieutenant of the governor of Hispaniola.* The province of Higuey lay at the eastern end of Hayti. The isle of Boriquen was directly opposite, and but twelve or fourteen leagues distant. The In- dians of the two islands frequently visited each other ; and in the transparent atmosphere of the tropics Juan Ponce could see Boriquen from his province. He obtained permission from governor Ovando to visit it, * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 393, 3. CHAP, xrii.] DIEGO COLUMBUS. 167 and brought back such specimens of gold that the governor determined on the subjugation of the island: it was proposed to confide the enterprise to Juan Ponce. He made another, and as it were a prepara- tory visit, to make himself acquainted with the coun- try, and with the nature and resources of the inhabi- tants. After remaining some time on the island, he returned to San Domingo, but found the whole face of affairs had changed in his absence. His patron, the governor Ovando, had been recalled to Spain.* This was afler the law suit of Diego Columbus, son of the renowned discoverer, was determined in his favour. According to the capitulations between the sovereign and his father, Diego was to be viceroy and governor of the new world. Ferdinand withheld the title of viceroy, but ceded to Diego the dignities and powers that had been enjoyed by Ovando. Even this cession was not made until the power of Diego was increased by his connexion in marriage. He married Donna Maria de Toledo, daughter of Fer- nando de Toledo, grand commander of Leon, and niece of the celebrated duke of Alva, chief favourite of the king.f " The new admiral embarked at St. Lucar, June 9, 1509, with his w'.fe, his brother Don Fernando, who was now grown */j man's estate, and had been well educated, and his two uncles Don Bartholomew and Don Diego. They were accompanied by a numerous retinue of cavaliers, with their wives, and of young ladies of rank and family, more distinguished, it is hinted, for high blood than large for- * Voyages of Companions of Columhua, p. 296. t Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 213 to 218. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 296. fc- 168 PORTO RICO SUBDUED IN 1509. [book I. tune, and who were sent out to find wealthy husbands in the new world.* " Though the king had not granted Don Diego the dig- nity of viceroy, the title was generally given to him by courtesy, and his wife was universally addressed by that of vice-queen. " Don Diego commenced his rule with a degree of splen- dour hitherto unknown in the colony. The vice-queen, who was a lady of great desert, surrounded by the noble cavaliers and the young ladies of family who had come in her retinue, established a sort of court, which threw a de- gree of lustre over the half savage island. The young la- dies were soon married to the wealthiest colonists, and con- tributed greatly to soften those rude manners which had grown up in a state of society hitherto destitute of the salu- tary restraint and pleasing decorum produced by female in- fluence. " Don Diego had considered his appointment in the light of a vice-royalty, but the king soon took measures which showed that he admitted of no such pretension."! A cavalier arrived from Spain, empowered by the king to form a settlement and build a fortress on the island of Forto Rico. His name was Christoval de Sotoma)ipr ; he was brother to the Count of Camina, and had been secretary to Philip the First, King of Castile, and father of Charles the Fifth. Diego Co- lumbus considered this in disregard of his prerogative as viceroy, and refused to put Sotomayor in posses- sion. He paid as little respect to the claims of Juan Ponce. Choosing officers to suit himself, he ap- pointed one Juan Ceron to the government of Porto Rico, and Miguel Diaz as his lieutenant. Juan * Las Casas, L. 3, cap. 49, MS. f Irving'a Columbus, vol. S, p. 216, Appendix No. 9. CHAP, xvii.] PORTO RICO SUBDUED IN 1609. 169 Ponce and Sotomayor bore their disappointment with a good grace : they joined the crowd of adventurcTS that accompanied the newly appointed governor.* Afterwards the king appointed Juan Ponce go- vernor of the island, and signified that Diego Co- lumbus was not to presume to displace him. The first step of Juan Ponce was to quarrel with Juan Ceron and Miguel Diaz, the ex-governor and his lieutenant, and send them prisoners to Spain. To Sotomayor he was more favourable; making him lieutenant and alcalde mayor. But the cavalier was so ridiculed for accepting th' ibaltern situation, that he had to resign ; he remaiiiL J in the island as a pri- vate individual until upon an insurrection by the na- tives he was massacred.f Juan Ponce fixed his seat of government in a town called Caparra, which he founded on the northern side of the island about a league from the sea ; it was in front of the port called Rico, which subsequently gave its name to the island. After the insurrection, he might almost be considered a governor without territories and a general without soldiers. His vil- lages were in ruins, and his whole force did not amount to a hundred men, several of whom were disabled by their wounds. One of his most efficient warriors was a dog named Berezillo, for whom his master received the pay, allowance and share of booty assigned to a cross-bow man ; and perhaps the pay should have been higher, for it is said he did more than could have been done by several soldiers. Juan Ponce occasionally made assaults upon the Indians No. i2. * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 296 to S98. 22 t Id. p. 298 to 306. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^p 1.0 ^1^ y^ 1.1 ■ 40 ■ 2.2 ju gay. 1^ 2.0 HHIi m |l.25||||,.4,,.6 ^ 6" ► ^^ PhotDgraphic Sciences Corporation 33 WIST MAIN STREET WBBSTEt.N.Y. U5S0 (716) S73-4503 '^ ^^* %o s ^ iro PORTO RICO SURDUED IN 1509. [book I. with small bodies of his men, but he would not ven- ture much until he had reinforcements from His- paniola. While fighting hard to maintain his sway, his dignity was terminated. King Ferdinand became convinced that in superseding the governor and Ueu- tenant governor appointed by Diego Columbus, he had infringed the rights of the admiral. When there- fore Juan Ceron and Miguel Diaz came prisoners to Spain, the king sent them back empowered to resume command. By the time they reached the island, Juan Ponce had completed its subjugation. The fate of the natives of Boriquen was like that of their neigh- bours of Hayti.* * Voyagei of CompanionB of Columbas, p. 300 to 313. ■ CBAr. XTIII.] COLONIES AT DABIEN. 171 CHAPTER XVIII. Of the subjugation of Jamaica in 1509, and the armaments in the same year to found colonies along the isthmus of Darien ; the attempts of Alonzo de Ojeda to plant his colony ; his conflicts with the Indians ; and the formula read to ihem as an excuse for killing them. King Ferdinand, having resolved to found regular colonies along the isthmus of Darien, had, without any reference to Diego Columbus, divided this part of the continent into two provinces, separated by an imaginary line running through the gulf of Uraba. The eastern part, extending to Cape de la Vela, was called New Andalusia, and the government of it given to Alonzo de Ojeda. The other to the west, including Veragua, and reaching to Cape Gracios k Dios, was assigned to Diego de Nicuesa.* " Had the monarch been swayed by principles of justice and gratitude, the settlement of this coast would have been given to the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew Columbus, who had assisted in the discovery of the country, and, together with his brother the admiral, had suffered so greatly in the enterprise. Even his superior abilities for the task should have pointed him out to the policy of the monarch ; but the cautious and calculating Ferdinand knew the lofty spirit of the Adelantado, and that he would be disposed to de- mand high and dignified terms. He passed him by, there- * Voyagei of Companions of Columbua, p. 54 to 58. Irving'a Columbui, p. 916. ! i ' i' 172 JAMAICA SUBDUED IN 1609. [BOOK I. fore, and preferred more eager and accommodating adven- turers."* Each of the governors was to erect two fortresses, and to enjoy for ten years the profits of the mines he should discover ; paying to the crown one tenth part the first year, one ninth the second, one eighth the third, one seventh the fourth, and one fifth part in each of the remaining years. Diego Columbus con- sidered the measures thus taken for founding these colonies, without his participation or knowledge, an infi-ingement of 'what had been granted and con- firmed to his father and his heirs.t Ojeda's lieutenant, Juan de la Cosa, embarked with about two hundred men in a ship and two brigantines; Nicuesa went with a greater force in four large ves- sels and two brigantines. He met Ojeda at Saint Domingo. Each claimed the province of Darien to be within his jurisdiction ; the dispute as to this ended in an agreement that the river Darien should be the boundary line between them. Another ground of contention arose, from the island of Jamaica being given to the two governors in common, as a place fi-om which to draw supplies of provisions. Diego Columbus settled the dispute as to this. Under his orders a brave officer, Juan de Esquibel, who had be- fore subjugated the province of Higuey, took posses- sion of Jamaica, and held it subject to his command.! It was on the 10th of November 1509, that Alonzo de Ojeda sailed from San Domingo. His force was * Irving's Columbus, p. 216, 17. t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 54 to 58. Irving's Columbus, p. 317. X Id. p. 54 to 64. Irving's Columbus, vol. 3, p. 313 to 318. 1 CHAP. ZVIM 1 ojeda's religious formula. 173 ! now increased. Among the remarkable adventurers who embarked with him, was Francisco Pizarro, af- terwards renowned as the conqueror of Peru. Her- nando Cortez intended also to sail in the expedition, but was prevented by an inflammation in one of his knees. The voyagers arrived late in the autumn in the harbour of Carthagena. By way of prelude to an attack on the natives, Alonzo de Ojeda advancing towards them, caused the following curious formula, composed by learned divines in Spain, to be read aloud by the friars in his train ; it was subsequently adopted by the Spanish discoverers in general, in their invasions of the Indian countries :* "I, Alonzo de Ojeda, servant of the high and mighty kings of Castile and Leon, civilizers of barbarous nations, .their messenger and captain, notify and make known to you, in the best way I can, that God our Lord, one and eternal, created the heavens and the earth, and one man and one woman, from whom you, and we, and all the peo- ple of the earth were and are descendants, procreated, and all those who shall come after us ; but the vast number of generations which have proceeded from them, in the course of more than five thousand years that have elapsed since the creation of the world, made it necessary that some of the human race should disperse in one direction, and some in another, and that they should divide themselves into many kingdoms and provinces, as they could not sustain and preserve themselves in one alone. All these people were given in charge, by God our Lord, to one person, named Saint Peter, who was thus made lord and superior of all the people of the earth, and head of the whole hu- man lineage, whom all should obey, wherever they might * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 65 to 87. i - 174 OJEDA's religious rOBMDLA. [BOOK I. live, and whatever might be their law, sect or belief; he gave him also the whole world for his service and jurisdic- tion, and though he desired that he should establish his chair in Rome, as a place most convenient for governing the world, yet he permitted that he might establish his chair in any other part of the world, and judge and govern all the Nations, Christians, Moors, Jews, Gentiles, and what- ever other sect or belief might be. This person was deno- minated Pope, that is to say, admirable, supreme, father and guardian, because he is father and governor of all mankind. This holy father was obeyed and honoured as lord, king, and superior of the Universe, by those who lived in his time, and, in like manner, have been obeyed and honoured all those who have been elected to the Pontificate ; and thus it has continued unto the present day, and will con- tinue until the end of the world. " One of these pontiffs, of whom I have spoken as lord of the world, made a donation of these islands and conti- nents, of the ocean, sea, and all that they contain, to the Catholic kings of Castile, who at that time were Ferdi- nand and Isabella, of glorious memory, and to their suc- cessors, our sovereigns, according to the tenor of certain pa- pers drawn up for the purpose, (which you may see if you desire.) Thus his majesty is king and sovereign of these islands and continents, by virtue of the said donation ; and as king and sovereign, certain islands, and almost all to whom this has been notified, have received his majesty, and have obeyed and served, and do actually serve him. And, moreover, like good subjects, and with good will and with- out any resistance or delay, the moment they were informed of the foregoing, they obeyed all the religious men sent among them to preach and teach our Holy Faith ; and these of their free and cheerful will, without any condition or re- ward, became Christians, and continue so to be. And his majesty received them kindly and benignantly, and ordered CHA». XTIII.] OJEDl's RELIGIOUS FORMULA. 175 that they should be treated like his other subjects and vas- sals : you also, are required and obliged to do the same. Therefore, in the best manner I can, I pray and entreat you, that you consider well what I have said, and that you take whatever time is reasonable to understand and delibe- rate upon it, and that you recognise the church for sove- reign and superior of the universal world, and the supreme pontiff, called Pope, in her name, and his majesty in his place, as superior and sovereign king of the islands and Terra Firma, by virtue of the said donation ; and that you consent that these religious fathers declare and preach to you the foregoing; and if you shall so do, you will do well, and will do that to which you are bounden and obliged ; and his majesty, and I in his name, will receive you with all due love and charity, and will leave you, your wives and children, free from servitude, that you may freely do with these and with yourselves whatever you please ^and think proper, as have done the inhabitants of the other islands. And besides this, his majesty will give you many privileges and exemptions, and grant you many favours. If you do not do this, or wickedly and intentionally delay to do so, 1 certify to you, that, by the aid of God, I will powerfully invade and make war upon you in all parts and modes that I can, and will subdue you to the yoke and obedience of the church and of his majesty : and I will take your wives and children and make slaves of them, and sell them as such, and dispose of them as his majesty may command ; and I will take your effects and will do you all the harm and injury in my power, as vassals who will not obey or receive their sovereign, and who resist and oppose him. And I protest that the deaths and disasters which may in this manner be occasioned, will be the fault of your- selves and not of his majesty, nor of me, nor of these ca- valiers who accompany me. And of what I here tell you ""-:^*."WFr~^ 176 ADVENTURES OF OJCDA. [■OOK I. to and require of yon, I call upon the notary here present give me his signed testimonial."* Thus, with the aid of the priesthood, was a broad foundation laid, on which to perpetrate cruelty and oppression in the name of that religion whose proper attributes are benevolence and mercy. Violence was soon commenced after this wicked attempt to sanctify it. Some of the natives were killed in the field; some in a cabin (which Ojeda had set fire to,) pe- rished in the flames ; and others were made captive and sent to the ships. The Spaniards now having no fear of an attack, roved in quest of booty. While thus scattered, other Indians rushed upon them.f "Ojeda on the first alarm collected a few soldiers and ensconced himself within a small enclosure, surrounded by palisades. Here he was closely besieged and galled by flights of arrows. He threw himself on his knees, covered himself with his buckiur, and, being small and active, ma- naged to protect himself from the deadly shower, but all his companions were slain by his side, some of thom perish- ing in frightful agonies. At this fearful moment the vete- ran La Cosa, having heard of the peril of his commander, arrived, with a few followers, to his assistance. Stationing himself at the gate of the palisades, the brave Biscayan kept the savages at bay until most of his men were slain and he himself was severely wounded. Just then Ojeda sprang forth like a tiger into the midst of the enemy, deal- ing his blows on every side. La Cosa would have seconded him, but was crippled by his wounds. He took refuge with the remnant of his men in an Indian cabin ; the straw roof of which he aided them to throw off, lest the enemy should * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 347. f Id. p. 68, 9. I CHAP. XTIII.] ADVENTURES C)F OJEDA. 177 set it on fire. Here he defended himself until all his com- rades but one were destroyed. The subtle poison of his wounds at length overpowered him, and he sank to the ground. Feeling death at hand, he called to his only sur- viving companion. 'Brother,' said he, 'since God hath protected thee from harm, sally forth and fly, and if ever thou shouldst see Alonzo de Ojeda, tell him of my fate !' "* :'>. Thus fell the hardy Juan de la Cosa, faithful and devoted to the last. He was acknowledged by his contemporaries to be one of the ablest of those gal- lant Spanish navigators who first explored the way to the new world. Days elapsed without those on board hearing any thing from the party who had gone with Ojeda. At length, some of the Spaniards, in an entangled and almost impervious grove caught a glimpse of a man in Spanish attire. They entered, and to their astonishment found it to be Ojeda. He was lying on the matted roots of the mangrove trees, his buckler on his shoulder and his sword in his hand, but so wasted with hunger and fatigue that he could not speak. They bore him to the firm land ; made a fire on the shore to warm him, for he was chilled with the damp and cold of his hiding place; and when he was a little revived they gave him fcon and wine. In this way, he gradually recovered strength to tell his doleful story. He had succeeded in cutting his way through the host of savages and attaining the woody skirts of the mountains, but when he found himself alone, and that the seventy brave men who had gone with him were all cut off, he was almost in i \ * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 69, 70. 23 178 ADVENTURES 01* OJEDA. [book I. despair. He scarce knew which way to bend his course, but continued on in the darkness of the night and of the forest. When the day broke, he sought the rudest parts of the mountains and hid himself until night; then struggling forward among rocks and precipices and matted forests, he made his way to the sea side but was too much exhausted to reach the ships. It seemed wonderful that one, so small of frame, should have been able to endure such great hardships ; but he was of admirable strength and har- dihood. His buckler, it is said, bore the dints of up- wards of three hundred arrows ; yet he had received no wound.* r*^ ^ ., ;, . ; While the Spaniards were yet on shore, administer- ing to the recovery of their commander, they saw a squadron approaching ; it was Nicuesa's. The two governors soon met ; four hundred of their men and several horses were quickly landed ; and they set off for the village of the Indians. Great was the car- nage, for no quarter was shewn to age or sex. Many Indians perished from the flames in their burning ha- bitations, and many by the sword. Having sacked the village and collected great spoil, the two governors parted with many expressions of friendship. Nicuesa continued his voyage for the coast of Veragua, and Ojeda, giving up all thoughts of colonizing this dis- astrous part of the coast, steered for the gulf of Uraba. He fixed his capital on a height at the east side of the gulf and gave to it the name of San Se- bastian. Conflicts soon took place with the natives. * Voyages of Companioni of Columbus, p. 70 to 74. CHAP. XTIII.] ADVXNTUBCS OF OJEDA. 179 In one of them Ojeda lost blood in battle, for the first time in his life ; an arrow, supposed to be poisoned, having pierced his thigh. A remedy suggested itself which few but him could have had the courage to try. He caused two plates of iron to be made red hot and ordered a surgeon to apply theiu *o oach ori- fice of the wound. The surgeon shuddered and re- fused, saying he would not be the murderer of his general Upon this, Ojeda vowed he would hang him unless he obeyed. To avoid the gallows, the surgeon applied the glowing plates. It is said that Ojeda refused to be tied down or let any one hold him during the operation, yet endured it without shrinking or uttering a murmur, though his whole system was so inflamed that a barrel of vinegar was exhausted, steeping sheets in which to wrap him to allay the burning heat. He recovered ; whether ow- ing to his desperate remedy, or whether because the arrow was not poisoned, must remain uncertain.^ fl ..»i,v->^ * VoyBgei of Companions of Columbui, p. 74 to 89> 180 ADVENTURES Or OJEDA. [lOOB I. Jiri^ i- Mi t; s- <•» 0^ CHAPTER XIX. ''^': t I Of the voyage of Alonzo de Ojeda in ISOD from the isthmus of Darien for Hispaniola; his landing on Cuba, and his hardships then on his journey by land ; the little oratory which he built ; liis course then by Jamaica to San Domingo, and his death there. The pressing wants of the colony caused Ojeda to start himself for San Domingo in quest of reinforce- ments and supplies. It was agreed that bis men should remain quietly at St. Sebastian for fifty days. If in that time, no tidings were received of him, they were to be at liberty to abandon the settlement and return in the brigantines to Hispaniola. Francisco Pizarro was left in command as lieutenant. The go- vernor embarked in a pirate vessel wherein Bernar- dino de Talavera had come from and was going to return to Hispaniola. Ojeda had scarce put to sea when a quarrel arose between him and Talavera. The former assumed command and the latter resisted it as usurpation. Ojeda, as usual, would have settled the question by the sword, but he had the whole va- gabond crew against him who overpowered him and threw him in irons. He offered to fight the whole of them successively provided they would give him a clear deck and come on two at a time, but they had heard too much of his exploits to accept this chal- lenge ; so they kept him raging in his chains while they pursued their voyage. On the way, however, a CHAP. XIX.] ADVENTURES Or OJEOA. 181 violent storm arose ; in the hour of peril, a truce was made with Ojeda for the common safety. His irons were taken off on condition that he would act as pi- lot during the remainder of the voyage. But the vessel had been already swept so far to the westward that his skill was ineffectual in endeavouring to work up to Hispaniola against storms and adverse currents. The shattered bark was almost in a foundering con- dition when it was run ashore on the southern coast of Cuba.* This was before the subjugation and settlement of Cuba in 1510. Then Diego Columbus congratulated King Ferdinand on having acquired this large and beautiful island without losing a single man.f Now it was a place of refuge to the unhappy natives of Hayti. Ojeda to avoid being attacked took a route away from the populous parts of the island. The sufferings of him and his companions were so great that after some time, out of seventy men who set out from the ship but thirty-five remained. This number was still fur- ther reduced. Ojeda with a few of the lightest and most vigorous, struggled forward through the mo- rasses and at length arrived to where the land was firm and dry. They soon descried a foot path; and following it arrived at an Indian village. | " The Indians gathered round and gazed at them with wonder ; but when they learnt their story, they exhibited a humanity that would have done honour to the most pro- fessing Christians. They bore them to their dwellings, set * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 89 to 89. flrring's Columbus, vol. 3. p. 918, Appendix No. 9. t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 89 to 93. I, 182 ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. [BOOK I. meat and drink before them, and vied with each other in discharging the offices of the kindest humanity. Finding that a number of their companions were still in the morass, the cacique sent a large party of Indians with provisions for their relief, with orders to bring on their shoulders such as were too feeble to walk.'""' Ojeda had with him a little Flemish painting of the Madona, which had been given him by Bishop Fon- seca. At a moment of great despondency, when he was in a morass that seemed interminable, he made a solemn vow to his patroness that if she conducted him alive through this peril, he would erect a chapel in the first Indian village he should arrive at, and leave her picture there, to remain un object of adora- tion to the Gentiles.t "Being recovered from his sufferings, Alonzo de Ojeda prepared to perform his vow concerning the picture of the Virgin, though sorely must it have grieved him to part with a relique to which he attributed his deliverance from so many perils. He built a little hermitage or oratory in the village, and furnished it with an altar, above which he placed the picture. He then summoned the benevolent cacique, and explained to him, as well as his limited know- ledge of the language, or the aid of interpreters would per- mit, the main points of the Catholic faith, and especially the history of the Virgin, whom he represented as the mo- ther of the Deity that reigned in the skies, and the great advocate for mortal man. " The worthy cacique listened to him with mute atten- tion, and though he might not clearly comprehend the doc- trine, yet he conceived a profound veneration for the pic- ^ * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 93. f Id. p. 91,3. CHAP. XIX.] ADVENTURES OF OJEDA. 183 . 11 ture. The sentiment was shared by his subjects. They kept the little oratory always swept clean, and decorated it with cotton hangings, laboured by their own hands, and with various votive offerings. They composed couplets or areytos in honour of the Virgin, which they sang to the ac- companiment of rude musical instruments, dancing to the sound under the groves which surrounded the hermitage. "A further anecdote concerning this relique may not be unacceptable. The venerable Las Casas, who records these facts, informs us that he arrived at the village of Caebas sometime after the departure of Ojeda. He found the oratory prescsrved with the most religious care, as a sa- cred place, and the picture of the Virgin regarded with fond adoration. The poor Indians crowded to attend mass, which he performed at the altar ,* they listened attentively to his paternal instructions, and at his request brought their children to be baptized. The good Las Casas having heard much of this famous relique of Ojeda, was desirous of obtaining possession of it, and offered to give the ca- cique in exchange, an image of the Virgin which he had brought with him. The chieftain made an evasive an- swer, and seemed much troubled in mind. The next morning he did not make his appearance. "Las Casas went to the oratory to perform mass, but found the altar stripped of its precious relique. On inqui- ring, he learnt that in the night the cacique had fled to the woods, bearing off with him his beloved picture of the Vir- gin. It was in vain that Las Casas sent messengers after him, assuring him that he should uot be deprived of the re- lique, but, on the contrary, that the image should likewise be presented to him. The cacique refused to venture from the fastnesses of the forest, nor did he return to his village and replace the picture in the oratory until after the departure of the Spaniards."*! I { i * Laa Caaas, Hiat. Ind. c. 61, MS.— Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. i. 1. iz., e. zv. t Voyagea of Companions of Columbua, p. 94,5. 184 DEATH OF OJEDA. [book I. When the Spaniards were restored to health and strength, they resumed their journey: the cacique sent a large body of his subjects to carry their provi- sions and knapsacks, and to guide them across a de- sert tract of country to the province of Macaca, situ- ated at Cape de la Cruz, the nearest point to Jamaica. Here Ojeda learnt that there were Spaniards settled on that island, being in fact the party commanded by Juan de Esquibel already mentioned. A message being conveyed to Esquibel, he quickly dispatched a vessel to bring to him Ojeda and his companions. Ojeda remained several days in EsquibePs house, and then sailed for San Domingo ; Talavera and his rab- ble adherents remaining behind. They were arrests J by orders of Diego Columbus ; and Talavera and se- veral of his accomplices were hanged for their piracy. Ojeda lingered some time at San Domingo and died poor. He entreated that his be dy might be buried in the monastery of San Francisco, just at the portal, in expiation of his pride, " that every one who entered might tread upon his grave."* * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 96 to 109. CHAP. XX.] DIEGO DE MICUE9A. 185 £• l CHAPTER XX. Of the proceedings of Diego de Nicuesa, the Bachelor Martin Fernan- dez de Enciso, Vasco Nufiez de Balboa and Francisco Pizarro in 1509, 1510 and 151 1 ; the settlement of the three last at Darien ; the conduct of the people of Darien to Nicuesa; his hardships and death. Diego de Nicuesa was not without his misfortunes. Having parted from Ojeda at Carthagenc. he em- barked in a caravel that he might reconnoitre the coast, and after a boisterous night, could not see the rest of the squadron. The caravel went to pieces on an island. He still had a boat ; but one night four mariners and the boat disappeared. The sufferings of Nicuesa and his men were extreme. Day after day, and week after week elapsed without any miti- gation of suffering or any prospect of relief. At length a sail gleamed on the horizon. It was one of two brigantines that had belonged to his squadron, and among the crew were the four sailors who had so mysteriously disappeared ; they had left Nicuesa in the night to go in quest of the vessel : the other three ships had been broken to pieces at the river Belen, and a caravel built out of the fragments. Thither Nicuesa now went in the brigantine to join the rest of the men. Of seven hundred who had sailed with him from San Domingo, four hundred had already perished ; and others were dyifig of famine. Nicuesa determined to abandon this place. Leaving behind, 24 1 1* ' I 186 VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA. [BOOK 1. under the command of Alonzo Nunez, some of the men to await the ripening of maize and vegetables which they had sown, he embarked the rest in the two brigantines and the caravel and sailed eastward. He anchored at Porto Bello, but being assailed by the Indians, continued seven leagues further to the harbour to which Columbus had given the name of Puerto de Bastimientos or Port of Provisions ; Ni- cuesa's followers called it Nombre de Dios. Nicuesa began immediately to erect a fortress, and when he could spare men for the purpose, dispatched the cara- vel for those left at the river Belen. Many of them had perished. On mustering all his forces, when thus united, Nicuesa found that but one hundred remained ; and they were emaciated and dejected.* At the time that Alonzo de Ojeda departed with his armament from Hispaniola, it was agreed by him with the bachelor Martin Fernandez de Enciso, a lawyer of some ability, that the bachelor should follow him with reinforcements and supplies, and become alcalde mayor or chief judge. A man contrived to get in Enciso's vessel in a peculiar way.f " His name was Yasco Nunez de Balboa. He was a na- tive of Xeres de los Caballeros, and of a noble though im- poverished family. He had been brought up in the service of Don Pedro Puerto Carrero, Lord of Moguer, and he af- terwards enlisted among the adventurers who accompanied Rodrigo de Bastides in his voyage of discovery. Peter Martyr, in his Latin decades, speaks of him by the appella- tion of 'egregius digladiator,' which has been interpreted by some as a skilful swor^lsman, by others as an adroit fen- * Voyages of Companiona of Columbus, p. 103 to 117. t Id. p. 1X8. Wm^^''fl^^X^:^WP''^^^!-^^^Jl^^' '-HAP. XX.] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 187 cing master. He intimates, also, that he was a mere soldier of fortune, of loose, prodigal habits, and the circumstances under which he is first introduce*^ to us, justify this cha- racter. He had fixed himself for a time in Hispaniola, and undertaken to cultivate a farm at the town of Salvatierra, on the sea coast, but in a little time had completely in- volved himself in debt. The expedition of Enciso pre- sented him with an opportunity of escaping from his em- barrassments, and of indulging his adventurous habits. To elude the vigilance of his creditors and of the armed escort, he concealed himself in a cask, which was conveyed from his farm on the sea coast, on board of the vessel, as if con- taining provisions for the voyage. When the vessel was fairly out at sea, and abandoned by the escort, Yasco Nu- nez emerged, like an apparition, from his cask, to the great surprise of Enciso, who had been totally ignorant of the stratagem. The bachelor was indignant at being thus out- witted, even though he gained a recruit by the deception ; and, in the first ebullition of his wrath, gave the fugitive debtor a very rough reception, threatening to put him on shore on the first uninhabited island they should encounter. Vasco Nunez, however, succeeded in pacifying him, 'for God,' says the venerable Las Casas, 'reserved him for greater things.' It is probable the bachelor beheld in him a man well fitted for his expedition, for Yasco Nunez was in the prime and vigour of his days, tall and muscular, sea- soned to hardships, and of intrepid spirit. " Arriving at the main land, they touched at the fatal harbour of Carthagena, the scene of the sanguinary con- flicts of Ojeda and Nicuesa, with the natives, and of the death of the brave Juan de la Cosa. Enciso was ignorant of those events, having had no tidings from those adventu- rers since their departure from San Domingo ; without any hesitation, therefore, he landed a number of his men to re- pair his boat, which was damaged, and to procure water. W ■fe|' 188 CONDUCT OF THE NATIVES. [book I. While the men were working upon the boat, a multitude of Indians gathered at a distance, well armed, and with me- nacing aspect, sounding their shells and brandishing their weapons. The experience they had had of the tremen- dous powers of the strangers, however, rendered them cau- tious of attacking, and for three days they hovered in this manner about the Spaniards, the latter being obliged to keep continually on the alert. At length two of the Spa- niards ventured one day from the main body to fill a water cask from the adjacent river. Scarcely had they reached the margin of the stream, when eleven savages sprang from the thickets and surrounded them, bending their bows and pointing their arrows. In this way they stood for a mo- ment or two in fearful suspense, the Indians refraining from discharging their shafts, but keeping them constantly pointed at their breasts. One of the Spaniards attempted to escape to his comrades, who were repairing the boat, but the other called him back, and, understanding something of the Indian tongue, addressed a few amicable words to the savages. The latter, astonished at being spoken to in their own language, now relaxed a little from their fierceness, and demanded of the strangers who they were, who were their leaders, and what they sought upon their shores. The Spaniard replied that they were harmless people, who came from other lands, and merely touched there through necessity, and he wondered that they should meet them with such hostility ; he at the same time warned them to beware, as there would come many of his countrymen well armed, and would wreak terrible vengeance upon them for any mischief they might do. While they were thus par- leying, the Bachelor Enciso, hearing that two of his men were surrounded by the savages, sallied instantly from his ship, and hastened with an armed force to their rescue. As he approached, however, the Spaniard who had held the parley, made him a signal that the natives were pacific. In CHAP. IX.] CONDUCT or THE NATIVES. u» fact, the latter had supposed that this was a new invasion of Ojeda and Nicuesa, and had thus arrayed themselves, if not to take vengeance for past outrages, at least to defend their houses from a second desolation. When they were convinced, however, that these were a totally different band of strangers and without hostile intentions, their animosity was at an end ; they threw by their weapons, and came forward with the most confiding frankness. During the whole time that the Spaniards remained there, they treated them with the greatest friendship, supplying them with bread made from maize, with salted fish, and with the fer- mented and spirituous beverages, common along that coast. Such was the magrfflinimous conduct of men who were considered among the most ferocious and warlike of these savage nations; and who, but recently, had beheld their shores invaded, their villages ravaged and burnt, and their friends and relations butchered, without regard to age or sex, by the countrymen of these very strangers. When we recall the bloody and indiscriminate vengeance wreaked upon this people by Ojeda and his followers, for their jus- tifiable resistance of invasion, and compare it with their placable and considerate spirit when an opportunity for re- venge presented itself, we confess we feel a momentary doubt whether the arbitrary appellation of savage is always applied to the right party. "Not long after the arrival of Enciso at this eventful harbour, he was surprised by the circumstance of a brigan- tine entering and coming to anchor. To encounter an European sail in these almost unknown seas, was always a singular and striking occurrence, but the astonishment of the bachelor was mingled with alarm when, on boarding the brigantine, he found that it was manned by a number of the men who had embarked with Ojeda. His first idea was, that they had mutinied against their commander, and deserted with the vessel. The feelings of the magistrate m 190 FRANCISCO PIZARRO. [book I. were aroused within him by the suspicion, and he deter- mined to take his first step as Alcalde Mayor, by seizing them and inflicting on them the severity of the law. He altered his tone, however, on conversing with their resolute commander. This was no other than Francisco Pizarro, whom Ojeda had left as his locum tenens at San Sebastian, and who shewed the bachelor his letter patent, signed by that unfortunate governor. In fact, the little brigantine contained the sad remnant of the once vaunted colony. After the departure of Ojeda in the pirate ship, his follow- ers, whom he had left behind under the command of Pi- zarro, continued in the fortress until the stipulated term of fifty days had expired. Receiving no succour, and hearing no tidings of Ojeda, they then determined to embark and sail for Hispaniola; but here an unthought-of difficulty presented itself, they were seventy in number, and the two brigantines which had been left with them were incapable of taking so many. They came to the forlorn agreement, therefore, to remain until famine, sickness, and the poisoned arrows of the Indians should reduce their number to the capacity of the brigantines. A brief space of time was suf- ficient for the purpose. They then prepared for the voy- age. Four mares, which had been kept alive as terrors to the Indians, were killed and salted for sea-stores. Then taking whatever other articles of provision remained, they embarked and made sail. One brigantine was commanded by Pizarro, the other by one Valenzuela."* They had not proceeded far, when, in a storm, a sea struck the crazy vessel of Valenzuela with such violence as to cause it to founder with all its crew. The brigantine which remained, then made the best of its way to the harbour of Carthagena, to seek pro- visions.! -* Voyage* of Companions of Columbus, p. 118 to 124. t Id. 134, 5. CHAr. ».] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 191 The Bachelor Enciso was told that about twenty- five leagues to the west lay a province called Zenu, the mountains of which abounded with gold, and in this province jivas a place of sepulture where the In- dians were buried with their most precious orna- ments. « It apppeared to him a matter of course, therefore, that there must be an immense accumulation of riches in the Indian tombs, from the golden ornaments that had been buried with the dead through a long series of generations. Fired with the thought, he determined to make a foray into this province, and to sack the sepulchres ! Neither did he feel any compunction at the idea of plundering the dead, considering the deceased as pagans and infidels, who had forfeited even the sanctuary of the grave, by having been buried according to the rites and ceremonies of their idolatrous religion. " Enciso, accordingly, made sale from Garthagena, and landed with his forces on the coast of Zenu. Here he was promptly opposed by two caciques, at the head of a large band of warriors. The bachelor, though he had thus put on the soldier, retained sufficient of the spirit of his former calling not to enter into a quarrel without taking care to have the law on his side ; he proceeded regularly, there- fore, according to the legal form recently enjoined by the crown; He caused to be read and interpreted to the ca- ciques, the same formula used by Ojeda, expounding the nature of the Deity, the suprerhacy of the Pope, and the right of the Catholic sovereigns to all these lands, by vir- tue of a grant from his Holiness. The caciques listened to the whole very attentively and without interruption, ac- cording to the laws of Indian courtesy. They then replied that, as to the assertion that there was but one God, the sovereign of heaven and earth, it seemed to them good, and m m 192 THE BACHELOR ENCISO. [BOOK I. ¥ W that such must be the case ; but as to the doctrine that the Pope was regent of the world in place of God, and that he had made a grant of their country to the Spanish king, they observed that the Pope must have been drunk to give away what was not his, and the king must have been some- what mad to ask at his hands what belonged to others. They added, that they were lords of those lands, and needed no other sovereign, and if this king should come to take possession, they would cut off his head and put it on a pole ; that being their mode of dealing with their ene- mies. As an illustration of this custom, they pointed out to Enciso the very uncomfortable spectacle of a row of grisly heads impaled in the neighbourhood. " Nothing daunted either by the reply or the illustration, the bachelor menaced them with war and slavery as the consequences of their refusal to believe and submit. They replied by threatening to put his head upon a pole as a representative of his sovereign. The bachelor having fur- nished them with the law, now proceeded to the commen- tary. He attacked the Indians, routed them, and took one of the caciques prisoner, but in the skirmish two of his men were slightly wounded with poisoned arrows, and died raving with torment.^ " It does not appear, however, that his crusade against the sepulchres, was attended with any lucrative advantage." The Bachelor Enciso contented himself with his victory, and returning to his ships, prepared to con- * The nbove anecdote ia related by tlie Bachelor Encfso himself, in a geographical work, entitled Suma dt OeograpHia, which he published in Seville in 1519. As the reply of the poor savages contains some- thing of natural logic, we give a part of it as reported by the bachelor : " Respondie- ron me : que en lo que dezia que no avia Bino un dios y que este governaba el cielo J la tlerra y que era sefior de todo que les parecia y que asi debia ser : pero que eii lo que dezia que el papa era seiior de todo el universo en lugar de dios y que el avia fe- cho merced de aquella tierra al rey de Cas- tilla ; dixeron que el papa debiera estarbo- racho qaando lo hizo, pues daba lo que no era suyo, y que el rey que pedia y tomava tal merced debia ser algun loco pues pedia lo que era de otros," &c. wjW^ Hu^iw II tm ■ CHAP. kX.] THE BACHELOR ENCISO. 193 tinue his voyage to San Sebastian. The crew of the brigantine of Pizarro had great objection to re- turning thither. But it was well for Enciso that they accompanied him. For on entering the harbour, his vessel struck on a rock and was rent to pieces ; and his crew escaped with great difficulty to the brigan- tine. On landing, he found the fortress and its adja- cent houses mere heaps of ruins, having been de- stroyed with fire by the Indians. Enciso was dis- heartened at the situation of things, and took counsel from Vasco Nunez, who offered to guide him to a village which he had seen when he sailed with Bas- tides, on the banks of a river called by the natives Darien. Here attacking the natives and putting them to flight, he took possession of their village and es- tablished his seat of government in it ; giving to it the name of Santa Maria de la Antigua del Darien. Both he and his followers were greatly elated by their victory and their booty. But discontent soon arose ; and Vasco Nunez took advantage of it. He sought to make a party against the bachelor and to unseat him from his command. He attacked him in his own way, with legal weapons. The boundary line, he observed, which separated the jurisdictions of Ojeda and Nicuesa ran through the centre of the gulf of Uraba. The village of Darien lay on the western side which had been allotted to Nicuesa. Enciso, therefore, as alcalde mayor, and lieutenant of Ojeda, could have no jurisdiction here ; his assumed authority was a sheer usurpation. The Spaniards, al- ready incensed at some fiscal regulations of Enciso, were easily convinced ; so, with one accord, they re- fused allegiance to him, and the unfortunate bachelor 26 i mrftan •i^< i 194 VASCO NUNEB DC BALBOA. [book I. found the chair of authority, to which he had so fondly aspired, suddenly wrested from under him. The people appointed Vasco NuAez and one Zemu- dio as alcaldes, together with a cavaher, of some me- rit, of the name of Valdivia, as regidor. The alter- cations, however, did not cease. In the height of them two ships were seen standing across the gulf. They proved to be an armament commanded by one Rodrigo de Colmenares, and were in search of Ni- cuesa with supplies. He represented the right of Nicuesa to the command of all that part of the coast, and the people generally agreed that two persons should go with Rodrigo as ambassadors, to invite Ni- cuesa to come and assume the government of Darien.* Proceeding along the coast to the westward, Rod- rigo discovered, one day, a brigantine at a small island, and making up to it, found it had been sent out by Nicuesa to forage for provisions. By this vessel he was piloted to the port of Nombre de Dios. He found Nicuesa in the most abject misery; himself squalid and dejected ; and of his men but sixty re- maining ; and they so feeble, yellow, emaciated and woe begone, that it was piteous to behold them. When Nicuesa heard of the settlement at Darien, and the mission thence to him, he was greatly revived. Unluckily, in conversing with the envoys he began to disclose the kind of policy with which he intended to rule ; and when they went back, the report they made was not at all satisfactory. Other information soon afterwards received concerning Nicuesa, gave addi- tional dissatisfaction to the people of Darien. Vasco Nunez told them the obvious remedy was not to re- * Voyagef of CompanioDB of Columbus, p. 139 to 138. mm iv ■ '"1 j'lJf^v^ iw"! euAr. XX.] BurrcRiNGs or micucsa. 195 ceive Nicuesa when he came; and this was deter- mined on. So when Nicuesa approached the shore, instead of being received with honour, a pubUc func- tionary warned him not to Ji§r mbark. That day, they would not allow him to land ; next day he was invited to land, but when he set foot on shore, the multitude rushed to seize him. Vasco Nunez had not anticipated such popular fury, and endeavoured to allay the tempest he had raised. Through his me- diation, Nicuesa now held a parley with the populace. He begged that if they would not acknowledge him as governor, they would, at least, admit him as a com- panion. This they refused, saying that if they admit- ted him in one capacity, it would end in his attaining the other. He then implored that if he could be ad- mitted on no other terms, they would treat him as a prisoner and put him in irons, for he would rather die among them than return to Nombre de Dios. Even this was not granted. He was compelled by menaces of death, to swear that he would immediately depart, and make no delay in any place until he had pre- sented himself before the king and council in Cas- tile ; and there was allotted to him the worst vessel in the harbour, an old crazy brigantine totally unfit to encounter the perils of the sea. Seventeen fol- lowers embarked with him ; some being of his house- hold and attached to his person ; the rest were volun- teers, who accompanied him out of respect and sym- pathy. The frail bark set sail on the 1st of March 1511, and steered across the Caribbean sea ibr the island of Hispaniola, but was never seen or heard of more.* i * Vojrageg of Companiona of Columbui, p. 138 to 146. 196 RETURN OF ENCISO TO SPAIN IN 1511. ["OO* >• I f i >. •^:ys,^ir-: '■<:$• ''^ --:«; . i-'^'S ■ .■^:'r!.^^'^ ■■•i-' i^-'T -ff: ir^'Y.m^Mr.i ^mm^s :»s*i4r' ^»^^ . i.''i-.\- ''it'- '■^' ■■ - : / . *■ ■ ' ^;/ ;^ .» •i :>■ :h-- hijnim ^2i>:r:xMt ■ ■■ fu'^:'' • ■• ; ■ , ;'r: ^^•.,-;. • '. t f!.v,' 'h'^ ■fe^J'VH*^^ .!-.i^>' '^ '-/:'' CHAPTER XXI. Of the return of the Bachelor Enciso to Spain in 1511 ; the attack of Vasco Nu&ez upon Careta) the cacique of Coyba ; the peace made between them, by Vasco Nuiiez taking as a wife a young and beau- tiful daughter of Careta ; the invasion by Nuftez of the territories of Ponca, an adversary of Careta ; his friendly visit to Comagre ; the skill and solidity of the architecture of Comagre's village ; and the information received from the son of Comagre, of a great sea and opulent country beyond the mountains. The question now was, who should have the rule. The Bachelor Enciso insisted upon his claims as pa- ramount : but he who was to have been a judge upon the bench, now became a culprit at the bar. Vasco Nunez had him tried for usurping the powers of Al- calde Mayor on the mere appointment of Alonzo de Ojeda, whose jurisdiction did not extend to this pro- vince. On this charge he was convicted and thrown into prison, and all his property was confiscated. His friends, however, interceded warmly in his behalf, and at length obtained his release from confinement and permission for him to return to Spain. In the small vessel in which he went, Vasco Nunez prevailed on his fellow Alcalde Zamudio and the Regidor Valdivia to embark also; the former to return to Spain to make the best report he could ; the latter to Hispa- niola, to obtain provisions and recruits, and make a present to the treasurer of that island, (who had cre- dit with the king and extensive powers,) and crave CHAP. XXI.] CONDUCT TO THE NATIVES. 197 his protection in the new world and his influence at court.* '^^'■K.'y-^t^-'ii.'ii -Vt-? -!:;;«• >>■"«);• '''i'-' ■!;;'''' '^ '»i<-'-'i , *S','^'.-.'f" Vasco Nunez sent Pizarro with six men, to explore a province about thirty leagues distant, called Coyba, in which expedition there was a conflict with the na- tives. He also dispatched two brigantines for such of the followers of Nicuesa as remained at Nombre de Dios : they rejoiced at being brought to Darien. In coasting the shores, the brigantines picked up two Spaniards, who, to escape some punishment, had fled from the ship of Nicuesa about a year and a half be- fore, and had taken refuge with Careta, the cacique of Coyba. By him they had been treated with hos- pitable kindness, and their first return for it, now that they were safe among their countrymen, was to ad- vise the latter to invade the cacique in his dwelling, where they assured them immense booty would be found. One of them proceeded to Darien to serve as a guide to any such expedition ; the other returned to the cacique, to assist in betraying him. Afl;er Nu- nez had been received by the cacique with hospita- lity, he made a pretended departure for Darien with his troops; and in the dead of night, when the In- dians were asleep, led his men into the village, and made captives of Careta, his wives and children, and many of his people. He discovered, also, a hoard of provisions, with which he loaded two brigantines. And then he returned with his booty and his captives to Darien.f "When the unfortunate cacique beheld his family in chains, and in the hands of strangers, his heart was wrung * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 138 to 150. f Id. p. 151 to 153. ;• r^ 198 VOTAOE OF VASCO NUNEZ. [BOOK I. with despair : ' What have I done to thee,' said he to Yasco Nunez, 'that thou shouldst treat me thus cruelly? None of thy people ever came to my land that were not fed, and sheltered, and treated with loving kindness. When thou camest to my dwelling, did I meet thee with a javelin in my hand ? Did I not set meat and drink before thee, and welcome thee as a brother ? Set me free, therefore, with my family and people, and we will remain thy friends. We will supply thee with provisions, and reveal to thee the riches of the land. Dost thou doubt my faith ? Behold my daughter, I give her to thee as a pledge of friendship. Take her for thy wife, and be assured of the fidelity of her family and her people !' " * . . , The maid was young and beautiful; and Nunez felt the importance of a strong alliance with the na- tives. He granted the father's prayer and accepted the daughter. She remained with Nunez, and was his wife, according to the usages of her country ; he treated her with fondness, and she gradually acquired great influence over him.f Nunez had promised the cacique to aid him against his enemies, on condition of his furnishing provisions to the colony. Taking with him eighty men, and his companion in arms Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares, he repaired by sea to Coyba. Here landing, he in- vaded the territories of Ponca, the great adversary of Careta, and obliged him to take refuge in the moun- tains. He then ravaged his lands and sacked his vil- lages, in which he found considerable booty. Re- turning to Coyba, he next made a friendly visit to the adjacent province of Comagre, which was under a * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 153, 4. f Id. p. 154, 5. OHAP. XXI.] ARCHITECTUPE OF COMAORE. 199 cacique with three thousand fighting men. His dwel- Hng surpassed any they had yet seen for magnitude and for the skill and solidity of the architecture. It was one hundred and fifty paces in length and eighty in breadth, founded upon great logs, surrounded with a stone wall ; while the upper part was of wood work, curiously interwoven and wrought with great beauty. It contained many commodious apartments. In a re- tired part of it was a great hall, wherein Comagre preserved the bodies of his relatives. These had been dried by the fire, so as to free them from cor- ruption, and afterwards wrapped in mantles of cotton, richly wrought and interwoven with pearls and jewels of gold, and with certain stones held precious by the natives. They were then hung about the hall with cords of cotton, and regarded with great reverence, if not a species of religious devotion. A son of the cacique gave to Nunez and Colmenares four thousand ounces of gold, wrought into various ornaments, to- gether with sixty slaves, being captives that he had taken in the wars. Nunez ordered one fifth of the gold to be set apart for the crown, and the rest to be shared among his followers. When the Spaniards were weighing it out, a quarrel arose among them as to the size and value of the pieces which fell to their respective shares. The Indian who had made the gift, then spoke to them in this manner :* "'Why should you quarrel for such a trifle? If this gold is indeed so precious in your eyes, that for it alone you abandon your homes, invade the peaceful lands of 1 * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 156 to 158. 200 SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. [book I. \p I t others, and expose yourselves to such sufferings and perils, I will tell you of a region where you may gratify your wishes to the utmost. Behold those lofty mountains,' con- tinued he, pointing to the south. 'Beyond these lies a mighty sea, which may be discerned from their summit. It is navigated by people who have vessels almost as large as yours, and furnished, like them, with sails and oars. All the streams which flow down the southern side of those mountains into that sea, abound in gold ; and the kings who reign upon its borders eat and drink out of golden ves- sels. Gold, in fact, is as plentiful and common among those people of the south, as iron is among you Spaniards.' " Struck with this intelligence, Vasco Nunez inquired eagerly as to the means of penetrating to this sea and to the opulent regions on its shores. ' The task,' replied the prince, ' is difficult and dangerous. You must pass through the territories of many powerful caciques, who will oppose you with hosts of warriors. Some parts of the mountains are infested by fierce and cruel cannibals, a wandering, law- less race : but, above all, you will have to encounter the great cacique Tubanama, whose territories are at the dis- tance of six days journey, and more rich in gold than any other province ; this cacique will be sure to come forth against you with a mighty force. To accomplish your en- terprise, therefore, will require at least a thousand men, armed like those who follow you.' " The youthful cacique gave him further information on the subject, collected from various captives whom he had taken in battle, and from one of his own nation, who had been for a long time in captivity to Tubanama, the power- ful cacique of the golden realm. The prince, moreover, offered to prove the sincerity of his words by accompany- ing Vasco Nunez in any expedition to those parts, at the head of his father's warriors. m ^m i ^r^T^- 'W^'^'^ TT^r »7TT?; j^i'-T" r CHAP. XXI.] SEA BfcyOND THE MOUNTAINS. 201 " Such was the first intimation received by Vasco Nunez of the Pacific Ocean and its golden realms, and it had an immediate effect upon his whole character and conduct. This hitherto Avandering and desperate man had now ati enterprise opened to his ambition, which, if accomplished, would elevate him to fame and fortune, and entitle him to rank among the great captains and discoverers of the earth. Henceforth the discovery of the sea beyond the mountains was the great object of his thoughts, and his whole spirit seemed roused and ennobled by the idea. " He hastened his return to Darien, to make the neces- sary preparations for this splendid enterprise. Before de- parting from the province of Comagre he baptized that ca- cique by the name of Don Carlos, and performed the same ceremony upon his sons and several of his subjects. Thus singularly did avarice and religion go hand in hand in the conduct of the Spanish discoverers. " Scarcely had Vasco Nunez returned to Darien, when the Regidor Valdivia arrived there from Hispaniola, but with no more provisions than could be brought in his small caravel. These were soon consumed, and the general scar- city continued. It was heightened also by a violent tem- pest of thunder, lightning and rain, which brought such tor- rents from the mountains that the river swelled and over- flowed its banks, laying waste all the adjacent fields that had been cultivated. In this extremity Vasco Nunez dis- patched Valdivia a second time to Hispaniola for provisions. Animated also by the loftier views of his present ambition, he wrote to Don Diego Columbus, who governed at San Domingo, informing him of the intelligence he had re- ceived of a great sea and opulent realms beyond the moun- tains, and entreating him to use his influence with the king that one thousand men might be immediately furnished him for the prosecution of so grand a discovery. He sent him also the amount of fifteen thousand crowns in gold, to 26 '--r-'-'rwr-ziini^ -» ' — 202 SEA BEYOND THE MOUNTAINS. [BOOK I. i be remitted to the king as the royal fifths of what had already been collected under his jurisdiction. Many of his followers, also, forwarded sums of gold, to be remitted to their creditors in Spain. In the meantime, Yasco Nunez prayed the admiral to yield him prompt succour to enable him to keep his footing in the land, representing the diffi- culty he had in maintaining, with a mere handful of men, so vast a country in a state of subjection.'"'*' li * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 158 to 160. im .-^■jv^rrtf f-Ti'l^Tir-^-f' had f his id to [unez nable diffi- men, CHAP. XXII.] CABOT PILOT OP SPAIN IN 1512. ; * '-S •■'I ■ { 203 •*( CHAPTER XXII. Of the death of Americus Vespucius in 1512, and the appointment of Sebastian Cabot as his successor: Bartholomew Columbus sent this year from Spain with instructions to his nephew the admiral. Americus Vespucius retained the office of chief pilot of Spain until his death on the 22d of February 1512. His widow Maria Corezo was then allowed a pension of ten thousand maravedis.* Vespucius was succeeded by Juan Diaz de Solis as chief pilot, and Sebastian Cabot succeeded him.f There is not a concurrence in opinion as to the precise time at which Sebastian Cabot went from England to Spain. " We are told by Peter Martyr, (Decade iii. chap vi.) that Cabot i)eing called out of England, by the King of Castile, after the death of Henry the Seventh, was made one of the council and assistants touching the affairs of the Indias."t The death of Henry the Seventh occurred in 1509. That Cabot did not leave England till after this event is also the opinion of Mr. Biddle, who proceeds to say that " Herrera, the writer of the highest authority on these subjects — historiographer of the King of Spain, and enjoying familiar access to every docu- ment, stated more than two centuries ago that Cabot * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 252, Appendix No. 10. Life of Vespucius, p. 956 to 264 ; also p. 395 to 307. • t Life of Vespucius, p. 397. ■ f I f 204 BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. [BOOK I. received his appointment from the King of Spain on the 13th of September 1512, and even furnished the particulars of the negotiation."* The king judged it expedient in 1512 to send out Don Bartholomew^ Columbus with minute instructions to his nephew the admiral.f , . • " Don Bartholomew still retained the office of Adelantado of the Indias ; although Ferdinand, through selfish motives, detained him in Spain while he employed inferior men in voyages of discovery. He now added to his appointments the property and government of the little island of Mona during life, and assigned him a repartimiento of two hun- dred Indians, with the superintendence of the mines which might be discovered in Cuba ; an office which proved very lucrative.^ "Among the instructions given by the king to Don Diego, he directed that, in consequence of the representa- tions of the Dominican friars, the labour of the natives should be reduced one third ; that negro slaves should be procured from Gui))ea as a relief to the Indians ;^ and that Garib slaves should be branded on the leg, to prevent other Indians from being confounded with them and subjected to harsh treatment."||1I * Memoir of Cabot, p. 97. Ilakluyt'a Voyages, vol. 3, p. 9. t Irving's Columbus, vol. 3, p. 218, Ap- pendix No. 2. t Charlevoix, Hist. St. Domingo, p. 321. i Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. 1, 1. 9, c. 5. II Idem. V Irving's Columbus, vol.2, p. 219, Ap- pendix No. 2. % ■^.'■y;;^' CHAP. SXIII.] JUAN PONCE 0£ LEON. Z05 CHAPTER XXIII. Of the discovery of Florida in 1512, by Juan Ponce de Leon. After Juan Ponce de Leon resigned the command of Porto Rico, he was still for a while on the island. Mr. Irving gives the following account of him at this period.* , . . . , " He met with some old Indians who gave him tidings of a country which promised, not merely to satisfy the cra- vings of his ambition, but to realize the fondest dreams of the poets. They assured him that, far to the north there existed a land abounding in gold and in all manner of de- lights; but, above all, possessing a river of such wonderful virtue, that whoever bathed in it would be restored to youth i They added, that in times past, before the arrival of the Spaniards, a large party of the natives of Cuba had departed northward in search of this happy land and this river of life, and, having never returned, it was concluded that they were flourishing in renovated youth, detained by the pleasures of that enchanting country. " Here was the dream of the Alchymist realized ! one had but to find this gifted land and revel in the enjoyment of boundless riches and perennial youth ! Nay, some of the ancient Indians declared that it was not necessary to go so far in quest of these rejuvenating waters, for that, in a cer- tain island of the Bahama group, called Bimini, which lay * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 313 to 318. 206 JUAN PONCE DC LEON. [BOOK I. f i. far out in the ocean, there was a fountain possessing the same marvellous and inestimable qualities. "Juan Ponce de Leon listened to these tales with fond credulity. He was advancing in life, and the ordinary term of existence seemed insufficient for his mighty plans. Gould ho but plunge into this marvellous fountain or gifted river, and come out with his battered, war-worn body re- stored to the strength and freshness and suppleness of youth, and his head still retaining the wisdom and know- ledge of age, what enterprises might he not accomplish in the additional course of vigorous years insured to him ! . " It may seem incredible, at the present day, that a man of years and experience could yield any faith to a story which resembles the wild fiction of an Arabian tale ; but the wonders and novelties breaking upon the world in that age of discovery, almost realized the illusions of fable, and the imaginations of the Spanish voyagers had become so heated that they were capable, of any stretch of credulity. '• So fully persuaded was the worthy old cavalier of the existence of the region described to him, that he fitted out three ships at his own expense, to prosecute the discovery, nor had he any difficulty in finding advertnrers in abun- dance, ready to cruise with him in quest of this fairy- land.* * It was not the credulous minds of voy- agers and adventurers alono that were heated by these Indian traditions and ro- mantic fables. Men of learning and emi- nence were likewise beguiled by them: witness the following extract from the se- cond decade of Peter Martyr, addressed to Leo X., then Bishop of Rome : " Among the islands on the north side of Hispaniola, there is one about three hun- dred and twenty-five leagues distant, as they say which have searched the same, in the which is a continual spring of running water, of such marvellous virtue, that the water thereof being drunk, perhaps with some diet, maketh olde men young again. And here I must make protestation to your holiness not to think this to be said lightly or rashly, for they have so spread this ru- mour for a truth throughout all the court, that not only all the people, but also many of them whom wisdom or fortune hath di- vided from the common sort, think it to be true ; but, if you will ask my opinion herein, I will answer that I will not attri- bute 80 great power to nature, but that God hath no lesse reserved this prerogative to himself than to search the hearts of men," &c P. Martyr, D. 2, c. 10, Lok's Translation. ! ( i CHAP. IXIII.] DISCOVERT OF FLORIDA IN 151{2. " It was oa the 3d of March 1512, that Juan Ponce sailed with his three ships from the port of St. Germain, in the island of Porto Rico. Ho kept for some distance along the coast of Hispaniola, and then stretching away to the northward, made for the Bahama islands, and soon fell in with the first of the group. He was favoured with propi- tious weather and tranquil seas, and glided smoothly with wind and current along that verdant archipelago, visiting one island after another, until, on the 14th of the month, he arrived at Guanahani, or St. Salvador's, where Christo- pher Columbus had first put his foot on the shores of the new world. His inquiries for the island of Bimini were all in vain, and as to the fountain of youth, he may have drank of every fountain, and river, and lake, in the archi- pelago, even to the salt pools of Turk's island, without be- ing a whit the younger. " Still he was not discouraged ; but, having repaired his ships, he again put to sea, and shaped his course to the northwest. On Sunday, the 27th of March, he came in sight of what he supposed to be an island, but was pre- vented from landing by adverse weather. He continued hovering about it for several days, buffeted by the elements, until, in the night of the 2d of April, he succeeded in coming to anchor under the land, in thirty degrees eight minutes of latitude. The whole country was in the fresh bloom of spring ; the trees were gay with blossoms, and the fields covered with flowers ; from which circumstance, as well as from having discovered it on Palm Sunday, (Pas- cua Florida,) he gave it the name of Florida, which it re- tains to the present day. The Indian name of the country was Cautio.* " Juan Ponce landed, and took possession of the country in the name of the Castilian sovereigns. He afterwards continued for several weeks ranging the coasts of this flow- *Herrera, Hist. Ind., d. 1, 1. ix., c. 10. 308 DISCOVKRT Ot riORIDA Ilf 1512. fioo'i I. ery land, and struggling against the gulf-stream and the va- rious currents which sweep it. He doubled Cape Canave- ral, and reoonnoitered the southern and eastern shores, with- out suspecting that this was a part of Terra Firma. In all his attempts to explore the country, he met with resolute and implacable hostility on the part of the natives, who ap- peared to be a fier' e and warlike race. He was disap- pointed also, in his hopes of finding gold, nor did any of the rivers or fountains which he examined, possess the re- juvenating virtue. Convinced, therefore, that this was not the promised land of Indian tradition, he turned his prow homeward on the 14th of June, with the intention in the way of making one more attempt to find the island of Bimini. "In the outset of his return, he discovered a group of islets abounding with sea-fowl and marine animals. On one of them, his sailors, in the course of a single night, caught one hundred and seventy turtles, and might have taken many more, had they been so inclined. They like- wise took fourteen sea-wolves, and killed a vast quantity of pelicans and other birds. To this group Juan Ponce gave the name of the Tortugas, or Turtles, which they still retain. " Proceeding in his cruise, he touched at another gfoup of islets, near the Lucayos, to which he gave the name of La Vieja, or the Old Woman group, because he found no inhabitant there but one old Indian woman.'* This ancient sybil he took on board his ship, to give him information about the labyrinth of islands into which he was entering, and perhaps he could not have had a more suitable guide in the eccentric quest he was making. Notwithstanding her pilotage, however, he was exceedingly baffled and per- plexed in his return voyage among the Bahama islands, for he was forcing his way, as it were, against the course of *Herrera, d. 1,1. ix. CHAT. UIII.J OISCOVKRY or FLORIDA IN 1612. 209 nature, and encountering the currents which sweep west- ward along these islands, and the trade-wind which accom- panies them. For a long time he struggled with all kinds of difficulties and dangers ; and was obliged to remain up- wards of a month in one of the islands, to repair the da- mages which his ship had suffered in a storm. " D sheartened at length by the perils and trials with which nature seemed to have beset the approach to Bimini, as to some fairy island in romance, he gave up the quest in person, and sent in his place a trusty captain, Juan Perez de Ortubia, who departed in one of the other ships, guided by the experienced old woman of the isles, and by another Indian. As to Juan Ponce, he made the best of his way back to Porto Rico, where he arrived infinitely poorer in purse and wrinkled in brow, by this cruise after inexhaus- tible richer and perpetual youth. " He had not been long in port when his trusty envoy, Juan Perez, likewise arrived. Guided by the sage old wo- man, he had succeeded in finding the long-sough t-for Bi- mini. He described it as being large, verdant, and covered with beautiful groves. There were crystal springs and limpid streams in abundance, which kept the island in per- petual verdure, but none that could restore to an old man the vernal greenness of his youth. " Thus ended the romantic expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon. Like many other pursuits of a chimera, it termi- nated in the acquisition of a substantial good. Though he had failed in finding the fairy fountain of youth, he had discovered in place of it the important country of Florida."* * The belief of the exiitence, in Florida, of a river like tbnt sought by Juan Ponce, waa Ion); prevalent among the Indians of Cuba, and the caciques t^ere anxious to discover it. That a party of the natives of Cuba once went in search of it, and re- mained there, appears to be a fact, as their descendants were afterwards to be traced among the people of Florida. Las Caaas 27 says, that even in his days, many persisted in seeking this mystery, and some thought that the river was no other than that called the Jordan, at the point of St. Helena; without considering that the name was given to it by the Spaniards in the year 1520, when they discovered the land of Cbicora. 210 EXPEDITIONS OF VASCO NUNEZ IN 1612. [BOO* '• CHAPTER XXIV. Of several expeditions of Vasco Nufiez in 1512 ; the conspiracy this year by the natives and the defeat of their plan ; the absence of news from Valdivia who had been sent on a mission to Hispaniola ; the stranding of Valdivia and his crew on the coast of Yucatan ; the sending of commissioners from Darien to Spain ; and the arrival at Darien of ships from Hispaniola with supplies. While Vasco Nunez was waiting the result of the second mission of Valdivia to Hispaniola, he em- barked with one hundred and seventy of his hardiest men in two brigantines and a number of canoes, and, after standing about nine leagues to the east, came to the mouth of the Rio Grande de San Juan, or the great river of St. John, also called the Atrato, since ascertained to be one of the branches of the Darien. He detached Rodrigo Enriquez de Colmenares with one third of his forces to explore the stream, while he himself, with the residue, proceeded to and as- cended another branch. He reached an Indian vil- lage in the province of Dobayba, but it was silent and abandoned. Here, however, he gathered jewels and pieces of gold to the value of seven thousand castellanos, and putting this booty in two large ca- noes made his way back to the gulf of Uraba. There, in a violent tempest, these two canoes were swallowed up by the sea and all their crews perished. The two brigantines were also nearly wrecked : it became ne- cessary, to save them, to throw a great part of their CHAP. XXIV ] CONSPIRACY BY THE NATIVES. 211 cargoes overboard. Yet Nunez at length succeeded in getting into what was termed the Grand river and rejoined Colmenares. They now ascended a stream which emptied into this river, and which, from the dark hue of its waters, they called Rio Negro, or the Black river. They also explored certain other tribu- tary streams, branching from it, though not without occasional skirmishes with the natives. Having over- run a considerable extent of country, Nunez returned to Darien with the spoils and captives he had taken, leaving Bartolome Hurtado with thirty men in an In- dian river on the Rio Negro or Black river, to hold the country in subjection. This Hcutenant hunting the straggling natives picked up twenty-four captives whom he put on board of a large canoe to be transpor- ted to Darien. Twenty of his followers, infirm from wounds or disease, embarking also in the canoe, Hur- tado had only ten men left with him. The ark being waylaid, some of the Spaniards were massacred and others drowned: only two escaped to carry news of this catastrophe to Hurtado, who heard also of a plan for an attack on Darien. Thither he hastened with the remnant of his men. But his intelligence of a conspiracy among the natives was little heeded.* "Fortunately for the Spaniards, among the female cap- tives owned by Vasco Nunez was an Indian damsel named Fulvia I to whom, in consequence of her beauty, he had shown great favour, and who had become strongly attached to him. She had a brother among the warriors of Zemaco, who often visited her in secret. In one of his visits, he in- formed her that on a certain night the settlement would be * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 161 to 168. 1 1 I I 212 CONSPIRACr BY THE NATIVES. [book I. attacked and every Spaniard destroyed. He charged her, therefore, to hide herself that night in a certain place until he should come to her aid, lest she should be slain in the confusion of the massacre. " When her brother was gone, a violent struggle took place in the bosom of the Indian girl between her feeling for her family and her people, and her affection for Vasco Nunez. The latter at length prevailed, and she revealed all that had been told to her. Vasco Nunez prevailed upon her to send for her brother under pretence of aiding her to escape. Having him in his power, he extorted from him all that he knew of the designs of the enemy. His con- fessions showed what imminent danger had been lurking round Yasco Nunez in his most unsuspecting moments. The prisoner informed him that he had been one of forty Indians sent some time before by the cacique Zemaco to Vasco Nunez, in seeming friendship, to be employed by him in cultivating the fields adjacent to the settlement. They had secret orders, however, to take an opportunity when Vasco Nunez should come forth to inspect their work, to set upon him in an unguarded moment, and destroy him. Fortunately, Vasco Nunez always visited the fields mounted on his war horse, and armed with lance and target. The Indians were therefore so awed by his martial appearance, and by the terrible animal he bestrode, that they dared not attack him. « Foiled in this and other attempts of the kind, Zemaco resorted to the conspiracy with the neighbouring caciques with which the settlement was menaced. " Five caciques had joined in the confederacy : they had prepared a hundred canoes ; had amassed provisions for an army, and had concerted to assemble five thousand picked warriors at a certain time and place ; with these they were to make an attack on the settlement by land and water, in the middle of the night, and to slaughter every Spaniard. CHAP. XXIV.] VALDIVIA STRANDED ON YUCATAN COAST. 213 " Having learnt where the confederate chiefs were to be found, and where they had deposited their provisions, Vasco Nunez chose seventy of his best men well armed, and made a circuit by land, while Colmenares, with sixty men, sallied forth secretly in four canoes, guided by the Indian prisoner. In this way they surprised the general of the Indian army and several of the principal confederates, and got posses- sion of all their provisions, though they failed to capture the formidable Zemaco. The Indian general was shot to death with arrows, and the leaders of the conspiracy were hanged in presence of their captive followers. The defeat of this deep laid plan, and the punishment of its devisers, spread terror thoughout the neighbouring provinces, and prevented any further attempt at hostilities. Yasco r^nez, however, caused a strong fortress of wood to be immedi- ately erected, to guard against any future assaults of the savages j># A considerable time had iiow elapsed since the de- parture of Valdivia for Hispaniola, without any tidings of him. Encountering a violent hurricane when in sight of Jamaica, he had been ariven on the rocks called the Vipers, since instrumental in many a ship- wreck. His vessel soon went to pieces, and Valdivia and his crew, consisting of twenty men, escaped with difficulty in the boat, without having a supply either of water or provisions. They were driven about for thirteen days, during which time they suffered exces- sively from hunger and thirst. Seven of their num- ber perished, and the rest were nearly famished when they were stranded on the eastern coast of Yucatan, in a province called Maya. Here they were carried ' Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 168 to 170. 214 GONZALO GUERRERO. [book I. off by the natives to the cacique of tiie province, by whose orders they were mewed up in a kind of pen.* " At first their situation appeared tolerable enough con- sidering the horrors from which they had escaped. They were closely confined, it is true, but they had plenty to eat and drink, and soon began to recover flesh and vigour. In a little while, however, their enjoyment of this good cheer met with a sudden check, for the unfortunate Valdivia, and four of his companions, were singled out by the cacique, on account of their improved condition, to be offered up to his idols. The natives of this coast in fact were cannibals, devouring the flesh of their enemies and of such strangers as fell into their hands. The wretched Valdivia and his fellow victims, therefore, were sacrificed in the bloody tem- ple of the idol, and their limbs afterwards served up at a grand feast held by the cacique and his subjects. " The horror of the survivors may be more readily ima- gined than described. Their hearts died within them when they heard the yells and bowlings of the savages over their victims, and the still more horrible revelry of their cannibal orgies. They turned with loathing from the food set so abundantly before them, at the idea that it was but intended to fatten them for a future banquet. " Recovering from the first stupor of alarm, their despair lent them additional force. They succeeded in breaking, in the night, from the kind of cage in which they were confined, and fled to the depths of the forest. Here they wandered about forlorn, exposed to all the dangers and mi- series of the wilderness; famishing with hunger, yet dread- ing to approach the haunts of men. At length their suffer- ings drove them forth from the woods into another part of the country, where they were again taken captive. The cacique of this province, however, was an enemy to the one * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 171, Q77, 8. CHAP. XXIV.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 215 from whom they had escaped, and of less cruel propensities. He spared their lives, and contented himself with making them slaves, exacting from them the severest labour. They had to cut and draw wood, to procure water from a distance, and to carry enormous burthens. The cacique died soon after their capture, and was succeeded by another called Taxmar. He was a chief of some talent and sagacity, but ho continued the same rigorous treatment of the captives. By degrees they sank beneath the hardships of their lot, until only two were left ; one of them a sturdy sailor named Gonzalo Guerrero, the other a kind of clerical adventurer named Jeronimo de Aguilar. The sailor had the good luck to be transferred to the service of the cacique of the neigh- bouring province of Chatemal, by whom he was treated with kindness. Being a thorough son of the ocean, sea- soned to all weathers, and ready for any chance or change, he soon accommodated himself to his new situation, fol- lowed the cacique to the wars, rose by his hardihood and prowess to be a distinguished warrior, and succeeded in gaining the heart and hand of an Indian princess. " The other survivor, Jeronimo de Aguilar, was of a dif- ferent complexion. He was a native of Ecija, in Andalu- sia, and had been brought up to the church, and regularly ordained, and shortly afterwards had sailed in one of the expeditions to San Domingo, from whence he had passed to Darien. '* He proceeded in a different mode from that adopted by his comrade, the sailor, in his dealings with the Indians, and in one more suited to his opposite calling. Instead of playing the hero among the men, and the gallant among the women, he recollected his priestly obligations to humi- lity and chastity. Accordingly, he made himself a model of meekness and obedience to the cacique and his warriors, while he closed his eyes to the charms of the infidel wo- men. Nay, in the latter respect, he reinforced his clerical 216 JERONIMO BE AOUILAR. [book I. I K 1 h- vows, by a solemn promise to God, to resist all temptations of the flesh, so he might be delivered out of the hands of these Gentiles. " Such were the opposite measures of the sailor and the saint, and they appear to have been equally successful. Aguilar, by his meek obedience to every order, however arbitrary and capricious, gradually won the good will of the cacique and his family. Taxmar, however, subjected him to many trials before he admitted him to his entire confidence. One day when the Indians, painted and deco- rated in warlike style, were shooting at a mark, a warrior, who had for some time fixed his eyes on Aguilar, ap- proached suddenly and seized him by the arm. ' Thou seest,' said he, ' the certainty of these archers ; if they aim at the eye, they hit the eye — if at the mouth, they hit the mouth — what wouldst thou think, if thou wert to be placed instead of the mark, and they were to shoot at and miss thee ?' " Aguilar secretly trembled, lest he should be the victim of some cruel caprice of the kind. Dissembling his fears, however, he replied with great submission, 'I am your slave, and you may do with me as you please ; but you are too wise to destroy a slave who is so useful and obedient.' His answer pleased the cacique, who had secretly sent this warrior to try his humility. " Another trial of the worthy Jeronimo was less stern and fearful indeed, but equally perplexing. The cacique had remarked his unexampled discretion with respect to the sex, but doubted his sincerity. After laying many petty temptations in his way^ which Jeronimo resisted with the self-denial of a saint, he at length determined to sub- ject him to a fiery ordeal. He accordingly sent him on a fishing expedition, accompanied by a buxom damsel of fourteen years of age : they were to pass the night by the sen-side, so as to be ready to fish at the first dawn of day. ■at , I i i CUAP. XXIV.] JERONIMO DE AGUILAR. 217 and were allowed but one hammock to sleep in. It was an embarrassing predicament — not apparently to the Indian beauty, but certainly to the scrupulous Jeronimo. He re- membered, however, his double vow, and, suspending his hammock to two trees, resigned it to his companion ; while, lighting a fire on the sea shore, he stretched himself before it on the sand. It was, as he acknowledged, a night of fearful trial, for his sandy couch was cold and cheerless, the hammock warm and tempting ; and the infidel damsel had been instructed to assail him with all manner of blandish- ments and reproaches. His resolution, however, though often shaken, was never overcome; and the morning dawned upon him still faithful to his vow. " The fishing over, he returned to the residence of the cacique, where his companion, being closely questioned, made known the triumph of his self-denial before all the people. From that time forward he was held in great re- spect ; the cacique, especially, treated him with unlimited confidence, entrusting to him the care, not merely of his house, but of his wives, during his occasional absence. " Aguilar now felt ambitious of rising to greater conse- quence among the savages, but this he knew was only to be done by deeds of arms. He had the example of the sturdy seaman, Gonzalo Guerrero, before his eyes, who had become a great captain in the province in which he resided. He entreated Taxmar, therefore, to entrust him with bow and arrows, buckler and war club, and to enrol him among his warriors. The cacique complied. Aguilar soon made himself expert at his new weapons, signalized himself re- peatedly in battle, and, from his superior knowledge of the ar*s of war, rendered Taxmar such essential service, as to excite the jealousy of some of the neighbouring caciques. One of them remonstrated with Taxmar for employing a warrior who was of a different religion, and insisted that Aguilar should be sacrificed to their gods. ' No,' replied 28 218 COMMISSIONERS TO SPAIN. [BOOK I. I u- Taxinar, ' I will not make so base a return for such signal services : surely the gods of Aguilar must be good, since they aid him so effectually in maintaining a just cause.' " The cacique was so incensed at this reply, that he as- sembled his warriors and marched to make war upon Tax- mar. Many of the counsellors of the latter urged him to give up the stranger, who was the cause of this hostility. Taxmar, however, rejected their counsel with disdain, and prepared for battle. Aguilar assured him that his faith in the Christian's God would be rewarded with victory ; he, in fact, concerted a plan of battle, which was adopted. Concealing himself, with a chosen band of warriors, among thickets and herbage, he suffr -ed the enemy to pass by in making their attack. Taxmar and his host pretended to give way at the first onset. The foe rushed heedlessly in pursuit ,* whereupon Aguilar and his ambuscade assaulted them in the rear. Taxmar turned upon them in front ; they were thrown in confusion, routed with great slaugh- ter, and many of their chiefs taken prisoners. This victory gave Taxmar the sway over the land, and strengthened Aguilar more than ever in his good graces."* In the absence of any tidings at Darien, from either Valdivia or Zamudio, it was determined to send thence two commissioners to Spain, to communicate what had been heard of the Southern sea, to ask for the troops necessary for its discovery, and to make all necessary representations to the king, accompanied by a native of the province of Zenu, where gold was said to be gathered in nets stretched across the moun- tain streams. To give more weight to such stories, every one contributed some portion of gold from his private hoard, to be presented to the king, in addi- * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 278 to 383. ~WT^^tl{ (^mWW CHAP. XXIV.] COMMISSIONERS TO SPAIN. 219 tion to his fifths. But httlo time elapsed after the de- parture of the commissioners, before dissensions broke out in the colony.. It is impossible to say how they would have ended, had not two ships arrived at this juncture from Hispaniola, freighted with supplies and bringing a reinforcement of one hundred and fifty men. They also brought a commission to Vasco Nu- nez, signed by Miguel de Pasamonte, the royal trea- surer of Hispaniola, constituting him captain-general of the colony.* k Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 171 to 175. 220 JOURNEY or NUNEZ ACROSS DARIEN. ["OO* '■ CHAPTER XXV. Of the journey by Vasco Niulez across the isthmus of Darien, and his discovery of the Pacific Ocean on the SGth of September 1513. Soon unfavourable tidings were received from Spain. Word was written by Zamudio that the Ba- chelor Enciso had obtained a sentence in his favour against Nunez for damages and costs, and that Nu- nez would be summoned to Spain to answer charges against him on account of the harsh treatment and probable death of Nicuesa. This information was, however, in a private letter ; no order had yet been received from the king, and Nuiiez had still control over the colony. One brilliant achievement might atone for the past and fix him in the favour of the monarch. He chose from his men, one hundred and ninety of the most resolute and vigorous, and the most devoted to his person, and took with him a number of blood-hounds. The famous warrior dog of Juan Ponce was killed by a poisoned arrow as he was swimming in the sea in pursuit of a Carib Indian. He left, however, a numerous progeny and a great name behind him.^ He as father to Leoncico, a constant companion, and, as it were, body guard of Vasco Nunez. Leoncico was scarred all over with wounds received in innumerable battles with the In- dians. Nunez always took him on his expeditions, * See ante, p. 169, and Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 308. CHAP, xxv] JOURNEY OF NUNEZ ACROSS DARIEN. 221 and sometimes lent him to others, receiving for his services the same share of booty allotted to an armed man. In this way, he gained by him upwards of a thousand crowns. Nunez had the aid also of a num- ber of the Indians of Darien.* It was on the first of September 1513, that Vasco Nunez embarked with these followers in a brigantine and nine large canoes. He soon arrived at Coyba where he was received by the cacique Careta with open arms, and furnished with guides and warriors to aid him. About half of his men he left at Coyba to guard the brigantine and^ canoes while he penetrated the wilderness with the residue. On the 6th of Sep- tember he struck off for the mountains, and on the 8th he arrived at the village of Ponca, the ancient enemy of Careta. This village was abandoned, but while the Spaniards remained in it, the retreat of Ponca was discovered, and he was prevailed upon to come to Nunez. This cacique assured Nunez of the truth of what had been told him of a great sea be- yond the mountains, and gave him several ornaments ingeniously wrought of fine gold which had been brought from the countries upon its borders. Nunez procured fresh guides from the cacique and sent back such of his men as had become ill from fatigue and the heat of the climate. On the 20th of September he again set forward.! " ,u toilsome was the journey, that in four days they did Moi advance above ten leagues, and in the mean time they suffered excessively from hunger. At the end of this > Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 176 to 178. f Id. p. 179 to 181. 222 JOURNEY or NUNEZ ACROSS OARIEN. [book I. time they arrived at the province of a warlike cacique, named Quaraqua, who was at war with Ponca. « Hearing that a band of strangers were entering his ter- ritories, guided by the subjects of his inveterate foe, the cacique took the field with a large number of warriors, some armed with bows and arrows, others with long spears, or with double handed maces of palm wood, almost as heavy and hard as iron. Seeing the inconsiderable num- ber of the Spaniards, they set upon them with furious yells, thinking to overcome them in an instant. The first dis- charge of fire-arms, however, struck them with dismay. They thought they were co.. tending with demons who vo- mited forth thunder and lightning, especially when they saw their companions fall bleeding and dead beside them, without receiving any apparent blow. They took to head- long flight, and were hotly pursued by the Spaniards and their bloodhounds. Some were transfixed with lances, others hewn down with swords, and many were torn to pieces by the dogs, so that Quaraqua and six hundred of his warriors were left dead upon the field. " A brother of the cacique and several chiefs were taken prisoners. They were clad in robes of white cotton. Ei- ther from their effeminate dress, or from the accusations of their enemies, the Spaniards were induced to consider them guilty of unnatural crimes, and, in their abhorrence and disgust, gave them to be torn to pieces by the blood- hounds."* " After this sanguinary triumph, the Spaniards marched to the village of Ciuaraqua, where they found considerable booty in gold and .i3wels. Of this Vasco Nunez reserved one fifth for the crown, and shared the rest liberally among his followers. The village was at the foot of the last moun- tain that remained for them to climb: several of the Spa- * Herrera, Hist. Ind. d. 1, 1, x. c. 1. Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 181, 3. CBAP. isv] DISCOVERY OF THE PACIFIC IN 1613. 223 t a niards, however, were so disabled by the wounds they had received in battle, or so exhausted by the fatigue and hun- ger they had endured, that they were unable to proceed. They were obliged, therefore, reluctantly to remain in the village, within sight of the mountain-top that commanded the long-sought prospect. Yasco Nunez selected fresh guides from among his prisoners, who were natives of the province, and sent back the subjr^ts of Ponca. Of the band of Spaniards who had set out with him in this enter- prise, sixty-seven alone remained in sufficient health and spirits for this last effort. These he ordered to retire early to repose, that they might be ready to set off at the cool and fresh hour of day-break, so as to reach the summit of the mountain before the noon-tide heat."* " The day had scarcely dawned, when Vasco Nunez and his followers set forth from the Indian village and began to climb the height. It was a severe and rugged toil for men so wayworn, but they were filled with new ardour at the idea of the triumphant scene that was so soon to repay them for all their hardships. " About ten o'clock in the morning, they emerged from the thick forests through which they had hitherto strug- gled, and arrived at a lofty and airy region of the moun- tain. The bald summit alone remained to be ascended, and their guides pointed to a moderate eminence, from which they said the southern sea was visible. " Upon this Vasco Nunez commanded his followers to halt, and that no man should stir from his place. Then, with a palpitating heart, he ascended alone the bare moun- tain-top. On reaching the summit, the long-desired pros- pect burst upon his view. It was as if a new world were unfolded to him, separated from all hitherto known by this mighty barrier of mountains. Below him extended a vast chaos of rock and forest, and green savannahs and wander- * Voyages of Companions of ColumbuR, p. 183, 3. 224 DISCOVERY or THE PACIFIC IN 1513. [BOOK I. V' I ing streams, while at a distance the waters of the promised ocean glittered in the morning stm. *' At this glorious prospect, Yasco Nunez sank upon his knees, and poured out thanks to God for being the first Eu- ropean to whom it was given to make that great discovery. He then called his people to ascend : ' Behold, my friends,' said he, ' that glorious sight which we have so much de- sired. Let us give thanks to God that he has granted us this great honour and advantage. Let us pray to him that he will guide and aid us to conquer the sea and land which we have discovered, and in which Christian has never en- tered to preach the holy doctrine of the Evangelists. As to yourselves, be as you have hitherto been, faithful and true to me, and by the favour of Christ you will become the richest Spaniards that have ever come to the Indias ; you will render the greatest services to your king that ever vassal rendered to his lord ; and you will have the eternal glory and advantage of all that is here discovered, con- quered, and converted to our holy Catholic faith.' " The Spaniards answered this speech by embracing Yasco Nunez, and promising to follow him to death. Among them was a priest, named Andres de Yara, who lifted up his voice and chanted Te Deum laudamus — the usual anthem of Spanish discoverers. The people, kneel- ing down, joined in the strain with pious enthusiasm and tears of joy ; and never did a more sincere oblation rise to the Deity from a sanctified altar, than from that wild moun- tain summit. It was indeed one of the most sublime dis- coveries that had yet been made in the New World, and must have opened a boundless field of conjecture to the wondering Spaniards. The imagination delights to picture forth the splendid confusion of their thoughts. Was this the great Indian Ocean, studded with precious islands, abounding in gold, in gems, and spices, and bordered by the gorgeous cities and wealthy marts of the East ? Or was it J^ j^iv^JMpf .,* "■!"'?> *TO^'-" CHAP. XXV.] DISCOVERT OF THE PACIFIC IN 1613. 225 some lonely sea, locked up in the embraces of savage un- cultivated continents, and never traversed by a bark, ex- cepting the light pirogue of the Indian ? The latter could hardly be the case, for the natives had told the Spaniards of golden realms, and populous, and powerful and luxu- rious nations upon its shores. Perhaps it might be bordered by various people, civilized in fact, but difiCering from Eu- rope in their civilization ; who might have peculiar laws and customs and arts and sciences ; who might form, as it were, a world of their own, intercommuning by this mighty sea, and carrying on commerce between their own islands and continents ,' but who might exist in total igno- rance and independence of the other hemisphere. " Such may naturally have been the ideas suggested by the sight of this unknown ocean. It was the prevalent be- lief of the Spaniards, however, that they were the first Christians who had made the discovery. Vasco Nunez, therefore, called upon all present to witness that he took possession of that sea, its islands, and surrounding lands, in the name of the sovereigns of Castile ; and the notary of the expedition made a testimonial of the same, to which all present, to the number of sixty-seven men, signed their names. He then caused a fair and tall tree to be cut down and wrought into a cross, which was elevated on the spot from whence he had at first beheld the sea. A mound of stones was likewise piled up to serve as a monument, and the names of the Castilian sovereigns were carved on the neighbouring trees. The Indians beheld all these ceremo- nials and rejoicings in silent wonder, and, while they aided to erect the cross and pile up the mound of stones, mar- velled exceedingly at the meaning of these monuments, little thinking that they marked the subjugation of their land. " The memorable event, here recorded, took place on the 26th of September 1513; so that the Spaniards had been 29 226 DISCOVERT OF THE PACIFIC IN 1513. [BOOK I. twenty days performing the journey from the province of Careta to the summit of the mountain, a distance which at present, it is said, does not require more than six days tra- vel. Indeed the isthmus in this neighbourhood is not more than eighteen leagues in breadth in its widest part, and in some places merely seven ; but it consists of a ridge of ex- tremely high and rugged mountains. When the discove- rers traversed it, they had no route but the Indian paths, and often had to force their way amidst all kinds of obsta- cles, both from the savage country and its savage inhabi- tants. In fact, the details of this narrative sufficiently ac- count for the slowness of their progress, and present an ar- ray of difficulties and perils, which, as has been well ob- served, none but those ' men of iron' could have subdued and overcome."* * Voyages of Companiong of Columbug, p. 184 to 187. Mr. Irving refers to Vidas de Etepanoles Cfilebres, por Don Manuel Josef auintana. Tom. ii. p. 40. ;§. OOK I. Lce of ch at s tra- more nd in »if ex- cove- paths, sbsta- ihabi- [y ac- iQ ar- il ob- jdued Manuel CHAP. XXVI.] MARCH OF NUNEZ INTO THE PACIFIC. 2ft7 CHAPTER XXVI. Of the voyage of Vasco NuBez along the coast of the Pacific ; the in- timation received by him of the great empire of Peru; and his return to Darien on the 19th of January 1514. From the summit of the mountain^ Vasco Nunez de- scended with his Httle band. Coming to the province of a wariike cacique, named Chiapes, a conflict en- sued, in which many Indians were made prisoners, and the rest fled. The cacique afterwards brought to the Spaniards five hundred pounds weight of gold a: a peace oflering ; and for it, beads, hawks bells and Vioking glasses, were given in return.* " Friendship being thus established between them, Yasco Nunez remained at the village for a few days, sending back the guides who had accompanied him from Quaraqua, and ordering his people, whom he had left at that place, to re- join him. In the meantime he sent out three scouting par- ties, of twelve men each, under Fiv^acisco Pizarro, Juan de Escary and Alonzo Martin de Don Benito, to explore the surrounding country and discover the best route to the sea. Alonzo Martin was the most successful. After two days journey, he came to a beach, where he found two large ca- noes lying high and dry, without any water being in sight. While the Spaniards were regarding these canoes, and won- dering why they should be so far on land, the tide, which rises to a great height on that coast, came rapidly in and * Voyages of Coropanions of ColumbUB, p. 186, 9. 228 MARCH OF NUNEZ INTO THE PACIFIC. [book I. i I set them afloat ; upon this, Alonzo Martin stepped into one of them, and called his companions to bear witness that he was the first European that embarked upon that sea ; his example was followed by one Bias de Etienza, who called them likewise to testify that he was the second."*" The party having returned to report their success, and Vasco Nunez being rejoined by his men from Quaraqua, he now left the greater part of his follow- ers to repose in the village of Chiapes, and taking with him twenty-six Spaniards, well armed, set out on the 29th of September for the sea coast, accompanied by the cacique and a number of his warriors. Ar- riving on the border of a vast bay on the day of Saint Michael, he gave to it the name of that saint. The tide being out, the water was then above half a league distant. After a while it came rushing in, and soon reached nearly to the place where the Spa- niards liad seated themselves. Upon this Vasco Nu- nez rose and took a banner, on which were painted the Virgin and child, and under them the arms of Castile and Leon ; then drawing his sword and throw- ing his buckler on his shoulder, he marched into the sea until the water reached above his knees, and waiv- ing his banner, exclaimed with a loud voice :t "'Long live the high and mighty monarchs Don Ferdinand and Donna Juanna, sovereigns of Castile, of Leon, and of Arragon, in whose name, and for the royal crown of Castile, I take real, and corpo- ral, and actual possession of these seas, and lands, and coasts, and ports, and islands of the south, and all thereunto annexed ; and of the king- doms and provinces which do, or may appertain to them in whatever * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 169. Mr. Irving, for tliis, refers to Her- rera, Hist. Ind. d. i, I. z. c. 2. t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 190. CHAP. XXVI.] VOYAGE OF NUNEZ ON PACIFIC COAST. 229 his manner, or by whatever right or title, ancient or modern, in times past, present, or to come, without any contradiction ; and if other prince or captain. Christian or Infidel, or of any law, sect or condition whatsoever, shall pretend any right to these lands and seas, I am ready and prepared to maintain and defend them in the name of the Castilian sovereigns, present and future, whose is the empire and dominion over these lo- dias, islands and terra firma, northern and southern, with all their seas, both at the arctic and antarctic poles, on either side of the equinoxial line, whether within or without the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn, both now and in all times, as long as the world endures, and until the final day of judgment of all mankind.' " * No one appearing to dispute his pretensions, Vasco Nunez called upon his companions to bear witness of the fact of his having duly taken possession. They all declared themselves ready to defend his claim; and the notary having drawn up a document for the occasion, they all subscribed it. Then advancing to the margin of the sea, they tasted the water, which, finding to be salt, they felt assured that they had dis- covered an ocean. The ceremonies were conducted by Vasco Nunez's cutting a cross on a tree which grew within the water, and making two other crosses on two adjacent trees, in honour of the three consti- tuting the Trinity, and in token of possession ; and by his followers cutting crosses on many of the trees of the adjacent forest, and lopping off branches with their swords, to bear away as trophies.f While he made Chiapes his head quarters, Vasco Nunez foraged the adjacent country and obtained a considerable quantity of gold. He was intent on ex- ploring by sea the borders of a neighbouring gulf of great extent. The cacique Chiapes warned him of the danger of venturing to sea in that stormy season. * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 191. f Id. p. 191, 2. 230 VOTAOE OF NUNEZ OK PACIFIC COAST. [boos I. it i but his representations producing no effect, volun- teered to take part in the cruise. Accompanied by the cacique, Vasco Nunez embarked on the 17th of October with sixty of his men, in nine canoes, ma- naged by Indians. The result shewed the wisdom of the cacique's advice. In the heavy and tumultuous sea, it was with difficulty they could keep afloat ; to- wards evening they were enabled to reach a small island. Here they landed and fastened the canoes to the rocks, or to small trees that grew upon the shore. Accustomed to the sea on the northern side of the isthmus, where there is little, if any, rise or fall of the tide, they took no precaution against such an occur- rence. In the night they were awakened by the ri- sing of the water. By degrees, rock after rock, and one sand bank after another disappeared, until the sea covered the whole island, and rose almost to the girdles of the Spaniards. Their situation was now agonizing. Fortunately, the tide having reached its height, began to subside. When the day dawned, a sad spectable met their eyes. Some of the canoes were broken to pieces; others yawning open in many parts. The clothing and food left in them, had been washed away. It was necessary to set to work to repair, in the best manner they were able, the da- mages to the canoes. When they re-embarked, they had again to labour with the sea, while they were suf- fering excessively from hunger and thirst. At night- fall, they landed in a corner of the gulf, near the abode of a cacique named Tumaco. Driving his men away, they found in the village provisions in abundance, beside a considerable amount of gold and sB x CHAP. XXVI.] INTIMATION OF PERU. 231 ma- a great quantity of pearls. Afterwards, a friendly in- tercourse was established, and presents were ex- changed. To a place about ten miles distant, a party of Indians went, by directions of the cacique, and gathered pearls on the shore, for the Spaniards.* : << " In reply to the inquiries of Yasco Nunez, the cacique informed him that the coast which he saw stretching to the west continued onwards without end, and that far to the south there was a country abounding in gold, where \e inhabitants made use of certain quadrupeds to carry bur- thens. He moulded a figure of clay to represent these ani- mals, which some of the Spaniards supposed to be a deer, others a camel, others a tapir, for as yet they knew nothing of the lama, the native beast of burthen of South America. This was the second intimation received by Yasco Nunez of the great empire of Peru ; and, while it confirmed all that had been toid him by the son of Comagre, it filled him with glowing anticipations of the glorious triumphs that awaited him."t <' Lest any ceremonial should be wanting to secure this grand discovery to the crown of Spain, Yasco Nunez de- termined to sally from the gulf and take possession of the main land beyond."| Departing on the 29th of October, in a canoe of state furnished by the cacique Tumaco, Nunez pro- ceeded along the borders of the gulf to a point where he landed on a beach washed by the ocean, and with buckler on arm, sword in hand, and banner displayed, again marched into the sea and took possession of it, with like ceremonials to those observed in the gulf of St. Michaels. The Indians now pointed to a line of • Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 193 to 197. f W- W7, 8. J Id, 199. .^ > f :. 232 EXPLOITS OF NUNEZ ON THE PACIFIC. [BOOK I. land about four or five leagues distant which they de- scribed as a great island, anrl one of a group abound- ing with pearls. Being toL that these islands were under a tyrannical and powerful cacique who often made descents upon the main land to plunder it and carry the people into captivity, Nunez assured his al- lies that on a future occasion he would avenge them upon this tyrant and deliver the coasts from his ma- raudings. He gave to the principal island the name of Isla Rica, and to the archipelago the appellation of the Pearl islands.* . -, , ^ " On the third of November Vasco Nunez departed from the province of Tumaco, to visit other parts of the coast. He embarked with his men in the canoes, accompanied by Chiapes and his Indians, and guided by the son of Tumaco, who had become strongly attached to the Spaniards. The young man piloted them along an arm of the sea, wide in some places, but in others obstructed by groves of man- grove trees, which grew within the water and interlaced their branches from shore to shore, so that at times the Spa- niards were obliged to cut a passage with their swords. "At length they entered a great and turbulent river, which they ascended with difficulty, and, early the next morning surprised a village on its banks, making the ca- cique Teaochan, prisoner j who purchased their favour and kind treatment by a quantity of gold and pearls, and an abundant supply of provisions. As it was the intention of Yasco Nunez to abandon the shores of the Southern ocean at this place, and to strike across the mountains for Darien, he took leave of Chiapes and of the youthful son of Tu- maco, who were to return to their houses in the canoes. He sent at the same time, a message to his men, whom he * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 199, 900. CHAP. 3UIVI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1614. 233 had left in the village of Chiapas, appointing a place in the mountains where they were to rejoin him on his way back to Darien. :■''■■ •>.;.. ^,.^ ,; ^ . ^^ v • i . ». <' The talent of Yasco Nuficz for conciliating and win- ning the good will of the savages is often mentioned, and to such a degree had he exerted it in the present instance, that the two chieftains shed tears at parting. Their con- duct had a favourable effect upon the cacique Teaochan ; he entertained Yasco Nuflez with the most devoted hospi- tality during three days that he remained in his village ; when about to depart he furnished him with a stock of provisions sufficient for several days, as his route would lay over rocky and sterile mountains. He sent also a nume- rous band of his subjects to carry the burthens of the Spa- niards. These he placed under the command of his son, whom he ordered never to separate from the strangers, nor to permit any of his men to return without the consent of Yasco Nunez."* : : The Spaniards suffered greatly from thirst in the early part of their route to Darier*. Coming to the village of a pov^erful chief named Poncra, famous for his riches, they found in the deserted houses to the value of three thousand crowns in gold. Hav- ing searched for Poncra and prevailed upon him and three of his principal subjects to come to Vasco Nu- nez, the Spaniards endeavoured to draw from him in- formation of the places whence he had procured his gold.t " He professed utter ignorance in the matter, declaring that the gold found in his village had been gathered by his predecessors in times long past, and that as he himself set * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. SiOO to 903. 30 t Id. p. 303, 4. 23A RETURN or NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [book I- no value on the metal, he had never troubled himself to seek it. The Spaniards resorted to menaces, and even, it is said, to tortures, to compel him to betray his reputed treasures, but with no better success. Disappointed in their expectations, and <^nraged at his supposed obstinacy, they listened too readily to charges advanced against him by certain caciques of the neighbourhood, who represented him as a monster of cruelty, and as guilty of crimes repug- nant to nature '* whereupon, in the heat of the moment, they gave him and his three companions, who were said to be equally guilty, to be torn in pieces by the dogs : a rash and cruel sentence, given on the evidence of avowed ene- mies ; and which, ho^vever it may be palliated by the al- leged horror and disgust of the Spaniards at the imputed crimes of the cacique, bears too much the stamp of haste and passion, and remains a foul blot on the character of Vasco Nunez. " The Spaniards remained for thirty days reposing in the village of the unfortunate Poncra, during which time they were rejoined by their companions, who had been left be- hind at the village of Chiapes. They were accompanied by a cacique of the mountains, who had lodged and fed them, and made them presents of the value of two thou- sand crowns in gold. This hospitable savage approached Vasco Nunez with a serene countenance, and taking him by the hand, ' Behold,' said he, ' most valiant and powerful chief, I bring thee thy companions safe and well, as they entered under my roof. May he who made the thunder and lightning, and who gives us the fruits of the earth, preserve thee and thine in safety !' So saying, he raised his eyes to the bUn, as if he worshipped that as his deity and the dispenser of all temporal blessings.f * p. Martyr, d. iii. c. 9. f Herrera, d. i. 1. x. c. 4. n CHAP. XXVI.] RETURN OP NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 235 F "Departing from this village, and being still accom- panied by the Indians of Teaochan, the Spaniards now bent their course along the banks of the river Comagre, which descends the northern side of the isthmus, and flows through the territories of the cacique of the same name."* . • They had soon to abandon this wild stream and wander on without any path, but guided by the In- dians. On the way, their sufferings from hunger be- came intense, and many of their Indian companions perished ; having been loaded too heavily with gold and too lightly with provisions. At length they reached a village, where, obtaining supplies, they re- mained thirty days to recruit their strength. The Spaniards had now to pass through the territories of Tubanama, the potent and warlike chieftain of whom a formidable character had been given by the young Indian prince who first informed Vasco Nunez of the southern sea.f , - ... " He had erroneously represented the dominions of Tu- banama as lying beyond the mountains: and when he dwelt upon the quantities of gold to be found in them, had magnified the dangers that would attend any attempt to pass their borders. The name of this redoubtable cacique was, in fact, a terror throughout the country ; and when Yasco Nunez looked round upon his handful of pale and ema- ciated followers, he doubted whether even the superiority of their weapons, and their military skill, would enable them to copo with Tubanama and his armies in open con- test. He resolved, therefore, to venture upon a perilous stratagem. When he made it known to his men, every * Voyages of Companiona of Columbus, p. 204, 5. 1 1<1. P- 205 to 207. 236 KXTVRN or NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [■<><» >• one pressed forward to engage in it. Choosing seventy of the most vigorous, he ordered the rest to maintain their post in the village. " As soon as night had fallen, he departed silently and secretly with his chosen band, and made his way with such rapidity through the labyrinths of the forests and the de- files of the mountains, that he arrived in the neighbour- hood of the residence of Tubanama by the following eve- ning, though at the distance of two regular days journey. " ^here waiting until midnight, he assailed the village suddenly, and with success, so as to surprise and capture the cacique and his whole family, in which were eighty fe- males. When Tubanama found himself a prisoner in the hands of the Spaniards, he lost all presence of mind, and wept bitterly. The Indian allies of Vasco Nunez behold- ing their once dreaded enemy thus fallen and captive, now urged that he should be put to death, accusing him of va- rious crimes and cruelties. Yasco Nunez pretended to lis- ten to their prayers, and gave orders that his captive should be tied hand and foot and given to the dogs. The cacique approached him trembling, and laid his hand upon the pom- mel of his sword. ' Who can pretend,' said he, < to strive with one who bears this weapon, which can cleave a man asunder with a blow ? Ever since thy fame has reached among these mountains have I reverenced thy valour. Spare my life, and thou shalt have all the gold I can pro- cure.' "Vasco Nunez, whose anger was assumed, was readily pacified. As soon as the day dawned, the cacique gave him armlets and other jewels of gold, to the value of three thousand crowns, and sent messengers throughout his do- minions, ordering his subjects to aid in paying his ransom. The poor Indians, with their accustomed loyalty, hastened in crowds, bringing their golden ornaments, until in the course of three days they had produced an amount equal CHAP. XXVI.] RETURN or NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. 237 to six thousand crowns. This done, Yasco Nui^ez set the cacique at liberty, bestowing on him several European trin- kets, with which he considered himself richer than he had been with all his gold. Nothing would draw from him, however, the disclosure of the mines from whence this treasure was procured. He declared that it came from the territories of his neighbours, where gold and pearls were to be found in abundance ; but that his lands produced noth- ing of the kind. Yasco Nunez doubted his sincerity, and secretly caused the brooks and rivers in his dominions to be searched, where gold was found in sUih quantities, that he determined, at a future time, to found two settlemenis in the neighbourhood. "On parting with Tubanama, the cacique sent his son with the Spaniards, to learn their language and religion. It is said, also, that the Spaniards carried off his eighty wo- men ; but of tHls particular fact, Oviedo, who writes with the papers of Yasco Nunez before him, says notl ing. He affirms, generally, however, that the Spaniards, throughout this expedition, were not scrupulous in their dealings with the wives and daughters of the Indians ; and adds, that in this their commander set them the example.** " Having returned to the village, where he had left the greater part of his men, Yasco Nunez resumed his home- ward march. His people were feeble and exhausted, and several of them sick ; so that some had to be carried and others led by the arms. He himself '^?!> part of the time afflicted by a fever, and had to be boiuc in a hammock on the shoulders of the Indians. "Proceeding thus slowly and loilfully, they at length arrived on the northern sea coa' t, at the territories of their ally, Comagre. The old cacique was dead, and had been succeeded by his son, the same intelligent youth who had first given information of the southern sea and the king- * Oviedo, Hist. Gen. part ii. c. 4. MS. I i I 238 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1614. [BOOK I. dotn of Peru. The young chief, who had embraced Chris- tianity, received them with great hospitality, making them presents of gold. Vasco Nunez gave him trinkets in re- turn, and a shirt and a soldier's cloak ; with which, says Peter Martyr, he thought himself half a god among his naked countrymen. After having reposed for a few days, Vasco Nunez proceeded to Poncra, where he heard that a ship and caravel had arrived at Darien from Hispaniola, with reinforcements and supplies. Hastening, therefore, to Ooyba, the territories of his ally, Careta, he embarked on the 18th of January 1614, with twenty of his men, in the brigantine which he had left there, and arrived at Santa Maria de la Antigua, in the river of Darien, on the follow- ing day. All the inhabitants came forth to receive him ; and when they heard the news of the great southern sea, and of his returning from its shores laden with pearls and gold, there were no bounds to their joy. He immediately dispatched the ship and caravel to Coyba for the compa- nions he had left behind, who brought with them the re- maining booty, consisting of gold and pearls, mantles, ham- mocks, and other articles of cotton, and a great number of captives of both sexes. A fifth of the spoil was set apart for the crown ; the rest was shared, in just proportions, among those who had been in the expedition, and those who had remained at Darien. All were contented with their allotment, and elated with the prospect of still greater gain from future enterprises. " Thus ended one of the most remarkable expeditions of the early discoverers. The intrepidity of Vasco Nunez in penetrating, with a handful of men, far into the interior of a wild and mountainous country, peopled by warlike tribes : his skill in managing his band of rough adventurers, sti- mulating their valour, enforcing their obedience, and at- taching their affections, show him to have possessed great qualities as a general. We are told that he was always CHAP. XSVI.] RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1614. 239 foremost in peril, and the last to quit the field. He shared the toils and dangers of the meanest of his followers, treat- ing them with frank affability ; watching, fighting, fasting, and labouring with them ; visiting and consoling such as were sick or infirm, and dividing all his gains with fairness and liberality. He was chargeable at times with acts of bloodshed and injustice, but it is probable that these were often called for as measures of safety and precaution ; he certainly offended less against humanity than most of the early discoverers; and the unbounded amity and confi- dence reposed in him by the natives, when they became intimately acquainted with his character, speak strongly in favour of his kind treatment of them. " The character of Vasco Nunez had, in fact, risen with his circumstances, and now ;ssumed a nobleness and gran- deur from the discovery he had made, and the important charge it had devolved upon him. He no longer felt him- self a mere soldier of fortune, at the head of a band of adventurers, but a great commander conducting an immor- tal enterprise. ' Behold,' says old Peter Martyr, ' Vasco Nunez de Balboa, at once transformed from a rash royster to a politic and discreet captain ;' and thus it is that men are often made by their fortunes, that is to say, their latent qualities are brought out, and shaped and strengthened by events, and by the necessity of every exertion to copo with the greatness of their destiny."* " Vasco Nunez de Balboa now flattered himself that he had made a discovery calculated to silence all his enemies at court, and to elevate him to the highest favour with his sovereign. He wrote letters to the king, giving a detail of his expedition, and setting forth all that he had seen or heard of this southern sea, and of the rich countries upon its borders. Beside the royal fifths of the profits of the expedition, he prepared a present for the sovereign, in the ♦ Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 207 to S2U. 240 RETURN OF NUNEZ TO DARIEN 1514. [BOOK t. m\ name of himself and his companions, consisting of the largest and most precious pearls they had collected. As a trusty and intelligent envoy to bear these tidings, he chose Pedro de Arbolancha, an old and tried friend, who had ac- companied him in his toils and dangers, and was well ac- quainted with all his transactions.'"* " Unfortunately, the ship which was to convey the mes- senger to Spain, lingered in port until the beginning of March ; a delay which had a fatal influence on the for- tunes of Vasco Nunez."t * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 319. | Id. CHAP. XXVII.] PEDRARIAS MADE GOVERNOR OF DARIEN. 241 CHAPTER XXVII. Of the appointment of Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called Pe- drarias, in 1514 as governor of Darien ; the prosperous state of the colony under the management of Nuflez when Pedrarias arrived ; the conduct of Pedrarias to Nufiez ; the sickness of the colony soon after the arrival of Pedrarias ; his unsuccessful expeditions ; and the dispatches from Spain in favour of Nuiiez. The complaints made by the Bachelor Enciso, af- ter his arrival in Castile, induced the king to send a new governor to Darien with power to enquire into and remedy all abuses. For this purpose he chose Don Pedro Arias Davila, commonly called Pedrarias. He was a native of Segovia, who had been brought up in the royal household, and had distinguished him- self both in the war in Granada and at the taking of Oran and Bugia in Africa. His personal accomplish- ments were such as would captivate the soldiery : he was called el Galan, for his gallant array and courtly demeanor, and el Justador, or the Tilter, for his dex- terity in jousts and tournaments. Scarcely had this appointment been made, when the commissioners from Darien arrived, communicating the intelligence from the son of Comagre, and asking one thousand men to make the discovery. Ferdinand rewarded the bearers of the intelligence, and resolved to dis- patch immediately a powerful armada with twelve hundred men, under the command of Pedrarias to accomplish the enterprise. Many cavaliers offering 31 242 PEDRARIAS MADE GOVERNOR OF OARIEN. [BOOK I. themselves as volunteers, the number was extended to fifteen hundred, and eventually upwards of two thousand embarked. Santa Maria de la Antigua was, by royal ordinance, elevated into the metropolitan city of Golden Castile, and a friar named Juan de Que- vedo was appointed as bishop, with powers to decide in all cases of conscience. A number of friars was nominated to accompany him, and he was provided with the necessary furniture and vessels for a chapel. Among the regulations made for the good of the co- lony, it was ordained that no lawyers should be ad- mitted there; it being supposed that at Hispaniola and elsewhere they were detrimental to the welfare of the settlements, by fomenting disputes and litigations. The judicial affairs were to be entirely confided to the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who was to offi- ciate as alcalde mayor or chief judge. The wife of Don Pedrarias accompanied her husband: she lefl behind her in Spain a family of four sons and four daughters. Don Pedrarias was instructed to use great indulgence towards the people of Darien who had been the followers of Nicuesa, and to remit the royal tithe of all the gold they might have collected pre- vious to his arrival. Vasco Nunez was to be deposed from his assumed authority and called to strict ac- count before the alcalde mayor for his treatment of the Bachelor Enciso. The fleet, consisting of fifteen sail, weighed anchor at St. Lucar on the 12th of April 1514.* It is said by Mr. Irving that the two gove^ors, Ojeda and Nicuesa, whom the king had appointed to * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 913 to 317. 14 jT CHAP. XXVII.] GOVERNMENT OF VASCO NUNEZ. 243 April colonize and command at the isthmus of Darien in Terra Firma, having failed in their undertaking, the sovereign in 1514 wrote to Hispaniola permitting the Adelantado, Don Bartholomew, if so incUned, to take charge of settling the coast of Veragua and to govern that country under the admiral Don Diego, conformably to his privileges, but that it was now too late ; illness preventing Don Bartholomew from exe- cuting the enterprise.* But a short time elapsed after the departure of the fleet of Pedrarias from Spain, when Pedro Arbolan- cho arrived. He announced the adventurous and successful expedition of Vasco Nunez, and laid be- fore the king the pearls and ornaments which he had brought. The tidings of this discovery made all Spain resound with the praises of Vasco Nunez : from being considered a lawless and desperate adven- turer, he was lauded to the skies as a worthy suc- cessor to Columbus.f " While honours and rewards were preparing in Europe for Vasco Nunez, that indefatigable commander, inspired by his fortunes, with redoubled zeal and loftier ambition, was exercising the paternal forethought and discretion of a pa- triotic governor over the country subjected to his rule. His most strenuous exertions were directed to bring the neigh- bourhood of Darien into such a state . of cultivation as might render the settlement independent of Europe for sup- plies. The town was situated on the banks of a river, and contained upwards of two hundred houses and cabins. Its population amounted to five hundred and fifteen Europeans, * Irving's Columbus, vol. 2, p. 919, Appendix No. 2. t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. SI7, 18. f 244 ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS. [BOOK I. all men, and fifteen hundred Indians, male and female. Orchards and gardens had been laid out, where European, as well as native fruits and vegetables were cultivated, and already gave promise of future abundance. Yasco Nunez devised all kinds of means to keep up the spirits of his people. On holidays they had their favourite national sports and games, and particularly tilting matches, of which chivalrous amusement the Spaniards, in those days, were extravagantly fond. Sometimes he gratified their restless and roving habits, by sending them in expeditions to va- rious parts of the country, to acquire a knowledge of its resources, and to strengthen his sway over the natives. He was so successful in securing the amity or exciting the awe of the Indian tribes, that a Spaniard might go singly about the land in perfect safety ; while his own followers were zealous in their devotion to him, both from admira- tion of his past exploits, and from hopes of soon being led by him to new discoveries and conquests. Peter Martyr, in his letter to Leo the Tenth, speaks in high terms of these ' old soldiers of Darien,' the remnants of those well- tried adventurers who had followed the fortunes of Ojeda, Nicuesa and Vasco Nunez. ' They were hardened,' says he, ' to abide all sorrows, and were exceedingly tolerant of labour, heat, hunger and watching, insomuch that they merrily make their boast that they have observed a longer and sharper Lent than ever your Holiness enjoined, since, for the space of four years, their food has been herbs and fruits, with now and then fish, and very seldom flesh.'* " Such were the hardy and well seasoned veterans that were under the sway of Vasco Nunez ; and the colony gave signs of rising in prosperity, under his active and fos- tering management, when, in the month of June, the fleet of Don Pedrarias Davila arrived in the gulf of Uraba. I *P. Martyr, decad. 3, c. Hi. Lok'a translation. CHAP. XXVII.] ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIA9. 245 that )lony fos- fleet "The Spanish cavaliers who accompanied the new go- vernor, were eager to get on shore, and to behold ihe anti- cipated wonders of the land ; but Pedrarias, knowing the resolute character of Vasco Nunez, and the devotion of his followers, apprehended some difficulty in getting possession of the colony. Anchoring, therefore, about a league and a half from the settlement, he sent a messenger on shore to announce his arrival. The envoy, having heard so much in Spain of the prowess and exploits of Yasco Nunez and the riches of Golden Castile, expected, no doubt, to find a blustering warrior, maintaining barbaric state in the govern- ment which he had usurped. Great was his astonishment, therefore, to find this redoubtable hero a plain, unassuming man, clad in a cotton frock and drawers, and hempen san- dals, directing and aiding the labour of several Indians who were thatching a cottage in which he resided. " The messenger approached him respectfully, and an- nounced the arrival of Don Pedrarias Davila as governor of the country. " Whatever Vasco Nunez may have felt at this intelli- gence, he suppressed his emotions, and answered the mes- senger with great discretion ; ' Tell Don Pedrarias Davila,' said he, ' that he is welcome, that I congratulate him on his safe arrival, and am ready, with all who are here, to obey his orders.' " The little community of rough and daring adventurers was immediately in an uproar when they found a new- governor had arrived. Some of the most zealous adherents of Vasco Nunez were disposed to sally forth, sword in hand, and repel the intruder ; but they were restrained by their more considerate chieftain, who prepared to receive the new governor with all due submission. " Pedrarias disembarked on the 30th of June, accompa- nied by his heroic wife Dona Isabella, who, according to old Peter Martyr, had sustained the roarings and rages of ; r 7 T:r*»=?p^*?r^':- \ 246 ARRIVAL OF PEDRARIAS. [BQOK I. the ocean with no less stout courage than eiiher her hus- band or even the naariners who had been brought; up among the surges of the sea. " Pedrarias set out for the embryo city, at the head of two thousand men, all well armed. He led his wife by the hand, and on the other side of him was the Bishop of Darien, in his robes ,* while a brilliant train of youthful ca- valiers, in glittering armour and brocade, formed a kind of body guard. " All this pomp and splendour formed a striking contrast with the humble state of Yasco Nunez, who came forth unarmed, in simple attire, accompanied by his councillors and a handful of the < old soldiers of Darien,' scarred and battered, and grown half wild in Indian warfare, but with- out weapons, and in garments much the worse for wear. " Vasco Nunez saluted Don Pedrarias Davila with pro- found reverence, and promised him implicit obedience, both in his own name and in the name of the community. Having entered the town, he conducted his distinguished guests to his straw-thatched habitation, where he had caused a repast to be prepared of such cheer as his means afforded, consisting of roots and fruits, maize and casava bread, with no other beverage than water from the river ; a sorry palace and a meagre banquet in the eyes of the gay cavaliers, who had anticipated far other things from the usurper of Golden Castile. Vasco Nunez, however, ac- quitted himself in his humble wigwam with the courtesy and hospitality of a prince, and showed that the dignity of an entertainment depends more upon the giver than the feast. In the meantime a plentiful supply of European provisions was landed from the fleet, and a temporary abundance was diffused through the colony.'"'*' " On the day after his entrance into Darien, Don Pedra- rias held a private conference with Vasco Nunez in presence * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 219 to 9SS. CBAF. XXVII.] CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. 247 of the historian Oviedo, who had come ont from Spain as the public notary of the colony. The governor commenced by assuring him that he was instructed by the king to treat him with great favour and distinction, to consult him about the affairs of the colony, and to apply to him for informa* tion relative to the surrounding country. At the same time he professed the most amicable feelings on his own part, and an intention to be guided by his counsels in ail public measures. " Yasco Nunez was of a frank, confiding nature, and was so captivated by this unexpected courtesy and kindness, that he threw off all caution and reserve, and opened his whole soul to the politic courtier. Pedrarias availed him- self of this communicative mood to draw from him a mi- nute and able statement in writing, detailing the circum- stances of the colony, and the information collected respect- ing various parts of the country ; the route by which he had traversed the mountains ; his discovery of the South sea ; the situation and reputed wealth of the Pearl islands ,* the rivers and ravines most productive of gold ; together with the names and territories of the various caciques with whom he had made treaties. "When Pedrarias had thus beguiled the unsuspecting soldier of all the information necessary for his purposes, he dropped the mask, and within a few days proclaimed a ju- dicial scrutiny into the conduct of Vasco Nunez and his officers. It was to be conducted by the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, who had come out as alcalde mayor, or chief judge. The Licentiate was an inexperienced lawyer, hav- ing but recently left the University of Salamanca. He ap- pears to have been somewhat flexible in his opinions, and prone to be guided or governed by others. At the outset of his career he was much under the influence of Q,uevedo, the Bishop of Darien. Now, as Vasco Nunez knew the im- portance of this prelate in the colony, he had taken care to 248 CONDUCT or PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. [book I. i secure him to his interests by paying him the most pro- found deference and respect, and by giving him a share in his agricultural enterprises and his 'schemes of traffic. In fact, the good bishop looked upon him as one eminently calculated to promote his temporal prosperity, to which he was by no means insensible. Under the influence of the prelate, therefore, the alcalde commenced his investigation in the most favourable manner. He went largely into an examination of the discoveries of Yasco Nunez, and of the nature and extent of his various services. The governor was alarmed at the course which the inquiry was taking. If thus conducted, it would but serve to illustrate the me- rits and elevate the reputation of the man whom it was his interest and intent to ruin. To counteract it he immedi- ately set on foot a secret and invidious course of interro- gatories of the followers of Nicuesa and Ojeda, to draw from them testimony which might support the charges against Yasco Nunez of usurpation and tyrannical abuse of power. The bishop and the alcalde received information of this inquisition, carried on thus secretly, and without their sanction. They remonstrated warmly against it, as an infringement of their rights, being coadjutors in the go- vernment ; and they spurned the testimony of the followers of Ojeda and Nicuesa, as being dictated and discoloured by ancient enmity. Yasco Nunez was therefore acquitted by them of the criminal charges made against him, though he remained involved in difficulties from the suits brought against him by individuals, for losses and damages occa- sioned by his measures. " Pedrarias was incensed at this acquittal, and insisted upon the guilt of Yasco Nunez, which he pretended to have established to his conviction by his secret investiga- tions ; and he even determined to send him in chains to Spain, to be tried for the death of Nicuesa, and for other imputed ofiences. CMAf. XXVti.] CONDUCT OF PEDRARIAS TO NUNEZ. 249 (( nsisted ded to restiga- ains to other It was not the inclination or the interest of the bishop that Yasco Nunez should leave the colony; he therefore managed to awaken the jealous apprehensions of the go- vernor as to the effect of his proposed measure. He inti- mated that the arrival of Yasco Nunez in Spain would be signalized by triumph rather than disgrace. By that time his grand discoveries would be blazoned to the world, and would atone for all his faults. He would be received with enthusiasm by the nation, with favour by the king, and would probably be sent back to the colony clothed with new dignity and power. "Pedrarias was placed in a perp>' lijg dilemma by these suggestions ; his violent proceedings against Yasco Nunez were also in some measure restrained by the influence of his wife, Dona Isabel de Bobadilla, who felt a great respect and sympathy for the ditcoverer. In his perplexity, the wily governor adopted a middle course. He resolved to detain Yasco Nunez at Darien under a cloud of imputation, which would gradually impair his popularity ; while his patience and means would be silently consumed by pro- tracted and expensive litigation. In the meantime, how- ever, the property which had been sequestrated was re- stored to him. " While Pedrarias treated Yasco Nunez with this seve- rity, he failed not to avail himself of the plans of that able commander. The first of these was to establish a line of posts across the mountains between Darien and the South sea. It was his eager desire to execute this before any or- der should arrive from the king in favour of his predeces- sor, in order that he might have the credit of having colo- nized the coast, and Yasco Nunez, merely that of having discovered and visited it.* Before he could complete these arrangements, however, unlooked-for calamities fell upon the settlement, that for a time interrupted every project, 32 * Oviedo, Hist. Ind. p. 3, c. 8. 250 CALAMITIES AT DARIGN. Tboos 1. and made every one turn his thoughts merely t :. h't rivirn security."* Daricn was unhealthy. Many of those who had recently arrived were swept off speedily ; Pedrarias himself fell sick and was removed, with most of his people, to a healthier spot on the river Corobari ; the malady, however, continued to increase. The provi- sions which had been brought out being partly da- maged by the sea, the residue grew scanty, and the people were put on short allowance. The debility thus produced increased the ravages of disease. At length the provisions were exhausted and the horrors of famine ensued. There perished in a month seven hundred of the little army that had embarked with Pedrarias. Unable to remedy the evil, Pedrarias gave permission for his men to flee from it. A ship-load of starving adventurers departed for Cuba, where some of them joined the standard of Diego Velas- quez, who was colonizing that island ; others made their way back to Spain, where they arrived broken in health, in spirits and in fortune.f The departure of so many was a temporary relief; and Pedrarias, having recovered from his malady, be- stirred himself to send expeditions to forage the coun- try and collect treasure.! " These expeditions, however, were entrusted to his own favourites, and partisans ; while Yasco Nunez, the man most competent to carry them into effect, remained idle and ne- glected. A judicial inquiry, tardily carried on, oversha- dowed him, and though it substantiated nothing, served to embarrass his actions, to cool his friends, and to give him ° * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 223 to 236. f Id. p. 237 to 229. i Id. p. 230. CHAP. XXVII.] EXPEDITIONS or PEDRARIAS. 251 the air of a public delinquent. Indeed, to the other evils of the colony was now added that of excessive litigation, arising out of the disputes concerning the government of Yasco Nunez, and which increased to such a degree, that according to the report of the Alcalde Espinosa, if the law suits should be divided among the people, at least forty would fall to each man's share.'"' This too was in a colony into which the government had commanded that no lawyer should be admitted."t " Wearied and irritated by the check which had been given to his favourite enterprises, and confident of the ulti- mate approbation of the king, Yasco Nunez now determined to take his fortunes in his own hands, and to prosecute in secret his grand project of exploring the regions beyond the mountains. For this purpose he privately dispatched one Andres Garabito to Cuba to enlist men, and to make the - requisite provisions for an expedition across the isthmus, from Nombre de Dios, and for the founding a colony on the shores of the Southern Ocean, from whence he proposed to extend his discoveries by sea and land. "While Yasco Nunez awaited the return of Garabito, he had the mortification of beholding various of his colonizing plans pursued and marred by Pedrarias. Among other en- terprises, the governor dispatched his lieutenant-general Juan de Ayora, at the head of four hundred men, to visit the provinces of those caciques with whom Yasco Nunez had sojourned and made treaties on his expedition to the Southern sea. Ayora partook of the rash and domineering spirit of Pedrarias, and harassed and devastated the coun- tries which he pretended to explore. He was received with ^mity and confidence by various caciques who had formed treaties with Yasco Nunez ; but he repaid their hospitality with the basest ingratitude, seizing upon their property, takinp; from them their wives and daughters, and often tor- *Herrera, decad. 9, 1. i. c. 1. t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 930. 252 VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. r0t.i'yt- --•■'■ 'P H turing them to make them reveal their hidden or supposed treasures. Among those treated with this perfidy, we grieve to enumerate the youthful cacique who first gave Vasco Nunez information of the sea beyond the mountains. " The enormities of Ayora and of other captains of Pe- drarias produced the usual effect j the natives were roused to desperate resistance ; caciques, who had been faithful friends, were converted into furious onemies, and the expe- dition ended in disappointment and disaster. "The adherents of Vasco Nunez did not fail to contrast these disastrous enterprises with those which had been con- ducted with so much glory and advantage by their fa- vourite commander; and their sneers and reproaches had such an effect upon the jealous and irritable disposition of Pedrarias, that he determined to employ their idol in a ser- vice that would be likely to be attended with defeat, and to impair his popularity. None seemed more fitting for the purpose than an exb ibitio a to Dobayba, where he had once already attempted in vain to penetrate, and where so many of his followers had fallen victims to the stratagems and assaults of the natives."* Vasco Nunez accepted the enterprise, and had two hundred resolute men given him for the purpose, but his satisfaction was diminished when he found that Luis Carrillo, an officer of Pedrarias, was associated with him. The enterprise proved unsuccessful. The Spaniards, in an unguarded moment, being suddenly surprised and surrounded, one half of them, inclu- ding Carrillo, were killed or drowned in the river up which they were proceeding. Vasco Nunez himself was wounded, and had great difficulty in escaping with the residue of his forces.f * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. S30 to 233. f Id. p. 333 to 33G. CHAP. XXTII.] VASCO NUNEZ. 253 "About this time dispatches arrived from Spain that promised to give a new turn to the fortunes of Vasco Nu- ne? and to the general affairs of the colony. They were written after the tidings of the discovery of the South sea, and the subjugation of so many important provinces of the isthmus. In a letter addressed to Vasco Nunez, the king expressed his high sense of his merits and services, and constituted him Adelantado of the South sea, and governor of the provinces of Panama and Coyba, though subordi- nate to the general command of Pedrarias. A letter was likewise written by the king to Pedrarias, informing him of this appointment, and ordering him to consult Vasco Nunez on all public affairs of importance. This was a humilia- ting blow to the pride and consequence of Pedrarias, but he hoped to parry it. In the meantime, as all letters from Spain were first delivered into his hands, he withheld that intended for Vasco Nunez, until he should determine what course of conduct to adopt. The latter, however, heard of the circumstance, as did his friend the Bishop of Darien. The prelate made loud complaints of this interruption of the royal correspondence, which he denounced, even from the pulpit, as an outrage upon the rights of the subject, and an act of disobedience to the sovereign. " Upon this the governor called a council of his public officers ; and, after imparting the contents of his letter, re- quested their opinion as to the propriety of investing Vasco Nunez with the dignities thus granted to him. The alcalde mayor, Espinosa, had left the party of the bishop, and was now devoted to the governor. He insisted, vehe- mently, that the offices ought in no wise to be given to Vasco Nunez, until the king should be informed of the re- sult of the inquest, which was still going on against him. In this he was warmly supported by the treasurer and the accountant. The bishop replied, indignantly, that it was presumptuous and disloyal in them to dispute the com- 254 VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. mands of the king, and to interfere with the rewards con- scientiously given by him to a meritorious subject. In this way, he added, they were defeating, by their passions, the grateful intentions of their sovereign. The governor was overawed by the honest v.aimth of the bishop, and pro- fessed to accord with him in opinion. The council lasted until midnight ; and it was finally agreed that the titles and dignities should be conferred on Yasco Nunez on the following day.* " Pedraria^ and his officers reflected, however, that if the jurisdiction implied by these titles, were absolutely vested in Vasco Nunez, the government of Darien and Castilla del Oro would virtually be reduced to a trifling matter ; they resolved, therefore, to adopt a middle course ; to grant him the empty titles, but to make him give security not to en- ter upon the actual government of the territories in ques- tion, until Pedrarias should give him permission. The bishop and Vasco Nunez assented to this arrangement; sa- tisfied, for the present, with securing the titles, and trust- ing to the course of events to get dominion over the terri- tories.! " The new honours of Vasco Nunez were now promul- gated to the world, and he was every where addressed by the title of Adelantado. His old friends lifted up their heads with exultation, and new adherents flocked to his standard. Parties began to form for him and for Pedrarias. for it was deemed impossible they could continue long in harmony. "The jealousy of the governor was excited by these circumstances ; and ht; regarded the newly created Adelan- tado as a dangerous rival and an insidious foe. Just at tliis critical juncture. Andres Garabito, the agent of Vasco Nu- nez, arrived on the coast in a vessel which he had procured * Oviedo, part 2, c. O.MS. Ovipdo, tlir given on llio occasion, which the parties historian, was present at this consultation, Kignnd with their proper hands. and says that he wrote down the opinions * Oviedo, part 2, c. 9. MS. CHAP. XXTII.] VASCO NUN£Z. 255 at Cuba, and had freighted with arms and ammunition, and seventy resolute men, for the secret expedition to the shores of the Pacific Ocean. He anchored six leagues from the harbour, and sent word privately to Vasco Nunez of his arrival. " Information was immediately carried to Pedrarias, that a mysterious vessel, full of armed men, was hovering on the coast, and holding secret communication with his rival. The suspicious temper of the governor immediately took the alarm. He fancied some treasonable plot against his authority; his passions mingled with his fears; and, in the first burst of his fury, he ordered that Vasco Nunez should be seized and confined in a wooden cage. The Bishop of Darien interposed in time to prevent an indignity which it might have been impossible to expiate. He prevailed upon the passionate governor, not merely to retract the order re- specting the cage, but to examine the whole matter with coolness and deliberation. The result proved that his sus- picions had been erroneous ; and that the armament had been set on foot without any treasonable intent. Vasco Nuiiez was, therefore, set at liberty, after having agreed to certain precautionary conditions ; but he remained cast down in spirit and impoverished in fortune, by the haras- sing measures of Pedrarias."* Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo Y. Valdes, to whom reference is made on page 247, in an extract from the Voyages of the Companions of Columbus, was, it is said, appointed in 1514 inspector of the metals cast at Darien. BecDming discontented with Pedrarias, he gave up this place, we are told, the year following, and went to Saint Domingo, and thence to Spain.f •* Voyages of Companinns of Columbus, p. 237 to 240. t Preface of French editor to his History, published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's col lection. 266 EXPEDITIONS 1616 UNDER FEDRARIAS. [BOOK I. t( ! lift; il CHAPTER XXVIII. Of several expeditions in 1515 under Pedrarius, one of which was to the Pacific ; also of the discovery of the Rio de la Plata. Pedrarias now set on foot an expedition with sixty men to the South sea, but gave the command to one of his own relations named Caspar Morales, who was accompanied by Francisco Pizarro. Morales and Pizarro traversed the mountains of the isthmus by a shorter and more expeditious route than that which had been taken by Vasco Nunez, and arrived on the shores of the South sea, at the territories of a cacique named Tutibra, by whom they were amicably enter- tained. Their great object was to visit the Pearl islands. The cacique having but four canoes, and they being insufficient to contain the wiiole party, one half of the men remained at the village of Tu- tibra under the command of a captain named Pena- losa ; the residue embarked in the canoes with Mo- rales and Pizarro. They landed on one of the smaller islands, where they had some skirmishing with the natives, and hence made their way to the principal island, called by Nunez Isla Kica. The cacique gave to the Spaniards a reception worthy of his fame. After being repulsed four times with great slaughter, he sued for peace, and brought as a peace offering a basket curiously wrought, and filled with pearls of great beauty.* * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 341, 3. .a CHAP. XXVIII.] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1515. 257 " The cacique considered himself more than repaid by a present of hatchets, beads, and hawks-bells : and, on the Spaniards smiling at his joy, observed, ' These things I can turn to useful purpose, but of what value are those pearls to me?' " Finding, however, that these baubles were precious in the eyes of the Spaniards, he took Morales and Pizarro to the summit of a wooden tower, commanding an unbound- ed prospect. ' Behold, before you,' said he, * the infinite sea, which extends even beyond the sun-beams. As to these islands which lie to the right and left, they are all subject to my sway. They possess but little gold, but the deep places of the sea around them are full of pearls. Con- tinue to be my friends, and you shall have as many as yon desire ; for I value your friendship more than pearls, and, as far as in me lies, will never forfeit it.' " He then pointed to the main land, where it stretched away towards the east, mountain beyond mountain, until the summit of the last faded in the distance, and was scarcely seen above the watery horizon. In that direction, he said, there lay a vast country of inexhaustible riches, inhabited by a mighty nation. He went on to repeat the vague but wonderful rumours which the Spaniards had fre- quently heard about the grert kingdom of Peru. Pizarro listened greedily to his words, rvd while his eye followed the linger of the cacique, as it ranged along the line of sha- dowy coast, his daring mind kindled with the thought of seeking this golden empire beyond the waters.* " Before leaving the island, the two captains impressed the cacique with so great an idea of the power of the king of Castilo, that he agreed to become his vass?' and to ren- der him an annual tribute of one hundred pounds weight of pearls. * Herrera, d. 2, 1. i. c. iv. P. Martyr, d. 3, c. x. 33 •-iT'WT»--;-pc:. iw--' 258 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ; 1616. ["OOK I. I fflp!'' i!t:''.i « The party having returned in safety to the main land, though to a different place from that where they had em- barked, Caspar Morales sent his relation, Bernardo Morales, with ten men, in quest of Penalosa and his companions, who had remained in the village of Tutibra. " Unfortunately for the Spaniards, during the absence of the commanders, this Penalosa had so exasperated the na- tives by his misconduct, that a conspiracy had been formed by the caciques along the coast to massacre the whole of the strangers, when the party should return from the islands. " Bernardo Morales and his companions, on their way in quest of Penalosa, put up for the night in the village of a cacique named Chuchama, who was one of the conspira- tors. They were entertained with pretended hospitality. In the dead of the night, however, the house in which they were sleeping was wrapped in flames, and most of them were destroyed. Chtjchama then prepared with his confederates to attack the main body of the Spaniards who remained with Morales and Pizarro. " Fortunately for the latter, there was among the Indians who had accompanied them to the islands a cacique named Chiruca, who was in secret correspondence with the con- spirators. Some circumstances in his conduct excited their suspicions • they put him to the torture and drew from him a relation of the massacre of their companions, and of the attack with which they were menaced. " Morales and Pizarro were at first appalled by the over- V helming danger which surrounded them. Concealing their agitation, how(iver, they compelled Chiruca to send a message to each of the confederals caciques, inviting him to a secret conferencCj under pretence of giving him impor- tant information. The caciques came at the summons : they were thus taken one by one, to the number of eigh- teen, and put n chains. Just at this juncture Peaalosa ar- CHAP. XXVIII.] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ) 1515. 269 rived with the thirty men who had remained with him at Tutibra. Their arrival was hailed with joy by their com- rades, who had given them up for lost. Encouraged by this unexpected reinforcement, the Spaniards now attacked by surprise the main body of confederate Indians, who, be- ing ignorant of the discovery of their plot and capture of their caciques, were awaiting the return of the latter in a state of negligent security. " Pizarro led the van, and set upon the enemy at day- break with the old Spanish war-cry of Santiago ! It was a slaughter rather than a battle, for the Indians were un- prepared for resistance. Before sun-rise, seven hundred lay dead upon the field. Returning from the massacre, the commanders doomed the caciques who were in chains to be torn in pieces by the bloodhounds ; nor was even Chiruca spared from this sanguinary sentence. Notwithstanding this bloody revenge, the vindictive spirit of the comman- ders was still unappeased, and they set off to surprise the village of a cacique named Biru, who dwelt on the eastern side of the gulf of St. Michael. He was famed for valour and for cruelty : his dwelling was surrounded by the wea- pons and other trophies of those whom he had vanquished ; and he was said never to give quarter. "The Spaniards assailed his village before day-break with fire and sword, and made dreadful havoc. Biru es- ' caped from his burning habitation, rallied his people, kept up a galling fight throughout the greater part of that day, and handled the Spaniards so roughly, that, when he drew off at night, they did not venture to pursue him, but re- turned right gladly from his territory. According to some of the Spanish writers, the kingdom of Peru derived its name from this warlike cacique, through a blunder of the early discoverers ; the assertion, however, is believed to be erroneous. 260 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS ) 1515. ["00^ '• " The Spaniards had pushed their bloody revenge to an extreme, and were now doomed to suffer from the recoil. In the fury of their passions, they had forgotten that they were but a handful of men surrounded by savage nations. Returning wearied and disheartened from the battle with Biru, they were waylaid and assaulted by a host of Indians led on by the son of Chiruca. A javelin from his hand pierced one of the Spaniards through the breast and came out between the shoulders ; several others were wounded, and the remainder were harassed by a galling fire kept up from among rocks and bushes. " Dismayed at the implacable vengeance they had aroused, the Spaniards hastened to abandon these hostile shores and make the best of their way back to Darien. The Indians, however, were not to be appeased by the mere departure of the intruders. They followed them per- severingly for seven days, hanging on their skirts, and ha- rassing them by continual alarms. Morales and Pizarro, seeing the obstinacy of their pursuit, endeavoured to gain a march upon them by stratagem. Making large fires as usual one night about the place of their encampment, they left them burning to deceive the enemy while they made a rapid retreat. Among their number was one poor fellow named Velasquez, who was so grievously wounded that he could not walk. Unable to accompany his countrymen in their flight, and dreading to fall into the merciless hands of the savages, he determined to hang himself, nor could the prayers and even tears of his comrades dissuade him from his purpose. "The stratagem of the Spaniards, however, was una- vailing. Their retreat was perceived, and at day-break, to their dismay, they found themselves surrounded by three squadrons of savages. Unable, in their haggard state, to make head against so many foes, they remained drawn up all day on the defensive, some watching while others re- [book I. CHAP. XXTIII.] EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDBARIAS j 1516. 261 e to an I recoil, lat they nations, tie with Indians is hand id came ounded, kept up ley had hostile Darien. by the lem per- and ha- Pizarro, to gain fires as nt, they made a fellow that he men in ands of uld the m from IS una- eak, to y three ate, to wn up ers re- posed. At night they lit their fires and again attempted to make a secret retreat. The Indians, however, were as usual on their traces, and wounded several with arrows. Thus pressed and goaded, the Spaniards became desperate, and fought like madmen, rushing upon the very darts of the enemy. " Morales now resorted to an inhuman and fruitless ex- pedient to retard his pursuers. He caused several Indian prisoners to be slain, hoping that their friends would stop to lament over them; but the sight of their mangled bo- dies only increased the fury of the savages and the obsti- nacy of their pursuit. " For nine days were the Spaniards hunted in this man- ner about the woods and mountains, the swamps and fens, wandering they knew not whither, and returning upon their steps, un«;il, to their dismay, they found themselves in the very place where, several days previously, they had been surrounded by the three squadrons. " Many now began to despair of ever escaping with life from this trackless wilderness, thus teeming with deadly foes. It was with difficulty their commanders could rally their spirits, and encourage them to persevere. Entering a thick forest they were again assailed by a band of Indians, but despair and fury gave them strength : they fought like wild beasts rather than like men, and routed the foe with dreadful carnage. They had hoped to gain a breathing time by this victory, but a new distress attended them. They got entangled in one of those deep and dismal marshes which abound on those coasts, and in which the wanderer is often drowned or suflfocated. For a whole day they toiled through brake and bramble, and miry fen, with the water reaching to their girdles. At length they extri- cated themselves from the swamp, and arrived at the sea shore. The tide was out, but was about to return, and on this coast it rises rapidly to a great height. Fearing to be 262 EXPEDITIONS UNDER PEDRARIAS j 1615. [»<'<"f »• overwhelmed by the rising surf, they hastened to climb a rock out of reach of the swelling waters. Here they threw themselves on the earth panting with fatigue and abandoned to despair. A savage wilderness filled with still more sa- vage foes, was on one side, on the other the roaiing sea. How were they to extricate themselves from these sur- rounding perils? While reflecting on their desperate situa- tion, they heard the voices of Indians. On looking cau- tiously round, they beheld four canoes entering a neigh- bouring creek. A party was immediately dispatched, who came upon the savages by surprise, drove them into the woods, and seized upon the canoes. In these frail barks the Spaniards escaped from their perilous neighbourhood, and, traversing the gulf of St. Michael, landed in a less hostile part, from whence they set out a second time across the mountains. " It is needless to recount the other hardships they en- dured, and their further conflicts with the Indians ; suflUce it to say, after a series of almost incredible sufferings and disasters, they at length arrived in a battered and emaciated condition at Darien. Throughout all their toils and trou- bles, however, they had managed to preserve a part of the treasure they had gained in the islands; especially the pearls given them by the cacique of Isla Rica. These were objects of universal admiration. One of them was put up at auction, and bought by Pedrarias, and was after- wards presented by his wife Dona Isabella de Bobadilla to the Empress, who, in return, gave her four thousand ducats.* " Such was the cupidity of the colonists, that the sight of these pearls and the reputed wealth of the islands of the southern sea, and the kingdoms on its borders, made far greater impression on the public mind, than the tale told by M * Herrera, Hiat. Ind. d. 3, 1, i, c. 4. CBAP.XXVill] DISCOVERY OF THE LA PLATA. 263 the adventurers of all the horrors they had past ; and every one was eager to seek these wealthy regions beyond the mountains."* Other expeditions set on foot by Pedrarias ended badly. One of these was to the province of Zenu. A captain named Francisco Becerra, penetrated into this country at the head of one hundred and eighty men, but neither the commander nor any of his men returned. They were all destroyed by the Indians. Another band was defeated by '^' anama. In fine, the colony became so weakened uy these repeated losses, and the savages so emboldened by success, that the latter beleaguered it with their forces, ha- rassed it by assaults and ambuscades, and reduced it to great extremity.f At this period there was an important expedition in another part of South America ; not however by Pedrarias or under his authority. Juan Diaz de Solis discovered a river, the great extent of which made him name it Mar Dulce, or the Sea of Sweet Water. After the visit of Sebastian Cabot, at a later period, it was called the Rio de la Plata. The year of the discovery by Juan Diaz de Solis is variously stated sometimes in 1512, sometimes in 1515 or 1616. In one of these latter years, Juan Diaz de Solis and fifty men were massacred by the Indians near the cap'e of Santa Maria. J * Voyages of Companiona of Columbus, p. 249. f Id. p. 250, 51. t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 250, 51. Preface of French Editor to Gan- davo's History of the Province of Sancta Cruz. ..^.. IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) V .v^ <- 1.0 I.I U^y^ |2.5 1^ 1^ 12.2 1.8 us 1.25 il.4 m 0% % % Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER N.Y. MS80 (716) S72-4503 4^. ;V 264 JUAN PONCE DE LEON. [BOOK I. r •■ CHAPTER XXIX. Of Juan Ponce de Leon ; his voyage to Guadaloupe in 1515 ; the visit this year of Diego Columbus to Spain, and the death of Bartholomew Columbus; also, of Sebastian Cabot, from 1515 to 1518. After the discovery of Florida by Juan Ponce de Leon, he went to Spain, to make report of it to the king. " The hardy old cavalier experienced much raillery from the witlings of the court, on account of his visionary voy- age, though many wise men had been as credulous as him- self at the outset. The king, however, received him with great favour, and conferred on him the title of Adelantado of Bimini and Florida, which last was as yet considered an island. Permission was also granted him to recruit men, either in Spain or in the colonies, for a settlement in Flo- rida ; but he deferred entering on his command for the pre- sent, being probably discouraged and impoverished by the losses in his last expedition, or finding a difficulty in en- listing adventurers. At length another enterprise presented itself. The Oaribs had by this time become a terror to the Spapish inhabitants of many of the islands, making de- scents upon the coasts and carrying o£f captives, who, it was supposed, were doomed to be devoured by these can- nibals. So frequent were their invasions of the island of Porto Rico, that it was feared they would ultimately oblige the Spaniards to abandon it. ^ ^-^ - .^^ v. .. .. .:„i "At length King Ferdinand, in 1514, ordered thai, three ships, well armed and manned, should be fitted out in Se- 9BAP. XSIX.] VOTAOE TO GUADALOUPE IN 1516. 265 ville, destined to scour the islands of the Garibs, and to free the seas from those cannibal maranders. The com- mand of the armada was given to Juan Ponce de Leon, from his knowledge in Indian warfare, and his varied and rough experience which had mingled in him the soldier with the sailor. He was instructed, in the first place, to assail the Garibs of those islands most contiguous and dan- gerous to Porto Rico, and then to make war on those of the coast of Terra Firma, in the neighbourhood of Garthagena. He was afterwards to take the captaincy of Porto Rico, and to attend to the repartimientos or distributions of the Indians, in conjunctidn with a person to be appointed by Diego Golumbus. " The enterprise suited the soldier-like spirit of Juan Ponce de Leon, and the gallant old cavalier set sail, full of confidence, in January 1515, and steered direct for the Ga- ribbees, with a determination to give a wholesome castiga- tion to . the whole savage archipelago. Arriving at the island of Guadaloupe, he cast anchor, and sent men on shore for wood and water, and women to wash the cloth- ing of the crews, with a party of soldiers to mount guard. " Juan Ponce had not been as wary as usual, or he had f^ deal with savages unusually adroit in warfare. While the people were scattered carelessly on shore, the Garibs rushed forth from an ambuscade, killed the greater part of the men, and carried off the women to the mountains. " This blow, at the very outset of his vaunted expedi- tion, sank deep into the heart of Juan Ponce, and put an end to all his military excitement. Humbled and morti- fied, he set sail for the island of Porto Rico, where he re- linquished all further prosecution of the enterprise, under pretext of ill health, and gave the command of the squad- ron to a captain named Zuiijga ; but it is surmised that his malady was not so much of the flesh as of the spirit. He remained in Porto Rico as governor ; but, having grown 34 / . ,f 266 VISIT or dieoo coluhbus to spain 1515. [>ook i> testy and irritable, through vexations and disappointments, he gave great offence, and caused much contention on the island, by positive and strong-handed measures, in respect to the distributions of the Indians."* -' " Many calumnies having been sent home to Spain by Pa- samonte and other enemies of Don Diego Columbus, and va- rious measures being taken by government, which he con- ceived derogatory to his dignity and injurious to his privi- leges, he requested and obtained permission to repair to court, that he might explain and vindicate his conduct. He de- parted, accordingly, on April 9th, 1515, leaving the Adelan- tado with the vice-queen Dona Maria. He was received with great honour by the king ; and he merited such a reception. He had succeeded in every enterprise he had undertaken or directed. The pearl fishery had been successfully established on the coast of Cubagna ; the islands of Cuba and of Jamaica had been subjected and brought under cultivation without bloodshed ,* his conduct as governor had been upright ; and he had only excited the representations made against him, by endeavouring to lessen the oppression of the natives. The king ordered that all processes against him in the court of appeal and elsewhere, for damages done to indivi- duals in regulating the repartimientos, should be disconti- nued, and the cases sent to himself for consideration. But with all these favours, as the admiral claimed a share of the profits of the provinces of Castilla del Oro, saying that it was discovered by his father, as the names of its places, such as Nombre de Dios, Porto Bello and El Retrete, plainly proved, the king ordered that interrogatories should be made among the mariners who had sailed with Christopher Columbus, in the hope of proving that he had not disco- vered the coast of Darien or the gulf of Uraba. * Thus,' adds Herrera, < Don Diego was always involved in litiga- . . V ►-<->■ * Voyages of Companloni of Columbai, p. 91^ to 391. CBAF. IXIX.] DEATH OF BARTHOLOMEW COLUMBUS. 267 tions with the fiscal, so that he might truly say that he was heir to the troubles of his father."* " Not long after the departure of Don Diego from San Domingo, his uncle, Don Bartholomew, ended his active and laborious life. No particulars are given of his death, nor is there mention made of his age, which must have been advanced. King Ferdinand is said to have expressed great concern at the event, for he had a high opinion of the character and talents of the Adelantado: 'a man,' says Herrera, ' of not less worth than his brother, the admiral, and who, if he had been employed, would have given great proofs of it ; for he was an excellent seaman, valiant, and of great heart. 'f Charlevoix attributes the inaction in which Don Bartholomew had been suffered to remain for several years, to the jealousy and parsimony of the king. He found the house already too powerful ; and the Adelantado, had he discovered Mexico, was a man to make as good con- ditions as had been made by the admiral his brother.| It was said, observed Herrera, that the king rather preferred to employ him in his European affairs, though it could only have been .0 divert him from other objects. On his death the king resumed to himself the island of Mona, which he had given to him for life, and transferred his repartimiento of two hundred Indians to the vice-queen Dona Maria. " While the Admiral Don Diego was pressing for an au- dience in his vindication at court, King Ferdinand died on the 23d January 1516. His grandson and successor, Prince Charles, afterwards the Emperor Charles Y., was in Flan- ders.""^ At this period Sebastian Cabot was in Spain. "Cabot," says Peter Martyr, "is my very friend * Herrera, Decad. 3, L. 3, cap. 7. t Idem. Decad. 1, L. 10, c. 16. t Cbarlevoiz, Hist. St. Doming. L. 5. ( Irving's Columbus, toI. 3, p. 319, 30, Appendix No. 3. 268 ''^' TOTAOE OF CABOT TO BRAZIL. [book I. whom I use familiarly, and delight to have him some- times keep me company in my own house." An ex- pedition had, in 1515, been appointed to proceed un- der the command of Cabot the ensuing March, but the death of Ferdinand seems to have put an end to it, and Cabot then went to England.* ,^,^> About the eighth year of the reign of Henry the Eighth, (in 1516 or 1517,) Cabot made a voyage with Sir Thomas Pert, which, Mr. Biddle argues, was in search of a northwest passage.f It has usually been supposed to be to Brazil, Hispaniola and Porto Rico. There is a notice of it in the third volume of Hak- luyt,t and also in Purchases Pilgrims. In 1518, Cabot resumed the office of chief pilot of Spain,^ and again became a resident of Seville. | * Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 8, 9. Bid- die'i Memoir of Cabot, p. 100, 101, 109. t Biddle*! Memoir, p. 103. S Biddle's Memoir, p. 119. ^iivr ■ )i i't :' f : ^r . CHAP. XXX.] PEDRARIAS AND NUNEZ. 269 < - - . « . s . ■ys vf; 'ir, ^x^^.. CHAPTER XXX. Of the reconciliation between Pedrarias and Vasco Nu&ez v a marriage agreed upon between Nufiez and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias, to take place on her arrival from Spain ; authority to Nufiez in 1516 to make an expedition to explore the Southern Ocean ; his proceedings ; the perfidy of Andres Garabito ; the hypocrisy of Pedrarias ; and his arrest of Nufiez. " While Pedrarias was harassed and perplexed by these complicated evils, he was haunted by continual apprehen- sions of the ultimate ascendancy of Yasco Nunez. He ,knew him to be beloved by the people, and befriended by the bishop ; and he had received proofs that his services were highly appreciated by the king. He knew also that representations had been sent home by him and his parti- zans, of the evils and abuses of the colony under the pre- sent rule, and of the necessity of a more active and effi- cient governor. He dreaded lest these representations should ultimately succeed ,' that he should be undermined in the royal favour, and Yasco Nunez be elevated upon his ruins. * ' • " The politic bishop perceived the uneasy state of the governor's mind, and endeavoured, by means of his appre- hensions, to effect that reconciliation which he had sought in vain to produce through more generous motives. He represented to him that his treatment of Yasco Nunez was odious in the eyes of the people, and must eventually draw on him the displeasure of his sovereign. ' But why per- sist,' added he, < in driving a man to become your deadliest enemy, whom you may grapple to your side as your firmest friend? You have several daughters — give him one in 270 PBDRARIAS AND MUNSZ. [BOOK I. marriage ; you will then have for a son-in-law a man of merit and popularity, who is a hidalgo by birth, and a fa- vourite of the king. You are advanced in life and infirm ; he is in the prime and vigour of his days, and possessed of great activity. You can make him your lieutenant ; and while you repose from your toils, he can carry on the af- fairs of the colony with spirit and enterprise ,* and all his achievements will redound to the advancement of your fa- mily and the splendour of your administration.' " The governor and his lady were won by the eloquence of the bishop, and readily listened to his suggestions ,* and Yasco Nunez was but too happy to eflfect a reconciliation on such flattering terms. Written articles were accordingly drawn up and exchanged, contracting a marriage between him and the eldest daughter of Pedrarias. The young lady was then in Spain, but was to be sent for, and the nup- tials were to be celebrated on her arrival at Darien. " Having thus fulfilled his office of peace-maker, and set- tled, as he supposed, all feuds and jealousies on the sure and permanent foundation of family alliance, the worthy bishop departed shortly afterwards for Spain."* The governor now authorized Vasco Nunez to build brigantines and make all the necessary prepa- rations for his long desired expedition to explore the Southern Ocean.t , . " The place appointed for these purposes was the port of Careta, situated to the west of Darien ; from whence there was supposed to be the most convenient route across the mountains. A town called Ada had been founded at this port ; and the fortress was already erected, of which Lope de Olano was alcalde ; Yasco Nunez was now empowered to continue the building of the town. Two hundred men * Voyaiea of Gomptiiioiii of ColumboB, p. 390 to 953. f Id. p. 954. CHAF. XM.] EXPEDITION OF NUNsf IN 1516. 271 were placed under his command to aid him in carrying his plans into execution, and a sum of money was advanced to him out of the royal treasury. His supply of funds, however, was not sufficient; but he received assistance from a private source.' There was a notary at Darien, named Hernando de Arguello, a man of some consequence in the community, and who had been one of the most furious opponents of the unfortunate Nicucsa. He had amassed considerable property, and now embarked a great part of it in the proposed enterprise, on condition, no doubt, of shar- ing largely in its anticipated profits."* After a series of toils and hardships, Yasco Nunez had the satisfaction of beholding two* brigantines con- structed and floating on a river called then the Balsas, which flowed into the Pacific* As soon as they could be equipped for sea, he embarked in them with as many Spaniards as they could carry; and issuing forth from the river, launched triumphantly on the great ocean he had discovered. The first cruise of Vasco Nunez was to the group of Pearl islands, on the principal one of which he disembarked the greater part of his crews. While the brigantines went back to bring off the remainder, he ranged the islands with his men to collect provisions and establi;,!: a complete sway over the natives. On the return of his vessels, and while preparations were making for the building of others, he embarked with a hundred men, and passed on a reconnoitering cruise about twenty leagues beyond the gulf of San Miguel. It was his purpose to go towards the region pointed out by the Indians as abounding in riches, but the wind being * Voyagei of Companions of Columbus, p. S!54, 5. 272 EXPEDITK9N or NUNES IN 1516. [BOOK I. contrary he had to alter his course : thus a cruise was abandoned which, if it could have been persevered in, might have terminated in the discovery of Peru. Steering for the main land, he anchored on that part of the coast governed by the cacique Chuchama, who had massacred Bernardo Morales and his com- panions. Nufiez coming suddenly upon the dwelling of the cacique, the Indians sallied forth to defend their homes, but were routed with great loss. Nunez then re-embarked and returned to Isla Rica. While occupied here in completing the building of his bri- gantines, a rumour reached him that a new governor named Lope de Sosa was coming out from Spain to supersede Pedrarias. Upon a consultation between Nufiez and several of his confidential officers, it was agreed that a trusty person should be sent to Ada under pretence of procuring munitions for the ships. Should he find Pedrarias in quiet possession of the government, he was to account to him for the delay of the expedition ; to request that the time allotted to it might be extended, and ask for reinforcements and supplies. Should he find however that a new go- vernor was actually arrived, he was to return imme- diately with the tidings.* '•'-'"• -' ».AJ /> "*J H'^.: tf.\- ^- " The person entrusted with the reconnoitering expedi- tion to Ada, was Andres Garabito, in whose fidelity and discretion, Yasco Nunez had implicit confidence. His con- fidence was destined to be fatally deceived. According to the assertions of contemporaries, this Garabito cherished a secret and vindictive enmity against his commander, ari- * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 355 to 2GI. CHAP. IXX.J PFHriDY or ANDRES OARABITO. 273 sing from a simple but a natural cause. Yasco Nu&ez had continued to have a fondness for the Indian damsel, daugh- ter of the cacique Careta, whom he had received from her father as a pledge of amity. Some dispute arose concern- ing her on one occasion between him and Garabito, in the course of which he expressed himself in severe and galling language. Garabito was deeply mortified at some of his expressions, and, being of a malignant spirit, determined on a dastardly revenge. He wrote privately to Pedrarias, as- suring him that Vasco Nunez had no intention of solemni- zing his marriage with his daughter, being completely un- der the influence of an Indian paramour ; that he made use of the friendship of Pedrarias merely to further his own sel- fish views, intending, as soon as his ships were ready, to throw off all allegiance, and to put to sea as an independent commander. • u^v^' ji'"'.- '■5'?>:! 'Jl 'Jh l,aa h^.:-. , " This mischievous letter, Garabito had written imme- diately after the last departure of Yasco Nunez from Ada. Its effects upon the proud and jealous spirit of the gover- nor may easily be conceived. All his former suspicions were immediately revived. They acquired strength during a long interval that elapsed without tidings being received from the expedition. There were designing and prejudiced persons at hand, who perceived and quickened these jealous feelings of the governor. Among these was the Bachelor Corral, who cherished a deep grudge against Yasco Nunez for having once thrown him into prison for his factious con- duct ; and Alonzo de la Puente, the royal treasurer, whom Yasco Nunez had affronted by demanding the repayment of a loan. Such was the tempest that was gradually gather- ing in the factious little colony of Darien. '\' "'":":~'" " The subsequent conduct of Garabito gives much con- firmation to the charge of perfidy that has been advanced against him. When he arrived at Ada, he found that Pe- drarias remained in possession of the government ; for his 274 HrroCRisT or pedramai. ^"^ [BOOK I. intended successor had died in the very harbour. The con- duct and conversation of Qarabito was such as to arouse suspicions ; he was arrested, and his papers and letters were sent to Pedrarias. When examined, he readily suffered himself to be wrought upon by threats of punishment and promises of pardon, and revealed all that he knew, and de- clared still more that he suspected and surmised, of the plans and intentions of Yasco Nunez. « ,«»'.-.-i%^-i<.i. " The arrest of Qarabito, and the seizure of his letters, produced a great agitation at Darion. It was considered a revival of the ancient animosity bet!?eeii the governor and Yasco Nufiez, and the friends of the latter trembled for his safety. " Hernando de Argnello, especially, was in great alarm. He had embarked the most of his fortune in the expedi- tion, and the failure of it would be ruinous to him. He wrote to Yasco Nufiez, informing him of the critical pos- ture of affairs, and urging him to put to sea without delay. He would be protected at all events, he said, by the Jero- nimite Fathers at San Domingo, who were at that time all- powerful in the new world, and who regarded his expedi- tion as calculated to promote the glory of God as well as the dominion of the king.* This letter fell into the hands of Pedrarias, and convinced him of the existence of a dan- gerous plot against his authority. He immediately ordered Arguello to be arrested; and now devised means to get Yasco Nuiiez within his power. While the latter remained on the shores of the South Sea with his brigantines and his * In consequence of the eloquent refire- ■entationi made to the Bpaniah lovern- ment by the venenble Lu Caaai, of the cruel wrongt and oppreMiona practised upon the Indiana in the colonies, the Car- dinal Xlmenes, In 1S16, sent out three Je- roalmite Friars, chosen for their seal and abilities, clothed with flill powers to in- quire into and remedy all abases, and to talie all proper measures for the good go- vernment, religious instruction, and effec- tual protection of the natives. The exer- cise of their powers at San Domingo made a great sensation in the new world, and, for a time, had a beneficial eflbct in cheek- ing the oppressive and licentious conduct of the colonists. ■"PCija ••^^—- CHAP. III.] HTPOCRIBT or PKDRARIAS. WI6 band of hearty and devoted foUowera, Pedrariai knew that it would be in vain to attempt to take him by force. Dis- sembling his suspicions and intentions, therefore, he wrote to him in the most amicable terms, requesting him to repair immediately to Ada, as he wished to hold a conference with him about the impending expedition. Fearing, however, that Yasco Nu&ez might suspect his motives and refuse to comply, he at the same time ordered Francisco Pizarro to muster all the armed force he could collect, and to seek and arrest his late patron and commander wherever he might be found. " So great was the terror inspired by the arrest of Argu- ello, and by the general violence of Pedrarias, that, though Yasco Nufiez was a favourite with the great mass of the people, no one ventured to warn him of the danger that at- tended his return to Ada."* \, \ .;. *: -.> • i ,.: When Yasco Nunez received the hypocritical letter of Pedrarias inviting him to an interview at Ada, it awakened no suspicion in his breast. Leaving his ships in command of Francisco Companon, he de- parted immediately to meet the governor at Ada, un- attended by any armed force.f " The messengers v ho had brought the letter maintained at first a cautious silence as to the events which had trans« pired at Darien. They were gradually won, however, by the frank and genial manners of Yasco Nunez, and grieved to see so gallant a soldier hurrying into the snare. Having crossed the mountains and drawn near to Ada, their kind feelings got the better of their caution, and they revealed the true nature of their errand, and the hostile intentions of Pedrarias. Yasco Nunez was struck with astonishment at the recital ; but, being unconscious, it is said, of any evil * Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 969 to 96S. f I**. 966, 7. 276 ARREST or NUNEZ. m [book I. intention, he could scarcely credit this sudden hostility in a man who had but recently promised him his daughter in marriage. He imagined the whole to be some groundless jealousy which his own appearance would dispel, and ac- cordingly continued on his journey. He had not proceeded far, however, when he was met by a band of armed men, led by Francisco Pizarro. The latter stepped forward to arrest his ancient commander. Yasco Nunez paused for a moment, and regarded him with a look of reproachful asto- nishment. 'How is this, Francisco,' exclaimed he. 'Is this the w«ty you have been accustomed to receive me ?' Offering no further remonstrance, he suffered himself qui- etly to be taken prisoner by his former adherent, and con- ducted in chains to Ada. Here he was thrown into prison, and Bartolome Hurtado, once his favourite o:1!cer, was sent to take command of his squadron."* r»!' I, f S _)*TTv : /' ^h})!, > S ♦ Voyage* <•' Coropanlom of Colambuf , p. 267, 8. ^' • '• - - ' '\ CHAP. XXII.] TRIAL OF VASCO NUNEZ. 27r • ■■'■ "" • ,- V -■.■ .5-..( ,, ■'t .. 'rt-^ f. >!';:-?•?-- CHAPTER XXXI. ['■■-■■':l--'^^'^"' Of the trial and execution in 1517 of Vasco Nuflez de Balboa, the dis- , coverer of the Pacific Ocean. " Don Pedrarias concealed his exultation at the success of the stratagem by which he had ensnared his generous and confiding rival. He even visited him in prison, and pretended deep concern at being obliged to treat him with this temporary rigour, attributing it entirely to certain ac- cusations lodged against him by the treasurer Alunzo de la Puente, which his official situation compelled him to no- tice and investigate. < Be not afflicted, however, my son !' said the hypocrite, 'an investigation will, doubtless, not merely establish your innocence, but serve to render your zeal and loyalty towards your sovereign still more conspicuous.' " While Pedrarias assumed this soothing tone towards his prisoner, he urged the Alcalde Mayor Espinosa to proceed against him with the utmost rigour of the law. "The charge brought against him of a treasonable con- spiracy to cast off all allegiance to the crown, and to as- sume an independent sway on the borders of the southern sea, was principally supported by the confessions of Andres Garabito. The evidence is also cited of a soldier, who stood sentinel one night near the quarters of Yasco Nunez, on Isla Rica, and who, being driven to take shelter from the rain under the eaves of the house, overheard a conversation between that commander and certain of his officers, wherein they agreed to put to sea with the squadron on their own account, and to set the governor at defiance. This testi- 278 TRIAL or VASCO NUNEI. {.'■ j,.[BOOK I. mony, according to Las Casas, arose from a misconstructioo on the part of the sentinel, who only heard a portion of their conversation, relating to their intention of sailing, without waiting for orders, in case a new governor should arrive to supersede Pedrarias. " The governor in the meantime informed himself from day to day and hour to hour, of the progress of the trial, aud, considering the evidence sufficiently strong to warrant his personal hostility, he now paid another visit to his pri- soner, and, throwing off all affectation of kindness, up- braided him in the most passionate manner. " ' Hitherto,' said he, ' I have treated you as a son, be- cause I thought you loyal to your king, and to me as his representative ; but as 1 find you have meditated rebellion against the crown of Castile, I cast you off from my affec- tions, and shall henceforth treat you as an enemy.' " Yasco Nunez indignantly repelled the charge, and ap- pealed to the confiding; frankness of his conduct as a proof of innocence. ' Plad i !i>een conscious of my guilt,' said he, ' what could have induced me to come here and put myself into your hands ? Had I meditated rebellion, what prevented me from carrying it into effect ? I had four ships ready to weigh anchor, three hundred brave men at my command, and an open sea before me. What had I to do but to spread sail and press forward ? There was no doubt of finding a land, whether rich or poor, sufficient for me aud mine, far beyond the reach of your control. In the innocence of my heart, however, I came here promptly, at your mere request, and my reward is slander, indignity and chains!' " The noble and ingenuous appeal of Yasco Nunez had no effect on the prejudiced feelings of the governor; on the contrary, he was but the more exasperated, against his prisoner, and ordered that his irons should be doubled. OHAP. XUI.] TRIAL OF VA9C0 NUNEZ. 279 " The trial was now urged by him with increased eager- ness. Lest the present accusation should not be sufficient to effect the ruin of his victim, the old inquest into his con- duct as governor, which had remained suspended for many years, was revived, and he was charged anew with the wrongs inflicted on the Bachelor Enciso, and with the death of the unfortunate Nicuesa. . "Notwithstanding all these charges, the trial went on slowly, with frequent delays ; for the alcalde mayor, Gas- par de Espinosa, seems to have had but little relish for the task assigned him, and to have needed frequent spurring from the eager and passionate governor. He probably con- sidered the accused as technically guilty, though innocent of all intentional rebellion, but was ordered to decide ac- cording to the strict letter of the law. He therefore at length gave a reluctant verdict against Yasco Nunez, but ^'ecommended him to mercy, on recount of his great ser- vices, or entreated that, at least, he might be permitted to appeal. 'No!' said the unrelenting Pedrarias, 'if he has merited death, let him suffer death !' He accordingly con- demned him to be beheaded. The same sentence was passed upon several of his officers, who were implicated in his alleged conspiracy ; among these was Hernando de Ar- guello, who had written the letter to Yasco Nunez, inform- ing him of the arrest of his messenger, and advising him to put to sea, without heeding the hostility of Pedrarias. As to the perfidious informer Garabito, he was pardoned and set at liberty."* " It was a day of gloom and horror at Ada, when Yasco Nunez and his companions were led forth to execution. The populace were moved to tears at the unhappy fate of a man, whose gallant deeds had excited their admiration, and whose generous qualities had won their hearts. Most of them regarded him as the victim of a jealous tyrant ; * Voyages of Companinns of Columbus, p. 369 to 372. 280 EXECUTION OF VASCO NUNEZ. [book I. and even those who thonght him guilty, saw something brave and brilliant in the very crime imputed to him. Such, however, was the general dread inspired by the se- vere measures of Pedrarias, that no one dared to lift up his voice, either in murmur or remonstrance. " The public crier walked before Yasco Nunez, proclaim- ing, ' This is the punishment inflicted by command of the king and his lieutenant, Don Pedrarias Davila, on this man, as a traitor and an usurper of the territories of the crown.' " When Yasco Nuiiez heard these words, he exclaimed indignantly, ' It is false ! never did such a crime enter my mind. I have ever served my king with truth and loyalty, and sought to augment his dominions.' " These words were of no avail in his extremity, but they were fully believed by the populace. " The execution took place in the public square of Ada ; and we are assured by the historian Oviedo, who was in the colony at the time, that the cruel Pedrarias was a secret witness of the bloody spectacle, which he contemplated from between the reeds of the wail of a house, about twelve paces from the scaffold !* .>;■-■,■'..,. .- .' i.*,fi't h'^ ' '■ '..f-'i.^. -■<■; [book I. .■ ' I i * r . ' ' * .*v- CHAPTER XXXII. -- Of the voyage of Juan de Ampiea to Coriana in 1517 ; and the building of the town of Coro ; also of Oviedo, the celebrated historian. ' Pedro Alonzo Nino, in the voyage mentioned in the tenth chapter, coasted to an Indian village named Coriana. When famine and bad treatment had destroyed the greatest part of the population of Hayti, and they began to be in want of slaves to work in the mines, vessels from that isle went to dif- ferent parts of Terra Firma and took all the Indians they could, and carried them to be sold at Saint Do- mingo. There these unhappy beings perished by thousands. At length the abuse became so great, that the authorities of Saint Domingo sent into the province in which Coriana was Juan de Ampies, as governor, to found an establishment there and pro- tect the natives. Ampies set out with a vessel and sixty men: he disembarked at Coriana in 1517, and formed an alliance with Mannaure, the principal ca- cique of the Caquetios, who inhabited this province ; an alHance so respected by the Indians, says Father Simon, that notwithstanding the bad treatment and cruelties of the Spaniards, they could not bring them- selves to break it. In the place of Coriana, Ampies built a town named Coro, which was soon peopled by a great number of Spanish adventurers, drawn from all quarters by the rumor of the riches of this country. CHAP. XXXII.] OVIBDO, THK HISTORIAN. \;yt 283 In 1519, under the emperor's orders Gonzalo Fer- nandez de Oviedo returned to America to take part in the confiscations of the property of Vasco JNunez, which amounted to a large sum. He arrived the 24th of June 1620, at the port of Darien. After losing here his wife and a son, he went to Panama to join Pedrarias, who afterwards made him governor of Darien. He returned to Spain in 1523. It was about this time that he published the first edition of his History of Nicaragua. In 1526, Oviedo set out again for America. He joined at Nicaragua Pedro Lopes de Salcedo, and became governor of Cartha- gena. In 1535, he was alcaid of Saint Domingo, and historiographer of the Indias. He died in 1557 at Valladolid, at the age of 69 years. This chapter is taken from the preface to his His- tory of Nicaragua, and from the preface to a volume entitled ^' Belle ct agreable narration du premier voy- age de Nicolas Federmann le Jeune, d' Ulm aux indes de la mer Oceane et de tont cequi lui est arrive dans a pays jusqu'a son retour en espagne ecrite brieve- ment, et divertissante a lire." Both volumes have been republished at Paris, by Henri Ternaux, in his collection of voyages, relations and memoirs; the prefaces of the French editor are those from which this chapter is taken. %^r^!r.Y'' •» 284 DISCOVERT or YUCATAN IN 1517. [boob I. *t^>*7- ^«*t^'''^ ^1-S'''«' >'<■«*■' "t}0*V 'HI ^.'ItiKfv^ jni ji. ^•^O'^lo-.V^^i/ ■<"? -'n-^jl'^-.f! ,:'^i;;-*». f'J ' '■,'• '^! r Jill -1; en f,m<,(n i o) CHAPTER XXXIII. '* ^ ^ ^''■''■■ ^■t= vS' • ■ . v^,i• coast ; one so large that Seville would not have ap- peared more considerable nor better. And mention is made of a very beautiful tower on a point of land which they were told was inhabited by women who lived without men. They went to see the cacique Lazaro, who had given an honourable reception to Francisco Hernandez. The Indians seem however not to have desired their company ; they told them to quit the country, and this not being done quick enough there was a passage of arms, in which forty of the Spaniards were wounded and one killed. The Spaniards re-embarked and quitted the country of this cacique^ the 29th of March. The last day of May they discovered a very good port, to which they gave the nafne of Port Desire. Here they made some cabins of boughs, and remained twelve days. After which they went to reconnoiter another country named Mulua, which having done they proceeded on their route the first day of July. They saw a large river, from which sweet water goes into the sea for six miles : they gave to it the name of the river of Grijalva : the province was named Protonta. They saw a river having two mouths, out of which came sweet water ; and they gave to it the name of Saint Barnabas, because they arrived the day of the feast of this saint. Near the mountains they anchored at a little isle, to which they gave the name of the Isle of Sacrafices. They saw some very high edifices built with Ume, and a monument like a round tower, fifteen steps broad ; at its summit was a block of mar- ble, such as is found in Castile, surmounted by an animal like a lion, sculptured in marble, in whose CHAP. XXXIII.] HERNANDO CORTEZ. 287 hoad there was a hole wherein to put perfumes. The natives in different parts of Yucatan wore cotton cloth. They gave to the Spaniards vases of gold and mantles or coverings of cotton, so woven as to represent figures of birds and animals of different kinds. They are described as being -very civilized, and as having laws, and public edifices dedicated to the administration of justice. This account is stated to have been published in Italian at Venice in 1522.* The hopes of Jeronimo de Aguilar had been re- vived by the arrival of the ships just mentioned, but the watchfulness of the Indians prevented him from attempting to escape.f Velasquez, dissatisfied with Grijalva for not having founded any establishment in so rich a country, gave him a bad reception, and refused him the command of a new expedition. He made Hernando Cortez the commander of it. Grijalva, after this, was at Saint Domingo in 1523, living in a miserable manner. He went then to Terra Firma to join Pedrarias Davila, and was sent by him to Nicaragua, where he was killed, as well as many others, in a revolt of the Indians of the valley of Ulanchos4 " Seven years had gone by since Aguilar's capture, and he had given up all hopes of being restored to his country and *The title of the publication in, " Itine- rairc dii voyage de la flotte du roi catho- lique L'ile de Yucatan Dans L'Inde. Fait en I'an 1518, sous le§ ordres du capitaine g6n6i'al Juan de Grijalva, Redig6 et d6dl6 A E<. A.{ par le chapelain en chef de ladite flotte." It forms a part of " Recueil do places relatives a la conquStedu Mexique;" In which volume there are nine other pieces, for the most part not edited before. This volume is one of the " Voyages, re- lations et m6moires originaux pour servir a I'histoire de la d^couverte de L'Am6rique, publics pour la premiere fois en Franfais, par H. Ternauz-Oompans," at Paris in 1838. t Voyages of Companions of Columbus, p. 283. X Preface to " Recueil de pidces rela- tives a la conqudte du Mexique." 288 JERONIMO DE AOUILAR. [book I. friends, when, in 1519, there arrived one day at the village three Indians, natives of the small island of Cozumel, which lies a few leagues in the sea, opposite the eastern coast of Yucatan. They brought tidings of another visit of white bearded men to their shores, and one of them delivered a letter to Aguilar, which, being entirely naked, he had con- cealed it in the long tresses of his hair which were bound round his head. '=*•'; • ' ' ^ "«* "Agnilar received the letter with wonder and delight, and read it in presence of the cacique and his warriors. It proved to be from Hernando Cortes, who was at that time on his great expedition, which ended in the conquest of Mexico. He had been obliged by stress of weather to an- chor at the island of Cozumel, where he learned from the natives, that several white men were detained in captivity among the Indians on the neighbouring coast of Yucatan. Finding it impossible to approach the main land with his ships, he prevailed upon three of the islanders, by means of gifts and promises, to venture upon an embassy among their cannibal neighbours, and to convey a letter to the captive white men. Two of the smallest caravels of the squadron were sent under the command of Diego de Ordas, who was ordered to land the three messengers at the point of Cotoche, and to wait there eight days for their return, r •' The letter brought by these envoys informed the Chris- tian captives of the force and destination of the squadron of Cortes, and of his having sent the caravels to wait for them at the point of Cotoche, with a ransom for their deli- verance, inviting them to hasten and join him at Cozumel. " The transport of Aguilar on first reading the letter, was moderated when he reflected on the obstacles that might prevent him from profiting by this chance of deliverance. He had made himself too useful to the cacique to hope that he would readily give him his liberty, and he knew the jea- lous and irritable nature of the savages too well not to fear CHAV. xixni.] JBRONIMO DE AGUILAB. 289 that even an application for leave to depart might draw upon him the severest treatment. He endeavoured, there- fore, to operate upon the cacique through his apprehensions. To this end he informed him that the piece of paper which he held in his hand brought him a full account of the mighty armament that had arrived on the coast. He de- scribed the number of the ships and various particulars con- cerning the squadron, all which were amply corroborated by the testimony of the messengers. The cacique and his warriors were astonished at this strange mode of conveying intelligence from a distance, and regarded the letter as something mysterious and supernatural. Aguilar went on to relate the tremendous and superhuman powers of the people in these ships, who, armed with thunder and light- ning, wreaked destruction on all who displeased them, while they dispensed inestimable gifts and benefits on such as .proved themselves their friends. He, at the same time spread before the cacique various presents brought by the messengers, as specimens of the blessings to be expected from the friendship of the strangers. The intimation was effectual. The cacique was filled with awe at the recital of the terrific powers of the white men, and his eyes were dazzled by the glittering trinkets displayed before him. He entreated Aguilar, therefore, to act as his embassador and mediator, and to secure him the amity of the strangers. " Aguilar saw with transport the prospect of a speedy deliverance. In this moment of exultation, he bethought himself of the only surviving comrade of his past fortunes, Gonsalo Guerrero, and, sending the letter of Cortes to him, invited him to accompany him in his escape. The sturdy seaman was at this time a great chieftain in his province, and his Indian bride had borne him a numerous progeny. His heart, however, yearned after his native country, and he might have been tempted to leave his honours and dig- nities, his infidel wife and half savage offspring behind 37 ■y-.i 290 JBRONIMO DE AOUILAB. [BOOK I, him, but an insuperable, though somewhat ludicrous, obsta- cle presented itself to his wishes. Having long since given over all expectation of a return to civilized life, he had conformed to the customs of the country, and had adopted the external signs and decorations that marked him as a warrior and a man of rank. His face and hands Were indelibly painted or tattooed ; his ears and lips were slit to admit huge Indian ornaments, and his nose was drawn down almost to his mouth by a massy ring of gold, and a dangling jewel. '^^ M^l'n.mm.,^ - ^^p.^mmf^A m «.; „■...,, ';,:■:„ .>»,:•■., I':." The Spaniards proved to be a reconnoitering party, sent out by Cortes to watch the approach of the canoe, which had been descried coming from Yucatan. Cortes had given up all hopes of being joined by the captives, the caravel having waited the allotted time at Cotoche, and re- turned without news of them. He had, in fact, made sail to prosecute his voyage, but fortunately one of his ships had sprung a leak, which had obliged him to return to the island. " When Jeronimo de Aguilar and his companions arrived in presence of Cortes, who was surrounded by his officers, they made a profound reverence, squatted on the ground, laid their bows and arrows beside them, and touching their right hands, wet with spittle on the grouted, rubbed them about the region of the heart, such being their sign of the most devoted submission. 292 JERONIMO DE AOUILA|l. [BOOS I. " Cortes greeted Aguilar with a hearty welcome, and rais- ing him from the earth, took from his own person a large yellow mantle lined with crimson, and threw it over his shoulders. The latter, however, had for so long a time gone entirely naked, that even this scanty covering was at first almost insupportable, and he had become so accustomed to the diet of the natives, that he found it difficult to re- concile his stomach to the meat and drink set before him. " When he had sufficiently recovered from the agitation of his arrival among Christians, Cortes drew from him the particulars of his story, and found that he was related to one of his own friends, the licentiate Marcos de Aguilar. He treated him, therefore, with additional kindness and re- spect, and retained him about his person to aid him as an interpreter in his great Mexican expedition. " The happiness of Jeronimo de Aguilar at once more being restored to his countrymen, was doomed to suffer some alloy from the disasters that had happened in his fa- mily. Peter Martyr records a touching anecdote of the effect that had been produced upon his mother by the tidings of his misfortune. A vague report had reached her in Spain, that her son had fallen into the hands of canni- bals. All the horrible tales that circulated in Spain, con- cerning the treatment of these savages to their prisoners, rushed to her imagination, and she went distracted. When- ever she beheld roasted meat, or flesh upon the spit, she would fill the house with her outcries. 'Oh, wretched mother ! oh most miserable of women !' would she ex- claim, ' behold the limbs of my murdered son.'* " It is to be hoped, that the tidings of his deliverance had a favourable eflect upon her intellects, and that she lived to rejoice at his after fortunes. He served Hernando Cortez with great courage and ability throughout his Mexi- can conquests, acting sometimes as a soldier, sometimes as * p. Martyr, decad. 4, c. 6. CRAP. XXXIII.] VOTAGE OF MAGELLAN. 293 interpreter and ambassador to the Indians, and in reward of his fidelity and services, was appointed regidor, or civil go- vernor of the City of Mexico."* . :,< ; 'ij. • .1. At this period Mr. Irving closes his narrative of the Voyages and Discoveries of the Companions of Columbus. The period is deemed suitable for ending this account of discoveries in the west generally. The present volume, from its nature, is not one in which it would be suitable to draw further from the collection of pieces relative to the conquest of Mexico, or to narrate the horrible Cruelties of the conquerors of that country. These are appropriate to a History of Mexico, and have been the subject of interesting works.t ' The famous voyage of Fernando de Magalhaens or Magellan, the Portuguese navigator, cannot how- ever be allowed to pass wholly unnoticed. He had served under Albuquerque in the East Indias, and dis- tinguished himself, especially at the taking of Ma- lacca in 1510. Entering afterwards in the service of * Voyages of Companions of Columbun, p. QB4 to 289. t Several of these are in the collection of Voyages, Relations and Memoirs published at Paris in 1838 by H. Ternivux, to wit : Rapport siir lea differentes classes de chefs de la Nouvellc-Espagne sur les lois, les moeurs dcs habitaots, sur les impots es- tabl6'8 avant et depuis la conquete etc. etc. Tar Alonzo de Ziirita ex-auditeur a 1 'au- dience royale de Mexico. Histoire des Cbichim6que8 oa des anciens rois de Tezcuco, par Fernando D'Alva Ix- tlilx6chitl traduit sur le manuscrit es- pagnol premiere et seconde partie. Premier et second recueil de pieces sur Le Mexique in6dites. " Craut6s Horribles dea conqu6rants du Mexique, et Dea Indiena qui lea aiddrent a soumettre cet empire a la couronne d'Ea- pagne, MSmoire de don Fernando D'Alva Ixtlilxfichitl ; supplement a I'histoire du p€re Sahagun, publi€ etdedi6au gouverne- mcnt supreme dc la confederation mezi- caine, par Charles-Marie de Bustamente ;" printed at Mexico in 1829. We have had also in the United States a " History of tlie Conquest of Mexico, with a preliminary view of the ancient Mexi- can civilization, and the Life of the Con- queror Hernando Cortfis, by William H. Prescott, author of the History of Ferdi* nand and Isabella. In three volumes;" eighth edition, published at New York in 1847. 294 VOTAOE or MAGELLAN. [book I. Charles the Fifth, he was entrusted hy him with the command of a fleet to explore a passage to the Mo- lucco islands, by sailing westward. He commenced his voyage the 20th of September 1519, entered about the end of October 1520 the straits since called after him, and on the 27th of November discovered the Pacific Ocean. Continuing his cruise, he arrived at the Ladrone islands, and subsequently at the Philip- pines, on one of which he lost his life in a skirmish with the natives in 1521. This brief allusion to Ma- gellan must suftice. The plan of this work makes it necessary, gradually as we come down, in point of time, to circumscribe the locality of the voyages of which it treats. The next book will be of those on the Atlantic coast of North America. r '^ I:*- - ''iV^ it' ^.1-v I . r : ' . . ' 1 i >( :^' 'i fjv' fl.-J CHAPTER I. r - . Of the voyages of Luke Vasquez d' Aylon to Florida in 1520 and 1524 ; and that of Juan Ponce de Leon in 1521. • After Florida came into possession of the English, a small volume, of one hundred and two pages, was published at London in 1763, entitled " An account of the first discovery and natural history of Florida, with a particular detail of the several expeditions and descents made on that coast, collected from the best authorities, by William Roberts, illustrated by a general map and some particular plans, together with a geographi- cal description of that country by T. Jeffreys, geographer to his majesty." This account was published at a period when the settlement of Florida was under the consideration of the English government, and it was supposed would be of service to such ships as might be sent thither. Mr. Jeffreys considered his geographical description of the sea coast, in a much nearer degree accurate, 296 VOYAGE OF VAStlUEZ TO FLORIDA; 1620. ["OO* "• than any then extant, as he had digested it from a considerable number of original Spanish and French charts, found on board of vessels of those nations, made prizes. The map is useful at the present day, as shewing the names by which places were then known. At page 27 of the volume of Mr. Roberts, is the following : "In the year 1620, Luke Vasqnez of Aylon, a licentiate, being in want of hands to work in the mines, entered into a resolution, with some associates, to try if they could steal off a number of savages from the neighbouring islands, to be employed in this business. For this purpose they equip- ped two ships, and sailed out of the harbour of Plata, situ- ated on the north side of Hispaniola, and steered, either by . hance or design, which it was is uncertain, a northwestern course, until they came to the most distant of the Lucayos islands ; and thence, to what was then part of Florida, in thiry-two degrees north latitude, now called St. Helena. At the sight of these ships making towards the shore with expanded sails, the amazed natives ran in crowds to view them, conceiving that they must be some monstrous fishes driven upon the coast ; but, as soon as they saw men with beards and covered with clothing, land out of these floating mansions, they fled in a panic. The Spaniards, having stopped two of them, carried them off into their ships; where, after having entertained them with meat and drink, they sent them back again cloathed in the Spanish habit. The king of the country, admiring the dress, sent fifty of his people to the ships, with a present of various fruits and provisions ; and, not contented with doing this, he made a party of his subjects attend the Spaniards in the nnany ex- cursions into the neighbouring provinces, with which, at their request, he gratified their inclinations ; where they CHAF. I.] VOYAGE or JUAN PONCE TO FLORIDA; 1621. 297 werd presented with gold, plates of silver, pearls, &.C., and received in the most hospitable manner. The Spaniards, having made their own observations, as they passed, upon the customs and manners of the inhabitants, the soil and climate, invited a large number of the natives (after they had watered their ships and were prepared for departure) to an entertainment on board their vessels ; where, having plied their guests well with liquor, they took that wicked opportunity to weigh anchor, and sail away with these un- happy deluded people towards Hispaniola. Many of the poor wretches pined to death with vexation, and from an obstinate refusal of food; the greater part of what re- mained, perished in one of the vessels that foundered at sea ; and some of them, in vain appealing to the violated rights of hospitality, were hurried into a cruel and hopeless slavery. Yasquez, instead of the punishment due to so in- human and horrid a proceeding, expected and obtained oSh the king, the reward appointed for such as discovered new lands, together with the usual immunities they were en- titled to." Of the next expedition to Florida, we have an ac- count by Mr. Irving, at page 321 of his volume of Voyages and Discoveries of the Companions of Co- lumbus. Mentioning Juan Ponce de Leon, after he had returned from his enterprise against the Caribs to Porto Rico, Mr. Irving says of him : '* He continued for several years in that island, in a state of growling repose, until the brilliant exploits of Hernando Cortes, which threatened to eclipse the achievements of all the veteran discoverers, roused his dormant spirit. "Jealous of being cast in the shade in his old days, he determined to sally forth on one more expedition. He had heard that Florida, which he had discovered, and which he 38 298 VOYAGE or JUAN PONCE TO TLOBIDA ; 1521. [*00K II. had hitherto considered a mere island, was part of Terra Firma, possessing vast and unknown regions in its bosona. If so, a grand field of enterprise lay before him, wherein he might make discoveries and conquests to rival, if not surpass, the far-famed conquest of Mexico. "Accordingly, in the year 1521, he fitted out two ships at the island of Porto Rico, and embarked almost the whole of his property in the undertaking. His voyage was toilsome and tempestuous, but at length he arrived at the wished-for land. He made a descent upon the coast with a great part of his men, but the Indians sallied forth with unusual valour to defend their shores. A bloody battle en- sued, several of the Spaniards were slain, and Juan Ponce was wounded by an arrow, in the thigh. He was borne on board his ship, and finding himself disabled for further action, set sail for Cuba, where he arrived ill in body and dejected in heart. " He was of an age when there is no longer prompt and healthful reaction, either mental or corporeal. The irrita- tions of humiliated pride and disappointed hope, exaspe- rated the fever of his wound, and he died soon after his ar- rival at the island. 'Thus fate,^ says one of the quaint old Spanish writers, 'delights to reverse the schemes of man. The discovery that Juan Ponce flattered himself was to lead to a means of perpetuating his life, had the ul- timate effect of hastening his death.' . . . -^ " It may be said, however, that he has, at least attained the shadow of his desire, since, though disappointed in ex- tending the natural term of his existence, his discovery has ensured a lasting duration to his name. " The following epitaph was inscribed upon his tomb, which does justice to the warrior qualities of the stout old cavalier: " Mole 8ub liac fortia requieicat ossa Leonis, Qui vieit flicliR nomina magna inia." OBAP. I.] VOYAGE OF TASqUEZ TO FLORIDA ; 1624. 299 " It has thus been paraphrased iti Spanish by the licen- tiate Juan de Castellanos : ^ " Aqueite lugar eitrecho Ea sepulchro del varon, Que en el nombre fue Leon, Y mucho maaen el hecho." * . '* ' In this sepulchre rest the bones of a man, who was a lion by name, and still more by nature.' " Of Luke Vasquez of Aylon, it is said by Roberts, at page 28, that after he had received a reward for what he had before done : "In the year 1624, he sent more ships to Florida, and was so elated with the accounts he had from them, of the fertility of the soil, and the great plenty of gold, silver and pearls, to be found there, that he hastened thither himself the next year, with three ships; but having lost one of them when near the cape of St. Helen, and two hundred of his people whom he had landed being entirely destroyed by the natives, more through their own negligence and su- pine security, than the bravery of the inhabitants ; disap- pointed of his wishes, and broken hearted, he returned back again to Hispaniola." This is not entirely consistent with what is found in Biedma's account of the expedition of De Soto to Florida in 1539, to be mentioned hereafter in chap- ter xii. His language is : " Nous apprimes que la troupe d'Ayllon s'etait avanced fort peu dans 1 interieur, q'uelle avait suivi presque toujours le bord de la rner jusqu'a la mort de ce dernier, et que ses compagnons s'etaient entretues, ne pouvant s'accorder entre eux sur le choix d'un chef." 300 PROJECT or CORTBZ IN lff24. [aooK II. CHAPTER II. Of the project of Cortez in 1524 for examining the coast of the Atlan- tic as well as the Pacific. The project in 1524 of the celebrated Cortez was attended with no interesting results. Mr. Biddle in his Memoir of Cabot, p. 258, 9, refers to the letter in which Cortez apprises the emperor of his views on the subject. r?; , i( This letter, dated 16th of October 1524, will be found in Barcia's Historiadores Primitivos, Tom. 1, p. 151, and is faithfully rendered by Ramusio, vol. iii. fol. 294. After expressing great zeal for the service of the emperor, he re- marks that it seemed to him no other enterprise remained by which to manifest his devotion >han to examine the re- gion between the river Panuco (in Mexico) and Florida, recently discovered by the Adelantado Ponce de Leon, and also the coast of the said Florida towards the north until it reaches the Baccalaos, holding it for certain that along the coast is a strait conducting to the South sea. He states as a part of his plan, that certain vessels in the Pacific should sail concurrently along the western coast of Ame- rica, while the others, 'as I have said, proceed up to the point of junction with the Baccalaos, so that on one side or the other we cannot fail to ascertain the secret.' " " It is material to remark," observes Mr. Biddle, « that Cortez has no other designation for the region in the north than that which Peter Martyr, in his decades published eight years before, had stated to have been conferred on it by Cabot." OBAP. II.] PROJECT or CORTEZ IN 1524 At this period there was a very important enter- prise on the southern continent ; it can only be ad- verted to here in the briefest manner. Pedrarias de Avila having colonized the City of Panama, that of Natay, and the town of Nombre de Dios, Francisco Pizarro was living in the City of Panama, when he asked permission of Pedrarias to go to make disco- veries farther south. Pizarro set out from Panama the 14th of November 1524, and proceeded to con- quer Peru. A relation of this conquest by Francisco de Xeres, a secretary of Pizarro, was printed at Se- ville in 1534, at Venice in 1535, and at Salamanca in 1647, and was reprinted at Paris in 1837 by H. Ter- naux in his collection of voyages, relations and me- moirs, to serve for the history of the discovery of America, in which collection will also be found, " Metnoires historiques sur 1' ancien P^rou par le licenci^ Fernando Montisinos ;" and " Histoire du P6rou par Miguel Cavello Balboa." We have had likewise published at New York, in 1847, " History of the Conquest of Pern, with a preliminary view of the civilization of the Incas, by William H. Pres- cott; corresponding member of the French institute, of the royal academy of history at Madrid, &-c. in two volumes." 302 VOYAOC or VKRAZZAKO IN 1624. [■OOK It. • r *.■*''. I *<. I • U J^ ;^M^^» }.< CHAPTER III. Of the voyage of John Dc Verazzano in 1524, along the coast of Nortli ' / America, from Carolina to Newfoundland. : .' ' In 1521, Francis the First, King of France, sent forth John de Verazzano, a Florentine, with four ships. An account of the voyage of Verazzano was, about forty years after its completion, published at Venice, in the Italian language, in the third volume of Ramusio's collection of voyages and travels. An English translation of the account in Ramusio was published in 1600 in Hakluyt's Collection,* and re- published from Hakluyt in 1611, by the New York Historical Society.f In 1834, Mr. Alfred Hawkins published an interesting account of Quebec, wherein, noticing Verazzano, he refers to a manuscript of his, preserved in the Strozzi library at Florence, and ex- presses the desire that some Italian scholar would fa- vour the world with its publication.! The North American Review for October 1837, contains an ac- count of the researches of George W. Greene, Esq., the American consul at Rome. He found at Flo- rence a manuscript of Verazzano's letter of the 8th of July 1524, to the King of France, differing, in some respects, from the one in Ramusio. Mr. Greene having furnished to the Historical Society of New • Vol. 3, p. 295 to 300. t Volume Collections for 1800, p. 45. t Hawk ins's Quebec, p. 33- CBAr. ▼OYAOC or VERAZZANO IN 1624. 303 Vork a copy of this manuscript, a translation of it from the Italian was made by Joseph G. Cogswell, Esq., a member of that society, and published in 1841 in the second series of the society's collections. It will be found in the first volume of the second se- ries, page 37 to 67. The following extract from that volume contains Verazzano's account of the new country, which he reached on the 20th of March, sailing from Madeira towards the west, a little north- wardly: (( At first it appeared to be very low, but on approaching it to within a quarter of a league from the shore we per- ceived, by the great fires near the coast, that it was inha- bited. Wv^i perceived that it stretched to the south, and coasted along in that direction in search of some port, in which we might come to anchor, and examine into the na- ture of the country, but for fifty leagues we could find none in which we could lie securely. Seeing tLc coast still stretched to the south, wo resolved to change our course and stand to the northward, and as we still had the same difficulty, we drew in with the land and sent a boat on shore. Many people who were seen coming to the sea- side fied at our approach, but occasionally stopping, they looked back upon us with astonishment, and some were at length induced by various friendly signs to come to us. These showed the greatest delight on beholding us, won- dering at our dress, countenances and complexion. They then showed us by signs where we could more conveni- ently secure our boat, and offered us some of their provi- sions. That your majesty may know all that we learned, while on shore, of their manners and customs of life, I will relate what we saw as briefly as possible. They go en- tirely naked, except that about the loins they wear skins of small animals like martens fastened by a girdle of plaited 304 VOTAOE OF VEBAZZANO IN 1524. [book II. grass, to which they tie, all round the body, the tails of other animals hanging down to the knees ,- all other parts of the body and the head are naked. Some wear garlands similar to birds' feathers. "The complexion of these people is black, not much dif- ferent from that of the Ethiopians ; their hair is black and thick, and not very long, it is worn tied back upon the head in the form of a little tail. In person, they are of good proportions, of middle stature, a little above our own, broad across the breast, strong in the arms, and well formed in the legs and other parts of the body; the only excep- tion to their good looks is that they have broad faces, but not all, however, as we saw many that had sharp ones, with large black eyes and a fixed expression. They are not very strong in body, but acute in mind, active and swift of foot, as far as we could judge by observation. In these last two particulars they resemble the people of the east, especially those the most remote. We could not learn a great many particulars of their usages, on account of our short stay among them and the distance of our ship from the shore. " We found not far from this people another whose mode of life we judged to be similar. The whole shore is co- vered with fine sand, about fifteen feet thick, rising in the form of little hills about fifty paces broad. Ascending far- ther, we found several arms of the sea which make in through inlets, washing the shores on both sides as the coast runs. An outstretched country appears at a little dis- tance rising somewhat above the sandy shore in beautiful fields and broad plains, covered with immense forests of trees, more or less dense, too various in colours, and too de- lightful and charming in appearance to be described. I do not believe that they are like the Hercynian forest or the rough wilds of Scythia, and the northern regions full of vines and common trees, but adorned with palms, laurels, CBAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VEfUZZANO IM 1524. 305 cypresses, and other varieties unknown in Europe, that send forth the sweetest fragrance to a great distance, but which we could not examine more closely for the reasons before given, and not on account of any difSculty in tra- versing the woods, which, on the contrary, are easily pene- trated. " As the ' East' stretches around this country, I think it cannot be devoid of the same medicinal and aromatic drugs, and various riches of gold and the like, as is denoted by the colour of the ground. It abounds also in animals, as deer, stags, hares, and many other similar, and with a great variety of birds for every kind of pleasant and delightful sport. It is plentifully supplied with lakes and ponds of running water, and being in the latitude of 34°,** the air is salubrious, pure and temperate, and free from the extremes of both heat and cold. There are no violent winds in these regions, the most prevalent are the northwest and west. In summer, the season in which we were there, the sky is clear, with but little rain : if fogs and mists are at any time driven in by the south wind, they are instantaneously dis- sipated, and at once it becomes serene and bright again. The sea is calm, not boisterous, and its waves are gentle. Although the whole coast is low and without harbours, it is not dangerous for navigation, being free from rocks and bold, so that within four or five fathoms from the shore, there is twenty-four feet of water at all times of tide, and this depth constantly increases in a uniform proportion. The holding ground is so good that no ship can part her cable, however violent the wind, as we proved by experi- ence : for while riding at anchor on the coast, we were overtaken by a gale in the beginning of March, when the winds are high, as is usual in all countries; we found our anchor broken before it started from its hold or moved at all. . * In the louthern part of what ia now North Carolina, near Cape Fear. 39 306 VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book II. (( We set sail ifrom this place, continuing to coast along the shore, which we found stretching out to the west (east?); the inhabitants being numerous, we saw every- where a multitude of fires. While at anchor on this coast, there being no harbour to enter, we sent the boat on shore with twenty-five men to obtain water, but it was not pos- sible to land without endangering the boat, on account of the immense high surf thrown up by the sea, as it was an open roadstead. Many of the natives came to the beach, in- dicating by various friendly signs that we might trust our- selves on shore. One of their noble deeds of friendship deserves to be made known to your majesty. A young sailor was attempting to swim ashore through the surf to carry them some knick-knacks, as little bells, looking- glasses, and other like trifles ; when he came near three or four of them, he tossed the things to them, and turned about to get back to the boat, but he was thrown over by the waves, and so dashed by them that he lay as it were dead upon the beach. When these people saw him in this situation, they ran and took him up by the head, legs and arms, and carried him to a distance from the surf; the young man, finding himself borne off in this way, uttered very loud shrieks in fear and dismay, while they answered as they could in thejr language, showing him that he had no cause for fear. Afterwards they laid him down at the foot of a little hill, when they took off his shirt and trow- sers, and examined him, expressing the greatest astonish- ment at the whiteness of his skin. Our sailors in the boat seeing a great fire made up, and their companion placed very near it, full of fear, as is usual in all cases of novelty, imagined that the natives were about to roast him for food. But as soon as he had recovered his strength after a short stay with them, showing by signs that he wished to return aboard, they hugged him with great affection, and accom- panied him* to the shore ; then leaving him that he might ''^9ir:'^''/^>-ypfr^^^^7^'r'S^f'^Wr ^' rr.yjTfr-rytv*-^'*; r. CHAP. III.] vOV GE OF VERAZZANO IN 1624. 307 feel more secure, they withdrew to a little hill, from which they watched him until he was safe in the boat. This young man femarked that these people were black like the others, that they had shining skins, middle stature, and sharper faces, and very delicate bodies and limbs, and that they were inferior in strength, but quick in their minds ; this is all that he observed of them. " Departing hence, and always following the shore, which stretched to the north, we came, in the space of fifty leagues, to another land, which appeared very beautiful and full of the largest forests. We approached it, and going ashore with twenty men, we went back from the coast about two leagues, and found that the people had fled and hid themselves in the woods for fear. By searching around we discovered in the grass a very old woman and a young girl of about eighteen or twenty, who had concealed them- selves for the same reason ; the old woman carried two in- fants on her shoulders, anr! behind her neck a little boy eight years of age ; when we came up to them they began to shriek and make signs to the men who had fled to the woods. We gave them a part of our provisions, which they accepted with delight, but the girl would not touch any ; every thing we offered to her being thrown down in great anger. We took the little boy from the old woman to carry with us to Prance, and would have taken the girl also, who was very beautiful and very tall, but it was im- possible because of the loud shrieks she uttered as we at- tempted to lead her away ; having to pass some woods, and being far from the ship, we determined to leave her and take the boy only. We found them fairer than the others, and wearing a covering made of certain plants, which hung down from the branches of the trees, tying them together with threads of wild hemp ; their heads are without cover- ing and of the same shape as the others. Their food is a kind of pulse which there abounds, different in colour and 308 VOTAOIi or VBRAZZAKO IN 1524. [book II. size from ours, and of a very delicious flavour. Besides, they take birds and fish for food, using snares and bows made of hard wood, with reeds for arrows, in the ends of which they put the bones of fish and other animals. The animals in these regions are wilder than in Europe, from being continually molested by the hunters. We saw many of their bo&ts made of one tree twenty feet long and four feet broad, without the aid of stone or iron or other kind of metal. In the whole country, for the space of two hun- dred leagues, which we visited, we saw no stone of any sort. To hollow out their boats, they burn out as much of a log as is requisite, and also from the prow and stern to make them float well on the sea. The land, in situation, fertility and beauty, is like the other, abounding also in fo- rests filled with various kinds of trees, but not of such fra- grance, as it is more northern and colder, v . - - ■■■^ \ sr, " We saw in this country many vines growing naturally, which entwine about the trees, and run up upon them as they do in the plains of Lombardy. These vines would doubtless produce excellent wine if they were properly cul- tivated and attended to, as we have often seen the grapes which they produce very sweet and pleasant, and not un- like our own. They must be held in estimation by them, as they carefully remove the shrubbery from around them, wherever they grow, to allow the fruit to ripen better. We found also wild roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of plants and fragrant flowers diflerent from our own. We cannot describe their habitations, as they are in the interior of the country, but from various indications we conclude they must be formed of trees and shrubs. We saw also many grounds for conjecturing that they often sleep in the open air, without any covering but the sky. Of their other usages we know nothing ; we believe, however, that all the people we were among live in the same way. CHAP. III.] VOTAOE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 309 " After having remained here three days, riding at anchor on the coast, as we could find no harbour, we determined to depart, and coast along the shore to the northeast, keep- ing sail on the vessel only by day, and coming to anchor by night. After proceeding one hundred leagues we found a very pleasant situation among some steep hills, through which a very large river, deep at its mouth, forced its way to the sea ; from the sea to the estuary of the river, any ship heavily laden might pass, with the help of the tide, which rises eight feet. But as we were riding at anchor in a good berth, we would not venture up in our vessel, with- out a knowledge of the mouth ; therefore we took the boat, and entering the river, we found the country on its banks well peopled, the inhabitants not differing much from the others, being dressed out with the feathers of birds of va- rious colours. They came towards us with evident delight, raising loud shouts of admiration, and showing us where we could most securely land with our boat. We passed up this river, about half a league, when we found it formed a most beautiful lake three leagues in circuit, upon which they were rowing thirty or more of their small boats, from one shore to the other, filled with multitudes who came to see us. All of a sudden, as is wont to happen to naviga- tors, a violent contrary wind blew in from the sea, and forced us to return to our ship, greatly regretting to leave this region which seemed so commodious and delightful, and which we supposed must also contain great riches, as the hills showed many indications of minerals. Weighing anchor, we sailed fifty leagues towards the east, as the coast stretched in that direction, and always in sight of it ; at length we discovered an island of a triangular form, about ten leagues from the main land, in size about equal to the island of Rhodes, having many hills covered with trees, and well peopled, judging from the great number of fires which we saw all around its shores ; we gave it the name of your majesty's illustrious mother. '■ ir,y^"-vfT^"" 310 TOTAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. [book II. « We did not land there, as the weather was unfavoura- ble, but proceeded to another place, fifteen leagues distant from the island, where we found a very excellent harbour. Before entering it, we saw about twenty small boats full of people, who came about our ship, uttering many cries of astonishment, but they would not approach nearer than within fifty paces ; stopping, they looked at the structure of our ship, our persons and dress, afterwards they all raised a loud shout together, signifying that they were pleased. By imitating their signs, we inspired them in some measure with confidence, so that they came near enough for us to toss to them some little bells and glasses, and many toys, which they took and looked at, laughing, and then came on board without fear. Among them were two kings more beautiful in form and stature than can possibly be described ; one was about forty years old, the other about twenty-four, and they were dressed in the following manner : The old- est had a deer's skin around his body, artificially wrought in damask figures, his head was without covering, his hair was tied back in various knots ; around his neck he wore a large chain ornamented with many stones of different co- lours. The young man was similar in his general appear- ance. This is the finest looking tribe, and the handsomest in their costumes, that we have found in our voyage. They exceed us in size, and they are of a very fair com- plexion (?) ; some of them incline more to a white (bronze ?), and others to a tawny colour ; their faces are sharp, their hair long and black, upon the adorning of which they be- stow great pains ; their eyes are black and sharp, their ex- pression mild and pleasant, greatly resembling the antique. I say nothing to your majesty of the other parts of the body, which are all in good proportion, and such as belong to well-formed men. Their women are of the same form and beauty, very graceful, of fine countenances and pleas- ing appearance in manners and modesty; they wear no CHAP. III.] VOTAOE or VGRAZZANO IN 1524. 311 clothing except a deer skin, ornamented like those worn by the men ; some wear very ricfi lynx skins upon their arms, and various ornaments upon their heads, composed of braids of hair, which also hang down upon their breasts on each side. Others wear different ornaments, such as the women of Egypt and Syria use. The older and the mar- ried people, both men and women, wear many ornaments in their ears, hanging down in the oriental manner. We saw upon them several pieces of wrought copper, which is more esteemed by them than gold, as this is not valued on account of its colour, but is considered by them as the most ordinary of the metals — yellow being the colour especially disliked by them ; azure and red are those in highest esti- mation with them. Of those things which we gave them, they prized most highly the bells, azure crystals, and other toys to hang in their ears and about their necks ; they do not value or care to have silk or gold stuffs, or other kinds of cloth, nor implements of steel or iron. When we showed them our arms, they expressed no admiration, and only asked how they were made ; the same was the case with the looking-glasses, which they returned to us, smi- ling, as soon as they had looked at them. They are very generous, giving away whatever they have. We formed a great friendship with them, and one day we entered into the port with our ship, having before rode at the distance of a league from the shore, as the weather was adverse. They came off to the ship with a number of their little boats, with their faces painted in divers colours, showing us real signs of joy, bringing us of their provisions, and signi- fying to us where we could best ride in safety with our ship, and keeping with us until we had cast anchor. *We remained among them fifteen days, to provide ourselves with many things of which we were in want, during which time they came every day to see our ship, bringing with them their wives, of whom they were very careful ; for, al- 312 VOYAOB or VERAZZANO IN 1624. [BOOK II. though they came on board themselves, and remained a long while, they made their wives stay in the boats, nor could we ever get them on board by any entreaties or any pre- sents we could make them. One of the two kings often came with his queen and many attendants, to see us for his amusement ; but he always stopped at the distance of about two hundred paces, and sent a boat to inform us of his in- tended visit, saying they would come and see our ship— this was done for safety, and as soon as they had an answer from us they came off, and remained awhile to look around ; but on hearing the annoying cries of the sailors, the king sent the queen, with her attendants, in a very light boat, to wait, near an island a quarter of a league distant from us. while he remained a long time on board, talking with us by signs, and expressing his fanciful notions about every thing in the ship, and asking the use of all. After imitating our modes of salutation, and tasting our food, he courteously took leavo of us. Sometimes, when our men staid two or three days on a small island, near the ship, for their various necessities, as sailors are wont to do, he came with seven or eight of his attendants, to inquire about our movements, of- ten asking us if we intended to remain there long, and of- fering us every thing at his command, and then he would shoot with his bow, and run up and down with his people, making great sport for us. We often went five or six leagues into the interior, and found the country as pleasant as is possible to conceive, adapted to cultivation of every kind, whether of corn, wine or oil ; there are open plains twenty-five or thirty leagues in extent, entirely free from trees or other hindrances, and of so great fertility, that whatever is sown there will yield an excellent crop. On entering the woods, we observed that they might all be tra- versed by an army ever so numerous ; the trees of which they were composed, were oaks, cypresses, and others, un- known in Europe. We found, also, apples, plumbs, filberts, CHAP. III.] VOTAOE or VERAZZANO IN 1624. 313 and many other fruits, but all of a different kind from ours. The animals, which are in great numbers, as stags, deer, lynxes, and mnny other species, are taken by snares, and by bows, the latter being their chief implement ; their arrows are wrought with great beauty, and for the heads of them, they use emery, jasper, hard marble, and other sharp stones, in the place of iron. They also use the same kind of sharp stones in cutting down trees, and with them they construct their boats of single logs, hollowed out with admirable skill, and sufficiently commodious to contain ten or twelve per- sons ; their oars are short, and broad at the enr' and are managed in rowing by force of the arms alone, «vith per- fect security, and as nimbly as they choose. We saw their dwellings, which are of a circular form, of about ten or twelve paces in circumference, made of logs split in halves, without any regularity of architecture, and covered with roofs of straw, nicely put on, which protect them from wind and rain. There is no doubt that they would build stately edilSces if they had workmen as skilful as ours, for the whole sea coast abounds in shining stones, crystals, and alabaster, and for the same reason it has ports and retreats for animals. They change their habitations from place to place as circumstances of situation and season may require ; this is easily done, as they have only to take with them their mats, and they have other houses prepared at once. The father and the whole family dwell together in one house in great numbers ; in some we saw twenty-five or thirty persons. Their food is pulse, as with the other tribes, which is here better than elsewhere, and more carefully cul- tivated ; in the time of sowing, they are governed by the moon, the sprouting of grain, and many other ancient usa- ges. They live by hunting and fishing, and they are long- lived. If they fall sick, they cure themselves without me- dicine, by the heat of the fire, and their death at last comes from extreme old age. We judge them to be very affec- 40 314 VOYAGE or VERABZANO IN 1624. ["OO" "• tionate and ch ritable towards their relatives — making (oud lamentations in their adversity, and in their misery calling to mind all their good fortune. At their departure out of life, their relations mutually join in weeping, mingled with singing, for a long while. This is all that we could learn of them. This region is situated in the parallel of Rome, being 41° 40^ of north latitude, but much colder from ac- cidental circumstances, and not by nature, as I shall here- after explain to your majesty, and confine myself at present to the description of its local situation. It looks towards the south, on which side the harbour is half a league broad ; afterwards, upon entering it, the extent between the coast and north is twelve leagues, and then enlarging itself it forms a very lage bay, twenty leagues in circumference, in which are five small islands, of great fertility and beauty, covered with large and lofty trees. Among these islands any fleet, however large, might ride safely, without fear of tempests or other dangers. Turning towards the south, at the entrance of the harbour, on both sides, there are very pleasant hills, and many streams of clear water, which flow down to the sea. In the midst of the entrance, there is a rock of freestone, formed by nature, and suitable for the construction of any kind of machine or bulwark for the de- fence of the harbour.* " Having supplied ourselves with every thing necessary, on the fifth of May we departed from the port, and sailed one hundred and fifty leagues, keeping so close to the coast ss never to lose it from our sight ; the nature of the coun- try appeared mud 4he same as before, but the mountains * The nbore deicription applies to Nar- raganset bay and the harbour o( Newport in Rhode Islar!, although inistalctin by Dr. Miller, in his Discourse before this So- ciety, as published in the first volume of the former series of Collections, for the bay and harbour of New York. The lat- ter are briefly described in a preceding pa- ragraph of this IranslatifMi, p. 45, with sufficient clearness to admit of their being easily recognized. The island " of a tri- angular form, resembling the island of Bhodes," which Verazzano mentions as flfky leagues to the east of New Voric, p. 46, it doubtless Block Island.— £o. wiHBii^y'm'JMpp* CHAP. III.] VOYAGE OF VERAZZANO IN 1524. 315 were a little higher, and all in appearance rich in minerals. We did not stop to land as the weather was very favourable for pursuing our voyage, and the country presented no va- riety. The shore stretched to the east, and fifty leagues beyond more to the north, where we found a more elevated country, full of very thick woods of fir trees, cypresses and the like, indicative of a cold climate. The people were entirely different from the others we had seen, whom we had found kind and gentle, but these were so rude and bar- barous that we were unable by any signs we could make, to hold communication with them. They clothe them- selves in the skins of bears, lynxes, seals, and other ani- mals. Their food, as far as we could judge by several vi- sits to their dwellings, is obtained by hunting and fishing, and certain fruits, which are a sort of root of spontaneous growth. They have no pulse, and we saw no signs cf cul- .tivation ; the land appears sterile and unfit for growing of fruit or grain of any kind. If we wished at any time to tratfick with them, they came to the sea shore and stood upon the rocks, from which they lowered down by a cord to our boats beneath whatever they had to barter, continu- ally crying out to us, not to come nearer, and instantly de- manding from us that which was to be given in exchange; they took from us only knives, fish hooks and sharpened steel. No regard was paid to our courtesies ; when we had nothing left to exchange with them, the men at our depar- ture made the most brutal signs of disdain and contempt possible. Against their will, we penetrated two or three leagues into the interior with twenty-five men ; when we cane to the shore, they shot at us with their arrows, rais- ,.g the most horrible cries and afterwards fleeing to the woods. In this region we found nothing extraordinary ex- cept vast forests and some metalliferous hills, as we infer from seeing that many of the people wore copper ear-rings. Departing from thence, we kept along the coast, steering 316 VOTAOE or VERASZANO IN 1524. [BOOE II. northeast, and found the country more pleasant and open, free from woods ; and distant in the interior we saw lofty mountains, but none which extended to the shore. With- in fifty leagues we discovered thirty-two islands, all near the main land, small and of pleasant appearance, but high and so disposed as to afford excellent harbours and chan- nels, as we see in the Adriatic gulph, near lllyria and Dal- matia. We had no intercourse with the people, but we judge that they were similar in nature and usages to those we were last among. After sailing between east and north the distance of on'* hundred and fifty leagues more, and finding our provisions and naval stores nearly exhausted, we took in wood and water and determined to return to France, having discovered 502, that is 700 (sic) leagues of unknown lands." t ' . .- , ,,:.,..,.. Verazzano states that his intention in this voyage was to reach Cathay on the extreme coast of Asia ; not doubting that he should penetrate by some pas- sage to the Eastern ocean. He proceeds to say, it was the opinion of the ancients that our Oriental In- dian ocean is one, and without any interposing land, but that this opinion is shewn to be erroneous by ex- perience. " The country which has been discovered, and which was unknown to the ancients, is another world compared with that before known, being manifestly larger than our Europe, to,gether with Africa and perhaps Asia, if we right- ly estimate its extent, as shall now be briefly explained to your majesty. The Spaniards have sailed south beyond the equator pn a meridian 20 degrees west of the Fortu- nate Islands iJlQMHe'^latitUde of 54, and there still found land; turning abdut' they steered northward on the same meridian and along the coast to the eighth degree of lati- - r 7 trw -T- — T-> v. ■»■■■■ -r- - OHAF. III.] VOTAOG or VBRAZZANO IN 1524. 317 tude near the equator, and thence along the coast more to this west and northwest, to the latitude of 21°, without finding a termination to the continent ; ihey estimated the distance run as 89 degrees, which, added to the 20 first run west of the Canaries, make 109 degrees and so far west ; they sailed from the meridian of these islands, but this may vary somewhat from truth ; we did not make this voyage, and therefore cannot speak from experience ; we calculated it geometrically from the observations furnished by many navigators, who have made the voyage and affirm the dis- tance to bo 1600 leagues, duo allowance being made for the deviations of the ship from a straight course, by reason of contrary winds. I hope that we shall now obtain certain information on these points, by new voyages to be made on the same coasts. But to return to ourselves; in the voy- age which we have made by order of your majesty, in ad- dition to the 92 degrees we run towards the west from our point of departure, before we reached land in the latitude of 34, we have to count 300 leagues which we ran north- eastwardly, and 400 nearly east along the coast before we reached the 50th parallel of north latitude, the point where we turned our course from the shore towards home. Be- yond this point, the Portuguese had already sailed as far north as the Arctic circle, without coming to the termina- tion of the land. Thus adding the degrees of south lati- tude explored, which are 54, to those of the north, which are 66, the sum is 120, and therefore more than are em- braced in the latitude of Africa and Europe, for the north point of Norway, which is the extremity of Europe, is in 71 north, and the cape of Good Hope, which is the south- ern extremity of Africa, is in 35 south, and their sum is only 106, and if the breadth of this newly discovered coun- try corresponds to its extent of sea coast, it doubtless ex- ceeds Asia in size. In this way we find that the land forms a much larger portion of our globe than the ancients sup- 318 VOTAOE or VSBAZZANO IN 1524. [book II. poseel, who maintained, contrary to mathematical reason- ing, that it was less tbtfn the water, whereas actual experi- ence proves the reverse, so that we judge in respect to ex- tent of surface the land covers as much space as the water', and I hope more clearly and more satisfactorily to point out and explain to your majesty the great extent of that new land, or new world, of which I have been speaking. The continent of Asia and Africa, we know for certain is joined to .Europe at the north in Norway and Russia, which dis- proves the idea of the ancients that all this part had been navigated from the Cimbric Chersonesus, eastward as far as the Caspian sea. They also maintained that the whole continent was surrounded by two seas situate to the east and west of it, which seas in fact do not surround either of the two continents, for as we have seen above, the land of the southern hemisphere at the latitude of 54 extends east- wardly an unknown distance, and that of the northern pass- ing the 66th parallel turns to the east, and has no termina- tion as high as the 70th."* The fate of Verazzano is involved in some mystery. If Francis the First received the letter of Veraz- zano, in any short time after it was written, it must have been at a time when his thoughts were wholly occupied by his war with Charles the Fifth. Francis laid siege to Pa via in 1524, was defeated there the 24th of February 1525, and after having two horses killed under him, and receiving himself three wounds,t fell, with his principal officers, into the hands of the enemy. It was on this occasion that he wrote to his mother, "all is lost except our honour." He was carried to Madrid and kept in confinement until after * New York Hiitortc&l Collection!, new serien, vol. 1, p. 59, 3. t " L'HiatoIre de France," printed at Parli in 1776, vol. 9, p. 409. f, ^".vf^'' m CKAr. III.] VOTAOE or YEKAZZANO IN 1524. 319 the treaty of the 14th of January 1526. It has been suggested that Verazzano on bis return to France, seeing from the condition of his king no chance of further employment by his government, left its ser- vice.* Mr. Biddle states that Verazzano got into communication with Henry the Eighth, and refers, as proof of this, to the following statement in an edi- tion of Hakluyt, published in 1582 : " Master John Yerarzanus, which had been thrice on that coast, in an old excellent map which he gave to Henry the Eighth, and is yet in the custody of Master Locke, doth so lay it out as is to be seen in the map annexed to the end of this book, being made according to Yerarzanus' plat."t 'i ^ '« -; * Hawkins's Quebec, p. 99, 30. t Biddle's Memoir, p. 973. -f'-'t;; j.'< ri; ■r i\.) ■ ■.L.-t'i 5/>:}';' f')'H- r-.j 'C*'" ,'i/';H<7t'!' 'ii-^'^i'^ ■•. r'i; *" -'!.■< l»l H • .' . • ■ , ■ . ,. .'■■.'. .?v:fJ^''* Uy ■ ''■■' ' : -^ ' J;- '^ ;■*:•-•-<- ff*?.*yH ■^■i'::i'p;^"*^\rX>\:^tAii'i^.\^ cis H • ')4-' i'^J^i-'f';^^ ''J ■■ ^-^''.'s^.G ','}- V'r>K rfr- i ;i.f^ the ■ ^n '^Y:U^-^ '"-^^ ^ • < ■■ • ■■•:■■■ 't ^■■f>r'o^'?^..7 *■-•■■•:•"•;";; ,xf i :> j h^im ^^'' fl *^ff '!n:s:%'.«S •>. J ^. •'■•.-■ . ,•'.,:.:•' 'j'-'-^-r. ■'] -; ii^lv/ m ■•: . fl 320 VOYAQE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1525. [BOOK II. '0 iii*f;.iTt;rr •? ;' ; iv . .EMi ■■ ^ ';',;^\' ir^r :^ t.'-i) iu-v ■r'^r-.q*; m ^>'>flrU: ■'. ' .•■ .. ■!; ■ '■':• ;.;■ .' .-'-. ■ ^ . ' ■ ..'■■■■ ■y- t V- 'MM^ iti^ ,'i'''' .i:\ > T-^- - ,'11^ '-' ■,",■ ';:; f [ ' * '^ * • :'i-j!;" Qtn;' :■■ :_' I'M. '■CHAPTER IV. fc . . ^ I.' , , ■ c ^ ^ i- Of the voyage of Stephen Cromez to the Northwest, in 1595. Stephen Gomez, a Portuguese, who, in the brief narrative which we have of Magellan's memorable, but tragic expedition, occupies (Mr. Biddle observes) a prominent, though not very creditable place,* fitted out an expedition in the latter part of 1524, by order of the Emperor Charles the Fifth. Several authors of reputation, on the history of the new world, who wrote prior to 1612, give accounts of his voyage. Peter Martyr, " after describing the conference at Bada- jos in 1524, says : ' It is decreed that one Stephanus Go- mez (who, also, is himself a skilful navigator) shall go another way, whereby between the Baccalaos and Florida, long since our country's, he saith he will find out a way to Gataia.' He then proceeds to describe the equipment and the instructions given by the council. In the 8th decade, ch. X., we have an account of the return of Gomez ,- of the country visited by him ; and of his having, in violation of the standing orders on that subject, forcibly brought ofi" some of the inhabitants."! The account in Oviedo (Sommario, ch. x. fo. xiv.), translated by Richard Eden, in his Decades, fol. 213, states that Gomez ^'sailed to the north parts and found a great part of the land continuate from that which is called Baccalaos, discoursing towards the * Memoir of Cabot, p. 964. t Id- P- 369| 3 ; ulio, p. 969, note. ■:rj^i7--^r^T?|^ ■'■'-- - OHAP. ly.] VOTAOB TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1525. 321 west to the fortieth and forty-first degree ;" that he arrived in November 1625, shortly after the emperor came to the City of Toledo ; and that he brought with him certain Indians, for so were called all the natives of the new-found lands. The Indians so brought home by Gomez, are described as of greater stature than others of the firm land, as they are com- monly; as great archers, who go covered with the skins of beasts ; and it is said, that in the land which Gomez found, are many excellent furs, of which he brought some with him to Spain.* An ancient map, in manuscript, drawn in 1529 by Diego RibeirO| a Spanish cosmographer, has also preserved remem- brance of the voyage.f Peter Martyr, in his account of this voyage of Go- mez, tells, with great glee, the jest about esclavos : " When he came into the haven of Clunia, from whence he set sail, a certain man, hearing of the arrival of his ship and that he had brought esclavos, that is to say slaves, seek- ing no farther, came posting unto us with panting and breathless spirit, saying that Stephanas Gomez bringeth his ship laden with cloves and precious stones, and thought thereby to have received som«> rich present or reward. They who favoured the matter, attentive to this man's foolish and idle report, wearied the whole court with ex- ceeding great applause, calling the word by apheereses, pro- claiming that for esclavos he had brought clavos, (for the Spanish iiongue calleth slaves esclavos, and cloves clavos,) but after the court understood that the tale was transformed from clavos to slaves, they break forth into a great laughter, to the shame and blushing of the favourers who had shouted for joy."J * Memoir of Cabot, p. 363. 41 fid. p. 967. t Id. p. 966. 322 VOTAOE or CABOT IN 1526. ^ ' [BOOK II. ■■iii:r^>iti-i!') (1, /' ■>• . J.-;:-.." *• ynt I •.'? I , CHAPTER V. ')•')., Of the voyage made by Sebastian Cabot in 1526. The first volume of Hakluyt's Collection contains at page 214 a communication in 1627 from Robert Thornc, an English merchant residing at Seville, to Dr. Lee, the English ambassador at the court of Spain, in relation to the discoveries made under the authority of Spain and Portugal, and giving his own views in respect to a northerly way to the Moluccas. He says, '^"■' '"' ''" ■ "■} ■■- '■''•'''. ' - " In a fleet of three ships and a caravel that went from this city armed by the merchants of it, which departed in April last past, I and my partner have fourteen hundred duckets that we employed in the said fleet, principally for that two Englishmen, friends of mine, whic!i are some- what learned in cosmography, should go in the same ships to bring me certain relation of the situation of the country and to be expert in the navigation of those seas and there to have informations of many other things and advice that I desire to know especially; seeing in these quarters are ships and mariners of that country and cards by which they sail, though much unlike ours, that they should pro- cure to have the said cards and learn how they understand them, and especially to know what navigation they have for those islands, northwards and northeastward ; for, if from the said islands, the sea did extend without interposi- tion of land, to sail from the north point to the northeast point seventeen hundred or eighteen hundred leagues, they should come to the new found islands that we discovered, CHAF. T.] VOYAGE or CABOT IN 1626. 323 and so we should be nearer to the said spicerie by almost two thousand leagues than the emperor or the king of Por- tugal." Before this, Christovano Jaques, a gentleman of tho family of King John the Third, had, in 1626, founded an establishment on the coast of Brazil. But the Portuguese government occupied itself then very little with that country ; its attention was con- centrated upon its possessions in the East Indias. The fleet referred to by Thorne was sent from Spain under Sebastian Cabot. It was intended for the Mo- luccas by the straits of Magellan, but stopped at the coast of Brazil, where Cabot penetrated the river which has taken the name of the Rio de la Plata, or river of silver, because of the silver brought from it. He sailed up the river Paraguay a great distance ; the number of leagues that he sailed up the La Plata and Paraguay is stated variously from one hundred and twenty to six hundred : it is said in some of the accounts that he only stopped from a fear of en- croaching on the Portuguese possessions. After hav- ing remained in this country about five years, during which time he lost many people in his combats with the Indians, Cabot decided to return to Europe for reinforcements. He gave so good an account of this province that Don Pedro de Mendo90 solicited the government of it, which he obtained on his agreeing to transport to it a thousand men and a hundred horses, and construct there three fortresses.* * Vol. 3 of Ilakluyt, p. 736. Biddle's Memoir of Cabot, p. 144, also 167 and 171. Preface to " Histoiro V6rltable d' un Voy- age curieux fait par Ulrich Schmidel De Straubing," which ii one of the " Voy- ages, Relations et Memoires," published at Paris in 1837, by H. Temaux-Compans. Also from the preface to another ; the His- tory of the Province of Bancta CriiK. zu VOTAfiK TO THE NORTHWEST IM 1627. ["<><» "■ -H-i:' !■ CHAPTER VI. ; Of a voyage from England to the northwest in 1S97. ■y>a «a) Robert Thorne, besides writing to the English am- bassador at Spain, sent an address to Henry the Eightli^ of England, urging upon that monarch that with a small number of ships new lands might be dis- covered, and that the way of discovery was to the north. This letter is in the first volume of Hakluyt's Collection, page 212. Historians often tell us that Henry the Eighth made no attempt to explore or settle North America. This is a mistake. In the nineteenth year of his reign, Henry sent forth two ships on a voyage to the west : one called the Samson, of which a Mr. Grubs was master ; the other the Mary of Guilford, commanded by John Rut. They sailed in 1527 : it was the 20th of May, according to Hakluyt, that they set forth out of the Thames, and the 10th of June, according to Purchas, that they sailed from Plymouth. On the way, they were separated by a storm. A letter is ex- tant from Rut to King Henry, written the 3d of Au- gust 1527, in which he states that the Mary, in fifty- two degrees, fell in with the main land, and within two leagues thereof met with a great island of ice, and went the 21st of July into Cape de Bas, a good harbour, where he stopped ten days, and then going south entered the 3d of August into a good harbour called St. John, where he found eleven sail of Nor- mans, and one Britain and one Portugal bark, all 0HAI». ▼!.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1627. 325 fishing. A letter to the same efiect was written from St. John on the 10th of August 1527, by Albert de Prato, who we may infer is the person alluded to by Hakluyt when he says, " that a canon of Saint Paul in London, which was a great mathematician, and a man endowed with wealth, did much advance the ac- tion, and went therein himself in person." The let- ter of Albert de Prato, it is supposed, was to Cardi- nal Wolsey.* Hakluyt says: .. ^' *. "One of the ships was cast away as it entered into a dangerous gulph, about the great opening between the north parts of Newfoundland and the country lately called by her majesty (Queen Elizabeth) Meta Incognita: whereupon, the other ship shaping her course towards Cape Breton and the coasts of Arambec, and oftentimes putting their men dn land to search the state of those unknown regions, re- turned home about the beginning -f October of the year aforesaid." Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Cabot, page 272, ar- gues that Verazzano went on this voyage, and was lost in the Samson. The same answer may be given to this theory which has been given to the position that the St. Lawrence was the scene of his death previously to the second voyage of Jacques C artier. In relation to this, Mr. Francis Hawkins said that Verazzano was then alive in Italy, and referred to a letter of Annibal Caro, quoted by Tiraboschi, an author of reputation in the Storia della Letteratura Italiana, vol. 7th, part 1, p. 261,2, as proving that Verazzano was living in 1537.t *3d Vol. Of Purcbas's Pilgrims, bbok 4, ch. 13, p. 809. 3d vol. of Hakluyt's Collection, p. 129. t Ilawkina's Quebec, p. 31, 3. 326 VOTAOE or PAMPHILO DE NARVAEZ j 1627. C^OOK II. ««r ;i:J'i^/ v^i /v4-«:- i itfi^-ij/ ''v* lii^fi'Mijt jfi^ i 'ik>i. ,,r< /*f f>? {»"><. UIIa? (f^MIV'i ;t l! rA J- ) ., < • ■;-' ..tt ,v.. •■»•.- 1 ^8J;'i •Jwi'l'" «(* avJvTijttJ J? J>i<*P ■' ■rlf.j-; r ^/'-Jl'^rv , ;; ^rH '. IKV. ,ar;,:rm';i. CHAPTER VII. ■^^^ ' ""' ;.•:•.'-, ' •>: Of the expedition of Pamphilo de Narvaez to Florida in 1527 ; and Cabeca de Vaca's long and perilous journey on foot to Mexico. Pamphilo de Narvaez, who had previously com- manded the army sent by Valasquez to take from Her- nando Cortez the government of Mexico, set out from Saint Lucar, on the 17th of June 1527, under the authority of the King of Spain, to conquer and govern Florida. His fleet was composed of five ves- sels, with about six hundred men and various oflicers, amongst whom was Cabeca de Vaca, treasurer and alguazil mayor. Stopping at Saint Domingo about forty-five days, to procure necessaries, more than one hundred and forty men abandoned the fleet in this isle. The rest proceeded to Saint Jago, a port of Cuba, where the governor obtained men in place of those who had quitted him, and also a supply of arms and horses. Here a gentleman named Vasco Porcullo, made an offer of some provisions that he had at Trinity, a town one hundred leagues from Saint Jago. Half way to Trinity, at a port called Santa Cruz, the fleet stopped, and the governor sent a cap- tain named Pantoja, in one vessel, accompanied by Cabe9a de Vaca in another, to get the provisions ; the governor remaining at Santa Cruz with four ships, for he had bought one at Saint Domingo. While the two vessels were in the port of Trinity, there was a OHAr. Til] ARRIVAL or NARVAEZ IN VLORIDA ,* 1528. 327 violent storm, in which thoy were destroyed, and se- venty persons and twenty horses that were aboard ; those alone surviving who had landed, (about thirty in number.) These remained at Trinity until the 6th of November, when the governor arrived with his four ships. He passed the winter at this port ; and Cabe9a de Yaca, with the vessels and company, win- tered at Xagua, twelve leagues from there. The 20th of February 1621, the governor arrived at Xagua, with a brigantine bought at Trinity, and a man named Marvelo, engaged because of his knowledge of Florida. Two days after, the governor embarked with four hundred men and eighty horses, in four ves- sels and a brigantine. After doubling the cape of Saint Anthony, they went across to Florida, which they reached the 1 1th of April. Following the coast, they anchored at the entrance of a bay, on which they saw an Indian town.* Alonzo Enriquez landing on an isle in the bay, met with Indians, who furnished him with fish and meat. The next day the governor went to the Indian towns, which he found abandoned. The day after, he planted the royal standard, and took possession of the country in the name of the king ; he landed as many horses as remained alive, being forty-two. On the following day the Indians came to see them. The Spaniards having no in- terpreters, could not clearly understand them, but thought, from their signs, that they wished them to leave the country. *In the work published at London in 1763, referred to ante, p. 295, there is the following mention of Pensacola, stated to be in thirty degrees twenty-five minutes north latitude : " This place was first dis- covered by Pamphllo de Narvaez, who landed there in his unsuccessful expedi- tion to Florida. Some time after, Oiego de Maldonado, one of Ferdinand de Soto'i captains, touched here and named it Port d' Anchusi." 328 TRAVELS or NA«ViJBS IN ri<0RIOA : 1528. ['OOK »• I The governor afterwards decided to penetrate into the interior, accompanied by forty men, amongst whom was Cabe^a de Vaca. Going in the direction of the north, they arrived at a very large bay. They passed the night here, and returned next day to the vessels. After sending the brigantine, with the pilot Marvelo, to gain a particular port, (which he said he knew,) or else go to Havana and bring thence a vessel loaded with provisions, the governor, with the same persons (who had been on the previous excursion) and some additional soldiers, penetrated again into the interior. They coasted the bay which they had discovered, and after making four leagues, took four Indians, who carried them to their town, a little distance off, at the end of the bay. Here was seen a little maize, not yet ripe. There was a num- ber of boxes, in each of which was a dead body, co- vered with skins of stags. The commissary suppos- ing these were objects of idolatry, caused the boxes and bodies to be burnt. The Spaniards saw here some pieces of painted cloth and plumes of feathers, which seemed to have come from New Spain, and some traces of gold. The Indians, by signs, informed them of a province named Apalache, where would be found a quantity of metal. Taking the Indians for guides, ^ey proceeded ten or twelve leagues farther, when they came to a village of fifteen houses, near wh: ^h were large fields of maize, fit to be gathered. After halting two days, they relumed to the vessels on the 30th of April. Next day the governor decided that the vessels should follow the coast until they found the port be- CHAP. Vl».] TRAVELS or NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA; 1528. 329 fore referred to, and that the troops should proceed on land in the same direction. Three hundred men, having each but two pounds of biscuit and a half pound of bacon, and no other food, marched fifteen days without seeing an Indian or house. At length they arrived at a river, which they passed with much trouble, the current being very strong. On the other side there were about twelve hundred Indians, to whose houses, about half a league off, they \/ere con- ducted. In the neighbourhood was a large quantity of maize, ready to be gathered. The Spaniards, fa- tigued with marching, and enfeebled by hunger, en- joyed here three days of rest. Then Cabe9a de Vaca, with captain Alonzo Castillo and forty soldiers, set out to seek a port, but finding themselves impeded by the river, which they had already crossed, returned. The following day, the governor ordered a captain named yalen9uela, with sixty men and six cavaliers, to cross the river and descend it to the sea, and disco- ver a port if he could. This officer returned, after two days, saying he had explored the bay, and found it had shallow water and no port. The Spaniards then marched for the province, called by the Indians Apalache, carrying for guides those whom they had taken. On the 17th of June, they saw an Indian chief, (accompanied by many people,) who was made to understand by signs that they were going to Apa- lache. He seemed to be an enemy of this nation, and willing to aid in the expedition. After an ex- change of presents, he left them, and they followed the route he had taken. In the evening, they arrived at a river, very deep, wide and rapid. Not venturing 42 330 TRAVELS or NARVAEZ IN FLORIDA; 1628. ["°0X II. to pass it upon rafts, they constructed a canoe. A day was spent in gaining the other side. A cavaher named Juan Velasquez, a native of Cuellar, entering the river, was thrown from his horse by the force of the current, and drowned. That night, we are told, his horse served for supper for many of the people. After a fatiguing journey, during which they suffered much from hunger, and were sometimes annoyed by the Indians, they at length arrived near Apalache on the 25th of June, i . ::;r The governor ordered Cabe^a de Vaca to take more cavaliers and fifty foot soldiers, and go into the village. They found there only women and children, but a little while after, the men arrived. They shot some arrows and then retired. - «,. \5« * The village of Apalache contained forty small houses. Two hours after the Spaniards arrived there, the Indians who had fled returned peaceably to ask for their women and children, which were given up to them, but the governor retained a cacique who had been the cause of hostilities. The next day, the Indians recommenced hostilities. The Spaniards were greatly annoyed, but retained possession of the village twenty-five days, during which they made three journeys into the interior. Resuming their march, the Spaniards the first day crossed some lakes without meeting any Indians. Next day they encountered a marsh very difficult to pass. When in the midst of it, a number of Indians attacked them. The governor ordering the cavaliers against them, the Indians went into another marsh and the Spaniards remained masters of the passage. CHAf. VII.J COASTING VOYAGE OF NARVAEZ IN 1628. 331 After some further encounters with the Indians, in one of which Cabe9a de Vaca was wounded, the Spa- niards arriv|4 in the village of Haute, nine days after their departure from Apalache. " -• The inhabitants of Haute had abandoned it and burnt their houses. After the Spaniards had rested here two days, Cabe^a de Vaca set out to seek the sea, accompanied by captain Castillo, Andres Do- rantcs, seven cavaliers and fifty foot soldiers. They marched till evening and cam<^ to a bay where they found a great quantity of large oysiers which was a treat to the soldiers. The next day, the coast was re- connoitred, and then the party returned io the go- vernor. He was sick. So also was a third of the mrjn, and the rest were likely to become so. It ,."3 desirable to construct vessels in which to emba k. The con- struction was commenced with a single carpenter, but the men set to work with so much ardour, that between the 4th of August and 20th of September they made five vessels of twenty-two cubits in length. According to their calculation they had made a jour- ney of about two hundred and eighty leagues from the bay where they first landed to this place. And in this time about forty men had lied of sickness or hun- ger, without counting those wiio had been killed by the Indians. The 22d of September, having finished now (it is said) eating tbo horses with the exception of one, they embarked, forty-nine men in the bark of the governor ; the contador and the commissary with a like number in another; captain Alonzo del Castillo, Andres Dorantes and forty-eight men in the third ; two 332 COASTING VOYAGE OF NARTAEZ IN 1528. [BOOM II. ^ 1 1 captains named Telles et Penalosa, with forty-seven men in the fourth ; and Cabe9a de Vaca in the last with the comptroller and forty-nine me% The bay they quit was named Baya de los Cavallos. r> At the end of seven days, they came to an isle, a little way from the land. There they took five canoes left by the Indians, and some provisions from their houses. Two leagues further they passed a strait be- tween the isle and the main land, to which they gave the name of Saint Miguel. They continued in the direction of the river of Palms ; their sufferings from hunger and thirst increasing. Whilst at anchor at a little isle, there was a violent storm which detained them six days. The salt water they were obliged to drink, killed some of the men. Again the dangers of the sea were encountered. After doubhng a cape, they found a shelter on the other side. They fol- lowed some Indians to their houses which were near the shore, and were here refreshed with food and wa- ter. Half an hour after sunset the Indians inade an unexpected attack. They fell upon the sick, invested the house where the governor was and wounded him in the face. The Spaniards then carried him to his bark. Fifty of the Spaniards remained on land and were attacked three times during the night. When it was calm they embarked and sailed three days. Seeing a canoe with Indians they applied to them for water. A christian and a negro went with them to get water and two Indians staid in their places. The two former never returned. Yet application was made for the restoration of the two Indians. This being refused, their comrades made an attack and the ■•h CHAP. VII.] SHIPWRECK OF NARVAEZ IN 1528. 333 Spaniards continued their voyage. In the evening a point of land was seen, and on the other side of it a very large river. The bark of Cabe9a de Vaca going first in the river, he caused the anchor to be cast near an isle at its mouth. The governor entered a bay a little off. There Cabe9a de Vaca joined him, taking sweet water where the river entered the sea. A north wind driving the vessels from the land, in two or three nights they were all separated. Afterwards Cabe9a de Vaca saw two of the barks, one of which was that of the governor, and the other that of captains Pena- losa and Telles. On the 6th of November the bark of Cabe9a de Vaca was driven on an island where they were kindly treated by the Indians. r ; Having determined to continue their voyage, they took off their clothes to get from the land their bark which was buried in the sand. In the attempt to put it afloat, the comptroller and two others were drowned. The Indians came to see them in their naked and dis- tressed state, and at the request of Cabe9a de Vaca carried the Spaniards to their village. The precau- tion was taken by them to have fires at different points on the way, to warm the Spaniards. Cabe9a de Vaca saw in the hands of an Indian some article which led him to enquire whence it was obtained, and was given to understand it was received from men like him. To these he stnt two Indians and two Christians who met them coming. They were captain Andres Dorantes, Alonzo Castillo and the people of their bark. They related that the 6th of that month their bark had run aground a league and a half from there. It was resolved with one ac- cord to refit their bark. Hardly was it on the water 334 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VAC A. [book II. before it was overset. The resolution was then taken to winter at this place ; and four Spaniards were sent to Panuco, accompanied by an Indian from the isle. Those who remained behind were constantly perish- ing. Five who were lodged near the shore are said to have eat one another, until only one survived, no person being there to devour him. Their names were Sierra, Diego Lopez, Corral, Palacios and Go- zalo Ruyz. At length of eighty men only fifteen re- mained. The Indians being attacked by a disease of the stomach which carried off half of them, imagined that the Spaniards were the cause and resolved to kill them. They had come to execute this purpose when an Indian who was guarding Cabe9a de Vaca told them not to think the Spaniards caused them to die, for if the Spaniards had such power they would stop their own men from dying. This reasoning led them to abandon their project. To the isle the Spaniards gave the name of the Isle du Malheur (Isla del Mal- hado). Until the end of April they remained on this island, or on the main land near. Thirteen then fol- lowed the coast. Hieronymo de Alanez and Lope d'Oviedo remained on the island. And the sickness of Cabe9a de Vaca prevented him for some time from moving. When he got better, bad treatment made him fly and take refuge with the Indians of the na- tion Charruco. The foregoiniT narrative is taken from the relation of Cabe9a de Vaca, printed at Valladolid in 1555,* • "Relation 6t Naufrnges D'Alvar Nu- nes Cabe9a du Vaca, Valladnliii, Dc L'im- primerio de Francisco Fcrnnndez do Cor- dotic, 1555." It furins one nf '.lie volutneii of " Voyages, Relations et M6moires Orl- ginaux pour servir a I'hiatoire do la d'icou- verto de L'Ain^riqiie, publics pour la pre- miere foil* en Fran^ais, par H. TernauK- Cnmpana," at Purls in 1837. CHAP. VII.] ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. 335 who gives also some account of what happened to the vcpsels sent along the coast, of which Carvallo was captain. Five leagues from the place of embar- kation, they perceived a bay which entered the land seven or eight leagues: it was the same that had been discovered by those on the land; the place where they saw the boxes with dead bodies. Three of the ships entered this port. The vessel which returned from Havana with a brigantine was seeking those on land for a year, and not finding them made sail for New Spain. The port just mentioned, is spoken of by Cabe9a de Vaca, as the best in the world. He describes it as six fathoms deep at the entrance, and five near the land ; a hundred leagues from Havana, and precisely north of that place. Cabe9a de Vaca states that he remained near six years in Florida alone, in the midst of these Indians, and as naked as they were. A desire to carry with him Lope d'Oviedo, caused him to prolong his stay. De Alanez, his companion, had died soon after the departure of Alonzo del Castillo and the other Spa- niards. Oviedo had often put off going, to the fol- lowing year. At length they went with some Indians to a bay, a league broad and deep every where, re- cognised as that named the bay of Saint Esprit. On the other side of it, an Indian told them the thirteen Spaniards were all dead, except three ; and if they wished it, they could see these three when the Indians, who had them, came upon the shore of that river to get nuts. Oviedo turned back to join the women of the Indians, with whom he had passed the bay. Ca- ■.^;.,vu.^i^^-!i6i*k/. ^ 336 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VACA. [book II. be^a de Vaca, unable to dissuade him from it, re- mained behind, alone. Two days after, the Indians who had Alonzo del Castillo and Andres Dorantes, came to the river bank. An Indian, of a different nation, told Cabe9a de Vaca to go to a particular place in the forest, and he would conduct him to his countrymen. This was done the next day. The In- dians having informed Andres Dorantes that a Chris- tian had arrived, he came to see who it was, and was greatly astonished. Being asked where he was go- ing, Cabe9a de Yaca said his design was to pass into a country where there were Christians. Dorantes, Castillo and the negro Estevanico, determined to fly with him, but prayed him to wait six months, when the Indians would be going away in quest of fruit. This being agreed on, Cabe9a de Vaca remained, and was given in slavery to the same Indian who already had Dorantes. Castillo and Dorantes related, that after quitting the isle of Malhado, they found upon the coast a bark, which had been shipwrecked : it was that on which the contador and the friars were. After they had passed four rivers, very large and with very strong currents, this bark was pushed in the sea, at which time four of their men were drowned. They sailed to the bay, and crossed it with much trouble ; fifteen leagues far- ther, they found another, where were some Indians, who, when they saw the Spaniards, went to the other shore. In a voyage of sixty leagues, two of the Spaniards had perished, besides the four who were drowned. Whilst occupied in finding means to cross the bay, an Indian came to them with a Christian, CHAP. Til.] ADVENTiniES OF CABECA DE VACA. 337 who proved to be Figueroa, one of the four sent from the isle of Malhado. This man related to them how he had arrived at that place with his companions ; that two of them, and an Indian, died of cold and hunger. With him the Indians had taken Mentes, who fled with the intention of going to Panuco, but was pursued by the natives and killed. Figueroa heard from the Indians of a Christian who had been with the Mariames, and then got to the Quevenes. This Christian was Hernando de Esquivel, a native of Badajos, who had been with the commissary. From Esquivel, Figueroa learned the fate of the go- vernor, the contador, and others. These last had caused their bark to be driven on shore between the rivers. Following the coast, they found on the bank that of Pamphilo de Narvaez and his men. The go- vernor went in his bark to the great bay. There he had the company carried to the opposite shore. Then he came to seek the contador, the friars, and all the others. In the evening he would not go on land, but remained in his bark with the captain and a cabin boy, who were sick. At midnight a wind rose from the north, so violent that the bark, which had no an- chor but a stone, was carried out to sea, and was not heard of afterwards. Those who were on land, fol- lowed the shore. Meeting a great expanse of water, they made a raft, with which they passed to the other side. Continuing their march, they came to the end of a forest, where they found some Indians, who, ha- ving perceived them, left their cabins for their canoes. This was in November. The Spaniards found wood, water, and on the shore some crabs and shell fish : 43 338 ADVENTURES OF CABECA DE VAC A. [book II. ' yet they were dying, one after another, of hunger and cold. Pentaja, whom Pamphilo de Narvaez (before he last went in the bark) had made his Heutenant in place of the contador, treated them badly. Soto Major, brother of Vasco Porcallo, a native of the isle of Cuba, turned against Pentaja, and gave him a blow, which killed him. Thus the number dimi- nished. Those who remained alive, it is said, caused the dead to be roasted! The last who sank, was Soto Major. Esquivel, we are told, had him roasted, and lived on his body till the 1st of March, when one of the Indians, who had fled when the Spaniards ar- rived, came to see if all wsre gone, and carried off Esquivel. Andres Dorantes, escaping to the Mari- ames, learnt from them that Esquivel having fled, they pursued and killed him. Yet Dorantes fled, after re- maining with these people a few days. Castillo and Estevanico went into the interior of the country to the Yguazes. The three had got with the same tribe when Cabe9a de Vaca joined them. Six months had passed since he joined them ; the time had arrived for the Indians to go ; but there was a quarrel among them. The Spaniards were now obliged to separate, and did not meet each other again for a year. At length Cabe^a de Vaca fled, and found his comrades. It was arranged that he should wait for them till the moon was full. It was now the 1st of September and the first of the moon. On the 13th, Andres Dorantes and Estevanico arrived where he was, having left Castillo not far off, with the Anagados. These last Indians said, that farther on the shore, there was a nation named Camons, and CHAP. VII.] JOURNEY or CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. 339 they had killed all the Spaniards who were in the bark with Penalosa and Telles. . ; .^^^ ^w?.? ii;^.?^, . j r.>i/, Two days after all four got together, they set off. In the evening, seeing some smoke, they went to the place where it arose. The Indians, who called them- selves Avavares, received them kindly. Dorantes and the negro were lodged at the house of a physician : Cabe9a de Vaca and Castillo, at the house of ano- ther Indian. The Spaniards gained greatly the fa- vour of the Indians, by curing their sick. They went about with them in their journeys, and altogether were with the Avavares eight months. Then they went to the Maliacones, afterwards to the Arbadoes, and so on from tribe to tribe, until they saw moun- tains. Through the narrative of Cabe^a de Vaca, there is manifested a great fondness for the marvellous. Thus, after reminding the reader that he and his com- rades were naked, he says, as they were not accus- tomed to being so, they changed their skin like ser- pents, twice a year. His account of many things should certainly be taken with some deduction. Yet, if he made the journey across the continent of North America, which is ascribed to him, he must have the credit of very great energy, and his enterprise be re- garded as truly wonderful. On the way, Andres Dorantes received a large bell of brass or copper, with a figure on it. The next day the Spaniards crossed a mountain of seven leagues, and in the evening arrived at numerous ca- bins on the shore of a very pretty stream. The In- dians, at this place, gave them many purses, contain- 340 JOURNET or CABECA DE TACA TO MEXICO. [B00> ><• ing bags of marcosite and antimony, which last was used to paint the face. The bell being shewn them, they said that in the place from which that came, there was found in the earth much of that metal, which was greatly esteemed, and that in that country there were fixed houses. Quitting these Indians, Cabe9a de Vaca says they passed so great a number of people, of different languages, that his memory would not enable him to recall them. A party of Indians con- ducted them fifty leagues into a desert country, co- vered with very steep mountains, where they found no game, and suffered extremely from hunger. They crossed then a river, having water which came up to the breast, and were conducted in a plain at the foot of the mountains, where other Indians met and sup- plied them. The next people were said by these to be far off*, and their enemies. Two women were fur- nished as guides, one of whom conducted Castillo and Estevanico to a river running between mountains, in a place where her father dwelt. The dwellings here were the first seen that merited the name of houses. After speaking with the inhabitants, Castillo returned to Cabe9a de Vaca and Dorantes, bringing with them five or six Indians. The three then set out, and meeting the negro on the way with the Indians, went with him to their houses, by whom, after stopping a day, they were conducted to other fixed houses. This country was thickly peopled, and in it were the great- est number of cows. In answer to the question why they didn't sow maize, they said, two years before they had wanted water, and the moles ate the seed ; that they couldn't cultivate it till there was a good deal of CHAP. Til.] JOURNEY OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. 341 co- rain. Being asked where they procured maize, they said on the coast where the sun set ; that the whole country was filled with it, and the shortest course to get to it was the west. ' » '»^ r.'"' •<;«;¥ f>^.». After stopping two days, the Spaniards determined to seek the country of the maize ; and to that end to go constantly towards the west, in which way they expected to pass over all the country between where they then were and the South sea. For some time they went back up the river. Then they crossed it, and at sunset found themselves in a great valley, in the midst of very high mountains. They came to a people with much maize in reserve, and fixed houses, some of which were constructed of earth, and others of mats of reed. Then they went a hundred leagues in the interior, still finding fixed houses, maize and beans. The natives gave them cloths of cotton, bet- ter than those of New Spain, and some corals and emeralds. The women here were treated with more regard than in any other place of the Indias that the Spaniards had seen. They wore chemises of cotton, which came down to their knees, but were cut before and tied with strings. Shoes, also, were worn by these Indians. This coast is described as the en- trance to many provinces on the South sea. From it to the villages they had left, Cabe9a de Vaca thought must be more than a thousand leagues. They stopped three days in this village. A day's march from there was another, in which, in conse- quence of the river being high, they stopped fifteen days. During this time, Castillo saw on the neck of an Indian, a buckle of the belt of a sword, in which 342 JOUHNET OF CABECA DE VACA TO MEXICO. [BOOK II. was introduced a nail of iron. The Indian said it was brought in the country by men with beards, who had come on that river, and had horses, lances and swords; and who, with their lances, had killed two of the na- tives. The farther Cabe9a de Vaca and his comrades advanced, the more was learnt of the men with lances. For a great distance the inhabitants had fled to the mountains, abandoning tillage, from fear of them. These miscalled Christians had penetrated into the country, destroyed the villages, and carried off great numbers of the natives in chains. From the place where Cabe9a de Vaca first heard them spo- ken of, he i*eckoned to be eighty leagues to the river Petutan, the river on which Diego de Guzman ar- rived. In all the country where the mountains ended, he remarked traces of gold, iron and other metals. And where the houses were fixed, he describes it as warm even in January. • After seeing stakes to which horses had been tied, Cabe9a de Vaca next morning took with him the ne- gro and twelve Indians, followed the traces of the Christians, (as they were called,) and passed three villages where they had slept. He made ten leagues that day. " Next day," says Cabe^a de Vaca, " I met four Chris- tians on horseback, who were amazed at seeing me clothed in so strange a manner, and in the midst of these Indians. They regardtd me for a long time with such astonishment that they could not utter a word. I told them to conduct me to their c'aief, and we went a half league to the place where Diego de Alcaraz, their captain, was. When I had spoken to him, he told me that he knew not what to do ; I CIlAf. Til,] ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VACA IN MEXICO. 343 that for a long time he had not been able to take any In- dians ; and he did not know where to go, because his peo- ple had begun to suffer with hunger. I told him that Do- rantes and Castillo were ten leagues from there, with many people that we were bringing with us. Immediately he sent them three cavaliers and !6fty Indians ; the negro serv- ing for a guide. I asked him to certify the year, month and day in which he had found me, and in what condition, which he did. From this river to the city of the Christians, named Saint Miguel, the chief place of government of the province of New Spain, they count it to be 30 leagues." " Two days after, Andrts Dorantes and Alonzo Castillo came with those who had been to seek them. They brought 600 persons belonging to a village, all the inhabi- tants of which had fled in the forests and concealed them- selves in the interior for fear of the Christians. The na- tives who accompanied us, had caused all these Indians to come back and had conducted them where we were." The Indians brought to Cabe9a de Vaca a great quantity of maize, of which he took some and gave the rest to Alcaraz and his men to divide amongst them. He was much chagrined at the wish of these to make slaves of the Indians who brought this sup- ply. Seeing the Indians afflicted, he told them to return home, tranquilize themselves, and sow their maize, but they refused to quit him, saying in his company they were not afraid. The others said they were masters of the country and must be obeyed ; and farther that they were Christians like Cabe9a de Vaca. This the Indians would not believe, but at length, with much trouble, he got them to return home. After which Alcaraz sent Cabe9a de Vaca and his companions in a state of arrest to an alcaid 344 ARBITAL OF CABECA DE VACA IM 1«"> r 0. [nooA n. named Zebreros and two other indivi'i' '* The manuscript relation just referred to, seems never to have been printed until it was published at !Paris in 1838 by H. Ternaux-Compans, in the Col- lection of Original Voyages, Relations and Memoirs to serve for the history of the discovery of America. It is entitled, ' ;; " Relation du voyage de Cibola entrepris en 1640 ; ou Ton traite de toutes les peuplades qui habitent cette con- tr^e, de leurs moeiirs et coutumes, par P6dro de Castaneda de Nagera." It appears from this relation that in the year 1530 Nuno de Guzman, who was president of New Spain, having raised an army of four hundred Spaniards and twenty thousand Indian allies, set out from New Spain, traversed the province of Tarasca, and arrived in that of Culiacan where his army stopped for a long time, during which period, Hernando Cortes arrived in Mexico with the new title of Marquis del Valle, and 348 ARRIVAL OF CABECA DE VAC A IN MEXICO. [BOOK II. great powers; that Guzman, being an enemy of Cortes, was unwilling to return, and determined to colonize the pro^mce of Culiacan ; that he estab- lished himself at Xalisco, since Campostelle, and at Tonala, afterwards Guadalaxara, which two provinces at a later period formed the kingdom of Galicia ; that eight years afterwards he was thrown into prison by an envoy from Spain, the licentiate of La Torre, who put himself at the head of the government of the province, and after his death Don Antonio de Men- do9a, viceroy of New Spain, appointed to succeed him Francisco Vasquez Coronado, a gentleman of Salamanca, who was established at Mexico ; that at this period three Spaniards named Cabe9a de Vaca, Dorantes and Castillo Maldonado, and a negro, who had been shipwrecked with the fleet which Pamphilo de Narvaez conducted to Florida, came to Mexico by the province of Culiacan, after having traversed the country from one sea to the other ; that the new go- vernor proceeding to Culiacan, carried with him the negro and three Franciscan friars ; that when the go- vernor arrived at the province of Culiacan, he sent forward for discovery, the three friars and the negro, and as the latter could make himself understood by the natives of the country through which he had passed, the friars sent him on in ad^^ance of them, accompanied by some Indians ; that on his arrival at Cibola, upon being interrogated as to ihe end of his coming into their country, be said, he preceded some white men (sent by a powerful prince and) very learned in heavenly things which they came to teach, and the Indians thought he was the spy of some na- CHAP. Vll] AFTER LIFE OF CABECA DE VACA. 349 tion which wished to subjugate them. It was unac- countable to them that he should be from a country of white men who was himself black : he had besides asked for their wealth and their women, and it seemed to them hard to consent to it. They decided to kill him, which they did, without doing the least harm to those who accompanied him ; upon which the friars very quickly retraced their steps. It was after this that the expedition was prepared for the discovery of Cibola, which is the chief subject of the relation of Pedro de Castaneda de Nagera. The City of Cam- postelle, the capital of New Galicia, a hundred leagues from Mexico, was the place from which the army was to set out for the expedition. Pedro de' Alarcon was to set out from Natividad, on the coast of the South sea, with two vessels, and then go to Xalisco and follow the army in its march along the coast. In the preface of the French editor, he says : "I do not believe that any Spanish expedition has ever gone so far towards the northeast. Ahnost all those which took place afterwards, were directed toward', the northwest. It is astonishing how little they profited by the indications given by Vasquez. I will cite only a single example of it. Alarcon discovered in 1539, that California was a pres- qu'ile ; and in 1732, that is to say, 200 years after, this point was still considered as uncertain." It is time, however, to stop this digression from Cabe^a de Vaca ; the chief purpose of referring to the relation of Pedro de Castaneda, was to shew its confirmation of the statement of Cabe9a de Vaca as to his arrival in Mexico, and the mode by which he got there ; this has now been sufficiently done. 350 AFTER LIFK OF GABBCA D£ VACA. [BOOK II. After the return of Cabe^a de Vaca from Mexico, he remained in Spain till 1640) when he succeeded Don Pedro de Mendo9a as Adelantado and governor of the La Plata, touching which country his Com- mentaries were published at Yalladolid in 1555, and republished at Paris in 1837 by H. Temaux, in his Collection of Voyages, Relations and Memoirs. It seems from his commentaries, that he was not much more happy in this than in his former enterprise. As to his true character there is not an agreement amongst writers. Some of his cotemporaries, at least, appear to have considered him arbitrary. Amongst the volumes republished in the collection of H. Ter- naux-Compans, is one entitled, " Histoire veritable d'un voyage curieux, fait par Ulrich Schmidel de Straubing, dans I'Amerique ou le nouveau Monde, par le Br^sil, et le Rio de la Plata, deptiis I'annee 1534, jusqu'en 1554. Ou I'on verra tout ce qu'il a souffert pendant ces dix-neuf ans, et la description des pays et des peuples extraordinaires qu'il a visites. Ouvrage ecrit par lui-meme, et puplie de nouveau apres corrections des noms de villes, de pays et de rivieres, par Levinus Hulsius," pub- lished at Nuremberg in 1599. From the fortieth chapter of this volume of Schmi- del, the following is extracted : " Our commander had no consideration for any body, and wished that every thing should bend before him. The en- tire army, in general assembly, decided unanimously that it was necessary to arrest him, send him to the emperor and render an account to his imperial majesty of his fine quali- ties, of the manner in which he had treated us, and of every thing that had passed. Three of the principal offi- CHAT. Til.] AFTER LIFE OF CABECA DE VACA. 361 cers, to wit : the treasurer Alonso Cabrera, Don Francisco Mendo^a and Grato Amiego, (Garcia Yanegas,) repaired to his house at the head of 200 soldiers and took possession of his person at a moment when he least expected it. This was in the month of April, on the day of Saint Mark in the year 1543. We kept him a prisoner for more than a year, until we had prepared and furnished with supplies a caravel, on board of which we sent him to Spain, with two officers. It was necessary to choose another chief to ad- minister the country and command the army until we should receive orders from his majesty. Martin Dominique de Irala, who had already been governor, was then pro- claimed general, for he was greatly loved by the troops." The French editor in the preface prefixed by him to the edition of 1837, states that Cabe9a de Vaca was acquitted, but he does not know what became of him after he recovered his liberty. He quotes from a writer who states that he died at Seville at a very advanced age, after having been put in the office of auditor in that city, but the editor adds that he does not know whether this is very exact. 152 •^:'^' 1527 TO 1634. ' *■« [book II. Sf^i:^;::^v^. i----U t-^i- , f:iu.- . •■-,.; *->L'. ;.■' ' ■ *.; .; .;j : ) 1 •.■; • , , ei ; ■ ' ;■■ ;.--^:j..i^ '„'' i '",• - ■ ;**l w •■, ■,'.-•-' i -: ; ■ .. ,i;; = '.' ■• - •• . - ( ■;.i'V -U I- . - r «.-' ' ' , ■ / - CHAPTER VIII. Of the period from 1537 to 1534. .t'; After the loss of one of the vessels sent forth from England in 1527, and the unsuccessful termination of the voyage the same year from Spain under Narvaez, neither kingdom seems to have been disposed, in any short time, to send other expeditions to the Atlantic coast of North America. Indeed, even on the south- ern continent, tho emperor somewhat altered his man- ner of proceeding; the change, in respect to the pro- vince of Coro, was most important. " A. Dalfinger and G. Seyler, who were at Madrid, the agents of Welser, rich merchants of Augsbourg, obtained from Charles the Fifth, who had often borrowed money from them in moments of necessity, the cession of this province in favour of their masters, to make the conquest of it, at their expense, on the following conditions. They bound themselves to equip four vessels, to carry three hun- dred Spaniards, and to build two cities and three fortresses in the two years succeeding their arrival. They were, be- sides, i:v send \o this country fifty German miners, to bring to perfection the exraciioa of the mineral. The emperor ceded to them all the territory between the province of Santa Martha and the cape of Maracapana, relinquished to them four fifths of his fifth of the gold and silver, and gave them in absolute properly twelve square leagues of land, to take where they would. He permitted them, moreover, to ^m: CHAP. VIII.] 1627 TO 1634. 363 reduce to slavery all the Indians who attempted to resist them. Charles the Fifth had just abandoned at this period the province of Santa Martha to Don Garcie de Lcrraa, a gentleman of his family. Don Garcie agreed with the Welsers to act in concert with them and to render assist- ance on occasion : they gave him the command of the first expedition, which was composed of three vessels. The Welsers named for governor and lieutenant governor, Am- broise Dalfinger and George Seyler, who, for a long time had served them well. The governor and lieutenant go- vernor arrived in 1628, and presented to Ampies the order of the emperor to give up to them the command. He, forced to obey, and seeing himself so badly recompensed for his services, withdrew to Saint Domingo, where he died of chagrin, a short time after : however, the king of Spain had ceded by way of indemnity to him the isles of Guracoa, of Oruba and of Bonayre, which his descendants enjoyed to a later age. The Welsers were perhaps then the richest merchants in the world : they had advanced to Charles the Fifth near five tons of gold, and at the same time at which they sent an army at their expense to con- quer Venezaela, they were dispatching vessels to the West Indias to extend their commercial relations and try to dis- cover the Spice islands. The daughter of Bartheleme Welser, the chief of this house, the beautiful Philippina, married secretly the Archduke Ferdinand, son of Ferdi- nand, king of Bohemia, since emperor and nephew of Charles the Fifth ; and the power of the Welsers was such that Charles dared not break the marriage." This extract is from the preface of the French edi- tor to the narration of the first voyage of Nicolas Fe- dermann, mentioned before on page 283. It is not in place here, any more than in that preface, to relate the history of the dominion of the Germans in Vene- 46 354 1527 TO 1534. [BOOK II zuela; a dominion which lasted about twenty-six years. A single circumstance will be mentioned ; it is from the same preface : "" "The Welsers repenting the confidence they had be- stowed on Dal finger, revoked his powers and put in his place George de Spire, whom Federmann accompanied as lieutenant. They arrived together at Coro in 1537, and set out soon after to make new discoveries to the south. George de Spire was to take the route east, Federmann that to the west, and they were to meet again on the coast of Barquisemeto. But he who sought only to render himself independent, continued his march towards the west. After a journey as toilsome as dangerous, he penetrated into the kingdom of New Granada and advanced to Bogota, where by the most singular chance, he met Sebastian de Benalca- sar and Quesada, who had arrived there, the one by Peru, the other by the river of Madeleine. Each one asserted his pretensions to this province. Not being able to agree, they agreed to go together to Spain to have their rights ad- judged. However, Federmann was never to return from America. His conduct towards his chief had dissatisfied the Welsers, who forgot all his services, and wished even to commence process against him ; but he died a short time after, imbrued with disgust and chagrin." Before the close of the period embraced by this chapter, Quito was conquered by the Spaniards. In Ternaux's Collection, there was republished at Paris in 1840, " Histoire du Royaume de Quito par Don Juan de Ye- lasco, natif de a royaume ;" in two volumes. tUAP. IX ] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1634. 355 ;' j' .!'>'■ , ■, , v*" ' ' ? ' . " * ■-.'■■'',•••';.-•'■] = >*^ CHAPTER IX. • : ...'„.' . .'■< ' ..«'.■ 1 ' . ■'.,-. ■ ■ ; .-. Of the voyage of Jacques Carthier to Newfoundland in 1534. Several voyages were made by Jacques Carthier, in the service of the King of France. On his first voy- age,* he departed from the port of Saint Malo the 20th of April 1534, with two ships, and came the 10th of May to Newfoundland, where he entered into Saint Katharine's haven,t distant about five leagues from the cape of Buona Vista, tin latitude forty-eight degrees and a half. On the 21st of May, he sailed from that cape to the Island of Birds.^ On the 27th, he came to the bay of the Castles, and entered into a harbour about its entrance, called Carpunt, in lati- tude fifty-one degrees, where he stayed till the 9th of June. The writer of the account of this voyage, found in Hakluyt, describes the land from Cape Razo to Cape Degrad, as parted into islands, from the high- est of which, "you may plainly see the two low islands that are next to Cape Razo, from whence to the port of Carpunt, they count it twenty-five leagues." Jacques Carthier, it may be inferred, wrote the account himself, for the writer says, that going from Point Degrad, and entering into the bay to- *Tbi8 account is taken from the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, p. 201 to Qll. fNow Catalinn. See Hawkins's Que- bec, p. 35, X It still bears the name of Bona Vista. $ Mr. Hawkins supposes this to be Funk island, about fourteen leagues from Cape Friels. See Hawkins's Quebec, p. 35. 356 VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. [1001 II. wards the west by north, there is some doubt of two islands on the right side, one of which he named Saint Katharine's island. He describes the port of Castles as about fifteen leagues from this iF'iand, and about twelve and a half leagues from the port of Gutte ; the road called White Sands, (Blanc Sablon,) as about fifteen leagues from the port of Balances ; and Brest island and the Island of Birds, as south southwest from this road. <' A point of land being passed about a league from White Sand, there is," he says, "a port and passage found, called the Islettes, a better place than White Sand ; and there is great fishing. From the said port of the Islettes unto ano- ther called Brest, the circuit is about ten leagues. This port is in latitude fifty-one degrees and fifty-five minutes." Jacques Carthier entered the port of Brest the 10th of June, and on Saint Barnabas' day, (service being heard,) proceeded beyond that port towards the west ; passing that day and the next through Islettes for about ten leagues beyond the port. Beyond them all he found a good haven, which he named Saint An- thony's haven. One or two leagues farther, on a lit- tle river toward the southwest coast, he set up a cross and named it Saint Seruan's port. A greater river, three leagues from this, wherein he took good store of salmon, he named Saint James's river. In this ri- ver Carthier saw a ship of Rochelle, which intended to have gone fishing at the port of Brest, but had passed it the night before, the mariners not knowing where they were. Carthier directed them to another port, a league more to the west (than the river of Saint CHAP, is] voyage to NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. 357 James,) which he, taking it to be one of the veiy best, had named James Carthier's Sound. • ^ 'i " If the soil were as good as the harbours are, it were," he remarks, " a great commodity, but it is not to be called the new land, but rather stones and wild crags, and a place fit for wild beasts, for in all the North island I d^d not see a cart load of good earth, yet went I on shore in many places ; and on the island of White Sand, there is nothing else but moss and small thorns scattered here and there, withered and dry. To be short, I believe that this was the land that God allotted to C ' \ On the 15th of June, Carthier sailed from Brest towards the south, to view the lands there seen, that had seemed to be two islands. He now knew it to be firm land, where was a great double cape, one above the other, and named it Double Cape. This cape is about twenty leagues from Brest. On the 16th, he sailed along the coast towards the southwest and by south about thirty-five leagues from Double Cape; and seeing on the hills some small cabins, sometimes called Granges, he called these the Hills of the Granges. A cape towards the southwest, he named the Pointed Cape. On the 1 7th, he came to a bay full of round islands, which, because of the re- semblance, he named'the Dove Houses. From the bay (Saint Julian) to a cape lying south by west, called Cape Royal, is seven leagues, and towards the west southwest side of this cape, is another called the Cape of Milk, between which two capes, in latitude forty-eight degrees and a half, is a great and very deep gulf. From the 18th until the 24th of June, the weather was so stormy, that no land could be seen. M IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 7//. ^^ ^ >^ M^^ 1.0 I.I Lg|2^ 125 ^ I2j2 |Z2 S 1^ 12.0 L25 IHJA iiA ^ .^ ^ Photographic Sciences Corporation 'i3 WIST MAIN STMIT WnSTIR.N.Y. M3M (716)t72-4S03 '^.V^ '^ ^.^ .^ 6^ 358 VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. [book li. Then was seen a cape, that, from Cape Koyal, lies southwest about thirty-five leagues, and because it was Saint John's day, Carthier named it Cape Saint John. ;^ ... ; - On the 2dth of June, he sailed in the bay north- west and by west about seven and a half leagues from the cape of St. John, and then southeast about fifteen leagues, and came to three islands, which he named the islands of Margaulx. About five leagues from them, on the west, was an island about two leagues in length and the same in breadth, with better soil than had been seen in the new land, and many bears and wolves on it, which he named Brion's island. About four leagues from it towards west southwest k the firm land. A cape named Cape Dolphin, is de- scribed as the beginning of good grounds, u On the 27th and 28th, Carthier went along the land, passing a cape called St. Peter's Cape, and an island named Alezai. The 29th and 30th, the wind blowing south and by east, he sailed westward witli- out any sight of land till evening. The cape then seen was called Cape Orleans. Another, seven leagues from it, lying north and by east, was called Wild Men's Cape. A river wherein boats of wild men were seen was called the River of Boats. Car- thier entered this river, and was pleased with the tem- perature of the country and the quality of the land : there was here a great change from what had been seen before ; nothing was now wanting but good har- bours. He describes himself as being on the 3d of July in a gulf or bay, the midst of which is forty- seven degrees and a half in latitude. A cape south II. CHAP. ».] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. 359 les it lint rth- rom teen med from gues r soil bears sland. /est is isde- 3 was called the Cape of Hope, from the hope that a passage would be found there ; a harbour on the north side was named St. Martin's. Here Carthier's ves- sels stayed from the 4th of July till the 12th, during which time he and his men visited the Bay des Cha- leurs, so called from its great heat, and trafficked with the natives. ^^ ^^ ,1 <<^ ;^ i^ On the 12th of July, Carthier went from St. Mar- tin's creek along the sea coast eastward about eighteen leagues, to the Cape of Prato, near which he an- chored that night. He went thence to a river five or six leagues northward, where, because of the badness of the weather, he stayed in harbour till the 25th. The natives here were seen fishing for mackerel, of which there was great plenty. Carthier and his men went on land : the natives received them in a friendly manner, and traded with them. " Upon the 24th of the month," the account proceeds,* " we caused a fair high cross to be made of the height of thirty foot, which was made in the presence of many of them, upon the point of the entrance of the said haven, in the midst whereof we hanged up a shield with three Floure de Luces in it, and in the top was carved in the wood with antique letters this posy, Vive le Roy de France. Then before them all we set it upon the said point. They with great heed beheld both the making and setting of it up. So soon as it was up, we altogether kneeled down before them, with our hands toward Heaven, yielding God thanks; and we made signs unto them, showing them the Heavens, and that all our salvation dependoth only on Him which in them dwelleth : whereat they showed a great admiration, looking first one at another, and then upon the cross. And ' 3 Hakluyt, p. 909. 360 VOTA6E TO NEWFOUNDLAND IN 1534. ["OOK li. after we were returned to our ships, their captain, clad in an old bear's skin, with three of his sons, and a brother of his with him, came unto us in one of their boats, but they came not so near us as they were wont to do : there he made a long oration unto us, showing us the cross we had set up, and making a cross with two fingers ] then did he show us all the country about us, as if he would say that all was his, and that we should not set up any cross with- out his leave. His talk being ended, we showed him an axe, faining that we would give it him for his skin, to which he listened, for by little and little he came near our ships. One of our fellows that was in our boat, took hold on theirs and suddenly leapt into it, with two or three more, who enforced them to enter into our ships, whereat they were greatly astonished. But our captain did straight- ways assure them, that they should have no harm, nor any injury offered them at all, and entertained them very friend- ly, making them eat and drink. Then did be show them with signs that the cross was but only set up to be as a light and leader which ways to enter into the port, and that we would shortly come again and bring good store of iron wares and other things, but that we would take two of his children with us, and afterward bring them to the said port again ; and so we cloathed two of them in shirts and coloured coats, with red caps, and put about every one's neck a copper chain, whereat they were greatly contented : then gave they their old deaths to their fellows that went back again, and we gave to each one of those three that went back, a hatchet and some knives, which made them very glad. After these were gone and had told the news unto their fellows, in the afternoon there came to our ships five boats of them, with five or six men in every one, to take their farewell of those two we had detained to take with us, and brought them some fish, uttering many words which we did not understand, making signs that they would not remove the cross we had set up." K II> CRAP. II.] VOYAGE TO NEWFOUNDLAND- I» 1534. 361 1 in ir of they B he had d he that with- in an in, to ir our : hold three hereat raight- lor any friend- V them be as a nd that of iron ) of his he said irts and ■y one's itented : lat went lat went em very ws unto hips five , to take with us, is which ould not On the 25th of July, Carthier, coining out of the river, sailed east northeast. He proceeded along the land which lay southeast and northwest till the 29th, when he saw another cape where the land began to bend toward the east. This* cape was in latitude forty-nine degrees and a half: he named it Cape St. Aluise, because it was his day. From St. Aluise Cape to another called Cape Memorancie, about fifteen leagues, the land begins to bend northwest. Carthier went along the land to the latitude of fifty degrees, still bending northwest. From the 1st to the 5th of August, he was between high lands, distant from one to the other about fiileen leagues : the mid- dle between them both was fifty degrees and a half in latitude. Because, on St. Peter's day he entered this strait, he named it St. Peter's Strait. A cape lying southward, where the land begins to bend south- west he named Cape Tiennot, after the captain of the people who were on that cape, some of whom came to the ships. It was now determined to pro- ceed homeward. On the 15th of August, he de- parted from the port of White Sands, and on the 5th of September was again at the port of St. Malo. After the return of Carthier, the land which he had visited was, by the French, generally called New France. ••■>•' 'i't^--'-^ -(■;; ^^^ip*^''! ?f ^v ■•v"^^- i>rM'(:vhii ■ '•''■.. 1 ■'.- ■' '■'■-:, :.i ;>;■■ m >v'r>'.! ii'. .Ufp^> • 1 ; ; 1 ' ^ '. ' 1. • ' ^.'• ;'A-^-i:idff ■ ■- ■ !'■] rii.-im t::i k ■U- -> . i"uw..rt 362 DISCOTKBT or THE 8T. LAWBKMCB ; 1535. ["OOK II. -j4H;s^ fAi^ CHAPTER X. Of the BecoDd voyage of Jacques Cartbier, wherein he explored the St. Lawrence in 1535. ■ ♦ ! :.fVi8^fiAJi, i.M Jacques Carthier commenced his second voyage from St. Malo, on the 19th of May, with three ships. There was stormy weather on the way, which sepa- rated the ships. That of Carthier arrived in New- foundland the 7th of July, and came to the island of Birds in forty-nine degrees forty minutes. On the 8th he came to the port of White Sands in the bay of Castles, where on the 26th he was joined by the other two ships. On the 29th, sailing along the northern coast, that runs northeast and southwest, he passed two islands which he called St. William's islands ; they are described as twenty leagues or more from the port of Brest. On the 30th he sailed west- ward to other islands which he named St. Martha's islands. The last of July, he came to other islands distant about seventeen leagues and a half from St. German's cape ; and seven leagues further to Cape Thiennbt. Seven leagues and a half beyond this cape, he found amidst four islands that stretch into the sea, a haven which he named St. Nicholas haven, where he rested till the 7th of August, having in the mean time set up on one of the islands a wooden cross. Charlevoix says, this harbour was on the north shore, near the mouth of the St. Lawrence ; and he CHAP. X.] DISCOVERT OF THE ST. LAWRENCE j 1635. 363 describes it as being in latitude forty-nine degrees twenty-five minutes, and as the only place which pre- served to his time the name originally given by Jacques Carthier.* On the 7th Carthier came toward land on the south side, toward Cape Rabast distant from the haven just mentioned about twenty leagues north northeast and south southwest. ^. . " The next day there rose a stormy and contrary wind, and because we could find no haven there toward tho south, thence we went coasting along toward the north, beyond the above said haven about ten leagues, where we found a goodly great gulf, full of islands, passages, and en- trances, toward what wind soever you please to bend : for the knowledge of this gulf, there is a great island that is like to* a cape of land, stretching somewhat further forth than the others, and about two leagues within the land, there is a hill fashioned as it were an heap of corn. We named the said gulf Saint Lawrence his bay. The twelfth of the said month we went from the said Saint Lawrence Im bay, or gulf, sailing westward, and discovered a cape of land toward the south, that runneth west and by south, distant from the said Saint Lawrence his bay, about five and twenty leagues. And of the two wild men which we took in our former voyage, it was told us, that this was part of the southern coast, and that there was an island, on the southerly part of which is the way to go from Honguedo (where the year before we had taken them,) to Canada, and that two days journey from the said cape and island, began the kingdom of Saguenay, on the north shore ex- tending toward Canada ; and about three leagues athwart the said cape, there is about a hundred fathom water. "f * Hawkins's aupbec, p. 39, 40. t From Hakluyt'i Voyages, vol. 3, p. 913. 1 364 DISCOVKBY OF THE 8T. LAWRCNCE ; 1635. [■<'<» >>• ^^The name of St. Lawrence appears to have been given by Cartbier to a bay, between the island of An- ticosti and the northern shore, and in after time to have been extended to the whole of the gulf and ■yt-n river, n, li. On the 15th of August, having passed the strait, he named a land toward the south the island of the Assumption. The English afterwards called this island Anticosti, as being somewhat similar in sound to its Indian name Natiscotec* The countries lying north of it appeared to be higher than those south. " We bended toward the north purposing to go and see the land we before had spied. Being arrived there, we found the said lands as it were joined together, aqd low toward the sea. And the northerly mountains that are upon the said low lands stretch east and west and a quarter south. Our wild men told us that there was the beginning of Sa- guenay, and that it was land inhabited, and that thence Cometh the red copper, of them named Caignetclaze. There is between the southerly lands and the northerly abont thirty leagues distance, and more than two hundred fathom depth."t . . The breadth of the gulf seems to have been accu- rately determined by Cartbier. Cape Rosier, a small distance to the north of the point of Gasp6 is the place which marks the opening of the river ; and es- timated from this cape the breadth is ninety miles. Measured from the eastern extremity of Gaspe, the width is one hundred and twenty miles, which corres- ponds with what Carthier says in his eleventh chapter, • HawkiiM'a Uaebec, p. 40, 41. t From Haklayt't Voyagei, vol. 3, p. 913. CHAP. 1.] DISCOVERT OF THE ST. LAWRENCE ; 1535. 365 to wit : that the distance from one side to the other is about thirty-five or forty leagues.* ,. . . . . •, " The said men did moreover certify unto us, that there was the way and beginning of the great river of Hoche- laga and ready way to Canada, which river the further it went the narrower it came, even unto Canada, and that then there was fresh water, which went so far upwards, that they had never heard of any man who had gone to the head of it, and that there is no other passage but with small boats. Our captain hearing their talk, and how they did affirm no other passage to be there, would not at that time proceed any further, till he had seen and noted the other lands and coast toward the north, which he had omit- ted to see from Saint Lawrence his gulf, because he would know, if between the lands toward the north any passage might be discovered. "t On the 18th of August the captain caused his ships to wend back and bend toward the other shore. The next day, he came to seven very high islands which he named The Round Islands. On the 21st he came to the island of Assumption ; and on the 24th to a haven on the southerly coast about eighty leagues from the Round islands. This haven is over against three flat islands which he named St. John's islets. About fifteen leagues fromthis haven, towards the west and west southwest are three islands, over against which the two wild men said was a river that run into the country of Saguenay; and about five leagues beyond this river was another island on the north side. On the 6th of September, Carthier as- (l•^■t♦ * Hawkins's Quebec, p. 40. t Hakliiyt'f Voyagei, vol. 3, p. 913. 366 DISCOVERT or THE ST. LAWRENCE J 153((. i*OOU II. cended the river about fifteen leagues, to an island about three leagues long and two broad, which, from the filbert trees on it, he called the Isle aux Coudres, or Island of Filberts. On the 7th, he went seven or eight leagues higher to fourteen islands, one of which, twelve leagues long and five broad, he called the Isle of Bacchus. It is now the Island of Orleans, and greatly enhances the beauty of the prospect from the high grounds of Quebec.^ Here, says Carthier, "the country of Canada beginneth." He went on land to see the natives, and took with him the two that he had, whose names were Targnoagny and Domagaja. The next day the Lord of Canada, whose name was Donnacona, came to the ship where those two natives were and spoke with them. They told him what they had seen in France, and the good entertainment they had had, at which he seemed to be very glad, and praying the captain to reach out his arm, kissed it and laid it about his own neck, to shew that he made much of him. Then the captain distributed bread and wine to the lord and his company, with which they were much pleased. Carthier passed up the river about ten leagues far- ther, at the end of which was a goodly and pleasant sound, where was a little river and haven fit to har- bour the ships in, which he named Santa Croix, (the Holy Cross.) Near to it was a village called Stada- cona, of which Donnacona was lord. Mr. Hawkins thinks there can be no doubt that the " goodly and pleasant sound," above mentioned, is the beautiful basin of Quebec, and that Santa Croix is the little * Hawkins's Quebec, p. 43. ■ It> CBAP. K.] DI8C0VCRT or THE ST. LAWRENCE; 1535. 36T and rom Ires, n or tiich, ) Isle , and nthe "the ind to aathe agaja. e was natives at they nt they id, and issed it e made I bread 1 which river St. Charles to the north of the city. His idea is, that Stadacona stood on that part of Quebec now covered by the suburbs of St. Roch, and part of those of St. John, looking towards the St. Charles.* The two natives refused to accompany Carthier any further up the river. Nevertheless, Carthier, with a pinnace and two boats sailed up it from the 19th until the 28th, and "saw as goodly and pleasant a country as possibly can be wished for." He had stopped on the way at a plac& called Hochelai, about twenty-five leagues from Canada, where the river be- ing narrow and running swiftly, was dangerous for that reason, and also because of the large stones in it. On the 28th of September he came to a great lake five or six leagues broad and twelve long, at the head of which were four or five branches, which, about fif- teen leagues beyond, all came into one. This was the Lake St. Peter.f . .....v „, ,^, ,. r .. , .^•^iu.; . r«». It not being possible for the pinnace to go further, Carthier, having put on the boats as much as they could well bear, proceeded with the boats forty-five leagues, to a point near the town of Hochelaga. It was on the 2d of October that he arrived at this place, supposed by Mr. Hawkins^ to have been about six miles from the town, below the current of St. Mary. The next day, Carthier, having gorgeously attired himself, went to see the town and the moun- tain near it, which he named Mount Royal ; a name since extended to the city beneath and to the fertile island. All of it is now called Montreal. The city which preceded that of Montreal is thus described : • Hawk imi't Ouebee, p. 45, 6. f Id. ^ 4D. t U. p. 50. 368 DISCOVBBT or THE IT. LAWBBNCB ,' 153ff. [aoOK II. <' The City of Hochelaga is round, compassed about with timber, with three courses of rampires, one within another, framed like a sharp spire, but laid across above. The mid- dlemost of them is made and built as a divert line, but per- pendicular. The rampires are framed and fashioned with pieces of timber, laid along on the ground, very well and cunningly joined together after their fashion. This enclo* sure is in height about two rods. It hath but one gate or entry thereat, which is shut with piles, stakes und bars. Over it, and also in many places of the wall, there be places to run along, and ladders to get up, all full of stones, for the defence of it. There are in the town about fifty houses, about fifty paces long and twelve or fifteen broad, built all of wood, covered over with the bark of the wood as broad as any board, very finely and cunningly joined together. Within the said houses, there are many rooms, lodgings and chambers. In the midst of every one, there is a great court, in the middle whereof they make their fire. They live in common together: then do the husbands, wives and children each one retire themselves to their chambers. They have also on the top of their houses certain garrets, wherein they keep their corn."* ^ *• «^*^" Alter experiencing a very kind reception from the iiihabitants of Hochelaga, Carthier returned on the 4th of October to his pinnace, and the next day de- parted with his pinnace and boats for Santa Croix, where he arrived on the 11th, and the day after was visited hy the natives. In the description of their usages it is said, j-iISCOVERT or THE ST. LAWlUBNCE ; 1635. [>ooK II. Holyrood day, he had a cross of thirty-five feet in height set up, under which was hung a shield, whereon was the arms of France, and over them was written Franciscus primus, Dei Gratia, Francorum Rex reg- nat. The same day, many of the natives visited the French, and Carthier had Donnacona, Targnoagny and Domagia, and two more of the chief men taken. At this Donnacona's men were greatly distressed, but they were told that Donnacona would be rewarded by the King of France, and return to them again in ten or twelve months. They returned thanks for this, and said if it should be so they would give many things. "^' -■■■' .- •■ •■-.-■;-.r:" ••.v/,„^. ^^■:: ;i;'.-:":-^;> On the 6th of May, Carthier departed from the port of Santa Croix. It was the 21st, before he could leave the Isle of Filberts. Then he passed to Hon- guedo; a passage not before discovered. On the 16th of June, he went from St. Peter's islands, and came to Cape Ruse, to a port called Rognoso. This port was left by Carthier the 19th of June; and he had so good a voyage that on the 6th of July 1536, he was again at St. Malo. !7 V . ■ ' f*f- OBAP. II.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. 371 -,., >*-;;; V ir CHAPTER XL Of a voyage of Mr. Hore and others from England to the northwest in 153a The following account is from the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, page 129 to 131. Mr. Biddle, in his Memoir of Cabot, page 278, referring to this voyage, says it evidently contemplated an adventurous range of research. Members of the bar will be at- tracted by the name of Mr. Rastall, Sergeant Rastall's brother: .iViV-^'- ■■'(^l''!^;. ,>:ij " The master Hore of London, a man of goodly stature and of great courage, and given to the study of cosmogra- phy, in the twenty-eighth year of King Henry the Eighth, and in the year of our Lord 1536, encouraged divers gen- tlemen and others, being assisted by the king's favour and good countenance, to accompany him in a voyage of dis- covery upon the northwest parts of America : wherein his persuasions took such effect, that within short space many gentlemen of the inns of court and of the chancery, and divers others of good worship, desirous to see the strange things of the world, very willingly entered into the action with him, some of whose names were as foiloweth : Mr. Weekes, a gentleman of the west country, of five hundred marks by the year living ; Mr. Tucke, a gentleman of Kent ; Mr. Tuckfield; Mr. Thomas Buts, the son of Sir William Buts, knight, of Norfolk, which was lately living, and from whose mouth I wrote most of this relation ; Mr. Hardie ; Mr. Biron; Mr. Carter; Mr. Wright; Mr. Rastall, Sergeant 372 VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1636. [BOOK II. Rastall's brother ; Mr. Ridley, and divers others, which all were in the Admiral, called the Trinity, a ship of seven score tons, wherein Mr. Hore himself was embarked. In the other ship, whose name was the Minion, went a very learned and virtuous gentleman, one Mr. Armigil Wade, af- terwards clerk of the councils of King Henry the Eighth and King Edward the Sixth, father to the worshipful Mr. William Wade, now clerk of the privy council ; Mr. Oliver Dawbeney, merchant of London ; Mr. Joy, afterward gen- tleman of the King's Chapel, with divers other of good ac- count. The whole number that went in the two tall ships aforesaid, to wit, the Trinity and the Minion, were about six score persons, whereof thirty were gentlemen, which all we mustered in warlike manner at Gravesend, and after the receiving of the sacrament, they embarked themselves in the end of April 1636. ^ . l\,„ ,„ ,,, " From the time of their setting out from Gravesend, they were very long at sea, to wit, about two months, and never touched any land until they came to part of the West Indias about Cape Breton, shaping their course thence northeastwards, until they came to the island of Penguin, which is very full of rocks and stones, whereon they went, and found it full of great fowls, white and grey, as big as geese, and they saw infinite numbers of their eggs. They drove a great number of the fowls into their boats upon their sails, and took up many of Irieir eggs : the fowls they flayed, and their skins were very like honey combs full of holes, being flayed ofi": They dressed and eat them and found them to be very good and nourishing meat. They saw also store of hares both black and white, of whom they killed some, and took them for no bad food. " Mr. Oliver Dawbeney, which (as it is before mentioned) was in this voyage, and in the Minion, told Mr. Richard Hakluyt of the Middle Temple, these things following, to wit : That after their arrival in Newfoundland, and having CHAP. XI.] VOYAGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. 373 ■^t"-!*:' been there certain days at anchor, and not having yet seen any of the natural people of the country, the same Daw- beney walking one day on the hatches, spied a boat with savages of those parts, rowing down the bay toward them, to gaze upon the ship and our people, and taking view of their coming aloft, he called to such as were under the hatches, and willed them to come up if they would see the natural people of the country that they had so long and so much desired to see : whereupon they came up, and took view of the savages rowing toward them and their ship, and upon the view they manned out a ship boat to meet them and to take them. But they spying our ship boat making towards them, returned with main force and fled into an island that lay up in the bay or river there, and our men pursued them into the island, and the savages fled and escaped : but our men found a fire, and the side of a bear on a wooden spit left at the same by the savages that were fled. " There in the same place, they found a boot of leather garnished on the outward side of the calf with certain brave trails, as it were of raw silk, and also found a certain great warm mitten ,* and these carried with them, they re- turned to their ship, not finding the savages, nor seeing any thing else besides the soil, and the things growing in the same, which chiefly were store of fir and pine trees. " And further the said Mr. Dawbeney told him, that ly- ing there they grew into great want of victuals, and that there they found small relief, more than that they had from the nest of an osprey, that brought hourly to her young great plenty of divers sorts of fishes. But such was the famine that increased amongst them from day to day, that they were forced to seek to relieve themselves of raw herbs and roots that they sought on the main : but the famine in- creasing, and the relief of herbs being to little purpose to satisfy their insatiable hunger, in the fields and deserts here 374 VOTAOE TO THE NORTH WB8T IN 1536. ['OOK "• and there, the fellow killed his mate while he stooped to take up a root for his relief, and cutting out pieces of his body whom he had murdered, broiled the same on the coals and greedily devoured them. " By this mean the company decreased, and the officers knew not what was become of them ; and it fortuned that one of the company driven with hunger to seek abroad for relief found out in the fields the savor of broiled flesh, and fell out with one for that he would sufiier him and his fel- lows to starve, enjoying plenty as he thought : and this mat* ter growing to cruel speeches he that had the broiled meat, burst out into these words : If thou wouldst needs know, the broiled meat that I had was a piece of such a man's buttock. The report of this brought to the ship, the cap- tain found what became of those that were missing, and was persuaded that some of them were neither devoured with wild beasts, nor yet destroyed with savages; and hereupon he stood up and made a notable oration, contain- ing, how much these dealings offended the Almighty, and vouched the Scriptures from first to last, what God had in cases of distress done for them that called upon him, and told them that the power of the Almighty was tben no less than in all former time it had been, and added, that if it had not pleased God to have helped them in that distress, that it had been better to have perished in body and to have lived everlastingly, than to have relieved for a poor time their mortal bodies and to be condemned everlastingly, both body and soul, to the unquenchable fire of Hell. And thus having ended to that effect, he began to exhort to repent- ance, and besought all the company to pray, that it might please God to look upon their miserable present state, and for his own mercy to relieve the same. The famine in- creasing, and the inconvenience of the men that were mis- sing being found, they agreed amongst themselves rather than all should perish, to cast lots who should be killed : CHAF. XI.] VOrXGE TO THE NORTHWEST IN 1536. 376 And such was tho mercy of God, that the same night there arrived a French ship in that port, well furnished with vic- tual, and such was the policy of the English, that they be- came masters of the same, and changing ships and victual- ing them, they set sail to come into England. "In their journey they were go far northwards, that they saw mighty islands.of ice in the summer season, on which were hawks and other fowls to rest themselves, being weary of flying over far from the main. They saw also certain great white fowls with red bills and red legs, somewhat bigger than herons, which they supposed to be storks. They ar- rived at St. Ives in Cornwall about the end of October. Froip thence they departed unto a certain castle belonging to Sir John Luttrell, where Mr. Thomas Butsand Mr. Rastall and other gentlemen of the voyage were very friendly. en- tertained : After that they came to the Earl of Bath .at Bath, and thence to Bristol, so to London. Mr. Buts was so changed in the voyage with hunger and misery, that Sir William his father and my Lady his mother knew him not to be their son, until they found a secret mark which was a wart upon one of his knees, as he told me, Richard Hakluyt of Oxford, himself, to whom I rode two hundred miles only to learn the whole truth of this voyage from his own mouth, as being the only man now alive that was in this discovery, -v v. ^ . •. ' .-rC-. .,_' > "Certain months after, those Frenchmen came into Eng- land, and made complaint to King Henry the Eighth : The king causing the matter to be examined, and finding the great distress of his subjects, and the causes of the dealing so with the French, was so moved with pity, that he pu- nished not his subjects, but of his own purse made full and royal recompence unto the French. "In this distress of famine, the English did somewhat relieve their vital spirits, by drinking at the springs the fresh water out of certain wooden cups, out of which they had drunk their aqua composita before." 376 EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1639. [book ji. «»m>'*: CHAPTER XII. ■:.V tt;'r, Of the expedition of Ferdipand de Soto to Florida in 1539, and hie march thence to the Mississippi ; his death in 1541 ; and the subse- quent progress of his troops. , . , ..r.i'r* ^ On Ferdinand de Soto, who had served with repu- tation under Pizarro in Peru, Charles the Fifth con- ferred the government of Cuba, with the rank of General of Florida, and the title of Marquis of the lands which he should conquer there. After making a short stay at Havana, he sailed thence on the 18th of May 1539. A letter of the 9th of July following, from De Soto to the municipal body of the City of Santiago of the Isle of Cuba, and a relation of Luis Hernandez de Biedma, who went as factor to the ex- pedition, are in the volume of Pieces on Florida, published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's Collection of Voyages, Relations and Memoirs. From these sources, and from the account of the expedition found in the volume of Roberts, mentioned already on page 295, this chapter is derived. De Soto is stated in one account to have sailed with nine vessels, having on board three hundred and fifty horse and nine hundred foot, together with a great number of mariners ; in another he is stated to have disembarked six hundred and twenty men and two hundred and twenty-three horses. He reached the coast of Florida on the 25th, and anchored in K II- CHAT. III.] EXPEDITION OF DE SOTO IN 1639. 377 u-w*- nd hie subse- !■■* repu- i con- nk of Df the laking e 18th 3wing, City of if Luis the ex- 'lorida, lection these 1 found m page Baya Honda : the Bay of Spiritu Sancto. The Spa- niards took possession of a village on this bay, which the Indians deserted on their arrival. On one side of the village was a sort of temple to an idol. The idol was placed over the entrance, and was in the shape of a bird, made of wood and gilded over. De Soto sent Baltasar de Gallegos with forty ca- valiers and as many foot soldiers, to seek a country- man who he learnt was with one of the caciques. On the way, they met nine Indians coming with the European. He had in his hand a bow and arrows, and waa.Jiaked and painted like the Indians. Vl-'-'V " This man, whose name was John Ortiz, was a native of Seville, and born of a noble family. He had served in the expedition under Narvaez about twelve years before, and had the good fortune to escape back again to Cuba. Hence he returned to Florida in a brigantine, by the desire of the lady of Narvaez, in quest of her husband. At his arrival upon this coast, meeting with some Indians, who pretended to have a letter for him from Narvaez, he and another were rash enough to land, at their invitation, in opposition to the advice of the people on board. The Indians immediately surrounded them, killed his companion, who offered to make resistance, and carried off Ortiz to their chief, called Ucita; none on board daring to land, to give him any as- sistance. The Indian sentenced him to be burnt alive, which had surely been his fate, but that a sudden emotion of pity touched the heart of Ucita's daughter, who pre- vailed upon her father to give him his life. Ortiz was then set to guard the temple above mentioned from the wolves, which often came to carry off the bodies that were laid there. It happened, that these animals seized the body of the son of an Indian of considerable rank : Ortiz pursued 48 378 EXPEDITION or OE SOTO IN 1539. [■OOK II. them, and had the good fortune to kill one of the wolves, and recover the carcase. This action endeared him to Ucita, who began to treat him more kindly. Three years passed thus, when an Indian chief, called Mocoso, attacked Ucita, burnt his village, and forced him to fly to another place he had by the sea-shore. These wild people have a custom of sacrificing the lives of strangers that fall into their hands to evil spirits, whom they suppose to be pleased with such victims. This fate Ucita destined Ortiz to ; but the same girl, who had saved him from the fire, counselled him to fly to Mocoso, who, she said, would treat him well, and wanted to see him. As he was unacquainted with the way, she put him into the road, and returned unperceived herself. Ortiz travelled till he came to a rivulet on the frontier of the dominions of Mocoso, where he found two Indians fishing. As these people were at war with those he came from, he was apprehensive they would treat him as an enemy, and the more so because he was unable to ex- plain his design, and what brought him thither to them, neither understanding the language of the other ; to pre- vent this, he ran to the place where their arms lay, and in- stantly seized them. The Indians, alarmed, flew imme- diately to the town, whence their cries presently brought numbers of Indians, who surrounded Ortiz, and were upon the point of killing him, in vain crying out that he was the Christian of Ucita ; when, providentially, an Indian joined them who happened to understand his language, and ap- peased his companions by explaining the words of Ortiz to them. Upon this, four of the savages were sent off vviih the news to Mocoso, who received Ortiz very cordially, and promised, if any Christians should arrive in that country, he would give him leave to retire with them. Among these Indians Ortiz resided for the course of twelve years, and had long despaired of ever seeing another European, when Mocoso informed him that the Christians had made OUAP. III.] i- EDITION or DE SOTO IN 1539. 379 a descent at the town of Ucita. Ortiz, at first, showed a difficulty of believing him ; but the cacique seriously in- sisted upon the truth of this intelligence, and permitted him to go to join them ; adding, that if he did not, he must blame himself alone when the Christians were gone, since the promise made to him had been performed. Ortiz thanked the Indian in the gratefullest terms, who, at his departure, sent several of his people to escort him; and these were they whom the above mentioned party, from Soto's army, met."* * ''- .f'j'nt^M The little party that came to escort Ortiz home did not escape being attacked ; one of them was wound- ed ; and a horseman was running with his lance at their companion, when he cried out : '< Gentlemen, I am a Christian, do not kill me nor these poor people who have given me life." He and those with him were then taken by the cavaliers on their horses ; on his arrival in the camp, the general presented him with clothes, arms, and a good horse. He had been so long accustomed to the Indian language, that it was more than four days before he could speak two consecutive words of any other. If he spoke one in Spanish, he would add four or five in the language of the Indians. ^ ,^ .. De Soto also dispatched Gallegos with eighty lan- cers and one hundred foot soldiers to reconnoitre the country. They first marched west ; then northeast. Arriving near a cacique named Hurripacuxi, diitant twenty leagues from the coast, he sent some Indians to treat with the Spaniards. De Soto writes, that after having concluded with the Spaniards, he did not *Bob«rta,p. 35to37. •fvfi;, -iA ', 380 EXPCDITIOtf or DE 80T0 IN 1539. V^OK II. keep his promises ; and that for this reason, Gallegos caused him to be arrested, with seventeen Indians, among whom were some chiefs. Roberts states that the Spanish officer put the Indian messengers in irons and sent information of his proceedings to De Soto, who leaving part of his men to guard the post, marched with the rest and joined Gallegos. After passing with some difficulty a very rapid river, they arrived at a small village called Cale or Ocale or £to- cale, which was found deserted. Here they stopped seven or eight days and took three or four Indians to serve as glides in the province of Apalache. Leav- ing Cale on the 11th of August, Soto took the direc- tion of New Spain, marching along at a distance of ten or twelve leagues from the coast. He lay first at Hara, next at Potano, then at Utimana, and on the fourth day at a place called by the Spaniards Mala- paz, whence he came to a village named Aguacale- cuen. Here it was intimated to Soto, that Narvaez had not penetrated into the country beyond where they now were, but the general determined to go farther. The Spaniards stopped here five or six days and possessed themselves of ten or twelve wo- men, one of whom was daughter of the cacique. The cacique presented himself in a friendly way, but he too was carried off. Leaving Aguacalecuen on the 20th of September, in five days Soto arrived at Napetaca. About this place the Indians attempted to regain their cacique ; Biedma puts the number of the Indians at one hundred and fifty ; Roberts, it will be perceived, states the number larger ; his account is as follows: CHAP. III.] EXPEDITION or DE lOTO IN 1539. 381 / " John Ortiz learned from an Indian, that they had re- solved to assemble and attack the army, in order to set their chief at liberty by force. The general being apprised of this, ordered all the infantry and cavalry to arm, and to re- main so prepared in their quarters, not to give the Indians any suspicion, who, to the number of four hundred, in arms, were posted in a wood a little way from the camp. Thus stationed, they sent two men to demand their cacique of the governor; who, taking him by the hand, and talking to him, the better to satisfy the Indians, advanced near the place where they had posted themselves; but, observing them to be preparing for battle, he commanded an alarm to be sounded ; at which all the Spaniards rushed out with such fury, that the Indians, surprised and thrown into con- fusion, thought only of flight. Forty of them were killed on. the spot by the spear, and the rest threw themselves into two neighbouring lakes, where the Spaniards fired upon them as they were swimming, though to little effect. Soto not having people enough for both, surrounded only one of the lakes, out of which the Indians endeavoured to escapcr by swimming softly to the banks in the night, covering their heads with water-lilies ; but the horse, perceiving the water to be put in motion, pushed up to the belly in the lake, and drove them back again. A great part of the night having thus passed, without any repose on either side, Ortiz called out to them to submit to the governor, since there was no possibility of escaping : which they at last agreed to do, compelled by the severe cold they felt in the water. They all surrendered, except about twelve, who resolutely determined rather to die in the lake ; but the In- dians of Paracoxi threw themselves in, dragged them out by the hair, and they were immediately chained together. All the rest were divided amongst the Spaniards, to serve as slaves. The misery of this slavery was so intolerable to those savages, that they resolved to free themselves from 382 KXPEOITIOIf or OB SOTO IN 1539. [■OOB II. it; and, for that end, one of them, who acted as inter- preter, undertook to strangle the general whilst he was talking with him, by throwing both hands at once suddenly upon his neck ; but, in the instant of attempting it, Soto struck the Indian upon the face so furiously, as, in a mo- ment, to cover it over with blood. All the Indians were roused at this signal, and a terrible battle ensued ; each sa- vage using for a weapon, the club with which they bruised the maize, or the sword or lances of their masters that happened to lie near them, and managed them with as much dexterity as the Spaniards themselves could do; till, at last, after having given wonderful proof of valour and in- trepidity, they were overpowered by numbers, and the whole body, consisting of about two hundred, taken ; several of whom were fastened to stakes, and shot to death by the arrows of the Paracozi Indians."* ynp t-i . . , <■ The Spaniards marched from Napetaca on the 23d of September, and in a province named Veachile, or Uzachil, passed a river on which were some villages that had been abandoned. In scouring the country, about one hundred Indians were picked up and di- vided among the soldiery, to be used for servile offices. Of these, we are told that " the chain they were fas- tened with, by the neck, did not much hinder them ;" and that " as for the women and children they were sufTered to go unchained, whenever they had come sixty or a hundred miles from their respective homes." The general proceeded to a village named A guile, or Axille, on the frontier of the province of Apalache, separated from the former by a river. Over this the Spaniards threw a bridge built of a great number of barks attached to one another. They crossed the ri- * BoberU, p. 39, 40. CHAP, til.] EXrCDITION or DE SOTO IN 1539. 383 ver with much trouble ; for tho Indians on its bank forbid its passage. When the Spaniards had gotten over, the Indians went to a neighbouring village named Ivitachuco. To this they net fire us the Spa- niards were approaching it. The Spaniards having arrived at a village called Iniahico, distant a hundred and ten leagues from the port where the rest of the men had been left, went nine miles to the place on the coast where Narvaez had his barks constructed. They saw a great num- ber of bones of horses, and recognized the place where a forgo had been established. The Indians related that some other Christians had built barks in this place. ' v » ;» < . : '^ •* - Juan de Anasco, by the orders of the general, went back to the port and sent thence the troop to this place, and brought hither the foot soldiers in two bri- gantines. He arrived at Paleche the 25th of De- cember. After the arrival of the brigantines, the go- vernor made them set out again to seek a neighbour- ing port. Francisco Maldonado of Salamanca hav- ing embarked for this purpose, came in a province called Ochuse to a good port; described as sixty leagues from Paleche. When Maldonado returned after an absence of two months, the governor told him that he was going to seek a country on another sea. Maldonado was directed to go to Cuba with the brigantines (on board of which was Dona Isabella de Bobadilla, wife of the governor,) and to come back with them to the river of Saint Esprit. De Soto left Paleche the 3d of March 1540, and marched towards the north to search for gold ; being induced to do so 364 MARCH OF DB SOTO IN 1540. [book II. by information received from a young Indian taken at Napetaca. The men were ordered to take provi- sion for sixty leagues of desert, which they were oh- Uged, we are told, to carry themselves, " as the Indian prisoners had for the most part perished through the winter's fatigue." In five days they came to a very rapid river on which they could not construct a bridge because of the force of the current. They made a canoe ; and it took them a day and a half to cross in this. They arrived on the 11th of March at Acapa- chequi, or Capachiqui, and on the 21st at Toalli, hav- ing been a good deal annoyed on the way by the In- dians. They encountered tv/o rivers over which they had to make bridges of pine trees attached to one another ; came to a province named Otoa, where they found the most considerable village that they had yet seen ; and were five or six days crossing a province named Chesi. They marched then three days with- out finding any habitation, and came to a province called Altapaha. " We found there," says Biedma, " a river which does not run towards the south, like those we had already passed ; it came from from the east and enters the sea on the coast where the Licentiate Lucas d'Aillon arrived." The troops proceeded to Ocute and to Cofoqui, the caciques whereof furnished eight hundred Indians to carry provisions and baggage. The guides took immediately the direction of the east. The Spa- niards marched so for three days, and then in half a league came to a large river. Juan de Aiiasco being told to descend it in the direction of the south south- OK II- CHAr. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 385 iken rovi- 3 ob- [idian hthe L very )ridge ade a OSS in Lcapa- i, hav- Lhe In- ib tbey to one ire they lad yet rovince ^s witb- rovince ich does passed ; the coast east, returned in four days, saying he had found a Ut- ile hamlet and some provisions. The general pro- ceeded thither and stayed there three or four days. " We set out," continues Biedma, " for the village of Co- fitachyque, which was in two days march from this hamlet, situate on the bank of a river which we believed to be that of Saint Helena, where the Licentiate Ayllon went. When we arrived there, the queen sent us one of her nieces, who was carried on a litter by the Indians, and seemed to have much authority. She said she was well content that we had arrived at her house, and would give us all in her power. She offered to the governor a necklace of pearls of five or six rows, procured for us some canoes to pass the river, and gave us for lodgings half the village. After three or four days, she fled to the forest. The governor had search made for her, but she could not be found. He caused to be opened a temple wherein the chiefs of the country were interred. We took from it a large quantity of pearls." Biedma goes on to say, " We found interred two hatchets from Spain, for cutting wood, a chaplet of berries of the wild olive tree and some small pearls like those which they bring from Spain to use in exchanges with the Indians. We thought that they had procured all these objects in trafficking with the people who had accompanied the licentiate Ayllon. Afterwards these Indians told us the sea was thirty leagues from them. We learnt that the company of Ayllon had advanced very little into the interior ; that it had followed almost always the sea coast until his death, and that his companions killed one another, not being able to agree amongst themselves upon the choice of a chief. A large number died of hun- ger, as was related by one of the soldiers who remained in 49 386 MARCH or DE SOTO IN 1540. [book ii. the country. Of six hundred men whom Ayllon had dis embarked, there escaped only fifty-seven."* , r. ■(■^ While the Spaniards remained in the village of this queen, the young Indian before mentioned was bap- tized by the name of Pedro, and loosed from the chain which he had dragged all the way hither. After staying here ten or twelve days, the Spaniards pro- ceeded north. They marched for eight days in a poor country, in which they found but few provisions, and came to a province named Xuala. Cofitachyque is mentioned to be about one hundred and thirty miles from Ocute, and Xuala about two hundred and fifty miles from Cofitachyque. In Xuala they were in a mountainous country. Biedma speaks of going to the source of the great river which they had followed. Thence they passed to a village called Guasuli or TuaxuUa, and in four days more came to a village called China or Chiaha ; mentioned by Biedma as in an isle of the river. Roberts describes Chiaha as situated on a river which dividing into two branches formed an island somewhat more than a mile long and two bow shots across. The army rested here twenty- six or twenty-seven days. " The cacique of Acoste came to offer his services to Soto, who enquired of him whether he knew of any rich or fertile country ? He answered, that more to the north, there lay the province of Chisca, where copper was found, and another metal purer and livelier, which, though more beautiful than the former, was yet not much used, because it was softer. Charmed with this relation, Soto determined * See ante, chapter 1, p. 399. >K n. CHAP. XII.] MARCH or DE SOTO IN 1540. 387 dis- ■[ d this bap- 1 the After i pro- in a isions, ihyque f miles id fifty :e in a )ing to illowed. isuU or I village na as in liaha as •ranches ong and twenty- rvices to any rich the north, as found, lUgh more „, because etermined to make for Chisca ; but, being informed that mountains interposed, craggy and impenetrable to cavalry, he thought of avoiding the direct road, and to pass some way about, if possible, through a peopled country, where both men and horses might find better subsistence, and he more perfect intelligence. To accomplish this the easier, he dispatched two Spaniards to Chisca, with an interpreter, and some In- dians acquainted with the country, who were to meet him at an appointed place. " Soto now took leave of the cacique of Chiaha*, and having made him some presents, with which he was greatly pleased, marched for Acoste, where he arrived on the 12th of July; and, having pitched his camp at a small distance from the town, entered it himself with eight guards. The cacique received him with much civility; but, as they were conversing, a few Spanish soldiers entered the town, in quest of maize, and not finding any to their liking, they began to ransack for it in the houses ; which so provoked the Indians, that they fell upon the soldiers with clubs, and beat them severely. Soto saw his danger; the natives were enraged, and his person in their hands. On this oc- casion, therefore, he deigned to dissemble, though very dis- agreeable to his nature ; and, snatching up a stick, ran im- mediately and assisted the Indians to beat the Spaniards, dispatching at the same instant, a man to the camp, with orders for the horse to advance, well armed. Then, taking the hand of the cacique very aflfectionately, he drew him insensibly, while conversing, into a path in sight of the army; during which, the horse, advancing in file, sur- rounded and carried both him and his Indians into the camp, where the general confined them, and declared they should not regain their liberty until they had furnished the army with guides, and those Spaniards who were sent to Chisca, should have returned in safety. 388 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [book II. y , " Three days after, they returned with news that the way wherein the Indians conducted them, as the best, was so miserably rugged, and the country so barren, that no army could possibly march through it ; and, therefore, see- ing it would be to no purpose to proceed, they had re- solved to turn back again."*' ■ y ■ '■■'■>- The cacique was set at liberty on furnishing guides to the army, which then marched to Tali, where it arrived the 9th of July. For six days Soto marched over the lands of the cacique of Coca or Cosa, where he arrived the 16th of July. Leaving Cosa on the 20th of August, he took the direction of the west and southwest. The account in Roberts is, that he marched first to Tallimuchase and thence to Itava, where he had to wait a few days for the water of the river to fall. He then marched to Ulliballi, a town situated on a rivulet, and palisadoed around. He marched hence to Toasi, proceeding at the rate of about five or six leagues a day, when in a peopled country, but with all possible expedition when travers- ing a desert. From Toasi, in five days, he came to Tallise, a large town, with a well cultivated country about it. After reposing here twenty days, he set out for Tascaluca, whence he took the cacique with him. Biedma's narrative of the journey on leaving Cosa is more brief. It is, that for five or six days they found villages belonging to the cacique of Cosa, and then arrived in another province named Italisi, at setting out from which they directed themselves towards the south, in the direction of New Spain ; that they passed * Roberts, p. 49 to 51. The name in Biedma fa not Acoste, but Costehe. He describes tiie villages of this province as built aUo in isles of the liver. i li- the was ; no see- l re- lides re it •ched vhere Q the west lat he Itava, of the itown i. He rate of eopled ravers- ame to jountry set out ith him. Cosa is y found nd then setting ards the CBAF. XII.] HABCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 389 He describes some villages and arrived in a province named Tas- caluca or Faszalusa. The army came to Piache, a town situated on a large river. Biedma says : " We believed it to be that which empties into the bay of Chuse. We learnt that the barks of Narvaez arrived there in want of water, and that a Christian named Teo- doro and an Indian remained with the Indians. They shewed us a poignard which had belonged to the Christian. We were two days constructing rafts to pass the river. During this time the Indians killed one of the governor's guard. He, greatly dissatisfied, maltreated the cacique and told him he would cause him to be burnt alive if he did not deliver him the murderers; the cacique replied that he would deliver them at Mavila." Mavila is called in Roberts, Maville. Biedma de- scribes it as "a. little village built on a plain, sur- rounded by walls, and very strong." On entering this village, he says, they saw only three or four hun- dred Indians, but there were many more concealed. The Indians feasted them and had a dance, in which fifteen or twenty women figured. After they had danced some time, the cacique arose. The governor said something to him at his going out, and was not satisfied with liis answer. The captain of the guard following the cacique to his house, saw there a great number of warriors ; the houses were filled with In- dians armed with bows and arrows. Biedma conti- nues as follows : " The governor caused another cacique to be called, who was passing by, but this man refused to come. A gentle- man, who was near him, took him by the arm to bring ■—^^•miy^'-T^m '7 390 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [book II. him, but this man made a movement by which he disen- gaged himself. Then the gentleman drew his sword and gave him a blow, which cut his arm. No sooner was the Indian wounded, than all the others began to lance their arrows from the interior of the houses, through the nume- rous holes which they had in use. As we were not on our guard, for we believed them our friends, we experienced so considerable a loss that we were compelled to flee out of the village. All the baggage which the Indians had been carrying, remained in the place where they had put it down. As soon as the Spaniards got out, the Indians closed the gates of the village, and began to beat the drum, to raise their colours and make great cries. They opened our coffers and our packets, and from the top of the walls, shewed us our effects, of which they had taken possession. On coming out of the village, we mounted on horseback and surrounded the walls, so as to stop the Indians from going out. The governor ordered on foot sixty or eighty of our men, all well armed, and he directed us to divide ourselves into four platoons, and go to attack the village in four different places. The first who entered had orders to fire the houses, to stop the besieged from doing us harm. The cavaliers, and the other soldiers who were not armed, had orders to guard the exterior of the city, so that no In- dian should escape. We penetrated it, and set fire to it. A great number of Indians were burnt, and all of our bag- gage. We fought all day and till evening, without any Indian's asking quarter : they defended themselves like fu- rious lions. All perished ; some by the sword, others by the fire ; those who attempted to fly, were killed with blows from lances. When night came, there remained only three Indians, who were guarding the twenty women that they had brought us for the dance : they placed the wo men before them ; these crossed their hands and made signs to the Spaniards as if to tell them to take them ; then they CHAP. XII.] MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. 391 retired, and the three Indians lanced arrows at us. We killed two of them ; and the only one who remained, not being willing to surrender, mounted a tree by the wall, de- tached the cord from his bow, passed it around his neck, and hung himself there." The account in Roberts is, that twenty-five hun- dred Indians perished on this occasion by fire and sword. Of the Spaniards, Biedma says, more than twenty were killed, and more than two hundred and fifty wounded. They remained here twenty-seven or twenty-eight days, for the wounded to get better; those most severely injured had the women divided amongst them to serve them ; all recovered. From the natives they learnt that they were now eighty leagues from the sea. The governor was much pressed to go thither to get some news of the brigan- tines, but declined doing so. It was now the middle of November, and was very cold. On the 1 8th, he proceeded towards the north. In a march of ten or twelve days, the army suffered extremely from the cold, and from having to ford rivers. At one river the Indians wished to prevent the passage : the Spa- niards made a halt of three days and then passed it in a canoe. They were now in an extensive and fertile province, where they could winter until the most se- vere cold was passed ; for, says Biedma, " there falls in this country more snow than in Spain." The name of this province was Chicaza or Chicaca. The cacique and his subjects visited the Spaniards and made presents. In March 1641, when it was near the time for departing, they were surprised in the night. ' ' W. V.'Py5 TWWt^- 392 MARCH OF DE SOTO IN 1540. [BOOK II. " Three hundred Indians," says Biedma, " entered two by two or four and four in the village, bringing fire, which they had put in small pots, so that they should not be per- ceived. When these Indians arrived, we heard another troop with war cries : the first had already set fire to the village. We experienced a great loss. That night they killed fifty-seven horses, more than three hundred hogs and thirty or forty men." The Spaniards removed a league from the place of this action ; they were now without saddles, lances or bucklers ; all had been burnt ; and it was necessary at once to go to work to supply their places. Five days after, the Indians made a new attack; but this being no surprise, many of them were killed and the rest put to flight. After a stay of six or seven weeks, in which time the Spaniards were labouring to make saddles, lances and bucklers, they set out towards the northwest on the 25th of April and went to the pro- vince of Alibanio or Alimamu. In this province the Spaniards encountered a very strong palisade and three hundred warriors, who seemed determined to die rather than let them pass. In carrying the pali- sade, seven or eight of the Spaniards were killed and twenty-five wounded. Marching onward, they en- tered unexpectedly a village named Quizquiz, where they took more than three hundred women ; the in- habitants, as well as many others in the neighbour- hood, were tributary to the sovereign of Pacaha. When the Indians wore informed of the capture of their women, they came in a friendly way to reclaim them ; and the governor restored them ; the Indians promising to furnish some canoes to pass the great CHAP. XII.] THE MISSISSIPPI CROSSED. 393 river. But this was not done. The Spaniards en- camped on the bank of the river and determined to make four barks, to contain each sixty or seventy men and five or six horses ; twenty-seven or twenty-eight days were employed in their construction. Roberts speaks of the river as " the largest of Florida," de- scribes it as "about a mile and a half over, very deep and very rapid." He calls it the Rio le Grand. Biedma says, "The river was about a league wide. We passed it with much order; it was nineteen or twenty fathoms deep." It was the Mississippi. On the other side of it were some good villages. The Spaniards going up the stream, came to a province, the cacique of which was named Ycasqui, and was at war with him of Pacaha. Ycasqui told the Spaniards he had heard them spoken of for a long time, and he did not wish to be at war with them, but to do them service. The Spaniards encamped on a plain in sight of his village and made a halt here of two days. The cacique asked the go- vernor to give him a sign by which he could ask for assistance during his wars and obtain water for tillage. The governor ordered a large cross to be made, and told the cacique he would want nothing if he had faith in it. After it was made, the Spaniards march- ed with the cacique and his men in procession to the village. " The caciques of this country," says Biedma, " were accustomed to raise near their houses, hills quite elevated ; some even have their dwellings high on these hills. It 60 394 DE SOTO's MARCH BETOMD THE MISSISSIPPI. ["OOK II. was on one of these little hills that we planted the cross. We all with much devotion kneeled at the foot of it. After having imitated us, the Indians brought a great num- ber of reeds, with which they made a wall quite around it. That evening we returned to our camp, and the next day we set out for Pacaha, which was situated higher. We marched two days and came to a village in the middle of a plain, surrounded by walls and a ditch filled with water, dug by the hand of man." From this village the Indians had nearly all fled. The cacique at whose house the cross was planted coming hither with his men, the governor gave him all that was found in this village. The governor so- journed in this place to learn if he could take a route to the north and pass over to the South sea. After a stay of twenty-six or twenty-seven days (during which various excursions were made), some of the Spaniards advanced towards the northeast. They travelled for eight days in a desert covered witb very large marshes, and in which nothing was seen but high and thick grass or herbs which it was difiicult for the horses to pass. Returning to Pacaha, where the governor had remained, the cacique of this pro- vince was found on friendly terms both with the go- vernor and Ycasqui. De Soto now marched towards the southeast to a province named Quiquata, where was the greatest village he had seen in Florida ; it was upon an arm of the great river. Their arrival here was the 4th of August, and they stopped eight or nine days. Then they set out for the province of Coligua, distant about forty leagues ; and passed over vast plains and high CHAP. III.] D£ sOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. 39ff mountains. Their route was now towards the west southwest. They came to some scattering villages which had the name of Tatil Coya. Here was seen a large river which empties into the Rio Grande. Ascending the former, they came to a province called Cayas; the population of which was considerable. It was composed of several villages ; the country was mountainous. The governor leaving the rest of his men in Cayas, set out with twenty horse for the province of Tula, spoken of by some of the Indians they had taken. They crossed steep mountains to get there, and upon their arrival began to take some Indians. " They defended themselves," says Biedma, " and wounded that day seven or eight Spaniards and nine or ten horses. They were so brave that they would reassem- ble in troops of eight or ten and set upon us like enraged dogs. We killed of them about thirty or forty." The governor returning to his troop found the In- dians which had been taken had fled, and those be- longing to the province the interpreter could not com- prehend. After a rencounter with the Indians, in which some of them were killed, De Soto took a route southeast and went to a province named Quipana, si- tuate at the foot of very high mountains. Then turn- ing east, he crossed these mountains and descended in a plain. Near by, was a village on the bank of a large river which emptied into that by which he had come. The province was named Viranque, or Au- tiamque. The troops wintered here and suffered greatly from the cold and snow. 396 DE SOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. [lOOK II. If " The Christian," says Biedma, " whom we had found with the Indians that Narvaez had visited, and who had served us as interpreter, died in this place." • .\ • Setting out from this village in March 1542, they descended the river and arrived in a province called Anicoyanque, which appeared one of the best they had seen. Then they went to the village of Guacho- yanquo, or Guachoya, on the bank of the great river ; it was surrounded by walls and fortified. The gover- nor sent a captain to the south to seek a way to the sea ; he returned, saying that he could not pass the vast marshes which the great river formed. "This disheartening news," says Roberts,* "affected the general so deeply, as to throw him into a fever; which did not, however, prevent him from sending to the cacique of Quigaltan, to require his submission, and the pleasure of seeing him, which, he acquainted this chief, was a homage hitherto paid him by all the caciques whose dominions he had yet passed through. To this message Quigaltan re- plied, that it was not his custom to visit any, but that all his neighbours visited, served and paid him tribute, either willingly or by force ; that if Soto had any thing to offer, he was welcome to come to him as a friend, but if he should chuse to act as an enemy, he waited for him in his town, whence he would never stir an inch, either for him or any one else. " Although Soto was suffering under the violent attack of a fever, when the Indian brought this answer, he still felt more, from a sense of his present inability, to chasfise this haughty cacique, who not only despised his summons, but, as was reported, intended to attack the Spaniards. Ap- * Page 70 to 73. CHAP, xil] DC sOTO's MARCH BEYOND THE MISSISSIPPI. 397 prehending this circumstance to be no vague intelligence, the general redoubled his guards and kept a good watch. The horse patrolled nightly round the camp, and the cross- bow-men guarded tho river in canoes, to prevent any sur- prise on that side. S >to, to render himself still more dreadful to the Indians, detached a party to Nilco, whither, as he was told by the natives of Guachoya, the inhabitants were returned ; the cacique of the latter also sent several canoes . ,)on the same expedition, laden with armed In- dians. This party, which consisted both of horse and foot, advanced to the town with such rapidity as to surprise the inhabitants, in number about five thousand souls, before they could escape, who, pressing in crowds out of their houses, there was hardly one horseman that did not see himself surrounded by many Indians. As the Spanish commander had ordered his people to give no quarter to the men, a horrible carnage ensued, wherein more than a hun- dred of the Indians fell, besides numbers which were wounded, by the Spaniards, some of whom carried their cruelty so far as to murder the innocent women and chil- dren. The Indians of Guachoya halted peaceably at a dis- tance from the town, while this inhuman scene was trans- acting, to see the event ; but as soon as they perceived the Indians were broken, and the Spaniards chasing them, they ran to pillage the houses ; and having loaded their canoes with the booty, returned before the Spaniards to Guachoya, where they related all that had happened, with dread and astonishment to their cacique. " Meanwhile, the general perceiving his dissolution near, assembled the officers and the bulii. of the soldiery, to whom he made a very moving address, acknowledging the great goodness of Providence, in granting him a full pos- session of his faculties to the last, thanking all the com- manders and soldiers for their faithful services, fidelity, and the affection that they had, upon every occasion, testified m 398 DEATH OF DG SOTO. [BOOK II. for his person, and recommending to them the choice of some leader, to command them in his stead, as the last re- quest he should ever make, and which would, in some measure, alleviate the uneasiness he felt at being obliged to leave them in a barbarous and unknown country. When he had spoken thus, all that were present broke into most pathetic demonstrations of sorrow, and earnestly requested himself to chuse a successor for them. This he readily complied with, and named Luis Moscoso d'Alvarado, who being universally approved of, they all swore fidelity to him immediately. "On the morrow, the 2l8t of May, the brave, the virtu- ous and magnanimous captain Don Ferdinand de Soto, go- vernor of Cuba and general of Florida, yielded up his soul to God. His death the Spaniards endeavoured to conceal from the Indians, who entertained so high an opinion of his abrlities, that they looked upon him to be immortal ; and, lest a conviction to the contrary might encourage them to revolt, the body was buried by night, just within one of the town gates ; but the Indians, who had conceived some suspicions of his death, were observed to eye the earth that had been newly removed there, with much curiosity ; for which reason, the Spaniards removed the body on the night following, and wrapping it up with a great deal of sand, carried it into the middle of the river, and buried it there. "During these events, the cacique of Guachoya fre- quently enquired concerning Soto, whom he called his lord and brother ; and Moscoso having assured him that he was only gone a journey to heaven, which he often had done, and that, intending to make some stay, he had appointed himself to act in his room, the cacique no longer doubted of his death; but sent two handsome young Indians, who he desired might be slain, to accompany him during his journey, according to the custom of this country. Moscoso desired the cacique to send for the young men again, for mmmmmmmm CVAP. XII.] JOURNEY OF DE SOTO S MEN. 399 the governor was not dead, but gone to heaven, and had chosen from among his own people some to attend him, and besought the cacique to forego so cruel a custom. He then delivered up the Indians, charging them to return, which one of them refused to do, declaring he would ne- ver leave Moscoso, who had saved his life, but live and die with him." The route now taken was to the west, in the hope of reaching Mexico by land. The army quitted Gua- choya on the 5th of June, and after marching seven- teen days, arrived in the province of Chavite or Cha- guate, where the Indians manufactured much salt. The Spaniards remained here six days, and then passed to the province of Aguacay, which, after a march of three days north, they reached on the 4th of July. The Indians telling them that on the coast where they wished to go, there was only a great ex- tent of sand, without any village or any kind of food, the Spaniards turned from the coast and came to a province named Nisione, then into those of Nanda- caho and Lacame, but the country became more and more sterile; the cacique of Nandacaho had given them a guide, who told them that his master had ordered him to carry them in a place where they would die of hunger. Then they took another guide, who conducted them in the province of Hais, where they killed some cows, and were attacked by the natives for it. This province was quit for that of Xacatin. Such is the account of Biedma, who adds : " We took the direction of the south, well determined to die or gain New Spain. We marched then six days in the route of south southeast, after which we halted. We sent 400 JOURNEY OF DE SOTO's MEN. [book II. a detachment of six cavaliers, with orders to advance for eight or nine days as far as they could, and see if they could discover any village where they could get a supply of maize." , On their return, says Biedma, it was decided to go back to the village where the governor Soto had died, thinking that there some facilities would be found for building ships, with which they could get out of the country. In Roberts, many other particulars are re- lated. After mentioning the arrival at Aguacay on the 4th of July, he says : * " The Spaniards left Aguacay on the same day, and four days after, were in the province of Maye, and encamped on the 20th in a very pleasant wood, between that place and Naguata. Soon after their arrival here, some Indian spies were observed hovering about the camp; two of them were taken, and the rest slain. By this accident, the Spa- niards got intelligence that the cacique of Naguata, in league with other chiefs, intended to attack the Spaniards that day ; and, indeed, while these Indians were under ex- amination, the enemy appeared in two bodies, and perceiv- ing themselves to be discovered, charged the Spaniards most furiously ; but the latter, sustaining the shock vigo- rously, they fled with precipitation, and were pursued by the cavalry. While these things were in agitation, a great cry was heard at a small distance from the camp, towards which Moscoso detached twelve horsemen, to know the cause, who found there six Spaniards surrounded by a great ;:\umber of Indians, to which superiority, without assistance, the former must have fallen a sacrifice, though they fought like lions. However, this reinforcement turned the scale so much, that the greater part of the Indians were slain, * Page 74 to 79. nrvw II. CHAP. XII.] JOURNET OF DE SOTu's MEN. 401 for ley ^of 'go lied, I for : the e re- ly on d four ped on ce and n spies f them \e Spa- lata, in >aniards ider ex- Iperceiv- )aniards sk vigo- |sued by a great towards Inow the ly a great ssistance, sy fought the scale ere slain, and one of them taken, whom Moscoso, after cutting off his right arm and nose, sent, in that condition, to the ca- cique of Naguata, to give him notice, that on the morrow he would enter his country and lay it waste with fire and sword ; and that, if the cacique should he desirous of pre- venting it, he must meet him at his entrance. The army rnarched next day towards the township of Naguata, the houses of which were separated from each other. The re- sidence of the cacique was on the opposite side of a river, where the Indians stood ready to oppose the Spaniards in passing over ; which, however, the latter accomplished, in spite of all obstacles, and entered into a country well fur- nished with provisions and all the necessaries of life. Mos- coso had not been here long, before the cacique of Na- guata sent a party of Indians to observe the behaviour of the general and his people, and to acquaint the former that he intended to visit him, which he did presently afterwards, attended by a large body of the natives, all in tears, ac- cording to the fashion of TuUa, which is not far distant. He made a profound reverence to the general, and de- manded pardon for his offence, throwing all the blame upon the bad counsels of one of his brothers, who fell in the battle. He enlarged much in the praise of Moscoso and the Spaniards, whom he professed to regard as a people something more than human, and concluded with offers of service and obedience. When he had finished, the general received him into his favour, and promised to consider him as his friend, provided his behaviour should correspond with his woi'ds. •-'... " The army soon after decamped, but was obliged to turn back, upon account of the swelling of the river, which appeared the more extraordinary, because no rain had fallen ,* but, as it frequently happened, and always at the increase of the moon, it should seem to be owing to the tide, though the Indians had no knowledge of any sea ; 51 402 JOURNEY OF DE SOTo's ^EN. [book II. nevertheless, they fonnd means to pass it eight days after, and ill three days arrived at a village belonging to the ca- cique of Missobone, a barren and an ill-peopled province ; thence they wandered through a wild district, called La- can6, and soon after arrived at the province of Mondacao, the cacique of which presented the general with a quan- tity of fish. He was received very kindly, and as soon as the army had provided themselves with subsistence, they received a guide and marched towards Soacatino. In jour- neying thither, they passed through the province of Aays, the fierce inhabitants of which harassed the Spaniards con- tinually, during their march to Guasco, where they arrived, after having suffered incredible hardships and fatigues ; and finding maize sufficient for their use here, they loaded their horses and marched to Nagiscosa. " In fine, having travelled long to no purpose, through miserable deserts, frequently bewildered and quite at a loss which way to proceed, perpetually engaged in perils and alarms, and uncertain still whether famine would not be their destruction at last, the general called a council, wherein it was determined to return to Nilco, and there build vessels to carry the troops down the river, and so to some of the Spanish settlements by sea. This resolution was far from giving content to all ; many there were among the Spaniards that would rather have taken the highest probability of perishing in Florida, through want, than have returned thence poor and disappointed ; nevertheless, these not having number or force to oppose, were obliged to submit to the general determination. " The troops had already marched one hundred and fifty leagues to the west of the great river, and now they re- pented of having laid waste the country through which they were to return ; but the inconveniency was less than the expectation of it, for they found the town of Naguata, which had been burnt, now rebuilt by the Indians, and the II. CHAP. XII.j JOURNES OF DE SOTO's MEN. 403 ter, ca- ice; La- cao, lan- m as they jour- \.ays, I con- rived, ; and I their irough ; a loss ils and not be uncil, there so to olution among lighest It, than theless, obliged h houses well stored with maize, the country being both fer- tile and well peopled. They make here earthen dishes, not much unlike those of Estremos and Montemor. The Spaniards left Naguata, and came to Chaguete, and at length arrived at Nilco ; but found so little maize there, that they were entirely thrown into a dejection, nearly bor- dering upon despair, seeing no means of subsisting during the time requisite for building the vessels to carry them out of Florida ; not owing to sterility of soil, but to the neglect of the Indians, who had been too much frightened to employ themselves in tillage while the troops resided at Guachoya: for the province is extremely fertile, which made the Spaniards confident of finding subsistence here. The soldiers now began to curse the resolution, to push on their discoveries no farther westward, and to look upon the design of putting to sea, as absurd and chimerical to the last degree, they being totally unprovided with every ne- cessary preparation for shipping. The unfortunate Narvaez was frequently recalled to their minds, who was lost upon this coast ; but the heaviest of all their misfortunes was the want of food, without which, it was impossible for the men to labour. " They had now no resource left but to recommend themselves to Divine Providence in prayer, for his imme- diate assistance, and He heard them, sending the Indians of Nilco, with great submission, to inform them that there were, at the distance of two days journey from them, upon the banks of the great river, towns of which the Spaniards had no knowledge. The country was called Minoya, and very fertile. Moscoso, upon this, dispatched a captain with a party of horse and foot, attended by the Indians of Nilco, who were at war with the people of these towns, one of which they instantly seized, and entrenched themselves in it, having found a great quantity of maize there. Great was the joy in the camp at hearing these tidings, and all the troops set forward immediately, though the weather 404 JOURNKT OF DE SOTO's MEN. [book II. was very bad, being rainy, attended with a cold north wind, and the ways very full of water ; yet they surmounted all difficulties, and lodged themselves in the best of the towns, ai a quarter of a league from the great river. Hither they brought all the maize from the other towns, amounting to six thousand bushels. The place also afforded wood, bet> ter for the building of vessels than any thing they had yet seen in Florida. " The general now set every person that could be useful, to work. He collected all the iron that could be gotten, even the chains from the prisoners, and wood was immedi- ately felled for timber. Providentially there was found among their number some one artificer qualified to serve for every use. In fine, after great fatigue and perseverance, seven brigantines were finished in the month of June, but a difficulty, very hard to be overcome, yet remained, and that was, to set them afloat : for the Indians had declared, that the great river rose only once a year, at the time when the snows were melting ; which had already happened, and no rain had fallen for a long space. However, it pleased God that the river swelled suddenly, upon the increase of the moon, and came, as it were, to fetch the brigantines away ; so that they were floated into the bed of the river with great ease. A thing which, but for this event, would have been effected, not without great labour and the hazard of straining them, and opening their seams in hauling them down to the water. And thus, on the second day of July, in the year 1543, the Spaniards were all embarked, and departed from Minoya. Moscoso appointed a captain to each brigantine, and made them swear to obey him in the same manner as they did when ashore. This being done, they proceeded to Guachoya. Leaving this place, they found the current very strong, and advanced at a great rate by the help of their oars, till they came to duigaltam. Moscoso sent, from time to time, parties ashore, and found great quantities of maize in the houses, which were after- rtr-y-p-"--y-'r'(^ li. OBAP. XII.] JOURNEY or DE SOTO's MEN. 405 id, all ns, aey ; to bet- yet eful, tten, aedi- bvmd ire for :ance, e, but 31, and :lared, when >d, and )leased ease of antines le river would hazard g them )f July, ed, and )tain to in the ig done, they wards embarked on board of the vessels. While they were passing through this province, frequent attacks were made upon th^m by the Indians, in one of which the Spaniards lost about twenty-five men, with their commander, John Gasman, who was detached with this party in canoes, to attack the enemy ; by whose canoes, much larger and more numerous than his, he was soon surrounded, when the In- dians, throwing themselves in multitudes into the water, and laying hold upon the Spaniards' canoes, overturned them all in an instant. These brave men all perished, be- ing carried to the bottom by the weight of their armour. ' "This success so encouraged the Indians, that they omitted no opportunity of annoying the vessels during the whole time of their falling down the river, sometimes ma- king a shew, as if they intended to board them, and con- stantly kept up a continual discharge of their arrows from the banks of the river. The Spaniards lost a considerable number of men upon this occasion. They at last lined the gunnels and quarter-decks with a breast-work made of dou- ble mats, so thick as to prevent the arrows from pene- trating. " When they had arrived at about half a league's dis- tance from the mouth of the river, the general landed his men, in order to refresh them, as they had been greatly fa- tigued by rowing. Here they staid two days only, as the Indians still continued to alarm them. The 18th of July they put to sea, with a favourable wind, and after a passage of fifty-two days, arrived at the mouth of the river Panuco, on the continent of Mexico, on the 10th of September 1543, having undergone various fatigues, dangers and diffi- culties, as well by sea as by land, and lost above one-half of their number in this unfortunate expedition." Biedma returned soon after to Spain, for it is stated that in 1544 he presented his relation to the king and his council of the Indias. 406 VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1540. [book II. . i: •■ '1 •.^. .•.'/^...•, '■'■■ ♦ ./i- CHAPTER XIII. \/> .' / Of the voyage of Jacques Cartliier to Canada in 1540. Francis the First saw and talked with Donnacona, and the other people brought by Carthier from Ca- nada, ten in number ; they were baptized and were some time in France, but never returned to their na- tive country ; all save one little girl, about ten years old, died in Bretaigne before Carthier's third voyage. He sailed from St. Malo with five ships the 23d of May 1540, but owing to stormy weather had a tedious voyage, and did not reach the haven of Santa Croix until the 23d of August. He was visited immediately by the people, among whom was Agona, appointed king by Donnacona when he went to France. The death of Donnacona was at once communicated, but the truth was concealed as to the rest. Of them, it was said that they staid in France as great lords, and were married, and would not return to their country. Carthier went up to a river and haven about four leagues higher, which he thought better for his ships to ride in, and there he kept three of them : the other two departed on the 2d of September for St. Malo, with letters to the king to give information of Car- thier's proceedings, and communicate the fact that Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, who was appointed the king's lieutenant and governor, had not yet arrived. Carthier, after his fort was CHAP. XIII.] VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1540. 4or begun at the place which he had selected, called Charlesbourg Royal, went up the river to see the Lord of Hochelai, who in the former voyage gave him a little girl, and had been in other things friendly. In return, Carthier gave him two young boys, and left them with him to learn his language, " and bestowed upon him a cloak of Paris red, which cloak was set with yellow and white buttons of tin and small bells," and also made him some other presents. Carthier afterwards visited the Saults, which form what is now called the Sault St. Louis, between Montreal and Lachine, and then returned to Charlesbourg Royal. On his way back, he called at the dwelling of the Lord of Hochelai, but he was absent. There being some reason to apprehend hostilities from the natives, Carthier caused all things in the fortress to be set in good order. At this point, the relation of Carthier's third voyage abruptly breaks oft"; and nothing is known of his proceedings for a considerable time. He arrived in the harbour of Saint John in June 1542, and thence departed home for Bretaigne.^ * Hakluyt'B Collection, vol. 3, p. S33 to 240. Hawkins's auebec, p. 55 to 64. Mr. Haw- k\na says tliat Cliarlesbourg Royal is Cap Rouge, and that Hochelai is Richelieu. ■»,-»T^t.-«™n»fl -r . ' 408 if".* \ i. ■ VOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1542. [BOOK II. :*: 1 ' ti. )f'M :, "I . . CHAPTER XIV. Of the voyage of Sir John Francis de la Roche, Lord of Roberval, to v* , . ! , •: .. . Canada in 1542. , t. ' • i .^ , » Carthier had, in his third voyage, only the appoint- ment of captain general and leader of the ships, and may have been embarrassed in his proceedings by the absence of the knight, who was the king's lieutenant and governor. This person did not sail from Ro- chelle till the 16th of April 1542 : on the 8th of June he entered the road of Saint John, where he found seventeen ships of fishers. In the account of his voyage, there is the following statement : " V/hile we made somewhat long abode here, Jacques Carthier and his company returning from Canada, whither he was sent with five sail the year before, arrived in the very same harbour. Who, after he had done his duty to our general, told him that he I^d brought certain diamonds, and a quantity of gold ore, which was found in the country. Which ore, the Sunday next ensuing, was tried in a fur- nace and found to be good. "Furthermore, he informed the ~';neral that he could not, with his small company, withstand the savages, which went about daily to annoy him, and that this was the cause of his return into France. Nevertheless, he and his com- pany commended the counts/ to be very rich and fruitful. But when our general, being furnished with sufficient forces, commanded him to go back again with him, he and his company, moved as it seemed with ambition, because >*j^ '3»iw^.,T"V!vy**^ry Tyy CBAF. XIV.J yOYAGE TO CANADA IN 1542. 409 they would have all the glory of the discovery of those parts themselves, stole privily away the next night from us, and without taking their leave, departed home for Bre- taigne." The lofty promontory of Quebec has since re- ceived the name of Cape Diamond, because of its striking productions. What Carthier obtained in Ca- nada, was of little avail. He sacrificed his fortune in the cause of discovery, and died soon after his rtturn to France. The Lord of Roberval left the harbour of Saint John the last of June. Of his course from Belle Isle, Carpont and the Grand Bay, up the river for two hundred and thirty leagues, there is a full account by his chief pilot, John Alphonso of Xanctoigne. Pro- ceeding four leagues westward of the Isle of Orleans, he there built a fort, which he called the Fort of France-Roy. It was, the pilot states, in forty-seven degrees and one sixth part of a degree. Mr. Haw- kins thinks it was the same place that Jacques Car- thier chose the year before. Of Roberval's proceed- ings, while in Canada, but little is known. We see that on the 5th of June 1543, he departed on an ex- pedition to Saguenay, but there are no particulars of it, except that one of the barks was lost and eight men drowned. "Roberval return co France in 1643; and animated by the duty which h^ owed to the king, on the war again breaking out between the Emperor Charles V. and Fran- cis I. his active disposition led him back to the profession of arms. He distinguished himself in this war, as he had done on many previous occasions. 63 # Ill ii,iwiWtn»i;»i»w»'m'^i?a 410 ▼OTAOE TO CANADA IN 1542. [boob II. " After the death of his royal patron, in 1547, having got together a band of enterprising men, he embarked again for Canada in 1549, with his brother Achille, who was re- puted one of the bravest warriors in France, and who was honourably named by Francis I., Le Gendarme d'Annibal. In this voyage, all these gallant men perished, or were ne- ver afterwards heard of."* ^Tliii chapter ii from Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. SX' to iM9, ud from Hawkini'i Quebec, p. 64 to 70. CHkf. XV.] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1549. 411 CHAPTER XV. Of the voyage of Oregorio de Beteta on the Florida coast in 1549 ; and of Sebastian Cabot from bis return to England in 1548, until hit death in 1557. Gregorio de Beteta must have been to Florida be- fore the voyage related in the Collection of pieces on Florida, published by H. Ternaux-Compans, at Paris in 1841. Of the voyage so related, his state- ment is, that when they came in sight of land, in about twenty-eight degrees, not seeing there any ap- pearance of the port they were seeking, they .vent to twenty-eight degrees and a half or twenty-nine de- grees. After mentioning that the boat went ashore, and what happened, he says, " We employed eight days to arrive at the entrance of the bay, and eight other days were taken to enter it ; it was from six to seven leagues wide : we entered it for wa- ter, and we had much trouble to find it. The day of the Fete-dieu we went on land." Indians were seen who could repeat some words in Spanish, which they had learnt from the Spaniards who had before been to this country. "We commenced," says Gregorio, "by making them understand by signs that we desired that they should re- store the friar, the christians and the interpreter." (-^J^l-TTT^-'^TSIP"'" 412 VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1549. [book u. In the absence of those who went on land there came aboard a man named Juan Munoz ; he was in the expedition of Soto, and described his chief. This man said, " The Indians who had received the friar and his com- panions had killed them the instant that I quitted them, but they preserved the mariner's life. I asked him how he had knowledge of it. He replied to me, I have often heard it repeated by the Indians who have killed them." On this second visit of Beteta he had with him four friars. When they landed the Indians made signs to them to return to the boat. One of them, more resolute on staying here than the rest, went ashore a second time and was massacred. It was wished to go to another place but the ship was not proper for navigating the coast, being unable to ap- proach the land nearer than five or six leagues. On the 28th of June 1549, they quit the port of Vendredi Saint ; it was decided at first to go to Havana, but afterwards they directed themselves towards New Spain ; on Sunday the 14th of July, they found them- selves at Yucatan in twenty degrees; on the 19th they arrived at San Juan de Lua. From 1549 to 1557 but little appears to have been done towards settling the Atlantic coast of North America. It was otherwise in Mexico and the pro- vinces of South America. The titles of books then put forth are not a little curious. Hans Staden of Hombourg, in Hesse, who arrived the 28th of January 1548, in view of the cape of St. Augustin and entered the port of Pernambouc, I u. CHAP. XV.] SEBASTIAN CABOT FROM 1648 TO 1567. 413 lere sin rhis cora- hera, how often tn." I him made them, , went It was as not 1 to ap- s. On endredi ina, but is New them- le 19th Lve been North he pro- jks then arrived cape ot jambouc, published at Marbourg in 1557 a volume with this tide, .. " Veritable histoire et description d'un pays habits par des hommes sauvages, nus, feroces et anthropophages, situe dans le nouveau monde, nomme Amerique, inconnu dans le pays de Hesse avant et depuis la naissance de Jesus-Christ, jusqu'a I'annee derniere que Hans Staden de Homberg, en Hesse, I'a connu par sa propre experience et le fait connaitre actuellement par le moyen de I'impression." This veritable history and description is again given to the world by Mr. Henri Ternaux along with the other voyages, relations and memoirs published by him at Paris in 1837. Edward the Sixth ascended the throne the 28th of January 154i; Sebastian Cabot returned to England soon afterwards.* On the 6th of January, in the se- cond year of Edward's reign, (154t,) letters patent were issued, whereby, in consideration of the service done and to be done by Cabot, and by the advice of the king's uncle Edward, Duke of Somerset, protec- tor of his kingdom, and of the rest of his council, there was granted to Cabot, from the preceding feast of St. Michael, the archangel, (29th of September,) an annuity of £165. 13. 4. during his Hfe.f It is said that Cabot built a house at Blackwall ; that his place was called Poplar ; and that it retains the name.| He became governor of the company of mer- chants, adventurers for the discovery of places un- known. In 1553, when the company sent out a fleet, Cabot prepared instructions for the voyage, which ■^ Biddle'8 Memoir, p. 179. fS Hakluyt, p. 10, 11. ;( Hawkins's auebec, p. 23. .J??dll^.J^^...,^. 414 SEBASTIAN CABOT FROM 1548 TO 1557. [BOOK II, may be seen in the first volume of Hakluyt, page 226 to 230 : they have been commended as giving strong proof of his sagacity. Sir Hugh Willoughby, the captain general of the fleet, and such of his men as were in two of the ships, perished from cold in Lap- land, in or after January 155|.* The other ship was in charge of the pilot general, (Richard Chancellor,) who has given an account of his travels in Russia, Muscovy and the adjoining countries ; it is in 1 Hak- luyt, page 237 to 255, and in Purchas's Pilgrims, vol. 3, book 2, ch. 1, page 211. Stephen Burroughs, who was dispatched to the north upon another enterprise in 1556, mentions an entertainment at Gravesend, just before the departure of his ship, and tells the following anecdote of Ca- bot.t " The 27th of April, being Monday, the right worshipful Sebastian Oaboto came aboard our pinnace at Gravesend, accompanied with divers gentlemen and gentlewomen, who, after they had viewed our pinnace and tasted of such cheer as we could make them, aboard, they went on shore, giving to our mariners right liberal rewards : and the good old gentleman master Caboto gave to the poor most liberal alms, wishing them to pray for the good fortune and pros- perous success of the Serch-thrift, our pinnace. And then at the sign of the Christopher, he and his friends banqueted, and made me and them that were in the company great cheer : and for very joij, that he had to see the forward- ness of our intended discovery, he entered into the dance himself, amongst the rest of the young and lusty company : which being ended, he and his friends departed most gent- ly, commending us to the governance of Almighty God." *1 Hakluyt, p. 337. f 1 Hakluyt, p. 974, 6. Biddle'a Memoir, p. a],*), 14. mmm wmm CHAP. ST.] PORTRAIT OF CABOT. 415 When Cabot was thus dancing with the rest of the young people, it is to be remembered, he was nearly fourscore years. He died the next year (1567) in London, at the advanced age of eighty, leaving a high character both as a navigator and a man of ge- neral ability. He was attended in his last moments by his friend Richard Eden,* and from Eden's pre- sence, it is inferred London was the place of his death. " He gave," Mr. Biddle remarks, " a conti- nent to England, yet no one can point to the few feet of earth she has allowed him in return." In Boston and Philadelphia, there are respectable families with the name and arms of Cabot, who are supposed to be his descendants.! ^ • Purchas ' ol. 4, p. 1812,) refers to a picture of Se- bastian Ci* I the privy gallery at Whitehall, with this inscripi tls.\^£k . " Effigies Seb. Oaboti Angli, filii Johannis Caboti Yeneti Mililis Aurati, &c. ; he was born at Venice, and serving Henry VII., Henry VIII., Edward VI., was accounted En- glish — Galpano saith he was born at Bristol." "This picture," Mr. Biddle says,| "now belon^^ tO the representatives of the late Charles Joseph Harford, Esq. of Bristol. The inscription which Purchas curtails by an '&c.' is this: " ' Effigies Seb. Caboti Angli, filii Johannis Caboti Veneti Militis Aurati, Primi Inventoris Terrm Nova sub Henrico VII. AnglicB Rege.^ " The manner in which the portrait came to the know- ledge of Mr. Harford, and finally into his possession, is very minutely stated in a memoir prepared by him and left with * Biddle*B Memoir, p. 919. t Hawkins's Quebec, p. S3. X Biddle's Memoir, p. 317 416 PORTRAIT or CABOT. [BOOR II. his family. Without needlessly introducing names, it may suffice to state that whilst travelling in Scotland, in 1792, he saw it for the first time at the seat of a nobleman ; and, many years afterwards, his friend the late Sir Frederick Eden was enabled to gratify his anxious wishes by procu- ring it for him. " The work of Purchas was published in 1625, at the close of the reign of James I. That the picture was not in the gallery in the time of Charles II., would appear from the following circumstances : " There is a tract by Evelyn, the celebrated author of Sylva, &>c. entitled " Navigation and commerce, their ori< ginal and progress, containing a succinct account of traffic in general, its benefits and improvements ; of discoveries, wars and conflicts at sea, from the original of navigation to this day ; with special regard to the English nation ; their several voyages and expeditions to the beginning of our late differences with Holland ; in which his majesty's title to the dominion of the sea is asserted against the novel and later pretenders, by J. Evelyn, Esq. S.R.S. London, 1674.' It is dedicated to Charles II. to whom the author expresses his gratitude for an appointment to the council of com- merce and plantations. The object of it, as may be infer- red from the title, is to shew the early and diffusive influ- ence of England at sea. Referring to the triumphant con- flicts with France in the time of Henry VIII., he says, (p. 73,) 'see also that rare piece of Holbein's in his majesty's gallery at Whitehall.' He adverts (p. 57) to Sebastian Ca- bot, ' born with us at Bristol,' and hazards a conjecture as to his having, with his father, * discovered Florida and the shores of Virginia, with that whole tract as far as New- foundland, before the bold Genoese.' Had the portrait in question been in the gallery at Whitehall in Evelyn's time, he would not have omitted to notice the remarkable asser- tion which its inscription conveys. ^% II. lay 92, ,nd, rick )CU- the I not from lor of ir ori- traffic veries, ition to ; their 3ur late title to vel and , 1674/ xpresses of com- le infer- |ve influ- (ant con- jsays, (p. lajesty's [stian Ca- icture as and the as New- portrait in n's time, ible asser- CHAP. XV.] PORTRAIT OF CABOT. 417 " The disappearance of the picture, therefore, from White- hall, and its getting into private hands, may be referred to the intermediate period. It was, probably, bought at the sales which took place after the death of Charles I., and of which the following account is found in Walpole's Anec- dotes of Painting in England : '• " ' Immediately after the death of the King, several votes were passed for sale of his goods, pictures, statues, &c. " * Feb. 20, 1648. It was referred to the committee of the navy to raise money by sale of the crown jewels, hangings and other goods of the late king. " < In the ensuing month the house proceeded to vote, that the perso- nal estate of the late king, queen and prince, should be inventoried, ap- praised and sold. This vote, in which they seem to have acted ho- nestly, not allowing their own members to be concerned in the sale, was the cause that the collections fell into a variety of low hands, and were dispersed among the painters and officers of the late king's house- hold ; where many of them remained on sale with low prices affixed. " ' All other furniture from all the king's palaces was brought up and exposed to sale ; there are specified, particularly, Denmark or Somer- set-house, Greenwich, fFhitehcdl, Nonsuch, Oatlands, Windsor, Wim- bleton-house, St. James's, Hampton-court, Richmond, Theobalds, Lud- low, Carisbrook and Kenilworth castles; Bewdley-house, Holdenby- house, Royston, Newmarket and Woodstock manorhouse. One may easily imagine that such a collection of pictures, with the remains of jewels and plate, and the furniture of nineteen palaces, ought to have amounted to a far greater sum than one hundred and eighteen thousand pounds. " ' The sale continued to August 9, 1653. The prices were fixed, but if more was offered, the highest bidder purchased ; this happened in some instances, not in many. Part of the goods were sold by inch of candle. The buyers, called contractors, signed a writing for the seve- ral sums. If they disliked the bargain, they were at liberty to be dis- charged from the agreement on paying one fourth of the sum stipula- ted. Among the purchasers of statues and pictures, were several pain- ters, as Decritz, Wright, Baptist Van Leemput, Sir Balthazar Gerbier, &c. The Cartoons of Raphael were bought by his highness (Crom- well) for £ 300.'" 63 418 PORTRAIT or CABOT. [BOOK 11. " The circumstances which refer this portrait to Holbein seem to be conclusive. Cabot is represented as in extreme age. Now he had not been in England from 1517 until his return in 1548. The portrait, therefore, must have been taken after the last mentioned date. Holbein enjoyed the continued patronage of Henry Till, after Sir Thomas More had introduced his works to the king's notice in the manner so familiarly known. He lived through the reign of Edward YI. and died ^X Whitehall, of the plague, in 1554. It is not probable, under such circumstances, that a portrait of Cabot, destined for the king's gallery, would have been taken by any other hand. " Such seems to be the curious history of a picture in it- self so interesting. Painted for Edward YI. in compliment to this great seaman and national benefactor, and the pro- perty, in succession, of two queens and two kings of Eng- land, its retirement to private life may probably be dated from a sale at which Oliver Cromwell was a bidder. " Cabot was evidently, as has been said, at a very ad- vanced age when the portrait was taken. His stature, though somewhat lost in a slight stoop, must have been commanding. Holbein would seem to have wished to catch the habitual, unpremeditated expression which he had doubtless, from engagements about the Court, had fre- quent opportunities of remarking. It is that of profound, and even painful thought ; and in the deeply marked lines, and dark hazel eye, there yet linger tokens of the force and ardour of character of this extraordinary man. The right hand exhibits an admirable specimen of the painter's minute, elaborate finish. Of the compasses which it holds one foot is placed on a great globe resting on a table, on which are an honr-glass and writing materials. The rich robe and massy gold chain, are probably badges of his of- fice as governor of the society of merchant adventurers. It is impossible not to gaze with deep interest on this me- I 11. CHAP, xr.] PORTRAIT or CABOT. 419 erne mtil have oyed omas 1 the reign 16, in that a would 3 in it- (liment 16 pro- .f Eng- le dated morial, heightened, perhaps, by a reflection on its present humble position — emblematic, indeed, of the slight on the closing years of the great original."* -\ ■•'A catalogue of the pictares, 4cc. be- longing to Cbarlea I., drawn up in his life- time, and apparently for bis use, ia found amongst tbe Harleian MSB. No. 4718. Amongst tboie enumerated as then in the privy gallery at Whitehall, that of Cabot is not mentioned. This might lead to tbe inference that it had got into private hands sooner than is above suggested, particular- ly as it appears by the catalogue that some of the pictures had been recently obtained in the way of exchange. Again, it may have been sent or talien away by tbe king. In the MS. work of Richard Syraonds, (Harleian MSB. No. 991,) it is said, " The committee at Somerset-house, valued the king's pictures and other movable goods at £ S300,000., notwkhatanding that both himself and the queen had carried ateajf abundance.^' The painting in question is not specially mentioned in a list of the sales during the protectorate, found in the Harleian MBS. No. 7359, though this is by no means deci- sive, as several of the entries are mere charges against individuals for "a pic- ture," " two pictures," " three pictures," 4tc. (fol. SSQ, et seq.) Cabot's portrait has recently been seen, in London, by the most eminent artists, and instantly recognised as a Holbein. However we may balance between probabilities as to Its intermedi- ate history, a doubt as to its identity with the picture referred to by Purchas, seems to involve not only the necessity of ac- counting for the disappearance of tbe lat- ter, but also the extravagant supposition that two portraiU of Cabot, bearing the same remarkable inscription, were execu- ted by the great artist of his day. (^ery ad- stature, ,ve been ished to rhich he had fre- )rofound, ced lines, the force an. The painter's h it holds table, on The rich of his of- Iventurers. ,n this me- 420 EXAMINATION OF FLORIDA COAST ; 1558. ["OOE ii. : • .,.>. -•• • '"■' - ■ > -•■' '■■*■■ . h-'ijii ■ . . ' ;•' ' .■>!'< i/ ":• ' '. . , ' ' -. / :••:•■ r CHAPTER XVI. > .' . . Of an examination of the coast of Florida in 1558, wherein was seen a bay, described as " the largest and most commodious bay of all on these shores," which was named then Philipina, and afterwards Santa Maria Philipina ; also of an expedition in 1559 to the port of Y'chuse in thirty degrees twenty minutes, about twenty leagues south of the bay of Santa Maria; and of a reconnoissance in 1561 to about thirty- five degrees. Don Louis de Velasco, viceroy of Mexico, sent Guido de las Bazares with some marines and other persons to reconnoitre the coasts of Florida, for the greater safety of the persons who were going there to colonize the country and the point of St. Helena. He set out from the port of Saint Juan de Lua, the 3d of September 1558, with sixty soldiers and ma- rines in a large bark, a galley and a shallop. He ar- rived at the river of Panuco on the 5th, set out from it on the 14th, and went to land on this coast in twenty-seven degrees and a half. Going along the coast, he discovered a bay at twenty-eight degrees and a half of latitude, which he named San Fran- cisco. Setting out from this place he went to recon- noitre the Alacranes, to direct himself thence towards Florida. Contrary winds having prevented him from approaching where he wished, he landed at twenty- nine degrees and a half upon the coast of east south- east, where he found an isle, four leagues from Terra Firma ; he passed within that isle, Terra Firma and 11- CHAP. XVI.] EXAMINATION OF FLORIDA COAST ) 1659. 431 B seen all oil I Santa ''chuse of the ; thirty- ), sent other or the ; there lelena. ua, the id nia- He ar- at from oast in )ng the degrees Fran- 3 recon- towards lim from twenty- st south- in Terra rma and other isles of tlie continent, and gave to this place the name of the bay of Bas-Fonds. Thence he made ten leagues to the east; he saw a bay which he named Philipina; it is described as the largest and most commodious bay of all on these shores ; pene- trated, passing by the point of an isle seven leagues long; and distant from the port of Saint Juan de Lua about two hundred and seventy leagues.^ After having quitted it, he tried twice to reconnoitre the coast, extending more to the east; he followed it more than twenty leagues. Quitting the coast of Florida on the 3d of December, he entered the port of San Juan de Lua the 14th. On the 24th of September 1559, Velasco wrote to the king a letter upon his affairs in Florida, in which he mentions that a fleet fitted out for the colonization of Florida, from the point of Saint Helena, sailed on the 1 1th of June of that year from San Juan de Ulua, and that on the 9th of September, there arrived a gal- lion dispatched by the governor Don Tristan d' Arel- lano ; that it had made in fourteen days the passage from the place whence the disembarkation was effec- ted ; and that it brought the following information of the progress of the fleet. At the end of seventeen days, it found itself on the shores of the river of Saint Esprit, about twenty leagues from this river and in twenty-seven degrees and a quarter of latitude. From this place they made six leagues to the southeast, to the south southwest, and to the south, until they made to the lieight of the Alacranes, at twenty»seven de- * The account of Bazarea is that " I'entr6e est &2d degrfes et demi de latitude sud ;" those >vho saw it in the succeeding year (it will be seen) place it in rather a higher lati- tude. 422 DISCOVERY or BAT OF SANTA MARIA. [BOOK II. grees to the southwest of these last. From this point they ran another course to the northeast to reconnoi- tre the coast. Eight days after, they perceived the coast at eight leagues from the bay of Mervelo in the direction of the west, about twenty-nine degrees and a half. On the 17th of July the fleet sailed for the port of d'Ychuse. This is described as twenty leagues from the bay Philipina, and about thirty leagues from the bay of Mervelo ; as between these bays, and in about thirty degrees twenty minutes. The pilot on board a frigate which went on before, not perceiving this port, the frigate passed beyond and cast anchor in the bay Philipina discovered by Guido de las Ba- zares. The horses were disembarked in this bay, and some companies of infantry repaired with them by land to d'Ychuse. The army quitted the bay of Phili- pina for the port of d'Ychuse, the day of Notre-Dame d'Aout, which caused to be given to it the name of Santa Maria Philipina. Notwithstanding what was said by Bazares of the port of Philipina, the governor, we are told, knew that the port d'Ychuse " was the best and the most sure on all this coast." Yet, in the dispatch, we find afterwards this language : "Guide arrived in this bay Philipina. The fleet ran some danger in enteri: g it, because of the small depth at the bar, which hinders the entrance of large vessels, the strong current that is there, and the bad time that it caused. The army quitted the bay of Philipina for the port of d'Ychuse, the day of Notre Dame d'Aout, which caused to be given to it the name of Santa Maria Philipina. It is one of the best ports which they have discovered in the CHAP. XVI.] EXAMINATION OF COAST IN 1661 TO 35°. 423 Indias ; the lowest depth is not less than twelve cubits ; it has seven or eight fathoms in the interior ; the width is three leagues ; the Spaniards are still there ; the bar is half a league wide." Again, it is said : " The ships can cast anchor in four or five fathoms, at a shot of the cross-bow from the shore ; the port is so sure that no wind can occa- sion there any misfortune. We saw there some cabins, which appeared to belong to Indian fishers ; the soil seemed very fertile ; there grew there many vines, nuts, and other fruit trees ; there were numerous woods, much game, many birds, excellent fish and of all kinds. We found there also, a field of maize." If we consider this as intended to describe the port and bay of Santa Maria, the description was well cal- culated to encourage a subsequent settlement there. Velasco, in his letter of September 1659, writes that he is« going to send promptly the supplies of which the governor has need. It was contemplated ' to explore the country, to choose a place for coloniz- ing, and to build a fortress ; after this, to penetrate into the interior, and put in execution a plan for pro- pagating the Catholic religion. On the 27th of May 1561, Angel de Villafane, go- vernor and captain general of the provinces of Flo- rida., entered, with a frigate, into the river of Saint Helena, and proceeded to thirty-three degrees. He made four or five leagues, and disembarked; not deeming the place suitable for colonizing, he regained the sea and followed the coast, to seek a port. After having doubled the Cape San Roman, at thirty-four degrees, he went upon land the 2d of June, and saw a great river, of which he took possession. The 8th v,> ■^^ r^ 424 EXAMINATION Or COAST IN 1561 TO 35^. [BOOK ii. of June he entered, on board of the frigates, the river Jordan, which runs near this cape. Again he put to sea. He sent the treasurer Alonzo Velasquez, to the river of Canoes, situated near thirty-four degrees and a half. The reconnoissance of the coast was conti- nued until the 14th of June, when the cape of Tra- falgar was found in about thirty-five degrees. A tem- pest prevented the reconnoissance from being prose- cuted farther. They reached the port of Monte Christo, in the isle of Hispaniola, the 9th of July 1561. The relations, from which this chapter is taken, are in a volume of pieces on Florida, published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's collection of original voyages, relations and memoirs, to serve for the history of the discovery of America. On comparing the degrees with the best maps of the present day, it js very ob- vious that the degrees, as understood by the writers of these relations, vary, to some extent, from the degrees as now understood. ■■.■T'^r'Vi'*''! -w*^" CHAP. XTH.] VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA,' 1662. y >..!'[ t. "i it'! .■.:%■• »'• 'Ur* / ' ••' ' ' ' " \ . 1 '- • y^^-y\ "..• i ' ■^ • 'f ■ ,'.. v■'.■K!.^ .^ • ,••■ ; ■ ." , = ■' •. v^ -, . CHAPTER XVII. " - ( ■\ % 425 1 • i. Of the dissensions existing in France in 15G3; and the voyage thence to Florida this year under captain John Ribault. Francis the First of France, died in March 1647, about two months after Henry the Eighth of Englai'd. Ho was succeeded by Henry the Second, who died the 10th of July 1569. Francis the Second, a son of Henry and of Catharine de Medici, had the year be- fore he ascended the throne married Mary Stuart, only child of James the Fifth of Scotland, by Maria of Lorraine, daughter of Claude the first duke of Guise. During his short reign of seventeen months were sown the seeds of evils which afterwards desolated France. The uncles of his wife, Francis duke of Guise, and the duke's brother Charles, the cardinal of Lorraine, held the reigns of government. Antony of Bourbon, King of Navarre, and his brother Louis, Prince of Conde, unwilling to see them govern the kingdom while princes of the blood were reinoved from the administration, united with the Prott. c-its to overthrow the Guises who were protectors of the Catholics. Ambition was the cause, religion the pretext, and the conspiracy of Amboif e the first symptom of the civil war which broke out in March 1560. In relation to this subject, reference has been made to the second volume of " Nouvel abrege chronologique de I'histoire de France," printed at 54 426 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA) 1562. [BOOK II. Paris in 1775, the author of which remarks at page 616, that "the diflference of commencing the year in the month of January, or at Easter, has occa- sioned sometimes a diversity in dates ; some placing, for example, the conspiracy of Amboise in 1659, and others in 1560." The Prince of Conde, as the head of the Hugue- nots, was already condemned to die by the hands of the executioner, when Francis the Second died the 5th of December 1660, in the eighteenth year of his age. He was succeeded by his brother Charles the Ninth, who ascended the throne at the age of ten years. His mother, Catharine de Medici, without having the title of regent, undertook to administer the government, with the counsel of the King of Na- varre, who was appointed governor general. In the beginning of this reign the Prince of Conde was set at liberty. ' There were in England, after the death of Henry the Eighth, as many different sovereigns within a short number of years, as in France after the death of Francis the First. The reign of Edward the Sixth ended the 6th of July 1663; then Mary was queen till her marriage with Philip the 26th of July 1654; and Philip and Mary reigned till her death on the 17th of November 1668, when Elizabeth ascended the throne. In the mean time, to wit, in 1666, the Emperor Charles the Fifth had abdicated his crown in favour of Philip. After the death of Mary, who had been induced by Philip to declare war against France, he made peace with that kingdom in 1669, and soon af- CHAP. XVII.] voYAOE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA J 1662. 427 [enry short ith of Sixth queen 1654; )n the jended ter married a daughter of Henry the Second. The arrival of PhiHp in Spain this year was celebrated by the inquisition ; he received from the Protestants the appellation of Demon of the South. Mary Stuart, whom Catharine de Medici loved not, and who loved her no more, returned to Scotland in 1561 by the advice of her uncle, the cardinal of Lor- raine, after having relinquished the arms and the title of Queen of England, to avoid being stopped by the vessels of Elizabeth. In France, there were now two strong parties : On the side of Conde were the Protestants and Gaspard de Coligny, admiral of France ; on the side of Fran- cis Guise, now duke of Lorraine, were the constable of Montmorenci and the marshal of Saint Andre. To these the King of Navarre joined himself; and the fear that his junction would make the party of the Catholics too powerful, it is said, caused the edict of January 1562, which granted to the Huguenots the public exercise of their religion. This was with a proviso that they should advance nothing opposed to the Council of Nice, to symbols, or to the Old or New Testament.* The domestic dissensions which existed were probably not without their influence in leading the French now to take measures for coloni- zing in America. The admiral of Chastillo» caused two ships to sail for America in 1562 under captain John Ribault, a Hu- guenot, accompanied by several gentlemen, amongst whom was Mons'r Rene Laudonniere who has given an account of the voyage. It will be found in the * " L'hi8toire dc France," printed at Paris in 1775, vo*. 2, p. 535. ■^^amm- t^W'^fW^^ 428 VOTAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA ; 1562. ["OOK ii. i--~ y third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, page 303 to 319. They went to sea the 18th of February, and after sailing two months, arrived in Florida, landing near a cape distant from the equator about thirty de- grees, which they called Cape Fran9ois. Coasting north, they discovered a great river where they landed and saw many Indians, men and women, by whom they were kindly received. Not far from the mouth of this river they planted a pillar of stone on which were the arms of France. Then they crossed over to the other side of the river and offered up a prayer of thanksgiving for having been so far safely con- ducted. Several Indians were present, observing at- tentively this proceeding. When it was over, there was an exchange of presents between their king and Ribault. After which the French went back to the shore where they first were, and exchanged presents with the king that was on that side. The river, they called the river of May, because they discovered it the first of that month. Returning to the ships they weighed anchor and hoisted their sails, to discover the coast farther north. They discovered and partly explored another river which they called the Seine. They had not sailed much farther along the coast before they discovered a third river and an isle. They saw here a king, no less affable than the rest, and named this river the Somme. Sailing then about six i 'agues, they viewed a fourth river which they named the Loyre, and there discovered five others, whereof the first was named Cherente, the second Garonne, the third Gironde, the fourth Belle, the fifth Grande ; having thus in less CHAP. XVII.] VOYAGE or RIBAULT TO FLORIDA J 1562. 429 than sixty leagues, discovered many things along nine rivers. Yet they sailea kbther north, following, says Laudonniere, " the course that might bring us to the river of Jordan, one of the fairest rivers of the north." Fogs and tempests constrained them to leave the coast and bear to sea, but when the weather became better, they saw a river which they called Belle a Voir, and afterwards arrived at a mighty river in thirty-two degrees, which, because of its fairness and largeness, they named Port Royal. Here they cast anchor at ten fathoms of water; the depth being such "when the sea beginneth to flow that the greatest ships of France, yea the arguses of Venice, may enter in there." The captain and his soldiers went ashore, he being the first to land. " The river," says Laudonniere, " at the mouth thereof, from cape to cape, is no less than three French leagues broad : it is divided into two great arms, whereof the one runneth towards the west, the other towards the north. And I believe in my judgment that the arm which stretch- eth towards the north, runneth up into the country as far as the river Jordan : the other arm runneth into the sea, as it was known and understood by tho?e of our company which were left behind to dwell in this place. These two arms are two great leagues broad, and in the midst of them there is an isle which is pointed towards the opening of the great river." They sailed in the ships three leagues up the river, and cast anchor. After which, Ribault, accompa- nied by some of the soldiers, went further up, into the arm that runs towards the west. Having sailed twelve leagues, they perceived a troop of Indians, 430 VOYAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA ; 1562. [BOOK ii. who, SO soon as they saw the pinnaces, fled into the woods, leaving behind a young Lucerne they were turning on a spit; for which reason the place was called Cape Lucerne. Finding another arm of the river, which run towards the east, the captain deter- mined to sail up that. A little while after, they saw Indians in the woods, who at first were dismayed, but afterwards made signs to the French to come on shore. After exchanging presents with the Indians, and ta- king aboard their pinnace a pillar of hard stone, fash- ioned like a column, whereon were engraved the arms of the King of France, they sailed three leagues to- wards the west, where, says Laudonniere, " we disco- vered a little river, up which we sailed so long, that in the end we found it returned into the great cur- rent, and in his return to make a little island, sepa- rated from the firm land, where we went on shore ; and by commandment of the captain, because it was exceeding fair and pleasant, there we planted the pil- lar upon a hillock, open round about to the view, and environed with a lake, half a fathom deep, of very good and sweet water." The little river they named the river of Liborne. Then they embarked to search another isle, not far distant, whereon finding nothing but tall cedars, they called it the Isle of Cedars. A few days afterwards, Ribault, with a body of sol- diers, returned to that arm of the river which runs towards the west, and at the same place at which they first saw the Indians, took, by permission of their king, two Indians to carry to France, as the queen had commanded. While these Indians were on board the ship, they spoke to Laudonniere of the greatest CHAP. XVII.] voTAGE OF RIBAULT TO FLORIDA j 1662. 43t lord of their country, whom they called Chiquola, who dwelt in an enclosure, within which were many houses. V ' "I began," says Laudonniere, "to shew them all the parts of Heaven, to the intent to learn in which quarter they dwelt. And straightway, one of them, stretching out his hand, shewed me that they dwelt towards the north, which makes me think that it was the river of Jordan. And now, I remember that in the reign of the Emperor Charles the Fifth, certain Spaniards, inhabitants of Saint Domingo, (which made a voyage to get certain slaves to work in their mines,) stole away by subtlety, the inhabi- tants of this river, to the number of forty, thinking to carry them into their New Spain. But they lost their labour, for, in despite, they died all for hunger, saving one, that was brought to the emperor, which, a little while after, he caused to be baptized, and gave him his own name, and called him Charles of Chiquola, because he spake so much of this lord of Chiquola, whose subject he was. Also, he reported continually that Chiquola made his abode within a very great enclosed city. Besides this proof, those which were left in the first voyage, have certified me, that the In- dians shewed them, by evident signs, that farther within the land, towards the north, there was a great enclosure, or city, where Chiquola dwelt. "After they (the Indians) had staid awhile in our ships, they began to be sorry, and still demanded of me when they should return. I made them understand that the cap- tain's will was to send them home again, but that first he would bestow apparel on them, which four days after was delivered unto them. But seeing he would not give them license to depart, they resolved with themselves to steal away by night, and to get a little boat which we had, and by the help of the tide, to sail home toward their dwellings. S^' 432 VOYAGE OF AIBAUI4T TO FLORIDA ,' 1562. [>00K 11. and by this means to save themselves ; which thing they failed not to do, and put their enterprise in execution, yet leavii.g behind them the apparel which the captain had given them, and carrying away nothing but that which was their own." s-. At the mouth of the river, Ribault having com- manded that all the men of his ship should come upon deck, made an oration to encourage some of his men to dwell there, which was well received. He embarked next morning to select a fit place for the habitation, and was followed by those disposed to in- habit there. "Having," says Laudonniere, "sailed up the great river on the north side, in coasting an isle which ended with a sharp point towards the mouth of the river, having sailed awhile, he discovered a small river, which entered into the island, which he would not fail to search out : which done, and finding the same deep enough to harbour therein, gal- lies and galliots in good number, proceeding further he found a very open place, joining upon the bank thereof, where he went on land ; and seeing the place fit to build a fortress at, and commodious for them that were willing to plant there, he resolved incontinent to cause the bigness of the fortification to be measured out. And, considering that there staid but twenty-six there, he caused the fort to be made in length but sixten fathoms, and thirteen in breadth, with flanks according to the proportion thereof. The mea- sure being taken by me and captain Salles, we sent unto the ships for men, and to bring shovels, pick-axes and othei instruments necessary to make the fortification. We tra- vailed so diligently, that in a short space the fort was made in some sort defencible ; in which meantime John Ribault caused victuals and warlike munition to be brought, for the defence of the place." CHAP. XVII.] voyage; of bibault to Florida; 1562. 433 They called the fort Caroline or Charles Fort, and the river Chenondeau. Ribault made an exhortation to Captain Albert, whom he left in his place, and to the men who staid behind, and then departed, says Laudonniere, " with good hopes, if occasion would permit, to discover perfectly the river of Jordan." Sailing towards the north, after going about fifteen leagues thence, they saw a river, and sent the pinnace to it, which, finding not more than half a fathom of water in its mouth, it was called the Base or Shallow river. As they went on sounding, they found not past five or six fathoms of water, although six good leagues from the shore ; and at length not past three fathoms. Stopping for the night, when morning came, Ribault referred to the company what was best to be done. Some answered that he had occasion fully to content himself, since he had discovered more in six weeks than the Spaniards had done in two years, in the con- quest of New Spain ; and that he should do the king great service if he did bring him news in so short a time, of his happy discovery. Others set forth the loss of food, and likewise the inconvenience that might arise from the shallow water found continually along the coast. " Which things," says Laudonniere, " being well and at large debated, we resolved to leave the coast, forsaking the north to take our way toward the east, which is the right way and course to our France, where we happily arrived the 20th day of July, the year 1562." Albert became on good terms with the Indian kings in his vicinity, and visited the country of Stalame, distant fifteen great leagues from Charles Fort; it 55 434 VOTAGB or RIBAULT TO FLORIDA; 1562. ["OOK ii. was situate to the north, and Albert sailed up the ri- ver to get to it. On each side of them the Indians were very friendly : supplying them with provisions, and when their house was burnt by accident, assisting to rebuild it. After a time, however, there was a mu- tiny, and Albert was killed. The men then built a small pinnace, wherein they might return to France, if no succour came to them ; the Indians supplied them with cordage. Their voyage was tedious, and they suffered greatly for want of food and water ; so much that, it is said, they eat their shoes and leather jerkins, and some of them died from hunger. In their despair, some among them urged that it was better one should die than so many perish ; and it was agreed one should die to sustain the others : the agreement was executed, and his flesh divided among his fellows. At last land was seen, and they were boarded by an English bark, in which was a Frenchman, who had been with Ribault in Florida. It was determined by the Englishmen to land the most feeble, and carry the rest to their queen, who purposed at that time to send to Florida. -vTWfT' T'rm^ CHAP. XVIii.] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1664. 435 CHAPTER XVIII. Of the Huguenots in France from 1562 to 1564 ; and the voyage of M. R^n6 Laudonni^re in 1564 from that country to Florida. In 1562, the duke of Guise determined to pursue the Protestants, sword in hand. Having passed the borders of Champagne, he found them at Vassi, the first of March 1562, singing psalms in a barn. His party insulted them ; they came to blows ; and of the Protestants nearly sixty were killed and two hundred wounded. The duke of Guise was wounded also. A civil war now raged throughout the kingdom. This was the state of things when Ribault returned to France in July ; and this the cause of no immedi- ate succour being sent to the men left in Florida. The prince of Conde was now the declared chief of the Protestants: he surprised Orleans, which thenceforth became their headquarters. The Hu- guenots, encouraged by his example, took possession of several cities, among others of Rouen. On the 15th of October, when the army of the king retook Rouen by assault, the king of Navarre received a wound, of which he died the 17th of November. On the 19th of December was the battle of Dreux, where the generals of both armies were made priso- ners; the prince of Conde and the constable of Montmorenci. There the marshal of St. Andre was killed. The duke of Guise, though he had not the "• »^i^,'TT ' • ""*T ■ 436 VOrAOE TO FLORIDA IN 1564. [BOOK II. command, gained the victory. That night, his priso- ner the prince of Conde slept in the same bed with him : next day the prince related that he had not closed his eyes, but that the duke had slept at his side as profoundly as if they had been the best friends in the world. At the siege of Orleans, on the 24th of February 1663, the duke was killed by a pistol shot, fired by Poltrot de Mercy, a Huguenot nobleman. On the 19th of March, there was an edict of peace ; which so far as it gave advantages to the Huguenots, resulted from the fear of their being assisted by Eng- land. In 1564, the plague in several of the cities caused the king to go to the chateau of Roussillon in Dau- phiny. There he made an edict, by which he dimi- nished the advantages before granted to the Hugue- nots. There, too, " the famous ordinance of Roussil- lon was made, importing that the year should there- after begin on the first of January, instead of on Holy Saturday, after vespers ; the parliament consented to this change only towards the year 1567. It is to be remarked on this subject, that the Romans com- menced the year on the first of January, and gave presents on that day ; and M. Ducange observes that in France, even when the year commenced at Easter, they still gave presents the first of January."* This year, (1564,) through the influence of the Lord Admiral De Chastillon, three ships were fur- nished, one of six score tons, another of one hundred and the third of sixty, to seek out and succour the men left in Florida, of whom nothing had been • '« L'HistoIre de Prance," vol. 2, p. 529, 30. >Wli||iiUi I I CHAP. XVIII.] VOYAGE TO FLORIDA IN 1664. 437 heard. M. Rene Laudonnicre was made chief cap- tain, and has given an account of his proceedings at great length. It is in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, page 319 to 349. He embarked at New Haven, the 22d of April 1564, and arrived at Florida (which he calls New France) on the 22d of June, and landed near a little river which is described as thirty degrees from the equator and ten leagues above Cape Francois, drawing toward the south, and about thirty leagues above the river of May. At tii^: f ^juth of the river, the channel was found to be very shallow, although farther within the water was found reasona- bly deep, which separated itself into two great arms, whereof one runs towards the south and the other to- wards the north. He named it the river of Dolphins. On the 23d, he weighed anchor and sailed toward the river of May, where he arrived two days after. Here he was entertained by the same king who had been met with in the voyage of Ribault : the pillar there erected was still standing and appeared to be treated by the Indians with great reverence. Laudonniere sailed three leagues up the river, where he was treated with great kindness. He re- marks that "more than six great leagues off, near the river Belle, a man may behold the meadows divi- ded asunder into isles and islets, interlacing one ano- ther. Briefly,'' lit- says, "the place is so pleasant, that those which are melancholic would be enforced to change their humour." Returning to the ships, Laudonniere sailed toward the river of Seine, distant from the river of May about four leagues, and then to the Somme not past I nil ;wg^y*ylmp y.. ^ < 1.0 I.I 11.25 US u 140 2.0 ^U4 FhotDgraphic Sciences CQrporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WttSTH.N.Y. MSSO (716)t7'».4503 "^ <> tV 4^ .% \ f?^V:'y;^'. $^ 6^ 452 ^BAFFIO IN NE0B0B8. [BOOK It. Hungry, and they answer Heygre, and with that every man places himself in order, for about every target-man three bow-men will cover themselves, and shoot as they see advantage : and when they give the onset, they make such terrible cries, that they may be heard two miles off. For their belief, I can hear of none that they have, but in such as they themselves imagine to see in their dreams, and so worship the pictures, whereof we saw some like unto devils. In this island aforesaid we sojourned unto the one and twentieth of December, where having taken certain negroes, and as much of their fruits, rice and millet, as we could well carry away, (whereof there was such store, that we might have laden one of our barks therewith,) we de- parted, and at our departure divers of our men being desi- rous to go on shore to fetch pompions, which having proved they found to be very good, certain of the Tiger's men went also, amongst the which there was a carpenter, a young man, who with his fellows having set many, and carried them down to their boats, as they 7/ere ready to de- part, desired his fellow to tarry while he might go up to fetch a few which he had laid by for him8elf, who being more lickerous than circumspect, went up without weapon, and as he went up alone, possibly being marked of the ne- groes that were upon the trees, espying him what he did, perceiving him to be alone, and without weapon, dogged him, and finding him occupied in binding his pompions to- gether, came behind him, overthrowing him and straight cut his throat, as he was afterwards found by his fellows, who came to the pJiace for him, and there found him naked. " The two and twentieth the captain went into the river, called Callowsa, with the two barks, and the John's pin- nace and the Solomon's boat, leaving at anchor, in the ri- ver's mouth, the two ships, the river being twenty leagues in, where the Portugals rowed : he came thither the five and twentieth, and dispatched his business, and so returned with two caravels, loaded with negroes. CBAP. UI.] TBirFlC IN NEGROES. 453 " The 27th the captain was advertised by the Portugals of a town of the negroes, called Bymba, being in the way as they returned, where was not only great quantity of gold, but also that there were not above forty men and an hun- dred women and children in the town, so that if he would give the adventure upon the same, he might get an hundred slaves ; with the which tidings he being glad, because the Portugals should not think him to be of so base a courage, but that he durst give them that, and greater attempts : and being thereunto also the more provoked with the prospe- rous success he had in other islands adjacent, where he had put them all to flight, and taken in one boat twenty to- gether, determined to stay before the town three or four hours, to see what he could do : and thereupon prepared his men. in armour and weapon together, to the number of forty men, well appointed, having to their guides certain Portugals in a boat, who brought some of them to their death : we landing boat after boat, and divers of our men scattering themselves, contrary to the captain's will, by one or two in a company, for the hope that they had to find gold in their houses, ransacking the same, in the mean time the negroes came upon them, and hurt many, being thus scattered : whereas if five or six had been together, they had been able, as their companions did, to give the over- throw to forty of them ; and being driven down to take their boats, were followed so hardly by a rout of negroes, who by that took courage to pursue them to their boats, that not only some of them, but others standing on shore, not looking for any such matter by means that the negroes did flee at the first, and our company remained in the town, were suddenly so set upon that some, with great hurt, re- covered their boats,- othersome not able to recover the same, took the water, and perished by means of the ooze. While this was doing, the captain, who, with a dozen men, went through the town, returned, finding two hundred ne- 454 TBArriC IN NEGROES. [book II. groes at the water side, shooting at them in the boats, and cutting them in pieces which were drowned in the water, at whose coming they ran all away : so he entered his boats, and before he could put off from the shore, they re- turned again, and shot very fiercely, and hurt divers of them. Thus we returned back, somewhat discomforted, alf.hough the captain, in a singular wise manner, carried himself with >countenance very cheerful outwardly, as though he did little weigh the death of his men, nor yet the great hurt of the rest, although his heart inwardly was broken in pieces for it ; done to this endj that the Portugals being with him, should not presume to resist against him; nor take occasion to put him to further displeasure or hin- drance for the death of our men : having gotten by our go- ing ten negroes, and lost seven of our best men, whereof Mr. Field, captain of the Solomon, was one, and we had twenty-seven of our men hurt. In the same hour while this was doing, there happened at the same instant, a mar- vellous miracle to them in the ships, who rode ten leagues to seaward, by many sharks or tiburons, who came about the ships : among which, one was taken by the Jesus, and four by the Solomon, and one very sore hurt escaped ; and so it fell out of our men, whereof one of the Jesus's men, and four of the Solomon's were killed, and the fifth, hav- ing twenty wounds, was rescued, and escaped with much " The 28th they came to their ships, the Jesus and the Solomon, and the 30th departed from thence to Taggarin. " The 1st of January, the two barks and both the boats forsook the ships, and went into a river called the Casse- noes ; and the 6th, having dispatched their business, the two barks returned, and came to Taggarin, where the two ships were at anchor. Not two days after the coming of the two ships thither, they put their water cask ashore and filled it with water, to season the same, thinking to have CHAP. XIX.] TBAFFIO IN NEGROES. 456 two hips the and ave filled it with fresh water afterward : and while their men were some on shore and some at their boats, the negroes set upon them in the boats and hurt divers of them, and came to the casks and cut off the hoops of twelve butts, which lost us four or five days time, besides great want we had of the same. Sojourning at Taggarin, the Swallow went up the river about her trafiic, where they saw great towns of the negroes, and canoas that had threescore men in apiece ; there they understood by the Portugals of a great battle between them of Sierra Leone side and them of Taggarin: they of Sierra Leone had prepared three hundred canoas, to invade the other. The time was ap- pointed not past six days after our departure from thence, which we would have seen, to the intent we might have taken some of them, had it not been for the death and sick- ness of our men, which was caused by the contagiousness of the place, which made us to make haste away."*' The writer of the narrative seems to have consi- dered that they were engaged in a very holy work ; one acceptab^3 to the Almighty God. His account is, "The 29th of this same month, (January,) we departed with all our ships from Sierra Leone, towards the West In- dias, and for the space of eighteen days, we were becalm- ed, having now and then contrary winds, and some torna- dos amongst the same calm, which happened to us very ill, being but reasonably watered for so great a company of ne- groes and ourselves, which pinched us all, and that which was worst, put us in such fear that many never thought to have reached the Indias, without great death of negroes and of themselves : but the Almighty God, who never suf- fers his elect to perish, sent us 'he sixteenth of February, the ordinary breeze, which is the northwest wind, which * Third vol. of Hakluyt, p. 904 to 506. 466 TRAFFIC IN MEQB0E8. [BOOK II. I I never left us till we came to the island of the Canibals, called Dominica, where we arrived the ninth of March."* Hawkins found some difficulty in trading in the Spanish islands. The governor of the island of Mar- garita refused him license to traffic, and sent word to St. Domingo, to the viceroy, who gave orders to places along the coast prohibiting such traffic. On the third of April, Hawkins anchored at a town call- ed Burborata. There he was at first told that they were forbidden by the king to traffic with any foreign nation upon the penalty of forfeiting their goods ; but in the end the governor granted his request for a li- cense. There was another thing, the abating the king's custom, being upon every slave thirty ducats, which he still refused to grant. " Whereupon the captain perceiving that they would nei- ther come near his price he looked for by a great deal, nor yet would abate the king's custom of that they offered, so that either he must be a great loser by his wares, or else compel the officers to abate the same king's custom, which was too unreasonable, for to a higher price, he could not bring the buyers: Therefore the sixteenth of April, he prepared one hundred men, well armed with bows, arrows, arquebusses and pikes, with the which he marched to the townwards, and being perceived by the governor, he straight with all expedition sent messengers to know his request, desiring him to march no farther forward until he had an- swer again, which incontinent he should have. So our captain declaring how unreasonable a thing the king's cus- tom was, requested to have the same abated, and to pay seven and a half per centum, which is the ordinary custom * Third vol. of Haklayt, p. 807. OHAP. XIX.] TRAFFIC IN NEOROES. 457 for wares through his dominions there, and unto this if they would not grant, he would displease them. And this word being carried to the governor, answer was returned that all things should be to his content, and thereupon he determined to depart, but the soldiers and mariners finding so little credit in their promises, demanded gages for the performance of the promises, or else they would not depart. And thus they being constrained to send gages, we depart- ed, beginning our traffic and ending the same without dis- turbance."* On the 19th of May, Hawkins came to tLe Rio de la Hacha, where, as at Burborata, he told them they might determine either to give him license to trade or else tastand to their arms. : . -. : ; • v . * v r,- " So upon this, it was determined he should have license to trade, but they would give him such a price as was the one half less than he had sold for before, and thus they sent word they would do and none otherwise, and if it liked him jiot, he might do what he would, for they were not determined to do otherwise with him. Whereupon the captain weighing their unconscionable request, wrote to them a letter that they dealt too rigorously with him, to go about to cut his throat in the price of his commodities, which were so reasonably rated, as they could not by a great deal have the like at any other man's hands. But seeing they had sent him this to his supper, he would in the morning give them as good a breakfast. And therefore in the morning, being the 21st of May, he shot off a whole culverin to summon the town, and preparing one hundred men in armour, went ashore, having in his great boat two falcons of brass, and in the other boats double bases in their noses, which being perceived by the townsmen, they * Hakliijrt, vol. 3, p. 510. 58 458 TRArriO IN NBOBOKS. [■OOE II. // incontinoDt in battle array, with their drum and ensign dis- played, marched from the town to the sands, of footmen to the number of one hundred and fifty, making great brags with their criet? and waving us ashore, whereby they made a semblance to have fought with us indeed. But our cap- tain perceiving them so brag, commanded the two falcons to be discharged at them, which put them in no small fear to see (as they afterward declared) such great pieces in a boat. At every shot, they fell flat to the ground, and as we approached near unto them, they broke their array and dispersed themselves so much for fear of the ordnance that at last they went all away with their ensign. The horse- men, also, being about thirty, made as brave a show as might be, coursing up and down with their horses, their brave white leather targets in the one hand and their jave- lins in the other, as though they would have received us at our landing. But when we landed, they gave ground and consulted what they should do, for little they thought We should have landed so boldly : and therefore as our captain was putting his men in array and marchv^d forward to have encountered with them, they sent a messenger on horse- back with a flag of truce to the captain, who declared that the treasurer marvelled what he meant to do to come ashore in that order, in consideration that they had granted to every reasonable request that he did demand : but the cap- tain, not well contented with this messenger, marched for- wards. The messenger prayed him to stay his men, and said if he would come apart from his men, the treasurer would come and speak with him, whereunto he did agree to commune together. The captain only with his armour, without weapon, and the treasurer on horseback with his javelin, was afraid to come near him for fear of his armour, which he said was worse than his weapon, and so keeping aloof, communing together, granted in fine to all his re- quests. Which being declared by the captain to the com- m sh( gaj thij for ■J'^-^s^a^Ji-Oi^.. CHAP. IIX.] visn or HAWKINS TO FLORIDA IN 1565. 459 paiiy, they desired to have pledges for the performanee of all things, doubting that otherwise when they had made themselves stronger, they would have been at defiance with us : and seeing that now they might have what they would request, they judged it to be more wisdom to be in assurance than to be forced to make any moro labours about it. So upon this, gages were sent| and we made our traffic quietly with them."* Hawkins had with him a Frenchman, Martin Ati- nas of Diepe, who had been in Florida in 1662 with Ribault, and now guided the English along this coast. They ranged along it, seeking for fresh water, and en- quiring of the Floridians where the French inhabited ; they were disappointed at not seeing any habitation of the French in twenty-eight degrees, but found the ship and two pinnaces at the river of May, in thirty degrees and better, and sent Atinas as messenger to Laudonniere, at the fort, two leagues up. Two fia- gons of wine and some wheat bread, brought by Atinas, were very acceptable. Next day, a visit was paid by Hawkins, who seeing the wants of the French, sup- plied them with meat and other provisio:»s, and of- fered them a bark, for which they paid kiti in ord- nance.t " Moreover," says Laudonniere, " for as much as he saw my soldiers go barefoot, he offered me besides fifty pair of shoes, which I accepted and agreed of a price with him, and gave him a bill of mine hand for the same, for which until this present I am indebted to him. He did more than this : for particularly he bestowed upon myself a great jar of oil, a jar of vinegar, a barrel of olives, and a great quantity of * Hakluyt, vol. 3, p. 519. f Id. p. 347, 8, and p. 516 to 590. 460 VISIT or HAWKINS TO FLOBIOA IN 1565. ['OOK II. rice and a barrel of white biscuit. Besides, he gave divers presents to the principal officers of my company, according to their qualities : so that I may say, that we received as many courtesies of the general as it was possible to receive of any man living. Wherein, doubtless, he hath won the reputation of a good and charitable man, deserving to be es- teemed as much of us all as if he had saved all our lives." In returning, owing to the nature of the winds, Hawkins was as far north as the bank of Newfound- land, where he obtained a great number of fresh cod fish, which gave great relief. After this, with a good wind, he came the 20th of September to Padston, in Cornwall, with the loss of twenty persons in the voy- age, but with profit to the adventurers.^ . ,^ i M ^ ■♦ ... •3II«kluyt,p.aiO,9J. • ) ' ; '',■ ' Me of CHAP. IS.] VOTAOBS TO FLORIDA IN 1565. 461 ■Mt^>^ *s'«^'^'-''"' 'f '9^j--^-'i-d*.4r; >\:'h. '•;'-r'' •viutfi;n»- vt i ,'..'.•..!>■ -... ,-,;^^ imV'^^'^^f 'i-' r'-'-''" • '■'* *>'■'■ ^•■'''Vi;ri; •.^l':->f ' ^' '/»i|^|v^ -TW*V?^;'-^^")»?\- .V'iJi?^'';:- ,. ^.;:^ . v^* ,'|'Lr>'.' -',)^V^ ^ri^ -'V* CHAPTER XX. ^' ' ' <*},f^ Of the voyage of Ribault from France to Florida ia 1565; and the massacre there of the French by the Spaniards, under Menendez. After the departure of Hawkins from the fort, Lau- donniere proceeded to get every thing necessary on board his vessel ; he was ready to sail, when, on the 28th of August 1565, certain ships were seen. Ribault came in. them, bringing a letter from Chastillon, sta- ting his appointment as governor, and desiring Lau- donniere to return to France. The ships of Ribault were brought into the river the 4th of September. In the meantime, the proceedings of the French in Florida, had attracted the attention of the court of Spain. On the 5th of May 1565, the secretary Gon- zalo Perez presented to the president of the council of the Indias, some lines from the king, in relation to his rights to Florida, where the French had built a fort. The council was of opinion that the right of the King of Spain was very clear ; that it resulted from the donation of Alexander the Sixth, and the taking possession by Angel de Villafaiie, on the same shores and in the port which the French were now occupying; and that besides, Guido de las Bazares had pursued the same formality in 1558. A fleet, (composed of eight ships,) of which Pedro Menendez de Abiles was general, sailed from the bay of Cadiz the 28th of June 1565. Before it set out. 46^ ▼0TA0B8 TO fLOmOA IN 1565. [BOOB II. three caravels were sent, at different times, to trana- mit to Saint Domingo and Havana the orders of the king, as to the conduct to be observed on the arrival of the fleet. When the second of these caravels ar- rived near the isle of Mona, it is said to have met a French vessel, the men on board of which, forced the caravel to surrender ; took possession of its papers, and read the orders given for the conquest of Florida. The Spaniards arrived upon the Florida coast the 28th of August ; on the dth of September, five Spa- nish encountered four French ships at the mouth of a river. The Spanish general said to a French cap- tain: ^^What are you doing upon the lands of King Philip ? Leave them, for I do not see what you are doing here, nor what you wish to do." The captain dispatched a shallop to his admiral. What the former said, was not known, but the admiral was heard to say in reply : ** I am the admiral ; I would rather die." Then the French cut their cables, directed themselves towards the full sea, displayed the foremast sails, and passed in the midst of the Spaniards. The Spanish followed the French admiral, summoned him to lower, and soon after directed a small culverin to be fired. Again there was a summons to surrender, and again the reply, rather die than surrender. There was a second fire, which carried oflf five or six men. One of the French shallops was taken, and during the night the Spanish admiral and captain gave chase to the French admiral and captain. Next morning there was a great tempest; the Spaniards were afraid to continue out at sea, and regained the shore. They went to a river, described as about fifteen leagues CHAr. XI.] VOTAOEI TO rLORIOA IN 156ff. 463 above that of the French; took posseBtion of the country in the name of the king, and built a fort. Three shallops were sent out to seek provisions and some troops which were on board a gallion and another vessel, that had not arrived. Two French ships came behind one of the shallops, with the intention of attacking it, but the wind enabled the shallop to enter a port where the water was not deep enough for the French to follow. The gallion and the other vessel referred to, sailed, one of them for Spain, and the other for Havana. In a severe storm, most of the French vessels were lost at sea. On the 17th of September, the general set out with five hundred men, to attack the French. The chap- lain, well supplied with that bigotry which it was the fashion of the times to mistake for Christianity, ex- presses the hope that God will do what is necessary, that the Spaniards may propagate his holy Catholic religion, and destroy the heretics! On the 22d, there arrived a Frenchman, who said that he was one of sixteen who had been seat from the French fort eight days before, to observe vhat the Spaniards were do- ing ; that the frigate was wrecked at the mouth of a river, four leagues more to the south, where five pe- rished then, and the next day three were killed by the Indians ; that one of his comrades had attempted to regain the port, but he did not know what had be- come of the rest. He said there were in all seven hundred men in the fort, of whom a third were Lu- therans, and they had two priests who preached the Lutheran doctrine ; that of the seven hundred, more than two hundred had embarked in the four vessels ; ^.,.^i,_,..,;Miiaii^ 464 MASSACRE or THE FRENCH IN 1565. [BOOK II. that there were in the camp eight or ten Spaniards, of whom three had been found quite naked among the Indians, having belonged to a vessel which was shipwrecked on the coast long before. The Spa- niards afterwards got the frigate afloat, and brought it to their port ; there were seen fifteen bodies of the French, who had belonged to the frigate. An hour after the fi-igate arrived, news came of the victory over the Froiich. •';'>>:" '.^ '■ -/^':rk.'^^^;.-^v.*i..:'H-.-;. ■^':*^J■•^..>• " The enemy did not perceive them until the moment that they were attacked. As it was a heavy morning and rained in torrents, the most part were in bed ; some arose in their shirts, others were quite naked and asked for quar- ter: notwithstanding, a hundred and forty-two of them were killed. The others, who were to the number of about three hundred, scaled the walls; some gained the fo- rest ; others took refuge in the ships which were in the ri- ver, loaded with wealth ,* so that in an hour, the fort was in our power, without our having lost a single man and without even one being wounded. There were six ships in the river : we took one brigantine ; and a galliot which was not yet finished, as also another ship which had dis- charged rich merchandize, were run aground." On the 28th of September, they learnt, from the signs of some Indians, that on the coast towards the south, they had seen a vessel which was wrecked. The admiral was immediately ordered to arm a shal- lop, and go with fifty men thither : the general fol- lowed with twelve men, in another shallop. Upon reaching the French, one of them came to speak to the general. T^ CBAV. Xl.J MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. 465 ' ««^"He told him of their shipwreck and of the extremity ia which they were; that they had not eaten bread ^ for eight or ten days. He admitted that all , or at least the most part of them were Luth<)rans. Immediately the ge- neral sent him back to his comrades to tell them to surren- der and bring their arms ; that otherwise, he would put them all to the sword. A French serjeant came with the response of the enemy : he said, they would surrender on condition that their lives were spared. After a good deal of talking, our general replied that he would not give his word ; that they ought to surrender at discretion and put down their arms, because if he granted to them life, he wished them to make acknowledgment of it, and if on the contrary, he put them to death, they could not complain. Seeing they had no other resource, the serjeant returned to his camp, and a little time after, all brought their arms and their clothes : they gave them to the general and surren- dered at discretion." It is curious to see in what manner the chaplain re- lates the cruel massacre which then occurred. " Seeing that all were Lutherans, his lordship took the resolution of condemning them all to death ; but as I was a priest, and as I had the bowels of a man, I prayed him to grant to me one favour, that of not putting to death those whom we should find to be Christians. He granted it to me. I made some examination. I found of them ten or twelve whom we carried away ; all the others were execu- ted because they were Lutherans, enemies of our Holy Ca- tholic faith. All this took place on Saturday, the day of Saint Michael, the 22d of September 1565. A hundred and twelve Lutherans were there put to death without counting fourteen or fifteen prisoners." .69 • ■ . ..^e-, ,%• ^livn.' .On the 3d of September there arrived near our shipping, five Spanish ships. At night they spoke to- gether. The French asked why, and to what end they were seeking them ? They replied that they con- sidered them enemies ; that the war was sufficiently declare^. The French ru'sed their sails, and the Spa- niards made chase ; after which, the Spaniards retired to the river of the Dauphins. Three of the French ships afterwards returning to the road, Ribault dehbe- rated on going with these three to find the Spaniards, and concluded that he ought to shew himself against them on the waters. On the 10th of September, the captain embarked, taking not only the soldiers, newly arrived, but also the best of those who were there be- fore. On the 1 1th, when the French ships were near some of the Spanish, a tornado arose, which separated them; the tempest lasted till the 23d. Those who remained in the fort, were composed partly of the sick, partly of artizans, and partly of women and little children ; the whole numbering two hundred and forty souls. Most of these were in the fort asleep ; and the guard, having had a bad time all T*^^ ~-^;^^.T-r,-V^^-T IJ^7J1W5^»' 1^ CHAP. XS.} MASSACRE OP THE FRENCH IN 1665. 467 night, had Iain down to refresh themselves, when on the 20th day of September, in the morning, the Spa- niards entered the fort without resistance, and did horrible execution : cutting the throats of the healthy and the sick, the women and the little children, so that it is not possible to conceive a massacre which could exceed it in cruelty and barbarity. Some of the French escaped to the ships, in the river. Some having reached the woods, six of them thought it might be the least of evils to return end surrender themselves to the Spaniards. But these six, on com- ing out of the woods, meeting some of the Spaniards, were seized and treated no better than the rest. The French, from whom the six parted in the woods, one of whom is jthe writer of this relation, after much dif- ficulty, joined Laudonniere and his party of twenty- six persons, and with them reached the ship of cap- idin Maillard, near which was another ship. The company being divided between the two vessels, they sailed on the 25th of September, but were soon sepa- rated, and did not meet again. The vessel in which the author of this narrative sailed, encountered on the way a Spanish ship, but the French got the better of it. They landed on the coast of Rochelle. Jean Ribault, during five days that he was seeking the Spaniards, did not find them, but met the admiral of his fleet named the Trinity. In the tempest, these two ships were driven on the coast below the river of May, about fifty leagues by sea and twelve by land ; the vessels were broken, and their munitions lost. Captain La Grange having thrown himself upon a mast, was swallowed up by the waters ; the rest of 468 MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. ['OOK u. /■■; the men reached the land. For eight days they suf- fered greatly from hunger and thirst. The river of the Dauphins, very deep and about a quarter of a league wide, was between them and the fort ; they could not pass it without a vessel. On the 9th, they found a small bark. Ribault, ignorant of the mas- sacre at the fort, was of opinion that some of the men should go thither in the bark, to inform the peo- ple there of the wreck and their condition. Sixteen were selected for the purpose. The same day the "fe^ :,Mr?i!T' ;»■;'?';' *i^4hb^' ^•j'li^^.iml Spaniards came. ., "Our French in such an abyss of anguish, as a last re- source, sent some of the company to make an offer to sur- render if their lives were spared. The delegates were ap- parently received with humanity. The captain of this Spa- nish company, whose name was Yalletiiande, protested on the faith of a gentleman, a chevalier and a christian, of his good will towards the French ; that they should be treated according to the usage which had been in all time practised in war when the Spaniards were victorious. He declared so that all might be persuaded of this fair promise, that he would never do in this place what nations could afterwards resent, and immediately caused to be accoutred a bark in which five Spaniards passed beyond our people. Captain Jean Ribault entered among the first in the bark with others to the number of thirty. The reception of him was suffi- ciently humane, but the others which were in his company were carried far behind him and all tied, two and two, their hands behind the back. Then the rest passed thirty at a time, whilst Vallemande was discoursing in fair but hypo- critical words with this good captain John Ribault, who re- lied simply on the faith of this Vallemande to whom he had surrendered. Our men being all passed, were thus tied . CHAP. XX.] MASSACRE OF THE FRENCH IN 1565. 469 Ir ^ la together two and two, and ail vant together, French and Spaniards, towards the fort. The captain Jean Ribault and others, particularly Signor d'Ottigny, when they saw our men thus coupled together, began to change colour and commended themselves to the faith of Signor de Yallemande who assured them saying that the tying was only to carry them to the fort in safety, and that there he would keep to them what he had promised. As they came very near the fort, he began to inquire concerning those who were sailors, ship carpenters, gunners and others who would be useful for offices of the marine. These being chosen were found to number thirty men. Soon after was seen coming from the fort a company to meet our people, whom they made march behind Yallemande and his company, as you would see a troop of beasts which they were driving to slaughter. Then to the sound of fifes, drums and trumpets, the cou- rage of these furious Spaniards was displayed against the poor French who were tied with cords : Then it was to whom they should give the best blow with an axe, halberd or sword, so that in half a*i hour, they gained the field and bore off this glorious victory, killing villainously those who had surrendered and been received on their faith and safe- guard. During this cruelty, captain John Ribault made some remonstrances to Yallemande to save his life ; even Signor d'Ottigny, throwing himself at his feet, reminded him of his promise : but all this availed nothing ; for the backs being turned, he marehed behind them and one of his executioners struck from behind with a dagger captain Jean Ribault. He fell on the ground and soon after there were two or three other blows which ended his life." This relation, appears to have been gathered in part, at least, from one of the French sailors named Christopher Le Breton, of Havre de Grace, u'lio after making the voyage with the Spaniards from Florida 470 MASSACBE or THE FRENCH IN 1565. [book ii. to Spain secretly withdrew from the City of Seville to Bcrdeaax. ^^ai^^f*',^*^ i - <«jy'ts.f. * There is a fiirther account of this massacre by Lau- donniere, in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, page 362 to 356. . Such conduct would scarcely have been ventured upon by the Spaniards towards citizens of France in time of peace but for the strength of the Catholic party in the latter kingdom, and their hostility to the Protestants. In this year Philip the Second, in con- sequence of the revolt in the low countries, having sent thither the Duke of Alba, there was an interview at Bayonne of the king and Catharine of Medicis, with Philip's queen and the Duke of Alba. Catha- rine, under the pretext of the passage of the duke into the low countries, caused troops to be raised, by way of precaution, she said, against him. The Hu- guenots of France as well as of the low countries viewed this, with distrust. They wished to prevent the establishment of the inquisition, and the King of Spain was disposed to punish them. The measure of Catharine, just mentioned, it has been «aid, irrita- ted those in France and gave rise to the second civil war. ¥ • \,-» ■,- ^ ;"U , J •y'Nj;',? •■nv, '':1J*^'" ^'•^•/'•^7'7f-.'--r'r" CRAF. mi.] THE GHEVALIKR DE GOUROUE. '^^ 4T1 '0 '■4> CHAPTER XXI. -.u- ■iy'f :*.'^^^' Of the chevalier de Gourgue; his chivalrous enterprise; the manner in which the massacre of the French in Florida by the Spaniards in 1565 was avenged by him at the same place in 1568. . ^' ^^ ,'i,;' , . In 1567 the Duke of Alba had arrived in the low countries and arrested the Count of Egmont and the Count de Horn. In France the Huguenots with the Prince of Conde and the Admiral de Cohgni at their head, wiighed to take possession of the person of the king who was at Monceaux ; the queen was informed of it and withdrew to Meaux, whence the Swiss, com- manded by their colonel, carried the king to Paris.* It was^ in this year that the chevalier de Gourgue carried out his singular and chivalrous enterprise, of which there is an accountin a volume of pieces on Florida, published at Paris in 1841, in Ternaux's Col- lection ; in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection, page 356 to 360 ; and in Hawkins's Quebec, page 78 to 85. Gourgue was born at Mount Marsan in Gascony, and was in the armies of different princes for twfenty- five or thirty years. When a captain near Sienna in Tuscany, he sustained with thirty soldiers the brunt of a part of the Spanish army ; here, when his men had been cut to pieces, he was taken and put into a galley, which going towards Sicily was taken by the **' L'histoiie de France," printed at Paris in 1775, vol. 3, p. 533. 472 EXPEDITION 01* GOURGUX IN 1568. [book II. W Turks, carried to Rhodes and then to Constantinople. It vmB shortly afterwards recovered by Romeguas, commander of the army of Malta. Returning home, Gourgue made a voyage on the coast of Africa, whence he went to Brazil and the South sea. " He had," says Hawkins, '^ just returned to France from one of his voyages, with the reputation of the bravest and most able among her navigators, when he heard of the dis- astrous tale of La Caroline, and the disgraceful manner in which his countrymen had been put to death by the Spa- niards. Like a patriot, he felt keenly for the honour of his country ; and as a man, he burned for an opportunity of satiating his long dormant revenge on the perfidious Spa- niards, for their unworthy treatment of himself. At this time, too, there was circulated in France a narrative inti- tuled, the ' Supplication of the widows and children of those who had been massacred in Florida,' calculated to rouse the national feeling to the highest pitch. These uni- ted motives urged De Gourgue to a chivalrous underta- king — no less than to chase^ the murderous invaders from the coasts of Florida at the sword's point, or to die in the attempt." , ■- :-ji ■ .- rviv:; ii'i ^: xUji'f'f'..'. With funds obtained by borrowing from his friends and selling part of his property, he fitted out three ships, with from one hundred to one hundred and fifty soldiers and eighty mariners, and set forth in August 1567. At the end of the isle of Cuba, about two hundred leagues from Florida, his intention, hitherto concealed from his men, was disclosed to them ; their ready assent and purpose to cooperate with him, were immediately expressed, and they soon reached Florida. The Spaniards saluted them with cannon. £^^i* CHAP. HI.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLOKIDA. 473 supposing them of their nation, and Gourgue re- turned the salute, that they might retain this impres- sion, and he the more easily surprise them. Sailing out of their sight, he landed at the mouth of the Seine, fifteen leagues from the Spanish fort. The shore here was covered with the natives, with whose chief Olocatara, a league was quickly formed ; the outrages of the Spaniards upon the Indians, causing a desire in them no less than in the French, to be avenged. Gourgue, too, had an opportunity of examining Peter de Bre, a stripling who had escaped out of the fort, while the Spaniards murdered the rest of the French, and was brought up by the Indians. All met at the river of Sarauaki. Gourgue learned that the Spa- niards were four hundred strong, divided into three forts upon the river of May, one where the French had theirs, and two leagues nearer the mouth, a fort on each side of the river. One of these last was the subject of the first assault. As soon as Gourgue and his comrades had passed over the small river that falls down thereby, they prepared for the assault. It was on Sunday eve next after Easter day, in April 1568. Gourgue "gave twenty shot to his lieutenant Cazenove, and ten mariners laden with pots and balls of wild fire to burn the gate ; and then he assaulted the fort on another side, after he had made a short speech unto his men of the strange treasons which the Spaniards had played their com- panions. But being descried as they came holding down their heads within two hundred paces from the fort, the gunner being upon the terrace of the fort, after he had cried 'arm, arm, these be Frenchmen,' discharged twice upon them a culverin whereon the arms of France were 60 474 ASSAULT ON TBE 8PAMIABOS IN rLORIDA. [■<><» ». graven, which had been taken from Laudonniere. But as he went about to charge it the third lime, Olocatara, which had not learned to keep his rank, or rather moved with rage, leapt on the platform, and thrust him through the body with his pike and slew him. Whereupon Gourgue advanced forward, and after he had heard Cazenove cry, that the Spaniards which had issued out armed at the cry of the alarm, were fled, he drew to that part and so hemmed them in between him and his lieutenant, that of three score, there escaped not a man, saving only fifteen reserved unto the same death which they had put the French unto. The Spaniards of the other fort in the meanwhile ceased not to play with their ordnance, which much annoyed the assail- ants: although to answer them they had by this placed and oftentimes pointed the four pieces found in the first fort. Whereupon Gourgue being accompanied with four- score shot went aboard the bark which met him there to* good purpose, to pass into the wood near unto the fort, out of which he supposed the Spaniards would issue to save themselves through the benefit of the woods in the great fort, which was not past one league distant from the same. Afterward the savages not staying for the return of the bark, leapt all into the water, holding up their bows and arrows in one hand and swimming with the other, so that the Spaniards seeing both the shores covered with so great a number of men, thought to flee toward the woods : but being charged by the French and afterwards repulsed by the savages toward whom they would have retired, they were sooner than they would, bereft of their lives. To conclude, they all there ended their days, saving fifteen of those which were reserved to be executed for the example of others. Whereupon captain Gourgue having caused all that he found in the second fort to be transported unto the first, where he went to strengthen himself to take resolu- tion against the great fort, the state whereof he did not un- CHAF. MI.] ASSAULT ON THE 8PANIAB08 IW rLORIDA. 475 all the |>lii- in- derstand : in fine a sergeant of a band one of the prisoners assured him that they might be there very near three hun- dred well furnished under a brave governor, which had for- tified there, attending farther succours. Thus having ob- tained of him the platform, the height, the fortification and passages unto it, and having prepared eight good ladders, and raised all the country against the Spaniard, that he might neither have news, nor succours, nor retract on any side, he determined to march forward. In the meanwhile the governor sent a Spaniard disguised like a savage to spy out the state of the French. And though he were disco- vered by Olocatara, yet he used all the cunning he could possibly to persuade them that he was one of the second fort, out of which having escaped, and seeing none but savages on every side, he hoped more in the Frenchmen's than their mercy, unto whom he came to yield himself dis- guised like a savage, for fear lest if he should have been known, he should have been massacred by those barbarians : but the spy being brought face to face with the sergeant of the band, and convicted to be one of the great fort, was reserved until another time : after that he had assured Gour- gue that the bruit was that he had two thousand French-* men with him, for fear of whom the two hundred and threescore Spaniards which remained in the great fort were greatly astonished. Whereupon Gourgue being resolved to set upon them while they were thus amazed, and leaving his standard-bearer and a captain with fifteen shot to keep the fort and the entry of the river, he caused the savages to depart by night to lie in ambush within the woods on both sides of the river ; then he departed in the morning, leaving the sergeant and the spy fast bound along with him, to show him that indeed which they had only made him un- derstand before in painting. As they marched, Olocatara, a resolute savage which never left the captain, said unto him that he had served him faithfully, and done whatsoever he 476 AMAULT ON THK SPANIABXM IN FLOBIDA. ["OOE II. had commanded him, that he was assured to die in the con- flict at the great fort, wherein nevertheless he would not fail, though it were to save his life : but he prayed him to give that unto his wife, if he escaped not, which he had meant to bestow on him, that she might bury the same with him, that thereby he might be better welcome unto the village of the souls or spirits departed. To whom cap- tain Gourgue answered, after he had commended his faith- ful valour, the love toward his wife, and his noble care of immortal honour, that he desired rather to honour him alive than dead, and that by God's help he would bring him home again with victory. After the discovery of the fort, the Spaniards were no niggards of their cannon shot, nor of two double culverins, which being mounted upon a bul- wark, commanded all along the river, which made captain Gourgue to get to the hill covered with wood, at the foot whereof the fort beginneth, and the forest of wood conti- nueth and stretcheth forth beyond it : so that he had suffi- cient coverture to approach thereunto without offence. He purposed also to remain there until the morning, wherein he was resolved to assault the Spaniards by serving their walls on the side toward the hill, where the trench seemed not sufficiently flanked for the defence of the curtains, and from whence part of his men might draw them that were besieged, which should show themselves to defend the ram- part while the rest were coming up. But the governor has- tened his unhappy destiny, causing threescore shot to sally forth, which passing through the trenches, advanced for- ward to descry the number and valour of the French, whereof twenty under the conduct of Cazenove, getting between the fort and them which now were issued forth, cut off their re-passage, while Gourgue commanded the rest to charge them in the front, but not to discharge but near at hand, and so that they might be sure to hit them, that afterwards with more ease they might cut them in pieces OBAr. XII.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIABDI IN rLOBIOA. 477 with their swords. So that turning their backs as soon as they were charged and compassed in by his lieutenant, they remained all slain upon the place. Whereat the rest that were besieged, were so astonished, that they knew none other mean to save their lives, but by fleeing into the woods adjoining, where nevertheless being encountered again by the arrows of the savages which lay in wait there for them, (whereof one ran through the target and body of a Spa- niard, which therewithal fell down stark dead,) some were constrained to turn back, choosing rather to die by the hand of the French, which pursued them : assuring themselves that none of them could find any favour neither with the one nor the other nation, whom they had alike and so out of measure cruelly intreated, saving those which were re- served to be an example for the time to come. The fort when it was taken, was found well provided of all neces- saries: namely of five double culverins and four minions, with divers other small pieces of all sorts, and eighteen gross cakes of gunpowder, all sorts of weapons, which Gourgue caused with speed to be embarked, saving the powder and other moveables, by reason it was all consumed with fire through the negligence of a savage, which in seething of his fish, set fire to a train of powder which was made and hidden by the Spaniards to have feasted the French at the first assault, thus blowing up the storehouse and the other houses built of pine trees. The rest of the Spaniards being led away prisoners with the others, after that the general had showed them the wrong which they had done without occasion to all the French nation, were all hanged on the boughs of the same trees whereon the French hung ; of which number five were hanged by one Spaniard, which perceiving himself in the like miserable estate, confessed his fault and the just judgment which God had brought upon him. But instead of the writing which Pedro Menendes had hanged over them, importing 478 ASSAULT ON #lEIE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. [BOOK ii. these words in Spanish, * / do not this as unto French- men, but as untc LutheranSf' Gourgue caused to be im- printed with a searing iron, in a table of firwood, ' / do not this as unto Spaniards, nor as unto mariners, but as unto traitors, robbers and murderers.^ Afterwards consi- dering he had not men enough to keep his forts which he had won, much less to store them, fearing also lest the Spa- niard, which hath dominions near adjoining, should renew his forces, or the savages should prevail against the French- men, unless his majesty would send thither, he resolved to raze them. And indeed after he had assembled, and in the end persuaded all the savage kings so to do, they caused their subjects to run thither with such affection that they overthrew all the three forts flat, even with the ground, in one day. This done by Gourgue, that he might return to his ships, which were left in the river of Seine, called Ta- catacouro, fifteen leagues distant from thence he sent Cazenove and the artillery by water : afterwards with four- score arquebussiers, armed with corslets and matches light, followed with forty mariners bearing pikes, by reason of the small confidence he was to have in so many savages, he marched by land always in battle array, finding the ways covered with savages, which came to honour him with pre- sents and praises, as the deliverer of all the countries round about adjoining. An old woman among the rest, said unto him, that now she cared not any more to die, since she had seen the Frenchmen once again in Florida and the Spa- niards chased out. Briefly being arrived, and finding his ships set in order, and every thing ready to set sail, he counselled the kings to continue in the amity and ancient league which they had made with the king of France which would defend them against all nations: which they all promised, shedding tears because of his departure, Olo- catara especially: for appeasing of whom, he promised them to return within twelve moons, (so they count the CHAP, sxi.] ASSAULT ON THE SPANIARDS IN FLORIDA. 479 years,) and that his king would send them an army, and store of knives for presents, and ail other things necessary. So that after he had taken his leave of them, and assembled his men, he thanked God of all his success since his setting forth, and prayed to him for an happy return. The third day of May 1568, all things were made ready, the rendez- vous appointed, and the anchors weighed to set sail so pros- perously, that in seventeen days they ran eleven hundred leagues : continuing which course, they arrived at Rochelle the sixth of June, the four and thirtieth day after their de- parture from the river of May, having lost but a small pin- nace and eight men in it, with a few gentlemen and others which were slain in the assaulting of the forts. After the cheer and good entertainment which he received of those of Rochelle, he sailed to Bordeaux to inform Monsieur Monluc of the things above mentioned, albeit he was ad- vertised of eighteen pinnaces and a great ship of two hun- dred tons, full of Spaniards, which being assured of the de- feat in Florida, and that he was at Rochelle, came as far as Che-de Bois, the same day that he departed thence and fol- lowed him as far as Blay, (but he was gotten already to Bordeaux,) to make him yield another account of his voy- age than that wherewith he made many Frenchmen right glad. The Catholic being afterwards informed that Gour- gue could not easily be taken, offered a great sum of mo- ney to him that could bring him his head, praying moreover King Charles to do justice on him as of the author of so bloody an act contrary to their alliance and good league of friendship. Insomuch as coming to Paris to present him- self unto the king to signify unto him the success of his voyage, and the means 'which he had to subdue this whole country unto his obedience, (wherein he offered to employ his life and all his goods,) he found his entertainment and answer so contrary to his expectation, that in fine he was constrained to hide himself a long space in the court of 480 SPANIARDS IN fliORIDA DESTROYED IN 1568. [book ii. Roan, about the year 1570. And without the assistance of president Marigny, in whose house he remained certain days, and of the receiver of Yacquieux, which always was his faithful friend, he had been in great danger. Which grieved not a little Dominique de Gourgue, considering the services which he had done as well unto him as to his pre- decessors, kings of France."* The preceding extract is from Hakluyt, who con- cludes his account by saying that Gourgue " died in the year 1682, to the great grief of such as knew him." Champlain seems also to have been a great admirer of his conduct. The account given of the expedition, in Champlain's Voyages, closes in these terms : " Thus did this brave knight repair the honour of the French nation, insulted by the Spaniards ; which otherwise had been an everlasting subject of regret to France, if he had not avenged the aflfront received from the Spanish peo- ple. A generous enterprise, undertaken by a gentleman, and executed at his own cost, for honour's sake alone, with- out any other expectation ; and one which resulted in ob- taining for him a glory far more valuable than all the trea- sures of the world."t * Vol. 3 of Hakluyt, p. 358. t Hawkins's auobec, p. 85. "Z'W'^^^'^ CMAr. SXII.] OREKMHOW'S COMMUNIOATIOM. 481 CHAPTER XXII. Communication from Robert Greenhow, Esq., stating that the Spaniards in 1566, had knowledge of, and in 1573 visited a bey called Santa Maria, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees ; and suggesting that this bay must have been the Chesapeake. The following communication to the Historical So- ciety of Virginia, from one of its corresponding mem- bers, imparts matter of much interest, and new, it is believed, to most Virginians : " Washington City, May 1848. " I have the honour to address to the Virginia Histori- cal Society, the accompanying * Memoir on the first Dis- covery of Chesapeake Bay,'' embracing some information on that subject, obtained in the course of researches among the old Spanish Chroniclers of the New World, for my ' History of Florida, Louisiana and Texas,^ now in the press. Those works have been most lamentably neglected by our historians ; few of whom have, indeed, possessed a knowledge of the language in which they are written, suf- ficient for such investigations; and innumerable are the facts relating to the countries now included, as well as to those about to be included, within the limits of our re- public, which still remain unnoticed, though recorded in full in those venerable volumes. Some of these works have, it is true, been long since translated into English, and abstracts of others have been made ; but all so imperfectly, that it would be difficult to suppose from them, that the 61 482 OBEENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. [book II. pages of Cortes, Bernal Dias and Herrera, were not less in> teresting than those of Froissart, Joinville and Comines. ^ "The facts stated in the accompanying memoir, may serve to exemplify this assertion ; and I may add, that proofs, undeniable, exist of the discovery of the Mississippi by the Spaniards, many years before the expedition of Her- nando de Soto in 1541 ; notwithstanding which, a picture is now in progress, by order of our government, in com- memoration of the discovery of the great river by that re- nowned captain, destined to adorn the rotunda of the ca- pitol. " I will take the liberty, in conclusion, to recommend to the Society, in the publication of the Annals of Virginia, which is soon to be commenced, while preserving the exact words of the old historians, in quotations or extracts, to give them in the modern orthography ; as I know, from observation, that the ancient orthography will repel a large proportion of the ordinary readers, to whom such extracts would present all the difficulties of a new language, unless this rule should be observed. " With the hope that the Society may succeed in the ob- jects for which it has been instituted, in rescuing from de- struction the historical monuments and records of our An- cient Dominion, and in bringing to light those which lie hidden in obscurity, " I remain, with great respect, " Its unworthy corresponding member, • ROBERT GREENHOW. " To the YiROiNiA Historical Societj, Richmond, Virginia. ' ' CHAP. XXII.] OREENHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 483 Memoir on the first discovery of the Chesapeake Bay. Communicated to the Virginia Historical Society, by Robert Qreenhow. May 1848. " The Bay of Chesapeake is usually supposed to have been first seen, and entered by the English, under Gosnold, Smith and Newport, who founded the earliest European settlement on its waters in 1607. The onljyillusion to it, in any English account of anterior date, appears in the nar- rative, by Ralph Lane, of the proceedings of the colonists sent by Sir Walter Raleigh in 1585, to occupy the country, then first named Virginia, bordering upon the two bays now known as Albemarle and Pamlico Sounds. He there relates, that an exploring party of English had penetrated northward from their settlement on Roanoke island, be- tween the two sounds, one hundred and thirty miles, to the country of the Chesepians or of Chesepiook ; and he had been at the salne time told by an Indian king, '^that going three days journey in a canoe, up his river of Chawanok, (the Chowan,) and then descending to the land, you are within four days journey, to pass over land, northeast to a certain king's country, whose province lieth upon the sea ; but his place of greatest strength, is an island, situate, as he described unto me, in a bay, the water about the island very deep.' The country of the Chesepiooks, here men- tioned, we afterwards learn from Smith (page 65) to have been on Elizabeth's river, near the southernmost shore of Chesapeake bay ; as, indeed, its position and distance with reference to Roanoke island, plainly indicate. The bay described by the King of Chawanok, could have been no other than the Chesapeake ; Lane laments that he had not been able to explore it by way of the river, as well as ♦Hakluyl'a Collection of Voyages, &c. original edition of 1589, page 738, or edi- tion of IGOO, vol. iii. page 255. The copy of the narrative in Smith's History ii very imperfect. Smith'8 History of Virginia has been consulted in the original edition of 1634. 484 OBEENHOW's COMMUNICATION. [■OOK II. by vessels sent along the coast to its entrance ; particularly as he was assured, that it yielded ' great store of pearls,' and that it received a large river called Moratuc, running from the west. " This is all that appears on record, concerning the bay, in any English authority, earlier than 1607 : nor is any in- dication of its existence given, in any map, anterior to that date, oxcept in that of the New World, attached to the sixth part of Debrv's celebrated collection, (1596,) containing Lane's narrative, on which a bay is represented, as extend- ing to some distance westward from the Atlantic, under the thirty-seventh degree of latitude, with a river called Mora- tuc entering its upper extremity. The accounts of Ra- leigh's colonies had been carefully studied by Gosnold, Smith and the other projectors of their expedition ; and it is therefore possible, that they may have intended on leav- ing England to make the bay mentioned by Lane their place of disembarkation. Smith calls it (page 42) their ' desired port ;' yet he at the same time states, that they were driven into it, through the providence of God, by an ' extreme storm,' after Ratcliffe, one of their captains, had proposed to abandon the enterprise, and return to England, because they had ' three days passed their reckoning, and found no land :' which seems rather to show, that they were bound for Wocokon inlet, the entrance to Roanoke island. " Accordingly in all our histories, the discovery of the Chesapeake is attributed to the English, at one or the other of the periods here mentioned. When and by whom that name was given to the bay, is not directly stated. Stith had been informed (page 13 of his History of Virginia,) ' that Chesapeake signified in the Indian language, the mother of loaters, implying that it was the parent and graj.d reser- voir of all the great rivers within it. But this,' he properly observes in continuation, ' was a dark and uncertain guess ; CHAP. »II.] OREBNHOW'S COMBIUNICATION. 480 especially considering the unstableness and vast mutability of the Indian tongues, and that nobody at present can pre- tend to understand their language at that time.' Barbarians in fact, very seldom have fixed specific names for places, unless they are marked by strong peculiarities. ' The best authority,' adds Stith, ' that I have met with for this deri- vation, is what a gentleman of credit once assured me, that in a very old Spanish map which he had seen, our bay was laid down under the name of Madre des acquas [Madre de agitas] or some expression to the like purpose.' More probably, however, the Chesapeake Indians, inhabiting the country on the southernmost side of the bay, between Cape Henry and Hampton Roads, were the first people met by the English in 1607 ; and their name may have been trans- ferred to the bay, as those of Pamunkey, Potomac and Sns- quehannock, were subsequently assigned to the rivers, on which the nations so called, respectively dwelt. " It would, however, have been strange, that this great basin should have remained thus long unknown to the Spaniards, who had, as early as 1526, not only explored the whole coast, from the Mexican gulf northward, to and beyond the thirty-fifth degree of latitude, but had even at- tempted to form a settlement about that parallel : consi- dering, moreover, that their vessels on the way from Mex- ico, and the West Indies to Europe, sailed in the vicinity of the main land nearly as far as Cape Hatteras, before striking across the Atlantic, and must have been often dri- ven much farther in the same direction. But without dwelling on these probabilities, there is evidence apparently incontrovertible, that the Chesapeake was known to the Spaniards, and that an expedition had been made by them for the occupation of its coasts, at least twenty years before any attempt of the English to establish themselves in any part of the American continent. "The evidence here mentioned, is contained in the Chro- nological History or Annals of Florida, published at Madrid 486 OREENHOW's COMMUNICATION. [book II. y^, in 1723, under the title of ' Ensayo Chronologico Para la Histona de la Florida. Por Don Gabriel de Cardenas Z. Cano.^ The name thus given on the title page of the work, is fictitious, being an anagram of that of its real au- thor, Don Andres Gonzales Barcia, who did such good ser- vice in the cause of American history, by the republication of Herrera, Torqnemada, and many other narratives of the early discoveries and proceedings of his countrymen in the New World, then nearly out of print. The work now in question, was composed in great part from original docu- ments in the archives of the council of the Indies, and of the Franciscan order in Spain, to which he had access ; and its extreme minuteness on all points, with little regard to their importance, while rendering the book intolerable to the general reader, gives it at the same time the highest va- lue as evidence, where accuracy is required. On the point now under consideration, he says indeed but little ; so lit- tle as entirely to dispel all idea, that he could have fabri- cated or exaggerated in any respect ; yet that little is suffi- ciently clear for the establishment of the fact asserted in the preceding paragraph. "Every one is acquainted with the dreadful circum- stances which attended the foundation of St. Augustine, the oldest settlement of Europeans in our Republic, which has subsisted to the present day. The blood of the six hundred French Protestants, who had sought an asylum in that country from persecution in their own land, has sanc- tified the ground at the entrance of St. John's river, and of Matanzas inlet, where they were coolly murdered, 'not as Frenchmen, but as heretics,' by the ruthless Adelantado* of Florida, Pedro Menendez, in 1565. But Menendez was no common man. He foresaw the absolute necessity of extending the dominion of Spain over the adjoining coasts, * The title of Adelantado was originally assigned to the governors of frontier pro- vinces in Spain : in the New World it was held by those who received commissioDs to discover, conquer and possess unknown countries. Menendez was the last who bore it. CHAP. XIII.] GREENUOW'S COMMUNICATION. 487 X n vn bo in order to prevent them from being occupied by he rvals ; and having himself explored the peninsula of Florida, with that object, he ordered su veys to be made of the countries farther north, which wcd for some years prosecuted by sol- diers and missionaries, though with but little advantage. In the meantime, however, while lying with his squadron in the river of San Matheo, now the St. John, in the sum- mer of 1666, 'he dispatched, writes Barcia, (page 119,) a captain with thirty soldiers and two monks of the order of St. Dominick, to the bay of Santa Maria, which is in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees, together with the Indian, brother to the cacique of Axacan, (who had been brought by the Dominicans from that province, and baptized at Mexico, by the name of the Viceroy Don Luis de Velasco, ) to settle in that region, and to endeavour to convert its in- habitants to Christianity.' " This province of Axacan, comprised the lower part of the present state of North Carolina, towards which the Spa- niards were endeavouring to extend their settlements, from Santa Helena, near the mouth of the Combohee river, where they had formed a large establishment in the pre- ceding year. It may be observed, that the Spanish sound of this name is scarcely distinguishable from Wocokon, the name of the place according to its English pronunciation, at which the colonists of the latter nation landed in 1685. The result of the Spanish expedition is thus related by Barcia (page 123) : " ' The captain, who went with the Indian Luis de Ve- lasco, to the bay of Santa Maria, was overcome by his crew, acting under the influence of the two monks, who, accustomed to the delights of Peru and Spain, were not in- clined to enter upon a life of labour, privation and dangers ; and the soldiers needing little persuasion to induce them to turn back, made false depositions to the effect, that they had been prevented by storms from reaching the bay of 488 OBEENHOW'S COMMnNICJATION. [lOOK II. Z^- Santa Maria. So they sailed with a fair wind for Seville, abusing the King and the Adelantado for attempting to set- tle in that country, of which they spread the worst ac- counts, though none of them had seen it.' " Thus it appears, that the bay of Santa Maria, joining the Atlantic Ocean, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees, in which the entrance of the Chesapeake is situated — the thirty-seventh parallel running just miaway between Cape Henry and Cape Charles — was so well known to the Spa- niards in 1566, that an expedition was made for the pur- pose of taking possession of the surrounding country. We do not learn that the attempt was repeated. It appears, however, from Barcia, (page 146,) that " ' In 1573, Pedro Menendez Morquez, governor of Flo- rida, for his uncle the Adelantado, reduced many Indian nations to obedience, and took possession of their provin- ces, for the king, in presence of Rodrigo de Carnon, the notary of the government of Santa Helena. Being, more- over, himself a good seaman, he had been admiral of the fleet, according to Francisco Cano— he, hy order of the Adelantado, examined the coasts from the cape of Martyrs [Cape Sable] and the peninsula of Tequesta, [the southern- most portion of Florida,] where it begins to run north and south, at the outlet of the Bahama channel, along the land, to and beyond the port and bay of Santa Maria, which is three leagues wide, and is entered towards the northwest. In this bay are many rivers and harbours, on both sides, in which vessels may anchor. Within its entrance, on the south, the depth is from nine to thirteen fathoms,* and on the north side, from five to seven : at two leagues from it, in the sea, the depth is the same, on the north and the south, but there is more sand, within. In the channel, there are from nine to thirteen fathoms ; in the bay fifteen, '" The Spaniah braxa, or fathom, contains six Spanish feet, equal to about five feet nine inches English. CHAP. XXll.J GRCBNHOW'S COMMUNICATION. 489 ten and six fathoms, and in some places the bottom cannot be reached with the lead.' " Farthermore, after relating the particulars of the go- vernor's voyage from the cape of Martyrs to Santa Helena, Barcia proceeds thus, (page 148,) with regard to the course from the latter place ' to the bay of Santa Maria, in the latitude of thirty-seven degrees and a half He steered northeastward, and after sailing a hundred and ten leagues, in water of from sixteen to twenty fathoms deep, he passed over the edge of a shoal running directly northward, the point of which is in thirty-four degrees and three quarters, having between it and the land, a passage two fathoms deep, but of little width. Continuing towards the east, one quarter northeast, he found another shoal, with a good passage on the land side ; it is in thirty-five degrees, and runs six leagues in the sea, northwest and southeast, to the distance of thirty leagues, from the bay of Santa Maria. The coast is thereabouts very clear, so that you may sail near to the land, and anchor at some distance from it. There are on it three or four rivers, one of them very good, and three sand islets, like turtle shells or shields, about six leagues from the bay of Santa Maria, all three being with- in the space of a league. And he [the governor] thus went, as I have said, beyond the port and bay of Santa Maria.' " This is all that Barcia says of the bay of Santa Maria ; and nothing has been found with regard to it elsewhere. Those who are familiar with the old historians of America, will admit, that the descriptions thus given, are more than usually clear and definite, and correspond in a remarkable degree, with the true state of the places to which they refer. The shoal mentioned in the last quoted paragraph, in lati- tude of thirty-four degrees and three quarters, is evidently the same which runs out from Cape Look Out in North Carolina ; and the other shoal, twenty-two leagues farther 62 490 ORECNHOW'fl COMMUNICATION. [aoos II. northeast, and thirty leagues from the Bay of Santa Maria, may be at once identified with that which renders the pas- sage around Cape Hatteras so much dreaded by our mari- ners. Cape Hatteras is thirty-four leagues from Cape Hen- ry, the southern point of the entrance to the Chesapeake : that entrance is four leagues in width : the depth of its channel varies from six to thirteen fathoms on the south side, being much shallower towards the northern point, Cape Charles : and as the thirty-seventh parallel runs through the middle of this entrance, it appears unnecessary to adduce any farther arguments to show that the Bay of Santa Maria could have been none other than the Chesa- peake. " Admitting the identity of the two bays, the question occurs, as to the first discovery of the Bay of Santa Maria, which was known to the Spaniards in 1566. On this point, nothing has been learned. Gomara, in the twelfth chapter of his General History of the Indias, published in 1554, in which he describes the coasts of the New World, passes over the whole space between the Cabo de Arenas, near the thirty-ninth degree of latitude, probably Cape May, and a river situated one hundred leagues farther south. No allusion to such a bay is made in any account of any voy- age of either of the Cabots, or in the narrative of Yerraz- zano's expedition, though he 'certainly passed in the vicinity of the entrance of the Chesapeake, and landed not far from it on the south, in 1624 ; nor is it mentioned by Herrera, whose history ends with the year 1556, nor by Torque- mada, nor by any other Spanish historian except Barcia, as above quoted. " To the utilitarian the question will appear of no impor- tance ; nor can any direct advantage be derived from spe- culations as to the change which might have been made in the fate of the countries bordering upon Chesapeake Bay, had the Spanish expedition for their occupation, in 1566 CHAP. XXII.] (JREENiIOW'9 COMMUNICATION. 491 proved successful. The wretched colonies of that nation, at St. Augustine and Santa Helena, long prevented the es- tablishment of any other people in their vicinity, by main- taining n semblance of possession and dominion on the part of Spaui, which her rivals did not consider it politic to dis- turb : and it may reasonably be assumed, that James the Second of England, would not have readily granted a com- mission to his subjects to encroach upon territories held un- der similar circumstances, by a power which he was always anxious to conciliate. ROBERT GREENHOW. ••Washington City, May 1848." Mfr Greeniiow is understood to have been engaged lor many years, laboriously, on a history of Florida, Louisiana and Texas, and the adjoining countries, and to have procured for it a large amount of mute- rials ; some of them manuscripts, and others, though printed, rare and little known. There is reason to hope, that a volume of his history will shortly be made public. Any further remarks on the subject of his communication, are reserved for the first volume of " The Annals of Virginia."