IMAGE EVALUATION 
 TEST TARGET (MT-3) 
 
 1.0 
 
 I.I 
 
 1.25 
 
 ^ iiS 1112.2 
 
 " lis ilM 
 
 1.8 
 
 U 11 1.6 
 
 V 
 
 <f 
 
 /). 
 
 
 
 Photographic 
 
 Sciences 
 Corporation 
 
 ^^ 
 
 iV 
 
 <^ 
 
 
 ^<^ 
 
 V 
 
 
 ^5> ' ^"^ 
 
 
 g^ 
 
 23 WEST MAIN STREET 
 
 WEBSTER, NY. 14580 
 
 (716) 872-4303 
 
 ^ 
 
A^ 
 
 CIHM/ICMH 
 
 Microfiche 
 
 Series. 
 
 CIHM/ICIVIH 
 Collection do 
 microfiches. 
 
 Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut canadien de microreproductions historiques 
 
 ^ 
 
Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques 
 
 The 
 to t( 
 
 The Institute has attempted to obtain the best 
 original copy available for filming. Features of this 
 copy which may be bibiiographically unique, 
 which may alter any of the images in the 
 reproduction, or which may significantly change 
 the usual method of filming, are checked below. 
 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 D 
 
 n 
 
 Coloured covers/ 
 Couverture de couiaur 
 
 Covers damaged/ 
 Couverture endommag^e 
 
 Covers restored and/or laminated/ 
 Couverture restaurde et/ou pelliculie 
 
 Cover title missing/ 
 
 Le titre de couverture manque 
 
 Coloured maps/ 
 
 Cartes giographiques en couleur 
 
 Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ 
 Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que bleue ou noire! 
 
 Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ 
 Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur 
 
 Bound with other material/ 
 ReliA avec d'autres documents 
 
 r^7| Tight binding may cause shadows or distortion 
 
 L_J along interior margin/ 
 
 La re liure serrie peut causer de I'ombre ou de la 
 distorsion le long de la marge intdrieure 
 
 □ Blan:. leaves added during restoration may 
 appear within the text. Whenever possible, these 
 have been omitted from filming/ 
 II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties 
 lors dune restauration apparaissent dans le texte, 
 mais, lorsque cela i'>mt possible, ces pages n'ont 
 pas M film^es. 
 
 L'Institut a microfilm^ le meiileur exemplaire 
 qu'il lui a et6 possible de se procurer. Les details 
 de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-dtre uniques du 
 point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier 
 une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger una 
 modification dans la rndthode normale de filmage 
 sont indiquAs ci-dessous. 
 
 □ Coloured pages/ 
 Psges de couleur 
 
 □ Pages damaged/ 
 Pagi^s endommagdes 
 
 r~~j Pages restored and/or laminated/ 
 
 Pages restaurdes et/ou pelliculdes 
 
 Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ 
 Pages dicoiordes, tachet^es ou piquees 
 
 The 
 post 
 of tl 
 filmi 
 
 Orig 
 begi 
 the I 
 oion 
 othe 
 first 
 sion 
 or ill 
 
 □ Pages detached/ 
 Pages ddtach^es 
 
 r~~y Showthrough/ 
 h^ Transparence 
 
 r~n Quality of print varies/ 
 
 n 
 
 Quality in^gale de I'impression 
 
 Includes supplementary material/ 
 Comprend du materiel supplementaire 
 
 Only edition available/ 
 Seule Edition disponible 
 
 The 
 shall 
 TINl 
 whi( 
 
 Map 
 difffl 
 entir 
 begi 
 right 
 requ 
 met} 
 
 Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata 
 slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to 
 ensure the best possible image/ 
 Les pages totalement ou partieilement 
 obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure. 
 etc., ont 6x6 filmies i nouveau de facon d 
 obtenir la meilleure image possible. 
 
 D 
 
 Additional comments:/ 
 Commentaires suppldmentaires; 
 
 Thls item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ 
 
 Ce document est filmi au taux de reduction indiqui ci-dessous. 
 
 10X 14X 18X 22X 
 
 y 
 
 26X 
 
 30X 
 
 12X 
 
 16X 
 
 20X 
 
 24X 
 
 28X 
 
 32X 
 
t 
 
 tails 
 ) du 
 odifier 
 une 
 mage 
 
 The copy filmed here has been reproduced thanks 
 to the generosity of: 
 
 Metropolitan Toronto Library 
 Canadian History Department 
 
 The Images appearing here are the best quality 
 possible considering the condition and legibility 
 of the original copy and in keeping with the 
 filming contract specifications. 
 
 L'exemplaire fiimi fut reproduit grflce h la 
 g6n6rosit6 de: 
 
 Metropolitan Toronto Library 
 Canadian History Department 
 
 Les images suivantes ont 6t6 reproduites avec ie 
 plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et 
 de la nettatd de l'exemplaire filmd, et en 
 conformity avec les conditions du contrat de 
 filmage. 
 
 Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed 
 beginning with the front cover and ending on 
 the last page with a printed or Illustrated impres- 
 sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All 
 other original copies are filmed beginning on the 
 first page with a printed or illustrated impres- 
 sion, and ending on the last page with a printed 
 or illustrated impression. 
 
 The last recorded frame on each microfiche 
 shall contain the symbol — ^> (meaning "CON- 
 TINUED "), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), 
 whichever applies. 
 
 Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture en 
 papier est imprimde sont film^s en commengant 
 par Ie premier plat et en terminant soit par la 
 dernidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par Ie second 
 plat, salon Ie cas. Tous les autres exemplaires 
 originaux sont filmds en commenpant par la 
 premidre page qui comporte une empreinte 
 d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par 
 ia dernidre page qui comporte une telle 
 empreinte. 
 
 Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la 
 dernidre image de cheque microfiche, seion Ie 
 cas: Ie symbols -^- signifie "A SUIVRE ", Ie 
 symbols V signifie "FIN". 
 
 Maps, plates, charts, etc.. may be filmed at 
 different reduction ratios. Those too large to be 
 entirely included in one exposure are filmed 
 beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to 
 right and top to bottorti. as many frames as 
 required. The following diagrams illustrate the 
 method: 
 
 Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre 
 film6s d des taux de reduction diffdrents 
 Lorsque Ie document est trop grand pour dtre 
 reproduit en un seul clichd, il est film§ A partir 
 de Tangle sup^rieur gauche, de gauche d droite. 
 et de haut en bas. en prenant Ie nombre 
 d'images ndcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants 
 illustrent la m^thode. 
 
 rrata 
 
 
 
 leiure. 
 
 3 
 
 32X 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
■"•-''?^1 »«*.'{■ 
 
•'"7 ■ . '■ 
 
 k 
 
 \ ■■ ■ 
 
 / 
 
 f «5-\\ 
 
 61 
 
 AM 
 
 ADDRESS 
 
 TO THE; 
 
 •%\ 
 
 CITIZENS OF NORFOLK COUNTY, 
 
 EXPOSING THE 
 
 ABSURDITY OF THE PRESENT WAR 
 
 AND THE 
 
 GREAT BENEFITS OF PEACE; 
 
 AND SHOWING 
 
 THE ABSOLUTE NECESSITY OP CHOOSING 
 
 REPRESENTATIVE TO CONGRESS 
 
 V 
 
 WHO WILL VOTE FOR A 
 
 SPEEDY AND HONOURABLE PEACE. 
 
 BY A REPUBLICAN OF NORFOLK, AND A FRIEND 
 TO PEACE, LIBERTY, AND COiyiMERCE. 
 
 ,,*^t!iaai»aai»j«»s^>'t*'^j«!«*H'-^*'«^ 
 
 ;;l 
 
p. 
 
 »)^\«fc<*^ 
 
 I 
 
 MAY 22 1935 
 
 •iS ■ 
 
I 
 
 ADDRESS. 
 
 •iS 
 
 " Mr. Seaver, by his long experience, will immedi^ 
 *'at€ly enter upon the business of his station, and lend 
 ' all his aid to prosecute the war with energy,'' 
 
 THIS is the recommendation of Mr. Seaver, in a 
 late pamphlet, published by a pretended republican, m 
 order lo induce the citizens of this respectable county 
 to continue their suffrages in favour of a man who has 
 already represented them for 2igreuter number of years, 
 tlian the true republican doctrine of rotation in othce 
 would warrant. . 
 
 This recommendation of him we admit to be cor- 
 rect. There is no do' hx that a man, who had so littic 
 regard to the interests and feelings of the republicans 
 of this great commercial State, as to vote for a dread- 
 ful war, for which we were wholly unprepared, will, 
 in order to ht consistent, " lend ail his aid'' (however 
 small that may be) to prosecute his own war with en- 
 
 ^"^^f the friends of Mr. Seaver had contented theni- 
 selves with simply holding him up as the zealous ad- 
 vocate for a disastrous war, we, the republican advo- 
 cates for peace, would have been silent. We would 
 have trusted to the good sense of the people ot this 
 County ; to their well known love of peace ; to their 
 conviction of the haste and imprudence v^^ith which 
 the war was undertaken, for arguments against his re- 
 election. We in fact did pursue towards him, a man- 
 ly, republican, and generous policy. Without attack- 
 ing his personal or political character, we confined our- 
 selves to a simple publication of the several votes 
 which our representative, Mr. Seaver, had given tor 
 several years past. We relied on the excel ence ot 
 that scripture rule : " By their fruits you shall know 
 them." 
 
 • • I 
 
•epul 
 Der ? 
 rinej 
 ;he o 
 br \i\ 
 
 iiry t 
 and J 
 let n 
 of tl 
 one 
 they 
 N 
 of tl 
 
 By this exhibition of Mr. Seaver's conduct in Con- 
 gress, it was apparent, that not in a single, sohtary 
 measure, but throughout his whole public life^ he has 
 been often in opposition to all the republicans of the 
 North ; that esteeming of little account that commerce, 
 and those sacred rights, on which his own constituents^ ma 
 depend for their very existence, he has promoted and 
 supported measures destructive of oi.r prosperity. 
 
 The whole system of commercial restrictions down 
 to the premature declaration of war, which was the 
 most dreadful consummation of them, which was the 
 death blow to the commerce of Massachusetts, has 
 met his eager and unqualified assent. 
 
 Still however we were not disposed to widen the 
 breach in the republican party, to which we are firmly Ithe^ 
 attached, nor should we at this time enter into the ar-j^hc 
 guments against Mr. Seaver's reelection, if we had not|all t 
 been traduced, and our measures and motives misre- Ru^ 
 presented. Ifede 
 
 In the pamphlet of a pretended republican who sup-jdou 
 ports Mr. Seaver, merely because he is 2i friend to ^Aejelec 
 w«r, you are told, that the peace party among the re- effn 
 publicans are the mere tools of federalists ; that the licai 
 federalists first suggested the idea of a change; and? can 
 that this is a base coalition between the peace party and! Mr 
 the federalists for ambitious purposes. he i 
 
 After saying thai this is absolutely false, and a gross a dt 
 and base attempt to excite your passions against your has 
 republican friends, I would ask to what point does this has 
 doctrine lead ? What ? cannot the republicans, once in des 
 eight or ten years, change their candidate without be-^ ] 
 ing abused as apostates and betrayers of their party ? not 
 Is it to be presumed that our representative hi Congress tioi 
 can never do wrong? And are we bound to support^ de| 
 him, when he opposes our view of the publick interests, \ eas 
 or else to be bnmded as apostates, or federalists ? Is) oth 
 there no other republican in the County of Norfolk;^ str 
 capable of representing and supporting its interests but] 
 Mr. Seaver ; and is a man to be expelled from the so - an( 
 ciety of republicans, because he thinks that another Rt 
 
 '"^ 
 
 „ ,»'>i!i#e*wwi« 
 
,.^. 
 
 
 conduct in Con- 
 i single, solitary 
 
 5 
 
 •epublican may be as t^-f^od a man as our existing mem- 
 Der ? If these doctrines are true (and they are the doc- 
 ubiic'/ife, he has rines of Mr. Seaver's ftiend^) we may as well alter 
 ^publicans of the he constitution at once, and make Mi. Scaver a peer 
 i that commerce, br life. It is of little moment to a republican whether 
 Dwn constituents x man be called " Lord Scaver" and enjoy an heredit- 
 as promoted and ^ry dignity, or whether he be called plain Mr. Seaver, 
 r prosperity. md still eiijoy the same exclusive privileges. For what 
 estrictions down let me again ask, does this argument amount to, short 
 , which was the of this, if when the republicans propose a change of 
 1, which was the! ' - '^ ' ..--.-„.„ u. ..m .w 
 
 issachusetts, has 
 
 ied to widen the 
 
 one republican for another, they are to be told that 
 they are apostates, they are federalists in disguise ? 
 Not contented wiih thus misrepresenting the views 
 
 _ of the friends of peace, they also grossly misrepresent 
 
 ich we are firmly I the /zc/^. They underrate the number oi republicans 
 snter into the ar-iwho nominated a Friend to Peace. They state, that 
 on, if we had not]all the members of the peace party who nominated Mr. 
 I motives misre-JRuggles were federalists. This is wholly false ; not a 
 
 Ifederalist was present. They state, that we gave un- 
 Liblican who sup- (doubted i>roofs of our determination to oppose the 
 is a friend to ?Aej election of any republican candidate. What shameful 
 ty among the re-^ effrontery and wickedness ! ! We oppose any repub- 
 ^ralists ; that the«lican caiididate when we nominate a decided republi- 
 if a change ; andjcan ! ! Is not Mr. Ruggles as decided a republican as 
 e peace party audi Mr. Seaver V He is not, to be sure, a friend to war, but 
 
 he is a friend to peace ; and does republicanism mean 
 false, and a gross a desire for war ? If it does, the County of Norfolk 
 ions against your has never been republican ; for no County in the State 
 at point does thisi; has so uniformly, under all administrations, testified its 
 )ublicans, once in desire, its ardour, its love for peace, 
 date without be-; But it is objected to Mr. Ruggles, that he was first 
 •s of their party ? nominated in a federal paper. And are the machina- 
 ativc hi Congress tions and measures of our political opponents thus to 
 )ound to support j deprive us of the man whom we would prefer ? How 
 publick interests, j easy in such a case would it be for Mr. Seaver, or any 
 or federalists? Isj other man, less versed than he is in politicks, to de- 
 )unty of Norfolk | stroy a rival by sending a nomination to a federal paper, 
 gitb interests but! All this is done, republicans, with the mean view 
 elled from the so- and intention of c rciting your jealousies against Mr. 
 inks that another Ruggles. But have you not spirit jvnd sense enough 
 
 M 
 
 I 
 
 k ' ^gJL' ^ itaSS 
 
 J'itgCwwwwWs^e':''' 
 
B(«.w^.i.M«»;»*<#» 
 
 1 
 
 to judge for yourselves ? Are your opinions of men 
 and measures so poorly and imperfectly formed, that 
 you are to be driven from them, whether right or wrong, 
 merely because your political opponents are said to fa- 
 vour them ? The worst enemies of republican govern- 
 ments never uttered such a slander against them. 
 
 The question of xvar or peace is a simple otie. There 
 is no republican so weak ; there is no republican so ig- 
 norant, r.s to be incapable of deciding on this plain ques- 
 tion. If he thinks the war unnecessary ; if he thinks it 
 premature ; if he thinks that it will not remedy our 
 evils ; if he thinks it will impoverish the farmer, ruin 
 the merchant, saddle the nation with taxes, convert a 
 peaceful country into a vast, unprofitable, expensive 
 camp ; is he to be diverted or changed from these opin- 
 ions, merely because the federalists think so too ? Do 
 right and wrong, truth and falsehood, depend altogeth- 
 er on men's political divisions ? 
 
 To what a dreadful issue and result does this doctrine 
 lead us ? Are we then never to be united? Are we to 
 be subject to ten thousand perpetual feuds and divi- 
 sions ? 
 
 Oh no ! say the friends of war ; Oh no ! says Mr. 
 Seaver, v/e ought to be united in favour of the -war. 
 
 Well then, let us see how this argument ends I If all 
 the federalists should unite in favour of the war, ac- 
 cording to the argument of this pretended republican 
 advocate for Mr. Seaver, the republicans ought to be 
 against it. What ! Mr. Seaver against his own war ? 
 No such thing. - He would then tell you that the whole 
 nation were united in favour of his measures. But the 
 case happens to be reversed. One half the republicans 
 and nearly all the federalists are opposed to the war. 
 What then is Mr. Seaver's language '? Why you ought 
 to be m favour of war, because the federalists are against 
 it. So then union is an excellent and honourable thnig 
 if it is in favour of Seaver and war ; but the same 
 union is a most dreadful monster when it is opposed to 
 Mr. Seaver's votes, to blood, to carnage, to taxes, to 
 national disgrace and ruin. 
 
tmsBBtsmmmamaama 
 
 ons of men 
 ormed, that 
 It or wrong, 
 2 said to ia- 
 ;an govern- 
 thtni. 
 
 one. There 
 lican so ig- 
 plain ques- 
 he thinks it 
 emedy our 
 armer, ruin 
 , convert a 
 expensive 
 these opin- 
 o too ? Do 
 id altogeth- 
 
 his doctrine 
 
 Are we to 
 
 s and divi- 
 
 ! says Mr. 
 the war, 
 ^nds I If all 
 le war, ac- 
 republican 
 ught to be 
 own war? 
 It the whole 
 y. But the 
 republicans 
 ) the war. 
 you ought 
 are against 
 rable thing 
 : the same 
 opposed to 
 taxes, to 
 
 Now I as., you, my republican brethren, whether this 
 is not a fair view of this argument against Mr. Ruggles ? 
 
 And let me appeal to your good sense, whether the 
 merit or demerit of the war ought not to be decided 
 without any regard to the opinions oi federalists, and 
 whether we ought to admit ourselves to be such weath- 
 er-cocks as to place ourselves, right or wrong, on the 
 most important and vital questions, in opposition to 
 what the federalists may happen to think ? If we do 
 adopt such conduct, there is an end to argument, and 
 to all hopes of future union or peace in our country. 
 
 We do not mean now to enter into the justice or ex- 
 pediency of the war. It is too broad a ground, and the 
 i-eor'- have decided upon it. They have, we say with 
 ience, decided against the war. To be sure, like 
 jtizens, they submit, but they rely upon their 
 \onal remedies, the elections. These remedies 
 applying as fast as the opportunity presents. 
 Xnc as there a case in a free country in which pub- 
 
 lick opinion was so clearly expressed. Shall a few re- 
 publicans oppose them" Jives to the whole national opin- 
 ion, in complaisance to Mr. Seaver ? fFewill not. 
 
 This is not a party question. It is a national one. 
 It is a vital one. Men ought not to be, mv^ cannot be, 
 men never will be, bound down to little party divisions, 
 when their lives and fortunes, their farms, their wives, 
 and children, are in jeopardy. 
 
 This is not the Jirst time that a rash war spirit has 
 broken up all party distinctions, and united all the re- 
 publicans and reasonable federalists in an universal 
 clamour for peace. 
 
 Mr. Seaver's pamphlet in favour of war has made 
 some most unfortunate and imprudent allusions on this 
 point. In order to convict the federalists of inconsist- 
 ency, he has reminded them of their rash zeal/^r war 
 under President Adams's reign of terror. Be it so. 
 Be it, that the federalists are inconsistent ; we agree to 
 it if they please. But how stands the argument as it 
 respects us republicans ? 
 
mm 
 
 BEBBBbBSP«^^. 
 
 We were then opposed to war with France, thoufrh 
 much more popular, and much more just, and much 
 ^ess dangerous than this present war. We are also op- 
 posed to the present war, f»r the same reasons as we 
 were then ; for the reasons urged and lon^ since im- 
 pnnted on our m.nds by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madi- 
 bon that we arc a >oung country, remr e from the 
 colhsions of Luropt, and we ought to husband our re- 
 sources until we arrive at such strength and power as 
 will enable us to compel the European nations to re- 
 spect us.' • 
 
 \A^e are therefou consistent. The Countv of Nor- 
 folk addressed Congress a.^^ainst the war wi{h France, 
 m 1 798. 1 he County of Norfolk ought to be equalh' 
 opposed to this war, which is vastly more ruinous ? 
 
 But how stands Mr. Seaver's consistency ? He was 
 opposed to the French war in Mr. Adams's time. He 
 IS the strenuous advocate for war now. He opposed 
 ' then, all the measures which government adop ed to 
 support the nation^J^ honour. He opposed the standing 
 army He opposed the cession of Castle Island, and 
 all other measures adoptec^ by Mr. Adams, in that war. 
 Nowmdeed r.. republicans are abused because we 
 actm perfect comcidence with our >m.r opinions, 
 and oppose a war as we did then. To us it is imma 
 
 iT'sUr f e" n"- .^-^-^^-' (- was th'rsefn 
 tV. h. H ? • ^^^':^^°''"' (as is the case now) be at 
 the head of our armies. We are opposed to all stand- 
 ing armies and to all foreign conquests of beggar[y 
 and miserable provinces, such as the two Canadas. ^ 
 , We have said that we do not mean to enter into tie 
 K' °:;"^P^^^T^ of the war; but we must sa^! 
 that the advocates lor war have made many gross mk 
 re-^resentations. ^ ^ 
 
 They are questions on which republicans may dif. 
 fer ; on which thev have dur^r.ri ^ lu.,.,, \^L ^". 
 
ance, thouf^h 
 it, and much 
 * are also op- 
 Jasons as we 
 ig since im- 
 i Mr. Madi- 
 r - irom the 
 iband our re- 
 nd power as 
 ations to re- 
 
 ritv of Nor- 
 vith France, 
 3 be equally 
 ruinous ? 
 y ? He was 
 s time. He 
 He opposed 
 
 adopted to 
 he standing 
 Island, and 
 in that war. 
 because -we 
 r opinions, 
 it is imma- 
 the case in 
 now) be at 
 o all stand- 
 •f beggarly 
 anadas. 
 er into t:ie 
 
 must say, 
 gross mis- 
 
 \s of Great 
 :s, and the 
 ress them, 
 
 i may dif- 
 vvi^er and 
 
 \:y- 
 
 abler republicans than Mr. Seaver, from every piMt of 
 the union, opposed the war in Cong-ess. In the Sen- 
 ate, ihere are but seven federalists ; and yet, out of 34 
 members, there was only a majority of fir in favour 
 of the war. 
 
 Now, if republicans are not allowed to think and 
 agree with federalists on this subject, I know no law 
 that prevents them from thinking with other republicans* 
 
 I do not kno^ / why they should not agree with Mr. 
 Pope and M . li.-adley, two distinguished republican 
 senators, or with Mr. Tallman, a republican represen- 
 tative from this State, as well as Mr. Seaver ; unless, 
 indeed, it is e■^tablished law, that constituents are not 
 only bound by the laws, but by the opinions of their 
 own immediate representative. I think in that case 
 their servitude is not the most honourable, nor the 
 most safe. 
 
 Is ii understood, fellow republicans, that when we 
 choose a representative we mean to adopt all his opin- 
 ions, whether right or wrong, beneficial or ruinous ? 
 If such be the understanding, we ought to be a little 
 more careful hereafter in our choice of the man. 
 
 We have said, that the people have expressed a de- 
 cided opinion against the war ; we have said they never, 
 on any occasion, expressed so decided an one. 
 
 We proceed to the proofs. In the first place, the 
 loan opened by government was not half Jilled'y 
 money is most abundant ; deprived of their trade on 
 the ocean, the merchant-^^ are "-omp'^lled to keep their 
 money inactive on hand. Why not loan it to govern- 
 ment ? Because they disapproved the war. Bui we 
 are 1 old this is 2i federal scheme! This is too weak. 
 What ! did the federalists prevent the republicans from 
 loaning ? or will the republicans countenance the boast- 
 ings of federalists, by saying, that the money is held 
 wholly by federalists ? 
 
 It is not true ; the republicans of New York, Phila- 
 delphia, Baltimore, Virginia, aad Charleston arc rich- 
 er than the federalists, and yet they would not loan. 
 Why ? Because they disapproved of the war. 
 
ir 
 
 :F1 
 
 I !' 
 
 - . 
 
 i 
 
 10 
 
 nf fn'nff^' , '^*"-' P'-es'dent was auhorised to accept 
 ot 30,000 volunteers, a„d to raise 20,000 regulars be- 
 sides, the whole cost of whom would, if called into ser- 
 vice, be twenty e.ght millions of dollars in one year, 
 which would double the whole national debt in two 
 years, and would be 56 times as great as the whole state 
 oeDt ot this great commonwealth. 
 
 But he has not raised, nor could he raise more than 
 5000 men as a standing army, nor have more than that 
 mimber of volunteers offered in all the United States. 
 Not one seventh part of the force has been raised. 
 fn ^Pf ^' 1^"* '"'Pl;,'^"'^'' ^ Can this also be charged 
 do nnt f M "1? • " ''''> '"'" ""^ "">"'y^ 'hey surely 
 three f,^ '^n"'u™- '^^^^ repubiicfns constitute 
 three-fourths of aM the population of the United States, 
 and yet the republicans will neither enlist or volunteer. 
 . Why !- Because thev dislike the WAR 
 
 enn ?hl." l"i' ^?x? °': J^ifO-'and is decidedlv republi- 
 
 can, the State of North Carolina is decidedly republi- 
 
 - can ; yet these two great States without changing their 
 
 repuWican character have come out in unequivocal op. 
 
 tC T Z Kr"'""- ^ "" *"" authorized in stating, 
 
 that the republicans are as much or more oi)posed to 
 
 he war than the iederalists. Shall we then be'tow'that 
 
 ve cannot adopt opinions on this subject without be 
 
 red hv ZV"'^tP°"''^' • ^^ ^^'^ "« '° be deter- 
 red by threats of this sort, until there is a law enforced 
 
 rL""il,T'lrP°T' T^T^ ^'- Saver's anti-commer- 
 «al ant,-New-t,ngland votes, the standard of every 
 nian s opinions. ^ 
 
 It is admitted by Mr. Seaver's friend, the author of 
 the pamphlet circulated to causie the re-election of th°s 
 war gentlemari, that there were but two causes of war 
 _ IMPRf:sSMENTS, AND °"^'"' 
 
 «. THE ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 
 
 We say nothmg about the gross exaggerations in 
 put ing down 6000, the whole number imp?S for 20 
 
 all Snn"^;^™'"* ''''"«'^'' "' *^«""^ P«P^>-, that 
 all but 900 had been restored. M e say nothine about 
 our personal experience of the few ««X"3„ who 
 
.^^3--/«'' — TRJ'-'- 
 
 rised to accept 
 )0 regulars be- 
 called into ser- 
 "s in one year, 
 al debt in two 
 the whole state 
 
 use more than 
 nore than that 
 Jnited States. 
 Ml raised. 
 >o be charged 
 y, they surely 
 ms constitute 
 Jnited States, 
 or volunteer. 
 
 iedly republi- 
 edly republi- 
 hanging their 
 equivocal op- 
 ed in stating, 
 e oi)posed to 
 n be told, that 
 t without be- 
 to be detcr- 
 law enforced 
 inti-commer- 
 ard of every 
 
 the author of 
 iction of this 
 uses of war J 
 
 [L. 
 
 fgerations in 
 essed for 20 
 le paper, that 
 )thing about 
 seamen who 
 
 11 
 
 are impressed, nor do we ask the inhabitants of this large 
 county to see if it has been to their knowledge, and in 
 their vicinity, so dreadful an evil, as to justity sending 
 20,000 seamen mto foreign prison ships, and 20,000 
 more into foreign service, which the war will do ; we 
 simply say that unjUst as this practice of Great Britain 
 may be, Mr. Monroe, a staunch republican, and our 
 present Secretary of State, did write our government, 
 when he was in England, that he could make a satisfac- 
 tory settlement of that business with Great Britain, and 
 the only reason it has not been done is, that we had 
 other matters to settle, all of which are now adjusted* 
 
 The other point in dispute, the Orders in Council 
 are now repealed. This is admitted by every body, 
 even by Mr. Seaver's pamphlet. We have then no dis- 
 pute whatever with Great Britain, and what we are now 
 fighting for no man can tell, unless it be to punish her 
 for her past conduct, or to make her put on the Orders 
 in Council again. 
 
 But says this pamphlet of Mr. Seaver's friends, Great 
 Britain is waging war upon your coasts and frontiers — - 
 She lets loose the savages upon you, will you not defend 
 yourselves ? 
 
 My republican friends ; does Mr. Seaver take you 
 to be fools ? Who declared the war ? Mr. Seaver. 
 W^ho entered Canada ? Gen. Hull. Who invited the 
 Canadians to revolt against Great Britain? Gen. Hull. 
 Who threatened to look down all opposition to the con- 
 quest of Canada ? Gen. Hull. Who asked an armis- 
 tice, or cessation of arms ? Gov. Provost and admiral 
 Suwyer, liritish officers. Who rejected this offer ? Mr. 
 Madison. Who attacked the Guerriere ? Capt. Hull. 
 What coast have the British fleets attacked? None. 
 Who now threatens to take Quebec ? Gen. Dearborn. 
 
 Now can any man's cause be so bad as to make it 
 necessary after all this, to say, that as Great Britain is at- 
 tasking us by sea and land, it would be base not to con- 
 tinue the war. Yet Mr. Seaver's friend says all this. 
 
 Need I add to this, that the British government have 
 even yet, after blood has been spilt, sent out another 
 ambassador, admiral Warren, to sue for peace. 
 
 i 
 
*-v*-»,- «-- -'.-^i^.- 
 
 ■•- > 
 
 i 
 
 !i! 
 
 i 
 
 12 
 
 Perhaps upon your votes may depend the question, 
 whether peace shall or shall not be made — for if Mr. 
 Seaver goes to Congress, he tells you plainly, that he 
 shall prosecute ih^^ war with vigour. 
 
 To conclude, and to sum up the whole matter in a 
 few words which every man can comprehend. 
 
 The question is simply this. 
 
 Will you vote for a republican, Mr. Buggies, who is 
 a fciend to peace, or for another republican, Mr. Seaver, 
 whose friend says, he will prosecute the war with vig- 
 our ? Will you vote for a friend to trade and commerce, 
 upon which agriculture depends for its best rewards, or 
 for a taan, who has always voted more than any other 
 man against trade and commerce ? 
 
 If you think the possession of the two Canadas, the 
 most bleak, barren, cold, inhospitable poor countries in 
 America, gained at the expence of five or six such ar- 
 mies as Gen. Hull's, and with a national debt which will 
 amount to a heavy mortgage on your farms, the ready, 
 natural, and proper means of vindicating your rights, 
 which Britain has already ceased io violate, why you will 
 vote for Mr. Seaver. 
 
 He prefers the conquest of Canada and high taxes to 
 free trade, cheap foreign goods, and dear countiy pro- 
 duce. 
 
 Mr. Ruggles prefers unshackled commerce, and in- 
 dividual prosperity in town -^nd country. 
 
 Mr. Seaver will vote for standing armies, paper mon- 
 ey, (indeed I presume he has already voted for one 
 sort of paper exchequer bills) land taxes, and excises. 
 
 Mr. Ruggles will pursue a course of measures which 
 will render all these unnecessary. 
 
 Those of you therefore who are too passionate to rea- 
 son, too deaf to the dictates of humanity, too insensible 
 to the injo notions of Christianity to wish a speedy and 
 honoumbie peace, will vote for Seaver. But the calm, 
 sober, steady peacemakers will join us their republican 
 brethren in voting for 
 
 NATHANIEL RUGGLES, Esq,. 
 
id the question, 
 ide — for if Mr. 
 plainly, that he 
 
 le matter in a 
 hend. 
 
 uggksi who is 
 in, Mr. Seaver, 
 war with vig- 
 md commerce, 
 est rewards, or 
 than ant/ other 
 
 ) Canadas, the 
 »or countries in 
 or six such ar- 
 iebt which will 
 rms, the ready, 
 g your rights, 
 2, why you will 
 
 I high taxes to 
 rcountiy pro- 
 
 nerce, and in- 
 
 2s, paper mon- 
 voted for one 
 and excises, 
 easures which 
 
 isionate to rea- 
 too insensible 
 a speedy and 
 But the calm, 
 eir republican 
 
 Zsqj 
 
I