io^ IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I 11.25 ■ttlM lU Iff m 12.2 ^ U£ |2j0 "■ u WWU NHS 6" HiotogFajjiic Sciences Corporafai 23 WIST MAIN STMIT WnSTIR,N.Y. USM (71«) •72-4503 ^ ^1^ ^.V^ '^ ■«■ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHIVI/ICIVIH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical IMIcroreproductions / Institut Canadian da microraproductions historiquas Tachnical and Bibliographic Notas/Notas tacliniquaa at bibiiograpiiiquaa Tha instituta has attamptad to obtain tha bast original copy avaiiabia for filming. Faaturas of this copy which may ba bibliographically uniqua, which may altar any of tha imagas in tha raproduction, or which may significantly changa tha usual mathod of filming, ara chaclcad balow. 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Tous les autras exemplaires originaux sont filmfe wt commenpant par la premiere page qui comporta une anpreinte d'impreasion ou d'illustration at an termlnant par la darnlAre page qui comporta une telle empreinte. Un daa symbolas suivants apparaltra sur la dernKre image de chaque microfiche, selon la cas: ie symbols -^ signlfie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signlfie "FIN". Les cartas, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre fllmte A des taux da rAduction diff Arents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atra raproduit en un seul clichA, 11 est fiimA A partir da I'angle supArieur gauche, da gauche A droite, et de haut an bait, an prenant la nombre d'imagas nAcessaira. Les diagrammas suivants lilustrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ■> ■ ^.. ■-■p-i.^.- -j^Y:v^j'r^ ■ ;•■- .-n ' SPEECH m*« OF HON. JOSEPH H. CHANDLER OF PENNSYLVANIA, ON THE COLLINS LIXE OF AMEKICAN STEAMEltS. DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JULY C, 1853. ?Hppriori»y inny be conceded for a time, in what it takes time to complete. Imt no nation wiP wisely and willinjily admit that she is to remain inferior. No matier on wliat ttie slako is set for national contest, it is of national import that victory should be achieved." VV A S III N G T O N : r R I N T G [} BY J N O . T . TOWERS 1852. t J SPEECH. The House having under consideration the hill to supply dfficlencieB in the eppro- propriations for the fiscal year ending the 30th June, 1852 — Mr. CHANDLER said: Mr. Chairman : I need not tell this House that I am specially opposed to the patronage Avhich this Government has weakly, and as some think wickedly bestowed upon tlie city of New York, in disregard, and I may say, to the injury of other cities of the Union. I last year dwelt with earnestness, and, as it proved, with effect, upon the manifest wrong which the lavish partiality of the Government to New York had inflict- ed upon other cities — among others, that which I in part represent on the floor of this House ; and in no one particular has that injudicious preference been manifested more than in that of patronage continued to certain steamboat lines running from and io New York, in opposition to other lines owned there or elsewhere in the Union, and running in the same trade, and be- tween the same ports. Jxunning^ I have said, with these Government-favored steamers — not exactly so, Mr. Chairman — but rea(hj to run with them, whenever private enterprises can be left free to compete with private exertions. Against these things, Mr. Chairman, I have protested not only because New York w^as thereby enabled to maintain her swelling port, without the investment of ample capital, and without the effort of fair competi- tion ; but also, and especially have I protested, and do I protest against it, because, inflated with the favor, 6 :.f' ■; 'ft. rf. i ! XeV York claims all else of national patronage and national distinction, and makes the success of ber con- stunt demands tlie crrounds for ani^mcnted favoritism ; tlms improving npon the axiom of Scripture, and taking the coat of the Government because it has already pos- sessed itself of the cloak. There is a point when governmental favor, like pa- rental partiality, rises from an error into a crime, be- cause, while it infhxtes into impracticable insolence the object of its favor, it disheartens, cripples, and destroys the neglected rival. The judicious parent will promote his own interest, indulge his own affection, and secure the success of his family, not by lavishing his means upon one child to the injury of another, but by the judicious distribution of his property among all his sons, to enable them to compete with the enterprise of antacronistic or rival neio-hbors. So, Mr. Chairman, a judicious Government w^ill seek to diffuse its favor, if it have favor to bestow, upon all portions of its citizens, to enable each to give efficacy to its industry, and to enable all to contend against the industry and enterprise of the people or Government of another country. iVnd while I advocate the former, and desire also the latter — while I protest in the name of my constituents against any uses of public funds that shall tend to promote centralization on any one city against all others in the Union, beyond the advantages of nature, and the results of well-directed enterprise, I advocate such a system of governmental power and legislative competency as shall enable the citizens of this country, in all enterprises that involve capital and in- dustry, and seek to enlarge national and individual benefit, to compete with and outstrip the enterprise and industry of foreign shores ; and if that enterprise and industry, and that devotion of capital by foreigners, •■w have one of their points d^appui upon our shores — if England, that almost omnipotent architect of commer- cial consequence, centers one foot of her mighty com- passes in London, and turns the other on IS'cw York, or any other city of our Union — then, sir, I say it is not for Philadelphia, it is not for Boston, not for Baltimore, not for New Orleans, to stand aside, and let our means, our commerce, our trade, our habits of business, be cir- cumscribed by English rule, and made subservient to British profits. The amendment now under consideration is a pro- position to give to a line of steamers now already pat- ronized, an additional amount of compensation for carrying the mail across the Atlantic. Various objections are made to this amendment : 1st. That individuals of New York must be more concerned than the public, because they are so anxious and clamorous for the means of relief. 2d. It is said that it is only a New York enterprise, and therefore, has no claim for support upon the nation at large. 3d. It is added that no benefit can come from divid- ing with Great Britain the business of mail transpor- tation. 4th. And that the contest with England as to whose steamer shall run the fastest in the race across the ocean, is unworthy national engagement. I purpose occupying a few minutes of the time of this committee in considering these objections, and if it should appear that the premises which I have assum- ed are correct, and that the Government should sus- tain her people against the enterprises of foreigners, supported by their own Government ; and if I am suc- icessful in showing you that the enterprise denominated »^i h ; ! iA t r^ I it «■ fv tf the " Collins Line of Steamers" is not a local work ;. that it is of general consequence, and is opposed by foreign capital, sustained by foreign governmental pat- ronage, then I shall ask your concurrence in the propo- sition to adopt the amendment which the Senate has made to the Deficiency bill, with regard to this line of steamers. And let me add, that while I ask for the protection of home industry, home enterprise, home capital, and home independence, I only ask it as a temporary en- couragement. I do not expect that Government is continually to protect the same industry and the same investment, or, indeed, any industry and any invest- ment which shall not in time acquire strength, gristle, and bone to sustain itself. I am regarding the " Col- lins line of steamers " as I regard any other American effort — any other child of our glorious institution. The child must be sustained until it can go alone, and when it has once had its share of public support it must stand and move upon its own feet, and leave public support and public protection to some younger project. Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania. I desire to ask my colleague why it is that the Government is asked to- give a specific sum to certain individuals to carry the mails across the ocean, instead of giving the service to the lowest bidder, as is done every where else ? I ad- mire the magnanimity of my colleague in going for New York, and I hope the gentlemen from New York will go for our mint ; but I do not understand his argument. (Laughter.) Mr. Chandler. If the gentleman will sit and listen with his usual attention, and exercise his usual judg- ment, he will hear how I answer that question. It i& very pertinent, and one which naturally suggests itsel£. Mr. Cliairman, the measure now Lefore tlie commit- tee, is one that is more strongly recommended by the New Yorkers than Ly any other chiss of citizens. It proposes assistance to an enterprise shich i)urpoi'ts ta be of New York origin, and New York investment. The steamers connected therewith were built at New York, are registered at New York, they arrive at, and depart from, New York jn fulfillment of their trans- atlantic mission, and they bear upon their ample sterns the name of the commercial emporium of the State of New York. The incessant clamor of the New York gentlemen around, the bar of this House, and around the bars of many other houses of this city, must not, however, be cited in pi'oof that the " Collins line of steamers " is of New Y^ork concern alone. Nor can the fact that these ocean palaces were built and registered in that city, and that they depart from and ariive at New York, be ad- mitted as any proof that the enterprise which has given them existence and sustained them thus far, even with considerable pecuniary loss, is of less than national im- portance — less indeed than national direct interest. These vessels must be built somewhere, and they must be registered somewdiere, and they must, by the law of the land, have upon them in legible characters, their own name and the name of the place at least in which they are registered, and they must, to compete with the British undertaking, have with some of the British steamers running between England and the United States, a common port. New York, then, w^as preferred. It is, for such an enterprise, as well chosen as almost any other would be — and that the New York people are clamorous, does not prove that they alone are interested, but only that in the habit of constant appeal for themselves, they but riT 10 i:: Indulge that ]i{il)it when they make prominent their own iiitorents in an enterprise wliicli, by investment, character, and results, must be regarded as national., and therefoi'e asking the House to sustain the amend- ment of the Senate, upon grounds entirely distinct from the claims to ])atronage in individual efforts against another or rival enterprise of one city more than another. The truth is, sir, that these steamers are national not more by their conditional dedication to the public ser- vice, than by their universality of their ownership. They are not own 3d alone in New York. Philadelphia capital is largely invested therein, and if you have heard less of that than of New York interest, it is simply be- cause Philadelphia is always less clamorous than New York for justice to her interest. There are a few points in the remarks of the honor- able gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Breckinridge) which struck me forcibly — as, indeed, what does that gentleman say upon this floor that does not deserve and receive attention. The honorable gentleman, in his speech, referred to the contest between the Cunard and Collins lines as an antagonism between man and man, and he spoke of such rivalry as " the rude contest of commerce." The honorable gentleman mistakes the matter entirely. There is no contest between man and man. If there were, or if between company and com- pany, I should say, " stand aside, fair play, and no fa- vor." I will never ask odds for an American a2:ainsi any other man, nor ask odds for an American comprtiiy against a British company. But when an Englishman comes into our very ports, and, under the noses of our merchants, sits down and plans his voyage to take our commerce, and throws into our faces the Treasury of the British Crown, I say we have but one alternative — 11 either to relinquish all contest, or to nwikc that contest equal }>y hacking the American ship against the Brit- ish-backed concern. The affair, sir, is not tlie rude contest of commerce — it is the ai'ti'ul entoi-pris(> of a nation, that, having eaten the life out of India, Ireland, and Portugal, comes now with vamj)ire a])pf'tit(^ to fas- ten nj)on our limbs and glut itself u])on the life-blood of our commerce. The appeal of the honorable gentleman to the Demo- crats of this House, against the provisions of the amendment under consideration, Avas most p:iinful to my ears. Has party discipline been made so efficicmt that it may be invoked against the experiment wliich we are trying of ocean steam navigation ? And is it to be a part of the principles of the progressive i)arty that it is to check the growing enterprise of our countiy ? Is Democracy destructive? I k'^ow a portion of it is ; but is the Democracy in wliich that gentlemen shares, of the iconoclastic kind that destroys the images of all that is great in commercial enterprise, and all that is brilliant in mercantile possession ? When honoralde gentlemen are thinking about Avithdrawing the pu1)lic patronage from the trans-atlantic steamers, let them pause and think what are the destinies of that net-Avork of steamers Avith which Great Britain overlaAs the crreat oceans. Does he not see that at this moment tli;'.t far- reaching and over-reaching Power is appointing steam- ers to reach her Eastern possessions by the Avay of the Isthmus of Darien, and that she feels that, Avith the decay of her commerce in the Indies is the Aveakening of her grasp on the ti'ident of the ocean 'i Does the honorable gentleman forget the great political truth, that the Power which commands the commerce of the East, commands the ocean, is the mistress of the sea, and therefore, the arbitrator if not the ruler of the r [- !'i ■;! I I I ! ', !| 12 world ? England sees tliis, and, awakening to the truth at the time Avhen her own domination seemed to wane, she seizes upon ocean steam, and quickens individual enterprise hy national patronage till she can reassert her suj)remacy and reconstitute herself as the law-giver of trade ; and the honorable gentleman appeals to the Democracy of the country to allow Great Britain to reassurno her dominant position. Nay, sir, he turned to the Whigs with an imploring, half-hoping appeal. I, sir, turn to no party, no section ; I lay the case be- fore this committee as before American Representatives, representing Americans, and I shall prosecute my argu- ment upon the broad ground of national good ; and if any member of this committee points me to a plank in any platform whatsoever, I 2)oint him, sir, to the ark of our national covenant, and tell him to leave those per- ishable materials, and their petty, temporary offices, and to stand by the country, its Constitution, and its means of true indeper- dence. Reference is made to the terms offered by other com- panies to carry the mails betAveen New York and other ports of this country. Of that I have very little to say. If the United States has made a contract with steamboat proprietors xo carry the mail, where there exists only individual competition, as with the Califor- nia lines, that contract must be fulfilled in letter and in spirit ; not one jot or tittle must fiiil on the part of the Government ; the faith and honor* of a republic must be kept as sacred and as immactdate as those of a monarch. And we must even make some allowances for short-comings in the contractors. Though in all their home contmcts, let it be remembered, Mr. Chair- man, the Government patronage is interposed between rival American concerns ; or if, when hijst exercised, only one claimant is presented, it is certain that now 'm* 13 rival cities, as well as rival mercliants, ask to share the favor, or failing in that, ask that their enterprise may not be weakened by the partiality of the National Government to a favored company or a favored city. But even in these rival claims, Mr. Chairman, you find the benefit of primary protection; the road is open, the enterprise is found practicable, and the Gov* ernment, a kind mother, has nursed, and encouraged, and esta])lished a trade which now invites and rewards competition ; and so soon as the expiration or violation of contract will warrant the step, let the field of do- mestic enterprise be thrown open to domestic com- petition. But, sir, what is done in, and for these lines, is not for us now to define or to defend. It is with CoLLiNs's LINE alouc that we are conce^ ned ; and I repeat it, sir, it is with that line as opposed to and opposed by the- Cunard line, sustained by British gov- ei'nmental patronage, in our own waters, and waging a warfare upon American enterprise, even in the markets of the continent of Europe, underbidding for freight, when Collins's ships are there, and underrating the American means when they are absent. This is all true, Mr. Chairman, but it is not all the truth. When the American steamer is to depart on tho same day with the British, the sea-coast of the con- tinent is secured with steam tugs to bring freight to the British boats. From Havre to Livei'pool ; from Ant- werp, Bremer-Haven, Hamburg, and other ports along and down the coast, bringing it, sir, free of freight when tlie American steamer is to depart, l>ut making a high charge for those freights when the United States interpose no competition. It is thus that the British Government provides for the commerce of that coun- try ; it is thus that she fosters and protects her trade ; it is thus that she has placed herself in the position she 14 now occupies ; and it is thus that she will maintain and elexate that position against the United States, if we neglect the means presented to place ourselves in the commanding position which all circumstances, but our want of liberality present. In the first six years under Cunard the Government of Great Britain received for postage alone seven mil- lions eight hundred and thirty-six thousand eight hun- dred dollars, ($7,830,800,) and they paid in that time to Cunard J^2,550,000 ; thus realizing a net revenue to the Government of $5,286,000. Now the Cunard steamers crossed the Atlantic eighty-four times, and Collins's only forty ; of course, the British steamers carried double the number of mails, and received a much greater excess of postage. And, I may add, that the British Government, in the Post Office Department, took pains to secure to the Cunard steamers all the advantages possible, refusing to send any letters by the Collins steamers unless the letter should be specially marked for one of these steamers by name, even though the Cunard steamer was to leave Liverpool first. The difference between the number of trips of the two lines wdll not be so great if this amendment should pass. In that event, which I confidently predict, the Cunard line will draw off three of their steamers, and thus divide the labor and the profits. I did not design, sir, to refer to that part of the im- derstanding between the contracting parties, which re- gards these .steamers as resorts of our Navy Depart- ment in case of war, but the honorable gentleman from Kentucky has chosen to refer thereto, and to express a doubt whether they are suited for that purpose, and to deny that any sum less than $100,000 w^ill render them fit. Sir, the steamers of the Collins line are bet- II mmm v# 15 ter, stronger, more nearly approacliiiig tlie war stand- ard than tlie contract required, and when tliey passed from the builder's hands, they were pronounced by the proper officers fit for war service, of course, with such additions and alterations in various ways as about $20,000 would supply. The argument of the gentle- man from Kentucky is against the sufficiency of these steamers as war vessels. As batteries, sir, they ma}' not be equal to some others, but there are many uses for steamers in war, to which these vessels may be ap- plied ; for which they are adapted beyond all others. Capacity to carry troops, and speed to overtake an enemy, or to escape from superior force. I need not argue this, sir ; it is evident, that in any war in which our country may be engaged, she will have need of just such vessels as these; and very recently Great Britain has made use of her right to some of the ocean mercantile steamers of the character of those of the Collins line, to convey her troops and otherwise to assist in an ex- pedition against Rangoon. The slow, lumbering pro- cess of other times will not now avail. Celerity is as important as numbers ; indeed, it supplies the place of numbers, and the power that can present and remove its forces the soonest, has the victory, and hereafter our own harbors and sea-ports must, in time of war, look to railroads to convey troops for their defence, and to steamships and locomotive batteries to defend the point assailed. One other view must be taken of this question of war steamers. If the time should ever arrive (and we see that it has arrived in Great Britain) when any of these steamers should be needed for war purposes by our Government, it will be for that Government then to decide how much cheaper they will be supplied to her than could be those which she could build. Un- u i I IbrtiiTiately, it is with Government war vessels as it is w^ith horses— the cost of keeping them a short time far -exceeds the cost of purchase. And while these Collins steamers may be placed in active service in a few days, and at an expense of $20,000 a piece, it would cost ten times $20,000 for the Government to keep them six months waiting for the demands of war. I repeat it, sir, if the Collins steamers were in the service for the Government, (now awaiting war vessels,) they would cost $2,000,000 a year; and if in the navy yard, they would cost §500,000 a year. And now, sir, in support of my assertion, allow me to present a copy of a statement from Francis Grice, one of the most accomplished naval constructors of the •country : " UwiTED States Navy Yahd, "PuiLADELPHiA, April 14, 1853. '•Sir: In answer to yours of the 13th, I have to state, as chief naval construc- tor, the specifications for building the Collins line of steamers were submitted to me, and approved, as in acci)rdance with the act of 3d of March, 1847. •* They can be converted into war steamers to carry a battery equal to our largest steam frigates, in a short time, and the necessiiry alterations to be made to receive ^uch a battery will not exceed a cost of §20,000 each. *' I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant, •TKANCIS GRICE, «* To the Hon. Wm. M. Gwix, " Uiiiltd Stales Senate^ Washington." Commodore Perry (good authority) thus addresses the Secretary of the Navy, under date of February 18, 1852, relative to the Collins line : '« According to my ralcula(ion«, the cost of the conversion of either the before- mentioned vessels, exclusive of armaments, repair of machinery, cStc, would not, or "Certainly ou^ht not to cost for each steamer over $?0,000; and it could readily be tlone for this at any of our navy yards. With respect to the description and weight of their respective armaments, I am clearly of the opinion that the iirst class steam- cs already named could easily carry four 10-inch Paixhan guns on pivots — two forward and two aft — of the weight of those in the Mississippi, and ten 8 inch Paix- han guns on the sides; and this armament would not incommode the vessels, and the weight less than the ice, which is usually forty tons, and stowed away in one / 17 Commodore Perry continues, that — *'In the general operations of a maritime war, they could render good service, and especially would they be useful from their great speed as despatch vessels, and for the transportation of troops, always capable of attack and defence, and of over- hauling or escaping from an enemy. '*The Atlantic, Pacific, Baltic, and Arctic have all been built, inspected, and received by the Navy Department." The fact that the calculations of the owners of the Collins line were incorrect is cited here asrainst their requests for additional aid, as if mistakes of this kind were not incident to such a concern far more likely to occur against themselves than against the Government, because of the earnestness of the company to connect themselves with the Government. But mistakes of this kind are not unusual. In 183G Great Britain received proposals to carry these trans-atlantic mails. But in the attempt to fulfd the contract Cunard's company broke down. It is the first step which costs, Mr. Chair- man. In 1839 Cunard took the contract for £85,000 per annum. The next year it was found necesary to increase the payment to J6l 10,000 per annum. And with the compensation of $550,000 a year Cunard failed and went into bankruptcy. The Government of Great Britain then increased the compensation to £145,000 per annum ; which sum was continued until 5th April, 1852, when, in conseque^ice of the increase in the size of the steamers — I call the attention of the committee to that fact — the Government gave about £171,000, or more than $855,000 per annum. The size of the ships was deemed of consequence to the British Government, and it is worth taking into con- sideration here. Cunard's line has seven steamers, with an aggregate tonnage of 12,282, making eighty-five trips a year, or the working of 145,750 tons, for which the exact pay- ment is $856,871, or $5 75 per ton. 18 Ml Collins'8 line has four steamers, with an aggregate tonnage of LS,702, and under present contract crossing the Atkmtic fifty-two times a yc.r, and thus takes across the Athmtic ,-^0,000 tons more than Cnnard, with his seven ships ; for which service Collins will receive, if the amendment l)efore us should pass, the sum of $858,000, or $4 82 a ton, being less, hy twenty per cent., than the amount j)aid by Great Britain to Cunard.* •The line of ocean mail steamers, usually called the Collins liae, has been in operation since the month of April, 1S5(», or about two years; the ships had made^ previously to January last, forty-two trips from New York to Liverpool, and forty from Liverpool to New York. The contract for the transportation of the United States mail between the places above named was made on the 1st day of November, 1847, the law whic'j authorizes it having been passed on the 3d of March preceding: The line consists of the following vessels, viz: The Atlantic. .. .2,845 6G-95ths tons burden. .. .commenced April, 1850 The Pacific 2,707 10-95lhs do do May, 1850 The Arctic 2,8.'i6 75 95ths do do October, 1850 The Baltic 2,723 9-95tha do do Novemlier, 1850 These ships cost, when ready for sea, in cash, §2,944,143 7fi, or an average of $736,035 67 each. They have made forty-one voyages between New York and Liverpool, at an average expense of $65,2 1 2 64 per voyage, making, in all, the sum of $2, 673,841 24, which, when added to ihe cost of the ships, say 52,941,143 76, makes the entire amount of money expended $5,617,984. On the other hand, the average receipts of the company, per voyage, have been, as stated, $48,286 85, or in all, $1,979,760 85— amounndvanced, $208,000— and am unt paid for two years mail service, $770,000, making the total receipts from all sources, $2,957,760 85. If the amount of receipts, as above, be deducted from the amount of e..pcndi jreS, say $5,617,934, the balance against the concern will be $2,660,223 l.'i, and if the original capital subscribed be dedicted, to wit: $1,133,000, there will remain an outstanding deficiency of $1,528,223 15, to be met by the present value of their ships. In the meanwhile the company has paid to the governtncnt two annual instal- ments upon the $385,000 advanced, which, at tun per cent, annually, upon the sum loaned, amount to $77,000, reducing the balance on its de!)t to the govern- ment to $308,000, which is in the course of being paid at the rale above named, and will have been cancelled f;ntirely in eight years from this time, the ships being held as security until the whole debt shall have been paid. The whole amount earned by this line, in letter postage, up to the 1st of March Ust, has been $373,337 80, which sum is taken as the fair basis of calculation, as the three twenty-fourths due to the British government has been met, by as large 10 By his first contract, Collins was to make forty voy- ages. And on the l^th of last November tlie whole number of voyages was completed, and nothing remain- ed to be done until tlie 1st of May, 1852. The Post- master General then wrote to Mr. Collins directing him to make six more round trips, for which he should re- or a larger sum due from that government for the five twenty fourths payable to the Government of the United States upon the earnings of the Cunard line, under the postal treaty between the two countries. Taking, then, the gross amount of receipts from letter postage, say S-^73,337 80, and adding to it $3,200, for postage for the State Department^ $90, 151 58 for cbsed mails for the continent, carried by this line, and $46,858 88 postage for newspapers, the aggregate earnings for the government by this line, will have been $513,546 80. The government has paid to the line for mail service, in the two years $770,000 and has receivi'd from the line $513,546 80. If the receipts bo deducted from the outlay, the balance again^ the government is $256,433 20, for the whole time, or $128,226 60 per annum. Thus it appears, that from a fair statement of the account current between the line and the government, the latter is out of pocket at the end of the two first years of the undertaking and under circumstances the most disadvantageous to the line, $256,453 20, or in other words, has paid $128,226 60 per annum, for carrying the ocean mail by steam over about six thousand miles of the greate.-^t commercial thoroughfare in the world, for which, as yet, it has received nothing in return. But your committee would ask, what has the cowilri/ received in return for this $256,453 20? They will furnish the answer. The country has received through the proprietors rf this line, in the form of freights and passage money, a no less amount than $1,979,760 85, in cash; and, if the reduction in the prices of freight formerly paid to the British line be taken into account, nearly as much more, by saving the difference in freights and passage money, to aay nothing of the general advantages derived by all of our producing interests from the existence of this American line, which, as your committee believe, are incalculable. The money account will then stand as follows: government debtor to $256,453 80; country creditor to $1,979,760 85, in cash; and if the former be deducted from the latter the balance in favor of the country will stand $1,723,307 Oi, in cash ahrte, leav- ing out of view the duties on increased importations caused by the establishment of the American line. It will be borne in mind that this result has been produced under the most disad- vantageous circumstances possible. When the Collins line, consisting of but /our steamers, was commenced, the Cunard line, consisting of */a; of the finest steamer* in the world, and backed by the government and whole commercial influence of Great Britain, had been in existence for several years and enjoyed a monop(dy of the steam postage and freight, between the United States and Europe. To succeed in competing with such a rival, it was necessary to present something in the way of ocean steam navigation, which should surpass anything that had previously ex- 20 i ceivc a pro rata compensation ; and tlie Secretary of the Navy concurred in the plan ; and thus the Collins line on the 1st of May had completed the trips. " But why," it is asked by the honorable gentleman, " why not accept the proposition of the new company to run between St. John's and Galway ?" "When that company shall have been established and proved itself competent to the fulfilment of its high promises, then will be the time to relinquii'h another \m f 1 m I W isted, and secure the patronage of the commercial and travelling public, by its decided superiority on the score of speed, safety, and accommodation. This has been done by the Collins line in the most unequivocal manner. The superior swift* ness of its ships has been amply ascertained; their safety has been tested in the severest manner, and the results have shown that stronger ships cannot be built, while on the score of elegance and comfort of accommodation, even the British pub- lic press, one-sided as it is known usually to be, in matters connected with national superiority, has frankly admitted, that, whatever might be said as to strength and power, in point of elegance and convenience, the American ships are at least ten years in advance of the British. Unfortunately for the projectors and performers of this great national undertaking, experience has shown that, with a communica- tion only twice a month, and four ships to contend with six, backed as they were bt/ the British Govenrment and commercial patronage, which gave a direction in their favor to all the freights, postages, and other incidents of a commerce by far the greater portion of which is essentially British, this company has, as yet, re- ceived no adequate reward for its efforts. In this, however, no blame can possibly attach to the proprietors of the line, who have been the only sufferers, and who are, in the opinion of your committee, entitled to the lasting gratitude of their country. If their expenses have been enormous, it has not been for their own personal bene- fit; for, while they are losers to a vast amount, the country has been the gainer in everyway. The governnent is virtually in possession of four of the finest and fleetest ocean steamers afloat, capable of being converted, in the course of a fevr days, into war-steamers of the fir^t class, carrying heavy batteries, and that, too, at a trifling expense. These steamers are being kept in commission, to all useful in- tents and purposes, for the insignificant sum of $128,226 60 a year, the cost of transporting the mail being the only outlay; when, if they formed a part of the navy proper, their expenses would have been, as estimated, no less than $2,000,000 a year, if in active service, and over $500,000 a year, if in the navy yards ready for service. Nor is this all. These very same ships, which have for the first two years of their mail-service cost the government only $128,226 60 a year, will in all probability very soon not only pay their way, biU return a large surplus revenue in the form of postages, the increase of income from this source, in 1851, over that of the preceding year, 1850, having been, as your committee are informed by the Postmaster General, $183,734 05. y 21 to go to that. Who shall say that the Galway enter- prise will not prove more disastrous than the Collins line threatens to be ? And then, after yielding up one glorious scheme, one real, national means of contest, we shall have either to npply additional funds, or to yield again to British supei'iority. Nay, Mr. Cliairman, are you satisfied, is the honorable gentleman Avho pro- pounded the question, " Why not accept the Galway proposition ?" is he satisfied that that is l)etter than the route and line now used? I am not. The Commis- sioners of the British Admiralty are not. Those sharp- seeing officers discover at the month of the Galway harbor a number of low rocks, call " bull heads," that render it most dangerous to approach that place with a westerly wind. And with such dangerous objects to guard tJiM coast, they recommend Cape Clear and the harbor of Cork as more easily accessible under ?dl cir- <5umstances. I do not wish to see Brother Jonathan beat his brains out against those bull heads. I leave to the honorable gentleman who propounds the ques- tion the duty and labor of deciding how we are to manage between St. John's and Halifax, and between Halifax and the United States. There is nothing yet in the Galway proposition to divert this country from the existing route, which is practicable, and on which we can beat the British. " The cheaper offer of Gal- way," says the gentleman. Sir, we have had enough of . Sir, I go for my country in all that goes for her honor, her comfort, her prosperity, her independence; and whether a ten cent pocket handkerchief, or a half a million of dollars steamer be the point, upon which the question of Great Britain or the United States may turn, I 2^0 for the United States ac^ainst the World. I desire, Mr. Chairman, to divest this proposition of eveiy aj)pearance of monopoly Avdiich has heen charged upon it, and to protect it in the enlarged view of a na- tional enterprise to which it is entitled. The amount asked foi", if given, is not to sustain the Collins company against any other company, nor one American interest against another. I have shown that. I a])peal, and shall appeal, to national pride, which is certainly con- cerned in the maintenance of the Collins line ao^ainst CD the Cunard line. I appeal to general cupidity, which may have a gratification in the varied rate of freight consequent on the establishment of the Collins line, making an aggregate saving of five times the extra amount of support solicited. I appeal to the principle of national economy — and it must be pleased at a pros- S4 f M pect which supplies the country with war steamers of the kind, most to be nee(le(], and when needed, at a cost wliich involves only the building, and not the maintenance of the ships. I appeal directly, plainly, openly, to that American feeling which manifests its gratification at every result wliich exhibits American superiority, from the reaping machine at the Chrystal Palace, to the oc(\au palac(^s of Collins's line. Notwithstanding tlie kind of objection to the i>lan which this amendment is intended to support, I imagine that there are in this House of Representatives of the American people, not many who really think that it is no consecpience whether Great Britain or the United States convey the mails across the Atlantic. Some- times these abstract views have a spei'ious bearing, and obtain a momentary triumi)li. But the American citi- zen who can deliberately sit down in the conviction that if the mails are conveyed as rapidly, it is of no con- sequence to him who conveys them — is I'ipe for the con- clusion, that if he is personally safe under the Govern- ment, it is of no couse(|uence whether our own people or the Governments of Europe supply its rulers. The distance between su|)plying our steam convey- ances and furnishing our rulers, is undoubtedly very great; but in a philosophic view, Mr. Chairman, not greater than that between the seed time and the har- vest. Let any nation commence furnishing another with the conveniences, and she soon acquires a monopoly of the necessaries of life ; and he must be blind that does not see the intimate relations which exist between the failure of our people to meet the first great step of England to monopolize our ocean commerce, and their yielding all to the superior backing which individual British efforts receive from the British Government. Step by step that great, that artful and specious /' 25 Govornmont is» gaining upon our country. Port after port is oponod to hor trade. Manufacture after nmnu- fiicture is yielding to lier demands; and wliile this is going o'l, and slie has New York and Boston as tlie depots of her shi})j)ing that carries tlie Aniei'icnn mail, she is demanding reciprocal trade with Canada, and is thrusting her fingers wherever else an opening seems to suggest the success of athlitional efforts. I desire, Mr. Chairman, when she thrusts her finiifers tluiS into the American trade, to teach her the f^ite and punish- ment of INIi^o ; and not the smalhv^t effort which Great Britain has made is this of the steamers. riitlierto the Americans have beaten the British in the beauty of their ships, in the elegance of accommo- dation, and, most of all, most galling to the British, most gratifying to American pride, they have been the conquerors in point (y\' time in that great measure of locomotive success. Now, I know it is said that this whole contest is " a boat race across the Atlantic," (it was so said with a sneer by an honorable Senator,) and therefore un- worthy the consideration of our national councils. It is something more than a " boat race," sir — much more ; but even if it were not, if it was only to settle the question of superiorit}^ in that single particular, it would still be worthy our special consideration, and our liberal support. Nothing that is national is unwoi'thy of us. But suj)posing it is only a " boat race ?" That race, sir, may become of vast national consequence. You recollect the interest, sir, which was manifested in England, some months since, in the race between the American yacht and the British vessel of the same character. It was not the excitement of a foot race, or a horse race. It was not the amount of money at issue, but the extent of reputation involved ; and when the \ 26 American tnuni})liecl, (and the Americans always will triiimpli A\ Len fair play is insured,) tlien, sir, the mat- ter was deemed of consequence enough to occupy the attention of the British Parliament, a proof that it was of national interest, and connected with national honor. Honorable gentlen^en must not underrate the impor- tance of the capability of a vessel to beat in " a race." It is the power to overtake a retreating foe, the ability to escape from a superior force. The vessel that can come from Liverpool to New York in one day less than any other ship, can, in the event of war, overhaul any ship to which it may give chase, or can escape from any force with which it is deemed imprudent to contend. Let not that be overlooked. In July, 1812, the frigate Constitution, under the command of Captain Isaac Hull, was descried by a British fleet, on the eastern coast of JMassachusetts. That ship, sir, which stood the Ijrunt of the whole of the war afterwards, seemed then destined to be the first maritime martyr of that war, to consummate on the ocean the evils and dissri-ace which had been beo^un and continued on the frontier. Ships-of-the-line, frigates, sloops, and tenders were rather a formidable sight for a single frigate ; to fight would have been impossible — to sti'ike would have been a terrible beoinnino: of the war on the sea. There was but one course left, and that was to escape. The energy of the officers and crew of the ship, and her fieetness, saved her — saved the good old Constitution to gather from other fields the harvest of glory reaped in the battles with the Guerrier, the Java, the Cyane and the Levant. Sir, the " boat race," in which the United States ship Constitution won the cup, was of as nmch consequence, and as full of glory to the nation, as was the battle in which the British fleet were destroyed on the lakes. / 27 Sir, there s a " boat race" going on now between tlie clippers of our Atlantic cities, and the merchant ships of Great Britain, and I need not tell this House, that the American clippers are everyv^here distancing their competitors ; and individual profit, and national credit are resulting thei'efrom. Sir, the carrying trade between China and Great Britain is now much in the hands of the owners of the American clipper-built ships. The "boat race," then, is of national consequence ; and England, that has styled herself the mistress of the seas, stands aghast at the fact, that her pleasure A^nchts, in which speed is the great desideratum, are out-run by the pleasure boats of the United States, while lier na- tional ships are crowded from her own docks by Ameri- can merchantmen, that come to bring to the British ports the goods of the British merchant. Mr. Chairman, do you think that Great Britain does not see that the same ingenuity and enterprize which construct a yacht and a merchant ship to out-sail others, may be applied to ships of war, and that the sove- reignty of the ocean may be derived from the speed of a sail-boat or steamers. Mr. Chairman, let me urge upon this House the daii- gers of neglecting whatever may l>e the instrument of national contest. Superiority may be conceded for a time, in what it takes time to complete ; but no nation will wisely and willingly admit that she is to remain inferior. No matter on what the stake is set for na- tional contest, ic is of national import tha"- victory should be achieved. Is it in arts? Genius and science will lend their powers with patriotic devotion to insure superiority. Is it in arms ? Courage, skill, and daring will seek to snatch the palm of victory. Is it in humanity and its \ ^ 28 benevolent schemes ? Tlie heart, while it yields admi- ration to the efforts of others, will seek to procure the crown to itself. In commerce, in agriculture, in all that gives wealth, dignity, confidence, and superiority to a nation, let us encourage our own people to take the lead. And let us not despise the spirit which fixes a nation's interests, and exercises a nation's energies in the combat for swiftness in steamships. Sir, if Great Britain presents that as the test of superiority, as the cause of national combat, let us accept the gage and do the bat- tle, assured — "That when the light becomes a chase. He wins the fight who wins the race." I ask, Mr. Chairman, for the means of victory to American exertions here. Since the British merchant has confessed that he cannot compete with those of the United States, without the patronage of the B-"tish Government ; and since the British Government have seen the policy of granting that patronage, you, Mr. Chairman, the honorable members of this House, will not, I am sure, see the American merchant succumb for want of a little patronage from the American Govern- ment. Let Enirland excel France in the number and size of I. her ships ; let France excel Austria in the discipline of her armies, and Russia outrate Holland in the extent of her territory, and each European nation be superior in some respect to any and every other European power ; but oh, let — nay, not let — let us Jielp our own beloved Republic to excel them in all. Let them claim and deserve, each of them, some superiority among them- selves ; but let pre-eminence in all th at is good and great be the prerogative of the United States. V i- ".'uitt' it^:.;-,-g j Aaft. J. / y \ / ) s I