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An Authentic Extraft of the P R E L I M I N A R I E S, figncd the Third of November 1762, at FontainMcau ; with fomc comparative Remarks betwcea them and the Terms offered by Fiance bfl Year. K i HI J Remember, O my friends, the 'aws, the rights, The generous plan of power deiiver'd down ^ From age to age, by our remwn'd forefathers, (So dearly bought, the \h\cc of i'o much blood) ; O let it never perifli in your hand-^, But pioufly tranfmit it 10 your children. Cato. i. Printed for G. B U R N E T, at Bn Burnet's Head, • ■ >. ' in the Strand, f Prke One Shiilin?. } m ,.;>,>■• rr ri \ w I. -■*?"'"» "v Mu«ia ( I ) r 9 < i' I I REASONS Lord WHY * * * ^ t'. ?*'3cl"^T is not fufficient, my worthy ^ I ^ countrymen, that we at all times jeit, and pay the moft earneft at- tention to every meafure, that may anywife diredtly or indiredly afFedt our happy con- ftitution : A conftitution fo fortunately framed and tempered, as to keep every ftate in the kingdom in a perfedt equipoife. The lords and commons are a proper curb upon monarchy, and the crown is a juft inter- vention between an ariftocracy and an oli- garchy. By this means, the power is di- vided between the three parts, and the peo- ple have their fliare, which they (hould al- ways be jealous to retain. Though we be ever fo fedulous to fupport the laws, the liberties of our forefathers, and carefully at- B tend I V "it 4. i\ . u i 4 . -•^-rv rj ( o tend to every the Icaft infiadion in church and ftate ; nay, though we unanimOufly fup- port that greateft of all our liberties, the liberty of the prefs, which has notwith- ftanding been fo much infringed upon by the grand corrupter and his fucccflbrs j I fay, ncverthelefs, we are not entirely fecure.— borne court-minion may fecretly undermine all our endeavours j and when we think our- felves fenced from every danger, find our- fclves upon the very brink of perdition, fall- ing a facrifice to our declared enemies, or a prey to our concealed foes. There is little occafion to reCur to antient hiflory to prove, that the mod dangerou3 evils are ihofe which are the moft latent. — That Rome was enervated by her vices, and ruined by her fucceffes j that court-fa- vourites have ever had their private intereft uppermoft, from Maecenas down to count Bruhl} modern hiftory would furnifh us with inftances more than fufficient to prove all this ; and to evince that French faith is never to be relied on, and that let them be ever fo unfuccefsful in the field, they always conquer us in the cabinet. But we have had parallels iri abundance drawn lately j it would be only necelTary for me to confine mvfclf to fads. 4 This di '"""o "v Muaia T a ( 3 ) This war, which, we may in fome mea- fure look upon as a continuation of that be- fore the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, and, indeed, of that before ths treaty of Utrecht, was certainly founded upon our pretcnfions in North America. Had the limits of the French and Englirti territories in that quarter been determined in 1748, there would have been no occafion to have renewed hoflilities in 17C5 J or had the treaty of Utrecht been properly underflood in 1713, there would have been no occafion for our commillaries to have bungled fo long at Paris, to prove, fevtn years after, that the definitive ncaty was indefinite. The neutral ifiands became French property, Dunkirk was not de-^ niolilhed, and the Ohio made part of Louir fiana. This was the dov'^rine of 1754 ; and, in all likelihood) if the then Chancellor of the Exchequer had noi been forced from his place by the greateft tyrant on earth, we might have looked upon it Aill, with a few other infradions, as orthodox. But politics are more variable than the wind : he that would ftudy them as a fcience, muft place them amongft the occult, and affign caufcs accordingly: the fyftt-m of to-day, is un- fyftemaiic to-morrow ; and this we have corroborated from the mouth of the Ejreatcll orator in England, in the greateft afi'::mbly in liuropc, who has proved, dcmonllrably B z proved, 11. I 'I ( 4 ) proved, the Time connexion, under the fame cirtumftanccs, and in the i'amc war — one year the bane, and the next the only fup- port, the only rclburcc of Great Britain. We have long been taught, and I hope not erroneoufly, that trade and navigation arc the two great bulvirarks of England ; we have alfo, by very natural inference?, been inclined to believe, that they flourifli niore in peace than war, even though Dutch bottoms did not interfere : but how idle are our conclufions, when we have it from the pens of fome of the moft com- municative people in trade, tliat peace would now he the deftrudion of our trade and iiavigaiion ? Plencc, my worthy countrymen, I mufl infer, that it is not futHcient to keep the moil watchful eye upon our conftitution in church and itate : it is as necefTary to mind there be no court- favourite, no minion in power, who, by linifler and dextrous arts, may infenfibly change the very nature ot things — make right, wrong, and wrong appear right. Bolingbroke, though a ftaunch Tory, gave Whiggifm a luftrc. P y fet party at nought. W le found more difficulty, atid run more rifque, in felling candles a farthing a pound dearer, than in f <( \l 'OUWoWaufclB k/ i cc (C ( 5 ) in purchafing boroughs at a thoufand pounds a- piece. — P — m followed his footdeps ia every thing, but want of occonomy, I n^caq> private (Economy, for he was as iavi(h a? any of the public money. P — , the only patriot of the' age, forcfeeing a de- ftru(ftive war, or an unpopular peace, chofe to get his necic out of the halter before tliQ feflions* began, and, Pcachum like, cried, Brother, brother we are both in the wrong." But thefe you will fay were uot court favourites ; but they were for the greateft part minifterS; and what is more, in power, full power ; otherwile how caine we by the Excife, a I/icenfcr of the Prcfs, a repealed Jew Bill, an exifting Marriage- Adt, and an additional Duty upon the Li^ berty of the Prefs? •. ^ • : ' ' :\ .v. v * Ingratitude, we are taught, is the greateft and meaneft vice we can be guilty of. Can it then be compatible with a noble mind ? or what virtues can we expedt to be blended with it ? Had the grand corruptor, with all his imperfedlions, been wrote into power and popularity, he had never inftituted a Licenfer of the prefs. — Had his fucceflbr !' i • Perhaps It may be a{kcd what Scjfions ? let it be re- membered I do not mean the Scflions of Parliament. run .•As, ... .v^Ai . f ! ( (> ) run away with an hcirefs, the banns would never have been publiQied three times; — but Hiatus fupply the place of invincible truth. The patriot could not chain the lion, that conquered for him, and protcdlcd him. If it were a crime to " ftrew thorns upon the pillow of an aged king," in calling fuch meafures in quedion, as had been univerfaU ly pronounced wrong; fuch as the impor- tation of Hanoverian troops to protedl our militia ; fublidifing half Europe to keep the French from what they never fcrioufly de- fired to obtain ; and which, were they really in pofleflion of, would be as great a dead Weight to them as it now is to us : alTuredly it cannot now be eligible to difturb the re- nofe of a young king, who has adled upon the moft noble, juft, and equitable principles j and whofe only fault, if it be one, is an ex- tcnfivc generofity to his former fervants, fome of whom might, indeed, have had finifter views in withdrawing themfelves from his fervice. But what {hould we fay, if, amongfl: any of thefe perturbators, we fhould find penfioners of the crown, who, defpifing mo- ney, and above power, are now indepen- dently enjoying a fortune amafled in the fer- vice of the government, with a douceur of three thoufand a year, which they had the great condefcenfion to accept ? I :i ^' Thefc ( ? ) Thefe are portraits, it is true, out of na- ture J they arc like the reprefcntations of fa- tyrs and fphinx's, the produce of the painter's brain. Such crimes, like parricide amongft the Athenians, arc uncognifeable by law, as they cannot be imagined ever to be com- mitted. mo- ii! % But why (houid we have recourfc to ima- ginary charaders,to rcprefent deformity ? Have we not now before us a real court-minion, who is fufccptible of almoft every vice, and guilty of almoft every crime that human frail- ty can compafs, infomuch that juftice calls aloud for making a public example of him ? Was he not intrufted with the educa- tion of a certain prince, in whom he im- bibed fuch notions of religion, iionour, and even chaftity, that he has not been known to commit one immoral, or countenance one ungenerous deed, or fo much as wifh for any other woman but his lawful wife, iince he has had it in his power to have aded without reftraint ? nay, fo very romantic has he rendered even his court, that concu- binage languiHies, and dear quadrille is out of date on Sundays ? His private life is equally notorious ; and were it not % fome well-timed intrigues of /' M ) bf a fuperlof fort, which the world have generoufly given him, he would pafs for the mercft John Trot in point of con- ftancy. His public life has been fo generally at- tacked both by fciibblers and engravers, that there is fcarce a (hop-v,'indow that has not d li^n of his malverfition. During the courfc of his adni n, we loft Newfound- land, though it was as well guarded as it had been all the war ; but fome how or other we got it again. — This lofs made a great noife in the Monitor and North Bri- ton. I have not heard a word of its being retaken. We took Martinico and the Ha- vannah too ; — but they are places of no con- fequence. — A regifter ihip, with near a mil- lion on board, and a dozen of Spanifh men of war, have fallen into our hands ; but I imagine we fhall never get them home. And now, to crown all, he is going to make peace with France and Spain, wittiout wait- ing till the king of P deferts us, as he has done all his former allies, becaufe, forfooth, he pretends it is the beft peace Eng- land ever yet made. . Here is a real pldl:ure I offer to you, my worthy countrymen : furely the very firlt fight of it muft make vou abhor it j — but what n. w or 'hat ■M ( 9 ) what rnuft be your averfion, when over and above all this 1 tell you he is a Scotfman ! No wonder, after this, our trufly friend and great ftickler Mr. B — dm — e fhould go fuch lengths. — No wonder he {liould draw parallel upon parallel, and write almoft trea- ibn, in vindication of our laws, our rights and libcrtwi*^ No wonder the colonel, dif- appointofl of a place, (hould commence a patriot, cry out for liberty, and, with Tren- chard, roundly alTcrt, — Standing armies were flanding evils. No wonder either, that the Rofciad, having, in the darknefs cf his night, taken the patriot by the hand, Ihould iland by him in obfcurity, and with the colonel form a church-militant. No wonder that the dilcerning mob fliould take the hint from thefe, and, in violating the moft facred of all laws, the fecurity of in- dividuals, bellow for liberty and property. » It is the peculiar happinefs of an Englifli- man to fpcak his mind freely upon all public occafions : wc have no inquifition to frighten us, no Baftile to terrify us, and karce any authority that can keep us in awe ; fo that we may abufe a minifter, pelt a llatefman, or libel a lavourite, with impunity and ap- plauff. It is true, that this liberty does ibmetimes alniolt border upon liccntioufnefs ; C and }1 %\ w li ( 10 ') and that fome very lefpedtable charafters have been traduced, I might fay, vilified, into criminals, and condemned as Inch, through a mob's wantonnefs, animated by the heat of party. But thefe are accidents which we may fuppofe fcldom happen j and it were better that individuals fhould fometimes fuft'er, than that any ,the' leaft infradtion fliould be made upon our liberty, though it vcre only imaginary, or our property, though ideal. Charles was brought to the block, becaufe Cromwell had the cunning to get the people on his fide ; and they have ever iince fafted and prayed on the 30th of Janu- ary, for cutting off their king's head, whom they have long been convinced died a mar- tyr. Byng was fliot for beating the P^-ench fleer, and the Governor of Minorca created a Lord for giving up the iiland in a very de- fenfible fituation. This was all operated by the voice of clan-iour : had the fhout been given againft Cromweil, he would in all like- lihood have been hanged for an ufurptr, and Charles been left quietly to enjoy his crown : had Byng had tl-c addrcfs to get the mob on his fide, B — 's firing might in all probabili- ty been of another colour, and the A(hniral been adored on fign- polls, inflead of hanged in elligy. ^ But .# But ( »' ) But there is the great mob, as well as the little mob : the firll pretend to reafon, and dedi nlequei from fads, imagmai " itate arguments, and debate j then come to a plump determination ; which, however erroneous, is nevertheleis invincible. The lefTer mob catch the found, without at- tending to critic re;ifon or argument, and the general eccho takes place. What can be a more general topic tlian a peace? What company has not dilcourled Upon it? What citizen, however diminutive, has not given his opinion of the Preliml- k naries, and argued more forcibly upon many of the material points than any of the Pie- nipo's will at the enfuing congrtfs ? But pray, are we acquainted with the conditions? Why have they not been in print? Bur, upon what authoiity? P'Oiaw ! Auihority — Mum : — it's plain we are at full iibtriy to argue upon them a priori -y and in cafe of ajiy little miftake in giving up an ifland or two, more or lels, a few fettle men ts, or (o, it is but renewing the fubjedt when we are fet right, and fettling the(e matters as th^^y - fliould be ; and this we may look upon as > great condefcenfion in the p.eieat difpu- tants. w That you may not miftake my meaning I upon this head, my worthy Uiends, 1 ihall * C 2 pre lent J ■ n. ( 12 ) prefent you with a dialogue between a Com- mon Council-man and a Member of P — , which parted in a certain cofFee-houfe not far from St. Paul's a few evenings lince. C. C. I tell you, Sir, it is in vain talking: this peace will inevitably end in our de- Arudion ; the French only patch it up, now that their P. >n is deftroyed, their funds are exhaufted, and their credit is loft, till they can get time to breathe, rebuild their navy, put their finances upon a tolerable footing, and p^ftore their trade j and then they will begin again with us as they did in 1753, ^y "taking; incurfions into our pro- vinces, or lome fuch infult. M. P. Whatever defigns the French may hereafter have, I will not pretend to deter- mine, as they are a politic and reftlefs peo- ple ; but they certainly will not have the fame holes to creep out of as they had at the making of the laft peace j as every thing is to be decided by the treaty, and nothing left for Comniifl^^ries to treat upon hereafter : the limits of our refpedive colonies will be peremptorily and precifely defcribed, and there will be no neutral illands left for points of future litigation. C. C. We fliould never have given peace to France, now we have got her fo low, till we ha4 n •f i ( '3 ) had entirely drove her out of North America j taken from her every one of her Weft Indian iflands, left her no fetilements in the Eaft Indies or Africa, prefcribed the number of ihips of v^rar fhe was ' keej3 in time of peace ; made her break the family-compadt with Spain, difunite from Anftria, refund us all the expence we have been at during this war, and give hoftages never to make any infradion of the peace. M. P. This, indeed, would have been an excellent peace j but it is fuch a one as, I am afraid, we (hall never fee take place. The French, though they have been great fufferers this war, are not brought to fuch an ebb, as ever to condefcend to fuch terms as thefe. Their navy, it is true, is partly ruined, their trade in a great meafure de- ftroyed, and their finances in a bad ftate. But let it be remembered, that, now they have embarked Spain in their quarrel, they will not want fpecie, and money we all know is the great finew of war : the Spanifli navy is certainly in a more refpetflable tlate than ever it has been, for many obvious reafons (amongfl: other, the knowledge of their former want of (hips, their having em- ployed all our ihip-carpcntcrs that were dil- charged here, and would go over during the peace) ; and this united to France, might greatly diftrefs us in different part?, though it •fl il: \i i I ( '+ ) it might not be able to make head againft our whole fleet united. Thou^^h the French trade is in a languilhing (late, by reafon of the many merchantmen we have taken, it would, during the remainder of the war, rather be upon the mending hand, as they now play a fare game, by employing Dutch bottoms ; and with regard to their finances, as they are at Id's expencc in fupporting gar- rirons abroad, have fuccours from Spain j and the laft farthing of the fubjecfl being at the mercy of the cruwn, they muft neceflarily jncreafe. Add to this, that the French can carry on the war in Germany at little or no expcnce, whilfl it cc^h us four or five mil- lions a year : fo that France, upon the footing flie is now on, might continue it to advan- taire J whilfl we are, every year, draining our coffers, laying tax upon tax, exhaufting the fubjedls, and grinding the face of the poor. C. C. If things were as you are plcafed to reprefent them, I wonder the Frenth came into terms ; for, according to this, they had nothing to do, but go on for a few years lon- ger, and we muft have been obliged to have fubmitted to their terms, infleadof they to ours. If 1 M. P. Not fo neither. The French have ilill valuable o'jjctfts to lofe, and which we might ■'1 { '5 ) might difpofefs them of. The Spaniards have ftill more at ftake ; a fuccclsful enemy is not to be trifled with, and reafonable teims of nc- cc: lodation will always be lifiened to by the conquered. C. C. So, then, thcfe are the reafonable terms of accommodaiion which we have liflen- ed to. Very reafonable indeed ! to give up the Havannah, immediately after having fpent a million to become maftcrs of it, and flung away the lives of two or three thoufand brave fellows. iVIartinico and Guadalupe are to (hare the fame hte ; Pondicherry the French are to have back, and Goree into the bargain.— And pray what are we tohave refl:o- red for all this, and the liberty of fiihing off the banks of Newfoundland, with the illand of St. Peter's, to make ic more commodious for them ? Why, we are to have back ^ii- n'Jrca, which has been proved over and over in print, to be a dead weight to us, inafmuch as the ex pence of a garrifon there llr.nds us in : but I forgot i this is to be exchanged for Bel'.e- ifle. It is true we are to remain in polllflion of Canada; but whilil tiie French have any footing upon the continent, we (1 all rever be quiet tl.eie, nor in any other of our colonies. Had we made ourlclves mailers of Louifian^, 1 cuuid have faid fomething to ycu, which mir'ht * i ( i6 ) might have been done with a handful of men, comparatively fpcaking. M. P. I find you take for granted the whole of what our intelligent news-mcw^crs have been pleafed to anuife us with, - what they call the preliminary articles. I acknow- ' "dge I want a great deal of faith upon this uccafion, and Ihould be glad to fufpend my judgment, as I think every dilcreet man ought, till informed from better authority: but fincc you have been pleafed to animad- vert thus freely upon thefe fuppofed terms, I find myfelf under fome neceflityof anfwer- ing you. I have already premifed the mifta- ken notion of France's being entirely exhauf- ted, and debilitated from carrying on the war any longer j you have in fo much meafure agreed, that the French can continue it in Germany, without much coft, but at great expence to us. This premifed, though our eood fortune have crowned our arms hither- to with fuccefs, we have no certainty of its continuance, and we cannot exped: the French and Spaniards would lay inadivc, without meditating fome blow againil us. 1 would not anticipate any national misfor- tunes ; I fiiall therefore evade pointing out where we might be very fenfibly hurt, and the peace which we now rcjedt, we might then be glad to accept. BefiJes, if the French ( '7 ) French and Spaniardii would iclinqulfli their pretenfions to all our conqueds, the other powers of Europe would not afl'ent to our retaining them ; they would be jealous of our power and dominion, and a general lea- gue might be formed again ft us, to put us upon a par with France, for it is llie and us that can form the balance of power : a thing that has occafioned a deluge of blood ia Europe for this laft century. C. C. For the argument's fake, I will fuppofe thefe terms to be quite reafonable, and that we could not expect any better, if we y were to continue the war thefe ten years : what is to become of the King of Prufiia ? Are we to leave him in the lurch ? By the alliance which wc entered into with him in S "^VyVy I'Cither of us was to make peace fepa- f rat-ly. If^ M. P. I do not doubt but the King of Pruflia either has, or will be, in time, invited to accede to the treaty ; but, if he fhould be fo obilinate as to pcrlill: in purfuing the war in Germany, wherein wttcan have no objedt whatever, it muft be m.idnefs in us to lefufe an accommodation witii France and Spain, becaule the King of PrulTia and the Emprefs Qneen cannot agree about Silcfia. The caufc of our war with France related to A- D merica. (L ■I i ( i8 ) mcrica, and America only j we have now agreed about that point, and if efFedls follow caufes, peace muft cnfuc. Had the Emprefs- Qiieeii and the King of Pruflia adjuiled their dificrence about Silciia, and fuch other points as they m ly chufe to difpute about, and France and England had ftill remained at log- gerheads about fome province in America ; is it lilscly to believe, that the King ot Pruf- fia would continue to make a diverfion in Germany, in order to fettle our differences in the New world ? Not, if we may judge by his former condu<5t, particularly in the laft war, where he fhifted fides juft as intereft fuited. cu Di ou flic Kii fioi tail iil^ I f I <' C. C. But if we make fo light now of the Pruflian alliance, which but a year or two ago we looked upon as our only refource, how comes it we are to make fuch facrifices for our Portuguefe friends ? The Havannah is certainly given up for the evacuation of Portugal by the Spaniards. M. P. The cafe is very different in refpedt to thefc two Princes ; the King of Pruflia brough: the war upon himfelf, and upon us, as far as it relates to Germany : whereas the King of Portugal neither delired war, nor made any preparations for it ; he was invaded, becaufc he would not join with the Spaniards againll f in ( 19 ) againft us j common gratitude, therefore, obliges us to extricate him from the diffi- cuhies in which we have involved him. Did not this plead fo flrongly in his favour, our own intereft would didate it ; and we (hall, indifputably, gain more by having the King of Portugal reltored to the quiet poilef- iion of his dominions, than v/e could by re- taining the Havannah, or even the whole illand of Cuba. i ^ C. C. I agree with you that our trade to Portugal is very advantageous to us; but, on the other hand, the PortU2uele could not live without our corn, fo that we are not obliged to them, but to tbeir necefTities, for the advantage : and, if any conceflion had been made to the Spaniards, it (houldhave been on the part of the Portuguefe, and not on ours ; and this they might have done by ceding one of their provinces on the conti- nent of South America. M. P. Still you forget that the King of Portugal was forced into this war, and that it would be the higheft injuflice for him to fuffer for our fakes. His lofles and misfor- tunes of late have beea more than can be eftimated. The deftrudion of his capital by an earthquake i the attempt upon his lifej the late incurfion and devaftation of the D 2 Spaniards : ^ 1^ ( 20 ) Spaniards : thefe, furely, together form a Icenc of mifcty more than fufricicnt for one people to bear, an^l which wc indiredtly feci through our trade and connexions : fo that it would be impolitic in us to promote any other lolTcs *o Portugal ; and, aiter all, it is not likely Spain would come into terms, un- lefs wc rcftored the Havannah, even though Portugal were left out of the cafe. C C. -^o, then, we are to give up all thefe conqucfts, which have coft us fo much blood and Lrcafuic, and no- body is to indemnify us ftjr our expences. We have more than purchafeu Canada over and over, if we were lure of retaining it fur ever. M. P. We commenced the war to make good our prctenfions in America ; wc have more than accomplifhcd our delign; we have fixed the limits of our fettlemcnts where we propoled, and have added that great and valuable country of Canada to them. On the other hand, the Spaniards cede to us Florida, which gives us the whole com.nand of the continent of North America, from the guiph of St. Lawrence fouth wards, to- wards the Atlantic ocean. The retention of Cape- Breton fecures the navigation of the river St. Lawreiice j our pofTeflion of Toba- go, Dominica, and St. Vincent, is a divifior\ of 4f ■I '^ I ( 2. ) of the neutral iflands much in our favour ) to which we may add Grenada and the Grenadi'las, Our gum - trade will be greatly benefited by our remaining maftcrs of the ifland oi Senegal in Africa ; and the liberty of cutting logwood in the Bay of Honduras, is no finall article of cotnmerce you know. If we were to reap no other ad- vantages by the war than thefe, we certainly have more than compafl'ed our defign j and no one, whoadvifed hoftile meafuresin 1755, can talk of our not being reimbuifed our cx- pences, fiuce thcfc acquifitions are far be- yond what we could reafonably expedt at firll fetting out. C. C. No one fliall ever perfuade me this is a good peace, after all our conquefts, and at a time that we have it in our power to give laws to all Europe, have the entire dof minion of the fca, and all America is at our devotion, M. P. I know not whether this is a good peace, but it is the beft England ever made : give me an inftance of any one, by which England ever gained fo much. C. C. This will be called the Scotch peace, and a pretty Caledonian mefs it is ; but we do not know what douceurs arc thrown in to make it go down. M,P. .1 1 m # ■;«. k m Y ( 22 ) M. P. Never fufpcd a man in whofe life you cannot really find the leaft ground to luppofe him guilty of a bad thing. C. C. I never can be perfuaded that any man, who bears the fame name as the Pre- tender, can be ought clfe but a Jacobite. M. P. What, I fuppofe you mean the Chevalier St. George. C. C. Aye, certainly. M. P. I (hould be forry every man who bears that name was a Ja^.obite. As the difcourfe began to warm, and per- fonal reflections began to flow, I (hall clofe the dialogue, as I fuppofe the reader is, by this time, pretty well mafter of the argument. You fee, my worthy countrymen, the ftridt impartiality, the unbiaflcd principles, the great candour, which animates the pre- fent political conteft. Contradlors, f^ock- jobbers, infurers, can have no private inte- reft, no fellow-feeling to oppofe a peace. Pruffian emifTaries cannot be employed to fow the feeds of difccntent, and icrment an oppofition in and out of doors : it Is impof- fible that our own guineas, which have fo rapidly » ly ( aj ) rapidly circulated this war in Germany to fupport the Pruflian caufe, can now be em- ployed to bribe a party in or out of doors in favour of bcUigerant meafures. Envy and difappointed ambition can have no (hare in the oppofition j a place, a penfion, a regiment, can have no connexion with true patriotifm. All our modern patriots, from p — 1 — y flown to P — t, have had nought elfe in view but the real good of their coun- try : if they have accepted titles or penfions, it has been out of pure condefcenfion, and that they might ferve the caufe the better. Nor can vanity, or the fupporting of an ima- ginary popularity, biafs any one who fincies himfelf a great orator, to rife up againft a mealure, which he has heretofore oppofed, and has now no hand in bringing about. When I hear a man declaim againft a peace, in the lump, and without afligning his reafons, I always afk him, *' Pray, Sir, have you no connexions in the Alley ? — . have you no relation a jobber or under- writer r — have not you a brother in the Pruflian fervice, or did not you expeen a new port was conftrudtincr at i'o fmall a diflance as Mar- dyke, which would anfvver every end of convenience and i'ervice of the harbour, whole demolition l-ad been fo lenaciouflv adhered to by the plenipotendaries in i:''3. After three vears negotiation, h.e obtained what? Why, an acknowledgment fron^ tiie King ot France, that the Eleftor of Hanover was King of Great-Britain. Meffieiirs Shirley and Mildmay were equally fuccefsful in what they undertook. They were appointed com- milfaries for fettling the limits of our pro- vinces in North America -, and to this end they negotiated from 174H till 1755, by which lime the French had made them- felves really mailers of part of Virginia Pro- per, and had gained over the Indians in thofe parts to their inierefl, whiom they 'excited to make incurfions upon, and commit hofHlities .ieain("l us. So that we found ourfelves en- gaged in the fame war, that we thought V\v^S i ' I I ! ! I ( 3° ) was concluded in 174H, but which in fadl was only a truce for feven years. This naturally leads us to enquire what ad- vantages did we gain by the treaties of Utrecht and Aix-la-Chapelle. We were by turns the champions of moft of the princes of Germany : we were deeply engaged in the league againft univerfal monarchy, we fought moft the battles, and gained all the vidories ; but what elfe did we gain by Qiieen Anne's wars, or the cnfuing glorious peace ? We, neverthelefs, fupported the Queen of Hungary in her next quarrel with the Houfe of Bourbon, replaced her upon her throne, when drove for refuge from Vienna to Prefburg, where her fubjedls fur- niflied her with an hofpital for a palace. Brandenburg, as ulual, changed fides with her intereft, and at length we made peace, to give up Cape Breton, and have the honour of fending hoftages to France, becaufe the French would not take our word for fulfilling the promife, fo ridiculous a one did they think it. In retur*n for all our kindnefs to the houfe of Auftria, on whom we have laviflied fo many millions, and more than once faved from deftrucftion, Ihe joined with France againll us, and is ftill more inveteBQte than anv of our enemies. The \ ( 31 ) The ballance of power, and the common caufe in Germany, have Hood us in about feventy millions ; the houfe of Auftria has directly or indircdlybeen the caufc of the ex- penditure of three- fourths of this money ; and we were always more tenacious of preferving her pofTeffions than our own at the iigning of a peace, and till now have thought it more our inteiefl to fecure her part of Si- lefia, than ourfelves Canada. By the wars that preceded, or the treaties that took plac* atUtrechtandAix-la-chapelle, I do not find that we gained ought tlfe, fave fome fmall dishonour in the laftj but an additi- onal debt of about fixty millions, and laid the ground- work for future contention, new ene- mies, more bloodflied, and greater expence. Will then the ndvifers, or negotiators, of either of thofe famous treaties, whereby we did not retain a fingle conqueft, pretend to rife up as cenfors of the prefent peace, which adds im- menfe territory to the empire of Great Bri- tain ? Will they pretend to fay, that this is a diflionourable peace, fuch a one as no patriot can countenance, no honeft man fubfcribe to ? Will they aver, that we have been more outwitted in this negotiation than any for- mer ? Will they afTert, that we have been more bubbled, more cheated, and more impofed ^! \l (■ 3» ) Jmpofcd on by our prefcnt minlftei*s, than thofe who had the conduding of affairs in 1 71 3 and 174H ? Or, will they perfift, that wc . do not hereby reap more folid advantages, and have not the prorpcdt of a more lafling and permanent peace, than from any negotiation that has been fct on fool within fume cen- turies ? To edimale tlie advantages wc fliall derive from our acquifitions, in point of commerce, is fcarce pradlicable, conlidering wc /lial! en- grofs tlje whcjje fur and beaver trade of North America j (hall extend all our colonies as far v>^eftward as the IVlifTifippi, and thereby en- large them maiiy hundred miles, fo that all their produces will be immenfely incrcafed. Our fugar, and other Wefl Indian trade, will alfo be confideraMy augmented by the peace- able poffefiion of the additional iflands. To this Vi'c may add, that the bone of conten- tion, wiiich has (o long occafioned bickerings between us and the Spainiards, with rcfpedt to the cutting of logwood, will be entireiy removed, to our great emolument. N r need we be under tlie lead apprchenfion that thefe new territories will want either cultivation or inhabitants, confidering the many idle hands the fufpenfion *of war will neceliarily create j and, at the fame time that we people and enrich our new world, we iliall ^ ( 33 ) fliall make a Tultable provifinn fi)r a ufeful and defervlng people, wh) cannot any longer he employed without being too great a burthen to the ftate. The cavillers will now be driven to their lad fuhterfugc, and, perhaps, tell us, that under thefc tircuniftances there is more rea- fon than ever to fear our colonics may rival the mother country, in point ot' wealth and power, and that looner or later they may find means to throw off their dependence : but thofc who flart this objection will do well to confider, ihut, if we have already over- conquered Quifeivcs, with what view could wc have (liil carried on the war, though we had been ever fo fuccefsful ? or can there be any juft ground for cei^furing the reafon- able conceiTions we have made our enemies ? From what lias been laid, I think it mud evidently appear, that we have fully com- pafled the deljgn of our commencing this war, which was to vindicate our rights, and fecurc our polVeffions in America j that wo have acquired fufficient glory by, and fliall reap futrficient benefit from our victories and conquefls j that we have made no reftitu- tions, but what prudence might allow, ami moderation vi-idicate , and that ve have re- F tained I I r J ( 3^ ) talncd as many poflcllions as we could with Iccurity enjoy, or with (Economy protcdt. There remains nothing now to add, with- out it be more particularly to evince why Lord B — fliould be made a public example of. If we mny attribute this peace to Lord B«— , which wc mull when we give it the title of a Scotch Peace, his Lordlhip flands forth a (liining example to all future Statef- nien and Ntgotiators, for having planned {o advantageous a treaty between England, France, and Spain ; that we have not only obtained all Canada, with the cxtenfion of our colonies as far backwards as the Mifli- iippi, the illand of Cape-L'reton, Tobago, Dominica, and St. Vincent's, with Florida in America, and the Llland of Senegal, which commands the commerce of the whole river of that name, and particularly the gum-trade, which is a moft efiential article in our linne'n manuf.idure ; alfo the liberty of cutting log- wood in the Bay of Honduras, wliilil the Spaniards give up all pretenfions to fi(hing upon the banks of Newfoundland : I fay, hiftory cmnot parallel a treaty, made on the part of LjV'iand, with fuch llipulations in her favour ', ih that the Condudtor of fuch a peace mud needs be exemplary j and the more V ( 2S ) more public fuch an example Is made, the better, and the more likely to be fol- lowed. If having had a principal fliare In framing the mind of our gracious fovereign (who is indifputahly the moft religious, the mofl moral, the moft beneficent, and juft Piince now reigning, and as fuch is adored by his fubjcds, and even admired by his enemies, whofe greatert: ambition is to put their mo- narchs in competition with him) can confer a proportionate merit to his LordflTip, he will remain many, many ages, an example to be imitated by future royal tutors. If thefe are objeds not fufficiently notori- ous to render him a public example, let it be remembered with what ftrid honour, what upright integrity, and, in dcfpite of low malice and national lePiedlions, what exadl impartiality he has filled the high ports to which he has been appointed. Let it alfo be remembered, that he is the beft of fa- thers, the Icindeft of hufbarids, the mofi: gen,erous of mafters, and the mofl moral of men. Thefe, furely, are exemplary virtues; they dignify the man, do honour to nobility, and, in fome meafure, qualify the ftatefman, whofe honefty firft proved in a private life, F 2 bids. (W ) : I ( 36 ) bids fair to have it remain unfullied in a pubr lie one. It Is worthy of the great to imitate fuch greatnefs, and of the good fuch goodnefs j who then fo proper to be made a public, example of as Lord B — ? n POST- I M ( 37 ) POSTSCRIPT. AS, perhaps, fome of my worthy countrymen may imagine 1 have ra- ther raifed than gratified their curiofity, with regard to the authentic Preliminaries, I flvill here prefent them with ap exirad, which I have juft been favoured with, and whole au- thority may be relied upon. The Moll Chridian Kino; is to renounce all pretenfions which he has heretofore form- ed to Nova Scotia in all its parts, and gua- ranties the whole of it, with all its depen- dencies, to ihe King of Great Britain. The Mod Chriftian King alfo cedes and guaran- ties to England in full right, Canada with all its dependencies, as well as the ifland of Cape Breton, and all the other illands in the gulph and river of St. Laurence, without reftridion, and without any liberty to de- part f .om this ceflion or guaranty, under any pretence, or to trouble Great Britain in the pofleflions above-mentioned. The King of England to grant to the inhabitants of Ca- nada the liberty of the Catholic Religion, and if I ii! it ( 58 ) and fuch as are even French fubjcdls to have the liberty of retiring in freedom and fafety wherever they pleafe, and may fell their eftates to his Britannic Msjefty's fubjedts, and tranfport their efFedts, as well as their perfons, without bein^ reftraincid in their "migration, except for debts or criminal profecutions. The French are to have the liberty of fifhing, and drying on a part of the coafts of Newfoundland, as fpecified by the 13th article of the treaty of Utrecht ; which ar- ticle is renewed, except with regard to the ifland of Cape Breton, and the v ha ""^.nds \n the Gulph of St. Laurence : uie r rench fubjedts have alfo liberty to fifh in the Gulph of St. Laurence, conditionally, that they do not exercife the faid fifliery, but at the diftance of three leagues from all the coafts belonging to Great Britain, as well thofe of the continent, as thole of the iflands fituated in die faid Gulph of St. Laurence ; but they are not to fifh but at the diflance of 15 leagues from the coaf^.s of Cape Breton. The 'liands of St. Peter and Miquelon ?rf. ceded to France, to fcrve as a fadter for French fiOiermen ; but the Chriflian King obliges himfclf, on his royal word, not to fortity the faid iflands, or eredt any buildings there but merely for the convenience of the fifhery, for to 2S ( 39 ) fifliery, and to keep there only a guard of 50 men for the police. The flate of the port of Dunkirk is to ' be as fixed by the treaty of A.ix-]a-Chapelle; and former treaties : if ih'i Englifii engineers verify that the Cunette is only of ufe for the wholefomenefs of the air, and the health of the inhabitants, it is to remain in its prefent ilate. , To prevent all difpute about the limits of the Englilh and French territories in North America, it is agreed that the con- fines thereof fhall be irrevocably fixed by a line drawn along the middle of the river JViifiifippi, from its fource as far as the river Iberville, and from thence by a line drawn along the middle of this river, and of the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the fca ; and to this purpole, Fi ance cedes in full right, and guarantif;s to Great Britain, the river and port of Mobile, and every thing that is poilllled, or ought to be pof- lefled by the French on the lett-fide the river MilFifippi, except the town of New Orleans, and the iiland in which it is fitu- ated, which is to remain to France; the navigation ot the river to remain free to the fubiccts of both croVns, in its breadth and length, from its fource to the fca, and that it 1,1 ( 40 ) th.it part exprefsly, which is between the ifliind of New Orleans, and the right bank of th.it river, as well as the paflage both in and out of its mouth. The veflels be- longing to either nation, are not to be flop- ped, vifited or fubjeded to the payment of any duty whatever. The indulgences in point of religion, &c. granted to the inha- bitants of Canada, are to take place with rc2:u-d to the inhabitants of the countries hereby ceded. France is to regain the iflands of Guada- lupe, Mariegalante, Defirade, Martinico, and Bellciile : the f jrtrelTes of thole iflands to be reftorjd in the fime condition they were in, when conquered by the Britifli arms j the Englifh lubjcds in thofe iflands, to have eighteen months from the ratification of the definiave treaty, to fell their eftates, recover their debts, and tranfport their effedls and perfons, withcjut redraint, on a religiou?, or any other account, except for debt or cri- minal profccutions. The iflands of Grenada and the Grena- dines, are ceded and guarantied in full right, witli the fame flipulations as for Canada, to his Britannic Majelly. The partition of the iflands called Neutral, is agreed and fixed ; St. Vincent, Dominico, and Tobago, remain- ( 4' ) ing in full right to England, and that of St. Lucia to be delivered to France : thefe iflands being reciprocally guarantied. Eng- land to reftore the ifland cf Goree in the condition it was in when conquered, and re- tain the ifland of Senegal. Great Birtain to reftore to France the feve- ral comptoirs, which that crown had in the Eaft-Indies, on the coaft of Coromondel, and Malabar, and in Bengal, when hoftilities began there between the two companies in 1749, in their prefent, condition. France renounces her acquifitions on the coaft of Coromandel from the faid period j ahb what other conquefts {he has made in the Eaft-In- dics during the prefent war, and engages not to ered any fortifications, or keep any troops in Bengal. Minorca, with fort St. Philip, to be reftored to Great Britain, in the condition they were in when conquered, and the artillery thei cim found. All the countries belonging to the eledo- rate of Hanover, to the Landgrave of Hefle, to the Duke of Brunfwick, and 10 the Count de la Lippe Buckeburg, occupied by French troops, with their different fortreffes, to be rcftgred in the fame condition they were in G when iM r •i '! .-"<■ ( 42 ) . when conquered, and the artillery carried off, to be replaced by the like. The h 3i>agcs given during the war to be fent back without ranfom. * France is to evacuate, as foon as poflible after the ratification of the Preliminaries, the fortreffes of C'eves, Wezel, Gueldres, and in general all the countries belonging to the King of Pruffia ; and, at the fame time, the Britifli and French armies are to evacuate all the countries they occupy in Weftphalia, Lower Saxony, on the Lower Rhine, the upper Rhine, and in all the Empire ; and their Britannic and m Chriftian Majefties farther engage and proi. ';fe, not to furnifli any fuccour to their refpcdtive Allies, who fliall continue engaged in the prefent war in Germany. ' Oftend and Nieuport to be evacuated by French troops, immediately after the figna- ture of the Preliminaries. . The prizes made by the EngliHi on the Spaniards during the time of peace, to be decided by the Courts of Jufticc of the Ad-' miralty of Great Britain, according to the kw of nations. ;, v::- ^ The n ( 43 ) The fortifications ereded by the Englifli in the Bay of Honduras, and other places of the territory of Spain in that part of the world, are to be demolilhed four months after the ratification of the definitive treaty ; but Englifh fubjeds are not for the future to be dirturbed or molefted under any pre- tence whatfoever, in occupation of cutting, loading and carrying away Logwood ; and for this purpofe they may build without hindrance, and occupy without interruption, the houfes and magazines neceflary for them, fcr their families and for their cjffeds. The King of Spain gives up all c'aim to any right of fifhing about the ifland of Newfoundland. Great Britain reftores to Spain all (he has conquered in the ifland of Cuba, with the fortrefs of the Havannah, which, with the others of the faid ifland, are to be re- ftored in the fame condition they were in, when they were conquered by the Enghfli. The Catholic King, in confequence of this reftitution, cedes and guaranties, in full right to the King of England, all that Spain pofTef- fes on the continent of North America, to the eaft,or to the fouth eaftof the river Miflif- fippi. The inhabitants hereof, to have the G 2 liberty > I ' i h' I I ( 44 ) liberty of the catholic religion, as far as the laws of Great Britain, permit ; and fuch as are inclined may retire in all fafety, and free- dom, wherever they pleafe,and may fell their eriaies to Britifli fubjedls, and tranfport their perfons and efFcds without rcftraint, except for debt or criminal profecution j eighteen months being allowed them for the fame, from the ratification of the treaty. The Catholic King to be allowed the liberty of carrying away all the effeds, either artillery or others belonging to him. His moft Faithful Majefty being exprcfsly included in thcfc preliminaries, the moft Chriftian and Catholic Kings engage to re- eftabliHi the ancient peace and friendfhip between them and the King of Portugal, and promifc there {hall be a total ceflation of hoftilities between the crowns of Spain and Portugal, and between the Spanifh and French troops on the one fide, and the Por- tugefe troops, and thofe of their allies, on the other, immediately after the ratification of the preliminaries : there is likewife to be a ceffation of hoftilities, in all other parts of the world, as well by fea as land, on the fame conditions as that between Great Britain, France and Spain, and fliall continue till the conclufion of the definitive treaty between Great Britain, France, Spain and Portugal ; and t 1 r c ( I ( 45 ) and that all the fortrefTes and countries in Europe, belonging to the King of Portu- gal, conquered by Spanifh and French troops, (hall be reftored in the fame condi- tion they were in, when they were conquer- ed ; and if any change (hall have happened in the Portuguefe colonies in America, or chewhere, all things (hall be put upon the fame footing they were before hoftilities commenced. And the King of Portugal (hall beii. ited to accede hereto^ as foon aa poflible. Whatever countries, or territories, con- quered by any of the contradling parties, and not mentioned in the preliminaries, (hall be reflored without difficulty, and without requiring compenfations. The Englifti and French troops are to be- gin to evacuate Germany immediately after the ratification of the preliminaries. Bel- leiile to be evacuated fix weeks after the ratification of the definitive treaty. — Gua- dalupe, Defirade, Mariegalante, Martini- co, and St. Lucia, three months after the ratification of the definitive treaty : at the fame period the Englifh are to enter into pofTefTion of the river and port of Mobile, and all that is to form the limits of the ter- ritory of Great Britain, on the fide of the river MifTifippi : at the fame time Goree by Eng. 11 ii r 1 ' 1 I I i f E > / ( 46 ) England, and Minorca by France, when the French are to take poflcflion of the iflands of St. Peter and Miquelon. The rc^itu- tions in the Eaft Indies to take place fix months after the ratification of the defini- tive treaty ; and at the fame time Spain is to give up Florida. The King ot Portugal is to be reftored his dominions in Europe, immediately after the ratification of the de- finitive treaty ; and the Portuguefc colonies that may have been conquered, (hall be re- llored in three months in the Weft, and fix months in the Eaft Indies, after the ratifica- tion of the definitive treaty. All former treaties are renewed, except in fuch points as are derogatory to the prefent preliminaries. .... The prifoncrs taken on all fides by land or fea, to be reciprocally rcftored, without ranfom, after the ratification of the definitive treaty, in paying the debts they fliall have contra.i. I /.«l «t . l.> > s> 1 '-^ ir.inu Here havs I given you the fubftance of the authentic preliminftiiies ; and, I think, it will be proper to take a concife view in what they efl'entially differ from the propo- pofals inad« us lall year by Mr. de fiufly^ and on whi^h fide the advantage lie*. Though, by the conditions offered by France, in 1761, the Mofl Chriftian King agreed ta cede &\\d guaranty Canada to Eng- land, the country between the MifTifippi and our colonies wad not be yielded to us; fo that the limits of the refpedivc territories, of England and France in North America, would have been as indeterminate as before hbftili- ties commenced ; and \vt fhould not have been in pofTeflion of that fine country, more cxtekifwe by many hundred miles tjian. the limited provinces we fhould have been coop- ed tip in, had we agreed to the terms pro- pofed I; rv ! i i i I 1 i-i-'i (48 ) pofed our commiflTaries in 1755. ^^' P""* acquiefced in giving up Guadaloupe, and to retain only two of the neutral iilands } Gre- nada and the Grenadines were not montion- cd, nor (hould we have been in poflcffion of Florida : the French would not then liflen to any propufal, without having the captures made before the declaration of war, or their equivalent, reftored ; and we were not to be refunded the expence we have been at in maintaining near 25,000 prifoners about five years, which can amount to no fmall fum. The French were then no way detcrminat? in evacuating Oftend and Nieuport; and they were far from being explicit in agreeing to demolifh the harbour of Dunkirk, which Mr. P — laid fo much (Irefs upon As to the affiftance we were to continue 'ng the King of Pruffia, and the aid Frai. , ^2is to give the Queen of Hungary, it would there- by have continued the war in fadt, though we made peace in appearance ; and been at a great expence, without the lead profpe(5l of reaping any advantage. Thus it appears, then, we have made no reftitutions by thefe Preliminaries, but fuch as Mr. P — would have agreed to kft year j but that we have, on the other hand, inva- riably fixed the boundaries of our North American Colonies, and greatly extended them I >\ k ^ (49 ) them both in length and breadth j that \vc have retained one more of the neutral iflands than we (hould then have remained pofillTed of, together with the Grenada, and the fmall iflands of the Grenadines, which arc infinite in number. We fliould have had near a million r- have paid the French, as a rellitu- tion of the captures made before the decla- ration of war J and, on tl.. other hand, we fliould not have had a farthing to receive from them on account of their prifrjners; that Florida would flill have recnained with the Spaniards, and would always have fur- nilhcd them with means, when they chofe it, of making inroads into Georgia and hurt- ing out trade j nor (hould we have had the free privilege cf cutting Lf)__^vvood in the Bay of Honduras. Oftend and Nieuporc would not have been immediately evacuated, and the demolition of Dunkirk would not have been a fubjedt of future negotiation and contention : nor would our expences in Ger- many, which have added the greateft clog to the national debt this war, have been at an end. From this Indifputably jafT: reprefentation, let any unprejudiced EngliHiman determine, which would have been the moft advantageous peace, that of lafl year, or the prcfenr, even upon Mr. P — 's own terms, and when we had not Portugal to extricate from her pre- fcnt ditiicuhies. F I N I S. Yl