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 f 
 
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 PRICE 
 
 10 CENTS, 
 
 TARIFF FOR REVENUE ONLY" 
 
 vs. 
 
 CANADA'S NATIONAL POLICY. 
 
 POLITICAL ISSUES DISCUSSED. 
 
 1. PAST AND PRESENT UEVIEWED. 
 
 2. OPEN LETTER TO MR. DALTON MCCARTHY. M. P. 
 
 3. SIR JOHN xMACDONALD AND THE ANTLI-RENCH CRUSADE. 
 
 (Published by request of the Ottawa Liberal C(jnsercative Association) 
 
 BY 
 
 0. H. MACKINTOSH, M.P. 
 
 THK EXPERIENCK OK THE KAUl.V HISTOHY OF THK UnITKI) STATKS, AND 
 
 I.ATKR, THAT (tK THi; Dominion, TKACHKS THAI WHKNKVKH A I'UMCY 
 
 OK KNCOUHAliKMKNT TO NATIONAL INI)IT.HTU1K.S WA.s UKI'AKTl;!) 
 
 KKOM, OK IIISKKOARDKI), TIIK NATION HAS NOT ONLY SITKKKKKO 
 
 IN ITS KUVKMIKS AM) IIS IRKUIT, HUT MATKKIAI, (iKOWTH 
 
 HAS HEKN CHKCKKU, ai'SINK.SS DISASTKKS KOLI.OWEI) 
 
 AND AM. « I.ASSKS IIAVH ITNIKOHMI.V KXl'KKIKN* Kll 
 
 I.088 AND I'KRt^ONAI. DISt OMKORT. 
 
 18G3. 
 
r 
 
 4 
 
 I 
 
of out? H^'f r^""^^^^^« I^^b^--^' Conservative Association 
 01 Ottawa, the following resolution was submitted:— 
 
 Moved by Messrs. A. D. Richard, Henry Eean D OT^nr,,. tj t, x 
 son, a„. .eonae. b. Me.. W. M;Eve,.rE^A^.ll^,rH;weri 
 
 letter recently adclresaed to Mr. Dalian ^earthy Mp' 3"""',?'*" 
 ...est that he allow the document to be publish dli ^'ip, It Z^ Z 
 derthe auspices of this Association, believinc as we d„ ih.t i, „ 1 
 a practical review of the past and a' fair and^ble sultry ."ep™ 
 sent pohtical situation." ^ P ®^ 
 
 The resoUition was unanimously adopted. 
 
 C. D. Chitty, 
 
 Cieneral Secretary. 
 
 Geo. Cox, * 
 
 President. 
 

 y(o/fs 
 
/^'U^WP^^ 
 
 PAST AND PRESENT REVIEWED. 
 
 Geo. Cox, Esq., 
 
 President of the Liberal Conservative Association of Ottawa. 
 
 Dear Sir • — 
 
 I acknowledge the receipt of a resolution passed at the 
 recent annual meeting, asking me to sanction publication, under 
 the auspices of the Liberal Conservative Association, of a letter 
 upon Political Issues, addressed by me to Mr. Dalton McCarthy, 
 M.P. Emanating from a body of men who have faithfully fought 
 the party battles, never swerving from allegiance to the prin- 
 ciples, so eloquently advocated and so practically developed, by 
 our late lamented leader, Sir .lohn Macdonald, and perpetuated 
 by his successors, 1 deem the request an honour, and my ability 
 to compl}' with it, a very great privilege. 
 
 Mr. McCarthy's speech, delivered before a Toronto audience, 
 must have proved disappointing to those who anticipated a calm, 
 statesmanlike and matured review of matters appertaining to 
 trade and commerce. Appeals to passion, prejudice, sectionalism, 
 race and religion, have never been acceptable to the electorate of 
 the Dominion ; hence, any attempt to divert the young and 
 vigorous thought of the body politic, into the narrow groove of 
 bigotry, should be condemned by all truly interested in Canada's 
 future. Mr. McCarthy, endeavoring to attach a Protestant horse 
 to the farmer's plough, may be an interesting spectacle to wit- 
 ness ; but it will not develop trade, nor yet give increased im- 
 petus to wheels of industry. As Mr. John Morley said a few 
 days ago, in the Imperial Parliament, ** only those who hope, not 
 those who fear, see the future of civilized communities." Mr. 
 McCarthy appears determined that all classes shall think as ho 
 
T 
 
 thinku, and equally determined that no Government whall be 
 formed without his Hanction — for, "insignificant, ho might yet be 
 of some consequence," — to use his own worcis. Those who have 
 read his Toronto speech, have now an opportunity of either ac- 
 cepting or rejecting the extraordinary panacea he offers — being 
 a combination of 
 
 ANTI-FRENCH PHILIPPICS, AND ANTI-PROTECTION CONDIMENTS. 
 
 However, there are a few points which he sought to make, 
 worthy of investigation. The first, that the National Policy has 
 been maintained a suflBcient length of time. Secondly, that the 
 people are being robbed under cover of the Tariff; in short, that 
 the farmer is made the victim of the manufacturer; thirdl}', that 
 the time has arrived for the adoption of a partial ' Tariff for 
 Eevenue." You will remember that between 1874 and 1878, 
 Canadian industries of all kinds were in great distress, while the 
 farmer cried aloud for an amelioration of his condition, Mr. 
 Dalton McCarthy riding in front of the band waggon. Such 
 pressure was brought to bear that the Liberals — deadly op- 
 ponents of Protection in any form — were forced to grant a com- 
 mittee to enquire into " the present depression/' This was in 
 1876, Mr. David Mills, M.P., one of Canada's ablest parliament- 
 arians, being cliairman. As Mr. Dalton McCarthy does to-day, 
 cogent reasons were given in the report (April 11th) for the then 
 existing trouble, as well as for the maintenance of a partial "for 
 revenue " tariff. The report concluded by declaring 
 
 (1.) "That a protective system might diminish the consumption of 
 foreign goods. 
 
 (2.) That it miglit " lessen the amount of taxation received into the 
 public treasury." 
 
 (3.) That the *' principal object of such a policy is to increase the price 
 ol goods manufactured in the country." 
 
 (4.) That ''the consumer would have to pay a large tax," while the 
 country would not be benefited. 
 
 (5.) That it was " a proposition to relieve general distress by a redistri- 
 bution of property." 
 
 Again it was contended : — 
 
 (6.) " That the Customs revenue would be diminished by $9,000,000. 
 
(7.) That some means would have to be discovered to ' make up the 
 tax.' 
 
 (8.) That ' this tax of 25 pei^cent. added to the price of the goods pur- 
 chased at home would imiK)8e a burden of .<rj,5<)<M*i*<> upon the con- 
 sumers, as the condition of securing ]5(),0<X) additional iuhabitant«, who 
 during a commercial depression might l>e left without employment and 
 might become a further charge upon the rest of the comuuinity." 
 
 This WH8 the result louched by my respected friend, Mr. Duvid 
 Mills, and his committoe — this is, to some extent, the opinion of 
 Mr. Mci'arthy seventeen years after! It is not, it cannot bo the 
 ripe conclusion arrived at by Mr. Mills, or a vast majority of 
 those converHant with the proij;rcss, prosperity and contentment 
 to be found throughout the Dominion to-day ; and as, in my 
 humble way, I endeavoured to prove in my letter to the member 
 for North Simcoe. By reference to the early system of English 
 protection, it is shown that, for centuries, nothing was left un- 
 done to crush the life out of all opponents in every portion of 
 the civilized globe. The cotton manufacture was 
 
 
 TR.VNSFERRED FROM IN lA TO GREAT BBITA[N, 
 
 by the prohibition of the export, not only of ma(;hinory itself, 
 but of all the articles by which macliinery might [)ossil)ly 
 be made. Again, in 1822, 'all protection having been with- 
 drawn from Irish manufactures, but not from any Knglish 
 manufactures, there was a famine in Ireland and ^reat sut- 
 ei'ing resulted." As William Cobbett cynically says 'There 
 was food enough — but no money to purchase it." Canada had 
 some experience of this between ls74 and 1878. The masses 
 were despondent, disheartened and starving ; public works 
 virtually stopped, the Finance Minister declaring that it was 
 impossible to promise further improvements ; Canjidian loans 
 were floated at ruinous rates, while American industries 
 glutted the Canadian market. I remember well, reading the 
 report made by Mr. David M. Swanel, of Philadelphia, on " the 
 American Iron Trade " in 1870, in which he state<l : — 
 
 " A notable proof of the headway we are gaining in the 
 exportation of finished products, is furni.-hed by recent ship- 
 ments of iron bridges to the Dominion of Canada by the 
 
6 
 
 Phocnixvillo Bridi^e Workis, of Pennsylvania, of which Chirko, 
 Reeves k Co., are proprietors. This firm has noici eight or ten 
 bridgeH to the (Jreat Western Railway of Canada, during the pant 
 year, and within a recent period, it has wold thirty or forty 
 bridges to the (Jrand Trunk Railway of Canada; one bridge to 
 a county in Ontario, to be erected over the Thames River; 
 Bevonteen spans to the Intercolonial Railway of Canadci, each 
 span measuring 210 feet in length ; nine spans to the Montreal 
 and Ottawa Kailway, varying from 50 to 200 foot in length. 
 Those bridges were sold in Bi'itish territory, in fair competition 
 with Hi-itish makers of iron bridges, and they were paid for 
 mainly by British money and in one instance by the Dominion 
 Government itself." 
 
 Is such evidence as this calculated to induce Canadians to 
 open their gates again, without any corresponding advantages? 
 To-day, hundieds who otherwise would perhaps be starving, are 
 exercising their skill and industry in the bridge works ut Ham- 
 ilton, the Dominion Bridge Works and the Canadian Bridge 
 Works, at Montreal. Why, no later ban this year, the San 
 Francisco Bridge Works have handed over an iVnmense amount 
 of bridging in Washington Territory to the Dominion works, 
 whilst the Central Bridge Works at Peterborough are doing a 
 fair business. Is this the reason impelling Mr. McCarthy to 
 make a change ? The truth is, the member for North 
 Simcoe acts like an angry boy in a hurry — and strikes even 
 innocent bystanders. He knows that Great Bri'.ain maintains 
 
 A PROTECTIVE POLICY TO-DAY, WHILE SHE ABANDQNS PROTECTIVE 
 
 DUTY. 
 
 She has cheap coal, cheap iron, cheap skilled labor, abundant 
 capital, amassed through centuries of restriction; improved 
 machinery, accumulated experience, and extensive workshops — 
 lience can aftbid the luxury. The United States is making similar 
 pi-ogress, improved machinery, a teeming population, a de- 
 veloped South, new markets — all are rapidly contributing to 
 bring about taritt' changes there. 
 
 Mr. McCarthy can att'ord to be sublime in his speculative poli- 
 tics ; he is not responsible ; he is on the otfensive, not the de- 
 
feiiNivo. llonco, ho miiy mil against specific dutiow, without 
 reuliHing or curing to comprehend the ort'ect. If there Jiro ano- 
 naulieH in the tariff, those whoso formulated it in 187H are the 
 men who should be better able to redress any grievances. Cer- 
 tainly, those artisans who constructed an intricate piece of ma- 
 chinery, are more to be trusted in repairing it, than a strking 
 workman who desires to destry its symetry by wild experiments. 
 The taiirtof 184C, adopted by the United States, contained, as its 
 leading featui-e, the substitution of general ad valorem for speci- 
 fic duties; leading taiiff experts doj)lore the change, contending 
 that the policy was utterly at war with the national idea of de 
 veloping industries and creating a homo market ; that it jeojtard- 
 ised those who look for steady employment and was at war with 
 a legitinuite revenue policy. They held that when imi)Oi'ts were 
 entered at low prices, duties were low, the home manufacturer 
 losing the protection he most needed ; thus defrauding the reve- 
 nue and crippling domestic works. Results seem to have sus- 
 tained the argument, foi' disaster followed disaster, until reme<lial 
 legislation was adopted. Great Britain, except in one or two 
 minor cases, levies only specific duties, on tlie products ol'foreing 
 countries. Let those who eulogise British Free Trade (meaning 
 the free exchange of commodities between nations) prove where 
 it exists ? Wheh Great Britain derives hundred of millions of 
 dollars from taxing tea from China, cotfee from Brazil, currants 
 rasins, figs, &c. from Southern Europe, and tobacco, distilled 
 grains, &c., from the United States, surely the most ardent ad- 
 mirer in International Free Trade, must have some lurking sus- 
 ])icion that so far a Great Britain is concerned the thing is a de- 
 lusion — a myth. Again, ask the Labour Unionist (if ho be a 
 Liberal) what policy he believes in ? A majority might say 
 " Free Trade " ; but ask him if he objects to artisans being 
 brought to Canada to compete with him, and the answer would 
 be — "Oh, no, we want the labour market restricted." Illogical 
 it may be, but it is human nature ! Hence, I am convinced that 
 great care should be taken by the Government of the day to 
 guard against yielding to cabal clamor, at the present moment. 
 The people of Canada are practical, intelligent and reasonable, 
 and. will not fai' to recognise the fact that, until the tariff policy 
 
8 
 
 of the United States is known, until Australian object lessons 
 are studied and the financial equilibrium of the world — now so 
 sadly disturbed — is restored, it would be national folly to Jeo- 
 pardiho the Dominion by hasty and ill-considered action. 
 
 I submit that to give point, as well as legitimate foundation, 
 to the contention of those whose design is the creation of 
 antagonism between the husbandman and manufacturer, strife 
 between tho toller in the field and the worker in the factory, 
 it must be shown: first, that, the farmer pays more duties in 
 1893 than lie did in 1878 — on the necessaries as well as many of the 
 luxuries Of life; secondly, that ho was as well oft" pecuniaril}', 
 under a 17^ i)or cent. taritT, and could better atford to purchase 
 these commodities ; thirdly, that he bought them as cheaply in 
 1878 as he did xu 1893 ; fourthly, that farming machiner}' in 
 general, is as high to-day, as it was in 1878 ; lastly, that there 
 was as permanent a demand in 1878, for the smaller farm pro- 
 ducts, at similar prices, as characterises the local market in 
 1893. I venture this opinion, in the interests of all concei-ned — 
 for it would make one despair of his country's future, if con- 
 vinced that producera of any class, were anxious to be deceived, 
 anxious to encourage grievance-mongers, anxious to be misled 
 by specious economic quacks, who know no more about intricate 
 fiscal issues, than they " know about physics." 
 
 I have been charged by Mr. Dalton McCarthy's admirers and 
 defenders with writing in the interests of manufacturers. This 
 is not true. I am aware that the hog exists amongst capitalists, 
 just as the hog may be found in politics. When there is nothing 
 in it for him, ho desires that there shall be nothing in it foi- 
 anybody else; but that is no reason why the earnest thinker 
 should tremble at either a grunt or an insinuation. Since 1874, 
 it has been my duty to carefully study questions connected with 
 tariff legislation. I \srrite in no boastful spirit, but can solemnly 
 aver, that the more time I have devoted to the subject, the 
 greater the conviction that spasmodic tariff experiments, in a 
 small community, usually end in disappointment as well as 
 disaster. So far back as 1859, the manufacturers of Toronto and 
 Montreal, united in a demand for what was then considered 
 timely and judicious, namely, tariff revision in the direction of 
 
 , 
 
9 
 
 protection ; the result being a 20 per cent, tariff, with 2't per 
 cent en boots and shoes. Sir Alexander Gait was at the head of 
 the financial department: what followed? Up to that hour 
 boots and shoes hail been supplied by the United States ; but 
 3Iessrs. Brown A: Childs, and Smith & Cochrane, introduced 
 necessary machinery into Canada, and, within less than two 
 years, there were twenty shoe factories in Upper and Lower 
 Canada, the products being furnished as cheapl}' as when f(yrmerly 
 purchased in the United States. 
 
 This lesson was learned ; the money went out of the country ; 
 latterly, it paid local artisans and these artisans purchased the 
 home products of the farm and market garden. Then, conseciuent 
 upon Confederation, a 15 per cent tariff was adopted ; the war 
 in the United States was over, and by 1873, American manufac- 
 turers, feeling the tinancial stringency and glut of goods in 
 their own market, pounced upon Canada, just as Great Britain, 
 years before, made an effort to " stifle the industries of America 
 in thcii- cradle." The l^h ])or cent, tariff of 1874 — small though 
 the increase — possibl}' protected some classes of Canadian in- 
 dustries. Despite this, however, the universal demand from 
 farming, industrial, mining and commercial interests was — 
 increased protection, the National Policy for Canada. The farm- 
 ers set forth, (1) " That thegi-eat agricultural interests of Canada 
 suffer greivous wrong through the present one-sided system of 
 allowing American farm product t. / enter our market duty free, 
 while our produce has to pay heavy toll on entering the 
 American market ; " the cotton manufacturers alleged, and with 
 good reason, (2) " That the An I'l-icans had sent orders to 
 their Canadian agents — ' No matter at what cost, close the 
 young cotton industries of Canada';" artisans said, (3) A sys- 
 tem which annually sends over $20,000,000 to the United States 
 for nftinufactured goods which we can as well make at homo, is 
 a crying injustice to our workingnien, taking the bread from 
 their mouths and giving it to foreignei-s ; " the manufacturers 
 asserted, (4) * That so soon as the Amei'icans had introduced 
 their goods into the Canadian market, a systematic attack was 
 made upon the Canadian manufacturer, by reducing prices far 
 below cost of production, in order to crush him out of existence 
 
10 
 
 and thus secure the market for themselves and afterwards 
 obtaining their own prices." But why continue, when every 
 observer between 1874 and 1878 
 
 MUST REMEMBER THE DARK DAYS, 
 
 as well as the outburst of indignation, because of the supineness 
 of those in power? The "table of insolvencies," for even one 
 year, speaks more potently than volumes of evidence. I will 
 quote that for 1876 :— • 
 
 Commercial. Industrial. 
 
 Ontario 299 446 
 
 Quebec 255 202 
 
 New Brunswick 30 27 
 
 Nova Scotia 95 42 
 
 Manitoba 3 , 3 
 
 British Colunbia 1 2 
 
 683 822 
 
 or a total of 1505 failures — 822 of which were manufacturers. How 
 the unfortunate farmer suffered, can only be inferred by con- 
 ning the petitions submitted to Parliament. Is this not an 
 object lesson worth remembering, worth considering, worth 
 taking to hea;-t? To-day, Canadians are asked to try the experi- 
 ment again — just at a time when one thoughtless move may 
 jeopardise the entire editice ! And this is what Mr. Daltou 
 J'icCarthy demands, this is what his petulant tyranny suggests. 
 1 ask you. sir, would it bo safe for either agricultural, com- 
 mercial or manufacturing interests to accept him as a guide ? 
 I have said that spasmodic experiments with a national tariff 
 are dangerous ; I add that only after mature consideration, 
 careful investigation and wise deliberation, should this be done, 
 and then with the utmost caution. The experiment was ti-ied 
 when the tariff adopted in 1859 was lowered, and disaster 
 followed, so soon as our natural rivals recovered from their 
 war depression. Xow, let me, for a few moments, deal with 
 similar periods in the economic history of the United States, 
 my apology being tliO grave character of the subject and the 
 enormous interests at stake. Cei'tainly history repeats itself; 
 
11 
 
 the map of the world may change — human nature, with its 
 ambition, desire for gain, its restless cupidity — never. National 
 and individual life cannot be measured by, are not governed by 
 a system of equations. Only three centuries of Protection, 
 extreme, tyrannous, selfish, if you will, satisfied the average 
 Englishman. Coming down to this centur}', Lord Brcfugham is 
 seen pointing out to the House of Commons, when in Com- 
 mittee (See Brougham's Sjieeches, 1838, vol. 1, pp. 518-519,) 
 that " it is well worth while to incur a loss upon the first export- 
 ation, in order, by the glut to stijie in the cradle those rising manufac- 
 tures in the United States, which the war forced into existence, 
 contrary to the natural course of things !" As the manufacturers 
 of the United States did towards Canada fi-om 1874 up to 1878 
 (after the industries of the former had recovered from war 
 prostration, and this country gloried in a partial revenue taritf 
 of 17^ per cent.) so Great Bi-itain, by pouring the surplus 
 industries of cheap, s.^metimes starved labour, into the Colonies, 
 driven from her by selfishness, tuxation and unwise legislation, 
 accomplished up to 1810. Workshops were closed, skilled 
 laborers were either out of employment or toiling on half time, 
 at the lowest possible remuneration, the almshouses wore full, 
 the coffers empty and proprietors of industrial establishments 
 bankrupt. The glut of excessive Bi-itish oxportations reduced 
 revenue, and national repudiation seemed imminent ; 
 
 FOREIGN LOANS WERE IMPOSSIBLE, 
 
 I 
 
 except at usurous rates, and an impoverished people looked 
 vainly for relief. What followed ? Awakened to a sense of 
 danger, learning a lesson from the volume of experience; taught 
 wisdom by the crushing evidence of hard facts, the Calhoun 
 Tarift", based upon protection, was adopted; then followed 
 further fiscal enactments, in 1824 and 1828, and an immediate 
 resuscitation of dormant energies. Industrial iiitei'ests mani- 
 fested vitality, the public treasury was. replenished, public 
 confidence restored. There were 'prentice htatesmeii at that 
 period, as there are now ; there were envious politicians, as 
 there are now ; there were victims of pique and vanity as there 
 are now ; the consequences being, that, after prolonged agita- 
 
12 
 
 tion, those who were induced to forget the lesson of the past, fell 
 into the grievous erroi* of submitting to an experiment, with all 
 the unfortunate results thoughtful men had predicted. The Clay 
 Compromise Bill, went into effect in 1833 and within seven 
 years (1840) every interest was in a deplorable condition ; so 
 much sc^ that the nation was without credit in the financial 
 centres of the world. The '-taritf for revenue only" did its 
 work effectually ; Henry Clay and his Whig associates had, in 
 an hour of temptation, succumbed to popular clamor. History 
 tells us — and where better can philosophy be learned than in 
 the pages of history ? — that in his report of December 7th, 
 1840, it was estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury, that at 
 the close of 1841, "there would remain in the Treasury, an 
 available balance of but $824,273," and that even this might 
 disappear, and a deficit of several millions be found " under the 
 operations of the Compromise Act of 1833 ; " which had rapidly 
 lowered the amount of customs revenue. The President, in his 
 message to Congress, at its extra session, in June 1841. esti- 
 mated the probable deficit at the close of the year at811,40(),132, 
 while the Secretary of the Treasury announced that the expen- 
 diture during the four previous years, had exceeded the revenue 
 by $31,310,014. Then attempts were made to prop the tottering 
 edifice bj" loans ; how successful this panacea proved, may be 
 estimated by the fact that Congress, in 1841 and 1842, having 
 authorised the negotiation of Treasury notes and loans amount- 
 ing to $15,000,000, only $5,672,976 had been applied for and 
 taken ; while the Secretary of the Treasury was forced to shock 
 the luition by announcing that the Government agent, General 
 William Robinson, a gentleman of high integrity, had visited 
 England and the Continent to negotiate all or part of a loan of 
 $5,000,000, but had *' since returned without accomplishing the 
 object of his mission." '• The tariff for revenue only," had 
 again produced wide-, pread national paralysis and by a union 
 of parties in 1842, a protective tarift' was again adopted ; indus- 
 tries revived, the national exchequer was replenished ; when, in 
 1846 " Tariff for revenue only " again presented itself for public 
 appi-oval. Robert J. Walkei-, being then Secretaiy of the Treasury. 
 Men had reasoned in 1845 against protection ; they had 
 quoted Swift's formula 
 
 
13 
 
 ENUNCIATED WITH REFERENCE TO GREAT BRITAIN, 
 
 one hundred years before, and successfully misapplied and 
 misquoted it, in connection with the struggling and Jeopardised 
 industries of the United States. Men are prepared to do this, 
 in fact are doing it, in Canada to-day ; with what effect, remains 
 to be seen. In 1845 class was airayed against class, dema- 
 gogues and agitators, and interested politicians pointed out 
 that the farmer rose in the morning at the sound of a clock 
 taxed 50 per cent., washed in a basin taxed 35 per cent., with 
 soap taxed 30 per cent., wiped on a towel taxed 25 per cent., 
 put on trousers taxed 40 per cent., a coat taxed 45 per cent., 
 and was forced even to pay taxes whether he breathed or died, 
 whether in his bed or in his coffin. Thousands oveilooked the 
 fact that not one farthing of duties was collected upon these 
 articles, providing the home market was vouchsafed the oppor- 
 tunity of supplying them, and so doing, the local producer was 
 enabled- to purchase agricultural supplies within the vicinity 
 of his factory or his workshop. What followed? The new law 
 "for revenue only" went into effect in 1847, and records show, 
 that although the United States "mined 61,100,000,000 of gold 
 from the newly discovered fields of California, during the decade 
 following, 1857 found the nation bankrupt, its working people 
 without employment, its machinery silent, its banks broken or 
 suspended, and the national revenue insulHcient to meet current 
 expenses. This continued until 18G1, when a protective policy 
 was adopted, import duties were forcedup, the war tariff 
 successfully prevented underselling, even though hundreds 
 of thousands were called to fight for their country, industries 
 again revived, while even Canada under the treaty of 1854, for 
 once managed to reap important harvests from the demand for 
 her various products. The great war debt of the United States, 
 the awful ordeal passed through, the demands upon national 
 resources, were something to appal a less progressive, less 
 industrious, less patriotic people ; but under a protective system 
 credit remained unimpaired, revenue increased, industries re- 
 vived and expanded, and to-day, her statesmen, after having 
 incx'eased import duties for sevei-al yeai's, hesitate to try the 
 experiment of a sweeping taritt" reform, although, perhaps no 
 
u 
 
 I 
 
 nation is in a better position for freer trade with other countries, 
 than that south of the Dominion of Canada. 
 
 3Ir. McCarthy [Speaks flippanntly about " Trusts."] Let 
 me refer to this subject. 
 
 On the 2'Jth of March, 1890, Mr. Edwards, Her Majesty's 
 Secretary of Legation at Washington, in accordance with ii.- 
 structions contained in an imperial despatch dated Oct. 16th, 
 1889, repoited to Sir J. Pauncefote upon the general question of 
 "Trusts" in the United States, the latter highly gulogizing the 
 manner in which Mi'. Kdwards discharged his duties. The re- 
 port finds that the researches of the Committee of the House of 
 Representatives justified Mr. Edward's in believing that "the in- 
 vestigation, though it has not resulted in legislation," has not 
 been without great public advantages, and shows that "the more 
 that is known of trusts, the less they are to be feared." The 
 writer pi-oduces figures and evidence to prove that all classes of 
 "Trust" productions had, consequent upon the union of know- 
 ledge, experience, skill and finance, been reduced in price, this 
 co-operation in coal oil alone "saving the public about $100,000,- 
 000 per annum." 
 
 Consul Clipperton (Philadelphia) reporting to Sir Julian 
 Pauncefote (Nov. 5th, 1889,) said: 
 
 " I beg to state that there are but six trusts organized and in practical 
 working condition within the consular district, viz.: — The Sugar Trust, 
 Standard Oil Trust, Linseed Oil Trust, Cotton Seed Oil Trust, Lead Trust 
 and Salt Trust." He states that "The Sugar Trust'" brought the industry 
 "up from the ruinous competition prices, wherein millions of capital were 
 sunk, to a fairly remunerative standard, the actual increase being two 
 c^ts per pound. . . . The consumer's cost being about half ichat it 
 was fifteen years* af/o.^' 
 
 I mention these facts because those who desire to agitate for 
 reforms without realising the effect of, or necessity for such, 
 suppress the other side of the question and wilfully deceive the 
 public. Hence, while I am in no degree dofending trusts or 
 manufacturers, I am j^et bound, in all candour, to deal fairly with 
 the subject. Such a course, every honest reader will approve of. 
 Consul Clipperton in his report is calmly judicial. He adds : 
 
 " Trusts" are "'a combined power which can devour capital, skill, in- 
 dustry and the mechanical arts ; their forces are so great as to be able to 
 
15 
 
 control trade and to divert it, to re^julate the markets and to dictate to 
 labour, skilled and unskilled. Have they done this? So far in this 
 country" (the United States) "they have not, and until they attempt to 
 do such things popular prejudice will avail not. The same spirit of op- 
 position existed against co-operative stores, trades unions, and other com- 
 binations; but they have lived through it, taken their lespective stations 
 in the world of traHic, and continue to i>erform their resi)ective duties 
 among the ali'airs of men." 
 
 This appears to be a i-oasonablo view, by a feasonablo and dis- 
 interested authority, and certainly should be considered, in a 
 general discussion of the subject. Let ^[r. McCarthy's policy, 
 coming as close as possible to the goal of a '' Tarift" tor Revenue," 
 with no union of financial forces for the production of cheaper 
 articles, prevail, and I venture to predict that Trades and Labor 
 Unions, even when officered by Grit Ontario officials or Liberal 
 sympathizers, will be forced by practical artisans and unskilled 
 labour to repudiate his doctrines in their entirety. "What does 
 Mr. McCarthy know of the requirements of working-men ? When 
 did he awaken to a sense of what is or what is not necesary for 
 their good ? One thing might prove advantageous, and this he 
 does not advocate, namely the Governor-in-Council taking power 
 under the proposed Tariff re-arrangements, to suspend the collec- 
 tion of custom's duties on articles the price of which have been 
 unduly enhanced by Trusts or Combinations. It is certainly a 
 safeguard worthy of consideration, for with a Board of Tariff 
 Supervisors, comprising the Hon. Mackenzie Bowell, the Hon. 
 John F. "Wood and the Hon. Clarke Wallace, or whoever mry 
 in future occupy their positions, the interests of both manu- 
 facturer and consumer ought to be safe. What I desire to cau- 
 tion every true Canadian against, is, the acceptance of Mr. Mc- 
 Carthy's doctrines, without mature deliberation. He is not an 
 economic student and the sudden reversal of the convictions 
 avowed by him from 1874 until 1892, should be sufficient to 
 shake confidence in the wisdom of his new departure, based as it 
 is upon the flimsiest creations of assumption ; in short, the 
 spasmodic theories of a sophistical special pleader. I believe 
 Canada to be ])repared for a broad measure of Eeciprocity, 
 broader in many respects than that proposed under the Brown- 
 Thornton articles of 1874 ; but only on the supposition that, en- 
 
16 
 
 larging our industries- by increaued capital, we have other mar- 
 kets to look to in times of emergency, wherein to dispos^e of 
 surplus products of all kinds, (rreat Britain, for national and 
 financial reasons, throws her ports open to the world to-day, and 
 even though we offered a 10 per cent, discrimination in her 
 favour, she would not bo likely to buy from us more than she 
 required, nor would we be likely to gain any advantages by 
 voluntary propositions or uncalled for and unreasonable sacrifices. 
 The significant evidence given before the House Commission 
 upon "Trade Relations," the sworn testimony of scores of wit- 
 nesses, that ''with a modified Tariff or with Free Trade not only the 
 ploughs, but all the leading implements of the North- West, such as 
 hoes, hinders, seeders, in fact nearly everything of that kind that is 
 manufactured in Wisconsin, Illinois or Minnesota, or other Western 
 States, would he used in Manitoba and the Territories'' is certainly 
 significant. And Senator Allison asked : — 
 
 " Do you think that you could shut up those manufacturers who are 
 making ploughs in Western Canada, if there was free intercourse ?" 
 
 The answer of the witness, William .}. Dean, was: 
 
 "I think not .v [together, but I think we could get our share of the 
 trade." 
 
 Asked again : 
 
 " Before the Canadians had that tariff, they did not manufacture these 
 things at home much, and you had the trade ?" 
 
 The answer was : 
 
 " Ybs, sir." 
 
 To-day farming implements are cheaper by 40 or 75 per 
 cent. ; yet we are told that the National Policy has caused Can- 
 ada to retrograde, and that thousands are fleeing from our coun- 
 try to seek happiness under a government whose tariff for pro- 
 tection stands from 50 to 100 per cent, higher than that of the 
 Dominion 1 
 
 THE ONE DESIGN OF CANADIAN STATESMEN 
 
 should be to educate all classes to a sense of our national obliga- 
 tions ; to encourage industry and self-reliance, to promote inter- 
 nal development, to reward merit, not mere influence, to incul- 
 
' 
 
17 
 
 cate Ji j)»ti'iotic and rar-weein^ spirit, to warn llio masses against 
 being swayed by pojnilar passion or misled by pernional ambi 
 tion; in short, to realize the vast possibilities of this northern 
 portion of tlie American continent. In minerals, timbei- ai\d 
 tish the Dominion vastly exceeds the United States in sources 
 of supply; Canadian wheat areas largely exceed those of the 
 United States, and the future will prove that coming millions 
 must be fed from the jti-oducts gem-nnisly yielded from this soil. 
 Canada comprises 40 pei* cent. <»f the liritish Km))ire ; the I'nited 
 States is looking for enlarged mai-Uets for her manufactures, 
 and must liave, as has been ailmitted b}' the ablest writers, a 
 sup])ly of free raw matoi-ial and cheapened food pnxlucts for 
 New England and the great manufacturing centres. Canada 
 could furnish these, and it certainly does seem that the wiser 
 policy wouKl be t ) so trim and jtreparo the luitional ship that, 
 when the time arrives, she may go to sea jjrepared to success- 
 fully reach the port of widei- trade relations with our neigh- 
 bours across the border. The lattei- is vast, but he would be no 
 statesman who failed to cast the horoseo])e of another great 
 nation on this side of tlie Atlantic, struggling with her for con- 
 tinental supremacy. .\[eanwhile the markets of the world are 
 open to the Dominion, and, with each Province co-operating in a 
 uni*ed guardianship over and promotion of the forestry, live 
 stock, irrigation and scientitic farming interests, and a careful 
 fostering of national intlustries, we need have no feai's of the 
 ultimate results. 
 
 Now, sir, but one motive could induce me to discuss this sub- 
 ject, at such length, namely, an earnest desire to .see the country 
 I was born in prosper ; this can only be accomplished by permit- 
 ting the sober second thought to influence final judgment. 1 
 can find no permanent solution of the trade problem in any of 
 Mr. McCarthy's recent theoretical utterances ; even the leader of 
 the Opposition, Mr. Laurier, a gentleman held in high esteem by 
 those who know him best, was 
 
 FORCED TO APOLOGIZE FOR VOTING IN FAVOUR OF THE RESOLUTION 
 
 introduced by the member for North Simcoe during the late ses- 
 sion of Parliament. In doing so he said (referring to the propo- 
 sition of discrimination in favour of Great Britain) : — 
 
18 
 
 " Woi'O it possible, according to the iuIoh of tho Houno, to offer 
 an amen(hnoiit to this roHolutioti, I would otror an umondinont in 
 the direction [ have indicated While the balance of ad- 
 vantage seemw to mo to bo altogethei- on the one side, at the 
 hatne time, lam bound to jtiif in a ^//.s''/a/mer against every other 
 jtroposition contained in the motion, which is not a legitimate 
 concluHion of the tirst part of the motion, but which is. in my 
 judgment, an oxcroHonce, having no logical connection with the 
 foregoing part of the pi'oposition." 
 
 In Hhoi't, Mr. McCarthy inti'oduced a vote-catching resolution, 
 reckless of consecjuences, ho long as he could tempt representa- 
 tives to supjjort it. It was an '• omnibus " motion, just as the 
 Toronto gathvTring was an " omniljus " assemblage. The " Equal 
 righter" looked at the ** Nationalist " in parliament, and no doubt 
 mentally asked '• What on earth am 1 voting with you for .'* '' 
 while in Toronto — well, the least said the easier mended. 
 
 Mr. Laurior had also boon in Toronto. Ho there made a 
 solemn pledge (Se))tembor the 150th, 1889) and unlike Mi, Mc- 
 Carthy desired to remain consistent. He remembei-ed having 
 used those words : — 
 
 " The conditions are not ec^ual upon which you can form a 
 closer commercial alliance between Canada and Great Britain; 
 but there is alongside of us a kindred nation economically 
 situated as we are — the United States, and we claim that that 
 commercial union which at this moment is not possible with Eng- 
 land, is possible with the United States, and the policy which we 
 have advocated, which wo still continue to advocate, is the removal 
 of all commercial barriers between this country and the great 
 
 kindred nation to the south I have read history in this 
 
 way, that every reform has cost to the reformers years of labour, 
 and those years of labour I for one am prepared to give, and 
 though the Democrats may be defeated in the States, and though 
 Canadians may grow faint-hearted in Canada, the Liberal Party, 
 as long as i have anything to do with it, will remain true to the 
 cause, until that cause is successful. I will not expect to win in a 
 day, but I am prepared to remain in the cool shades of opposition, 
 until the cause has triumphed." 
 
 Thus, those who run may read, by anticipation. Mr. McCarthy 
 
19 
 
 may hooU to dostnu' the Consoivativo imrlv; lu' may croalc 
 l)iclvorir)^H. oalial.s, ion>i)irn(ioH, iiusuniKMslaiuiin<;K,a crimony, 
 onvy. joalousy aiul by llio^o iiu'thods, wtrongtiioii tlio hands of 
 Iiil>onilH; yot, the loadiT of tlio OpiioHitiini n:\yn: — I will as- 
 hIhI you ill your nul'arious ontorprirto — but aftor you succcod, I 
 will remain *truo to the cause of a closer alliaiico between this 
 country and]the groat kindred nation to the south.' " 
 
 I love Great Britain (piite as sinci-ioly us Mr. .McCartliy j)()s- 
 Hil)ly could ; that country oHors an open nuirkot to all ; why 
 then, must wo introduce sentiment, and so doin^, porhapH, for 
 years defeat any etlbrt to Hecuie Jteciproeal lelations with tho 
 I'nitod States .? Whore is tho necesHity for haste r J)o oui- na- 
 tional Jresponsibilitios in an}- manner justify such an experi- 
 ment ? 
 
 J remain, 
 
 Ever faithfully, 
 
 C. II. MACKINTOSH. 
 Ottawa, Ont.. May 7th, 189:?. 
 
 OPHN LETTER TO MK. DALTON .'vroCAKTIIV, M. P. 
 
 "Opposition is natural in sifch a system as ours. It has sub- 
 sistoil in all such'Governmcnts ; and, perhaps, is neco.ssar^'. But, 
 to those who oppose, it is extremely essential, that their man- 
 ner of conducting it incui* not a suspicion of their motives. If 
 they appear to oppose from Disappointment, from Mortifica- 
 tion, FROM Pique, from Whim — the people will be against them." 
 
 Dalton McCarthy, Esq., Q. C, M. P. 
 
 Sir, — To-night you are to be vouchsafed the opportunity of 
 addressing a largo and consequently an intelligent audience, in 
 the city of Toronto; composed, tirst, of those who s^'mpathize 
 with your recently announced economic doctrines ; second, tho.so 
 who for years have been your party colleagues and ai-e now only 
 too anxious to hear you " explain your explanation " ; third (and 
 quite enthusiastic), those who fondly hope your defection from 
 the main body of Conservatives may further Liberal interests ; 
 fourth, those who are not active politicians, but as independent 
 
20 
 
 electors, honestly aim at exercising their franchise in tlie best 
 interests of Canada as a whole. 
 
 Allow me, sir, to improve the occasion by recalling the fact 
 that you ai-e responsible to a larger body than that embraced by 
 the boundai'ies of the constituency you represent; men who re- 
 deemed North Simcoe, who held high the principles ofConsorva- 
 tives, who gloried in bearing the standard of our late great chief- 
 tain to victoi-y ; these deserve all honor ; the laurels were theirs; 
 to them you owe much. But there are othei-s who should not be 
 blamed for feeling aggrieved, if not indignant, at the attitude 
 recently assumed by you, knowing it to be contrary to pledges 
 given during the last general election, and contrary, in every 
 respect to the opinions held In' you when accepting the position 
 of president of the Conservative Union of Ontario. The scant 
 courtesy with which those who always co-opei-ated with you 
 have been treated is, however, a matter of secondary importance. 
 You turned the cold shoulder towards them, perhaps from a pa- 
 triotic standpoint ; patriotism, however, is self-denying, consider- 
 ate, disinterested, long-sutlering ; do you possess these attributes ? 
 Have you. at anytime, madesacritices, either in or out of Parlia- 
 ment, for the Conservative party ? I am speaking now as a candid 
 friend, not in any spirit of bitterjiess or acrimony, for it is only 
 painful to i-ecall the fact that when our revered leader. Sir John 
 Macdonald, Avah> summoned to his last resting place 
 
 YOi: WERE THE FIRST TO SIGN 
 
 a written declaration to the effect that '' we, remembering his 
 patriotic; counsels and noble example, would earnestl}- endeavor 
 to carry on the great work so dear to his heart and for which he 
 labored so long and so successfully." What followed ? While 
 your comiatles in arms were defending the citadel, you deserted 
 your post, crossed the Atlantic and remained until the clouds had 
 seemingly passed away. 
 
 I have said, sir, that you made pledges during the general 
 election. You denied that in Parliament, quoting various pas- 
 sages from your speeches, but omitting a very important one, 
 which will be found in The Mail of the 13th of February, 1891, in 
 which at the nomination you saitl : " I will support Sir John 
 
Macdonulil in 1 
 
 21 
 
 iis,o-enoi-al policy. If I .swerved from the t 
 
 principles of Liberal Conservatism I have d 
 
 but on certain questions I have made my own T differed fi 
 
 rue 
 
 »ne so unknowinn-jy, 
 
 om my 
 
 ay you assert that you were returned as an 
 
 party leaders." Toe 
 
 independent Conservative; that is a free lance, bui 
 Conservative for election only. What do your utterances prove ? 
 That you solemnly piv.mised to support the party policy, ex- 
 plaining at the time, that certain questions you had ma.h" y,.ur 
 own were the issues upon which there were dilfcrcnces Vvint 
 were these ? The Jesuit Act (and Mercier's cohorts now cheer 
 you m Pai-liament and Mercier's admirers vote with you), dual 
 language and Manitoba schools. Consequently, we must find what 
 Sir John Macdonald ..aid and what you pledged yourself to d,, 
 Allow me to briefly quote from the great Conservative's mani- 
 festo, issued before you made your s])eech : 
 
 "As in 1S7S, 1882 and again in IsST. so in 1801 do (,uestions 
 relating to the trade and commci'ce of the country occupy a fore- 
 most place. Our policy in respect thereto is to-day what it has 
 been for the past ]?, yeai-s— a firm determination "to foster and 
 develop the various re.sources of the Dominion by eveiy means in 
 «uir power, consistent with Caiuida-s position as an integral por- 
 tion of tl»e British Empire." '^ 
 
 And yet you, sir, allege that neither promise, pledge nor solemn 
 agreement binds you to maintain the policy bequeathed l.v Sir 
 John Macdonald to the Conservatives of the Dominion / More 
 than tliat, in the speech you delivered at Stayner on the 2.-)th of 
 January, 1803, you declarcl : " For tlu> tir.^t time since 1 have 
 been in public life, a Conservative ( .overnment has been formed 
 u-ithout my being consulted." What ! always consulted ? Lo-ie- 
 ally, then, pni doubly betray your party friends, fur their polk-v 
 must have been precisely what you anticipated. You brou..-lit 
 the Ihm. .Tohn Ilaggart. the Hon. (1. K. Foster an.l that brilliant 
 lawyer, Sir .iohn Tlion:.i)son, into the Administration and now 
 are grumbling at the product ofyonr own handiw.u'k! Fie • 
 Fie ! sir ; you must choo.se 
 
 KiTFIER IIORX OF THE DII.E.M.MA 
 
 and proceed to sit thereon. It may be uncomfortable, but cer- 
 tainly you deserve to do some modicum of penance' [ hol<l. 
 
22 
 
 sir, that your position is untenable — doubly so, when before the 
 Stayner audience you made this declaration " it is not so much a 
 question of policy that has driven me out of the ranks," and now 
 assert that " taritt' and tariff jeform " alone prompted you to 
 violate pledj^es uttered in 1891. Are you made of the stutt" to 
 lead ihe lost tribes out of the wilderness ? I fear not ; so must 
 all who have watched your political career. 
 
 Again, sir, how is your present position rcconciliable with de- 
 clared utterances in Parliament in 1802? I find (pa^e 3,790 
 Official Debates, Juno 15th, 1892) you said, referring to your 
 action upon the "Representation" Bill : 
 
 " I (lid not mean it as ;i vote of want of confidence. /."/(V/ Iiav< cnnfideiice 
 hi Ihe Tradi Palic'i of the Oon-riimi'iil ; I still have confidence in the Gen- 
 eral Policy. . . . Ik TiiEKK WAS NOW ANY D.vMtBR OF TUB Trade Policy 
 of the hon. gentlonieu opposite succeeding, I would not 1)6 ombarrassing 
 the Government, as I may be by my attitude upon this (juestion." 
 
 AVhy the change, I ask? Since then, a sweeping victory for 
 the Democrats augured tariff changes in the United .States; since 
 then the Finance ^linister of Canada, the lion. Geo. E. Foster, 
 announced the result of reductions in sugar duties and pro- 
 misetl entire revision in 18!>4, when suddenly you, after threat- 
 ening youi- wilholm friends and colleagues, faced about and con- 
 stituted yourself the champion of Tariff Reform. Everything in 
 fact semed to suggest caution. Was such hasty acticm inspir- 
 ed by patriotism, or was it a vindictive desii'c to stab your former 
 associates, to be revenged for a seeming slight, to seek satisfac- 
 tion for wounded vanity ? 
 
 To-night the great audience at Toronto will taste the cura- 
 tive remedy you propose administering the ]>anacca for al- 
 leged public ills and wrongs and tribulations which has been 
 evolved out of the prolific ci'ucible of your economic ])rofundity. 
 If then you are sincere, holdfast to one idea, one princii)le, and 
 stand or fall by it. Be warned by the awful fate of those devoid 
 of stability; ponder over the illustrious example of the Hon. 
 Edward Blake, who, after sturdil}' battling against the N 'ional 
 Policy from 1878 until 188T, was forced to declare that " it was 
 clearer than ever that a very high scale of taxation must be 
 retained and that manufacturers had nothing to fear." Think 
 of the ever changing and changeable Liberals, with their unre- 
 
23 
 
 stricted reciprocity fad. their continental union monstrosity, 
 their free trade hallucinations, and pause ero enunciutiui,' n new 
 departure. You may be applauded for a time ; so are dema- 
 gogues ; but the sober second thought of an intelligent people 
 IS more to be feared, than interested applause is to^ be coveted! 
 What then would be the duty of a statesman, under the circum- 
 Htances ? Certainly not to mislead, n.,t to deceive, not to 
 exaggerate. This being so-for I presume you are honest in 
 your new crusade-take your audience bade to the days when 
 the ablest men of the old Provinces sought and foun.l a cure 
 tor the strife and acrimony of former years; when chronic 
 •sectional discord poisoned the body politic, retarded the progress 
 ot the country and imperilled every Interest dear to those who 
 loved their native land. Great statesmen united, a compromise 
 was effected, the claims of Tpper Canada wer. acknowledged, 
 and a solemn covenant entered into, that the privileges of other 
 portions of the Dominion would be conserved, aiul' even preju- 
 dices respected. More sir, from the tenor of the 
 
 RESOLUTION MOVED 15Y YOU 
 
 at the last session of Parliament, it may be anticipated that you 
 will paint with a brush dipped in the blackest colors of despair 
 the position of the people of the Dominion, more particularly 
 the farming community. Prove the allegation, if you can • I>ut 
 give the facts as a layman and a patriot, not as a special pleader 
 and irate politician. .Someone has said that when once a man 
 IS determined to believe, the very absurdity of the doctrine 
 confirms him in his belief On the 25th of January last you 
 became convinced that everything was going wrong; that the 
 men you (after being consulted) had been instrumental in 
 elevating to positions at the council board years ago, were not 
 sufficiently sagacious, and that it dcvolve<l upon you to save your 
 country-you naturally (during such limited time as your 
 duties at the bar would permit) conjured up a policy and 
 strange to say. ombraced the princii.le against which you had' 
 recorded your vote in 1892, namely, that moved by Mv Davies 
 of Prince Edward Island, on the I'oth of April, as f .llows: 
 " Inasmuch as Great Britain admits the products of Canada 
 
24 
 
 into her ports, free of duty, this Ilouse in of opinion that the 
 present scale of duties exacted on goods mainly imported from 
 ^Great Britain should be reduced." 
 
 Now. if you did not Icnow your own mind in 1892, can the 
 public rest assured that you know it in 1803 / Or, if 3'ou 
 change it now, that you will be steailfast up to the hour the 
 Speaker takes the chair in 1804 ? Sir, I fear that you cannot be a 
 prominent lawyer and a ]iaragon of statesmanship as well. The 
 combination will not work. Others have tried it and failed, 
 failed egregiously. T cannot believe that the man who fought 
 side by side with those who advocated the National Policy from 
 1874 until 1878, with those who stormed the Liberal ramparts 
 and captured the citadel, who afterwards sat in Parliament with 
 members of the " Old fruard " and swore allegiance to his 
 leader, now desires to destroy the edifice erected by master 
 workmen. Still, sir, your actions, your speeches, your expressed 
 opinions, your recorded utterances, fully justify a suspicion that 
 all is not right, and it only remains for those who have been 
 maligned and misrepresented to give reasons for the faith that 
 is in them ; to furnish ))roof that 3'OU are mistaken, and to 
 establish the fact that you, without having given mature con- 
 sideratio:! to matters of state importance, jumped at conclu- 
 sions, and assumed a position more thoughtful men would have 
 avoided. Statesmanship never urges a nation to 
 
 TAKE A LEAP IN THE DARK 
 
 and to trust to luck for a soft spot whereon to fall. Eathcr does 
 it weigh well every important situation, ])onder over various 
 emergencies, and gather philosophy from the teachings of 
 history. Has this been your policy? If so, the lesson learned 
 has produced an extraordinar}' ett'ect. 
 
 Now sir, let us deal with ])ublic records, seeking to discover 
 whe'\.ln the Conservative party has either deceived, cajoled, 
 misled or oppressed those who, since 1878, placed confidence in 
 their judgment ? When Confederation was proclaimed, certain 
 debts and certain per ca])ita allowances were guaranteed the 
 various provinces, British Columbia and Prince Kdward Island 
 subsequently entering the union. Canada agreed to build the 
 
25 
 
 [ntercolonial and Prince Edward I.-^land Eailways, determined 
 to secure the Xorth Went Territories and ultimately to construct 
 the Canadian Pacific Eailway. The war between the North 
 and South had ceased ; still every interest was disturbed and 
 Canada ])rofited thereb}', under a 15i per cent, tariff. The 
 Dominion revenue at Confederation was $13,600,000, and in 
 1872 had increas<>d to 819,335,000, when an aggregate surplus of 
 $3,*712,4T9.00 was announced by Sir Leonard Tilley, who stated 
 that $6,104,027.58 had been expended out of current revenue on 
 important public works and in the acquisition of the North 
 West Territories. More than this, reductions in duties were 
 made by which, tea, yielding $1,000,000 and coft'ee 82,000,000, 
 were placed upon the fi-ee list. The ij;eneral election took place 
 in that year, and what were the issues ? Sir .lohn Macdonald 
 was condemned and anathematized for agreeing to the Wash- 
 ington Treat}' (although four or five of those who voted sustain- 
 ing the treaty were afterwards taken into the Liberal Govern- 
 ment) sectional issues were discussed, and sectional passions 
 were aroused ; Nova Scotia was held up to public indignation in 
 Ontario — ^^just as the agriculturists to-day are being urged to 
 believe that the manufacturers are their natural enemies — and 
 all along the line prejudices, section, race, were invoked to 
 com))ass the downfall of Sir John Aracd(jnald's Government. Tt 
 withstood the attack, as you know, sir, although badly shaken, — 
 its Finance ^Minister defeated, and a bevy of weak-kneed politi- 
 cians returned from some constituencies, ostensibly to su]i2)ort 
 the Government, but in realit\' to look for, and, if possible, 
 accept a portfolio from either party. Then came the unfoituate 
 Allan election fund disclosures and the Liiierals vaulted into 
 the Ti-easury Ben<'hes. A genei-al election followed, an<l the 
 waves ap])eared to have swallowed the Conservative forces. 1 
 mention this, because it is an object lesson not to be cast aside 
 with the ease that a sailor throws off his jacket. The electors 
 were made drunk with declamation, they were maddened by 
 passionate harangues, and handed their interests over to a body 
 of politicians, without thinking, or seemingly cai'ing. fov results. 
 Do you remember the consei|uences ? Certainly — tor it was in 
 the gloom}' days of financial depression, when the best went 
 
26 
 
 dov^n and the bravest became timorous Taxes were increased ; 
 the burthen was again replaced upon the breakfast table ; in short, 
 hard times and taxes, taxes, taxes, signalized the regime of those 
 'prentice statesmen, who professed to have a cure for every 
 national ill — ^just as you are doing — reckless of all consequences. 
 In 1876. Sir Richard Cartwright, then Finance Minister, was 
 obliged to tell his doleful story, with this reassuring addenda: "I 
 think this country will be able to weather, without permanent 
 injury, the commercial squall, the commercial tornado if you will, 
 by which it is at present assailed." The public distress, the agri- 
 cultural depression, the anxiety of farmers for protection (for 
 interests of manufacturers and husbandmen were being slaughter- 
 ed by the recovered and growing industries of the United States) 
 enabled you to gain a seat in Parliament, and you were present 
 when, in 1878, from his death bed as Finance Minister, Sir 
 Richard Cartwright moaned : " Sir, to condemn us in the present 
 state of oui- finances, because we are unable to undertake new 
 enterprises, is as unreasonable as if the passengers were to rise 
 in mutiny against the captain and crew uecause they were unable 
 to make progress towards port, while obliged to lie to in a 
 storm," Meanwhile, every farming association chimored for a 
 change, in the direction of 
 
 PROTECTING THE HOME MARKET. 
 
 The Premier of Quebec, Hon. H. G. Joly, urged it, while the 
 Grangei's petitioned " for'sueh protection as will secure the home 
 market for the home producer." The Liberals had hoped to 
 biing about reciprocity; they failed, and then in 1878, the 
 farmer's, as well as the manufacturer's policy, was advocated. 
 Added to this, a solemn pledge was made that the Canadian 
 Pacific would be rapidly built to the coast; the North-west 
 developed and the tariif so revised as to encourage not only the 
 industries of the factory, but those of the field as well. In no 
 ijarticular did the Conservatives shirk responsibility ; in no 
 ■lanner, direct or indirect, did they seek to escape from their 
 oViif^utions ; and you, sir, from your seat in Parliament, cheered 
 u' the echo the announcement made by Sir Leonard Tilley in 
 !>>:'* ihat there was a surplus of millions in the treasury, that 
 
27 
 
 the oouiitiy was prospering, interest charges had decreased, the 
 Canadian Paoitic railway was crossing the vast prairies of the 
 west, and taxes, aggregating $1,500,000, had l»een remitted — the 
 tax on tea again removed, the taxes on newspapers and bill 
 stamps taken off, and articles, 8100,000 in value, placed upon the 
 free list ! Was that party worthy of contidence, or was it not ? 
 Was it, is it, the party whose policy is burdensome, oppressive, 
 unjust ? 
 
 Well, sir, the Conservative CTOvernment was heartily sustained 
 by the electorate ; if ever men toiled industriously in the in- 
 terests of the country, those men were Sir John Macdonald, Sir 
 Charles Tupper, Sir Leonard Tillcy, the Hon. John Henry Pope, 
 the administrators of departments more closely connected with 
 the construction of the Canadian Pacitic railway. From the 
 hour the land grant resolutions were introduced they had to 
 contend against an 
 
 UNRELENTING AND UNREASONING OPrOSITION. 
 
 The North-west policy was sneered at, the Pacific railway would 
 never be finished, and would at any rate drag the country to 
 ruin ; the National Policy was legallized robbeiy, and nought 
 save national disaster and national bankruptcy could be anti- 
 cipated in the black future. Dakota was the land of promise, 
 Kansas the El Dorado, while, added to the many obstacles in the 
 path of the great leader and his associates, law and order had to 
 be maintained, justice administered and the constitution vin- 
 dicated. Let me draw the veil over these melancholy reminis- 
 cences, nor dwell upon the ferocity with which even this act in 
 the national drama, was utilized by politicians you are now, 
 perhaps unwittingly, assisting to destroy those who were so long 
 your associates. Sir, you erred even in those days, for while our 
 French-Canadian com])atriots were striving to allay the passionate 
 outburst of national feeling, you embraced the opportunity to 
 publicly assei't that " the French-Canadians, were a menace to 
 the confederacy." You succeeded in your election in 1887, but 
 many a true supporter of the Conservative party in Quebec 
 had to face the charge that he was your friend, and that you 
 were the enemy of a people who, while they possessed cer- 
 
28 
 
 tain national preforeiice.s, yet were, and are loyal to the crown of 
 Gr6at Britain, and true to the bent interests of their native 
 counti-y. If there is what you term "unrest," if thei'e is "racial' 
 prejudice, if protests are heard against outraged sentiment, who 
 is responsible ? We have a constitution, a federal compact, suffi- 
 ciently broad ; we have a population, sufficiently intelligent and 
 public-spirited, without requiring the protecting championship 
 of Protestant rights by any one man or any dozen men. You 
 now contemplate, I fear, a policy eminently calculated to con- 
 vince the yeoman of Canada that the manufacturer is his deadly 
 enemy. And of such is the kingdom of statesmanshi))! 
 I have referred to the general election of 1891, 
 
 YOUR PROMISES, YOUR PLEDGES, YOUR DECLARATIONS. 
 
 "What caused the change that came over the spirit of your dream 
 — for I beg to cast the mantle of charity and call it a dream ? 
 You, sir, professed to eerve under Sir John Abbott ; you entered 
 no protest against Sir John Thompson becoming Premier; in 
 fact, you did not care to come into the Government in 1884 — 
 preferring legal life and its emoluments — and you fully ac- 
 quiesced in 3'our leader's choice of Sir John Thompson. That 
 gentleman ste])ped from the bench and all its honors, to respond 
 to the call of the Prime Minister. Providence ordained that he 
 should attain the highest position in political life — and now you 
 are inimical to him; you do not admire him, and, like an angry 
 boy, find fault with your breakfast and turn up your nose at even 
 the luxuries of a good dinner. Perhaps, though, some awful 
 expose of financial blundering came to your knowledge in 1892 ? 
 No, that could not be; the Finance Minister was able to take 
 duties off sugar which would have yielded over $5,000,000 on the 
 basis of the taxation of 1890-91. More than this, it was shown, 
 prior to the melanchol}" resolution introduced by you, that the 
 per cajiita customs burden in 1891-92, was 84.25, being a reduc- 
 tion of 76 cents per head. In fact, the total duty collected in 
 1891-92, from customs, was smaller than in the year 1882, by 
 $1,200,000; than in 1883, by $2,500,000; than in 1887, by 
 $2,000,000 ; than Iji 1889-90, by $3,500,000, and, as Mr. Foster 
 remarked, " showing that the contention is true that the present 
 
29 
 
 Government, in the furtherance of its poh'cy, is from year to 
 year 
 
 MATERIALLY KEDICINO THE TAXATION 
 
 of the country." What more do you want, wir, and what has 
 changed your opinion? In 1888, when LiberaU endeavored to 
 show that tiie National Policy was ruinous to Cnnadn, you, sir 
 were the first to manifest surprise and indignation; on that 
 occasion, April, 1888, you exclaimed: ''Sir, it will bo tound that 
 the policy we adopted here and which the country has twice 
 since ratified, by a very large vote, has been on the whole bene- 
 ficial, and that whatever wo may bo now said to be laboring 
 undei", is not attributable to the policy of protection, or the policy 
 known as the National Policy, but to causes over which we. in 
 this Pai'liament, have no more control than the people of <rreat 
 Britain or the people of the United States." Well, sii, you re- 
 peated that, to all intents and purposes, in 1891 and again in 
 1892 as will be found in the otWcial debates ; hence, it could 
 not be the teri'ible "trusts" and "combines" which caused you 
 to change, for they existed in 1888, and the same derangement 
 of trade is noticeable in Great Britain and the United States to- 
 day that was referred to in 1888. You cannot therefore with fair- 
 ness, bliime the National Policy, the tariff or the Conservatives. 
 My dear sir, there must be other reasons. Did any miscliievous 
 creature put hickory shells between the sheets? I fear so. 
 
 Permit me to refer to the last policy propounded by you, 
 namely, discrimination in favor of Gi'eat Britain. You now 
 assert that "sufficient time has elapsed " to fully develope Cana- 
 dian industi-ies, and you appear to imagine that you deal with a 
 jury case where his lordship has announced that he will have to 
 proceed on circuit in twenty-four houis. Foi' instance, you 
 made up your mind in December, 1892, or .January, 1893, or per- 
 haps in Februaiy. 1893, that "something must be done," and 
 forthwith come to the conclusion that duties favoring indus- 
 tries "must go.'' Now, sir, have you, since delivering a semi- 
 protection speech in 1878, striven to master fiscal and economic 
 f|uestions ? If not, in all your day dreams do not imagine that 
 when Canada suffers, all necessary is that you forsake your briefs 
 
30 
 
 for a day, place your hands upon even imaginary wounds and 
 thus supply curative treatment. To you finance is an idealized 
 pursuit; you never followed it. Even Lord Eussell and other 
 illustrious men committed the blunder of exjiressing a dosii'e to 
 abandon politics for literature; the apj)lication of Horace's tirsl 
 Satire will at once occur to you: the soldier would be a mer- 
 chant, the farmer would be a lawyer, the lawyer a great states- 
 man. After all, as has been said, the innocence of childhood 
 mysteriously remains with every human being. You are con- 
 vinced, sir, that fourteen years of encouragement for a country 
 lying alongside 05,000,000 people, whose industries have been 
 strengthened by thirty years of high protection, is (piite suffi- 
 cient, and Great Britain is held up as a paragon of perfection in 
 this regard. I challenge you, sir, or anyone who believes in 
 
 YOUR SPASMODIC DOCTRINES, 
 
 to candidl}^ compare the policy of Canada, at any period of her 
 industrial development, with that of the mother-country for two 
 centuries before her statesmen adopted free trade. Why, sir, the 
 footprints of the British lion were embedded in every factoiy ; 
 they guarded the shores lest the artisan might carry his skill to 
 another country ; they made him an exile and alien if he went 
 to the colonies. Tell your audience to-night that it was quite 
 right and proper for the 8th Elizabeth (chap. 3) to make " the 
 transportation of live sheep, or embarking them on board any 
 ship, imprisonment for one year, and at the end of the year the 
 left hand to be cut off in some publicmarket, and there nailed 
 up." Tell your audience that you see nothing wrong in the pro- 
 vision of a statute, 5 Geo. I, chap. 27. — providing '* Artificers going 
 into foreign countries and not returning in six months after warn- 
 ing given to them by the British ambassador where they reside, 
 shall be deemed aliens, and forfeit their lands and goods, etc." Then, 
 sir, tell them that you are proud of Great Britain as a Free Trade 
 paradise, but that the statutes prohibiting artificers going abroad 
 were not formally repealed until 1825, while the prohibition of 
 the exportation of flax machinery "remained as late as 1842." 
 To-day a system of internal taxation, low wages and local rates, 
 grinds rich as well as poor, and no one is more conversant with 
 
31 
 
 this than the membor for North Simcoe. You must not forgot, 
 Hir, that tho convert to a doetrino or a theory, or a i)rinciple oi- a 
 mistake, is usually more enthusiastic than men who for years 
 pulled the laboring oar ; old heads will overlook your exuber- 
 ance, but your Liberal bottle-holders will, in all probability, teli 
 you to save your wind, for even that old Free Trader, the 
 lamented George Brown, when negotiating the Brown-Thornton 
 treaty in 1874, was not willing to Jeopardize what were then 
 most truly infant industries. One of the propositions was that 
 *' the new treaty shall be for the term of twenty-one years, to 
 iil8j)ire confidence amongst business men investing their capital 
 in such extensive enterprises as would naturally follow from the 
 completion of a comprehensive treaty." And yet you, sir, would 
 deliberately endanger the interests of those you induced to em- 
 bark in business, simply because a whim suggests such course. 
 " But," you answer, " I am only against monopolies." Let your 
 Liberal coadjutor, Mr. Patterson, the member for Brant, answer 
 that, as ho did on tho 16th February last, when saying: 
 
 " Take tho list of failures that occurred during the Mackenzie 
 administration among the manufacturers of this country, and take 
 the record of failures among the manufacturing classes since tho 
 inception of the National Policy, and I venture to say you will 
 find more capital sunk, wasted and destroyed under tho National 
 Policy than there was during the whole time the Mackenzie 
 Government was in power." 
 
 And yet you believe that the manufacturer is a pampered child 
 of fortune ; while the Liberal who cheered you says he is the 
 
 MOST UNFORTUNATE WRETCH ON EARTH. 
 
 You profess to be convinced that the National Policy hps created 
 trusts and combinations and all manner of dangerous cai^als, con- 
 spiracies and plots against tho consumer. This could not, of 
 course, occur in a Free Trade country. I am sure your length- 
 ened and studious investigation into the labyrinths and meshes 
 of homo and foreign commerce must have enabled you to speak 
 with authority. Why, then, my dear sir, were you so forgetful 
 as to^ovorlook giving credit to the mother of ti-usts and " com- 
 bines," when referring to the subject ? Great Britain, in one form 
 
82 
 
 or anothe.'*, has for many ycM'H not only endureil, l)iit in somo 
 instances oncoiiraj^ed •' trusts" and " coniltines," in tlio form of 
 limited stock companies and by other methods. Tell your 
 audience, thin, th.at in tiio United States the oil trusts, some 
 reinesenting §ir)0,()OO,()00, the whisUey trusts, representing 
 fabulous resources, are not encouraged, maintained, assisted 
 or vitalized by protective taritl's ; nothing they make is subject 
 to a pi'otectivo duty. And yet they exist and flourish like 
 bay-trees ! In England is centi-ed a trust or " combine " of 
 all the |)late glass manufacturers in h'urope. Take the following 
 circular as a specimen, dated from London. It leads: 
 
 '' Dkar Sjk— Wo l)((g to inform you tliat the Associatetl Thite (Mass 
 Manufacturers have revised their prices lor plate ^lass of all dcscriptioiia. 
 We enclose you lierewith our tariff of prities. (Signed) London and Man- 
 chester Plate Glass Manufacturing Company, Union I'late Glass Coiii- 
 jiany, I'llkington Bros., A. do Grunderry, agent-general of glasseries, Bel- 
 gium." 
 
 What say you to this ? '* Associates " is a tine British term, is 
 it not? Then there are "trusts" in china and earthenware. I 
 quote from an article in The London Pottery Gazelte, March 10, 
 1888. It says: 
 
 " If any manufacturerh) are not true to the rules of the new' 
 association, the bond they will have signed will enable their fel- 
 low-manufacturers to sell them up, 'rump and stump.' -'^ "-'^ * 
 The scheme has just been successful with the china raanufac- 
 tp.rers. Tliey have just obtained a second advance." Again : 
 " If the keen buyers, who always want to beggar the trade and 
 reduce prices, say to a manufacturer who will not sell at lower 
 than the fixed rate. ' Well, if I am foi-ced to pay the association, 
 all right ; if you buy from another tind I have to stand for orders 
 / shall get my pull out of your business, for our rules will not let me 
 suffer through refusing to reduce at your request." 
 
 Well, well, well ! ^[y dear sir, do not fiiil to impress these 
 facts upon the Toronto audience ; tell them too, that there are 
 tin trusts, iron trusts, electric trusts and various other combina- 
 tions, having the base of their operations in free trade Great 
 Britain. In fact, Knglishmen do not appear to worry about 
 trusts, the consensus of opinion being, according to reports made 
 
33 
 
 to the Imperial Govornnient in 18(M) by Mr. Kilwards, Ilor Mu- 
 jesty'H Seci'otary of Legation at, WaHliingtoii, that j)riooH have 
 not been iuci'cni^od, i-athor lowered, con»oquont upon larger capi- 
 tal being invested. Bo tluH as it may. tree trade countries are 
 too often 
 
 THE CENTRF.8 OF TRUST.S. 
 
 and you, sir, must not blame Iho National Policy for wicked 
 " combines ' on the other side of the Atlantic. Is that a reason- 
 able proposition ? 
 
 Then, sir. you have from your place in Parliament, by resolu- 
 tion, tlcclared tliat the taritlis "oppreshive and burdensome to 
 the great mass of consuming classes." You made the statement, 
 but wisely refrained from attempting to sustain it by tlgures. 
 Like an ordinary Liberal, you selected cei'tain articles suitable 
 for your argument, made assertions and ran away from the sub- 
 jcet. I ask you, wbiit has been accomplislied foi- Canada under 
 the National Policj' ? liurdensome — in what manner, to what 
 degree ? Tiie returns conveniently at hand are those of 1891 ; the 
 total amount of duties collected upon $74,r)'}(;,03n for all the pro- 
 vinces, being $23,410, l^UtJ ; over $9,000,000 on British, and 
 87,734,000 on Tnited State products. This shows 38 per cent, 
 on goods fi'om the States. P'orty-four per cent, of imports from 
 the latter country were raw material, coming in free, only 2.') per 
 cent, from (Ireat Britain being free. From the West Indies we 
 imported dutiable goods amounting to $1,337,754; From (ler- 
 many, $1,320,583 ; from France, $932,033 ; from Holland, $741,- 
 402, The North- West, with a population of nearly 100,000, paid 
 duties equivalent to $42,241, not an excessive amount assuredly. 
 Luxuries from tJreat Britain and France were paiil for by the 
 wealthy. Raw matei-ial from the United States was manufac- 
 tured in Canada and sold at prices lower than has been known 
 for many years. Why, sir, if you desire to do what is fair and 
 above board, do you not schedule the imports upon which duty 
 is ))aid, and let the farmer know, approximately, what he pays 
 and what other business men and industrial classes generally, 
 have to pay ? You do not appear anxious to make the farmer of 
 Canada feel contented. You do not want him to know that by 
 the operation of the National Policy, he can 
 3 
 
34 
 
 BUY NOW CHEAPER THAN EVER, 
 
 and at the same time find a market for the smaller ])roducts of 
 his field or garden, consequent upon being in proximity to a fac- 
 tory. From your lips, from your recorded utterances, I will 
 prove that the Canadian farmer is a happj' and prosperous man, 
 compared with those of other countries. Here i.s an ex- 
 tract, read to prove the utter misery in which the American 
 agriculturist lives (page 2,416 official debates 1803); it was 
 quoted by you, from ' The Chicago Herald : ' " In the 30 years of 
 protection the typical American farmer, with whom we were 
 familiar, has been changed from a well dressed, well read, inde- 
 pendent and spirited man to a scare crow, with vacant e^^es and 
 gaping mouth, with the inevitable confidence man near at hand." 
 How will the Canadian hu-bandman appreciate the picture ? 
 Sir, you used this as a knockdown argument against protection; 
 but turning back to page 2,401 of the same debate, you just as 
 confidently declare: " The English farmers are worse off than the 
 farmers in any other part of the world." How do you reconcile 
 the two positions? The protected American a mere scare-crow; 
 the free trade Britisher " worse off than any other man in the 
 world." One ruined and degraded by 30 ycurs of protection ; the 
 other utterly prostrated and his individuality destroyed by 40 
 years of free trade. There is a screw loose somewhere. Why 
 not, in the interest of civilization, seek to find and adjust it? 
 Have you at any time enjoyed sufficient leisure to 
 
 TRACE THE GRADUAL DEVELOPMENT OP CANADA ? 
 
 Gradual, did I say ? Eather the marvellous progress accomplished 
 since 18(57 ? Have you, at any time, when our opponents were 
 proclaiming the destruction and decay of the Dominion, looked 
 into the public accounts to discover how the '• oppressive and 
 burdensome" taxes were expended ? You aie responsible, as a 
 private member, for every dollar voted by Parliament since 1878, 
 and by your voice defended the actions of your party friends, 
 from 1867 until I8i73 ; hence it goes almost without saying, that 
 you will explain to the assembled multitude to-night, how the 
 national taxes were expended and the statesmanship which 
 
35 
 
 directed their application to various services. Tell them, sir, 
 that at Confederation the net debt assun.jd by Canada on June 
 30th was $75,728,041.87 ; that would be a fair starting point. Sub- 
 sequently allowance to ]>rovinces wore increased by 830,743,- 
 392. ()9, making a fixed chai-ge on account of the union of §10(),- 
 472,034.00. Thus the net debt on June 30, 1802. being $241,131,- 
 434.44, you can show that the increasti since Confederation 
 (outside the settlement of provincial allowances above mentioned) 
 for Canada's great railways, marvellous canal improvements, 
 public works and new provinces, has only been $134,()r)!>,400.3S ! 
 Then, sir, deduct from the latter sum assets, $70,540, 823.2'.t 
 (according to the public accounts) and but $()4, 118,577.08 re- 
 mains to be accounted for! On railways, canals and public works 
 Canada has, up to last year, expended the following sums: 
 
 Canadian Pacific railway $62,044,159 OS 
 
 Intercolonial railway (and connections) 44,228,i;i4 82 
 
 P. E. Island railway 6:?5,8:!0 27 
 
 Canals 36,()]2,nO0 81 
 
 Public works 8,800,971 09 
 
 Total $152,321,390 07 
 
 Added to this further expenditures have been — 
 
 Dominion lands account Sl>,304,876 7(5 
 
 Territorial accounts 3,791,727 73 
 
 Railway subsidies 10,784,908 27 
 
 Expenses of and discounts on loans 10,824,047 70 
 
 Allowances to prof inces (referred to) 30,743,047 70 
 
 Consolidated fund transfers (including land returned 
 
 by C.P.R. and fishery award) G,3.")3,8:]9 23 
 
 North Shore railway bonds 970.000 00 
 
 Deficits (§38,518,.">13.12 of surpluses included in the $70,- 
 
 540,823.29 of assets) 16,849,427 .SO 
 
 Total $83,022,220 29 
 
 Or, a total of $235,043,G1().3() — from which in all fairness 
 the payments to provinces, assets, etc., must be deducted. This 
 being done, sir, you can, I think, without doing violence to your 
 conscience. 
 
 WITHDRAW THE BOLD DECLARATION. 
 
 that the policy of the Government has been oppressive or justifies 
 ia any manner whatsoever the declaration that a loyal j)cople 
 
36 
 
 have become discontented and disloyal by reason of taxation ! 
 What more has Canada secured in return for the courageous pol- 
 icy adopted by her statesmen? The Canadian Pacific railway, 
 upon which $160,000,000, exclusive of (iovcrnment aid, has been 
 expended; upon which $16,000,000 additional has been incurred 
 for equipment, and 25,000 employees made prosperous, contented 
 and happy. Perhaps these are some of the "disloyal" and un- 
 happy people, made miserable by the construction af a work of 
 which every honest citizen should be proud ? " But," some of 
 your audience may say, " any Government could have construct- 
 ed the road." Not so ; in the carrying' out of all great national 
 enterprises, three essentials are necessary : National credit, 
 courageous statecraft and administrative contidenco in the coun- 
 try. You know, my dear sir, had the Government or the Con- 
 servative party faltered in 1884, the Dominion would have been 
 shaken to its centre by a financial upheaval. Even after the road 
 was constructed and in operation, Sir Richard Cartwright's stock 
 of blue ruin had not been exhausted, for you must remember 
 his declaration made in the House of Commons on the IJOth of 
 March, 1886 : 
 
 "I would be very glad to believe that the Canadian Pacific railway was 
 about to be a financial success. * * At any rate, as regards their 
 
 main line, they will find it a somewhat difficult problem to make it pay 
 on tlie basis of a fertile territory of 400 miles or thereabouts, which will 
 be obliged to tlefray all the expenses of workinjj; a railway something like 
 2,400 miles in length. * * * I am afraid, so far as this country is 
 concerned, it will prove that the undue haste of construction has been a 
 grave economic blunder." 
 
 A blunder, forsooth ! Had the road not been pushed forward 
 at the time proposed, it would not to-day have reached the Pa- 
 cific ! Tell your audience, sir, remind them often, too, that the 
 men whose foresight enabled Canada to accomplish this, are not 
 likely to be blind to the interests of the bone and sinew upon 
 which they depend, namely, the farmer- "Binder twine," "coal 
 oil," "barbed wire," — what a triplet for you, sir, to carry thi'ough 
 the country and otter as apologies for deserting your post ! One 
 thing about the situation is quite as interesting as novel, and 
 really your friends enjoy it immensely, to wit, the member for 
 North Simcoe appearing in the interests of the oppressed farmer 
 
37 
 
 -without a fee! I am diu-ressing ; excuse me. I called attention 
 to the fact that your bowing acquaintances (it is to be honed the 
 hugging point has not yet been reached) never believed that the 
 Canadian Pacific railway would p-.-, while the Conservatives 
 having taxed the people, were determined to give them full value 
 m return. The road was finished five years before the time 
 agreed upon, and in 1886 transacted a total business of ^10 08J - 
 803.59; carried 1,899,319 passengers, 2,040,195 tons of freight 
 and showed net earnings amounting to $3,703,486.54. MarlAhe 
 progress. In 1891 the railway carried 3,165,507 passengers, 
 the revenue being $20,241,095.98; conveyed 3,856,710 tons of 
 treight, the cet earnings being $8,000,659.87. To-day the viri- 
 ous cars required total nearly 18.000, while 600 locomotives are 
 included m the equipment. Talk about your "5,000,000," and 
 exodus," and -discontent," and "disloyalty"! Ask any true 
 Canadian, any sturdy British subject in your audience to-night 
 where a similar number of people on the face of the earth could 
 be found capable of building that splendid work ? Why, sir it 
 IS a living truth, announcing trumpet-tongued. that he who says 
 Canadians are poor, over-taxed, discontented, disloyal, slanders 
 the country, and proclaims his ignorance and his prejudice, or 
 both. Tell your audience, sir. at the same time, that depression 
 in trade, low prices of agricultural productH, a cramped iron 
 market (always a fair index of the world's prosperity), strikes 
 (in free trade Great Britain too), Australian troubles. Argentine 
 disasters, are the rule and not the exception, and have conjointly 
 operated to bring about extreme financial stringency, 'when 
 there is a break, all classes experience relief Tell them too 
 that were our markets now, as between 1874 and 1S78, open to 
 the American slaughterer, most of our artisans would bo work- 
 ing on half-time and the smaller products of the farm be 
 
 DECAYINQ IX CELLARS AND OUTHOUSES. 
 
 Recently, in England, the editor of The Fortnighth, Review for- 
 warded circulars to 300 bankers, merchants, manufacturers and 
 others, the answers appearing in that ])eriodical for March ; these 
 are a complete reply to the insinuation that Canada's tariff is 
 responsible for the farmer's prices being low. Many of the 
 
38 
 
 Bhrcwdest observers, Messrs. F. & J. Harvard, for instance, in 
 their answers say: "The depression is caused chiefly by the 
 long continued depression in agriculture, which is, and must be, 
 the foundation industry of the country." Others declare that 
 " it would seem the appreciation of gold is injuring our manufac- 
 tures, our trade and our commerce." So free trade England 
 groans under a weary waiting and watching, Germany pours in 
 her industries, and we are asked to immolate ourselves upon a 
 similar altar ! I ask you, sir, in all sincerity, if 3'ou believed 
 discontent was undermining the loyalty of the masses to the 
 liritish crown — what was your duty ? To add fuel to the fire by 
 joining in the hue-and-cry ? To aggravate discontent by openly 
 proclaiming that you, a life-long Conservative, felt so keenly the 
 wrongs of the people that you were justified in stabbing your old 
 friends, giving as a reason that you were not consulted in the 
 formation of a Government? Do you mean to insinuate that 
 you knew these grievances existed, that you were convinced 
 grave wrongs were being perpetrated, that you 
 
 KEPT THE DARK SECRET CONCEALED, 
 
 willing the commonwealth should decay, so long as you were per- 
 mitted to dictate to a Prime Minister who should and who should 
 not be appointed to high offices in the gift of the Crown ? If 
 you did, how unfit a guide, a counsellor, an adviuer ! If you did 
 not know, and were not convinced until January, 1893, then, 
 most assuredl}', you are in a deplorably suspicious and unen- 
 viable predicament. The urc'),j\ who in haste put his trowsers 
 on back to front, and afterwards squalled in the street beeause 
 he could not tell whether he was going home oi- going to school, 
 was certainly not in a worse j^redicament. 
 
 There is another subject you may possibly take an interest in 
 to-night; at all events, it Avould be reasonable to explain to your 
 audience, providing the tariff on British goods is to be decreased 
 one-third, the goods oi Germany in a similar ratio, together with 
 the imports of various other countries having treaties with 
 Great Britain, notably Austro-IIungary, Belgium, Colombia, 
 Hamburg, Costa Eica, Prussia and half a score of others — enjoy- 
 ing the rights of favored nations — how the fixed charges against 
 
39 
 
 the revenue of Canada are to be met, while at the same time we 
 but invito the enmity of the United States ? The charges on 
 our public debt, exceeding $10,000,000, must be paid ; subsidies 
 to Provinces, exceeding S4,000,000, must be paid; the sinking 
 fund, close upon $2,000,000, must be provided for ; cost of collec- 
 tion of revenue, exceeding $8,000,000, must be in the treasury. 
 These would closely total $25,000,000. Then, with civil govern- 
 ment, justice, fisheries, Northwest Territories, legislation, militia, 
 mounted police, ])ublic works and a scoie of smaller items, at 
 least $10,000,000 more would be added, or a necessary revenue 
 of $35,000,000. Tell your audience 
 
 HOW you PROPOSE TO RAISE THIS 
 
 and meet the country's requirements? Explain to the pcDple 
 present that Great Britain extends to every country similar pri- 
 vileges to those we enjoy, and that Englishmen invest millions of 
 pounds sterling in the United States where they invest thousands 
 in Canada. In short, that the British investor is not trading and 
 loaning simply for the promotion of his health. Until you can 
 show that Canada, through the intervention of the mother coun- 
 try, enjoys taritf advantages superior to other nations, pray do 
 not base your ill-fledged bantling's claims for sympathy upon the 
 fact that Canadian products are admitted free of duty into the 
 United Kingdom. Take a few pounds of tobacco over, the next 
 time you visit the land wo all love so much, and perhaps you 
 may not thereafter be enamored of British free trade. 
 
 I know you to be a thinking man — professional training did 
 that — consequently I am convinced that you intend to drop the 
 latest accession to youi- collection of weapons of disturbance, and 
 simply seek to create dissatisfaction in the public mind ; in short, 
 you wish to prove to those who, only in your imagination, have 
 slighted you, that you are after all. "some pumpkins," as the 
 Yankees say. Well, that would be poor consolation, unwoi'thy 
 a prominent man and dishonest on the part of a parlimentary 
 representative. This being so, why not forgo the experiment 
 of fancy gardening in barren soil, and study the legitimate and 
 real interests of the Canadian farmer, as well as what is best for 
 the whole Canadian family ? "We are all too prone to congrat- 
 
40 
 
 iilate ourselves upon being in possession of faculties superior to 
 our neighbours, and too often those in other walks of life, in a 
 moment of prosperity, question the ready intellect of a man who 
 toils upon his farm, sees little of social life, but is as honest and 
 independent as any human being. In Canada, our highest 
 municipal officers, some of our ablest provincial legislators, many 
 of our or?'"Tiiont8 in the House of Commons, are farmers; con- 
 8eqr< utl> . .ne idea that these can be misled and deceived by 
 mere statements and assertions, or be convinced that they are 
 poor when prosperous, or induced to believe that in other 
 countries the farmer is more wealthy, when they know other- 
 wise, is i^imr.;-, labor lost, and the blunderer who adopts such 
 a polic}' 
 
 USfALLY C0ME8 TO GRIEF. 
 
 For instai ' 0, "^he iV ' ■ ;• and his sons have watched closely 
 legislation since iolb . t^.^.^ ;-iv-~ sustained the National Policy ; 
 they have done well under it, and it would be difficult to get 
 them to try experiments again. They know, just as well as 
 others, that you, my dear sir, are wrong in advocating the 
 removal of the tariff wall at present ; they know, too, that sub- 
 stantial benefits from this policy cannot accrue by uncertain 
 application of its principles ; they realize that the development 
 of scientific agriculture must be preceded by an extensively 
 divorsified industry, and the larger the population surrounding 
 or adjacent to them, the greater the results. As has been 
 truly saidj there alone can they secure those accessions which 
 enable them to repay, promptly and repeatedly, the vegetative 
 constituents abstracted by the process of tillage — constituents lost 
 j)ermanently to the soil by the butchery of a rude and ignorant 
 cultivation. Perhaps no man has turned the flash light of 
 intelligence upon this important subject, with greater practical 
 force, than Professor J. \V. Robertson, formerly of Guelph, and 
 now attached to the Experimental Farm Department at Ottawa. 
 That official has rendered important services to the Dominion ; 
 few farmers have road or listened to his opinions without greatly 
 benefitting thereby. This gentleman has opened a field wherein 
 the ijractical farmer can work and snap his fingers at the 
 
41 
 
 difterence between 10 gallons of coal oil at 30 cents per gallon 
 or 10 gallons at 15 or 20 cents. In Great Britain, Professor 
 Eobertson fairly opened the ej'es of the lethargic farmer, Bell's 
 Messengci', the leading agricultural uew8pa])er. remarking 
 (March 20, 1893); '-When, we would ask, will the British 
 Government take as much trouble to inform the British farmer 
 on the requii-ements of the markets of even his own country ?" 
 Surely, my dear sir. this is a subject worthy the intellectual 
 efforts of men who desire to assist those they represent. To 
 give the farmer heart, to stimulate his energies, to point upward 
 and onward ; to convince him that he has a profession, a calling- 
 worthy the best in the land; to cheer him on his way, and io 
 prove to him that the abundance of the earth is his, if he but 
 
 TURN A DEAF EAR TO DEMAOOGl'ES 
 
 and open ears to those who have his interests truly at heart ; 
 to ])roveto him that the price he sells at, is more important than 
 the price he hangs, for a few goods — surely this would be 
 worthy the ambition of a state man ! In a recent address 
 Professor Robertson sounds the ke}' note when saying : •' I 
 do not like anybody who tries to create a feeling of anta- 
 gonism between the townsman and the country-man. The 
 townsman is a customer of the countryman, and the coun- 
 tryman is a customer of the townsman, and there should be 
 no antagonism. If their interests are not identical, they are, 
 at least, harmonious. All att'orts to create distrust and dislike 
 between the agricultural and manufacturing interests, should 
 be refrained from. As the town grows the country makes some 
 progress; they mutually benefit each other." Is there not a 
 lesson in these remarks ? Is it not better to bid mankind look 
 up. than to preach despondency and gloom ? Is it not i-eaching a 
 higher level to use the intellect God has endowed man with, striv- 
 ing to attain practical results ? I have seen many letters written 
 to Professor Robertson, by dairy farmers, thanking him for his 
 advice and acknowledging the benefits, amounting to hundreds of 
 dollars, derived from a timely hiiit and a practieal suggestion. 
 Thousands of farmers, probabl}', have yet to learn that in eveiy 
 ton of barley they sell there are 32 pounds of nitrogen, 15| of 
 
42 
 
 phosphoric acid Jind nine of potash. If farmers will persist in 
 selling a ton of hay for 830 — they will sell as much of the 
 fertility of the farm as they will dispose of in two tons of fiit 
 swine for 8200. If they sell fat beef they will sell about one 
 half more for $200 than they sell in the other case of primitive 
 products for 830. If they sell cheese, they will get for the cheese 
 $200 a ton, and sell less in one ton than in two and one-half tons 
 of hay for $25. If a man sells a ton of hay for $10 he will sell 
 about G5 times more out of his farm ibr that sum than he will 
 for 8500 in butter at 25 cents a pound. "Why not, then, 
 encourage the husbandman, just as Mr. Mowat promises in his 
 recent speech ; just as the Dominion Cxovernment has been and 
 is doing, urging him to adopt and apply scientific methods, 
 leaving to those at the head of aftairs, subject to the sanction of 
 Parliament, such changes and reforms in the tariff as the coun- 
 try demands or the necessities of the country justify ? Since 
 1878 the people of Canada have countenanced, authorized and 
 assumed immense national responsibilities. These cannot now 
 be repudiated. 
 
 Sir, I have already occupied too much space, 
 to omit many points suggested by 
 
 and am obliged 
 
 YOUR ACROBATIC PERFORMANCES 
 
 in connection with Conservative leaders and tariff reform. You 
 have nothing in the concrete to offer; you furnish no proof 
 that Canada is retrograding, no evidence that the Government 
 fails to be abreast of the times and fully in accord with the 
 policy propounded by our late lamented chieftain, Sir John 
 Macdonald. You may not care for Sir John Thompson ; that is 
 your own business, but you are scarcely justified in butchering 
 Mulhall or misquoting Gitt'en and Bagehot, to prove a case 
 against the country of your nativity. Sir John Thompson never 
 sought the office J he was called to the responsible position of 
 Prime Minister, and is as able, as honest and as patriotic a leader 
 as any party could desire to follow. You know it ; you must 
 know it, for you are intelligent. Pique could not change your 
 private opinion, of that I am convinced. Canada to-day requires 
 the co-operation of every worthy son ; the manufacturers require 
 
48 
 
 the filling of the North-wost with toilers at the plough, the far- 
 mers require diversified farming. Canada requii-es a last sailing 
 line across the Atlantic, and a broad, progressive immigration 
 policy; not spasmodic, but continuous, ])ractical and effective. 
 Lat the Government invest any surplus taxation in these direc- 
 tions, pointing scientific education as the class of products upon 
 which large profits can be reaped, and the days of the agita- 
 tor will close. Do j^ou not agree with me? or, do you still 
 think your abilities are better adapted to fault-finding and ill- 
 digested criticism ? For years, you condemned Sir Eichard 
 Cartwright, for his gloomy diatribes upon Canadian affairs, and 
 possibly to-night you may explain that you have every confi- 
 dence in Canada, providing you are 
 
 ALLOWED TO DICTATE A POLICY ! 
 
 I do not wish to be unfair or ungenerous — but, remember, as 
 Ilazlitt once said — "A man may be a good talker if you let him 
 sfart from no premises and come to no conclusion," therefore, a 
 policy of " go slow " upon your part, would be both wise and 
 patriotic. Explosive chuckles from the Opposition cannot 
 always be accepted as evidences of approval. You now say that 
 the National Policy is a failure ; that you erred in supporting the 
 Franchise bill of 1882, while the lords of the Privy t'ouncil long 
 ago proclaimed that you were giievously astray in your opinions 
 concerning the License Act and the Streams bill ; might I not 
 add the Boundary question as well? Your present attitude of 
 attempting to prove that statistics establishing national wealth 
 are not evidences of prosperity, but that largo population, low 
 taxes and general poverty are proofs positive of national pro- 
 gress, would indicate that you are again mistaken. Let the Hon. 
 Gr. W. Ross, Minister of Education for Ontario, vouch for Canada. 
 A Liberal, he is above all a Canadian. Speaking in Toronto on 
 the 24th of February last, he said : " T have unbounded faith in 
 Canada. I do not want to recognize the man who does not 
 believe in his country. If there is a better, I would like to have 
 it shown to me upon the maps, for at present I am ignorant of its 
 existence." This was the language of a Liberal, who had just 
 
44 
 
 returned from a tour ai-ound the world. My dear sir, go thou 
 and do likowiwo. 
 
 I remain, your obedient soi-vant, 
 
 C. H. MACKINTOSH. 
 Ottawa, Ont., April 12th 1893. 
 
 SIR JOHN MACDONALD'S MEMORY VINDICATED. 
 
 " ThoHe who quit their proper character to asmme what does not belong to 
 them,- - . hare nothing of politics but the pasdon tJieij excite," — Burke. 
 
 To the Editor of The Empire. 
 
 Sir, — Mr, Dalton McCarthy, in the recent combination speech 
 delivered by him in Toronto, did rae the honor and paid his au- 
 dience the questionable compliment, of asserting that " in this 
 busy age" lengthy private letters, " much less public ones," were 
 rather " too much for a busy man to read " ! Alack and alas ! 
 Private business first, public duties next! AVhat a volume of 
 reality, of true inwardness, is contained in that significant decla- 
 ration ! However I do not i)ropose to succumb to this extraor- 
 dinary method of disposing of important national issues. I was 
 a member of the Conservative Union, of which Mr. McCarthy 
 was president ; he deserted the outposts, and now refuses either 
 to explain or to justify his action, except by personal allegation. 
 Very well ; but I undertake to prove from his lips that he is 
 altogether astray. For instance, he declared in so many woi-ds : 
 
 " Mr. Mackintosh states I committed a sin when, in speaking 
 against the North-west policy of the government, I said it was a 
 danger to Confederation, the attempt of the French-Canadian 
 people to perpetuate their nationality and to divide the people 
 into two separate and distinct bodies," 
 
 When did I make such a charge ? Where ? On the contrary, the 
 record shows that both in and out of Parliament, I spoke not only 
 
45 
 
 in Ontario but in the County of Quebec, juet as strongly — I mlmit 
 not so ably — as Mr. McCarthy, against any altem))t to torco 
 unconstitutional methods either upon Parliament or upon the 
 Government, and condemned Mr. Laurier with his "musket" 
 platform, as much as I did Mr. Mercier with his race and revenge 
 pronunciamento. I sat in the House of Commons with Mr. 
 McCarthy in 1885 and 1886 and, strange to say, cannot recall one 
 sentence uttered by him to show that he, durin<j that tnjimj period, 
 entertained sentiments either defensive of his leader, Sir John McDon- 
 ald, or condemnatory of French-Canadian Domination. My letter 
 to Mr. McCarthy was not written with the design of injuring or 
 placing him in a false position. Surely I had a right to enter a 
 protest against his ettbrt to mislead the people of Canada ! 
 
 THE COUNTRY FIRST. 
 
 The country's interests were first to be considered, and I said 
 so, pointing out that in 1887, " while our French-Canadian com- 
 patriots were striving to allay the passionate outbursts of nation- 
 al feeling," Mr. McCarthy had publicly asserted that " the 
 French-Canadians were a menace to the Confederacy." What 
 reply did the member for North Simcoo vouchsafe ? This : 
 
 " It was all quite right so long as I fought the battles of my 
 country, as I did faithfully until 1887 ; but when, in accordance 
 gentlemen with the wishes of my then leader, Sir John Macdonald, I 
 announced in the county of Haldimand that French-Canadian 
 domination should no longer rule this country ^ * * >fi when 1 
 announced, in my humble judgment, the French-Canadian was a 
 spoilt child, I was not willing to take these words back at the 
 bidding of these French-Canadians, honestly believing them to 
 be right." 
 
 Mr. McCarthy is again mistaken. He did not make the 
 speech he referred to in Haldimand in 1887 ; he made it in 
 Hagersville, in that county, on the 26th of August, 1886, in 
 reply to Mr. Edgar, and in support of Mr. Merritt, the Con- 
 servative candidate. He then said, (I (^uole from the Mail) : — 
 
 '• I ask this English-speaking constiuoncy in Ontario to say, 
 whether we will allow the Frenchmen to ride rough-shod over 
 the rest of the people of the Dominion. -^ -i^ * You do not 
 

 \ 
 
 46 
 
 want to 800 thin country govorned by tho French, simply because 
 the law was moled out ecjuitably to one of their own people." 
 
 Certain allowance might bo made for this Innguuge, for Afr. 
 McCarthy's speech was to some extent a ci-iticism on tho inflam- 
 matory pi'ogrammo adopted by the Champ do .Mars mooting in 
 Montreal. But tho member for North Simcoo says that his 
 Haldimand speech (reall}-- delivered in 1886) was " in accordance 
 with the desire of his then leader, Sir John Macdonald." Is Mr. 
 McCarthy's memory us treacherous on this point as on that 
 which caused iiim to declare that the speech was delivered in 
 Haldimand in 1887 ? It must bo, for Mr. McCarthy had not 
 seen Sir John Macdonald for at last two or three months before 
 appearing in Haldimand. Does Mr. McCarthy expect Konsible 
 people to believe that the great leader of tho Conservative party 
 had advised him, after Parliament prorogued in 188G, to seize tho 
 first opportunity to 
 
 «|( 
 
 » 
 
 ANATHEMATISE THE FRENCH CANADIANS ? 
 
 The truth is Sir John Macdonald left Ottawa seven weeks 
 BEFORE Mr. McCarthy spoke in Haldimand; no writ had 
 been issued at the time ; his leader had been in the mountains 
 and vallej's of British Columbia, was returning and arrived in 
 Port Arthur from the west, the very day Mr. McCarthy delivered 
 the speech at Hagersville, which, he claims, was inspired, di- 
 rected and approved by Sir John Macdonald? This evidence, 
 circumstantial though it be, would in other cases be considered 
 sufficiently allied to positive truth, to justify a jury bringing in a 
 verdict of "guilty" without any prolonged deliberation. But 
 there are other points quite as suggestive. If Sir John Macdonald 
 "wished and desired" that Mr. McCarthy should assume an at- 
 litudo of antagonism towards the Frencii, why did the Conserva- 
 tive leader say at Toronto on the 2l8t December, 1886, " I pre- 
 dict that at the next general election the present Government 
 will be supported by a majority of the electors of Quebec"? 
 
 If Sir John Macdonald's aim was to stir the prejudices of 
 Ontario, and to appeal to passions as well as fears : if he had 
 asked Mr. McCarthy to adopt a different course, wonld he — astute 
 
 i^ 
 
4t 
 
 and far-seeing ns he was — have declared to the people of Ontario 
 that they miglit 
 
 TRUST TUB PROVINCE OF QUEHEC ? 
 
 Ih thin not sufficient to prove that Mr. McCarthy's memory, at 
 least, is treacherous? And as Sir .lohn Maedonald was aitsent 
 for seveial woeks before the gentleman delivered his Haldimand 
 speech, he must have either written or telegraphed to him, to 
 adopt this ])olicy. Where is the telegram, whei'e is the letter? 
 and why does Mr. McCarthy date his Haldimand speech a period 
 six months after delivery ? Added to this, Mr. McCarthy, 
 if he be correct, must have been aware of the fact, when reading 
 Sir John Macdonald's subsequent utterances, that he had deceived 
 and misled him — had used him as a decoy — and yet remained in 
 the fold, consented to be the tool of his loader, supported him 
 throughout from that hour, never uttering a syllable of protest, 
 until the cold hand of death intervened, and the silence of the 
 tomb was the only witness to be leared. 
 
 Ml'. McCarthy, however, may feel inclined to say that, 
 although mistaken in dates, he was correct in premises, 1S87 
 being the year. This will not suffice, either. Mr. McCarthy 
 made three or four spec lies in 1*^87 — one in Sutton, North 
 York ; one in Grand Valley, one in Bowmanville, one at Brad- 
 ford, North Simcoe, and one at Barrie, North Simcoe. The 
 latter place was the one he selected to promulgate his anti 
 French Canadian philippics. He was opposing Mr. Anglin, a 
 Eoman Catholic, and looking for Protestant Iteform votes. With 
 him it was " heads I win, tails you lose." He said : 
 
 '' No, everything with them (the French Canadians) is con- 
 ducted on the French model, and while we may admire members 
 of the race as individuals, yet as member-* of the body politic 
 they are the great danger to the confederacy J" 
 
 That is the sjieech I referred to as having been quoted at 
 Quebec to the great 
 
 INJURY OF FRENCH CONSERVATIVES 
 
 who were fighting the party and constitutional battles. Does 
 Mr. McCarthy wish the party to believe Sir John Maedonald 
 
I. 
 
 48 
 
 approved of this ? AVhy, when he returned from the Pacific 
 Coast in 1886, within less than a month after Mr. McCarthy 
 delivered his speech in Haldimand, the Conservative leader 
 availed himself of the earliest opportunity to supply a countei'- 
 iri'itant, at London, Ont., September the 17tn, when he said : 
 
 •* The Mall, either by correspondence or articles, has attacked 
 the ecclesiastical system of Lower Canada. I think it was by 
 correspondence, but whether oi' not, I am not bound by it, nor 
 is the (lovernmant bound by it. With respect to that claim the 
 French Canadians have their own law ; they have their own 
 religion, and they have their own legislature. Why should we 
 in any way interfere with them ? This shows how dangerous it 
 is to deal with a subject a person is not familiar with." 
 
 Then with reference to French priests and " tithes : " 
 
 " Why should we in another province with different institu- 
 tions, try to force our opinions on them and get up an agitation 
 upon a p()int of that kind ? I disapj^rove of it altogether." 
 
 Sir John Thompson standing on the same platform with Sir 
 John Macdonald, at London, Ontario, said : 
 
 " Well, sir, the people of this country are not what I take them 
 to be, if they do not hold guilty the men who are dividing the 
 country, endangering its unity by appealing to prejudices in 
 ditierent sections of the country." 
 
 And yet, Mr. McCarthy states that " in accordance with the 
 wishes and desires " of Sir John Macdonald, ho declared that 
 " Frenchmen were a great danger to the confederacy"! for some 
 reason, only known to himself, putting the date at Feb., 1887, 
 instead of August, 1886 ! To go further, speaking on the Eiel 
 agitation to the Protestants of Carleton and surrounding con- 
 stituencies at Carp, on the 14th February (1887), the then Prime 
 Minister said : 
 
 " I regret that it was necessary to hang Louis Eiel, but it was 
 necessary that the law should be maintained. The French are 
 a patriotic and sympathetic people whose feelings of fidelity to 
 their race and their religion are strong, and I hold that these 
 feelings have been excited and worked upon by designing 
 English Grits." 
 
 Is this, I ask, the language of one who desired his supporters 
 
Sc 
 
 er 
 sr- 
 
 •y 
 
 )r 
 
 le 
 n 
 
 it 
 
& 
 
 It 
 
49 
 
 4 
 
 to excite the passions and prejudices of the Protestants of Ontario? 
 Certainly not — for the great leader's public life, is 
 
 A DIRECT REFUTATION OP ANY SUCH INSINUATION. 
 
 I would ask, too, does it not at once occur to thinking people, 
 that, had Sir John Macdonald determined to reverse the teach- 
 ings and precepts of his whole career, he would have consulted 
 others bet>ide8 Mr. McCarthy? There were men just as near, 
 whom he knew to bo just as true, as that gentleman had been, 
 or could be. Yet, Sir John's own colleagues, those who had 
 his entire and implicit confidence, never heard him suggest, 
 even remotely, the policy of an anti- French-Canadian crusade; it 
 is strange, then, that Mr. McCarthy alone was entrusted with this 
 terrible secret, and Mr. McCarthy alone made the custodian of 
 his leader's conspiracy against his own colleagues in the Admin- 
 istration ! More than all that, responding to Sir John Macdon- 
 ald's "wishes and desires," his. chosen champion spoke on the 
 question once in Ilaldimand in 1886 (when Sir John had been 
 seven weeks absent), and then confined his attack to the pre- 
 cincts of North Simcoe in 1887, when opposing a Eoman Catho- 
 lic ; while Sir John Macdonald, the Hon. Sir John Thompson, 
 the Hon. Geoi'ge Foster, the Hon. Thomas White, the Hon. Mr. 
 Bowell and Senator Plumb were ]u-eachlng the opposite doctrine 
 throuijchout the great Province of Ontario 1 
 
 Mr. McCarthy has questioned my knowledge of public att'airs. 
 Well and good; it is his pi'ivilege ; but it is not his privilege as 
 a member of Parliament, to state that I, cither directly or in- 
 directly, attempted to misrepresent his position for the purpose 
 of injui'ing him in the estimation of the people of Canada. He 
 must, however, respect the memory of tlie great Chieftain, who, 
 though dead, has left behind men ever ready and able to guard 
 his reputation as a Htatesman, one wh<j believed with Lord Mans- 
 field that "there !s nothing ceutaim.y more unreasonable, 
 
 MORE inconsistent WITH HUMAN NATUUE. MORE CONTRARY TO THE 
 SPIRIT AND PRECEPTS OK THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION, MORE INIQUITOUS 
 AND UNJUST, MORE IMPOLITIC, THAN PERSECUTION. It IS AGAINST 
 NATURAL RELIGION, REVEALED RELIGION AND SOUND POLICY." 
 
 I remain, etc., 
 
 C. H. MACKINTOSH. 
 Ottawa, Ont., April 24th, 1893.