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McLELAN, Esq., Member for North Colchester, in the Nova Scotia Assembly, in the Session of 1865. Mr. MoLsLAN spoke as follows : Mr. Speaker, — We have been charged with making this a party question. Butsurely the position which members on both sides occupy in reference to it is sufficient to show we are not amenable to such a charge. For mysolf I am about to address the house in ojpposition to the views propounded by my political party leader ; and let me say that no act of my little political life has given me half the pain I feel IB being compelled to take a position, in op- position to that hon. gentleman. There are other coBpiderations which might well caueo me to hesitate : not only is the question the most momentous ever discussed here, but there is the further consideration that it has been matured by thirty-three gentlemen who claim, and perhaps not undeservedly, to be among the ablest in British America. But if I might be disposed to hesitate from these considera- tions, I remember that I am here to act upon my own conscientious convictions of what is right and wrong— of what maybe or may not be for the good of my country— and not upon other men's capabilities of terming a correct judgment. For apart from considerations of a personal nature, which may and do too often influence men, there are occasions when the most enlarged and comprehensive minds over- look the useful and the practical in the con- templation of the ideal. So has it been, I be- lieve, on the present occasion. Men have given up to an idea, or a sentiment that which they should never have yielded, except to sound argument and strong conclusive fact. — I believe that the idea or sentiment of union has had very much to do with influencing men's minds upon this subject. When the Provincial Secretary, in addressing the house on the history of this question, referred to the unanimous applause with which the sub- ject of union had been greeted when mention- ed on platform or festive occasions, I thought at the time that very much of that applause was given to the sentiment or idea of union, which has always a charm for men's minds, and not to its practical workings when applied to thcso )>rovinces. There are perhaps few words m the English language that have such an influence over men's minds as tha. lit- tle word " Union." We have seen in the neighboring republic how powerful an in- fluence this " union sentiment" exercises OTcr the people. Many years ago when the ques- tion of the admission of Texas into the Union was under consideration, Daniel Webster, than whom America has not known a mightier in- tellect, warned the Senate against the exten- sion of territory Southward. That warning. voice was unheeded. The union sentiment prevr.ilfd, and that union took place. Witlv the greatness and prosperity of the country there grew up an interest in the South which finding its own centre within itself, and growing antagonistic to the North, at length culminated in a demand for a separation. We arc all familiar with thehistory of events from that t:x.ie to this— that the difficulty resulted in a war which has been unparalleled in ita magnitude and in its severity — a war which, has furrowed wit^t the graves of the sinin the face of that country as thickly as the furrows in a farmer's field. Looking at the influence which this senti- ment has exercised over men's minds at all times, I must conclude that it has also ope^ rated largely in the provinces, and that men, carried away hy that sentiment, have sought this union.irrespectivo of pro- vincial rights and the consequences that may flow from it. Tbey have forgotten the union that already exists between these provinces — that we arc united by the same loyal senti^ ments — that we are, as the hOn. member for Richmond says, citizens of the same Empire —subjects of the same Queen. The same flag that floats over Buckingham Palace floats over our Citadel, and protects the inhabitants of these provinces as well as thoseof London. Under that protection we enjoy every blessing and privilege that is known in civilized ana enlightened society; and I asked myself when the Provincial Secretary, the other night, was speaking of the progress and prosperity of M 2 this proTinoe, and telliug us how muoh we had to be grateful for, why wo oould not withal cultivate the virtue of oontentment. But thoy tell us that there are clroumstanoes outBide of our own borders that prevent the oontinuanoo of these things. In the first place, we have been told that there is a dis- position on the part of England to cast us adrift. It is hardily necessary to spend muoh time on that part of the subject, because opinions lately propounded in the British parliament show that there is a determina- tion on the part of Great Britain to preserve her colonies so long as they remain loyal to the crown of England. We naturally expect- ed this declaration. We have seen that the expansion and maintenance of colonies has been the policy which England has pursued from time immemorial, and it is that which has gi^en her her proudest title — "mistress and sovereign of the sea.'* In the many long years of struggle with other powers to obtain that title, it was not so much the staunchness of her ships, or the bravery of her crews, as from the training to the seas which those crews acquired in the wide com- merce afibrded by colonies. Bbfore passing away from this p^rt of the subject, I may odd it is still more unlikely that England should have adopted this policy of abandon- ing her colonies at a time when her great rival France Jias adopted it, and in every part of the habitable globe, where she can obtain a foothold, is planting colonies that she too may have a widely extended com- mer(:e — that she may train from their youth a large number of he;? people to "go down upon tie seas in ships, to do business upon the mighty waters," and thus prepare them for that magnificent navy she is building. Again, England requires, in large quantities, the products of the American continent, and it would be impolitic to allow a foreign pow- er to control all these products. When Louis Napoleon took possession of Mexico, and made of her a virtual dependency of France, he said, " We have an interest indeed in the republic of the United States being prosper- ous and powerful ; but not that she should take possession of the whole gulf of Mexico, thence to command the Antilles as well as South Amerioa and to be the only dispenser of the products of the New World." If this be the policy of Napoleon— if he felt an anxiety that no foreign power should con- trol the products of a continent, how much more is it the interest of England that a foreign power shall not have the entire oom- mana of products essential to her existence. England has justly been called the " work- shop of the world," but in mnterials for manuf'ioture she procures from other coun- tries the value of over one hundred millions of ponndB stefling., Whil^ one third of her people Moeive thQ fpod upon which they live flrom 'abroad;'. Hence it i^ 'vastly inore im- portant to England than to Fra^ice, whose neoessitia^in those particulars is not so great, that no one power should control the grain and material for manufacture produced by the continent of America. Therefore I feel that circumstances do not warrant any man in saying that it is the intention of England to cast these colonies off. Earl Russell said a few years ago—" I firmly believe it is our duty, to maintaiu our great and valuable Co- lonial empire," while Earl Grey added; "I believe that much of the power and influence of this country depends upon having large Colonial possessions in different parts of the world;" and but a few days ago we saw the same expression of opinion as delivered by Lor i Palmerston. f 1 feel it was unwarranted for any gen- tle/man to say that it was the intention or pclicy of England to cast these colonies adrift. But we are told that we are in darger of be- iug wrested from Great Britain, that there aie a number of circumstances existing in the United States which endanger the connection with the parent state. I cannot help admiring the zeal with which the hon. gentlemen who are advocating this Confederation have been blowing the War Trumpet. They tell us that the King of Terrors who has been holding high carnivalin the valleys of the Shenandoah, will soon come to a grand banquet in the valleys of Nova Scotia. When the Pro. Secy, drew a picture of this in addressing the house, I thought I saw his cheek pale, bat at the time it occurred to mn fouad to be against the Quebec ar- rangement, that the Fro. Secretary has not had the courage and the mar liness to carry it out, although bound in all faith to the other Provinces to make the attempt. \Then I con- sider the position of our delegates, I am re- minded of the fable of the fellows who sold a " bearskin" b^oi-e they had killed the bear, which so happily illustrates the case that I shall trouble the House with it. Five fellows, needing funds and bold, A bearskin to a furrier sold. Of which the bear was living still. But which they presently would kill— At least they said they would. And if their word was good. It was a king of bears— an Urda Major The fattest bear beneath the sun. The skin the chaps would wager. Was cheap at double cost; ' 'Twould make one laugh at frost — And make two robes as well as one. (In their accounts 'twas theirs But in his own the bears.) By bargain struck upon the skin Three months at most must bring it in, Forth went the Jive, More easy found than got. The bear came growling at them on the trot. Behold our dealers all confounded. As if by thunderbolt astounded ! Their bargain vanished suddenly in air; Foi who cjuld plead his interest with a bear ? Four of the friends sprung up a tree : The other, cold as ice could be, Fell on his face, feigned death. And closely held his breath, — He having somewhere heard it said The bear ne'er preys upon the dead. Sir Bear, sad blockhead, was deceived— The prostrate man a cor])Re believed; But, half suspecting Rome deceit, Ho feels and SDuffs from Lead to feet. And in the nostrils blows. The body's surely dead, he thinks I'll leave it for it stinks ; And off into the woods he goes. The othe^ lealers from their tree Descenuing cautiously, to see Their comrade lying in the dirt. Consoling, says it is a wonder That, by the monster forced asunder, AVere — after all — more soared than hurt, But.addeth they , what of the creature's skin? He hell his muzzle very near; What did he whisper in your car 7 Ho gave this caution, — " Never dare Again to sell the skin of bear Its owner has not ceased to wear." Now, our dealers not finding Sir Bear dis- posed to quietly part with his skin, have de- termined to get him into a trap. They seek by this resolution on the tablo for aaother convention to entrap Nova Scotia into the scheme as arranged at Quebec. My hon. friend from Richmond is correct in stating that tbey have no other object in view, and I shall ask the House to follow me while I consider the constitution prepared for us at that Quebec conference. We are cold by the Provincial Secretary of the government they proposed to constitute a Federation of British North America. — It appears to me that in the very outset, in the second resolution of this report, they have given the evidence which shows that this Federal Union cannot be stable under the cir- cumstances. They allude thereto the "di- versity qf the interests of the several Pro- vinces.^^ • The fact that the interests of the Provinces are so diversified that each has its own inter- ests, and its centre of interest within itself— precludes the possibilttj of a Federal Union being formed to work harmoniously. Under present regulations, our separate interests are net brought into antagonism — why then should we bring about a change which will make the interests of the several Provinces clash and destroy that harmony of feeling that is existing among these Colonies 7 The hon. member for South Colchester, read to you from Judge Story, that when Provinces unite they make mutual sacrifices and con- cessions in order to obtain some {?reat pur- pose. One purpose for which they would make that sacrifice would be, that they might obtain mutual aid. In this case there would not be that influence at work in order to in- duce us to consent to a sacrifice of our inter- ests — an attack upon one is under present regulation an attack upon all — besides wo have now the protection of England — we have the command of her armies. She has told us that her honour demands that she ■hould protect her Colonies. Therefore, n/ I ivhile they are loyal, no ncoeBsity exists why / I ireshould make nuoh sacrifices as is proposed. And if the necessity be not apparent the peo- ple will not submit to them. I oome now to another branch of tho sub- ject—the nature of tho representation. We are to have Iqcal governments, and a Oeneral Government over all. In that General Gov- ernment, Nova Scotia is to have a representa- tion of 1» out of 194. Now the Provincial Secretary tells us that this is as much as we have any right to expect according to onr population, and be stated that if these terms were not just, we had only the delegates to blame. I contend, in vieiv of tho geographical Sosition of Nova Scotia— 800 miles away from le capital, and almost an island— that the principle of representation by population was not at all sufficient to do her justice. You don't give to the city of Ha'ifax a representa- tion proportioned to the population, because you feel Dy the Parliament meeting here, in- fluences can be brought to bear upon it that compensate for a less representation. As fou recede from tho place of the meeting of 'arliament, representation should increase in order t» give a balance of influence. The city of London, with a population of nearly 3,000,000— one-tenth of tho Empire— has only 16 reipresentatives. If you adopted the prin- ciple in question, she ought to have one-tenth or the whole number in Parliament. Tho reason why it is not carried out, is the Par- i liament meets there, and that the influence S* ven to the city thereby, is sufficient for her. n examination of a table prepared in 1859, 1 find that as you recede from the place of meeting of Parliament— the proportion of representa- tives of counties to the population increases. The central counties of Middlesex, Surrey and Kent (exclusive of London) with a popu- lation of 3,185,424 have 43 members ; one to every 74,074 of the population ; in the extreme North, Cumberland, Northumberland, and Durham, with a population of 890,059, have S9 members ; one to 30,691 of population' On the extreme South, Corwall, Devon, and Dorset, havine a population of 1,106,863, re- turns 50 members ; one to 22,137 of popula- tion ; on the extreme West, Anglesea, Carnar- von, and Denbigh have 237,780 population and 7 members. And so should there be an in- crease here, because the great distance from Ottawa will p.' invent us from exercising any influence upon the Government there, other : than is given ua by our representation. The infli'SDces of tho interests of a country like ! ours (almost an island) are necessarily con- fined within her lines, and when the legislation for our interests is placed in a Parliament beyond our herders we should have an in- crease of numbers in representation to com- pensn for tho entire want of local influences. Bul the Provincial Secretary tells us thiit we have a larae representation in the Legis- lative Counoil,which fully compensates ua for the want of representation in the Assembly. Mr. George Brown, arguing that question, said that the complaint had been macje that they had given us too largo a represtititation in the Upper House; but ho says *'in iht Lower Houte, Canada shall hold the purse itringe." You will further remember that all the Lower Provinces combined have only 24 members in the Legislative Council, whilet united Canada has 48. But whatever di£fer- ences of opinion may have hitherto existed between Upper and Lower Canada, there is no doubt you will find them us one when their interests come in collision with those of the Lower Provinces. When a man and wife quarrel, and a third party steps in, they both unite against him. Upper and Lower Canada may have disputes at times too, but whenever the Lower Provinces come in, they will unite as one Province against us. The Provincial Secretary tells us that if our Be^resentatives band together, they can ex- ercise an influence which will make them sufficiently felt in the Canadian ParliaiL.ent, and referred in illustration of his argument to the influence that the members of Cape Bre- ton exercise here; but h** did not tell us that these form a much larger proportion to the whole number in this House than would the Representatives from Nova Scotia exhibit in a Parliament of 194 at Ottawa. But suppose they did band together to make their influence felt in that Parliament. Now, I ask the hon. Prov. Seo'y. to consider the position in which he places this Province and her Kepreceat** tivee. I cannot conceive a more degraded, a more huirrliating ])osition than the Re- presentatives of a Bi)irited people compelled to forego their political opinions— their con- scientious convictions on all publio questions, in order to obtain for their poople a considera- tion in tho distribution of the funds. But even supposing our 19 Representatives could BO far forget themselves as to turn political hucksters, and offer to sell themselves, body and soul, they will never obtain morn than a few pickings from the publio chest, which we shall do more than our share in filling. Un- der any circumstances, however humiliatin?, we shall be powerless to enforce a just con- sideration of interests. Thsre is a beautiful work of art, represent- ing two hounds chained together by the neck —one is large and powerful, looking down with contempt and indifference upon his lesser companion, who is as beautiful in the form- ation of limb, apparently as swift to follow the game, and as keen of scent as the other, yet crouches, overawed aad helpless. Often as I have looked upon that work, I have felt an impulse rising within me to strike th': chain from the little fellow's neck,and let him go free. But ever since this Confederation scheme has been published— every time I have looked upon a miniature copy of that work, I have thought of Confederation. I have Eeen in it Nova Scotia, bound and chained by the neck to Canada, and thinking of my coun- try thus holnltsB, powerleBB, anu prostrate at Ottawa, with a Rcpretentation of only nine- teen in a Parliament of 194, the exclamation rises from my heart—" Qod Itdp the little fellow." Oir, round me eit the men to whom the oonstituenoies of Nova Sootia entrusted her GooHtitutional rights— her interests and welfare— to whom nhe, for four years, bared her neck— is there— can there be one among us who will help to fasten upon that neck, this chain prepared by the delegates? No, let us rather keep sacred that trust— let jb rather go back to the people, and learn of them at the polls their wishes on this great question, lest in after years they have just reason to execrate our memories — lest they pray Heaven to strike palsied every hand that touched, to fasten, a rivet of that chain. I come now to financial terms of this scheme of Union. The delegates have adopted at Quebec a scale, and arranged the debt of the Provinces pretty much as they did representation : upon a plan ofpojiulation irrespective of the incomes which the Provinces possessed. It seems to me at the very outset, the hon. delegates laid down the wrong principle; instead of arrang- ing the debt according to population, they should have looked at the incomes— at the re- venues, and funds, what each had is the treasury. If a gentleman should propose to form a partnership with another on Granville street, what is the Urbi (luestion that is ask- ed ? The amount ot income — not how many persons are to enter the partnership.— Taking it upon thisground, little NovaSootia, as represented by these gentleman, has not received justice. Canada is allowed to come into the Confederation with a debt of $02,- 500,000, Nova Scotia with one of $8,000,000. Now, in the year in which this arrangement was made, the income of Canada was 5i>'r>i884, - 594— whilst that of NovaSootia was $801,989 — in both cases derived from the Customs and Excise. According to that income of Canada, as compared with that of Nova Scotia, she would only bo entitled to come in with a debt of $.'54,000,000. But the hon. gentle- men should not have taken the present in- come only into consideration. They should have considered that under Confederation we shall be placed on the same tariff. It has been ascertained by close calculations, that under the Canadian tariff. Nova Scotia's revenue would have been 81,330,514. Taking it upon this basis, if we were allowed only 8 milli- ons, Canada should have only .aying property, and in reality be no dcht at all. It IS very different with the debt of Canada. In answer to a question put by the hon. member for Halifax, the hon. Prov. Secy, laid on the table a financial statement, containing tho debt, income, &c., of Canada, issued by Mr. Gait. At the dinnf^r given last autumn to tho Canadian delegates, th« hon. Prov. Secy, told us, Mr. Gait had the power of making a deficit of a million appear a surplus of that amount. I must confess, looking at tho paper before me, there is a grjat deal of truth in that re- mark. In this balance-sheet wc find the whole liabilities of Canada arc put down at $7(3,- 223,060.0.5. This, however, is so balancea, even to tho last five cents, that we are almost led to believe that Canada in realiiy doos not owe a dollar. But on examination, I find to make that balance they have put down at cost and accumulated interest all the public buildings, bridges, roads, harbors, light- houses, canals, railroads, &c., of the country. Now, if we put a valuation upon all our roads and bridges, our public buildings, Shuben- acadio and St. Peter's Canals, Arisaig Pier, Purrsboro' Snag, and similar property, we should far overbalance all our indebte&ess, without touching the railroads. I have exam- ined the financial returns of Canada, to see the actual net income of the property claimed in this balance-sheet, and I find the net in- come from over seventy millions of it is only $471,401, which represents a capital of less than eight millions, leaving about 62,000,000 dollars from which no available profits are derived. The principal sources from which any income in derived ar« the Canals and Municipalities. We have the Railways put down for loans and interests unpaid at some- thing like $30,000,000. It will be perhaps in the knowledge of the IIou|o that in 1857 the Grand Trunk Company cairie to the Canadian Parliament and said : We cannot proceed further, and we wish you to give up your ck'. I DD our lines— just as the Shubenacadie peot. e asked us to give up our lien on that unde. .aking. The Legislature, instead of giving up the claim entirely, consented to give up the first lien and allow new shareholders to come in, — the Province, then, to hold the third position. In consequence of this ar- rangement no interest is paid, and the accu- mulation U now $9,602,000. Those who know anything of the management of these great public companies will perceive, that after working expenses and the intereet to the first two sets of bondholders are pnid, the Government will never receive a cent of inter- est upon its loan. Again, there is the Munici- pal Loan Fund debt, amounting in principal and interest to $12,890,837— very much of whicli has been fruitful of the greatest possible political corruption, and will never prove an available asset. Some of the municipalities 8 Ma '\ "have borrowed nearly $300 per Lead of the pupulation, and of course never can pay either principal or interest. Tlio town of Port Hope, with a population of 4,160, borrowed $740,000, and had arrears of interest Dec. 3l8t, 1861, of $312,303. The town of Niaga- ra, -vith 2,070 inhabitants, borrowc 1 <$280,000, ar^aowelfor interests #148,974. I hold in my. hand a list of thirty-three municipalities, who have received, for railway purposes alone, from this fund $5,594,400, and owed as arrears of interest liec. Slst, 1861, $2,359,- 406^together nearly eifeht million dollars — the amount Nova Scotia is to be permitted to owe on going into Confederation. it is therefore evident that very little can be counted upon from the municipalities. It is to be supposed, however, that there is in this ba- lance sheet some property that is profitable. The whole amount of the liabilities are put down at $76,223,061. They claim funds im- mediately available to reduce this to !s>67,500,- aoo, five millions more than Canada is to en- enter the Confederation with. This five milli- ons the local governments of Canada are to assume,-'but with the debt are to have the property represented by it. Hon. George thrown, speaking of this arrangement, says very distinctly, — and there is a clause in the report of the delegates authorizinff it— that the loeal governments of Upper and Lower rroboration of my statement, the 08th clause of the consti- tution, — "All assets connected with such por- tions of thepublio debt of any Provinces as are assumed by the local governments, shall also belong to those governments respectively." — These local governments will not as-sume any debt unless there is an asset connected with it. I will also tell what thehon. George Brown of Canada says : — " But, Mr. Speaker, I am told that the ar- rangement as to the debt is unfair — that we have thrown on the Federal exchequer the whole of the debts of the Maritime Provinces, and only a portion of the debt ot Canada. — There is not a particle of force in this ob- jection. The whole debt of Canada is $87,- 500, 000, but five millions of this is due 223. There ^ring in all their free goods only half a million vhioh would pay duty under uur tariff, add this *o the amount of goods paying duty under their own vnd the, whole imports o-^ dutiable goods will only amount to $23,448,270, being $9.35 per head of po- pulation,flrom whioh would be colleoted $2.40 by their tariff making it over 25 per cent. — Whilst our imports deduotiag free goods and articles re-exported, amounted to $5,360,108, being $16.20 to eaoh inhabitant, yielding $2.C3 per head in duty, equivalent to 153-5 per cent, tariff. It has been asserted on some occasions that under Confederation we will not neoessarily be called upon to come under the high Cana- dian tariff. Now, I cla\m that under the ar- rangements of this Confederation the new ex- penses inyolved m\\ necessitate an increase of tariff. We find in the report a number of new services which involve new expenses. First, there is the interest on the Intercolonial Rail- way $707,000 a year. Then we have the ex- penses of the Civil Government $540,000;— Legislative charge8l$630,000. In 1863 in Cana- da, with a less number of representatives than is proposed to be given in the General Gov- ernment, the erpcnses were $627,378. At the same rate the expenses of the largis Gov- ernment would be $850,000; but the Dele- gates have put the amount down at $630,000. Then it is propose I to give one million for Militia, which would be about $500,000 addi- tional. The public works and buildings are put down at $400,OUO. Then, there is an ad- ditional sum given to Canada for local pur- poses; she retains her local revenues, $1,297,- 043, and receives a subsidy of $2,006,121, being a total of $3,303,164, while the average sum she has had in four years vm $2,021,979 — whicfi gives her an increase of $1,281,185. In the same rray there is an increase for local services to P. E. Island of $61,712, and to Newfoundland $124,000. Add to all these for interest on additional debt allowed Nova Scotia and N. B. $215,000— and you have a total of new charges upon the Confederated Colonies of $4,4J8,897. From this may be ded'icted reduction in local services in Nova Scotia $279,000,and in New Brunswick $71,- D47, together $350,047— leaving the new ex- penditures $4,108,850. Now, the Canadian tariff of 25 per cent, average on all dutiable goods applied to the Maritime Provinces, will realize a part of this sum. Nova Scotia, it has been ascertained b: calculation, will pay additional $468,525, New Brunswick estimat- ed to pay $200,000, Newfoundland and P. E. Island, $300,000. in all $968,525, which will still leave, aftev we are all placed under the Canadian tariff,$3,140,335 to be provided by a further increase of taxation. Now suppose we only pay ono-tenth of this $3,140,335, it will make, added to what wd shall pay under the present Canadian tariff, an addition to oar present annual taxation of $782,560 for the benefit of the Ottawa Government, whilst those who have addressed the House more particularly on the local expenses have shown that we shall have to raise by direct taxation a large sum to meet the wants of roads, bridges, education and other serviced. I may here remark that Nova Scotia has now the largest sum of any of the Colonies for local purposes, per head,$1.96, but under the Que- 030 arrangement will have the least— $1,124. Present local Per head for expenditures. local purposr*. Canada, $2,021,979 $0.g0 Nova Scotia, 650,000 1.06 New Brunswick, 421,047 1.68 Prince E. Island, 124,015 1.53 Newfoundland, 250.000 1.90 Under Confederation. Local Subsidy. Total Per rerenuii. for local head, purposes. Canada, $1,297,048 $2,006,121 $3,303,164 $1.31} Nova Scotia, 107,000 264,000 371000 1.12} N. Brunswick, 89,000 SO-IOOO 353,000 1.40 P. E. Island, 32,000 163,723 186,728 29i^ Newfoundland, 6,000 360,000 374,000 2.84i Increase under Confederation for Local Services* Per head To Canada, $1,281,185 ^0.51^ ' " P. E. Island, 61,712 0.76i " Newfoundland, 124,000 0.94» $1,465,897 Decrease under Cc'ifederation for Local Services. Total. From Nova Scotia, $249,000 " N. Brunswick, 71,047 Per head. $0.83| 0.28 $35«i047 It must be evident to all that whilst wo im- port $16.20 per head [of dutiable goods, and Canada only $9.35 per head, that we shall, under Confederatiun, pay into the general revenues nearly double the amount pai(' by the same population in Canada. We are larger importers, not only because our pur- suits require it, but because we have the means of paying for more goods. Our dele- gates have attempted to dazzle us with the great wealth of Canada. True, there is a larger aggregate of wealth, but divide it among the larger population and you find it falling far below our own little Province. I have taken the five principal branches of in- dustry to find the individual income, and the census returns of 1861 for the year previous shovr our income to bo nearly double theirs. 10 6.66 22 S3 4.3S 1.19 $786,526 2-37 658.267 1.08 S 091.449 0.35 767,136 2.31 2.000,000 0.06 11.76 $22.07 11.76 m'i Branches or TaLiaOan., Per Tal.taN. S., Per Indastiy. pop., 2,507,647. Head. pop. 330, 857. Head. Anloulture, $14,259,225 Mines, 568,306 Sea, 8!>3,616 Torest, 11,012,363 Shipbuild'g, 1863, »,000,000 Excess ot income to each inhabitant of N. Scotia $10 31 Bat it is DO disparagement to Canada to be thus ezoeedeJ by No ra Sootia. Consider the difference in our resources. I ) ive spoken of tiie size of Nova Ssotia— it^ area; but Nova Scotia should be measured for its cubic contents, and the measurer's rod should also be run out three mihs to eea. Our fish- ing grounds are a part and parcel of Nova Sootia, as much as the field which the farmer cultivates : for all round the thousand miles of our sea coast we draw a perpetual harvest provided by the waters of the world. For agriculture we have lands, on both sides of the Bay of Fundy, unsurpassed, yielding pro- duce of the highest class; whilst the districts represented by the hon. member for Kings furnish fruit fit for the palate of royalty itself. Looking downward,. we have mines of gold and iron whose wealth as yet is almost un- touched, but which is being gradually devel- oped. In coal we are richer than the richest. Examine the geological map of Nova Scotia hanging in our library, and yon see almost eve:i^y part not occupied by gold and iron marked by coal measures. And who shall estimate the wealth of these mines, or the influence wlJch Nova Scotia shall, through their possession, have upon the world? As bearins upon the valre cf our coal fields, let me read to the House an extract from an arti- cle by the professor of natural history in the University of Glasgow : "Interesting and impressive comjiarisons have been instituted between the mechanical force of a given weight of coal applied as fuel in the steam-engine and the dynamic energy of a man. The human labourer exerting his strength upon a tread-mill,— a very economi- cal mode of using it, — can, it is stated, lift his own weight, — we will say 150 lb., — through a haightof 10,000 feet per day, the equivalent of whio^ 1 lb. raised 1 ,500,000 feet in the same time. Now, the mechanical virtue of fuel is best estimated b^ learning the number of pounds which a given quantity— Jet it be one bushel— •Ml elevate to agiven height, say one foot, against gravity. Applied in the steam- engine, this performance of the bushel measurp of coal is called its duty. In some impro^'cd modern Cornish engines, thig duiy,— the bushel's work, — is equivalent to the amazing result of raising 12r),oeO,000 lb. one foot high, or one lb. 125,000,000 feet high. Now, as there are 84 lb. of coal \n one bushel, this di- visor 84, gives 1 lb. as equal to 1,488,000, or nearly one million and a half cf feet, which, as we have seen above, is just the result of a man's toil for one day upGn a tread-mill. Thus, a pound qfgood coal is in reality worth a day's wages. If, again, we estimate a life- time of hard, muscular toil at twenty years, and portion three hundred working days to each year, — a full allowance, — wo have for a man's total dynamic cfibrt, six thousand days. But 6000 lb. constitute only three tons, so that we have arrived at the almost amusing fact, the cheering truth, that every three tons of coal in the earth is the convertible e(^uivalent of one man's life-long muscular activity.^ *• What a promise is here of the capacity of civilized inventive man to find an ample sub- stitute for the life-wearing, brutalizing and mind-benumbing expenditure of nerve and animal power exacted n»w of the slaves qf all complexi»ns. What a pledge has the all- bountiful and good Creator here given us, that the common lot of mankind is not to be, as always in the past, a lot of physical la- bour, but in the long future, at least ene of a far higher, happier mode of eflfort. When I behold a section or block from out of a coal seam, and reflect that each cubic yard is in weight somewhat mora than a ton; and that a column of it a yard in base and only three yards tall has more work in it than a man, more mechanical energy than any force which willing effort, necessity, or the lash of the tyrant master, can exact from the human or- ganization, I exult in the reverential thought of the superabundant provision bequeathed to one race against the curse of over-physical toil in this marvellous condensation of mecha- nical strength. Looking at the tall column of the material, thirty-seven feet high, repre- senting a coal-bed in Nova Sootia, displayed in the recent great Exhibition in London, I said to myself, here is a black man, of the strength of some four of the stoutest dark skinned men ever held in serfdom, and see vrhat a willing service, what a painless bond- age it can be made to undergo. This, our in- animate slave, can be compelled to work at any rate of gentleness of speed we choose. We can induce him to lengthen out his efiorts for almost any term of years, or bid him con- vert himself into a herculean giant, concen- trating the total force of four able-bodied men, spread over twenty years of life, and applying the whole of it in some titanie tri- umph against brute matter within a week or even a day. " Here it may be worth our while to turn from our giant man qf all work, and take the census of those populations of this sort which rest sleeping beneath the ground, but are ever ready, under the magic summoas of a little art, to muster at the surface in any strength and await our bidding. Every acre ofa coal seam, only four feet in thickness, and yielding one yard depth of pure fuel, will produce, if fitly mined, about 5000 tons — equivtdent to the life-labour of more than lin 11 1600 Btrong men. Every eqaaie mile of such ooal-bed contains abont 3,000,000 tons of fael, •nd represents ono million of men labouring steadily through twenty years of their ripest Tigour." Here is » view presented to us in which the mind becomes absolutely lost in the ma^e of figures required to represent the value of our great coal fields— and when we take in con- nection with them all our other resources, we have a country to whose atttunments in wealth And prosperity there is no reasonable limit. It is not so in a country like Canada, largely agricultural, when its lands are settled and the farms established, the extent of its pros- perity is nearly attained. It is not extent of territory that renders a country great or wealthy; it is not material size that gives to any object its value. The diamond that sparkles on beauty's brow, though it may scarcely equal in size or rival in brilliancy the eye that beams beneath it, yet in the mar- kets of the world it would purchase an island or a mountain of rook. And so is it with our little gem of a Province, it may be less in ter^ ritory than other countries, it may indeed be overshadowed by the gigantic and colossal proportions uf sister colonies, yet in all the real elements of wealth and prosperity they compare with little Nova Scotia but as poor- house giants— but notwithbtanding it is so, the Pvovinoial Secretary takes this Province; rich as the rarest jewel— peopled with indus- trious, enterprising and spirited men, and goes off on a trading voyage to Canada and bargains it off acre for acre, and man for man, with the acres and h .bitans of Canada. He does more. He does worse; he comes back boasting of what he has done and of his great statesmanship. Let me, sir, tell the House that story of a conceited coxcomb who, mak- ing love to a lady, in the pauses of a dance, S laced his hand on his heart, and with oonsi- erable distortion of feature, said, " if this is not love Ifeel, what is it?'' "My dear sir," said the lady, " it must be bv>mething that bite$ you." .Now, our Provincial Secre- tary in his trading yoyage, got hAdly bitten in his bargain— and mistakes the bite of the Canadians for statesmanship. Let me add that on too many occasions I think the hon. gentleman acts "just as the maggot bites," and mistakes the feeling for the impulses and inspirations cf statesmanship. I have spoken of our prosperity— of the in- come from the various branches of industry — the extent of our fisheries, ancL the value of our mines; and it may be claimed that one of the advantages that will arise from this Union will be the development of these resource^!, by giving us extended trade and commerce. Wo have heard a great deal of the powers of par- liament, of legislative enactments, but there is one thing that is almost beyond the control of such enactments— that is, the divergence of trade from its natural channels. \^e have had in fish, coal, and those articles which are our chief products, free trade with the other colonies, and what hasbeen the result 7 Have our resources thereby been developed 7 Has our trade been enlarged 7 If you turn to the imports of Canada— to the free goods— you will see the result. Nova Scotia, from her natural position and resources, is especitJ- ly prepared to supply upon very advantage- ous terms, gypsum, coal, fi8h,and stone. 3?o what extent would you suppose Nova Scotia supplies Canada with these 7 I find the total import of coal into Canada is estimated at $936,239, and of this amount Great Britain supplies $379,703, and the United States, to which we export largely, $548,846, leaving the total amount imported froiu the Province of Nova Scotia into Canada, where it goes as free as air, only $7,690. Again, take the article of gypsum. Even six times more of this article is i'oported from the United States than from the pritish American Colonies. — Again, offish, which we export so largely to the United States, Canada only receives ftom the whole British North American Colonies to the value of $226,573, while she gets from the United States $281,023. We export stone, in abundance, to the United States, but not a dollar's worth io Canada. I have enumerated these articles to ihow that, having in them free trade among theeecolonies, we send but a small value of them to ^he colonies with which it is proposed to confederate us. It has been urged that as this is a Maritime Colony, Confederation would open up a valu- able field of oommetQe to our shipping. It is absurd to suppose that confederation would give us any advantages we do not now enjoy, or that our shipping interest can depend for employment upon a country whose waters are closed for five months ik\ the year. Nearly the whole trade of Canada is supplied by the accidents of commerce ; that is, when 3, vessel cannot get a charter she would like, and being perhaps in a coal port, she ta^es a cargo of coal to Canada, and returns with lumber to some other port where she finds more profita- ble employment. And it is by accidents aris- ing like this, in various ports, the whole wants of the trade of Canada are supplied. It is an entire fallacy to say that by opening the whole trade of these colonies, we should re- ceive great advantages in Nova Scotia. Con- federation, instead uf czt<>ndii)g the comme"ce and developing the natural products of this country, will rather cripple trade. I have al- ready shown that Confederation must neces- sarily impose upon us a very heavy tariff and exceedingly large burthens. The consequence of that is, to increase the cost of living and producing the articles of export, and when you increase the cost oflivins; and of wages, you are unable to compete with other coun- tries in the sale of your coal and ij^ll, and other articles which Nova SootbiiscFpecir.lly calcu- lated to produce. It is claimed again that we shall get the Intercolonial Railway by Con- federation. 12 m -A The Provinoial Secretary told us we get it on terms never dreamed of. I have looked oa these terms and summarized them, just as the hou. member for South Colchester did the in- dications of war, and the conclusions I have come to is, that the Provincial Secretary was right in his expression. 1st. We surrender the entire control qf the constitution qf this country. 2ud. We endanger the harmony existing among us as fellow colonists by bringing our diverse interests into conflict. 3rd. We reduce our local expenditures for roads and bridges to a large amount or sup- ply the deficiency by direct taxation. 4th. We subject ourselves to the annoyance and tax qf the stamp act. 5th. We surrender to Canada the power to tax us to any extent that their extravagance may render necessary; and which I have shown you will be in the outset $782,560. 6th. W$ must pay our proportio7i of all expenses entered into by the general government. I have shown you some of the new expenses which are incident on the first formation of this government; but it is not to be supposed that the engage- ments entered into by the general govern- ment will rest here. We have been told that one of the conditions upon which the Cana- dians agreed to build the intercolonial rail- way was that they should have western ex- tension and enlargement of their canals. You will understand that the Canadians find that their canals are not answering their an- ticipations. The returns of 1864 show that there has been a large decrease in the earn- inge of the Welland and St. Lawrence ca- nals. In the Welland there is a decrease of 12| per cent., and in the St. Lawrence canals 33 per cent. In the report of the Commis- sioner of Public Works he says, to make them remunerative they must be enlarged to allow the passage of vessels 800 to 850 tons burthen; which will require an enormous ex- penditure, as they have now a depth of water of only about nine feet deep. Now, the en- largement of these canals, and the opening pp of the norvh-west, were the conditions m connection with the construction of the intercolonial railway. Mr. Brown in his speech gives the Canadians the strongest ])os- sible assurance of this, he says : " But this question of immigration natur- ally brings me to the subject of the great Northwestern territories. (Hear, hear.) The resolutions before us recognize the im- mediate necessity of those vast territories being brought within the Confederation and opened up for settlement. But I am told that while the Intercolonial Railroad has been made an absolute condition of the compact, the opening up of the Great West, and en- largement of our canalc, have been left in doubt. Now sir, nothing can be more un- just than this. Let me read the reso- lutions : — " The General Government shall secure, without delay, the completion of the Interco lonial Railway from Riviere du Loup, through Ne?r Brunswick, to Truro in Nova Scotia." " The communications with the North-wes- tern Territory ,aud the improvementsrequired for the development of the trade of the Great West with the sea-board, are regarded by this Conference as subjects of the highest import- ance to the Federal Provinces, nnd shall be prosecuted at the earliest possible period that the state of the finances will permit. "The Confederation is, therefore, clearly committed to the carrying out of both these enterprises But the honorable gentleman lay stress upon the point that, while the one enterprises is to be undertaken at once, the other is not to be commenced until the state of the finances will permit. No doubt this is correct, and the rea- son for it is simply this— the money has al- ready been found for the Intercolonial Rail- way. They must be well aware that the late Government (the Macdonald-Sicotte Admin- istration) agreed to build the Intercolonial Railway, and obtained from the Imperial Go- vernment a guarantee of the debentures for building it— so that money is ready at a very low rate of interest, whenever required. We know where to find money for one enterprise at a rate we are able to bear, and can thus go on with a work which must be gone on with If this union is to consummated. Butwedon't know this of the other great work— and we all felt that it would be exceedingly indiscreet — I, myself, as the special advocate of opening up the Great West and of the enlargement of our canals, felt that I could not put my name to a document which declared that at all haz- ards, while our five per cent, debentures were quoted at 75 or 80 per cent, in the money mar- ket — we would commence at once, without an hour's delay, any great public works what- ever. [Hear, hear.] Honourable gentleman opposite must not imagine that they have to do with a set of tricksters in the thirty-three gentleman who composed the Conferenee. — What we have said in our resolutions was de- liberately adopted, in the honest sense of the of the words employed, and not for purposes of deception. Both works are to go on atth* earliest possible moment our finances will per- mit, and honorable gentleman will find the members of the Cabinet from Lower Canada, actuated by the same hearty desire to have this whole scheme carried out in its fair mean- ing." Stress may be laid on the term, "as soon as the finances will pet mit"; but we know the great anxiety on the part of Canada to have this expenslTC work accomplished, and that as soon as they have the power in their hands to carry out their wishes they will go on with the work. It has been claimed, also, on be half of this scheme, that it would add to the defence of these colonies. Perhaps there is no one asser- tion which the advocates of confederation have made that has gained thcL". more supporters 4i;! 18 thanthie. There is somethine in it that cap- tivates every man's mind and carries him al- most away despite himself. It finsis a res > ponse in every heart that feels the attachmeats of home. And it was wrong, it was cruel, on the part of the advocates to thus make an ap- peal to one of the noblest sentiments that find a home in the breast of man — that sentiment which bids us rise to defend the country in which God has placed us— to protect the homes we have secured by His blessing, and guard the altars we have erected to His wor- ship, — without having such facts as would sustain the hopes excited by the assertions. What is the Provincial Secretary's argu- ment 7 That Confederation will gi\ e us more men and money to effect thia great object. That weshall have 4,000,000 instead of 350,000 people to defend u£. He does not, however, say that with an increase of men comes an in- crease of duty that they would have to per- form. If it gave us the four millions entirely for the defence of this Province then hisjas- sertion would be sustained, but when every man that goes into Confederation brings vtith him the particular spc which he feels most anxious to defend, in se of invasion, then Confederation does not give us more men or money. Besides it places the control of oui* defences under a power that is situated 800 miles away from us. We are told by the hon member from South Colchester that the temp- tation to invade this Province is greater than to invade any other — its value in consequence of its position and resources being greater. Admitting this to be the case, iu it not unwise to give the control of the natural defences of this country— the men who are to defend their homes — to a i^ower situated 800 miles away, and who will feel it more to their indi- vidual interest to call them away to protect Canad<\. It has been said that the fate of Ca- nada is our own. That may be, but I regard the safety of Nova Scotia as more essential to the maintenance of our connection with the British Empire than is that of any other of the British colonics. I answer. Nova Scotia is the keystone to the whole — when sLi falls the whole follow. Great changes have taken place of late years in the character of the na- vies of the world. Steam has taken the place of wind as the motive power, rendering the ships more etfective but more dependent upon their base of supply. We have here the pow- e^— the coal— which must be regularly sup- plied to the British fleet from our mines, in case of hostilities on this side of the Atlantic. And if this base of supply should fall into the hands of an enemy, then the whole navy of England would be powerless for the protec- tion of these colonies, and must leave them to their fate. How essential then, is it, that lo- cal influences in Canada shall not have the Sower to call away our natural protectors to efend less important territory. The Provincial Secretary says we are as un- protected and as helple«s as the crawling worm. I was amazed beyond measure to hear such an expression fall from an hon. gentle- man occupying a position ^hich gives to his declaration an official character. Had I oc- cupied his position, rather than have stood at the table of this House, declaring that a por- tion of the British Empire " is as unprotect- ed as the crawling worm," I'd have crawled down under the table. A crawling worm, are we? Well, what does he make of us un- der Confederation? I waited in anxiety ex- pecting to see the "worm" swell and " devel- opeits proportions," and eventually become aiterrible dragon that would "gobble up" the American eagle, and still hunger for more. But alas ! he only made the worm longer. He only lengthened it out until it became a tape- worm. He run it through circumlocution offices 800 miles away, until it became a worm of that "red tape" species, which so nearly proved the destruction of the British army on the outbreak of the Crimean War. Our main protection lies in the power of Britain, but the evident tendency of thia Ottawa ar- rangement is separation from England. Our minds naturally follow the channels of au- thority up to the source, and when we have reached that source our ideas centre about it, and it becomes the embodiment of our na- tionality. We have hitherto looked to Eng- land, and have run up through the various channels to the Crown, and there our afieo tions have centred; but this Confederation comes in and proposes a new order of things. It proposes that we shall have local govern- ments, and that the source of our authority shall be at Ottawa. And when our thoughts and affections are turned toward that centre — provided the various and diverse interests of the several provinces will enable us to live in harmony — the effect will be that our affections will cling round that government, and shall be withdrawn from the Crown of England. Suppose that Ave or six Americaifidtates ima- gined that separately they were too small, and acpordingly proposed to form a special confederation under the general government, just as these gentlemen propose with us to form a government at Ottawa, — does not every man see that before t£n years had ex- pired, the feelings of the people would centre round the smaller confederation, and in anta- gonism to the larger? Aad so it would be, in the event of confederation, with the other British American Provinces. Therefore, I believe, instead of diminishing, it would only increase our danger, and render us an easy prey to an invader. Suppose that we should become an independent nationally, we would then inde;>d be helpless as the crawling worm, and the American eagle would soon make a " diet of worms" that would have a different interpretation in American history from the " Diet of Worms" in European his- tory. Lord Palmerston, in referring to the subject, sa^^s : " Sir, it is true that the only danger which 14 1 «amaller colonial State rana from a more powerful and larger neighbour ariees from quarrels that may exist between the mother country and the foreign State. I say that is a total fallacy. Suppose these Provinces se- parated from this country— suppose they were erected into a monarchy, a republic, or any other form of Government. Are there not motives that might lead a stronger neighbour to pick a quarrel with that smaller State with a view to its annexation 7 (Hear, hear.) Is tiiere nothing like territorial ambition per- vading the policy of great military States? Ihe example of the world should teach us that, as far as the danger of invasion and annex- ation is concerned, that danger would be in- creased to Canada by a separation from Great Britain, and when she is deprived of the pro- tection that the military power and resources of this country may afford. ( Cheers. ) ' • The question of defence, in my view, rests to a large extent, upon the spirit of those who are called upon to defend the country. If you elevate tne country and its institutions, the people will be prepared to defend it with greater spirit. Wa have seen in history the effect of rendering a people dissatisfied with the country in which they lived. One of the great grievances of the people of Ireland, is that they have not had since the Union with England control of their own affairs— that they have not su^cient representation in the British Parliament to givb them their due in- fluence; and see what an exodus there is of her people. The last census of the United States returns 1,611,304, of the citizens of tha Unijn as born in Ireland, where the whole population is only five and three quarter mil- lions, while the same returns give only 431,- 692 persons born in England, where the po- pulation is twenty millions. If then you desire to have the hearty co- operation of our people in the defence of this country, you should not deprive them of the control which they now exercise over the con- stitution and institutions of their country. Neither must you make them feel that they are pressed down by taxes. If you impose upon them burthens beyond what they con- sider just — and over which they can exercise no control— Him the spirit to defend their country vanishes. Lord Bacon reminds us that the blessing given to Judah and Issachar are never found combined in the same indi- vidual, nor in the same people. Judah was to have the spirit of the lion — to place his band upon his enemy's neck. But Issaci ir ^as to bow himself to pay tri- bute—to become like " the Ass crouching be- tween two burdens." And no matter how spirited a people arc, whenever these burdens are placed upon them they will change. Did the hon. Pro. Sec. suppose when he made this Quebec bargain, that the men around these benches are the the Representatives of the lineal descendants of Issachar T That we are saoh consummate asses, as to bow down and allow him to fix and saddle upon va forever the ass's burthen. This people have shown that they have a spirit to defend their country and its interests. Little Nova Scotia has given several names to history, and we have erected a monument to the memory of some of those who have thus shown themselves worthy a noble ancestry. Every time I paia that monument I feel my step grow firmer and prouder with the thought, that the spirit which influenced these men still lives in the bosoms of the people of Nova Scotia. That it animates the ttalwart militia men of this Province, "whose arms were moulded in their mothers' wombs, to drive the invader from our soil ;" but take away from these the control of their representative institu- tions, and impose upon them such burthens as I believe you are going to place upon them by this Confederation, and you drive out tiiat spirit, and they will become as uselesa for defence, as a battalion of dried mummies ttoa. the catacombs of Egypt. The Provincial Secretary tells us that Con- federation will give us influence and position. He asks where was Nova Scotia when the Re- ciprocity Treaty was passed. Was not Nova Scotia present in her Legislature at its ratifi- cation? But I ask where will Nova Scotia be, when the whole power is placed in the hands of Canadians, to baiter away her in- terests whenever it may suit them. One of the conditions most prized by the American peo- ple in effecting that treaty, is the right to ou? fisheries. Now with Canada's anxiety for the continuance of that treaty, what regard will she have for the particular interests of Nova Scotia when, as I have already shown you, we shall be powerless at Ottawa, so far as our representation is concerned. Again he asks where was New Brunswick, when a slice was cut off her, and given to Maine ? I reply she was just in the position that Nova Scotia was, when a piece was taken from her territory and handed over to New Brunswick ; in the hands of those who did not regard her inter- ests. There is, however, this difference — the "slice" wo lost went to a sister colony, which is some satisfaction, but not equal to what I have, no doubt the Prov. Rcoy. felt, in getting rid of a number of voters of the wrong political stripe. The hon. gentleman wants to know wlio is not humiliated when he finds that Canada is only mentioned in the debates concerning these Provinces, in the British Parliament. I rather take it as a compliment, that Canada has alone been mentioned. The government of England have had no cause of complaint against Nova Scotia, on the ground of unwil- lingness to make preparation for her defence, but she had a reason for dissatisfaction with Canada. We have also heard of the Grand Trunk Railway, and of the transactions con- nected with it, which have given Canada a reputation, I am glad to say. Nova Scotia does not possess. Notoriety is not necessarilj 15 fame. There may be a celebrity that does not carry irith it any weight of respectabil- ity. The Siamese Twins became celebrated- bat it was for their unnatural connection; and should this Confederation be accom- plished, we too shall have a chance of be- coming celebrated, as being in 3ur geograph- ical position, a string of Siamese Twins. When the Union with New Brunswick was discussed here last session, I made a calcula- tion of the proportionate size of the strips of land connecting us with New Brunswick — to ^6 Provinces as compa!«d with th ro- portion of the ligature connecting Chang and Eng to their ' whole size, and found that oar ligature is very much proportionately less. In their case you have two mec, per- fect in all their formation, but by a freak of natore so bound together, that their powers of firee action and asefulness are destroyed. In this case each province is a perfect geo- graphical formation of itself, having its own centre of interest, its own heart within itself. If it were po8sibI<> to take the Siamese Twins, and reform them, and make of the two one powerful man, with one heart: then unfet- tered and free he would be effective to dis- could remould these Colonies by a Confedera- tion and bring them into compact shape, so that there should be one common centre of interest — one heart from which the life blood sustaining the whole should Sow to the ez- tremeties and return; then would the Union commend itself to my mind, and I should wish it " God speed. ' ' This is an impossibili- ty, and therefore we should bo content^ as are brothers who ar? not " Siamese Twins," each having and exercising his individuality ; bat all united by the bonds of family affection. Let us then be content to go on prospering as we have, and at the same time cultivating the ties of brotherhood with the other Col- onies, and above all, let us not take a step that will tend to sever our connection with England. My strong desire is to see this oon- nectien continued, that through our lives we may glory in the grandeur and greatness of the British Empire, and leave behind us those who shall inherit the same feelings of loyal attachments to her Crown and Institutions, that the same sentiments may bind together the people of those colonies. Every heart beating in unison— even as one great heart — when waked by the strains of " Rule Brittaa- oharge the duties of life. And just so if you nia" and " God Save the Queen." «• 7