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JOSIAH QUINCT, ,i»:'>'X IN THS ■ ^4.^- Jfouse of Representatives of the United States, .J. ■ ^; SBLIVERED TRtf §TH JANUARY", 18f ili ,BiK' •# > ^' |i^ 4|l tA« &t22 m odditiM to the act entiiUi " Atmato raise an addh ^K itonai.mmatyforcef" and for other pufpoees. ^ ^ «■ #*-% , ^ BOSTON* PRINTED BY JOHN ELIOt, JUN. ••■,•' '^■* ,,.• 1813. ■ *. :# ■ *i-^' .■■>*- . » 1 «»>. T ■f •/ .' ' ■ "■ . * % i.fl'V6C| a 1 >.:rfe^-. A i,l. # it. if" li'i aft' * ^ •'§# - f" "^yt : . - / " i • ■ : t ■ '.. y i < ■•.. '■ sL^.'^f. ^ k. ■ ''■-'if' ■'.. -w^-^"- ■;..-"iv4 ■ f IKU "W »4. ■^i|i|ft-'', ,'■""■■' '■^*;i!-- n^-''- ' -r.^ ->,.-!" V.,. -•-, ■■ *»'Ar- ". .^^t* . i'- >;. "»f~« • ' t • ? ,♦ * -,--*„-f* ■'4*,*'- . i f V- ■.♦Hf ■.■■■'' V .-,:*p,.y>|fl_ 'i? Vi^ . V' /i- :<<:v^.^t • w * .'.'<■;• J?» ^'^ll; #^' v^f- -« .(# •„ ■.. :jv.y,;:-, |>> K " ^■ :«•* •S' ■% .«- 'si.'i; ^ ^- .IV 1 4 > : » ''\f "^ ii^ H if t?.t '#'H *ii ?*•' U41J . iMi ► .-^.t:'. SPEECH. 'r-'^'-'MlijiiJ > H' ■.-•' •i <^- -^'^4 ■■4^'^IJ .J.l4l»'>'^ ?/ .1 ' M, :r.. • v.- Mr. SPEAKER. V I FEAR that the state of my health may pre- vent my doing justice to my sentiments concerning this bill, I will, howevcFf make the attempt, though I should fail in it. The bill proposei}, that twenty thousand men should be ad« ded to the existing military establishment. This, at present, consists of thirty five thousand men. So that the effect of this bill is to place at the disposal of the executive an army of fifty five thousand. It is not pretended, that this addition is wanted, either for defence, or for the relief of the Indian frontier. On the contrary, it is expressly acknowledged, that the present establishment is sufficient for both of those ob- jects. But the purpose, for which these twenty thousand men are demanded, is ff^e invaHon of Canada. This 4s unequivo- cally avowed by the chairman of the committee of foreign re- lations, (Mr. D. R. Williams) the organ, as i% admitted, of the will and the wishes of the American cabinet. The bill, therefore, brings, necessarily, into deliberation the conquest of Canada, either as an object, in itself, desira- ble, or consequentially advantageous, by its effect, in producing an early and honourable peace. Before I enter upon the discussion of those topics, which naturally arise from this state of the subject, I will ask your indulgence, for one moment, while I make a few remarks up- on this intention of the American cabinet, thus unequivocally avowed. I am induced to this from the knowledge, which I have, that this design is not deemed to be serious, by some men of both political parties ; as well within this house, as out of it. I know that some of the friends of the present ad- ministration do consider the proposition, as a mere feint, made for the purpose of putting a good face upon things, and of strengthening the hope of a successful negociation by excit- ing the apprehensions of the British cabinet for the fate of their colonies. I know, also, that some of those, who are op- posed in political sentimenfto the men, who ure now at the head of affairs, laugh at these schemes of invasion ; and deeii^ them hardly worth controversy, on account of their opinion of the imbecility of the American cabinet, and the embarrass- ment ©fits resources. .'.<.^r %' ..rT-W- jft I am anxious that no doubt should exist) upon this subject^ either in the house, or in the nation. Whoever considers the object of this bill to be any other than that, which has been avowed, is mistaken. Whoever believes this bill to be u means of peace, or any thing else, than an instrument of vigorous and long-protracted war, is grievously deceived. And whoev- er acts under such mistake, or such deception, will have to lament one of the grossest, and, perhaps, one of the most cri- tical errors, of his political life. I warn, therefore, my poli- tical opponents ; those honest men, of which I know there are some, who, paying only a general attention to the course of public affairs, submit the guidance of their opinions to ths men who stand at the helm, not to vote for this bill, under any belief that its object is to aid negociation for peace. Let such gentlemen recur to their past experience, on similar oc- casions. They will find that it has been always the ca.sf., whenever any obnoxious measure is about to be pasty that its passage is assisted by some such collateral sugges- tions. No sooner do the cabinet perceive that any potion* which they intend to administer, is loathed by a considerable part of the majority* and that their apprehensions are alivC) lest it should have a soowering effect Upon their popularity* than certain unde r-operators arc set to work, whose business it is to amuse the minds, and beguile the attention, of the pa- tients, while the dose is swallowing. The language always is,—" Trust the cabinet Doctors. The medicine will not ope- " rate as you imagine, but quite another way." After this manner the fears of men are allayed, end the purposes of the administration are attained, under suggestions, very different from the true motives. Thus the embargo, which has, since, been unequivocally acknowledged to have been intended to coerce Great Britain, was adopted, us the executive asserted, ** to save our essential resources." So also, when the pres- ent war was declared, against Great Britain, members of the house were known to state, that they voted for it, under the suggestion that it would not be a war of ten days ; that it was known that Mr. Foster had instructions to make definitive ar- rangements, in his pocket ; and that the United States had^ only to advance to the point of war, and the whole business would be settled. And now, an army, which, in point of num« bers, Cromwell might envy, greater than that, with which Caesar passed the Rubicon, is to be helped through a reluc- tarn congiess, under the suggestion of its being only a pa- rade force, to make negociation successful ; thatitij| theincir ; pient Slate of a project for a grand pacification ! ..„ ; ^h. ,,,,., I waru also my political friends. These gentlemen are apt to pk.cc great rcliuiicc on their own intelligence and sagacity. Soir.c ol these will tell you, that the invasio.'i of Canada is, impubbiblc. They ask where are the men,-~where is the mo- ■%■ ney to be obtained ? And tbcy talk, very wisely, concerning common sense and common prudence, und will show, with much learning, how this attempt is an offence again&t both the one and the other- But, sir, it has been my lot, to be au observer of the character and conduct of the men, now in power, for these eight years past. And I state without hesita- tion, that no scheme ever was, or ever will be, rejected by them, merely on account of its running counter to the ordi. nary dictates of common sense and common prudence. On the contruiy, on that very account, I believe it more likely to be both suggested and adopted by them. And, what may ap- pear a paradox, for that very reason, the chance is rather in- creased, that it will be successful. >--^.j ' v"'? I could illustrate this position twenty ways. I shall content myself with remarking, only upon two instances, and those re- cent ; — the present war; and the late invasion of Canada* When war against Great Britain was proposed, at the last ses- sion, there were thousands, in these United States, and I con- fess to you, I was, myself, among the number, who believed not one word of the matter. I put my trust in the old fashioned notions of common sense, and common prudence. That a people which had been more than twenty years at peace, should enter upon hostilities, against a people which had been twenty years at war ; that a nation, whose army and navy were little more thai^ nominal, should engage, in war, with a nation, pos- sessing one of the best appointed armies and the most power- ful marine, on the globe ; that a country, to which neutrality had been a perpetual har>est, should throw that great blessing away, for a controversy, in which nothing was to be gained, and every thing valuable put in jeopardy ; from these, and in- numerable like considerations, the idea seemed so absurd, that I never once entertained it, as possible. And now, after war has been declared, the whole affair seems so extraordinary, and so utterly irreconcileable to any previous suggestions of wisjr dom and duty, that I know not what to make of it, or how to believe it. Even at this moment, my mind is very much in the state of certain Pennsylvanian Germans, of whom I have heard it asserted, that they are taught to believe, by their po- litical leaders, and do, at this moment, consider the allegation, that war is at present existing, between the United States and Great Britain, to be a ^■^ federal faUehtod."" It was just so with respect to the invasion of Canada. I heard of it last June. I laughed at the idea, as did multi- tudes of others, as an attempt too absurd for serious exam- ination. I was in this case, again, beset by common sense and common prudence. That the United States should pre- cipitate itself upon the unofiending people of that neigbour- ing colony, unmindful of all freviously subsisting anjitles, because the parent stat^} three thousand miles distant, had •>.■*' T ^ \' violated some of our commercial rights ; that we should march inland, to defc*nd our ships and seamen ; that, with raw troops, hastily collected, miserably appointed, and destitute of disci- pline, we should invade a country, defended by veteran forces, at least e(|ual, in point of numbers, to the invading army : that bounty should be offered, and proclamations issued, invit- ing the subjects of a foreign power to treason and rebellion, under the influences of a quarter of the country, upon which a retort of the same nature was so obvious, so easy, and in its consequences so awful ;— in every aspect, the design seemed so fraught with danger and disgrace, that it appeared abso- lutely impossible, that it should be seriously entertained. Those however, who reasoned after this manner, were, as the event proved, mistaken. The war was declared. Canada was invaded. We were in haste to plunge into these great diffi- culties, and we have now reason, as well as leisure enough, for regret and repentance. '<• "*■''•>■<-' j;*.«.'.t '»(¥ ii**k -» The great mistake of all those, who reasoned concernihg the war and the invasion of Canada, and concluded that it was impossible that either should be seriously intended, re-^ suited from this, that they never took into consideration th« connexion of both those events with the great election, for the chief magistracy, which was then pending. It never was sufficiently considered by them, that plunging into war with Great Britain, was 'Among the conditions, on which support for the Presidency was made dependent. They did not un- derstand, that an invasion of Canada, was to be, in truth, only a mode of carrying on an electioneering cailipaign. But since events have explained political purposes, there is no difficulty in seeing the connexions between projects and inte- rests. It is, now, apparent to the most mole-sighted, how a nation may be disgraced, and yet a cabinet attain its desired honours. All is clear. A country may be ruined, in making an administration happy. I said, Mr Speaker, that such strange schemes, apparent- ly irreconcileablc to common sense and comnion prudence, were, on that very account, more likely to be successful. Sir, there is an audacity, which sometimes stands men in stead both of genius and strength. And, most assuredly, he lis most likely to perform that, which no man ever did before, and will never be likely to do again, undertake that, which no man ever in lime past, and no man will ever time future. I would not, however, be understood as intimat- ing, that this cabinet project of invasion is impracticable, ei- ther as it respects the collection of means and instruments, or in the ultimate result. On the contrary, sir, I deem both very feasible. Men may be obtained. For if forty dollars bounty cannot obtain them, an hundred dollars bounty may, who has the boldness to thought of attempting, think of attempting, in and the Intention is, explicitly^ avowed not to tuFTer the attainment of the desired army to be prevented by any vul- gar notions of economy. Money may be obtained. What, by Treaua of the increased popularity, derived from the augmentation of the navy, what, by opening subscription offi- ces, in the interior of the country, what, by large premiums, the cupi'lity of the monied interest may be tempted, beyond the point of patriotic resistance, and all the attained means being diverted to the use of the army, pecuniary resources may be obtained, ample, at least, for the first year. And, sir, let an army of thirty thousand men be collected, let them be put under the command of a popular leader, let them be of- ficered to suit his purposes, let them be flushed with victories, and see the fascinating career of military giory opening upon them, and they will not thereafter ever be deficient in resour* ces. If they cannot obtain their pay by your votes, they will collect it by their own bayonets ; and they will not rigidly ob- serve any air-lines, or water-lines, in enforcing their necessary levies; nor be stayed by abstract speculations concerning right, or learned constitutional difficulties. I desire, therefore, that it may be distinctly understood, both by this house and this nation, that it is my unequivocal belief, that the invasion of Cmada, which is avowed, by the Cabinet, to be its purpose, is intended by it ; — that continuance of the war and not peace is its project. Yes, sir, as the French Emperor said concerning ships and colonies, so our Cabinet, the friends of the French Emperor, may say, with respect to Canada and Halifax.-^*' Thsy enter into the SCOPE OF ITS POLICY." Mr. Quincy was here called to order by Mr. Hall of Geor- gia, for intimating that the members of the Cabinet were friends of the French Emperor. Mr. Quincy said, that he understood that the relations of amity did subsist between this country and France, and that, in such a state of things, he had a right to speak of the Amer- ican Cabinet, as the friends of France, in the same manner as he had now a right to call them, the enemies of Great Britain. 'i he Speaker said, that the relations of amity certainly did subsist between this country and France, and that he did not conceive the gentleman from Massachusetts to be out of order in his expressions. That :t was impossible to prevent gentle- men from expressing themselves, so as to convey an innuendo. Mr. Quincy proceeded — If, Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Georgia, and his political friends, would take one thinp; into consideration, he, and they, will have no reason to com- plain, in case the cabinet be of that immaculate nature, he supposes. No administration, no man, was ever materially injured by any mere <' innuendo.'''' The strength of suiive is ihc justness of the remark, and the only sling of mvcclire, i» the truth of the observation. I will now proceed to disCuss those topics, which naturally arise out the hill, under consideration, and examine the pro- posed invasion of Canada, at three different points of view. 1. As a means of carrying on the subsisting war. 2. As a means of obtaining an early and honourable peace. 3. As a means of advancing the personal and local projects of ambition of the members of the American cabinet. Concerning the invasion of Canada, as a means of carrying on the subsisting war, it is my duty to speak plainly and de- cidedly, not only because I herein express my own opinions upon the subject, but, as I conscientiously believe, the senti- ments also of a very great majority of that whole section of coun- try, in which I have the happiness to reside. I say-, then, air\ that I consider the invasion of Canada, as a means of carry- ing on this war, as, cruel,— wanton -—senseless, — and wicked. You will easily understand, ^.Ir. Speaker, by this very statement of opinion, that I am not one of that class of poli- ticians, which has for so many years predominated in the world, on both sides of the Atlantic. You will readily be- lieve, that I am not one of thone, who worship in that temple, ■where Condorcet is the high priest and Machiavel the God. With such politicians, the end always sanctifies the means ; — the least possible good to themselves, perfectly justifies, ac- cording to their creed, the inflicting the greatest possible evil upon others. In the judgment of such men, if a corrupt min- istry, at three thousand miles distance, shall have done them an injury, it is an ample cause to visit with desolation a peace- able and unoffending race of men, their neighbours, who hap- pen to be associated with that ministry by ties of mere po- litical dependence. What though these colonies be so remote from the sphere of the questions in controversy, that their ruin, or prosperity, could have no possible influence upon the result ? What though their cities offer no plunder ? What though their conquest can yield no glory ? In tlieir ruin, there is revenge. And revenge, to such politicians, is the sweetest of all morsels. With such men, neither I, nor the people of that section of country, in which I reside, hold any commun- on. There is, between us and them, no one principle of sym- pathy, either in motive, or action. That wise, moral, reflecting people, which constitute the great mass of the population of Massachusetts, indeed of all New-England, look for the sources of their political duties no where elsei than in those fountains, from which spring their moral duties. According to their estimate of human life and its obligations, both political and moral duties emanate from the na- ture of things, and from the essential and eternal relations, which ubsisi among them. True it is, that a state of war gives •^ I the right to seice and appfopriate the f>rop«r(y and territories of an enemy. Tttic it is, that tlic colonics uf a foreign power arc viewed, acroidin^ to the law uf uationb, in the light of its properly. But in estimating the propriety of carrying deinla« tion, into the peaceful abodes uf their neighbours, the people of New-England will not limit their contemplation to the mere cir- cumstunce of abstract right, nor ask what lawyers and jurispru* dists have written, or said, as if this w.is conclusive upon the sub- ject. That people are much addicted to think for themselves ; and in canvassing the propriety of such an invasion, they will consider the actual condition of those colonies, their natural re- lations to us, and the effect, which their conquest and ruin will have, not only upon the people of those coloiiies, but upon them- selves, and their own liberties and constitution. Above all) what I know will seem strange to some of those who hear me^ they will not forget to apply to a case, occurring between iia^ tions, as far as is practicable, that heaven-descended rule, which the great author and founder of their religion has fjiven them, for the regulation of their conduct towards each other. They will consider it the duty of these United States, to act towa-ds those colonies, as they would wish those colonies *o act, in ex- change of circumstances, towards these United States. The actual condition of those colonies, and the relation, in which they stood to the United States, antecedent to the declar- ation of war, were of this nature. Those colonies had no con- nexion with the questions, in dispute, between us and their par- ent state. They had done us no injury. They meditated none to us. Between the inhabitants of those colonies and the citi- zens of the United States, the most friendly, and mutually use- ful, intercourse subsisted. The borderers, on this, and those on the other side of the St. Lav/rcnce, and of the boundary line, scarcely realized that tiiey were subjects of different govern- ments. They interchanged expressions and acts of civility. Intermarriages took place among them. The Canadian some- times settled in the United States. Sometimes our citizens em- igrated to Canada. After the declaration of war, had they any disposition to assail us ? We have the reverse, expressly, in evi- dence. They desired nothing so much as to keep perfect the then subsisting relations of amity. Would the conquest of those colonies shake the policy of the British cabinet 1 No man has shewn it. Unqualified assertions, it is true, have been made, but totally unsupported by any evidence, or even the pre- tence of argument. On the contrary, nothing was more obvious than that an invasion of Canada must strengthen the ministry of Great Britain, by the excitement and sympathy, which would be occasioned, in the people of that country, i:i consequence of the sufferings of the innocent inhabitants of those colonies, on ac^ count of a dispute, in which they had no concern, and of which they had scarcely a knowledge. All this was anticipated. All this was frequently urged to this house, at the last and preeed- :: r « I* * 10 ing sessions, as the necessary effect of such a measure. The ■ event has justified those predictions. The late elections in G. . Britain, have terminated in the complete triumph of the friends of the British ministry. In effecting this change, the conduct of these United States, in relation to Canada, has had, undeniably, a mighty influence, by the disgust and indignation, felt by the Brit- ish people, at a step so apparently wanton and cruel. "J- J •' As there was no direct advantage to be hoped, from the con- quest of Canada, so also there was none incidetital. Plunder there was none. At least none, which would pay the cost of the conquest. Glory there was none. Could seven millions of peo- ple obtain glory, by precipitating themselves upon half a mil- lion and trampling them into the dust ? 'A giant obtain glory, by crushing a pigmy ! That giant must have a pigmy's spirit, who could reap, or hope, glory from such an achievement. Surely a people, with whom we were connected by so many natural and adventitious ties, had some claims upon our human- ity. Suk-ely, if our duty required that they and theirs should be sacrificed to our interests, or our passions, some regret mingled in the execution of the purpose. We postponed the decree of ruin, until the last moment. We hesitated — we delayed, until longer delay was dangerous. Alas ! Sir, there was nothing of this kind, or character, in the conduct of the cabinet. The war had not yet been declared, when Gen. Hull had his instructions to put in train the work of destruction. There was an eager- ness for the blood of the Canadians, a headlong precipitation for their ruin, which indicated any thing else, rather tlian feelings of humanity, or visitings of nature, on account of their condition. Our armies were on their march for their frontier, while yet peace existed between this country and the parent state ; and the invasion was obstinately pursued, after a knowledge that the chief ground of controversy was settled, by the abandonment of the British orders in council ; and after nothing remained but a stale ground of dispute, which, however important in itself, was of a uittuie, for which no man has ever yet pretended, that for it alone war would have been declared. Did ever one govern- ment exhibit, towards any people, a more bloody and relentless spirit of rancour ? Tell not me of petty advantages, of remote and poasibly useful contingencies, which might arise from the devabtation of those colonies. Show any advantage, which jus- tifies that dreadful phial of wrath, which, if the intention of the American cabinet had been fulfilled, would, at this day, have been peered o\it upon the heads of the Canadians. It is not ow- ing to the tender mercies of the American administration, if the bones of the Canadians are not, at this hour, mingled with the ashes of their habitations. It is easy enough to make an excuse for any purpose. When a victim is destined to be immolated^ every hedge presents sticks for the sacrifice. The lamb, who stands at tne mouth of the stream, will always trouble the water, if you take the account of the wolf, who stands at the source of 11 . The IS in G. friends iduct of liably, a he Brit- the con- Plunder St of the i of peo- If a mil- ;lory, by Irit, who ■•# ■ -,' -f I ■ so many human- hould be mingled lecree of ed, until )thing of The war Lructions n eager- ation for feelings ondition. hile yet ite ; and that the iment of ed but a self, was hat for it govern- elentless remote rom the lich jus- on of the ay, have not ow- )n, if the with the n excuse itnolated, Linb, who he water, ource of it. But show R good to us, bearing any proporti^^n to the multi- plied evils, proposed tu be visited upon ihem. There is none. < Never was there an invasion of any country worse than this, in point of moral principle, since the invasion of the West Indies by the Buccaneers, or that of these United States by captain Kidd. Indeed both Kidd and the Buccaneers had more apolo- gy, for their deed, than the American cabinet. They had at least the hope of plunder. But, in this case, there is not even the poor refuge of cupidity. We have heard great lamentations^ about the disgrace of our arms, on the frontier. Why, sir, the disgrace of our arms, on the frontier, is terrestrial glory, in comparison with the disgrace of the attempt. The whole at- mosphere rings with the utterance, from the other side of the house, of this word—" gloiy,"— " glory," in connection with this invasion. What glory ? Is it the glory of the tiger, which lifts his jaws, ail foul and bloody, from the bowels of his victim, and roars for his companions of the woods to come and witness his prowess and his spoils ? Such is the glory of Ginghis Khan and of Bonaparte. Be such glory far, very far from my country. Never, — never, — may it be accursed with such fame. " Fame is no plant that grows on mortal soil, . >.w . ** ^o*" 'o the glistering foil •• Set off to tKe world, nor in broad rumour lies, .;'• t^.', '" «« But lives BHd spreads aloft, by those pure eyes \^ ' <-,-♦»,'!.-* "And perfect witness of all-judging Jove, , > ^ . ** As he pronounces lastly ou each deed." May such fame as this be my country's meed. But the wise and thoughtful people of our northern section will not confine their reflections to the duties, which result from the actual condition of those colonies, and their general rela- tions to the United States, they will weigh the duties the people of the United States owe to themselves, and contemplate ihe ef- fect, which the subjugation of those Canadians will have upon our own liberties and ^constitution. Sir, it requires but little expe- rience in the nature of thu .juman character, and but a very lim- ited acquaintance with the history of man, to be satisfied that, with the conquest of the Canadas, the liberties and constitution of this country peiish. Of all nations in the world, this nation is the last, which ought to admit among its purposes tKe design of foreign conquests. States, such as are these, connected by ties, so peculiar ; into whose combination there enters, necessarily, numerous jealous- ies and fears ; whose interests are not always r^concileable, and the passions, education and character of whot. people, on m<»ny accountSv are repugnant to each other ; with a constitution made merely for defence ; — it is impossible, that an association of in- dependent sovereignties, standing in such relanons to e^ich oth- er, should not have the principles of its union, and the hopes of its constitution materially affected, by the collection of a large military force, and its employment in the subjugation of neigh- f • : ' 12 bourlng territories. It is easy to see, that af> army, collected in such a state of society, as that which exists ii» this country, where waj^es are high, and subsistence easily to be obtained, must be composed, so far as respects the soldiery, for the most part of the refuse of the country ; and, as it respects the officers, with some honourable exceptions indeed, must consist, in a considerable degree, of men, desperate, sometimes, in fortune, c.t others, in reputation ; " choice spirits ;" men " tired of the dull pursuits of civil life," who have not virtue, or talents, to rise in a calm and settled state of things, and who, all other means of advancement or support wanting, or failing, take to the sword. A body of thirty, or fifty thousand, such men, com- bined, armed, and under a popular leader, is a very formidable force. They want only discipline and service, to make them veterans. Opportunity to acquire these, Canada will afford. The army, which advances to the walls of Quebec, in the pres- ent condition of Canadian preparation, must be veteran. And a veteran army, under a popular leader, flushed with victory, each individual realizing, that while the body remains combined, he may be something, and, possibly, very great, that if dissolv- ed, he sinks into insignificance, will not be disbanded by vote. They will consult with one another, and with their beloved chieftain, upon this subject ; and not trouble themselves about the advice of the old people, who are knitting and weaving, in the chimney corners, at Washington. Let the American peo- ple receive this as an undoubted truth, which experience will verify.—— Whoever platita the American standard on the ivalls of Quebec^ conquers it for himself and not for the fteofile of these United States. Whoever lives to see that event,— may my head be low in the dust before it happen ! — will witness a dynasty established, in that country, by the sword. He will see a King, or an Emperor, dukedoms, and earldoms, and baro- nies distributed to the officers, and knights' fees bestowed on the soldiery. Such an army will not trouble itself about geo- graphical lines, in portioning out the divisions of its new em- pire ; and will run the parallels of its power by other steel than that of the compass. When that event happens, the people of New England, if they mean to be free, must have a force e- qual to defend themselves against such an army. And a mili- tary force, equal to this object, vrill itself be able to enslave the countiy. Mr. Speaker, when I contemplate the character and con- sequences of this invasion of Canada, when I reflect upon its criminality and its danger to the peace and liberty of this, once happy, country, I thank the great author and source of all vir- tue, that, through his grace, that section of country, in which I have the happiness to reside, is, in so great a degree, free from the iniquity of this transgression. I speak it with pride, the people of that section have done what they could, to vindicate themselves and their children from the burden of this sin. 18 illected in s country, obtained, r the most ic officers, nsist, in a in fortune, ired of the talents, to , all other ig, take to men, com- formidable lake them vill afford, n the pres- an. And th victory, , combined, if dissolv- ed by vote. ;ir beloved lives about veaving, in jrican peo- jrience will n the ivalls • people of vent,— may 11 witness a He will 5, and baro- estowed on about geo- new em- other steel , the people a force e- A.nd a miU- enslave the and con- ct upon its >f this, once e of all vir- in which I 3, free from pride, the :o vindicate if this sin. ^ That whole section has risen, almost as one man, for the pur« pose of driving from power, by one great constitutional effort, the guilty authors of this war. If they have failed, it has been, not through the want of will, or of exertion, but in consequence of the weakness of their political power. When in the usual course of divine providence, who punishes nations, as well as in- dividuals, his destroying angel shall, on this account, pass over this country, and sooner, or later, pass, it will, — I may br per- mitted to hope, that over New-England his hand will be stayed. Our souls are not steeped in the blood, which has been shed in tiiis war. The spirits of the unhappy men, who have been sent to an untimely audit, have borne to the har of divine justice no accusations against us. This opuiion, concerning the principle of this invasion of Can- ada, is not peculiar to me. Multitudes, who approve the war, detest it. I believe this sentiment is entcrtuiited, w ithout dis- tinction of parties, by almost all the moral sense, and nine tenths of the intelligence, of the whole northern section of the United States. I know that men from that quarter of the country will tell you differently. Stories of a very different kind are brought by all those, who come trooping to Washington for place, ap- pointments and emoluments; men, who will say any tl»ing to please the ear, or do any thing to please the eye of Majesty, for Lhe sake of thole fat contracts and gifts which it scatters ; men, whose fathers, brothers, and cousins are provided for by the de- partments ; whose full grown children are at suck at the money- distilling breasts of the treasury ; the little men, who sigh after great offices; those who have judgeships in hand, or judgeships in promise ; toads, that live upon the vapour of the palace ; that swallow great men's spittle at the levees ; that stare and won- der at all the fine sights, which they see there, and most of all wonder at themselves, — how they got there to see them. These men will tell you, that New-England applauds this invasion. But, Mr. Speaker, look at the elections. What is the lan- guage they speak? The present tenant of the chief magistracy rejected, by that whole section of country, with the exception of a single state, unanimously. And for whom? In favour of a man, out of the circle of his own state, wiihout much iiifluencc, and personally almost unknown ; in favour of a man, against whom the prevailing influence, in New-England, had previous- ly strong political prejudices, and with whom, at the time of giving him their support, they had no political understanding ; in favour of a man, whose merits, whatever in other respects they might be, were brought into notice, in the first instance, chiefly, so far as that election was concerned, by their opinion of the ut- ter want of merit of the man, whose re-election they opposed. Among the causes of that universal disgust, which pervaded all New-England, at the administration and its supporters, was the general dislike and contempt of this invasion of Canada. 1 have taken some pains to learn the sentiments, which prevail, on fill i- ' :1 \i 1* this subject, in New-England, and particularly among its yeu* manry, the pride and the hope of that countky. I have conver- sed with men, resting on thf.ir spr.desand leaning on the handles of their ploughti, while they relaxed for a moment, from the la- bour, by which they support their families, and which gives such a hardihood and character to their virtues. They asked « What do we want of Canada ? We have land eaough. Do we " want plunder ? There is not enough o{ that, to pay cost of " getting it. Are our ocean rights theie ? Oris it thereout " seamen are held in captivity ? Are new states desired^ We " have plenty of those already. Are they to be held as conquer- " ed territories ? This will require an array there. Then to be *' safe, we must have an army here. And, with a standing army.j " what security for our liberties ?" These are no fictitious reasonings. They are the sugges- tions, I doubt not, of thousands and tens of thousands of our har- dy New England yeomanry ; — men, who, when their country calls, at any wise and real exigency, will start from their native soils and throw their shields over their libci ties, like the soldiers of Cadmus, "armed in complete steel ;" yet men, who have heard the winding of ycur horn to the Canada campaign, with the same apathy and indifference, with which tliey would hear, in the streets, the trilling of a jews-harp, or the twirring of a bandjoe. , t_j ,« .^ ■ ,. .»,,.f , The plain truth is, that the people of New England have no desire for Canada. Their moral sentiment does not justify, and they win not countenance, its invasion. I have thus stated the grounds, on which they deem, and I have felt myself bound to maintain, that this contemplated invasion of that territory is, as it respects the Canadians, ^vanton and cruel ; because it inflicts the greatest imaginable evils on them, without any imaginable benefit to us ; that, as it respects the United States, such an in- vasion is senseless, because, ultimately, ruinous to our own polit- ical safety ; and wicked, because it is an abuse of the blessings of divine providence, and a manifest perversion of his multiplied bounties, to the purpose of desolating an innocent and unoffend- ing people. I shall now proceed to the next view I proposed to take of this project of invading Canada, and consider it in the light of a means to obtain an early and honourable /icace. It is said, and this is the whole argument in favour of this invasion, in this as- pect, that the only way to negotiate successfully with Great Britain, is to appeal to her fears, and raise her terrors, for the fate of her colonies. I shall, here, say nothing concerning the diflicultics of executing this scheme; nor about the possibility of a deficiency, both in men andmcncy. I will not dwell on the disgust of all New England ; nor on the influence of this dis- gust, with respect to your efforts. I will admit, for the present, that an army may be raised; and tiiat, during the first year*, it may be supported by loans, and that afterwards, it will support Wo itself by bayonets. I will admit) farther, for the sake of argu< znent, that success isposhible, and that Great Britain realizes the practicability of it. Now, all^ this being admitted, I maintain that the surest of all possible ways to defeat any hope, from ne- gotiation, is the threat of such an invasion, and an active prep- aration to execute it. Those must be very ytiung politicians) thfeir pin-feathers not yet grown, and, however they may flutter on this floor, they are not yet fledged for any high, or distant flight, who think that threats and appealing to fear are the ways of producing a disposition to negotiate, in Great Britain, or in any other nation, which understands what it owcp to its own safety and honour. No nation can yield to threat, what it mie;ht yield to a sense of interest ; because, in that case, it has no credit for what it grants, and what is more, loses something in point of reputation from tlie imbecility, which concessions made under such circumstances indicate. Of all natioitis in the world, Great Britain is the last to yield to considerations of fear and terror. The whole history of the British nation is one tissue of facts, tending to show the spirit, with which she meets alltittempts to bully and brow-beat her into measures, inconsist- ent with her interests, or her policy. No nation ever before made such sacrifices of the present to the future. No nation ever built her greatness, more systematically, on the principle of a haughty self respect, which yields nothing to suggestions of danger,- and which never permits cither her ability or inclina- tion to maintain her rights, to be suspected. In all negotiations, therefore, with that power, it may be taken as a certain truth, that your chance of faiiur>- is just in proportion to the publicity and obtrusiveness of threats and appeals to fear. The American cabinet understand all tl»is very we!l, al- though this house may not. Their poUcy is founded upon it. The project of this bill is to pilt at a still further distance the chance of* amicable arrangement, in consequence of the dispositions which the threat uf invasion of their colonies, and attempt to exe- cute it, will excite in the British nation and ministry. 1 nave some elaim to speak concem'ng the policy of the men, who constitute the American cabinet. For eight years I have studied their history, characters and interests. J know no reasons, why 1 should judge them severely, except such as arise from those inevitable conclu- sions, which avowed principles and distinct conduct have impress- ed upon the mind. 1 say then, sir, without hesitation, that, m my Jgment, the embarrassment of our relations with Great Britain, and keeping alive, between this country and that, a root of bitter- ness, has been, is, and will continue to be, a main principle of the policy of this American cabinet. They want not a solid settlement of our diiierenees If the nation will support them in it, they will persevere in the present war. If it will not, some general arrange- ments will be the resort, which will Kave open oppr. amities for discord, which, on proper occasions, will he improved by them. I shall give my reasons ror this opinion. 1 wish no sentimonts of '4^ 16 mine to have influence atnj farther, than the reattonfi, upon which they are founried, justify. They are public reasons, arising from undeniable facts. ' he nation will judge for itself. " ' -' •" »-» ■ The men who now, and who, for these twelve years past, have, to the misfortune of this country, guided its councils, and directed its destinies, came into power on a tide, which was raised and sup' ported by elements, constituted of British prciudices, and British antipathies. The parties, which grew up in this nation, took their origin and form at the time of the adoption of the treaty, negociat- ed by Mr Jay, in 1794. The opposition of that day, of which the men now in power were the leaders, availed themselves, very dex- terously, of the relics of that hatred towards the British name^ which remained after the revolutionary war. By perpetually blow- ing upon the embers of the antient passions, they excited a tlaine in the nation, and by systematically directing it against the hon- orable men, who at that time conducted its affairs, the strength and influence of those men were impaired. The embarrassments with France, which succeeded, in 1798 and 1799, were turned to the same account. Uufortunately those, who then conducted pub- lic affairs, attended less to the appearances of things, than to their natures ; and considered more what was due to their country, than was prudent in the state of the prejudices and jealousies of the people, thus artfully excited against them. They went on, in the course they deemed right, regardless of personal consequences, and blind to the evidences of discontent, which surrounded them. The consequences are well known. The supreme power, in these United States, passed into the hands which now possess it, in which it has been continued down to the present time. This trans- fer of power was effected, undeniably, principally on the very ground of these prejudices and antipatJiies, which existed in the nation against Great Britain, and which had been artfully foment- ed by the men now in power, and their adherents, and directed a- gainst their predecessors. These prejudices and passions consti- tute the main pillar of the power of these men In my opinion^ they never will permit it to be wholly taken away from them. They never will permit the people of this country to look at them and their political opponents, free of that jaundice, with which they have carefully imbued the vision of their own partisans. They never will consent to be weighed, in a balance of mere mer- its, but will always take care to keep in reserve some portion of these British antipathies, to throw as a make-weight into the op- posite scale, wlienever they find their own sinking. To continue^ multiply, strengthen and extend, these props of their power, has been and still is the object of the daily study, and the nightly vii,-;- ils of our American cabinet. For this, tue British treaty was per- mitted to expire, by its own limitation ; notwithstanding the state of things, which the treaty of Amiens had produced in Europe, was so little like permanent peace, that the occurrence of the fact, on which the force of thai limitation depended, might easily have been questioned, with but little violence to the terms, and in per- I^i^t coijformitv >vith itu spirit. For Viu«« a renewal ©f the trfati of t:94, was refused by our cubino), although proft'ered by the Bn.' tish ijovemmcnt. For this, (lie treaty of 1807, negociated by M^ssr*. Monroe and Pintikuey, was rejetteil. For this, in 1811, fifty thous- and dollars were paid oql of the public Treasury, to John Henry, for the obvious puTjpose of e tabling the American cabinet, t© cal- iinmiate their political opuq icnts, on this very p<»int of British in-!' f.ience, upon the eve of elections, occurring m Masyacl^utjet^, oii' the event ui which t^ perpevuation of their owp power, was irnate^- ' rially dependant. Mr. Speaker, such men as these, never will per-' ipit a state of things to pass away, so essential to their influence. Be it peace, ol- war, arrani|5ement, or hostility, the association of these British antipathies, in the minds of the mass of the commu-r rjity, with the characters of the'r political opponents, constitutes the f^reat magazine of their po\yer. This composes their whole; political larder. It is, like Lord Peter's brown loaf, their "6««/-V mutton, veau t'enisnn, partridge, plumb-pudding aiul custard.^* "' ^ From the time of the expiration of the British treaty of 1704, " and the refusal to renew it, the American cabinet h^ve been care- ^ ^ ful, to preeeede negociation with some circumstances, or qther,cal- - eulatea to make it fail, or at least to make a successful result, lesf certain. Thus in 1^06, when, from the plunder of our commerce, liy British cruizers, a negociation, notwitnstanding the obvious re^ luctance of the cabinet, was forced upon them, by the clamours of the merchants, the non-importation law of April, in that year, was qhstruded between the two countries! In the course of the debatei ' npon that law, it was opposed upon this very ground, that it was aq •bstacle to a successful negociation. It was advocated, like the bill, now under discussion, as a,n aid to successful negociation* It was also said by the opponents of that law of 1806, that Great Bri- t^^iu would not negociate, under its operation, and that arrangement^ attempted under proper auspices, (!ould not be difficult; from the' known interests, and inclinations of that nation* What was the eon- sequence.'' Precisely that, which was anticipated. The, then, Pre- sidcnt of the United States, was necessitated to come to this HousCf and recommend a suspension, of tlie operation of that law, nppii the openly avowed ground, of its being expedient to give ()iateyiV dii nee, of a conciliatory disposition; really because, if permitted to i';)ni:inue in operation, negociation was found to be impracticable. After the siKspension of that l^w, a treaty was formed The merits of that treaty, it is not within the !»co])e of my present argument, tQ discuss. It eufficient to say, it was dcpnied good enousrh, to re- I ceive the sanction of Messrs. Monroe and Pit'ckney. It ip arriveet was, to say the least, in an error. Bonaparte hhmelf^ in a decree^ dated the 28th of ^yril 1811, fcwi not promulgated, till n year (fftericcmhy distinctly declares tftnt the Berlin and Milan decrees were not defini- tively repented, as relates to the United-States, on the irn. J\'ftf. 1810. ^e, also, declares tlutt they are then, on that 28th of Jpril, for the Ijirst time repealed. Jtnd he founds the issuing of this decree on the i,.i of the Jlmerican Coni^ress,of the 2d of March 1811 ; that very '•act, which was passed upon the ^roimd of the definitive repeal of the ifierlin and Milan dei-rees^Qn the, ist JiTovemher. 1810 ; and wJiich^ ! Hi ft is agreed on all nidesy the Jimerican. jtwernmeni were Immd jjf honor not to pass, except in case of such anteceden r^ea U I Wore ever a body of men so abandoned, in the hour of need, a< the American cabinet, in this instance, bv Bonaparte ? W as evc^ anv body of men so cruelly wounded, iti the houHc of their friend? Tliitt^ — this Has '* the unkindest cut of all '^ But how was it re- ceivi^d by the American cabinet ? Hutelv, they were indi^^naiit at thii treatment. Hurely, the air rin^s with reproaches upon a niaiii who lias thus made them lAakc their reputation upon a falsehood ) and then gi^ cs little less than the lie direct to their assertions. No^ sir, nothing ulall this is heard front our cabinet. There is a phi- Iqsrrphic taiAeness, that would be remarkable, if it were not, in all cases, afTecting Bonaparte, characteristic. All the executive of thb United States has found it in his heart to say, in relation to this last decree of Bonaparto, which contradicts his previous allegations and asseverations, is, that '^ This proceeding is rendered, by thb ^ time and manner of it, liable to many objections'' ! ! ! i have referred to this jubject as being, connected with future teonduct, strikingly illustrative 6f the disposition of th6 American cabinet to carry on the war, and of their intention, if possible, not to make peace. Surely, if any nation had a claim for liberal treat* mcnt iVom another, it was the British natiqn from the American, after the discovery of the error of the Aitaericiin g^vernnient, in re- lation to the repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees^ in November, 1810. Ift consequence of that error, the American cabinet had Vuined ftumbers of otir own citizen^, who had hcen caught by the revival of the non inturcouri^e law ; they had revived that law a- gaihst Qrea^ Britain unde% circumstances, which now appeared to have been fallacious ; and they had declared war against her ot» the supposition, that she h&d i*eftiscd to repei^l her orders in coun- cil, ^tter 'the French decrees 'ivefe, m fact, revoked ; whereas, it appears, 'that they were in fact not revoke^. Surely the HOW knowledge of this error was followed by &n instant, and anxious desire to redress the resulting injury As the British orders in council were;in fact,revoked,on the fcyowlp.d!;c of the existence of the French decree of repeal, surely the American cabinet, at once, extended the hand of fi*iendship, met the British government half way, stopped all furtlier irritation, and strove'to place every thing on a ha^iiA best suited to promote an amicable adjustmeiit. No, sir, nothing of 4!1 this occurred. On the contrary, the question of impress- ments is made the basis of continuing the war On thia subject a studied fairness of proposition is preserved, aceompaiiied with sys- tematic perseverance in measures of hostility. An armistice was proposed by them. It M'as refused by us. It was acceded to by the American general on the frontiers. It was rejected by the 'ftabihet. No consideration of the false allegation^ on which the war in fact was founded, no cdinsideration of the critical and ex-- trernely consequential nature, to both nations, of the subject of im- pVessmentjilb considerations of humanity, interposed their influence. rVey rieneVeft hostilities. They rashed upotk CauMft* NothiiftK Would latiafy them but blood. T)\& language of thvij' conducl 1^ That of the giant, in the legend* uf infancy. '- Fee, Fuw, Fov/, Pum, * *'-'*' ■ I smell tlie blooU of an Englishman, «^j«»Jl .^.«' Dead, or alive, I will hare •ome. -^ Can iueli men protend that peace is their objeet ? Whatever majr reHult, the perfect conviction of my mind in, that ihcy have no *uv% intentton, and that, if it come, it is contrary both tu their hope and expectation. ;, "* ^ 1 would not judge these inert nevercly. But it w mv duty to en-v deavor to judge them truly ; and to exptVH*, feiirlessly, the retiuli uf that judgment, whatever it may he. My opinion results from the application of the Mell known principle of judging eonccrning men's purposes and motives ; — 2'o cumider rather irnat men do^ than what they say ; — JInd to examilte their deeds fin eonnei:!ion with pri- domiiiating passions and interests ; and on this basis decide. Ift making an estimate of the intentions of these, or any other politi- cians, Imake little, or no, account of pacific pretensions. Tliere in a genera] reluctance at war, and desire of peace, which pervades the great mass of every people, and artful rulers could never keep any nation at war, any length of time, beyond their true interests, without some sacrifice to that general love of peace, which exittk in civilized men. Bonaparte himself will tell you, that he is th^ most pacific creature in the world. He has already declared, by his proclamation to Frenchmen, that he has gone to Moscow for no other end than to etiltivhtc petiffe, and counteract the Emperor of Russia's desire of war. In this country, where the popular senti- ment has so strong an impulse on its al&irs, the same obtrusive pretension must ine^-itably be preserved. No man, or set of men, ever can, or will get this country at war, or continue it long in war, without keeping on hand a stout, round stock of gulling matter. Fair propositions will, always, be madt^ to go hana in hand with oftensive acts. And when something fs offered, so reasonable that no man can doubt but it will be accepted, at the same moment something will be done, of a nature to embarrass the project, and, if not to defeat, at least to render its acceptance dubious. How this has been, in past time, I have shown. I will now illustrate, what is doing aAd intended, at present. As from the uniform tefior of tJie conduct of the American cab- inet, in relation to the Bri^sh government, I have no belief, that their intention has heffti to make a solid arrangement with Iha't nation, so, from the evidence of their disposition and intention, ex- isting abroad, and on the table, I have no helief that such is at pre- sent their pifrpose. 1 cannot, possibly, think otherwise, than thai: such is not their intention. Let us take the case into common life. I have detnands, Mr. Speaker, against yon, very just, in their nn- .ture, but different, some of recent, others of very old date. The former depending upon principles, vefv clearly, in my favor. The latter critical, difficult, and dubious, both in principle and settlcf- IhQB^, la this folate of things, and during your absence, I watch nrv I i ':>% I -,i ^poriuuily, declare ftliiiMty, throw myself upon yeur ehildrciv and Hervunts, and property, which happen to be in my neighhour- liQud, ami do them all the injury 1 can. While 1 am doing thm, I receive a nicMenger from yon, staling that the grounds of the re*- eent injury are Hottiedj that you comply t'uUy with my termH. Your servants and children, whom 1 am plundering and killing, in- vite me to slay my hand until you return ; or until some accommo- dation can take place between us. But, deal' to any such sujcges- iionS) \ prosecute my intention of injury to the utmost. wTiuu there in reasun to cxpeet your return, 1 muUinly my means of inju- ry and ott'cnce. A nd no sooner do 1 hear of your arrival, than 1 tnruftt my fist into your face, and say to you, " Well, sir, here *< are fair propositions of settlement. Come to my terms, which ** are very just. Settle the old demand in my way, and we will <' be as good friends as ever." Mr. tipeaker, what would be your itnnduet on such an occasion ? Would you be apt to look as much at the nature of the propositions, as at the temper of the atMailant ? If you did not, at once, return blow for blow, and injury fur iuiury* would you not, at least, take a little time to consider ? Would you taot tell such an assailant, that you were not to be bullied, nw beat- •n into any concession .^ if you settled at all, mi^ht you not «ou- tider it your duty, in some way to make him feel the oonsequenecs «f his strange intemperance of passion? For myself, 1 have uo question how a man of spirit ou^ht to act under such circumstan- eei I have as little, how a great nation, like Great Britain, will act. Now I have uo doubi, sir, that the American cabinet view this subject in the same light. They understand well, that, by tliu declaration of war, the invasion of Canada, the refusal of an urmi- Rtlc(>, and perseverance in hostilities, after the principal ground of war liad been removed, they have wrought the niiml^ of the British cabinet and people to a very high state of irritation. Now is th<- vcry moment to c;ot up some grand scheme of pacification ; such as may persuade the American people of the inveterate love of our cabinet for peace, and make them acquiescent in their per- ■severance in hostilities. Accordingly, before the end of the session, a great tub will be thrown out to the ivhnli*. probably, a little while before the spring elections, terms of very fair import will be proffered to (ireat Britain. 8uch as, perhaps, six months ago, our cabinet would not have granted, had slie solicited them on her knees. Huch as, probablv, in the opinion of the peo- ple of this country, Groat Britain ought to acoept ; such, perhaps, as, in any other state of things, she would have accepted. But such, as I fear, under the irritation, produced by the strange course pursued, by the Amcricau cabinet, that nation will not af- cepf. Sir, I do not believe^ that our cabinet expect, tliat they will be accepted They think the present state of induced passion is sutticiont to prevent arrangement But, to make assur-inCe doubly sure, to take a bond of fate, that arrangement shall not happen, they pre]»are tJiis bill A bill, which proposes an augmentation oi the army, foi* the express purpose of conquern^; tlie Canadas. A bin. whieb. counectod v.ith the reecnt dispositson evinced by oVt .4 cabinet, in relation to thoae proTincev, mie, according to human view, destrnctive to our own domestic liberties and constitntinn. I sneak as an individual. Sir, for my single self, did I support such projects, as are avowed to be the objects of this bill, T should deem myself a traitor to my country. Were I even to aid them, by loan, or in any other way, I should consider myself a partaker in the guilt of tbe purpose. But, when thene projects of invasion shall be abandoned ; when men yield up 8chem<'>», which, not only openly eoufemplate the raising of a great military Sii Hi i ^i |»reef but also the eoncentrating them at one point, and placing them in oi^e hand ; schemes odviouKly, ruinous to the fates of a free republic, as tibey comprehend the means, by which such have ever^ heretofore, been destroyed ;'-when, I sav, such schemes shall be abandoned, and the wishes of the cabinet limited to mere defence, |uid frontier and maritime protection, there will be no need of calU to union. For such objects there is, not^ there cannot be, but one heart and soul in this people. i know, Mr. Speaker, that while I utter these things, a thou- . sand tongues, and a thousand pens, arc prc^jaring, without doors, to overwhelm me, if possible, by their pestiferous gall. Already, I hear, in the air, the sound of — " traitor^* — .« JSriitsh agent**-— *^ British goldy' — and all those charges of vulgar cal- umny, by which the imaginations of the mass of men, are af- fected ; and by which they are prevented, from listening t« what is I ue, and receiving what is reasonable. Mr Speaker j it well becomes any man, standing in the presence of such a nation as this, to speak of himself seldom ; and such a map as I am, it becomes to speak of himself, not at all ; except, in4eed, when the relations, in which he stands to his country, are little knqwn, and when the assertion of those relations, has some connexion, and may have some influence, •n interests, which it i> Ke9uUady ^cum bpnt up,on '^ X*. support- ,iji v>, J .,-iJ'S,llli.;.r .tii .■.>l.-., ■■* u ,'; »i.i ^ J.j.iiMit .'^'V . . ;iw. '^y-ii ,.• ,*tiU\if Under this sanction,! say, — it is not for a man, whose ant^s- tora have been planted, in this country, now, for almost tw* . centuries ; it is not for a man, who has a family, and friends, and character, and children, and a deep stake in the soil ; it is not for a man, who is self-conscious of being rooted in that soil, as deeply, and as exclusively, as the oak, which shoots among its rocks ; it is not for such a man to hesitate, or swerve , a hair's breadth from his country's purpose, and true interests, because of the yelpings, the bowlings, and snarlings of that hungry pack, which, corrupt men, keep, directly, or indirectly, in pay, with the view of hunting down every man, who dare develope their purposes ; a pack, composed, it is trije, ot some native curs, but for the most part, of hounds and spaniels, ol very recent importation, whosv backs are beared by the lash ; and whos; necks are sore, with the collars, of their former? masters. In fulfulUng his duty, the lover of his country, must often be obliged to breast the shock of calumny. If called to that service, he will meet the exigency, with the same firm-^ ness, as, should another occasion call, he would breast the shock of battle. No, sir, I am not to be deterred by such appreiien- sions. May heaven so deal with me, and mine, as I am true, ar faithless, to the best interests of this people ! May it deal with me, according to its just judgments, when I fail to brin.q; men and measures, to the bar of public opinion; and to ex-, pose, projects and systems of policy, which I realize to be ru- inous to the peace, prosperity, and liberties qf my country ! -l I ■V, mm. •I'^-JJ^,- ,?',■■: 4^ $5 This leadsi me, naturally, to the third and last point of Tie#, ftt wliich I proposed to consider this bill ; as a meana for the advancement ^f the objects of the fiersonalj or local ambitian qf the members of the AmeiHran cabinet. With respect to the members of /that cabinet, I may, almost] literally, say, I knoW nothing of them, except as public men. Against them, I have no personal animosity. I know little of rhem, in private life ; and that little never made me ambitious to know more. I look at them as public men, wielding powers, and putting in operation means and instruments, materially affecting the in- terests and prospects of the United States. It is a curious fact, but no less true than curious, that for these twelve years past, the whole affairs of this counti7 have been managed, and its fortunes reversed, under the infiueace of a cabinet, little less than despotic, composed, to all efficient purposes, of two Virginians and a foreigner. When I speak of these men, as Virginians, I mean v" cast no odium Upon that state, as though it were not entitled to its full share of in- fluence in the national councils ; nor when I refer to one of them, as being a foreigner, do I intend, thereby, to suggest any connexions of a nature, unworthy, or suspicious. 1 refer to these circumstances, as general and undoubted facts, which belong to the characters of the cabinet, and which cannot fail to be taken into view in all estimates of plans and projects, 80 long as man is constituted as he is, and so long as the pre- judices and principles of childhood never fail to influence, in different degrees, in even the best meO} the courseof thinking and action of their riper years. '*'" ^ 1 might have said, perhaps, with more strict propriety, that it was a cabinet composed of three Virginians and a foreigner ; because, once, in the course of the twelve years, there has been a change of one of the characters. Cut, sir, that change was, notoriously, matter of form rather than substance. As it re- spects the cabinet, the principles continued the same ; the in- terests the same ; the objects, at which it aimed, the same. I said that this cabinet had been, during these twelve years, little less than despotic. This fact, also, is notorious. During this whole period, the measures, distinctly recommended, have been adopted by the two houses of Congress, with as much uniformity and with as little modification, too, as the measures of the British ministry have been adopted, during the same pe- riod, by the British parliament. The connection between cab- inet councils and parliamentary acts is just as intimate, in the one country, as in the other. I 3u.id that these three men constituted, to all efficient pur- poses, the whole cabinet. This, also, is notorious. It is true, that, during this period, other individuals have been called in- to the cabinet. But they were all of them, comparatively, mi- nor men ; such as had no gr^^at weight, either of personal tal- ttnts, or of personal influence, to support them. They were D 26 Icpt as instruments of the master spirits. And when thef failed to answer the purpose, or became restiTe^ they were sacrificed, or provided for The shades were made to play upon the curtain. They entered They bowed to the audi- ence. They did what they were bidden. They said what was set down for them. When those who pulled the wires saw ''it, they passed away. No man knew why they entered. No man knew why they departed. No man could tell whence they came. No man asked whither they were gone. From this uniform composition of the cabinet, it is obvious that the project of the master spirits was that of essential in- fluence within the cabinet. For, in such a country as ours, so extended, and its interests so implicated, it is impossible but those who would coiiduct its affairs wisely, and with a single eye to the public good, should strive to call around themselves, the highest and most independent talents in the nation ; at least of their own political friends. When this is not the case^ it must be apparent, that the leading influences want not as- sociates, but instruments. The same principle applies to the distribution of ofiice, out of the cabinet, as to filling places within it. Some mistakes may be expected to happen, in se- lections among candidates for appointments r.t a distance. But, if at any time a cabinet shall be systematically guided, in such selection, by a regard not to merit, or qualifications, but to electioneering services ; if the obvious design be to reward partizans, and encourage defection to its party standard, then the people may rest assured, that the project such cabinet has in view, is, not to serve the public interest, but to secure their personal influence ; and that they want, not competency for the employment, but subserviency in it. How this matter is, I shall not assert ; not because I have not very distinct opinions upon the subject ; but because the sphere of appointment is too extensive to be con prehended,in the grasp of a single in- dividual ; and I mean to make no assertion, concerning mo- tive or conduct, of which there does not exist, in my mindy evidence as well complete, as conclusive. I refer to this sub- ject, therefore, only as a collateral and corroborative proof of the purpose i of the cabinet. Every man can decide for him- self, in his own circle, or neighbourhood, concerning the ap- parent principle, upon which the cabinet have proceeded, in making appointments ; remembering, always, that the sec- tion of country, against whose prosperity the policy of the cabinet is, most systematically, levelled, will be that, in which subserviency to all its purposes will be, most studiously, in- culcated among its adherents. It will be in that quarter, that the flames of party animosity will be enkindled, with the most , sedulous assiduity, as the means of making men forgetful of their true interests, and obedient to their employers, in spite cf their natural prejudices and inclinations. It is natural to inquire, what are the projects connected ts^ iJ t 27 :onnccted with a eabtnet, thus composed, and to what ends it is advan« cing. To answer this question, it is necessary to look into the nature and relations of things. Here the true critcrions of judgment are to be found, Professions arc, always, plausible. Why, sir, Bonaparte, himself, is the very milk of human kind- ness ; he is the greatest lover of his species in the world ; ho would not hurt a sparrow, if you take his own account of the matter. What, then, do nature, and the relations of things leach ? They teach this, that the great hazard, 'Sn a govern- ment where the chief Mag' Piracy is elective, is from the local ambition ofntatet^ and the fieraonal ambition of individuals. It is no reflection upon any state, to say, it is ambitious. According to their opportunities "nd temptations, all states are ambitious. This quality Is as much predicuble of states, as of individuals. Indeed state ambition has its root in the same passions of human nature, and derives its strength from the same nutriment, as personal ambition. All history shows, that such passions al- ways exist among states, combined in confederacies. To de- ny it, is to deceive ourselves. It has existed, it does ex- ist, and always must exist. In our political relations, as in our personal, we then walk most safely, when we walk with reference to the actual existence of thing^s ; admit the weak- nesses, and do not hide from ourselves the dangers, to which our nature is exposed. Whatever is true, let us confess. Nations, as well as individuals, are only safe, in proportion as they attain aelf-knonvledi^e^ and regulate their conduct by it. What fact, upon this point, does our own experience pre- sent ? It presents this striking one ; — that, taking the years, for which the Presidential chair is already filled, into the ac- count, out of twenty eight years, since our constitution wa* es' tablished, the single state of Virginia has furnished the Presi- dent for twenty four years. And, farther, it is now as distinct- ly known, and familiarly talked about, in this city and vicinity, who is the destined successor of the present Prf^sidcnt, after the expiration of his ensuing term, and known, lu.. he, too, is to be a Virginian, as it was known and familiarly talked about, during the Presidency of Mr, Jefferson, that the present Presi- dent was to be his successor. And the former was, and tlie latter is, a subject of as much notoriety, and, to human appear- ance, of as much certainty too, as who will be the successor to the British crown, is a matter of notoriety in that country. To secure this succession and keep it in the destined line, has been, isj and will continue to be, the main object of the policy of these men. This is the /loinc, on which the jirojfCtH of the cabinet for the three years fiast have ocen brought to bears'—that James the Jirat should be made to continue four years longer, jlnd this is the fitint, on which the firojccts ff the cabinet %tfHl be brought to bear for the three years to come-- that James the second shall be made to succeed, according to thf fundamental rescrijiltt of the Monticellian dynasty. > »♦— — ^M^ Mr. Quincy vras, here^ again called to order. The Speaker' saidf that really the gentletiian laid his premises so remote from his conclusions, that he could not see how his observations applied to the bill. , ,- Mr. Quincy proceeded. On the contrary, sir, I maintain that both my premises and conclusions, are very proximate to each other ; and intimately connected with the bill on the ta- ble ; and with the welfare of this people, f^ ' • ^■^^::mu% Is it not within the scope of just debate to show, that the general policy of the cabinet, and that also this particular pro- ject have for their object the aggrandizement of the cabinet themselves ; or some member of it f If this be the object of the bill, is it not proper to be exhibited ? The topic may be of a nature, high and critical but no man can deny, that it is both important and relevant. To secure the power they at present possess, to perpetuate it in their own hn.nds, and to transfer it to their selected favourites, is the great project of the pcli- ^ cy of the members of our cabinet. It would be easy to trace to this master passion the declaration of war, at the time, and under the circumstances, in which it occurred. Antecedent to the declaration of war, it was distinctly stated, by individuals from that quarter of the country, under the influences of which this war was adopted, that the su/i/iort of the fireaent President qf the United States^ by their quarter of the country^ de/iended upon the fact of the cabinet's coming up to the point of xoar ivith Great Britain. This state of things, and the knowledge of it by the members of the cabinet, was, repeatedly? urged, in conversation, by members of this and the other branch of the Legislature, to shake the incredulity, in a declaration of war, which at that time existed in some of our minds. With» out placing any reliance on the reports •*{ that day, this 1 as- sert, unequivocaijy, and without fear of contradiction, that such were the passions, which existed in the southern and western Btates, and such the avowed determinatioij to war, that had not the cabinet come up to that point, its influence, in those quar-< ^ ters, was at an end. Without their support, the re-election of the present Chief Magistrate was hopeless. Now, sir, when continuance of power is put into the scale, as, in this instance^ it was, unquestionably, it is not for human nature to deny, that it hud not a material influence in determining the balance. For myself, I have never had but one opinion on this matter, I have never doubted that we should not have had war declared, at the last session, if the Presidential election hnd not been dcr j)ending. Just so, with respect to the invasion of Canada. It was, in my judgment, a test, required by the state of opinion, in the boulhtin and western states, of the sincerity of the cabinet j and of its heartiness in the prosecution of this war. Tiiis ac- counts for tlie strange and heudlong husie, and the want oi suf- ficient preparation, with which the invasion was pxpedited. 29 This accounts for the neglect to meet the propoBitlon for an armistice when made by the Governor of Cunaclat after a knowledge of the revocation of the orders in council. This accounts for the obtrusive attempts to gain a footin,; in Cana- da, and the obstinate perseverance in the show ;f invasion, until the members of the electoral colleges had been dcBnitive- \y selected ; since which event, our armies have been quiet enougii. When I see a direct dependence between the per- petuation of power in any hand, and the adoption of, and the perseverance in, any particular course of measures, I cannot refrain from believing that such a course has been suggested and regulated by so obvious and weighty an interest. This subject is capable of murh greater elucidation. But, accord- ing to your suggestion, sir, 1 shall confine myself to trace -•■ ■ 1 V . »^. ■■'■ ^. 30 ,/*- as they play thcra. The army must, first, be authoriEed. The bill for the new Major Generals must be passedt Then, upon their plan, it will be found necessary to constitute a Lieuten- ar.t General. "And who so proper," the cabinet will exclaim^ " as one of ourselves ?" " And, who so proper as one of the. cabinct ?'* all its retainers will respond from one end of the continent to the other. I would, M'illingly, have postponed any animadversion upon this intention of t^"» cabinet, until it should have been avowed. But, then, it would have been too late.. Then, the fifty thousand men would have been authorised, and the necessity, for a Lieutcnant-General, inevitable. Sir, I know very well, that this public animadversion may, possibly, stag-^' ger the cabinet in its purpose. They may not like to proceed in tlie design, after the public eye has been directed, distinctly,, upon it. And the existence of it will be denied, and its parti- zans will assert that this suggestion was mere surmise. Be it so. It is, comparatively, of little importance, what happens to my person or character, provided this great evil can be averted from my country. I consider the raising such an army as this, and the putting it under the command of that individual, takings into view his connection with the present cabinet, so ominous to the liberties of this country, that I am not anxious what hap- pens to me, if by any constitutional responsibility I can pre* vent it. •.^v.ri-c:...-'% .r.L.1'1^' *v,,. • •• vW ;;:Vi*.> However, to the end that it may not be thought I have madi^ this assertion lightly, I will, briefly, state the evidence, upon'i which it is founded, and which, to my mind, has given perfect satisfaction of the intentions of the cabinet. First. As long ago as last June, it was, to my knowledge, asserted by individuals, connected with the administration, in this and the other branch of the legislature, that it was the in- tention of the American cabinet to place the Secretary of State ^ at the head of the army. ; S( cond. This intention was, early in the present session, distinctly avowed by members, in this and the other branch of the legislature, to l)e the intention of the cabinet. And these members, were persons intimate with the cabinet, a^d connect- ed with them in politics ; and of all men, the most likely to know their intentions. — This can be proved, if denied. But it. will not be. I do not believe there is a man on this floor, who is not acquainted with the fact, as well as myself. Third. As soon as the session opened, the old Secretary at Avar was hunted down. Fouith. The burden of the whole department of war is, now, transferred to the shoulders of .the Secretary of State. This great and oppressive trust, which, at the last session, it was seriously urged, no single, living wight could bear, but that it required three fiersons to support its pressure, is, now, oastr solely upon this individual, who, it seems, is able to uphold the mighty mountain of that department in one hand, while he balances the department of state in the other. ■*■ -V MPP W^^^i^^ ^ 31 Fifth. The Secretary of State has not, merely, entered into « still life possession of the department of war. He is active* ly employed in arrcniging its details, and putting it into a state of preparation. This work of drudgery, it can hardly be ex- pected, that any man would undertake, for the sake of an un- known successor, unless he had, himself, some prospect of inter* est in it. Sixth. The Secretary of State is no sooner in procession of the department of war, than the plan of a great army, an effi- cient pecuniary bounty, and a brilliant campaign, against Canr,. ada, is promulgated. Of all which he is the known author; having communicated, to the committee on military affairs, the whole project, not only in general, but in its details. Above all, that no doubt, concerning the ultimate purpose, may exist, Seventh. Immediately after the Secretary of, State enters upon the duties of Seci'etary at War, he puts to Adjutant Gen- eral Gushing this question : " How many major generals and "brigadiers are necessary for an army of thirty five thousand "men?" Now, as this question was put by authority, and was intended to be communicated to congress, and was in its nature very simple^ one would have supposed, that it would have been enough, in all conscience, to have given to it a di- rect answer. Besides, it is not always thought proper for those ^yho are in the under grades of departments, when one question is proposed, to enter into the discussion of another. However, notwithstanding these obvious suggestions, one half of the whole reply of General Gushing is taken up in investi- gating not the question, which was asked, but the question on which the honest Adjutant, in the simplicity of his soul, tells the Secretary, " You have not required my ofiinion" The whole of this part of the letfjrruns thus : — " In this country we have never had a grade between the commander in chief and that of major general ; hence it was found necessary, in the " continental army," to give to the sen- ior major-general the command of the right wing, and to the next in rank that of the left; which, from the limited number of general officers, often left a division to a brigadier, a brigade to a colonel, and a regiment to a subordinate field officer; but in Murofie this difficulty is obviated bC/ the a/i/iointment of ge. - eral officers of hi i; her tirades,"- " From the best information I have been able to obtain on this 8ubje».t, I have no hesitation in saying, that eight major-gene- rals, and sixteen brigadiers, to command the divisions and bri- gades of ara army of thirty fve thousand men, is the lowest es- timate which the uniform practice of France, Russia and Eng- land, will warrant, and that this is much below the proportion of officers of these grades aciuaiiy employed in the army of the revolution." " wf« you have not required my ofiinion^ rjhether it be necessary to have a higher grade than that of friajor-f^enertit, I have nol X .> .,*'^ « *r. J ■r^ "f '-"^-'V' T ^■p^ 'jr I \ ■ ki- ':'A. %: ■rf .« vin, ; -' J V ■?j 1 # ' ^. deetked it firofier to touch thia aubject^ and have confined myself to the number of major*generaIs anu brigadiers, deemed neces- •ary to command the divisions and brigades of an army of thir- ty-five thousand men. It may not, ho^vever, be improper to remark, that if it is intended to have no higher grade than that of major-general, their number should be increased to eleven; ko as to give one for the chief command, one for each wing} and one for each division of four thousand men.** It is entertaining to see, how much trouble the worthy Ad- jutant takes to impress upon the mind, that the Secretary of State " Aarf not requi^'cd his opinion *^ on the subject of a grade higher than that of a major-general. He even goes so fur us to say, that he has " not deemed it fxrofier to touch thia aubject*"* Now, sir, I think he has touched the subject, and treated it _^ pretty thoroughly too. For he has shewn, not only that it is "difficult" to do without, but that it is more economical to have a grade higher than a major-general. And this too, in an army of only thirty -five thouaand men. But when this bill passes, the army will consist of fifty -five thousand. The result is, then, inevitable, you must have, in such case, a grade higher than a majur-general ; in other wordik, a lieutenant-general. Such, it cannot be denied, is the intention of the cabinet- As little can it be denied, that the Secretary of State, the acting Secretary of war,'is the cabinet candidate for that office. So it has been distinctly avowed by the friends and confidants of that cabinet ; and as such, I have no question, is known by every individual in this house. Mr. Speaker, what an astonishing, and alarming state of things is this ! Three men, who efficiently have had the com- mand of this nation, for ii^ny years, have so managed its con* cerns, as to reduce it, from an unexampled height of prosper- ity, to a state of great depression— not to say ruin. They have annihilated its commerce, and involved it in war. And now the result of the whole matter is, that they are about to raisa an army of fifty-five thousand men, invest one of their own body with this most solemn command, and he, the man, who is the destined candidate for the President's chair 1 What a grasp at power is this ! What is there in history equal to it ! Can any man doubt, what will be the result of this project ? No man can believe that the conquest of Canada will be effected in one campaign. It cost the British six years to acquire it, when it was far weaker than at present. It cannot be hoped that we can acquire it under three or four years. And what, then, will be the situation of this army and our country ? Why then, the army will be veteran ; and the leader, a candidate for the presidency I And whoever is a candidate for the presidency, with an army of thirty thousand veterans at his heels, will not be likely to be troubled with rivals, or to concern himself about votes. A President elected under such auspices, may be nom-i rnally a President for years ; but really, if he pleases^ a Pre- sident for life. /^> • ,^^ r '"■CW *?: ** ,^;'^ \y of thir- fproper to than that [o eleven; ich wing, rthy Ad- retarjr of If a grade so far us subject." treated it that it is al to have 1 an army asses, the t is, then, ler than a Such, it little can Secretary t has been t cabinet ; individual : state of the com- d its con- prosper- 'hey have And now t to raisa own body ho is the grasp at Can any No man d in one when it that we it, then, 'hy then, 2 for the >sidency, will not !lf about be nom-i I, a Pre- # f^' 53 \ ;'(. ' v^ I know that all this will seem wild ^n^^Sintastical to very many, perhaps to all, who hear me. To my mind, it is neither the one nor the other. Hi^ory is«fuU of events, less proba- ble, and effected by armies far inferior to that, which is pro- posed to be raised. So far^ from deeming it mere fancy, I consider it absolutely certain, if this army be once raised, or- ganized, and enter upon a successful career of conquest. The result of such a power as this, entrusted to a single individual, in the present state of parties and passions in this country, no ^ man can anticipate. There is no other means of absolute safe- ^ ty, but denying it altogether. I cannot forget, Mr. Speaker, that the sphere, in which this great army is destined to operate, is in the neighbourhood of that section of country, where it is probtlble, in case the pre- |^ sent destructive measures be continued in operation, the most unanimous opposition will exist to a perpetuation of power in the present hand ; or to its transfer to its destined successor. I cannot forget, that it has been distinctly avowed by a mem- ber on this floor, a gentleman from Virginia too, (Mr Clay) and one very likely to know the views of the cabinet, that "v>j-" object of thin army was to put down ofifiosition" Sir, the greatness of this project, and its consequences, overwhelm ray mind. I know very well, to what obloquy I expose myself by this developement. I know that it is, always, an unpardonable sin, to pull the veil from the party deities of the day ; and that it is of a nature not to be forgiven, either by them, or their worshippers- I hav^not willingly, nor with- ^ out long reflection, taken upon myself this fesponsibility. But it has been forced upon mp by an ifhperious sense of duty If | the people of the Northern and Eastern states are destined to be hewers of wood and drawers of water to men, who know ^ nothing about their interests, and care nothing about them, I ^ am clear of the- great transgression. If, in common with theif *"^ countrymen, my childrer 80|kdesti|Bed to be slaves, and to yoke in with negroes, chained to tne csiPof a Southern master, they, at least, shall have this sw#jet consciousness as the consolation of their condition — they shall be able to say—" Our father ■•yAS GLILTLESS OF THESE ChMv^,"* 7 *■- ^' -' " -T^ "* # ^ ■#" m *, # «?■, ^. ■^ N^ ^ r