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 ENIANISM 
 
 K 
 
 Irish Land Leagukism, 
 
 
 ANH 
 
 COMMUNISM 
 
 BY A NATIVE OF P. E. ISLAND. 
 
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 1881. 
 
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 I'RINIKI) FOR IHE AUTHOR. 
 
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 U 5 
 
 FENIANISM, 
 
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 Irish Land Leagueism. 
 
 5^f 
 
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 AND 
 
 COMMUNISM. 
 
 
 
 BY A NATIVE OF P. E. ISLAND. 
 
 1881 
 
 M. 
 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 
 
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The Resolution of Sympathy passed by the forty-seven^^ 
 American Conor Esss^aifc to the Irish Land League, — a 
 Reproach on Modern Civilization, an Outrage on 
 National Courtesy, and an Encouragement to Blood- 
 shed AND Anarchy. — Irish Character Analyzed. — Land 
 Leacjueism, Fenianism and Communism One and the 
 Same Thing. — The Leasehold and Freehold Systems 
 OF Land Tenure in Prince Edward Island, from 1767 
 down to 1 88 1, Compared and Results Noted, etc. 
 
 S far back as sacred and profane history carry us, and down 
 through the annals of ancient and medieval times to the 
 present day, we read of the world being convulsed with civil, 
 political and religious wars. Christian civilization has not in 
 this — no more than in the barbarous ages — witnessed the turning 
 of swords into ploughshares and spears into pruning hooks, but 
 has, on the contrary, through scientific development, witnessed 
 the invention of the implements of human destruction brought to 
 a greater state of perfection than the world's previous history ever 
 knew ; and men now are as ready and willing to use them as 
 they were the more inferior weapons of warfare in the dark ages. 
 
 The civil commotion now in Ireland, caused by the Land 
 League, and the numerous branches of this organization in 
 America — and indeed wherever a portion of the Irish race is to be 
 found — are causing some excitement among law-abiding and 
 thoughtful men in all parts of the British possessions. The 
 recent action of the American Congress in passing " a resolution 
 
 
♦ 
 
 ! » 
 
 extending sympathy to the laboring class of Ireland in their efforts 
 to reform the oppressive tenant system," is to us, in this remote 
 part of the Dominion of Canada, a matter of much surprise. 
 Politicians — the world over- -we all know, will do many strange 
 things in order to ( atch the majority vote, but the State should be 
 a social, as well as a political organization ; and social amenities 
 amongst the statesmen of heathen or Christian countries should be 
 observed as among private individuals. There seems, therefore, 
 to be a national inconsistency in any Parliament, Congress, or any 
 other governing body — whose duty it is to maintain the honor of 
 their own country by upholding the dignity of its laws, in the 
 protection of life and property — passing a resolution of sympathy 
 in behalf of a rising mobocracy — within the borders of a friendly 
 nation whose only object is to create a reign of communistic 
 terror, dismember the British Empire and confiscate the property 
 of its rightful owners to their own aggrandizement. The policy 
 pursued by the greatest statesmen of the age is the abolition of 
 territorial sectionalism, and the consolidation of Empires and 
 confederacies, upon the principle that unity is strength. But 
 Parnell, the political knave and agrarian agitator for the redress of 
 Ireland's wrongs (?) differs from all such statesmen, in as much as, 
 while his policy is that of national dismemberment, theirs is 
 national consolidation. 
 
 The formation of foreign branches of the Irish Land League is 
 just what might be expected of such an excitable and impetuous 
 race as the Irish people. Amongst all races and nationalities, 
 however, and in every community, there are always individuals to 
 be found who are not only in favor of mob rule, but are in 
 constant sympathy with the worst of criminals, it matters not how 
 atrocious their crimes may be. Hence it is, that branches of 
 the Irish Land League organization will find some recruits in every 
 locality. But,unless such locality is in a fearful state of demoralization 
 the really peaceful and law-abiding inhabitants always outnumber 
 the rabble, and sooner or later will force them to the wall. Even 
 in agrarian Ireland, at the present time, there is more than enough 
 
 \ 
 
\ 
 
 moral worth, sound national sentiment and physical power, to 
 crush the murderous and communistic " boycotting " mob — led 
 by such knaves and modern Jacobins as Pa'nell, Davitt & Co. — 
 out of existence, without the aid of a British soldier. We base our 
 assumption on the fact that Ireland is represented in the British 
 House of Commons by io6 members, only 35 of whom are of the 
 Parnell faction, consisting of Land Leaguers, Boycotters, Fenians, 
 Communists and Home Rulers ; showing that over 3 to i, or 79 
 per cetit. of her representatifts are opj.iosed to the rule of an 
 Irish mo])Ocracy. Now we hold that the percentage of the 
 population of Ireland, in this respect, grades according to her 
 representative body in Parliament. And this being the case, o/ie- 
 fourth of the population of that country attempts to subject the 
 other three-fourths to mob rulk. It may appear to many that 
 one-fourth the population of Ireland is too small a percentage of 
 revolutionists for that agrarian country. But it must be borne 
 in mind, that, in addition to the better class of the Irish race» 
 there is a '^ery powerful element of English and .Scotch in that 
 land of conspiracies, who have taken the place of many of the 
 native Irish malcontents that have gone abroad from time to 
 time to swell the ranks of the grand Fenian army, and supply 
 Land League leaven for the different branches of that Boycotting 
 organization in " Irish America " and elsewhere. Parnell aspires 
 to become King of Ireland, in which event he would, no doubt, 
 seek to estal)lish an absolute monarchv, in order to insure a 
 permanent term of office for himself and his ministers. But even 
 then his reign may be as short and end as ingloriously as did that 
 of King James the Second, under more favorable circumstances 
 And it would never do for Parnell to establish an Irish Republic 
 in Ireland, ~as it would not last through the first Presidential 
 campaign. The new nation of Fenians and PJoycotters would be 
 in such a state of morbid national enthusiasm and political frenzv 
 during this period, and the election riots would be so fierce, that 
 by the time the election would be over, the electors would have 
 evaporated like the Kilkenny cats in the fable. 
 
ParncH's policy is like that pursued by the leaders of the Fenian 
 raid into Canada, in 1866, to murder and i)illage innocent i)eople 
 "for the redress of Ireland's grievances." That expedition of a 
 murderous and communistic band of Hibernian freebooters, found 
 favor in the eyes of many of the simple-minded Irish in America 
 on that occasion, who, even to the servant girls of that class — 
 many of whom had never seen Ireland --contributed their mite to 
 the fund for the supj)ort of that glorious national enternri/e. This 
 hey did in the same credulous and humane (?) spirit as hundreds 
 of Parnell's dui)es are now doing in assisting the Irish Land 
 League to bring about all the horrors of a communistic and 
 Fenian civil war in Ireland. 
 
 In one of Parnell's wild harangues at a bancjuet recently given 
 him in Waterford, he is reported to have said : " When John 
 Bull finds that he will have to pay ^'150,000,000 in the next four 
 or five years to govern this country, he will think the English 
 mode of governing Ireland very expensive." While at the same 
 time hv*^ alludes in terms of derision to the presence of 7,000 
 soldiers being required to enable " Captain Boycott " to gather 
 ** ^100 worth of potatoes, turnips and hay." What expressions 
 of patriotism from a member of the British Parliament, and the 
 aspiring ruler of a Kingdom ! During these " four or five years" 
 of enormous expense with which Parnell threatens the British 
 Government, amidst a reign of terror, we are to infer -although 
 he has not directly expressed it — that murders and other atrocious 
 acts are to increase the calendar of crime in Ireland in the same 
 ratio as it has been increased since that political maniac first took 
 the field. VV^e may boast of our civilization, and the exercise of 
 the i)rivilege of the freedom of s])eech, but when Parnell can boast 
 of being able to bring about such disastrous results to the people 
 of Great Britain by the abuse of this liberty, it is time that all 
 Governments curtailed such privilege, when used for the purposes 
 of inciting to murder, sedition, treason and anarchy; and, for the 
 maintenance of peace, protection of life and pro])erty, offer a 
 handsome reward for the heads of all such dangerous men. The 
 
 -.i^ — u 
 
sacrifice of one life to save a nation from all the calamities 
 of civil war, should be classed among the most humane 
 civili/ing agencies of modern times. This would be the sacrificing 
 of a few lives for the salvation of the many, and not the many for 
 the benefit of the few. Parnell's policy is to sacrifice the whole 
 British nation for the benefit of a mobocracy of agrarian Fenian 
 malcontents and Communists. 
 
 It is in this particular that his i)olicy, and that of the leaders of 
 the Fenian raid into Canada in 1866^ ,gree. By what other class 
 of electors could such men as Parnell be returned to Parliament 
 than by Land Leaguers, Fenians and Communists? The 
 formation of opposing political and religious factions in Ireland — 
 however much this is to be deplored — has long since become a 
 stern necessity for self protection in that country. And since the 
 emi_, ration of the lower order of the Irish peasantry to Arnenca 
 and to other countries, it has become a necessity to establish the 
 same opposing politico-religious factions in these countries, to 
 counteract the turbulent and rebellious propensities of this Irish 
 rowdy element. We have read of the religious fanatic in the 
 United States, who sacrificed the life of his innocent child, in a fit 
 of religious insanity, for the glory of God. But Parnell and his 
 followers, in their national or political frenzy, seek to perpetuate 
 the commission of the most revolting of crimes against their 
 country and kindred for the social, moral, and financial elevation 
 of mankind. And such is the credulity and intense depravity of 
 the lower order of the Irish race, that they will be led into such 
 liorrible acts by designing demagogues for the honor (?) of their 
 country. 
 
 In the human family there is a great variety of character, and 
 as great a diversity of opinion as to what is right and what is 
 wrong. Phrenology and physiognomy are sciences which profess 
 to solve the mysteries of this problem. There can be no doubt 
 but the phrenologist and physiognomist base their analysis of 
 human character upon a right hypothesis. For the vast differences 
 in the dispositions and opinions prevalent will naturally lead one 
 
 ■ ti» ..I- 
 
 ««ifw«f«ma«pi 
 
J 
 
 to believe in the theories which these sciences teach. There are 
 as many differences of opinion and of temperament running 
 counter to each other through the human family, and in the 
 human mind, as there are varieties in the outlines in the physical 
 formation of the human head. It is well that such is the case, for 
 upon these qualities the balance of the opposing forces between 
 barbarism and civilization is hinged. And as the balance of 
 power among nations is held by those who are foremost in 
 civilization, so also does the principle of right hold the controlling 
 power for good amongst the majority of mankind. If it were 
 otherwise there never would have been a healthful advancement 
 in civilization. Mankind is born possessed of every characteristic, 
 politically, socially and intellectually, from the philosopher and 
 statesman down to the drivelling idiot. And religiously, from the 
 most devout saint, down to the most heinous sinner. A man 
 may possess many fine traits of character, but the rapid develop- 
 ment of one obnoxious propensity may over-rule all the good 
 qualities and cause him to end his life in disgrace and ruin. 
 Hence it is that there are so few of us possessed of good judgment 
 and well balanced minds. 
 
 There is also among the white, as well as the colored races of 
 the earth, a vast diversity of disposition and temperament. In 
 some races, as in individuals, the spirit of restless lawlessness 
 and barbarism run riot ; while in others there is a natural tendency 
 to contentment and to a law-abiding civilization. We will take 
 for example the English, Scotch and Irish peoples. The principal 
 characteristics of the Englishman are his firmness and force of 
 character in holding all he can get in an honorable way. He is also 
 a contented and loyal citizen, and for some centuries at least, has 
 regarded the plotting of assassinations with a loathing and horror 
 natural to himself. The Scotchman is cool, cautious, persevering 
 and brave, and never engages in anything without first weighing 
 the consequences in every detail. He is peaceful and loyal to 
 the flag of his country, and w'uca forced 'o fight he is irresistible 
 ;ind knows no fear. Aknough the Irishman is frugal, generouSv 
 
f 
 
 jovial and warm hearted, and true to the nation lie serves irr 
 foreign wars, yet his hasty, impetuous and restless temperament 
 over-rules his better judgment, as well as all his other good 
 qualities, and renders it an easy matter to incite him to engage in 
 i"iot, plotting, rebellion, and assassination. Thus it is that a larger 
 percentage of the Irish are always to be found engaged in 
 lawlessness than of any other race of people on the face of the 
 globe. The assassination of the late Hon. Thos. D'Arcy McOee, in 
 1868, for his loyal support of Hritish connection in America, was the 
 result of plotting Irish Fenian assassins on this continent. But 
 the ignominious death of the fiendish murderer of that statesman, 
 combined with that of some of the Fenian raiders on Canada, in 
 1866, put a damper, at least for a season, upon the favorite and 
 congenial j)astime of these ruffians on British soil in the New 
 World. 
 
 Ireland alone, therefore, lacks the element of self government^ 
 and would, if left to herrelf, be always subject to civil commotions, 
 bloodshed and anarchy. The past history of the Irish peopley 
 wherever found, abundantly i)roves this assertion; yet, there are 
 those who tell us that all races of men are e(iual, morally, socially, 
 and the Communist says, should be financially. The American 
 Congress endorses the latter, by passing a resolution of symi)athy 
 with them in their attempted agrarian enterprise. It is not the 
 really worthy class of the peasantry of a country who cause 
 national troubles, but the dregs of humanity. 
 
 Fenianism, Communism and Irish Land Leagueism, are one 
 and the same thing, forming a compound of red republicanism, 
 whose object is to establish a reign of terror and national anarchy, 
 in order that its mobocracy may divide their ill-gotten plunder 
 among its agrarian subjects. 
 
 Every nation, it matters not how well it is governed, has its 
 internal troubles. Even the American Republic — which is noted 
 for her free institutions — has had since her great civil war her 
 proportion of those civil commotions. Hf Indian subjects are 
 
 mmmtmr 
 
lO 
 
 •continually in arms against her government, notwithstanding the 
 many millions ot dollars she has paid them during the last century 
 for territorial claims. Besides she has spent millions more, and 
 the sacrifice of tens of thousands of men in waging war against 
 those savage races for carrying out their communistic idea of 
 murder and pillage. In her labor strikes, too, she has witnessed 
 the brutal and murderous assaults of a ruffianly mob on Chinese 
 emigrants, when the over-crowded state of their own country had 
 rendered their immigration " to the land of the free '' a humane 
 necessity. She has also seen the railways of the country taken 
 charge of by a ruthless mob, a vast amount of property by them 
 destroyed, and the soldiers of the Union driven into a railway 
 station and burned alive in the presence ofa force of the State militia, 
 (composed of the same rowdy material as the rioters themselves,) 
 who had been called out for the defence of life and proi)erty, and 
 refused to fire on and disperse the mob, when ordereJ to do so by 
 their officers. Hut in all these civil commotions the Parliament 
 of ICngland did not '* move a resolution of sympathy to " these 
 brutal savages. And had that body done so, it would have justly 
 incurred the contempt of the law-abiding people of all civilized 
 nations. 
 
 The American Republic is partly governed by a mobocracy. 
 The legal authorities of that country are, in a sense, powerless in 
 the enforcement of her criminal laws, and lynching has been 
 resorted to in almost every State of the Union. Prisoners who are 
 arrested or incarcerated on criminal charges, as well as those who 
 are suspected of such crimes, are taken by mob force from the 
 hands of the sheriff and jails, and executed without trial. It is 
 not to be wondered at, therefore, that both the American Congress 
 and some of the State Legislatures, as well as her Fenian Land 
 League agitators, manifest their envy toward England in her ability 
 to cope with Irish mob rule. Moreover, the Irish vote in the United 
 States holds the balance of political power in that country, and 
 were it not for the i)resence of the Cerman and other foreign 
 national elements, the American Republic to-day would be totally 
 
II 
 
 under an Irish Agrarian Home Rule system of government. 
 Parnell may well call the American Republic " Irish America ! " 
 The pandering of Congress, State Legislatures and United States 
 orators to the Fenian communistic faction of Boycotters and Land 
 Lenguers, is a clear case wherein the national dog being unable 
 to wag the national tail, the national tail wags the national dog. 
 But any nation that will so far yield to mob rule as to render life 
 and property insecure, the destiny of that nation, whether it be a 
 monarchy or republic, will sooner or later be numbered with the 
 falling em})ires. 
 
 Capital is more essential to the existence of a nation than labor, 
 for a country without capital will languish, supposing it can count 
 its laborers by the million. Moreover, wealth is the very bulwark 
 of national power. A country rich in means can always obtain 
 the men. It is the wealth and enterprise of Great Britain, 
 combined with her intelligence, christian civilization and great 
 political freedom, that has enabled her not only to maintain her 
 prestige and proud position among the nations of the earth, but 
 has even placed in her hands the balance of national power. 
 The principal element of power then in the United Kingdom is " 
 her vast wealth, while next in importance is the vigor, enterprise 
 and loyalty of her peojjle in peace and war. J>ut confiscate the 
 wealth of the rich, for the benefit of the Fenian malcontents of 
 humanity, as that agrarian fanatic, Parnell, is trying to do, and 
 poverty will soon take the place of wealth, as is now becoming 
 the case in Ireland, w^here men of means, because they are land 
 proprietors, are forced to leave the country, notwithstanding the 
 fact that they had invested their respective incoiaes in the 
 employment of labor. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 
 Ireland possessed many factories, but so utterly unsafe was life 
 and all sorts of destroyable i)roperty, that capitalists fled from that 
 country of agrarianism, and took refuge in England, where both 
 life and i)roj)erty were more secure ; leaving the laud behind them, 
 the only property that could not be destroyed by mob violence. 
 
13 
 
 Monied men will never invest their means in a country where a 
 Communistic mob aspires to rule by " Hoycotting," murder and 
 pillage. Assuming, for argument's sake, that rents may be high in 
 some parts of Ireland, and that the tenantry on some estates have 
 just cause to comi)lain, it has yet to be proved that this state of 
 affairs is not more productive of good than of harm to the people of 
 that country. There is always something retjuired as an incentive,, 
 whether imaginary or otherwise, to cause people to emigrate from an 
 overcrowded country, in order that they may better their condition. 
 And if it had not been for some such incentive (a supposed 
 grievance) as the Irish system of land tenure, there might have been 
 tens of thousands of people in Ireland to-day, cooped up and 
 living in a state of abject poverty and wretchedness, whereas,, 
 having emigrated to foreign lands and outlying British possessions,. 
 they have not only amassed, in many instances, immer se wealth 
 for themselves, but have sent millions of dollars from those 
 countries to their friends to aid them at home or to assist them to 
 emigrate. As small and as isolated as Prince Edward Island is, 
 there are many such instances known to the writer. Indeed, the 
 industrious English, Irish and Scotch emigrants, who arrived in' 
 this Province from the Mother Country within the last forty 
 years, many of whom, possessed of small means, settled on 
 greenwood farms, working under greater disadvantages than the 
 native Provincials — for choi:)ping down the forest and clearing the 
 land was a new occupation to them -are now among the most 
 wealthy farmers in this Colony. Many, or mostly all of those 
 peoi)le settled on rented land, as there were only a few Townships 
 out of the sixty-seven in the Island free or Government land at 
 that time : the lands of nearly the whole Province having been 
 disposed of in 1767 to officers of the British Army and Navy for 
 services rendered by them to the nation. Hence this Colony was 
 under a landlord system of land tenure, in many respects similar 
 to that of Ireland, from that time down to 1875, at which latter 
 period all the remaining proprietary estates in the Island became 
 the property of the Local Government. I refer to this in order tO' 
 
 */ 
 
 i' 
 
13 
 
 show in the course of my remarks how both the leasehold 
 and freehold systems have worked in this Province. 
 
 The usual terms of settling u])on an improved farm under the 
 leasehold system of occui)ation was, that on taking possession of, say, 
 50 or 100 acres of land, the tenant came under a rv ntal of from three 
 pence to one shilling currency i)er acre, or equal to, or ranging 
 between $4 and $16 per 100 acres. The latter, however, was 
 the usual or average rent ; but rates of rent and conditions of leasing 
 depended upon the will of the proprietor. 'I'he settler having 
 little or nothing to pay on taking possession of his new domain 
 could, if he was possessed of any funds, apply it to the improvement 
 of his farm. Whereas, if he had been bound to purchase, instead 
 •of renting, he would have exhausted his means, and perhaps 
 before all his installments were paid, would have lost both his farm 
 and improvements, as many h ive done both before and since the 
 operation of the " Compulsory Land Purchase Bill of 1875" came 
 into force : — to which subject we will again return further on. 
 One of the conditions of the leasehold system was that the 
 lessee was not to de.it.oy the timber on the land for ny other 
 purpose than for use on the premises ; while under the prt:sent 
 Land Purchase Act, we believe, a settler can purchase a farm, 
 destroy all the valuable wood upon it, and move off before his 
 iterm of purchase expires, and leave the land on the hands of the 
 •Government, of much less value than when he first bought it. 
 
 This Island was for the last fifty years, or from the arrival of 
 Irish emigrants, the scene of just such a land agitation conducted 
 "by some scheming politicians, accompanied with an occasional 
 resistance to the payment of rent by the tenantry, as that which 
 •curses Ireland through Parnell & Co. to-day. Election riots were 
 common, and some of these were serious. That known as the 
 Belfast riot of 1847, was more so than any other in the history of 
 the Island. It assumed a politico-religious phase, and was 
 between the Irish Roman Catholics and Highland Scotch 
 Protestants, all emigrants from the Old Country. The Irish on 
 .this, as well as on other riotous occasions, were the aggressors. 
 
 A, 
 
14 
 
 rr 
 
 The contest was fierce, the Irish being ariued with shillalahs 
 specially provided, it is said, for that purpose, while the Scotch 
 armed themselves with such weapons as the worm or rail fences 
 in the neighborhood of the battle ground aflorded. Besides quite 
 a number being killed on both sides, there were between eighty 
 and one hundred men wounded. The Scotch were victorious. 
 
 By an Act of the Provincial Parliament, passed a long time 
 previous to this riot, the Island had been named " New Ireland,'' 
 and hence the attempt at a christening ceremony. Election riots, 
 those times, were also prevalent in the adjoining Provinces, 
 wherever Irish emigrants had located themselves in any considerable 
 numbers, And so inherent was the spirit of rebellion and 
 agrarianism in them, that at one time in the Island the old settlers 
 had reason to suspect that a general rising of the Irish Catholic 
 malcontents was in contemj)lation to carry out Irish land Jeague 
 principles, when a division of farms and other property was to 
 have been made among the aggressive victors. This also would 
 have been an act of patriotism for the redress of Ireland's wrongs ! 
 It was during such times that Orangeism was rendered a necessity 
 in the New World, and became firmly established all over British 
 America, the Irish Orangemen from the Old Country forming the 
 nucleus of the Order on this side of the Atlantic. And although 
 there have been some disturbances in consequence of the 12 th of 
 July celebrations, yet the existence of this organization has caused 
 the gradual decline of Irish Fenian aggression in this Dominion. 
 The same power has kept a check upon it in Ireland for nearly 
 two centuries. I may here add that previous to 1 829-1 830, the 
 Irish Roman Catholics had not been allowed to exercise the 
 privilege of the electi(^ franchise, neither in Great Britain nor in 
 her Colonies, for a long period. And this is the way in which 
 they celebrated their political freedom abroad by an occasional 
 jubilation of aggression and rowdyism. It is needless to say that 
 this, with other political disabilities, had been imposed upon them 
 as a punishment for their persistent treasonable conspiracies and 
 plotting against the British Government, as well as all law and 
 
 (/ 
 
 i^. 
 
^1^ 
 
 15 
 
 order. No race of men so restless, ungovernable, violently 
 excitable and agrarian in principle, should ever be allowed to 
 exercise the ])rivilege of the elective franchi<>is until they learned to 
 do without marring the peace ^d prosperity of the coifhtry in 
 which they lived. Nor should •llamnniih agitators be allowed the 
 full exercise of liberty of speech in making dupes of such, when a 
 sacrifice of peace, justice, blood and treasure, are the inevitable 
 results of the abuse of these powers. 
 
 In 1767, the year in which the lands of this Colony were granted 
 away, one of the proprietors was api)ointed Governor of the Island. 
 Previous to this, and from 1763 to 1767, it was under the govern- 
 ment of Nova Scotia. The original grantees were bound under 
 certain conditions to settle their respective estates within a certain 
 time, and being unable to do this, escheat advocates, or Land 
 Leaguers raised the celebrated and historic " Land Question," 
 which assumed many phases from that period down to 1865, when 
 it culminated in a " Tenant League," whose leaders were of the 
 Parnell stripe. It was not, however, a wide-spread organization, 
 and only assumed a rebellious ])hase in one or two sections of the 
 Island, and after a few acts of open resistance to the payment 
 of rent, and a defiance of the enforcement of the law, two 
 Companies of British Regulars appeared on the scene and nipped 
 the communistic bud before it had any further time *o germinate. 
 
 This organization was composed of the malconten',,; of different 
 kindreds and creeds, who had become the dupes of political 
 agitators and demagogues. It was, however, scattered to the 
 winds, and some of its leaders driven into exile. Meantime some 
 of the proprietors became disgusted and sold their estates to 
 either the Government of the day — under the provisions of the 
 voluntary Land Purchase Bill of 1853 — or to their tenantry. 
 But the result was the same in these cases as it has been and is 
 under the Compidscrv Land Purchase Act of 1875, many having 
 since then been dispossessed for failing to fulfill their engagements 
 according to the conditions of purchase. Many tenants under the 
 leasehold system of land termre, who w^ere able to pay r paltry 
 
 l.__..„ 
 
i6 
 
 item of rent yearly, were now unable, under a freehold system, to 
 pay heavy annual installments, although those latter ])ayments 
 were limited to a few years. These remarks are intended to 
 apply chiefly to the period between 1H65 and 1H75. In 1875 
 the Compulsory Land Purchase liill, to which I have before 
 referred, became law, when the balance of the proprietary lands 
 fell into the hands of the local ( Government, when, as has already 
 been stated, that body sold to the tenantry the fee simi)le of their 
 holdings, Hut, as in the cases previously cited, many have failed 
 to meet their engagements with the Government, and as I write 
 the "Royal Gazette" teems with Precepts issued against delin- 
 quent purchasers, while the local government opposition Politi- 
 cians and Press, to win votes for their i)arty, are cryirg Shame! 
 at the Government for enforcing a just payment of debts. 
 Meantime, meetings have been held in some of the delinquent 
 districts, and resolutions passed for the extension of the term 
 of purchase six years beyond the previous limit. 
 
 I have cited this Island as an example to show that the 
 class of men who did not pay their stipulated rent will not 
 pay for their lands by purchase. They are the class of persons 
 with few excejitions, who are Land and Tenant Leaguers, pos- 
 sessed of communistic ideas, and who would sooner engage in 
 rebellion and anarchy than try to acciuire wealth by the exercise 
 of energy and honest industry. In all ages however, right will 
 ])revail, and Governments and Nations will have to look to the 
 protection of the lives and projicrty of the most worthy citizens. 
 There is ntver any trouble with the industrious class of a com- 
 munity. It is always the drones who cause trouble. When labor 
 strikes occur the promoters of the trouble are always to be found 
 among the indolent and lower order of laborers. 
 
 When political demagogues and "tenant leaguers" were clamor- 
 ing for a compulsory land purchase act, under which land proprie- 
 tors would be forced to sell their estates to the Government, they 
 completely lost sight of the fact that such compulsory sale by the 
 proprietor meant forced purchase to tiiem, (the tenantry,) with all 
 
 I 
 
17 
 
 the accompanying troubles incident to over-strained financial 
 resources. 
 
 l^rince Edward Island is the only British province in America 
 
 that has been under a leasehold system of land tenure, and it was 
 
 under that system for over a v,entury. Notwithstanding its 
 
 isolated situation, it contains, in proportion to its si/e, a larger area 
 
 of cultivated land, and a larger number of inhabitants per square 
 
 mile than any other province in the Dominion of Canada ; and 
 
 its really industrious farmers are the most independent class of 
 
 agriculturists in this Dominion. Yet to-day a large proportion 
 
 of those who paid rent are the most wealthy of any. These are 
 
 the men who paid little or no attention to political agitators of 
 
 the " land question," attended to business and paid their rents as 
 
 they became due ; and who have paid in full for their lands. But 
 
 many of these farmers would have rather kept on paying rent and 
 
 left their suri)lus cash at interest, than pay the fee simple of 
 
 their respective holdings. Hundreds again have mortgaged their 
 
 farms to fulfil the conditions of purchase, and many have but 
 
 slim hopes of ever being able to release them. While many more 
 
 in their efforts to pay for their lands have neglected the payment 
 
 of other debts, and as a conseciuence business men have been put 
 
 to a vast amount of inconvenience. The result has been, that 
 
 never before in this Island has there been so much litigation, in 
 
 enforcin the payment of debts, as there has been since the 
 
 compulsory land purchase bill of 1875 swept the renting of 
 
 proprietory land out of cixistence, and inaugurated a forced system 
 
 of land tenure by purchase, on all the tenants. It must be 
 
 admitted that since the freehold system of land tenure in this 
 
 Island has taken the place of the old leasehold system, the tide of 
 
 emigration has never before set so strongly from her shores, while 
 
 not a io.'fi have already moved into the towns and fishing villages, 
 
 there to eke out a miserable'existence. Here they pay as high, or 
 
 perhaps a much higher rent for the bare walls of a miserable 
 
 habitation, than they formerly paid for a hundred acres of land, 
 
 which supplied them with fuel^ if they made no attempt to 
 
t8 
 
 cultivate the soil. This fact is sufficient to convince every man 
 of discernment, that no system of land tenure can be devised to 
 encourage agricultural industry or to ameliorate the social and 
 financial condition of a certain class of sul)jects, who are to be 
 found in every community, country and clime. There is a class 
 of pretending farmers in Ireland, as well as in this country, who 
 either through lack of enterprise, energy, industry, or through 
 incapacity, are utterly unable to manage their own affairs ; and the 
 only way to ameliorate their social and financial condition, is to 
 place them under the supervision of competent overseers. All 
 soldiers don't possess the necessary (qualifications for Generals. 
 There are many men who are faithful laborers, when under 
 the superintendence of others, but utter failures as such when left 
 to themselves. The wretched condition of some farms and 
 premises in all countries is ample proof of the latter theory. 
 These are the men, however, who make dupes for scheming poli- 
 ticians, and become Land and Tenant Leaguers, and clamor for a 
 freehold system of land tenure by purchase. Many are under the 
 impression — judging from the way in which the forced system of 
 land tenure has worked here — that if it were introduced into 
 Ireland it would soon rid that country of a most indolent and 
 miserable class of peasantry, and abate a great nuisance to the 
 British Nation. 
 
 Our Micmac Indians are morally and socially the same now as 
 they were centuries ago. The wigwam and birch bark canoe are 
 the same in design as though these people had never witnessed 
 any advancement in modern architecture. These aborigines are 
 however peaceable and industrious citizen:., in their way, and have 
 never suffered from the intrigues of political agitators. But had 
 they possessed the privilege of the elective franchise, we have no 
 doubt that ere this some ambitious politician, like Parnell, would 
 have manifested his political sympathy for them, by inciting them 
 to leave their natural vocation and engage in insurrection Against 
 the government^ for thfe redress df their low sofcial condition, 
 and thus Would h&ve \k^n addedj like the Irish Ldnd Leaguei^, 
 
10 
 
 to the grand army of indolent malcontents, communists and 
 "dead-heads," who try to live on such sympathy! 
 
 When governments have the management of land property, it 
 becomes a source of corruption to the state, through trading 
 politicians. When the "ins" attempt to compel deliixjuents to 
 pay their debts, the "outs" sympathetically cry "Shame on your 
 tyranny," — and even go so far as to say they (the delin(iuents) 
 should have their lands for nothing! Hence it is that when 
 private individuals have the management of these affairs, there 
 will be more fair play and honesty practiced. The really indus- 
 trious class will rule then, instead of the drones and delin<iuents, 
 while none will escape the i)ayment of just debts, through the 
 influence of their votes. 
 
 (lovernments, whether state or federal, should be free from the 
 direct management of matters in which the vote of a certain 
 cli(iue of malcontents will influence those governments, in a great 
 measure to legislate against, instead of for the welfare of the really 
 worthy masses of a country. As the present property tax in this 
 Island is much heavier proportionally than the old "land ta.^," 
 there will be a proportionate increase in the number of delin{[uents 
 under its operation, and will thus be an additional source of cor- 
 ruption by trading politicians for ages. Only think of govern- 
 ments assuming the collection of house and land rents in towns 
 and cities — under universal suffrage — instead of allowing the 
 tenant and proprietor to make their own bargains and the latter to 
 collect his own rent. Why the upshot would be if such were the 
 case, that a greater number of "dead-heads " would never make an 
 effort to pay their rents ! They would depend upon political 
 sympathy and on their votes, as many are now doing in this 
 Island, while evading the payment for their lands, and of their 
 poll and property taxes. In Ireland the same principle would 
 exist, if the lands became Crown property, instead of the property 
 of private individuals. 
 
 We have seen in our towns and villages, nuinorous instances of 
 men purchasing " town lots " under a five years term of agreement 
 
 ,J — . 
 
to 
 
 and building houses upon those lots, who, after the term of purchase 
 liad expired, we'e f^-cfd to leave all because of the non-payment 
 of either ]^rinrip;il o, interest. But not a word of sympathy was 
 expressed by woliticiuns for their misfortune. And why? Because 
 the government oi' ' le day could not be embarrassed by such a 
 sympathetic liowl. !f those same parties had rented instead Of 
 having purchnsed thiir lots as many did, they could have enjoyed 
 their cottages, by keeping the paltry amount of rent paid up, with- 
 out interruption or much effort. But their means were not such 
 as to enable them lo build cottages and ])urchase their lands. 
 Hence it will be seen, that their i)osition under the purcliase 
 arrangement, of " town lots," is much worse than that of a lease- 
 hold system ofland tenure. This example holds good with respect 
 to the occupation of farms on the same principle. Too much 
 legislation is bad tor wholesome laws. The laws for the protection 
 of life and property, as well as for all parties concerned in mutual 
 agreements of legitimate business transactions, should not be 
 tampered with to suit the whims of a certain party, but on the 
 other hand, should be held as sacred as that of the marriage 
 contract. The idea of the laws relating to marriage contracts being 
 continually tampered with to suit a few matrimonial malcontents 
 who don't live hai)pily when these laws satisfy the f^. a i-'-'ority 
 in that state could never be tolerated. No law ^s )ne 
 
 individual to accept another's terms in any ordinary business 
 matter. When a merchant offers any article of merchandise at a 
 certain price and a customer j)urchases at that figure, would it not 
 be socialistic in the extreme, for that purchaser to seek by the aid 
 of legislation to escape payment of the whole or any part of the 
 amount due on the transaction. Yet such is the princii)le of Irish 
 Land Leagueism, as adopted by the leaders of that Fenian 
 Mobocracy. And, because their terms — pay what you like or 
 nothing — are not accepted by the owners of property, they (the 
 owners) are subjected to all sorts of agrarian outrages, and a 
 general reign of communistic terror is brought about in order to 
 enforce submission. 
 
 
 <• 
 
 I 
 
tl 
 
 Under the leaseliold system of land tenure in this Island, 
 previous to i''<75, alihotigh the tenant was bound by his lease to 
 pay the i-altry amount oT (iovcrnnicnt tax, called "{juitreMts," which 
 was on a'l lands fret' and leased, being six shillings and eight pence 
 old curn ncy, or etpial lo one dollar and eight cents per loo acres, 
 or a littKi over one cent per acre per annum, for all lands settled. 
 Yet, there were many freeholders whose lands were sold by the 
 Sheriff, and the occupants ejected for the non-payment of this 
 small tax as ever there were dispossessed for the non-|)ayment of 
 their regular rent to the landlord. Moreover the laiidU^rds 
 had to continually wnlch the list of lands on each township of 
 the Island, liable to forfeiture, and in order to save their property 
 from the Sheriff, were obliged, in many cases, to pay ihis tax 
 themselves. 
 
 In 1877, two years after the j^urchase by the Government of the 
 then remaining Proprietary estates — the present proi)erty tax came 
 in lieu of that tax, the rate of taxation being according to an 
 appraised or assessed valuation of taxable property, 'i'his is called 
 the "tax curse" by the local opposition and the number of 
 delincpients under its operation is legion, and will always 
 continue to increase on the i)olitical sym[)athy of the party out of 
 power. 
 
 Here then are the two sides of the land question presented, 
 with P. E. Island as an example,- -a fair basis of comjjarison of 
 what Ireland would be under a change of land tenure similar to 
 our own. And in view, we presume, of framing an Irish I, and 
 Purchase Bill smiilar to ours of 1853 or 1875, one of the Irish 
 members of the llrilish House of Commons, has recently asked 
 the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies for papers relative 
 to the final settlement of the land question in this Island, ind for 
 information as to its practical working. Basing our assumption, 
 therefore, on the pretensions of the Irish Land League being 
 genuine, that "they (the Irish tenantry) wish to pay what is fair 
 and just for their lands," we have a glimpse of the great boon that 
 Parneil is going to confer upon the Irish tenantry, which in failing 
 
 ''K 
 
 ■f*wi'-vA«w««q|Maw>i 
 
21 
 
 to accomplish, he threatens to sacrifice Great Britain to the tune 
 of ";^i 50,000,000 during the next four or five years." A forced 
 system of purchase in houses or lands, or of anything, is a most 
 tyrannical one ; and when such is forced upon s. large majority 
 by a small malcontent nr.lnority it becomes barbarous in the 
 extreme. Such has been the case in this Island, by the introduc- 
 tion of the freehold or forced purchase system of land tenure ; and 
 will be the same in Ireland if Land Leagueism bears its legitimate 
 fruits. Yet to aid this humane organization of Fenian malcontents, 
 foreign branches of the Irish Land League are established on this 
 continent, and all Irish Yankeedom is wild with sympathetic 
 excitement, for the redress of Ireland's wrongs. But the combined 
 faction of Communists, Irish Land Leaguers, and Fenians are no 
 more fit to rule Ireland in this century than the Jacobites and 
 malcontents who ruled it for a period in the reign of King James 
 the second. For a time in this reign Ireland was under the benign 
 influences of Irish home rule. She possessed a Parliament, but 
 there was neither law nor government. The mob ruled supreme, 
 and robbers were lords of all they surveyed. Even the armies 
 of James, — composed chiefly of the '•scoff'" of Ireland and 
 other parts of Europe, — were allowed the special privilege of 
 marauding and plunder, in order to make up deficiencies in their 
 pay. The country was in a state of devastation and ruin. Men 
 who went to sleep at night rich in flocks and herds, awoke in the 
 morning to find themselves beggars. The principles of modern 
 Irish home rule are the same now as they were then. The Irish 
 Land League and Home Rule party, notwithstanding their pro- 
 fessions, seek to rob the owners of land in Ireland of their rents 
 and estates, for the benefit of the subjects of Parnell's agrarian 
 mobocracy. 
 
 As well may any agrarian faction of " boycotters " Fenians and 
 Socialists move for the abolition of the system of house and land 
 tenure by rent, in cities and towns, — under a promise-to-purchase 
 arrangement, — as to ask for what the Irish Land League is now 
 agitating for. The rights of property, equitable, mutual and 
 
 aMWi»rr>!r^<v«>iM<M 
 
n 
 
 legitimate course of business can never be tampered with to suit 
 the communistic dross of humanity. A mob who renders Hfe and 
 property insecure, increases crime and subverts justice, is not a 
 class deserving of either charity or lenity, nor will Fuch a faction 
 be countenanced by the well-disposed part of any community. It 
 is only those who possess a morbid sympathy for all sorts of 
 criminals, — and who look upon " boycotting," assassination and 
 rebellion as being among the favorite amusements of modern 
 times, — that will favor any such a rabble of outlaws. 
 
 The recent votes condemnatory of such faction, taken in the 
 British House of Commons, by the assembled wisdom of the 
 Unired Kingdom, on the introduction of a bill for the better 
 protection of life and property in Ireland, — and questions in 
 connection therewith, — is a most striking illustration of how 
 sacredly those rights are guarded by those statesmen who rule the 
 destinies of the British Empire. In that grave national emergency 
 the Fenian leaders of the Irish mobocracy were voted down by an 
 average majority of nearly /or/y io one. The result of this test 
 between civilization and barbarism is in marked contrast with the 
 mob rule tendency manifested by the American Congress, in 
 extending their pandering resolution of sympathy to an agrarian 
 mob, whose motto is to destroy those rights which the British 
 Nation guard so sacredly. To countenance mob rule at home, 
 and per^Detuate a reign of communistic terror in the United 
 Kingdom, seems to be the height of the ambition, both of the 
 statesmen of " Irish America," her servile truckling press, and her 
 frothy Fenian orators and agitators of mob rule. And altho' this 
 resolution was merely a stroke of policy, to catch the Irish vote, 
 yet it has given as effeminate-imbecile a character to the American 
 House of Representatives as the formation of a woman's — or Mrs. 
 Partington's — branch of the Irish Land League has given to that 
 agrarian organization in Irelanu. The American Republic, in her 
 social relations to other civilized countries, appears to be like those 
 of the slums of a gteat city to its well-governed portions. As 
 th6s^ |)lace6 ar^ & common resttrt for all tho^ whose depraved 
 
 ■»mu^W *l » M «» 
 
'"iWII.-W" 
 
 ■;!••?■ 
 
 u>- »; '^•'' 
 
 •f.^:-- 
 
 ■r,'. 
 
 ^r' 
 n 
 
 %.tureSV cause them to seek disreputable haunts, where the 
 restraints of law and order are almost unknown ; so also has the 
 
 '' American nation become the theatre for all the revolutionary scum 
 of Europe —Fenians or Irish Land Leaguers, Nihilists, Socialists 
 and Communists-who in turn practice their arts of deception 
 and fraud on the credulous and mob rule element of that country.