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Les diagrammea suivants illustrent ie m^thode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ll i y 'M ■■'> *4 1/ / u* CONSlDiERATiONS K V ^ ^ On Behalf of th^ COLONISTS. 1 K A L E T T E R TO A NOBLE LORD. y ' Hk '• THE SECOl^D EDITION* II I - .1 ! )!l ■ 1S^ 'j.- • ! ■ 'i ' l tfWMHfa Mki LONDON: SiPrmted for J. Almon, oppofice BuHingtolib. Houfe, in Piccadilly* MDcclXv. [ Price Qnc Shilling. J , i.j. ■«■>'*;',• > :^.- J.^ thfolJowing Pampilet was Jinf fa f^e Ft^^-* lijher^ by an unknown Per/on ^ from Bofton^ in New England y with a Requejl to prini it asfoon aspojfibk : findings after a care- ful Readings it not to contain any Thing apparently^ or particularly ofenfive to any' Party, or Body of Men, he pould huve thought himfelf inexcufeable, if he had been' the Means ofwitbolding it from the Public.- '>-'>' w^ ^ il J. ^ > LETTER, &>c. ■■iT. My Lord, IH A V E read the Opu/cklum of the celebrated Mr. J-— — s, called " Ob^^ jedions to the taxation of , the colonics by the legiflature of Great-Britairtj briefly confidered." In obediencelto your lordihips icommandsi I have thrown a few thoughts on paper, all indeed that 1 have patience bn this anelancholy occafion to cplleift. Thd gentleman thinks it is "abfurd and infolent'^ to queflion the expediency and utility of a public tneafure. He Teems to be an utter enemy to the freedom of enquiry aft^r truth, jufticc and equity. He is not only ft zealous advocate for pufilanimous and paflive obedience, but for the mod implicit faith in the didatorial mandates of power. The *< feveral patriotic favorite words m ' t ^ ) ■ , iibertyt property, Englijhmen, &c." are in his opipion of no ufe but to «' make flrbfig impreflions on the more numerous part of mankind who havtf ears but no under- ftanding," The times have been when the favorite terms places, penfions, French huh dors and Engh'ih guineas, have made very undue impreflions on thofc who have had votes and voices, but neither honor nor confcience — who have deferved of their country ^n aX, a gibbet or a halter, much better than a ftar or garter. The gradd aphorifm of the Britifh conflitution, that •' no Engli/hman is or can be taxed but by bis own confent in perfon or by his deputy* is ^bfurdly denied. In a vain and moft injolent attempt to difprove this fundamental prin- ciple he exhibits a curious fpecimen of his talent at chicanery and quibbling. He fays that ** no man that he knows of is taxed by his own confent." It is a maxim at this day, that the crown by royal preroga- tive alone can levy no taxes on the fubjedf. One who had any " underftanding as wett as ears" would from thence be led to conclude that fome men mufl: confent to their taxes before they can be impofed. [ 3 ] " It has been commonly underflood, at lead iince the glorious revolution^ that the confent of thj; Britifh Lords and Commons, i. e. of all men within the realm, mud be obtained to make a tax legal there. The confent of the lords and commons of his majefty*s ancient and very refpedtable king- dom of Ireland, has alfo been deemed ne- cefTary tp a taxation of the fubjcd^s there. The confent of the two houfes pf afTembly in the colonies has till lately been alfo thought requlfite for the taxation of his majefty's moft dutiful and loyal fubjefts, |he colonifts. SedtempQra mutantur, I would afk Mr. J s, if when a knight of a (hire, or burgefs of a borough, civil military, or errant, poflefled of a real eftate^ votes for a land tax, he does not tax him- felf and confent to fpch tax ? And does he not by thus voting, tax himfelf as an identic individual, as well as fomc of hi? filly neighbours, who "may have ears but no underftanding", and be therefore in great danger at a future election of chufing an empty individuutn vagum to manage their Jiigheft concerns. Tis much to be la- IJj^ntpd that thefe people with «« ears but B ^ without [ 4 ] tvlthout under (landing" by certain vulgar low arts, may be as eafily led to clcA a flate audioneer or a vote feller as the wifefl and iDod upright man in the three king- doms. We have known fome of them cry Hofanna to the man who under God and his King had been their faviour> and the next day appear ready to crucify him. However, when a man in Europe or America, votes a tax on his con(lituents« if he has any eftate, he is at the fame time taxing himfelf, and that by his own confent ; and of all this he mufl be confcious, unlefs we fuppofe him to be void of common fcnfe. No one ever contended that ** the confent of the very perfon he chufes to reprefent him,"* nor that " the confent of the ma- jority of thofe who are chofen by himfelf^ tf». . V the [ 6 J the general tho* not quite univerfal govern- ment of the world. No good reafon how- ever can be given in any country why every man of a found mind fhould not have his vote in the eledion of a reprefentative. If a man has but little property to protedl: and defend, yet his life and liberty are things of fome importance. Mr. J^— -s argues only from thp vile abufcs of power to the continuance and increafe of fuch abufes. This it muft be confefled is the common logic of modern politicians and vote fellers. To what purpofe is it to ring everl^fting changes to the colonifts on the cafes of Manchefter, Birmingham and Sheffield, who return no members ? If thofe now fo confiderable places are not reprefented, they ought to bce Belides the counties in which thofe refpedable abodes of tinkers, tinmen, and pedlars lie, return members, fo do all the neighbouring cities and boroughs. In the choice pf the former, if they have jio vote, they muft naturally and neceiTarily have a great influence. I believe every gentleman of a landed eftate, near a flourifli- Jng manufadory, will be careful enough pf its iaterefts. Thp' the great India con^r pany. >''JSd? [5-1 fafty^ as fuch, returns no members, y^ many of the company are returned, and their interefts have been ever very carefully attended to. Mr. J— ^-8 faysj " by far the major part of the inhabitants of Great Britain are noii eledlors." The more is the pity. " Every Engliihman, he tells us, is taxed, and yet not one in twenty is reprefented." To be confident, he mufl: here mean that not one in twenty, votes for a reprefentative. So a fmall minority rules and governs the majo*< rity. This may for thofc in the faddle be clever enough, but can never be right in theory. What ab initio could give an ab* folute unlimitted right to one twentieth of a community, to govern the other nineteen by their fovereign will and plcafurc ? Let him, if his intelledts will admit of the re<- fearch, difcovcr how in any age or country this came to be the fad;. Some favourite modern fyftems muft be given up or main-» tained by a clear open avowal of thefe Hoh^ beian maxims, viz. That dominion is right- fully founded on force and fraud. — That power univerfally confers right. —- That war, bloody war, is the real and natural Aate w,N r 9 I ; t M (tfiite of man— and that he who c^n And means to buy» feW, enflave^ or deflroy^ thel greatcl): number of his own fpecies» is right worthy to be dubbed a modern politician and an hero* Mr. J«-^-s has a little con-) temptible flirt at the facred names of Sel- den, Locke, and Sidney. But their ideas will not quadrate with the half-born fenti- mentsof a courtier* Their views will ncvcf center in the paricranium of a modern poli<« tician. The characters of their writings can« tiot be aSedted by the crudities of a minif- terial mercenary pamphleteer. He next j>roceeds to give us a fpecimen of his agility in leaping hedge and ditch, and of paddling through thick and thin. He has proved himfelf greatly fkilled in the ancient alid honourable fciences of horfe-^racing, bruif> ing, boxing, and cock-^^fighting* He oflTdra to <* rifk the merits of the whole caufe On t fingle queftion." For this one qtieftioA , he propofes a firing of five ot fix.-i>— Tc all which I fay he may be a very great ftateA ^ man, but mud be a vei'y indifferent lawyef • A good lawyer might rifqUe the merit of a caufe on anfwers, but never would red it on mere interrogatories^ A multiplicity of queftfODSi ■1 I 9 1 queftions^ efpecially fuch as moil of Mf* J-^--s*s, only prove the folly and impcrti*' nence of the querifl. Anfwers may be evidence, but none refults from queftlonB only. Further, to all his queries, let him take it for a full anfwer, that his way of reafoning would as well prove that the Bri^ ti(h houfe of commons, in fadt, reprefent all the people on the globe,, as thofe in Ame^ rica. True it is, that from the nature ^ the Britifh conftitution, and alfo from the idea and nature of a fupreme legiflaturey the parliament reprefents the whole com^ r^ muhity or empire, and have an undoubted power, authority, and jurifdiftion, over tho i whole I and to their final dedfions the whole mufl and ought peaceably to fubmit* Th^y have an undoubted right alio to unita to all intents and purpofes, for beiiefits and burthens, a dominion, or fubordinate jurif^* didlion to the mother flate, if the good of the whole requires it* But great tender- nefs ha« been ihown to the cuftoms of par- ^ tiGular citiea and boroughs, and furely as^ much iddMlgtnCe might ht reafonably ex^' pe(!led towards large pi'ovinces, the inha^ bitants of which have ueen bom and grown C i^p !H • I r [ '0 ] up under the modes and cufloms of a fuboT' dinate jurifdidion. But in a cafe of necef- iity, the good of the whole requires, that not only private interefts, but private paf- iions, (hould give way to the public. But all this will not convince me of the reafon- ablenefs of impofing heavy taxes on the co- lonics, while their trade and commerce are every day more than ever reftridled. Much lefs will it follow, that the colonics are, irt. fa(fl, reprefented in the houfe of commons. Should theBritifh empire one day be extend- ed round the whole world, would it be reafon- able that all mankind ihould have their con-* cerns managed by the cledors of old Sarum, and the " occupants of the Corni(h barns and ale-houfes," we Sometimes read of? We who are in the colonies, are by com- mon law, and by a(^ of parliament^ de- clared entitled to all the privileges of the fubjedts within the realm. Yet we are heavily taxed, without being, in fadt, re-< prefented.— -In all trials here relating to the revenue, the admiralty courts have ju- lufdidlion given them, and the fubjedl may, at the pleafure of the informer, be deprived of a trial by his peers. To do as one would J be ( " ] . be done by. Is a divine rule. Remember Britons, when you (hall be taxed without yourconfent, and tried without a jury, and have an army quartered in private families, you will have little to hope or to fear! But I muft not lofe fight of my man, who fagacioufly afks ** if the colonifts are Eng- ' li(h when they Solicit protection, but not Englifhmen when taxes are required to enable thh country to protedl them V* I alk in my turn, when did the colonies fo- licit for protedlion ? They have had no occadon to folicit for protection fince the happy acceflion of our gracious Sovereign's illuftrious family to the British diadem. His Majefty, the father of all his people, protects all his loyal fubjeCts of every com- plexion and language, without any particu- lar folicitation. But before the ever me- morable revolution, the Northern Colo- nifts were fo far from receiving protection from Britain, that every thing was done from the throne to the footftool, to cramp» betray, and ruin them: yet againft the combined power of France, Indian favages, and the corrupt adminiftration of thofe times, they carried on their fettlements, * ' Q % and (:-'1 t .2 } and under a mild government for thefo eighty years part:, have made them the wonder and envy of the world. Thefe colonies may, if truly underftood, be one day the laft refource, and befl barrier of Great Britain herfelf. Be that as it may, fure I ani that the colonifts never in any reign received protedlion but from the king and parliament. From mprt; others they had nothing to afk, but every thii.^ to fear. Fellow fubjedts in every age, have been the temporal and fpiritual perfecutors of fellow fubjeds. The Creoles follow the example of fbme politicians, and ever employ a ne- groe to whip negroes. As to ** that coun- try," and *« protedion from that country,'* what can Mr. J ^s mean ? lever thought the territories of the fame prince made one country. But if, according to Mr. J— --s. Great Britain is a diftindt country from thp "Britifli colonics, what is that country in na-% ture more than this country? The fame fun warms the people of Great Britain and us ; the fame fummer chears, and the fame winter chills.. ^-Mr. J s fays, " th« liberty of an Eng- U^man is a phrafe of fo various a fignifica* ^ tion. ' [ «3 ] tion» having, within thefe few years, been yfed ^s fynonymous terms for blajpbeny^ bawdy, treafon, Hbels, ftrong beer^ and gr- der^ that he (hall not here prefume to de* fine its meaning." I commend his pru« dence in avoiding the definition of Englijb , Liberty ; he has no idea of the thing. -j But your lordftip may> if you pleafe, look back to the mod infamous times of the Stuarts, ranfack the hiftory of all their reigns, examine the conduct of every de- bauchee who counted for one in that parli-* ament, which Sidney fays, " drunk or fober," paiTcd the five mile a(ft, and you will not find any exprefHons equal in abfur-* dity to thofeof Mr. J — -s. He fagely af- firms, *' that there can be no pretence to plead any exemption from parliamentary authority." I know of no man in America who underflands himfelf, that ever pleaded or pretended any fuch exemption. J think it our greatefl happinefs in the true and ge- nuine fenfe of law and the conftitution, to be fubjedt to, and controulable by, parlia- mentary authority. But Mr. J s will fcribble about «* our American colonies^' Whofe colonies can the creature mean? y t.^^ ^ ■ ' ■ The ■*_ [ H ] The miniftcr's colonics ? Nofurcly. Whofc then, his own ? I never he<»rd he had any colonies. Nee gladio noc arcu, nee aftu vi' cerunt. He muft mean his Majefty's A- merican colonies. His Majefty's colonies they are, and I hope and truft ever will be; and that the true native inhabi- tantSy as they ever have been, vf\\\ conti- nue to be, his Majefty's moft dutiful and loyal fubjc6ls. Every garetteer, from the environs of Grub-ftreet, to the purlieus of 6t. James's, has lately talked of his and my and our colonics, and of the rafcally eolo^ nijis, and of yokeing and eurbing the cattle^ as they are by fome politely called, at •* this prefent now and very nafcent crifis." * I cannot fee why the American peafants may not with as much propriety fpeak of their cities of London and Weftminfter, of their ides, of Britain, Ireland, Jerfey, Guern- fey, Sark, and the Orcades, and of the ** ri- vulets and runlets thereof," -f- and confider them all but as appendages to their fheep- cots and goofe-pens. But land is land. * Pownaira Adminiftration of the Colonies. Edition, t Terms ufed in our obfolete charters. Second and t 'J ] and men (hould be men. The property of the former God hath given fo the pofTedbr. Thefc 2xt Jilt juris, or flaves and vaflalsi there neither is nor can be any medivim. Mr. J*-— -8 would do well once in his life to refledt that were it not for our American colonies, he might at this •* prefent crifis," been but the driver of a baggage cart, on a crufade to the holy fepulchre, or fketching caracatura's, while the brave were bleeding and dying for their country. He gives us three or four fophidical arguments, to prove that ** no taxes can be exaftly equal." *• If not exadlly equal on all, then not jufl.*' ** Therefore no taxes at all can be juftly impofed." This is arch. But who before ever dreamt that no taxes could be icnpof- edy becaufe a mathematical exa^nefs or in- equality is impradticable, Having in his odd way, and very confuf- ed method confidered the tight and autho- rity of parliament to tax the colonies, which he takes for granted inftead of proving ; he proceeds to (hew the expediency of taking the prefent crifis by the fore top, and pro- ceeding in the prefent manner, left it (hould run away. As to tbe " nafcent crifis, or prefent i^:' %. !i t t6 1 prefetit tenfd," it is as good a tehCe ^i Atif in grammar. And mifers and politician^ wil]> for their purpofes, ^ver think it the beft. If we mud be taxed without our con-^ fentf and are able to pay the national debt^ it is our duty to pay it, which fome take for* granted ; why then I agree we had better pay it off at once, and have done with it. For this purpofe, the ** ^ ^'efent identic very* now, is better than any other now, or crifis, begotten, or about to be begotten i nafcent, or about to be nafcent ; born or unborn."* If Mr. J- — s plcafes, it (hall be the great Mra, or TO NUN, of the colony admi- niftratrix. ^ *' Ultima cummai venitjam carmnis atas, ♦ But as to the manner and reafons, it may not be amifs to offer a word or two. He alks with the pathos of a fiage itinerant, if ** any time can be more proper to require fome ailtflance from out colonies, to pre^ ferve to thettifclves their prefent fafety, than yrhen this country is ahnofl undone by pro- ivw^^.j curing r >7 ] fcurlng it.** That that country, as he calls it, is almoft undone, I (hall not difpute ; efpeci* ally after I have the fagacious Mr. J s's opinion to the fame purpofe. But he (hows his ignorance, weaknefs, and wickcdnefs, who imputes fo tremendous an impending evil to procuring frfcty for the colonies. The colonies never cod Britain any thing till the iaft war. Even now, if an impartial ac- count was ftatcd, without allowing one penny for the increafe of European trade iince the difcovery of America, or for the employment yielded by the colonics to mil-<> lions in Britain who perhaps might other- wife flarve, the neat revenue that has ac« icrued by means of *« our American colonies" alone, would amount to five times the fum the crown ever expended for their fettle- ment, protedlion, and defence, from the reign of queen Elizabeth to this day. In this calculate the whole expence of the lad war is included, and fuppofed intirely chargeable to America, according to the Vifionary theorems of the Admin iflrator, and Regulator. % I fhould think, how- ever that fome fmall part of the national X Adminiftration and Regulations of the colonies. ^^l : D debt * \ [ '8 ] debt might be juftly charged to the " pro*-* curing the prefent fafety of Hanover, and other parts of high and low Dutchland." But, waving thisi if it were all to be charg- ed to America, the hundred and forty-nine millions were well laid out, and much better than any fum from the time of Julius Caefar, to th« glorious revolution, the *« nafcent" aera of Britifli liberty, glory, and grandeur* It was for the very being of Britain, as a great maritime, commercial, and powerful, ftate ; none of which would fhe long be, without the afliAance of her colonies. It requires no penetration to forefee that fliould flie lofe thefe, which God forbid, fhe would in a few years, fall a facrifice to France, or fome other defpotic power ot> the continent of Europe. The national debt is confefled on aU hands, to be a ter-*. rible evil, and may, in time, ruin the date. But it (hould be remembered, that the colo- nifts never occafioned its increafe, nor ever reaped any of the fweet fruits of involving the fineft kingdom in the world, in the fad calamity of an enormous overgrown mort- gage to ftate and ftock jobbers. No placed , norpenfions, of thoufands and tens of thou- ^ii> fands [ >9 1 fands fterling, have been laid out to pur- chafe the votes and influence of the colo- nifts. They have gone on with their fet- t|ements in fpite of the mod horrid difficul- ties and dangers -, they have ever fupported, to the utmoft of their ability, his majefty's provincial government over them, and, I believe are, to a man, and ever will be, ready to make grants for fo valuable a pur- pofe. But we cannot fee the equity of our being obliged to pay off a fcore that has been much enhanced by bribes and pen^ iions, to keep thofe to their duty who ought to have been bound by honour and confcience. We have ever been from prin- ciple, attached to his majefly, and his il- luftrious houfe. We never afked any pay : the heart-felt fatisfadlion of having ferved our king and country, has been always enough for us. I cannot fee why it would not be well enough to go a nabob hunting on this pccafion. Why fhould not the great Mogul be obliged to contribute to-- wards, if not to pay, the national debt, as fome have propofed ? He is a Pagan, an Ead Indian, and of a dark complexion, ••/hicb are full as good reafons for laying T> z him '■-sj .■» but I confefs I cannot reach them, nor has Mr. J s afforded me the leafl: afiillance in this matter. Neceflity, fay the coffee- houfe politicians has no law. Then fay I^ apply the fponge at once ! A few jobbers had better be left to hang and drown them-^ felves, as was the cafe after the South Sea bubble, and a few fmall politicians had bet-, ter be fent after them, than the nation be undone. This would, in the end, tura cut infinitely more beneficial to the whole, than impofing taxes on fuch as have not the means of paying them. In the way reve-t nue has been fometimes managed, the uni-* verfe, would not long fet bounds to the rapid increafe of the national debt. If places, penfions, and dependencies fhall be ever increafed in proportion to new rer> fources, inftead of carefully applying fuch refources to the clearing off former incum-*. brances, the game may be truly infinite. I remember that the great duke of Sully, on V a re- [ «« 1 n reViHon of the (late of his mader's finan« ces, found that of one hundred and thirty millions annually extorted from the poor people, hut thirty millions of thofe livres centred in his majefly's coffers. He pro- ceeded in a manner worthy himfelf. Hap- pily for Britain, the papifls ruined France and their own caufe, by the villainous af- faflination of one of the greatefl, wifefl, and bed princes, that ever lived. Of courfo the power and influence of the befl minifler beyond all comparifon, that ever exifled, fell with his fovereign. He only lived to explain to France what (he might have been. She has ever fince been toiling to regain the lod opportunity : God be thank- ed, it is yet in vain, and if Britain pleafes, ever will be. Mr. J— — s afks, if ** any time can be more proper to impofe taxes on their irade^ than when they are enabled to rival us ir^ our manufactures, by the encouragement and protection we have given them I" Wha are WE? It is a miracle he had not af- firmed, that the colonies rival Great Britaia in trade alfo. His not afferting this, is the pnly glimmering of modcfty or regard to sr. truth, 111 M [ 22 ] difcoverable through his notable perform-. ance. As the colonifts arc Britifh fubjeds, and confeflcdly on all hands entitled to th« fame rights and privileges, with the fub- jedts born within the realm, 1 challenge Mr. J— -s or any one elfe to give even the colour of a conclufive reafon, why the colonifts are not entitled to the fame means and methods of obtaining a living with their fellow-fuDJefts in the iflands. • * Can any one tell me why trade, com- merce, arts, fciences and manufa when I perceive ftatefmen at home amufing the mob they affedt to defpife, with the imminent danger, from American manu-' factories. / - ^^^ ; *.. - ^" :. > Mr, III t 24 i ' Mr. J— r-s complains that the plantatioii governors have broke all their inftrudions to procure a handfome fubfiftence, and betrayed the rights of their fovereign." Traitors, villains I Who are they ? I never before heard of any fuch governors; I have had the honour to be acquainted virith not a few governors, and firn>ly believe they ivould in general fooner break their owii Hecks than their inftrudions. If Mr. J-*-8 )ias difcovered fuch a knot of traitcitj and betrayers of their fovcreign*s rights, as he reprefents the plantation governors to be *« they one and all," * for he makes no difcrimination> it is liis duty to give the proper information that they may be brought to condign puni(hm2nt, and he himfelf ftand unimpcacbed for mifprifion of treafon. I promife him aid enough in moflp.ovinces to apprehend and fee u re fuch atrocious cfFenders as the betrayers of the rights of the befl of kings. He may alfo reft af-* (ured, there is no colony but what would rejoice in feeing its governor rewarded ac- cording to his works, and duly exalted or depreiicd as he may deferve. But this man * />-,/—». cannotj ' f 25 ] cinnot, by any figure in any logic or fhetoric, but his own, juftify the pofltiori thit the colonics ought to fufFer for the perfidy and treachery of fuch governors at he fays have betrayed the rights of thei^ fovereigH. That the colonies have eventu- ally fuffered, rnd may again, by the faults of fome governors is not inipofiible. But j^unifhing the colonics in their (lead, v^rould be a fample of juflice like that of hanging the weaver for the cobler, according to Butlef. The reverend, honbrab! and grave, our American judges, are alfo lugged in head Und fhoulders, and fcandalouOy abufed by Mr. J s. He has the audacity even to flout and fncer at thofe who wear long robes and full bottomed wigs, inftead of greafy hats, (baggy hair, and ragged coats, as the manner of fome yet is. He has the im-t jjudence to mention " coftly perriwigs and robes of expenfive fcarlet," " as marks of the legal abilities of the American judges." What an ungentleman-like infmuation is this ? as if he apprehended them to be def- titute of all other law-like qualifications. What a reflcdion is this on thofe who .. > E. appoint I if' r i; ; ' ! ^ [ -6 ] • appoint American judges? They arc chor. fen by the people no where but at Rbodq Ifland or Connedticut. There they never expedt any falaries. Their judges hav^ been in general men of fortune, honour, integrity and ability, who have beqn willing to give a portion of their time to the pub- lic. For the judges in other colonies, the people are not anfwerable; if they are any of them weak or wicked, it is a fore calamity on the people, and needs no ag- gravation* — He fays the judges are '* Co dependent on the humors of the afjemblies, that they can obtain a livelihood no longe^: than quamdiufe male *gejjmjit" This make ^ the judges as bad as the governors, vi^hq for a morfelof bread, or a mefs of pottage^, he makes mercenary enough to *« betray the rights of their fovereign." 1 would have Mr. J— s, for his own fake, a littlp more careful of his treatment of American judges. I once knew an American chief juftice take it into fcrious conlideration, and confult the attorney-general of the province where he lived, whether his late majefty's attorney and follicitor-general h^d not been guilty of a libel upon his cour;. in Ill ' t 27 ] • Ih ftating a favourite cafe before the king ^ and counfel, in a manner that bore a little hard upOri the provincial judicatory, I would alfo afk good Mr. J-— s if he certainly knows that any of our plantation governors and judges have lately complained home; that they cannot get a «* livelihood" iii America, but by breaking ihelt inftrudions' and oaths, and bafely " betraying the rights of their fovereign ?" Dare any of them bpehly avow fuch a complaint on either . fide the atlantic ? If any of them have given fuch reafons, among others, in a fedulous application to the miniftry, that America (hould have heavy duties and taxes impofed, let them come forth and declare it, and they will foon receive their re- ward. If there have been any complaints of this kind, to my great confolation, the ^ authors arb like to be fadly difappointed : * for I cannot find my intention of applying any part of the new American revenue to the difcharge of the provincial civil lift. The prefent palliative indeed feems to be the appointing a number of influenclal Americans to be STAMP mafters ; but I fufpedt this will be but a temporary pro- i*i i E 2 vifion. ?. 1 '-w ■J i |!| '■I m\ 11 ill ill . I I '<^» y [ 28 I Ti£cn> and as a kind of reward to jfbme' who may have been but too a^iye in bring- ing about the meafure. When the prefent &t ihali die off, or be fufpendeda there can be no objedion to the appointment of Europeans, as I wi(h it had been at firil^ Here I muO: make a general reHedion that will not afFedl: the good, the juft, and the^ worthy, all others are at liberty to apply it to themfelves. In many years expcrienqe in American affairs, I have found that thofe few of my more immediate country- men the colonics, who have been lucky enough to obtain appointments from home, have been either gentlemen of true Amerir can quality, or of no quality or ability al all. The former have generally the pride of a Spaniard without his virtue, the latter are often as ignorant and impudent as the Scotch writers of the Critical Review.—- Hence 'tis eafy to fee the colonifla, as they ever have been, would be in general better treated, lefs fubjeifted to the infolence pf office from Europeans, than from colonifts.. I will go one flep further, and venttN^e ta affirm, that if we look carefully into the kiflory of thefe provinces, we (hall find that > ijj " ii ,• V •■ » • s, > fliat in ^very grievance, every hardfljtp itt the reftrii^ion of onr tf ftde and comnacrccp fonie high qf Iqw dirty American has had 9, band in procuring it for tw, , v,:Tbe main objedt of the Aaicrican revenue* . according tp Mr. J— s, the Mminiftrator, the Regulator and others, fcews to be for the inaintenance of a Aandii^ army herc« For v^^hat ? To protect and defend us, p'H>r fouls. Againft whom ? Why a few ragged Indians, thoufands and ten thdufands of whofe fathers, without any European aid* when w€ moft wanted it^ were fent to the infernal (hade$. But " fih'al di^ty,** the mo-» fal Mr. J— ^s thinks will ** require tha« we give fome afTiftance to the diftreflcs of our mother country." Dear mother, iwQtt mother, honored mother-country, I an» ^er moil dutiful fon, and humble fervant \ j^ut what better afllflance can be given to madam, than by yielding, as her Americaa fons have* for more than a century, fub« fiftance for half Britain ^ Take my word for once, my lord, every inhabitant in America maintains at leafl two lazy fellows in eaft?, idlenefs, or luxury, in mother , BritaiA's lap^ We have nothing we eait cair Ii! i t fii; 1 1 1. ' ■*■■ ti '] 'A% r :■*■■*- call our own, but the toil of our hands and the fwcat of our brows. Every dollar that is exported hence to lodge in madam's great pocket, returns no more to us, faci/h ilefcenfus Avernu The coarfeft coat of the meancft American peafant, in reality con- tributes towards every branch of our gra-' cious and ever adored fovereign's revenue. The confumer ultimately pays the tax, and *tis confefTed on all hands, and is the truth, that America, in fadt or eventually, con- fumes one half the manufadures of Britain; The time is haftening when this fair daugh- ter will be able, if well treated, to pur- chafe and pay for all the manufadures her mother will be able to fupply. She wants no gifts, fhe will buy them, and that at her mother's own price, if let alone. That I may not appear too paradoxical, I affirm^ and that on the bed information, the Sun rifes and fets every day in the fight of five millions of his majefl:y's American fubjedsj white, brown and black. I am pofitive I am within brunds, let the Adminijirator and Regulator compute as they pleafe in their rapid flight thro* our weftern hemi^ fphere. The period is not very remote when * :,vell attended to! Had I the honor to be minifler to the fird, the bed monarch in ihe univerfe, and trudee for the braved people, except perhaps one, that ever ex- ided, I might reafon in this manner, " the Roman Eagle is dead, the Britidi Lion lives ! drange revolutions ! the favage roving Britons who fled before Julius Caefar, who were vanquiftied by his fucceflbrs Hengift and Horfa, who cut the throats of the LurdaneSf and fell , under the Norman bondage, are after all the maders of the fea, the lords of the ocean, the terror of Europe, and the envy of the univerfe ! can Britain rife higher ? Yes, how ? Never think yourfelf in your zenith, and you will rife fad enough. Revolutions have been 5 they may be again ; nay, in the courfe of time they mud be. Provinces * have not been ever kept in fubjedtion. V: What then is to be done? Why it is of ^.fx . - little '. I*; ^ 11' r 3v I little \ttip6mtict to my mader, v^h^thcr a thoufand y^&ts fittitt, tbg <^6]61iies ttth^ih dGpetkdiint oti BtitatiH or ndf ; my bufinei^ is to fall od the only means to keep them ours for the longeft tferni pofiibJe. How <:dti that be done ? Why in one Word, it muft be by nburiihing and chdrifliing theiti ^6 the apple of your eye. All hiflbry Will prove that provinces have never been dif- pofed to independency^ ivhilc well treated. Well treated the?) they fhall be." To re- turni the colofiifls pride themfelves in the teal richcis and glory their labours procure for the beft of kings : liberty is all they de^ iire to retaliri for themfdives and pofterity. I could widi my lord, that the colonifls ' ^ere able to yield ten times the aids for the fupport of the common caufe ever yet granted by^ or required of, them. But to pay heavy provincial taxes in peace and in war, and alfo external and internal parli* imentary ajfejfments, is abfblutely out of the peojple*s power. The burden of the Jiamp ad will certainly fall chiefly oh the midd-* ling, more neceflitous, and labouring people. The widow, the orphan, and others, who have f6vV on earth to help, or even pity ^*^ . . tbem> > / r 33 ] them, muft pay heavily to this tax. An inftance or two will give fome idea of the weight of this ir. polition. A rhcam of printed bail bonds is now fold for about fif- teen (hillings fterling ; with the ftamps, the fame quantity will, I am told, amount to near one hundred pounds fterling. A rheam of printed policies of aflurance, is now about two pounds fterling ; with the ftamps it will be one hundred and ninety pounds fterling. Many other articles in common life here, are in the fame proportion. The fees in the probate offices, with the additi*^ on of the ftamps, will, in mofl provinces, be three times what has been hitherto paid. Surely thefe, and many other confiderations that muft be obvious to all who are verfed in the courfe of American bufinefs, are far from being any evidence of the boafted equality and equity, of this kind of taxa- tion. I do not mean to infinuate that there is, or hath been, any thing intentionally wrong, in the views of adminiftration; far from it, I deteft the thought. I am con- vinced that every Englifliman, as *tis his intereft, really wifhes and means well to the colonics, and I fhall ever have full con- i^ft F fidence i|! M' I hi [ 34 ] , fidence in the wifdom and reftitude t( the prefent truly Britifh adminiflration* But I have a very contemptible opinion of divers vile informers and informations, that have been tranfported and re^tranfported, within thefe feven years. I know fome of the former to be mofl infamous fellows, and not a few of the latter to be moft in- fernal falflioods. How many low and in- fignificant perfons, have, on their landing in Britain, been inflantaneoufly metamor- phofed into wife politicians, or fuddenly transformed into hugeoufly fage connaij/eurs, in the admintjiration of the colonies at this crifis ? Some have had the alTurance on their return to aflert, that they were per- mitted to attend, and even frequent, lord Greenlaurel's levy, and dine with duke Humphry ? Credat Judeus Appella, Two hopeful young brother furgeons, who lately went over, wrote to their friends, that they had laid afide all thoughts of going into an ordinary hofpital of invalids, having had overtures from the CrHicai Reviewers, to aflift them in a new proje(5t of theirs,, for diileding the colonies and all writers in their favour. An apothecary, a quack, • -• ■' ''?*tr'* ■'■ ■' ''I ■ ,-■ and [ 35 t and a fortune-hunter, not long fince arrived^ fay they were clofctlcd by this, and that, and t'other, great man, who made moil marvellous (hrewd enquiries concerning the luxurious tade of our cods, crabs, mufcles, eels, and fmelts. They even add, that as a reward for their important difcoveries and informations, in the nature of American fhrimps and ferpents, they are to be admit- ted members of the fociety for the encou- ragement of arts, ^r. One fwears he has obtained ample promifes of high preferment, fo foon as ever the finance tres grande toute novelie et admirable (hall receive its long pre- dided completion in America. Another fays, he is to be farmer general of a^tax of his own projecting, on all colony gold finders, A third fays, he (hall accept of nothing leis than the place of Intendant extraordinaire of the much expedted duty on all North Ame- rican manufadured moufe traps, he having given the firil hint.— -But be thefe things as they may : this however, is certain, that a fet of fribbling people, and fome others in the colonies, who are become to the lad degree, deteflable to all true Americans, flffpd to ufe their fage advice, and furprifing I ' l(: Fz jnflu. 4* , [ 36 ] influence, in order to conciliate good and worthy men to nieafures, which if ever fa juft and falutary, thefe contemptible per- fons would bring into difgrace. * Mr. J s fays, " impofing taxes on our colonies has been called harih and arbi- trary." By whom ? I never heard one man of fenfe and knowledge, in the laws and Bfitifii conftitution, call the parliamentary authority arbitrary. The power and autho- I'ity of parliament is not to be queftioned. Nay, after all the buftle, the authority of "that augulT: body really never has been quef- tioned by one o( the colony writers, when duly attended to. The mode of exercifing this authority, and the manner of proceed- ing, may in fome inflances have been thought a little hard and grievous, and may be sgain, notwithflanrling what Mr. J s has faid. He objedls to the aflertion of fome, that '* it would have feemed lefs hard if the admitiiflration or the parliament had been pleafed to fettle the reipective y»(?/^ of , 'each colony, and left it to each one to aflefs the inhabitants, as eafily to themfelves as ^n>ight be, on penalty of being taxed by par- ' 'iiament in cafe of any unrcafonable non V uom- ir I 37 ] compliance with the jufl requiritions of the crown, of which the parliament is, and muft, in the nature of things, be the final judge."— Mr. J — s afks, *' what would have been the confequence of this ?'* I an- fwer, neither he nor I can tell. It will be time enough to anfwer this when the ex- periment is mades but I believe there would have been found a chearful com*- pliance on the part of the colonies, and that they would exe:t their utmofl abi^ lities. He moft infolently afks if the " af- femblics have (hewn fo much obedience to the orders of the crown, that we coiild rea-. fonably expedt they would tax themfelves on the arbitrary commands of a minifter ?'*. I hope he holds the proper difference be- tween the lawful commands of our fovc- leign, the jufl orders of the crown, and ^« the arbitrary commands of a minifler," thought he has fo ftrangely tacked them to-- gethcr? 'Tis our iiidifpenfible duty to yield and cut oiir throats, are, in the eftimation of fo.ne great men, more refpedt- p.ble than his majefly's ancienf, and ever loyal colonics, , . Mr. J-^— s afks if it would be *' pofllblc to fettle the quota's of an American ta^ with juftice ?" Why not ? The whole ufed to be CQmmenfurate with all the part§» h ( 39 1 Is it not nearly as eafy to fay what each part ought to pay, as to determine what ought to be paid by the whole ? The gentleman will not infinuate that adminiilration can ever zd: (o prepofterous a part, as to guefs what the whole fhould pay, as muil be the cafe, if ignorant of the ability of each part. He alfo afks, if " any one of the colonies would fubmit to their quota, if ever fo juft ?" What doubt can there be of the loyalty and fubmiffion, paflivc obedience, and non-refiflance, of the colonies, in all cafes and contingences, fo far as the laws of God, of nature, and of their country re- quire P I have none. Is not the obliga- tion to fubmiffion the fame in one cafe as in the other ? If an adt of parliament fays A ihall pay ten (hillings, and B ten (hillings, would any man in his right mind fay it was lefs binding, than if A and B were by the fame authority ordered conjointly to pay twenty. His odious comparifon of " the Roman tyrants," is left with its author, vith this (ingle remark : that " the choice of a dofe, a dagger, or a halter is mod cer- tainly preferable to the fudden obtrufion of cither fmgly, without time allowed to fay a (hort ii ■j ,; \4 i |: it '!l>l (hovtpatcrnofler" The gentleman has made himfelf quite merry with the modeft propo-* fal fome have made, though I find it gene-^ tally much difliked in the colonies, and thought impradicable, namely — an Ame^ rlcan reprefentation in parliament , But if he is now fober, I would humbly afk him, if there be really and naturally any greater abfurdity in this plan, than in a Welfh and Scotch reprefentation ? I would by no means, at any *!me, be underllood to in- tend by an Am. in reprefentation, the return of half a fcore ignorant, worthlefs perfons, who like fome c6lony agents^ might be induced to fell their country and their God, for a golden calf. An Ameri- can reprefentation, in my fenfe of the terms, and as I ever ufed them, implies a thorough beneficial union of thcfe colonies to the realm, or mother country, fo that all the parts of the empire may be compadled and confolidated, and the conftitution ourifh with new vigor, and the national ftrength, power and importance, /hine with far greater ij.' .4. br than ever yet hath been i^txi by the fonsofmen. An American reprefentation implies 1 t [ 41 1 ' TttJpltes eVcry real advantage to the fubje(Sk abroad^ as well as at home. It may he a {)roblem what ilate will hiei cf longeft dui-atloni greateft glory, and domeilic happinefs. I am not at leifurd fully to coafider this queftion at prefent. Time ihall (howi I can now only fay« it will be that flate, which> like Great<* Britain^ Heaven fhall have favoured with eve.y conceivable advant^ge> and gave it wifdom and integrity enough to fee and embrace an opportunity, which once lofti can never be regained. Every mountain muft be removed, and every path be made fmooth and (Irait. Every region, nation and people^ mud to all real intents and purpofes, be united, knit, and worked into the very bones and blood of the ori-* ginal fyflem, as fad as fubdued> fettled or allied. Party views and {hort fighted poli^ ticians^ (hould be difcarded with the ig-* nominy and contempt they deferve* Mr. J— — s feems to be feized with ait inimenfe pannic led «a fudden importa-* tion of American eloquence" fhbuld' inter- fere with thofe who are fond of monopo- lizing the place and penfion iufine/s. He Q - even ill I .. ■ i 4t y even infiauatcs thai it would coi)i mote t6 pay our orators, than a Aanding army Jvn^i I will cafe him of this difficulty. iTherc ^ould not be many worth the high prices of Britain. When trimmers, time ferversy feepticks* cock fighters, architeds, fiddlers and caille builders, who commonly fell cheap, were bought OfF, there might not he more than threeor four worth pnrchafing; and if they . fhould fell as cheap in Britatn as I have known fome of themin America, il would fall infinitely ihort of the blood and treafure a (landing army may one day coft. Fromf any danger therefore Mr. J-r is in, from ** the fudden importation ot American eloquence," he may fpecchify and fcnbblc for or againfl adminiflradony ahufe the colonies,, turn and return, fhift, wind and change as ufual,' no man will truil him, aud 'tisJioped ih^t \n fecuia feculoruffi by the eternal fitnefs of things^ and the eonftrudturc of the cells of his eerebellumi and moral aptitude, he will be kept. down juil where he is and ought to be. He ieems to have no idea of revenue, but that of drawing money into the public cofiitrs/ per fas aut nefas, mecrly to fqufindcr away \ ♦ ,'{■ I 1 ■ I' *■' ll- f^Hbitum, Riches returning ffdmth^ fouf wlNs of the earth in heavier ihowers thaii the poets ever dreamt of, into the pocketi of the worthy and opulent Britifh merchant will, according to him, give a griping miniftcr too much trouble before he has extra^fked and *« fqueezed it out again by various domeftic taxes." His own words f *< Perhaps" fays he "in the mean time, it may enable the merchant, by augmenting his influence, together with his wealth, to plunge us into new wars and new debts, for his private advantage." By this 'tis plain Mr. J— s's plan is to flop the rivulets, and lelve thp eiftern dry. Do you not fee this, Britilh colonifts, Britifh merchants^ »nd Britilh manufacturers? Confider this, before it is too late! it is the fum total of ^r^ J™ s*s political logic and arithmetic! Jt is too abfurd to require a more particular refutatioB* He concludes, ad ca^tandunu *both the great and fmall vulgar, thus j " it ! is", fays he, "to be hoped, that in this great and important queftion, all parties *'»tad fa6lions, or in the more polite and falhipnable term,. all connedtions will cor-^ J}i4lly unite; that every member of the G z Britiib i:i'.. \ f 44 I Britifh parliament, whether in or out of humour with the adminifiration, whether he has been turned out becaufe he oppofed^^ or w' i^ei he oppofed becaufe he has been turn J, o :, will endeayour to the utmofl of his power to fupport this meafure. A nieafure which muft not only be approved by every man who has any property or common fcnfe, but which ought to be required by every Enghflo fubjedl: of an Englifh adminiJlration"^^-\ thought all Tub • jedts were now British, and the adminidra** tion too, I cannot tell whether the exhorted was ever " turned out becaufe he oppofed, or oppofed becaufe he was turned out|'* but certainly among other fpecies of readers, he has omitted to addrefs himfelf to the hopeful young men and promifing caf^dii dates for prefernient, who have as it were peri(hed in embrio^ by difcovering too great an infolence and avidity of power, by afTuming the advowfbn, nomination and indudtion of their fellow fervants, before they, themfelves have been taken into place. My Lord, we have heard much faid of. a virtual repreferitation. What can it mean ? )f a focietv of a thoufand men are united t 45 T from a ftate of nature, and all meet to tranfadl the bufinels of the fociety they are on a perfedt level and equality, and the majority muft conclude the minority. If they find tliemfelvcs too numerous to tranfadt their bufinefs, they have a right to devolve the care of their concerns on a part of the fociety to a(fl for the v^^holc. Here commences the firft idea of an aSiual truft or reprefentation in faSi, The truftees council or lenate, fo chofen are in fadl re- prefentatives of and agents for the wholo fociety. If the fociety agree to have but one truftee, reprefentative or agent, he is a monarch If they make choice of a council or fenate, they are joint agents, truftees or reprefentatives of the whole community^ Upon fo fimple a principle are all govern- ments originally built. When a man chufes to adt for himfelf he has no reprefentative/ agent or truftee. When the individuals of a community chofe to take care of their own concerns, they are in no wife repre* fented; but being their own fadors in perfon, form that fociety which the learned wrangle about under the name of'a democracy, ^hen two or i^iore arc appointed joint fadtors. \- '\ \ ^ fadlors, agents for, truftees and feprefenta* lives of, the whole fociety, they are called noble, and politicians denominate this form an arijlocracy. When the trull: is as above obfcrved devolved on one, it is called ^ monarchy, i. e. one great or chief man is in fa6t truilee, reprefentative of, and agent for the whole flate. And he has a right to aft for them fb long as he may be chofen to ad by the fociety ^ Which fociety being originally the conftitutents of their agent or reprefentative, have an abfolute right and power to lay him under fuch limitations and reftridtions as they may think reafon-* able. In all this we find no myflery, no occafion for occult qualities, no want of the terms virtual reprefentation as diftinr guifhed from a reprejentation infadl., or any other jargon^ If the fociety find each of the fimple forms of adminiftration incon-» vcnient or dangerous, as they all are, and agree on a mixture of thofe fimple forms, as it is commonly expreffed, but in plaincF Englifh, to have difi-crent divifions, ranki and orders of truftees or neprefcntativesi they proceed thus. When they chufc a H^oparch or fenate, they cotruft him or then) • C 47 1 thetn with the nCccflary powers of govern- ment, to ad for the good and welfare of the whole ibciety. So in a governip.ent qonftruded like that of Great-Britain, the fociety hath made two diviiions of the fupreme power: the firft is the Jupreme kgijlative, confifting of three ranks ot branches, viz, King, lords and commoi^s.' Tht fupreme executive, which is folely mo-t: ^ narchial,. and admits of no diviiion or dif-*. ferent ranks. Both thefe divisions, and all the ranks of the former, derive their powcar originally from the whole community. This tt lead is all the idea a philoibpher can form^^ i^s to iht jus divmum, the indefeafible in^ lieritance, the indelible charader, and other noofenfe of the fchools, they are only fol' the entertainment of old women, and changelings.— —The king's fhare in the kgiflative and executive trufls by the Brittilr Conditution is perpetual, and his royal dig^^. mty is hereditable. So are the. titles of the boufe of Lords. The honorable houfe of Cot'amons, the third rank or branch of our univerfal legiilative, are eledive, and the delicti populi. God grant they may ber always viewed in this light* Thefe feveral fei . branches r Hi r 48 1 branches and diviiions are all fiibjedt td further alterations, liniitations and ref^ric-> tions from time to time^ In the original idea and frame of our happy conftitution^ it was immaterial as to the fucceflion to thd > crown, whether the heir apparent, wercJ ^ Pagan, Turk, Jew^ Infidel or Chriflian^ But now Papifls,> and all but Proteflants^ are very juftly excluded from the fucceflion^ as for the beft reafons they arc from a feat j ih either houfe of the auglid parliament of Great-Britain.— The number of thd two houfes of parliament, is not by naturo Bor by any thing I can difcover in tha Sritifh conflitution, definite. The familiea *? of the peers may be extin^. The con- flitution, has on fuch events left it to the crown to fupply the vacancies by new fa-* milies and new creations. And as reafbif . Requires, when places have grown to b« coniiderable, they have been called to a fhare in the legiflature of their country by a precept to return members to the great ? Council of the nation i So wheti a territory hath been conquered, as was the cafe o£ Wales, or united, as was the kingdom of Scotland, they have had their full ihare in . Ih* r [ 49 ] the Jegijlntive. The wifdoin of ages hatli left Ireland to be governed by its own parliaments^ and the colonies by their own afTemblies, both however, fubordinate to Great-Britain, and fubjedt to the negative of both the fuprcme legiflative and fupreme executive nowers there*. Is not this a fufficient fubordination ? The fears of our independency mufl be affedted or imaginary. We all acknowledge ourfelves to be not only controulable by his majefty's negative on all our ads, but more efpecially fo by that augud, and by all true BritiOi fubjeds, ever to be dearly efteemed and highly reverenced body, that high court the par- liament of Great-Britain. In all this, how- ever, we find nothing of virtual reprefen-^ tation. ' ' The parliament of ift of James i^, ** upon the knees of their hearts (as they exprefs it) agnize their mod conftant faiths obedience and loyalty to his majefly and his royal progeny, as in that high court of • The charters generally referve to the crown a negatire on all colony laws. The parliament repeal fuch as they think fit. So that a colony bill is in efFeA fubjeft to four negatives, viz. the governor and council here, and hia Q)aje(ly in his privy council at home, and after all $h6 parliaijFient. H ' ' parliamcrt. \, ' t i» 1 parliament, where all the whole body of the realm, and every particular member thereof either in perfpn or by reprefentation upon their own free cl^dions, are by the laws of this realm, deemed to be perfonally prefent." But as mu^:h prone aa thofe times were to myftick divinity, fchobl phi- lolbphy, academick politicks, and other jionfenfe, they fay riot a word of the virtual reprefentation of Ireland or the other do- minions. There can be no doubt but the fupremelegiflature may if they pleafe unite ^ny fubordinate dominion to the realm, It has not been yet afTerted that the coloniftg are v^faB reprejented in the houfc of com- mons, nor I believe will any man feriouily affirm it. The truth is, the colonifts are no more rep'refented in the houfe of Com- mons, than in the houfe of Lords. Thp king in his ejcecutive capacity, \vi faB as well ^s lawn reprefents ail his kin^dom^ and dominions : and king, lord$ and com* ' mpns, conjointly, as the fupreme Icgiflature, infa5l as well as in law* reprefent and adt for the realm, and all the dominions, if .th^y pleafe. It will not follow from thence^ tha^if a^ fubordinate legifiature and privi- J ^P^^H J \ I r ■ I 1? 1 ■'■■..:■,.■ kgesarereaflumed, without any equivalent allowed, but it will be a cafe of very fin- gular hardfliip.^ The inhabitants of the Britifh nations,, and of the dominions of the Britifh crown* in Europe, Afia, Africa and America, are in my idea but one people, fellow fLibje(5ts of the moft gracious fove- reign on earth', joint heirs to the rights ^nd privileges of the beft civil conftitutibn in the world, and who I hope e'er long to fee unhed in the mod firm fupport of their Prince's true glory, and in a fteady an4 imiform purfuit of their own welfare and bappinefs, V It may perhapp found ftrangely to forne, but it is in my mo^l humble opinion as good law, and as good fenje too, to affirm that all the plebeians of Great-Britain are in fadl or virtually reprefented in the afTembly of the Tuikarora's, as that ail the colonics are in fadt or virtually reprefented in the honourable houfe of Commons of Great-* Britain, feparately confidered as one branch of the fupreme and qnivcrfai Icgiflature of |he whole empire. t • T. It is no where faid in any a£l or refolution of paflia- inent, nor ia any lavy book, that ihe Britifh houfe of Com- gions, in faftorinlavv, virtually, reprefent the colonifts. Thef? t 5^ T Tbefe confiderations I hope will in due time have weight enough tc induce your lordfhip to ufe your great influence for the repeal of the Stamp A5i. I fhall tranfmit your lordfhip, by the next mail, a fimple* ^afy plan for perpetuating the Britifli empire in all parts of the world. A plan however that cofl me much thought before I had matured it. But for which I neither expedt er defire any reward in. this world, but the fatisfa(5tion of refleding that I have contributed my mite to the fervice of my king and country. The good of mankincj is my ultimate wifh, ^-.v? 11 :\ <^ i\ '■»M J!!o0on, Sept. 4» »7^S- lantt ^y Lord, ^ Tour liOrdJhifs mojl obedient i'-'^ and mojl humble Servant, ' ' F. A» ^ V*- t' F I N I S. [ W" 1 ^peedilj mli he Fubiijh^dj In two Volumes, 0(5lavo, Price lios. Sewca^ or 12 s. Bound. / AN Authentic CoLtECTioN of the 1 PEECHF^ and DEBATES in the British hIuse op QJm- MONs, from the Year 1742, to the Peaelle, in 1748. In the Debates rf this Period, are! many important Motions arifing f^^ a Variety of In- terefting Events, both DomeO^ anr the Trust, Power, and I iy, of the GRAND JURIES of England, explainc . ocording to the Funda- mentals of the Englifh Government, and the: Declarations of the fame made in* Parliament, by man^ otatutes. FirK printed in 1681. Written by the Right Honourable JOHN L o r i> SOViERS, Baron ofEvESHAi'^, and Lord High Chan- cellor OF England. This excellent Traft, has for many Years, beer very ftrarce, although feveral times ilrongly lecommended by the bell writers o^ the Englilh ConlHtution ; and in particular Ly the learned and able Author of the Letter upon Libels and Warrants, ^c. 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