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D G D Q D n n Coloured pages/ i'ages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagies Pages restored and/or lamincted/ Pages restaur^as et/ou pellicuiies Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages d6coloirues, tacheties ou piqudes Pages detached/ Pages ditachias Showthrough/ Transparence Quality of print varies/ Quality inigala de (impression Includes supplementary matariai/ Comprend du material supplimentaire Only edition available/ Seule Mition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partieilement obscurcies par un feuiil %lit Iritialr C^mpii^ ffagtJi in Canaba. Speech Delivered by the President, Lt.-Col. GeoiiGE T. Denison, in Moving the Adoption of the Annual Report at the Annual Meeting of the League. HELD IN THE Hailtoag OLomntitUB EoDm, fonsE of Commons, #ttatoa. —ON- THURSDAY, 6th APRIL, 1899. Printed by Order of the Annual Meeting. TORONTO : The Oarswell Co., Limiteu. Printerb, 1899. 'j»i* « 1 (fi# ^ht irtttalr (Bmipixt fm^m in Canada. Speech Delivered by the President, Lt.-Col. George T. Denison, in Moving the Adoption of the Annual Report at the Annual Meeting of the League. HELD IN THE Eailtoaj Committee Eannt, lous^ a( Commons, #ttalua. -ON— THURSDAY, 6th APRIL, 1899. Printed by Order of the Annual Meeting. TORONTO : The Carswell Co., Limited, Printers, 1899. The British Ergpire League. OFFICES. 12 Cannon Street, London, E.C. J9atron : Her Majesty The Queen and Empress. licc-gatrone : H.R.H. The Prince of Wales, K.G. H.R.H. The Duke of Connaught, K.G. H.R.H. The Duke of York, K.G. ^rcsibcnt : His Grace The Duke of Devonshire, K.G. Ikc-f refiibcuts : The Eight Hon. the Lord Mayor of London. The Governor of the Bank of England. His Grace the Duke of Fife, K.T. His Grace the Duke of Eatland, K.G. His Grace the Duke of Westminster, K.G. The Most Hon. the Marquess of Dufferin, K.P. The Most Hon. the Marquess of Salisbury, K.G. The Right Hon. the Earl of Crewe, K.P. The Right Hon. the Earl of Hopetoun, G.C.M.G. The Right Hon. the Earl of Jersey. G.C.M.G. The Right Hon. the Earl of Kintore, G.C.M.G. ■ • The Earl of Onslow, G.C.M.G. Lord Brassey, K.C.B. Lord Rothschild. The Right Hon. A. J. Balfour, M.P. Sydney Buxton, M.P. 39oit. "AJTrcasurci- : The Right Hon. Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P. (Ehairman of OExccutibc: Sir Robert G. W. ITorbcrt, G.C.B. Jlcting .^on. ^veasuvcv: W. Herbert Daw, F.S.I. Secvchtri) : 0. Freeman Murray. « i"Mi\A t^Jil i .Ni'v^ i i ^^ 1 ®ljt ISritisIj (Empire league in Cana5a. President: Lt.-Col. George T. Denison. Vice-Presidents lor Provinces; Ontario. Lt.-Gov. The Hon. Sir Oliver Mowat, G.C.M.G. The Hon. Sir Mackenzie Bowell, K.C.M.G. Alex. McNeill, M.P. Quebec. Lord Strathcona and Mount Royal, G.C.M.G. The Hon. J. Israel Tarte, M.P. T. C. Casgrain, M.P. Arch. McGoiin. New Brunswick. The Hon, Senator Wood, E. C. Weldon, Q.C., Nova Scotia. Lt.-Gov. M. B. Daly, His Grace Arclil)ishop O'Brien. Prince Edward Island. Lt.-Gov. G. W. Howlan. . Manitoba. Lt.-Gov. J. C. Patterson. North-west Territories. Lt.-Gov. C. H. Mcintosh. British Columbia. Lt.-Gov. T. R. Mclnnes. Hon. Treasnrer: John T. Small, Equity Chamhers, Toronto. Hon. Secretary; George E. Evans, 38 Canada Life Building, Toronto. t' THE BI^ITI^H EMpiI(E LEH^UE ini Canada. Speech delivered by the President^ Lt.-Col. George T. Denison, in moving the adoption of the Annual Report at the Annual Meeting of the League, held in the Raihvay Committee Room, House of Commons, Ottawa, on Thurs- day, 0th April, 1899. Printed by order of the Annual Meeting. Lieut.-Col. Denison said: " The year that has passed since we last met has heen a most important year in reference to the work of the British ]^]mpire League, and many striking events have ha])pened which teacli iis lessons that we should carefully consider in framing our policy for the future. AVe have many things upon wliich we can look with great satisfac- tion. Since we last met the preference in our markets, which under certain conditioub had previously been v)})en to all countries, has been restricted to our empire. A preference has also been given to our sister colonies in the West Indies, and this exami)le, we are gratified to find, has in a way been imitated by the Government of India, with the ajjproval of the British Government, which is another move in the direc- tion of the aims of our league. Almost simultaneously we see The London Times discussing a duty on wheat and sugar as a means of raising revenue. As this would not only raise revenue but help to raise wheat in Britain as well, it would aid to that extent in strengthening the empire. In reference to the preference to West Indian sugar, I wish to point out that I am informed that cane sugar in the United States has a preference through duties on beet root sugar, which, at present, is an advantage to West Indian sugar to the extent of 27 cents per hundred pounds, while the preference we have given in our market is only about eighteen cents per hundred 6 BRITISH EMIMUE LEAGUE. pounds. 1 limy suggest that we in Canada should increase our preference to, say 40 per cent, of the duty, wliicii wouUl give our fellow-colonists a slightly greater preference than they now receive under the United States taritl'. I need not my much ahout the fast Atlantic service, for all parties are united in favor of it, and we can only hope that it will be established at the earliest moment, for nothing would help more to show our position as a separate community upon this continent. We have been too backward in the past, and we fhould endeavor more and more to assert ourselves among the countries of the world. (Hear, hear.) UNITED FOR DEFENCE. There is one point I wish to press upon this meeting: there has been in the last 25 or 30 years a revolution in the affairs of the world in reference to national relations and methods of defence. Germany has united, and we remember that it was accomplished under the stress and trial of war. The German Empire was inaugurated in the greatest palace of France, to the sound of the German cannon firing upon the capital city of their enemy. Italy, as the result of three wars, has been united and consolidated. The United States during the last year have launched out into the politics of the world, have adopted expansion as their policy, and are pressing their views on the Filipinos with rifles, maxims and field guns. Wt have discovered this year once more by hard facts what history in all ages has shown— that nations can- not expect to exist upon the security of their natural moral rights, unless those rights are supported by physical strength. Spain has been taught that might prevails, and she has been crushed and humiliated for doing what the United States are now obliged to do themselves in the Philippine Islands. Tlie greatest lesson of all, however, which this last year has taught us is that which we learn from the impending fate of China. There is a nation of three hundred to four hundred millions of people, honest traders, I am told, certainly most inoffensive and unaggressive; a nation which, from its peaceful character, industrious habits and natural reserve, should have been the t" « DHITISH EMflllE LEAQITE. I •' last to have aroused lioatility. Jt Iuih neglected itB defences and hoH tiiken no elFective steps to protect itself from wrong, and what do we see now as the result? The nations in the possession of navies and armies are commencing to tear it to pieces and divide the 8|)oil8. (Hear, hear.) Do we hear of any of these nations being worried by con- scientious scruples, ori;omplaining of the moral wrong of this l)artition? No; the whole disputing is concentrated over the division of the spoils. Now what is the lesson this thing teaches us? It is this; that nations caji only enjoy their IVee- dom by being able to defend it, and that the true policy for nations under jjresent conditions is to be closely united within themselves, to be thoroughly organized and equipped, and to be able in case of necessity to use their whole strength to the greatest advantage for tlie common safety — and to do this nations must be self-sustaining. (A])plause.) THE SELFISH WAR OF TRADE. In trade, also, we see the selfish war going on and in- creasing. While England is talking about the " open door," which is a fmc phrase for flieorists, she is finding other nations busily engaged in shutting their own doors. Each nation year by year is being forced to protect its industries by tariff regulations. France is following this policy; Germany and Kussia also, and the most prosperous of them all, the United States, is carrying the principle to the greatest extent. One can see that this jH-inciple is growing and will grow, for the selfishness of nations seems, if possible, to bo increasing every day. Now, how is the British nation placed? It has the best chances of all if it sees how to take advantage cf them. (Apphuise.) It has the largest territory, with every variety of climate and i)roducts, with the greatest possibilities of development, with prospects of an internal trade far beyond all other countries. It has the best coaling stations scattered everywhere, but to secure and retain her advantages the empire must be consolidated, both for trade and defence, and this can be fully accomplished without the slightest aggression. (Hear, hear.) 8 BIUTISH EMPIRE LEAGUE. ' ! WHERE SAFETY AND FREEDOM LIF,. If wc Canadians desire to be frcj and safe it must be in that empire to v.'liich we are attaelied by evr-ry v'ie, and to whioh we m\ist be ready to give our strength for the common defence, if we expect the enormous reserve force if that empire to be at our back if our life as a free people should ever be threatened. (Applause.) It is necessary, therefore, for the ])rosperity and safety of all the pairts, that the United Kingdom, India, Australasia, South. Africa and Canada should al. be firmly nnited so as to show a square front to any enemies that may attack us. This is the object of our league; to secure the permanent unity of the empiro; and with tlie extraordinary development of nations and of military progress in them, our empire must also, if it desires security, be ready in every part to pay for that security and be ready to defend it. (Hear, Iiear.) In past ages the wars between nations have been carried on by moderate sized a.rmies, while the gr^at bulk of the i^eople attended to their usual business, excepi where interrupted in the actual theatre of war. For a thousand years wars had been conducted upon that principle, until the French Revolu- tion, when in 17t)3, being threatened with invasion by com- bined Kuiope, 1,:3U0,000 men were eo'-^scripted in France to defend her frontier. This was the first exami)le of a nation almost taking up arms to defend herself. It changed the organization of rrmies; but kter, under Napoleon, the nation returned more nearly to the old system of regular armies. In 1870 and since, however, the revolution in military defence in inost civilized countries except our own has been completed. Now in France, Germany and Russia the whole peo])lo prac- tically are trained for war. The war footing of the army in France is about 4,000,000 and some thousands of field guns; in Germany Just about the same; in Russia the army on a war footing is said to be 3,100,000; Austria has a war strength of 2,750,000. As these forces in these countries are all organ- ized, and arms, equipment and field guns ready, it will bo seen that never before in history were such enormous military «' ir BIUTI.SH EMPIRE LEAGUE. 9 preparations made. The navies have increased almost in the same ratio, our navy fortunately being more than equal to any two navies coml)ined. With this ontlook, with this con- dition of affairs outside, it is only wisdom for the wealthiest of all nations to consolidate its i)ower in order to preserve its wealth, possessions and liberty. (Apjdause.) .'.- ■& «' IT WHAT IS CANADA DOING And what are we in Canada doing? We are following the example of the Chinese, and trusting to the forbearance and sense of honesty of other nations, instead of relying npon our own strength and the strength of the empire, to which we could better ai:)pcal if we did our own share properly. (Hear, hear.) Thirty-eight thousand militia, drilled spasmodically, witli- out the necessary equi])ment and departments, without re- serves or even rifles to arm them, is no contribution to the strength of the empire. This should be changed at once. We should estaolish depots for training our fishermen and sailors to supplement the royal naval reserve, and the guns with which to train them, the barracks in Avhich to house them, and the permanent instructionail staff necessary to drill them, if judiciously placed in batteries in front of St. John, X.B., Charlottetown, Quebec and other seaports, would be aiding the British navy, which protects our mercantile marine, while matters could be arranged to make them a defence for those seaports, which at present would be at the mercy of any swift cruiser that, evading pursuit, might approach their wharves. (Hear, hear.) Our militia should ])e largely increased, and supplies of all kinds ])rovidod, and in agreeing to do our share in develoi)ing and strengthening the military resources of the empire, in our own borders, we could fairly ask the mother country to remedy a danger which at present menaces the safety of our race. THE FOOD SUPPLY. I spoke very plainly on this point of the food sui)ply last year, but the intervening months have produced such strong 10 BRITISH EMPIRE LEAGUE. evidence in support of my arguments that I wish to draw attention to the subject again. I said last year that an em- bargo on foodstuffs in Russia and the United States, rigidly can-ied out, would force the surrender of the mother country in a very few months. I have been told by trade theorists in England that the demand would create the supply, and that England could purchase food through neutral countries. I argued that an embargo by the two countries mentioned would necessarily be followed by an embargo in all importing countries at once, and in all other countries as soon as their surplus was exported. This last year has seen this view triumphantly vindicated. Mr. Leiter effected a corner in wheat in Chicago, purchasers became alarmed, prices in- creased, and wheat began to be picked up in other countries. What was the result? Spain, a country which about feeds itself, put on an embargo. I believe Italy did the same, or was on the point of doing so, while an embargo was being dis- cussed in Erance and Germany. If this could be the result of the cornering operations of one dealer in one town in one exporting country, what would have happened if those two countries which control nearly nine-tenths of the wheat ex- ports of the world were to wthhold that amount? (Hear, hear.) I have been told that no country could put on an embargo, that the people would rebel against being prevented from sell- ing their produce, but I have one example which conclusively proves my argument. The southern States had the bulk of the cotton supply of the world when the civil war broke out in 1860. Their main industry was growing cotton, their capital, labor and business were mainly involved in the production and sale of it. To force Great Britain to recognize and assist them, in other words, to bring pressure to bear upon a neutral power, the southern Government placed an embargo on the export of cotton. At Great Britain's request the northern Government agreed to give permits to let it go to England. So that it was net the blockade alone which prevented its ex- port. The southern Government maintained a strict em- bargo. AVhen their troops were forced back the stores r i BRITISH EMPIRE LEAGUE. 11 4 i cotton were seized and paid for by the Confederate Govern- ment by receipts and Government bonds, and the cotton was burned. Mrs. Jefferson Davis, m her memoirs, says that her husband grudged every pound that got out. Now let ns bee what was the result of this embargo, and how far it was possible to enforce it. In 1860 England imported from the United States 1,115,890,608 pounds; in 1861 England im- ported from the United Slates 819,§00,528 pounds; in 1863 England imported from the United States 13,524,324 pounds; in 1863 England imported from the United States 6,394,080 pounds, in 1864 England imported from the United States 14,198,688 pounds. The drop from 1,115,890,608 to 6,394,080 pounds, about one-half of one per cent., shows how complete this embargo was. The cotton famine has not been forgotten. The loss to the English people has been computed at £65,000,000, and yet this only affected one industry in one section of one kingdom. (Hear, hear.) CONTROLLED BY RUSSIA AND AMERICA. Xine-tenths of the population were able to help the tenth affected, and there was abundance of food for all. But extend that pressure, and let it be in food, which no one can do with- out, and let it extend over the whole ten-tenths (as would be the case in the event of a stoppage of food) and try to imagine the misery that Avould follow.' Food would have to be rationed to rich and poor alike, for the starving masses would not allow all there was to be monopolized by the wealthy. Under such conditions, what heart could the Government be expected to display in the conduct of the struggle? Eussia and the United States could control the export of 40,000,000 quarters out of 45,375,000 quarters exported by all nations in 1897. The late war between the United States and Spain is said to have cost the States nearly $500,000,000. If the Government of Russia and the United States bought the full surplus from their people of 320,000,000 bushels at the present market price, it would only cost them about $225,000,000, while even at $1 a bushel it would only be $320,000,000— the cheapest and most effective war measure that could be adopted. And this could be done by these countries without their having one 12 HRITLSH EMPIRE LEAGUE, war vessel. 1 repeat, therefore, that this is the weak point of our emi)ire,; our food should be grown under our own \h