IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) V // {/ /- '■^^ ^ ///,. ^ 1.0 I.I u Mi Uui- M 1.8 11.25 1 1.4 IIIIII.6 V] %'^^^/' ■* P-^.-*? ■^#3' ^1^ />< y %. Photographic Sciences Corporation 23 Wf .T MAIN STREET WEBSTER, ^'Y. 14580 4 716)872-4503 ?¥ m % CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microreproductions / Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques Technical and Bibliographic Notes/Notes techniques et bibliographiques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Features of this copy which may be bibliographically unique, which may alter any of the images in the reproduction, or which may significantly change the usual method of filming, are checlted below. D D D D D n D Coloured covers/ Couverture de couleur I I Covers damaged/ Couverture endomm^ig6e Covers restored and/or laminated/ Couverture restaurie et/ou pellicul6e I I Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque I I Coloured maps/ Cartes gdographiques en couleur Coloured ink (i.e. other than blue or black)/ Encre de couleur (i.e. autre que b'eue ou noire) I I Coloured plates and/or illustrations/ Planches et/ou illustrations en couleur Bound with other material/ Reli6 avac d'autres documents Tight binding may causa shadows or distortion along interior margin/ La reliure serr6e peut causer de I'ombre ou de la distortion le long de la marge intArieure Blank leaves added during restoration may appear within the text. Whenever possible, these have been omitted from filming/ II se peut que certaines pages blanches ajouties lors d'une restauration apparaissent dans le texte, mais, lorsque cela 6tait possible, ces p^ges n'ont pas At4 film6es. Additional comments:/ Commentaires suppl^mentaires: L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Les details de cet exemplaire qui sont peut-Atre uniques du point de vue bibliographique, qui peuvent modifier une image reproduite, ou qui peuvent exiger une modification dans la m^thode normale de filmage sont indiquds ci-dessous. I I Coloured pages/ D Pages de couleur Pages damaged/ Pages endommagdes Pages restored and/oi Pages restaur^es et/ou pelliculdes Pages discoloured, stained or foxei Pages d6color6es, tacheties ou piqu6es Pages detached/ Pages d6tach6es Showthrough/ Transparence Quality of prir Qualiti inigale de I'impression Includes supplementary materii Comprend du materiel suppl^mentaire I I Pages damaged/ I I Pages restored and/or laminated/ r~T| Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ I I Pages detached/ r~n Showthrough/ I I Quality of print varies/ I I Includes supplementary material/ Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible Pages wholly or partially obscured by errata slips, tissues, etc., have been refilmed to ensure the best possible image/ Les pages totalement ou partiellement obscurcies par un feuillet d'errata, une pelure, etc., ont 6t6 filmdes A riouveau de fapon it obtenir la mailleure image possible. T t( T P o fi b t\ si o< fi si oi Tl si Tl w M di er b« "1 re m This item is filmed at the reduction ratio checked below/ Ce document est film6 au taux de reduction indiquA ci-dessous. 10X 14X 18X 22X 26X 30X y/ f 12X 16X 20X 24X 28X 32X toils du odifier une mage The copy filmed here hat been reproduced thanks to the generosity of: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Columbia The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. Original copies in printed paper covers are filmed beginning with the front cover and ending on the last page with a prmted or illustrated impres- sion, or the back cover when appropriate. All other original copies are filmed beginning on the first page with a printed or illustrated impres- sion, and ending on the last nage with a printed or illustrated impression. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol —^ (meaning "CON- TINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Maps, plates, charts, etc., may be filmed at different reduction ratios. Those too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The folic ving diagrams illustrate the method: L'exemplaire filmA Vut reproduit grAce A la ginArositA de: Library Division Provincial Archives of British Columbia Les images suivantes ont At* reproduites avec le plus grand soin, compte tenu de la condition et de la nettet* de l'exemplaire fiimA, et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Les exemplaires originaux dont la couverture an papier est imprimAe sont filmAs en commenpant par le premier plat et en terminant soit par la derniAre page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration, soit par le second plat, selon le cas. Tous les autres exemplaires originaux sont filmAs en commen^ant par la premiire page qui comporte une empreinte d'impression ou d'illustration et en terminant par la dernidre page qui comporte une telle empreinte. Un des symboles suivants apparaitra sur la darniire image de cheque microfiche, selon le cas: le symbole — ^ signifie "A SUIVRE", le symbols V signifie "FIN". Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmAs A des taux de reduction diff Arents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Atre reproduit en un seul clichA, il est filmA A partir de Tangle supArieur gauche, de gauche A droite, at de haut en bas, en pienant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. rrata to pelure, fi A □ 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 ] SPEECH OP MR. CALEB B. SMITH, OF INDIANA, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. Delivered in the House of Represetiiatives U. S., Jauiiarif 7, 1846. WASHINGTON: PRINTED BY J. & O. S. GIDEON. 1846. l^u fc-/ \ ■A SPEECH The ComniiUee of tlie Wliole House on the state of the Union, having under consideration the joint resohitiou reported froni tht; Committee on Foreig-n Affairs, directin;^ the President to uive notice to Ureal Britain that the United St;ites will terminat<3 tlie coiufnlion between the two (Govern- ments, providins^ for the joint occupation of the Oresi^on territory, at the ex- piration of twelve months — Mr. CAliEB li. SMITH, liavinn: obtained the floor, said, that an impres- sion seemed to prevail, not only with gentlemen h('r<',i)ut through the pub- lic press, that the Oregon question was peculiarly a NVesterii (piestion. Ap- peals had been addressed to Western memi)ers, which seemed to indicate an opinion that the West alone had an interest in the (picsiion. It has also, said Mr. Smith, been frecpiently intimated that the VVesi desireil to involve the country in a win- ^\ith Great Britain. The gentleman I'rom Alaljama, (Mr. Yancj v.) who has just taken his seat, has made an ehxpient appeal io Western ui miners to abate their warlike propensities, and lo suller the peace of the CLumtry to continue undisiurlied. As a Westi-rn man myself, identified with the people of that section of tlie country, and sympathizing with their views and feelings. I dischum, utterly, on their behalf, the sec- tional character witii which it is soiii:ht to stani]) this (piestion. I deny that it is to be regarded in any peculiar sense as a Western question, or that it should be determined with any special reference to Western interests. It is true, Mr. Chairman, that the people of the West feel a deef> interest in this question, and look with anxiety for its ultimate settlement. It is true diat ihey apjireciate fidly the imjiortance of the Oregon territory, as well as the title by which our (iovernment claims it. It is true that there is, throughout the whole vallev of the Mississippi, an ardent desire that the Jionor as well as the interest ot*the I'nited Stales should l)e ]M-eserved in tlie maintenance of the just rights, not of the West alone, but of the whole country, in die Oregon territory. .But, sir, I do not Ixdic^ve that the people of the West, any more than those of otlier sections of the Union, desire war with (treat Britain, or any other nation. I do not believe that they desire ihat the settlement of this (juCslion should be submitted to the stern arbitia- ment of the sword, while odier means of an honorable adjustment are left. A war with England would not, in my opinion, be the most certain means of securing our rights in Oregon. Without war they will be maintained. The arts of peace will more certainly and seciuely accomplish what we de- sire than war. For, although I cannot believe that the strong arms and patriotic hearts of the American ])eople will ever suffer tin; territory to be wrested from us by a foreign foe, yet it cannot be denied that a war, at this Ume, with Great Britain, would greatly hazard its loss. It has been urged that the West is inclined to favor a war upon the Ore- <:• gon question, hecaupe, it is alleged, that otir people are remote from the point of (iiinger, and that a war would occasion an increased market and an enhanced demand for their agricultural products. It is a great mislakejsir, to suppose that the fieople of the West will not be exposed to danger in the event of a war. They are not so insulat«;d in tlieir poisition, or so divided from their brethren , as to relieve them from a share of the conunon dangers. The history of the country abundantly proves that, in the day of her neces- sity, they were not so far distant l-ut that they could hear her call, and were not too unmindfid of her welfare lo lly (o ihc rescue, and spill their best blood in her defence. In the e\ent of a war with Cireat Britain, the Cana- da border would become the pritjcipal scene of the cuntest. Thosf; portions of the W est which lie contiguous lo our Nortliern lakes would be immedi- ately exposed to the inroads of the enemy, (uul tin; West woidd iiu'nish her fidl share of the armies upon which the (.Jovernment woultl rely for either defence or invasion. Nor is there any more truth, sir, in the assumption that the agricultural products of the Mississipjii valley will derive an increased value from a ioreign war. A war witli Great Britain woidd at once ciu off oiu" exports. Our ports would be blockaded and our foreign nmrkets destroyed. The productions of the West, .nstead of finding a market as they now do in Etirope, would be compelled to seek purchasers at home ; and, as a neces- sary consecpience, their value would be greatly diminished. But, sir, I must be allowed, on behalf of| that portion of the people of the West whom J have the honor lo represent, utterly to disclaim and repudiate any con- siderations so sordid and sellish. I should blush to acknowledge any con- nection with them, if 1 coidd believe them capable of harboring a desire to involve the country in a war that they might speculate upon the blood and sulferings of other portions of the country. No, sir, if there is any peculiar feeling in the West — any special sensitiveness on this question in relation to the title of this Government to the Oregon territoiy, it springs from liigher and nobler considerations. It is the result of a patriotic desire to see the integrity of the nation maintained, and the rights of our conunon coun- try preserved. It is no mere sectional question; and I trust that, when it may become necessary . all sections of the country will be found uniting in any effort and any sacrifices which may be necessary tc vindicate the na- tional honor. I cannot pretend, like the gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Baker,) to an- swer for the Whigs of Illinois, Missouri, Artcansas, and Michigan. I can assume only to speak for those whom I represent. There may be a more martial feeling prevailing in some portions of the W^est than is to be found in Indiana. The gentleman from Illinois may be ambitious of covering his brow with the laurels which are to be acquired amid the '' din of con- flict and the strife of arms." Far be it froiTi me, sir, to call in question either the valor or the chivalry of the people of Illinois. They have suc- cessfully established their claim to both, not only in the celebrated Black Hawk war, which was conducted to a most glorious result, but in the more recent, though no less glorious war in which they were engaged with the great and powerful Mormon nation. The shouts of triumph which arose from the hard fought field on whidi the Mormons were roiUed and over- throw^n,are yet ringing in our ears. Much less, sir, would I be disposed to question the valor of Uiose gentlemen who represent that chivalrous peo- e from the rket and an iiistake^sir, iiijZ'er in the so divided on dangers. if her neces- ,11 , and were II ilieir best 1, the Canu- losf! portions be iniiuedi- [ iinnish her y for either agricultural alue from a our exports, oyed. The y now do in , as a neces- But, sir, I West whom ate any con- Jge any con- ig a desire to he blood and any peculiar •n in relation springs from ^ desire to see immon coun- that, when it nd uniting in icale the na- VKER,) to an- ligan. I can ly be a more is to be found [s of covering ' din of con- 11 in question ley have suc- ebrated Black lit in the more :aged with the h which arose ited and over- I be disposed hivalrous peo- ple here, wiih distinguished advantage to them, and honor to themsleves ; a portion of whom, if report has not erreen shown with signal ninlity by the able diplomatists to whom the negoii uions have been entrusted by our (go- vernment. There is, however, one or* uiul of title upon which our rights liavc been most elocpicnlly urged here, which is so novel and peculiar in its character, that 1 must for a moment allude to it. I icf'M- to the title of ^'■nifinifest ilrstiinj."' It has been mged, with mucli zeal, that ^'Ore- gon is ours by manifest destiny." I have examined, with some attention, the elaborate and al)le correspopdence which has taken place between «he plenipoientiari(\s of the two (Tovernments in relation to the title to the (he- gon territory; and although it is admitted by all that our Secretary of Stale has displayed our title with greni force and ])erspicuity, ytn I have looked in vain to that correspondence for any reference to this new. and, as sonie gentlemen seem to supjiose it, irresistible title. It is certainly reasonable lo presume tlial our negotiator, in his anxieMy to convince, not only the British plenipotentiary, l)ut the world, of the validity of our title iiml the Jurstiee of our claims, would have cited and uriit.'d all the evidences of oiu' title which he su])]iosed could, by any possibility, stren<:theii our claims or Justify our pretensions. Yet I ilo not lind that lie has. at any time, urged that we have a title to f)regon by ^•■iiuinifrst drsliinj." A'altel and (irotius, as well. as all other v.ritert u]ion the lav\" of nations, will Ix' searched in \ain for evidence ol' the I'xisience of such a title. 'i'hi-< title is certainly a very com- prelnmsive one, and,if establisht.'d.will eftectually ])m to rest all doubts antl quibbles in re2'arfl to a title l)y treaty, d s.-'overy. exploration, or settlement. [t would ceriaiidy ]H):-ses:^ one very iinporiani advantau,-e over all the titles which have lieen recognised l)v cis ilizeil nation?. Every nation must be allowetl to Judo-e (jf its own destiny, and of the rights wliieh that destiny conlVrs upon it. We can, therefore, v'xieial our ]tossessi(.»iis and increase our dominions until they correspond with tlu; grand conceptions we may form of our deir^iinx'. If Oregon is ours by '•'• }iianif(st (kstiny.^' so eciually is (Jalifi.rnia, ^lexico, Canada, and ail of the British piovinces u[ion this contineiu. If our dt^stiny ii'ives u- a righi lo them, we may as well at once commenct! the process of amiexing or '•'rr-aiDi.txind"' them to the United States. It has been recently ruiuored that our Government has furnished our newly appointed miiuster to Mexico with instructions to open negotiations widi Mexico for the purchase of California. Would it not be as well (o save to our Treci>iiiy the money which it may be proposed to expend in ihis pmrhase, and a.>^sert a title to California by ^'manifest lies- tiny ?" Our claim to that province upon the fi^iound of destiny is certainly as stronjj as the title by (lestiny to Oret^on. California is separated from Oregon by no natural barrier. They are divided but by an artificial line, and if the one is ours by ^'manifest destiny, ^^ I see not why the other is not ecpially so. Sir. I have too much confidence in the strcuffth and justice of our claims' to the Oregon territory, to consent to base our title upon pretensions so ridi- culous and absurd. What maybe the idtimate designs of Providence in> regard to our nalion, or what may be our tdtiniate (/e.siitiy is not yet made 'manifest. It cannot l)e disguised, that there is in this country a rai)idly in- creasing hist for national agrandizemeni — a thirst for territorial accpiisitions — a longing lor increased doniiiiion. It is a spirit full of danger, and if fos- tered and encour.iged, it needs not the spirit of prophecy to make manifest our destiny. Under the inlUicncc of this feeling, we have already cast wishful and longing eyes ujton the provinces of our neighl)ors. The jealousy of other natiotis is already aroused itgainst us, and we have reason to fear that the i^overnmenis of f^urope, as well as of our own continent, will be united against us to check our encrotuhmeiits upon the rights of others. The adverse claims of the United Slates and (neat 13ritain to the Oregoii" territory, based as they are upon discoveries and explorations made by citi- zens of both countries, ns well as ujion treaties maih; by both Covernments with Spain, are necessarily, to some extent, uncertain in their character, and present a lit suliject for ncgolialion ami compromise. I have, however, no hesitation in saying that v.e have a good title to all of the territoiy, as far north as the forty-ninth pmallel of north latitude; and I would not desire to- see our Governtnent make luiy concessions to Great Britain beyond those which have already been ollered. The questions in dispute between the twcx- countries, in relation to the title, have been a subject of diderence between us for itearly ( yetus. Ellbrts have been made to compromise them, at dillcrent pe , and under dilferent administrations, but without success. As early as 1M8 it was agreed, that the territory in dispute should be open and free to the citizens and subjects of both countries. In 1S27, this agree- ment was renewed for an indefinite period, with a stipulation that it might; be terminated, bv either (jiovermneiit,on giving to the other twelve months,, notice. It is proposed by the resolution now before the House, that wc shall givethe year's notice to (irtMit Britain, required by the joint convention,. t6 terminate it. A (piestion as important as this, and one which involves consequences to the country of the greatest magnitude, ishould be viewed and determined without any reference to party politics. I trust it will be so considered, and that party spirit may be sufiered to exercise no influence in its settlement. It caimot, however, be concealed, that ellbrts have been made to give it a party complexion. Previous to 1844, the country uni- versally actpiiesced in the propriety of continuing the joint convention with Great Britain. But in the memorable political contest of that year, efforts- were made to mingle the Oregon question with the elements of political strife, and to make it subservient to ])artizan triumph. The Democratic convention, which assembled at jjaltimore iii May, 1814, and nominated: the present incumbent of the Presidency is the camlidate of the Demo- cratic party, presented the (piestions of Trxas and Oregon as the twin oil- proposed to anifest dcs- is certainly ardted from tificial line, the other is f our claims-, ons so ridi- lovidcnce in* ot 3'et made I ruj)idly iii- (juisitions — , and if fos- ike manifest d ready cast 'lie jealousy iison to fear lenl , will be f others, the Oref^oti uide by citi- luverninents iaracter,antl lowever, no itory , as far not desire ta eyond those cen the two- ice between )niise them, out success, idd be open this agree- lal it might; ve months,. sc, tliat we L'onvention,. ch involves be viewed ?t it will be lO influence lave beeiif ountry uni- ention with rear, efforts- of political Democratic nominated the Denio- le twin oil- spring of Democracy. Our title to all of Oregon was n>serted, as well as the determination to sustain that title. During the canvass which followed, it will be recollected, that an effort was made to create the impression that the Democrats were the peculiar friends of Oregon, and that, the Whigs were in favor of surrendering a portion of it to Great Britain by negotiation. Mr. Clay was repeatedly denounced, not only through the press, but upon this floor, because, while Secretary of State, he had instructed our minister to England to offer to surrender to Great Britain all of the Oregon terri- tory which lies north of the /or/y- ninth parallel of north latitude, as a com- promise, although he believed our tide to be good to the whole country up to fifty-four degrees and forty minutes. We all know the result of that contest. Mr. Polk was elected, and it was immediately announced that the public voice had decided that Texas must be annexed, and that our title to all of <)regon must be maintained. The annexation of Texas was pressed forward with hot haste, and its immediate consummation lu'ged with a zeal which would admit of no delay. That measure having been disposed of, expectation was of course excited as to the course which was to ho pursued by the incoming Administration in relation to die Oregon (jue.stion. VNTe all recollect the sensation which was produced, not only in this country, but in Europe, by the rhetorical flourish of the President, in his inaug; ral ad- dress, respecting our right to Oregon. Our title was •' clear and imquestion- able," and must be maintained, was authoritatively announced. This manifesto was shordy after followed by an equally emphatic declaration of our rights, and of the determination of the Government to sustain them, in the •• ofl'icial organ" of the Administration , heralded to the world under the imposing caption of '' the whole of Oregon, or none." Who for one mo- ment could have siipposeil,that an Administration, tiius coming into power, with Kuch lofty and high sounding pretensions iipou this ([uestion — thus i»earding the British lion in advance, and denouncing, in terms of vehement bitterness, those who before had offered to concede a portion of this territory to Great Britain for the sake of a compromise, would, within die first half year of its existence, ofFer to concede to the British Government, as large a portion of die Oregon territory as had been offered under the instructions of Mr. Clay while Secretary of State. While I was canvas.sing for a seat in this House, during die last summer, rumor whispered that the President had offered to surrender the country north of forty-nine. The rumor was there most stoutly denied by his friends. That wliich was then but rumor, faintly whispered, is now rendered a certainty. The message of die Pres- ident has orncially informed us, that he has renewed the offer of compro- mise formerly made, with the excepdon of the free navigation of the Co- lumbia river. He has offered to surrender to die British Government all c'f the territory which lies north of the forty-ninth parallel of north latitude. Where now are the muttering thunders of Democratic vengeance which have been so profusely poured out upon Mr. Clay for sanctioning a similar olfer ? Where now are the oft repeated denunciations agninst '' British Whigs," who would be willing to surrender any portion of die Oregon ter- ruory to a foreign government ? The oder to surreniler has been made by a Democratic Administration — by an Administration brought into existence under the vaunting resolutions of the Baltimore convention. 1 have not, Mr. Chairman, referred to tlifse matters f'lr the purpose of ilenouncing or censurina- die Piesitleut fur tiie olVer which lie has made to 8 compromise tliis vexed question. I approve of tliat offer, and only regret that it has not been accepted as the basis of a compromise. The country- may find in the history of this t|ucstion a useful lesson. They may learn to place a proper estimate upon the self-praised patriotism of those who hove denounced all compromise, and have charged with partiality to a foreign g:)v- ernment, those of our own citizens who have sought the means of preserv- ing the peace of the comitry in attempts to settle the controversy by fair and honorable negotiation. This is not the lirst time in the history of parties when men have reached power upon pledges which they found it utterly impjssible to carry out. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Adams) has told us that he believes we shall have no war upon this cjucstion, and f»s one reason for his opinion he predicts that the Administration will '•'■hack nuV from its own positions. I shall not attempt to predict or to prejudge the Administration. Those who have been placed l)ythe people at the head of the Cfovornment have assiuned the responsibility of the neo'otiaiions upon this question, and to the country nuist they answer for the manner in which their responsibilities are discharged. But, Mr. Chairman , to come more immediately to the cpiestion ])efore the Hoiise, I desire to present some oi" the reasons which will induce me to vote against the Joint resolution now under discussion. This resolution projwses that Congress shall terminate the convention now existing between this Gov- ernment and the Government of Great Britain, which provides for the joint occupancy by the citizens of the two countries of the Oregon territory. I cannot regard the notice required to terminate that convention as a legisla- tive act. As a member of the committee on Foreisin Afl'airs my views upon this point have already been submitted to the House in the report of the mi- nority of that connnittee. i believe the positions assumed in that report to be soimd and well founded. The Constitution has wisely divided the pow- ers of the Government between ditl'erent de])artments. The line which se- parates those departments is clear and well detined. The leijislative depart- ment ought not to trench upon or invade the jMOvince of the other depart- jnents. It will lind enough to oi-cupy its auention in its own legitiniale sphere of action. The power to dissolve the convention with Great Britain is a power which itelongs to the treaty-making department of the Govern- ment. By that department was the convention created, so far as this Gov- ermiient had an agency in it, aiul by it alone can it lie terminated. Con- gress can neither m;d\e treaties nor alter or motiify those already in exist- ence. Tlie joint convention by which tlie two countries have aoreed to re- rrulate the riiihts of their citizens to ingress to the coiuitry between the Rocky Moimtains anil the Pacilic, is a treaty btHween them. An abroga- tion of that part of the treaty which creates the xvs\\\. of joint occupancy would be an alteration of that treaty, and this alteration can only be efl'ected l>y the same power which created it. 'J'he convention, as originally created in iSlS, was limited l)y its own terms to a period of ten years. Before the expiration of that time it was renewed for an indefinite period , to be termi- nated by either party upon one year's notice. This notice, l>y which the convention is to lie thus determined, must lie given by one of the parties to ,'.lie treaty to the other. The treaty-making power of the Government, it seems clear to my mind, >3 alone capable of giving the notice. Congress, it is true, may adopt reso- lutions advisory in their character, and calculated to stimulate the Executive in the discharge uf the ilulies properly pertaining to that branch of the Gov- 9 r, and only regret !e. The country riiey may learn to f tliose who liove ^ to a foreign g.ov- iieans of preserv- Dversy by fair and history of })artie3 y found it utterly itts (Mr. Adams) his cjucstion, and lation will ^'■hnclc or to prejudge the pie at the head of legotiaiions upon manner in which lestion before the induce me to vote solution proposes letween this Oov- .ides for the joint ■gon territory. I ition as a legisla- rs my views upon ' report of the mi- l in that report to divided the pow- lie line which se- leo'islative depart- the other depart- ts own legitimate ith ( Treat 13 ri tain It of the Govern- far as this Gov- rmiiuued. Con- already in exist- ave agreed to re- try between the m. An abroira- joint ocou))ancy 1 only be eO'ected Drigiucdly created iars. Before the fiod , to be tertui- e, by which the ? of the parties to lear to my mind, may adopt reso- ue the Executive anch of the Gov- ernment. But such resolutions would have no weiglu beyond the moral power attached to them , as the opinions of those who innnedialely represent the people. The responsibility of the mcisure is placed by die Constitutioa in the hands of the Executive, and I see no good reason why that responsi- bility should be taken from that branch of the Government and exercised by Congress. There are other reasons, of great weight in my mind, why the question of giving the notice should be left with tiie Executive. The propriety of giving it. vih, of course, depend much upon the state of nego- tiations with Great Britain. At the commencement of the present session, the President informed us that the neo-otiations had been brought to a close. They may, however, j)e renewed, and rumor is rife that they have been renewed. Great Britain may reconsider her hasty rejection of the proposi- tion which has been made by the President; and 1 hesitate not to say, that, should she do so, and airree to accejit the forty-ninth parallel as the boun- dary line between us, it would be the duty, as well as the interest. of this Government, to settle the (piestion u]ion that basis. T'he President will, of course, at all times be advised of the state of the negotiations, and can better judge than Congress of the time when it would be proper to give the notice. But, Mr. Chairman, if it should be admitted that the notice to terminate, the joint convention can only be given throiiirh the action of Congress, it becomes us to deliberate maturely before we taice that step. Our action in this matter may involve consequences more serious thrr are now anticipated. The step, when once taken, cannot be retraced, and w houki look well to the effect which the mensure may produce, before we ; dopt it. I am free to confess, that I have not i)een Jible to discover reasons sudicient to satisfy me that we should iiive Uie notice at this time. The joint convention be- tween the Un'*ed Slates and (ireat Britniti has now been in forct; twent}'- seven years. Dnrinu ihal. peiiod, no ellbrt has been iiiade in' Grent jjritain to terminate it, except iiy such negotiations as would settle, delimtivelv, the whole question. Until within the last two years, Init few in the L'nited States have expressed the opinion that we should terminate it. There is no point of national honor which requires us to terminate it. Its contiiui- ance involves no sacrilice of })rinciple or of interest. Our title to Oregon has lost nothinir of its strength by the continuance of the convention, and surely will not become weaker by its longer continuance. But what is to be the ellect of giving tJiis notice? Those who advo<'ate llie resolution to give notice assure us that it is a pacilic measme, and caimot l)e the means of producing war. If there is any ffentleman here who desires to precipitate the cotmtry into a war, he has not the boldness to avow it. All are appa- rently tlie advocates ol ]ieace, and desire to adopt >uch measures as will ])ro- diice pacilic results. Is this a measure of that character ? I confess, sir, 1 «Kni not without serious apprehensions as to its results. The language used by the President in his message, to my mind, veiy clearly indicates that he regards it as the commencement of a series of measures which nuist result in war. 1 know not what are his private opinions, or what opinions he has expressed in his iiUercourse with others. 1 can oidy judge of his opinions ftom his official declarations. Iji his message he says; "The extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British Goverimiem, and tlie rejection of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been done by my predecessors, and the imphed obligation which their acts seemed to ini]tose, allbrd satisfactory evidence that no cent- ;.;#v'^ 10 promise which the United States ought to accept can be effected. With this conviction, the proposition of compromise which had been made and rejected, was, by my direction, subsequently withdrawn, and our title to the whole Oregon territory asserted , and , as is believed, maintained by irref- ragable facts and arguments." In this part of the niessage the President assumes that ''no compromise which the United States ought to accept can be effected." Well, sir, if the President believes that ''no compromise wliicli the United States ought to accept can be ellected," what must we infer is his opinion as to the result of the question? He certainly cannot believe, if Great Britain will agree to no reasonable compromise, that she will surrender unconditionally all claim to the territory, and suffer our Govermnent to take undisputed posses- sion of the whole of it. The inference, then , is irresistible , that he believes the question must be settled by the arbitrament of the sworil. This infer- ence is strengthened l)y his language in another part of his message, in which he says: * "At the end of the year's notice, should Congress think 4t proper to make provision for giving that notice, we sball have reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly main- tained. That tiiey cannot be abandoned without a sacrilice of both national honor and interest, is too clear to admit of doubt." The opinion of the President, then, is clear and undisguised, that if this notice to terminate the joint convention shall be given to Great Britain, we shall be compelled, at the expiration of the year, to assert our claims to Oregon at the point of the bayonet. In this opinion I fully concur. When the joint convention shall be terminated, we must then, at all hazards, take possession of the country, and compel Great Britain, by force, to abandon her pretensions, A wiw, then, can only be avoided by Great Britain surrendering her claims. Have we any reason to anticipate that she will do this? If she has refused, upon negotiation, to make any compromise which our Government can accept, can we believe that she will be driven by menace to an unconditional surrender? The pride and arrogance which she has at all times manifested in the assertion of what she has claimed as her rights, however they may be calculated to excite on otu" part feelings of indignation and hostility to her, yet fully show that we have no reason to count on her forbearance in the present controverey . The giving of the notice, it is true, is not of itself a war measure. Had the notice been given by th(! Executive, while the nogotiations were pro- gressing, it is highly probable that no injury could have resulted from it. it might, indeed, have led to an earlier settlement of the whole subject of controversy; because, while it could not then have given any ground of offence to the British Govermnent, it would have impressed u))on the nego- tiators of both countries the necessity of an early and definitive settlement as the only means of preserving peace. 'J'he state of affairs, however, has materially changed. The President has abruptly terminated the negotia- tions, and withdrawn the proposition of compromise which he had made, alleging, at the same lime, that he had only nuule that proposition in defer- ence to the opinions and acts of his predecessors, and against his own con- victions of right. At the same time he recomniemls to Congress to give the notice, as the preparatory step to dit; assertion of the claims of Uiis Government, not alone to t!ie territory as far north ns forty-nine, but to the wl diE firi ^ mi th( cu at« ai|i' to cot av( lh( ha ou Br air int ten LO aei vet we It o DU] :or iS ntie me ■] iho :oi of bel Ef is 1 tia in^ is I bri to sta wl 11 ( eff tui i; e effected. Witli d been made and and our title to laintained by irref- cc, no compromise d." Well, sir, if fiited States oiijjht ion as to the result Britain will agree mconditionally all mdisputed posses- e,fhat he believes rord. This infer- f his message; in ■■> hink 4t proper to led a period when d or firmly main- e of both national fuised, that if this to Great Britain, assert our claims i I fully concur, nust then, at all jireat Britain, by y be avoided by lason to anticipate on, to make any believe that she The pride and assertion of what dilated to excite et fully show that 3sent controvei*sy . measure. Had tiations were pro- resulted from it. ! whole subject of 1 any ground of d u])on the nego- initive settlement irs, however, has lated the negotia- I lie had made, )position in defer- inst Ills own con- Congress to give ^e claims of thi^^ ■-nine, but to the whole of the Oregon territory — to the Russian line, at fifty-four forty. He distinctly informs us that, at the expiration of the year, we must either ftmly assert our rights to the territory, or abandon them altogether. The Tj^in and simple meaning of this is, that, at the expiration of the year, we lUust take possession of the whole of the country, and drive the subjects of the English Government from every part of it. At the same time, the dis- cussions upon this question, both in Congress and through the public press, afe conducted in a spirit of self-laudation and boastful eulogy of ourselves, aiid of bitter and vehement denunciation against Great Britain, calculated to excite feelings of reciprocal hostility between the people of the two countries If this notice is now given under these circumstances, with the avowed declaration on the part of our Government that it is intended as a preparator\' measure to the assertion of our claims to all of Oregon — with the angry passions of the people of both ooimtries stirred up into mutual hatred — can we hope that negotiations will be renewed? Can we flatter »ur*eh es into the belief that we can so operate upon the fears of Great Britain as to extort from her by menace that which she has refused as a proposition of compromise? If she has refused the oflfers which we have already made, will the asst-rtion of a determination on our part to force her into a submission to our demands, induce her at once to abandon her pre- lensions? )Sir, I cannot, for one moment, believe it, I am irresistibly led 10 the conclusion, that the giving of this notice, at this time, in the man- aer and under the circumstances in which it is proposed to give it, will afl'ectually close the door to all future negotiations, and leave this contro- versy to l)e settled by the stern arbitrameni of the sword. By this measure we eliuU "cry liuvoc, and let slip the dogs of war" to desolate the country. [t may not be ilifficult to get into a war, but it may be extremely dilFicult :o get out of ii. After years of fighting, after the sacrifice of millions of Dur treasure, and the lives of thousands of our citizens, we shall still be :on)pelled to settle the controversy i>y negotiation. May not negotiation be as successful now as tlieii; and would it not Ite good policy to exhaust the means of diplomacy and negotiation, before we resort to harsher or sterner measures ? But,3Ir, Chairman, if this (juestion must be ultimatfely settled by the 3Word — if to secure our just rights in the Oregon territorv it is necessary that we should engage in war with Great Britain, I would ask, are we in a condition to commence a war at this time ? Docs not every consideration of prudence and discretion require that we should make some preparation before we commence hostilities with the most powerful nation in the world? EVery one who is familiar with the history of the last war with Great Britain is Wt'll aware of the difiiculties we encountered from the unprepared condi- tion of the country when we engngetl in it. The Government was crippled in its operations from the want of etfective means to carry on the war. It is true, sir, that ui gallant navy won for itself im])erishable renown by its brilliant achievements; it is true, that the cross of St. George was compelled to yield, upon its (-\vn favorite element, in many a fierce conflict, to the stars and stripes; i( is true that our valiant army covered itself with laurels whenever it could meet the enemy upon a fair field, and without too great ti dispuriM of Ibrce. But, sir, these successes only sliow how much more effective might hav" beni our ojHMations. and how much, more brilliant might have been our iuocc^s, if the resources and energies of the nation 12 had been proper!}^ inarslialled for the conflict before its commencement. And ought we not, sir, to profit by the experience of the past? Shall we derive no instruction from the lessons which we have so abundant reason to remember? Every gentleman here must know, and does know, that the country is not prepared for war. With no navy but a few vessels, barely sufficient to allbrd protection to our commerce in time of peace; with no army but a few regiments, constituting merely the nucleus of a military force; without fortifications or other means of defence upon our coasts; witli our harbors unprotected, and our Atlantic cities defenceless, we are callee to mv constituents, I shall no hesitate to aid in imposing upon them any omonnt which may be necessai} to meet the crisis. Should war unfortunately come, however gentlemen may attempt to make political capital l>y raising die cry of" British parly/' 13 s coiiimencement, e past? Shall we ibundant reason to )es know, that the c\v vessels, barely Df peace; with no lens of a military 311 our coasts; with ess, we are called 1 a war with a na- il is fully ])re})ared e past year all her ler naval and mill- efficient force- any ignged in rapidly uid defensive war- iitrate all her ener- nust ensue. We de by the British cct of them we art; ) defend its claim-: y other object, \\i y \)c the object oi i most ellectiveh ice active prepara- ? to involve us in le defence of tin; >A-Ms) said, a few are talking aboui ps of miners and u'ing for a crisis'. civilized nation.^ il we -MO arousci! le enemies' artil- ? on, and which 1 .\11 pass, our diil\ ■ to adopt elHcieii old not '' prepai lassions, and ex arms for vigoroii- ii