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^CA^DIA.

A LOST CHAPTER

American His+ory

BY PHILIP F. SMITH

ILLUSTRATED

"The beloved Acadian land, the Innd of Evangeline." (Lotif^ellow.)
"Let those who would persecute or proscribe for opinion's sake, and
limit by political exclusion the right to worship God in the form by which
he who worships, chooses; who would, if let alone, join in the hunt or
exile of those who, like the Acadiaus, cherish the fiith of their cliildl.ood
and ancestors, lot them read the story of the Acadian Exiles, and bewara
of the sure retribution of History." (Memoirs Peun. Hist Society.)

PAWLING N. Y.

Published by the Authob
1884

FC 2oiA

^53

Entered ritordiug to Act of Cougrcss, in the year 18S1, by

PHILIP II. SMITH,

In the OAi'^c of the Librarian of Congress, D. C.

PREFACE.

The story of Evangeline, from its tender pathos, its touch-
ing appeals to the deeper emotions of tbe soul, and the sin-
gularly romantic historical episode on which the poem is
based, has evor been, to the writer of this volume, a work of
interest. A longing to behold the land of those Acadian
Exiles, " who had aforetime dwelt by the Basin of Minas,"
imperceptibly grew up, which was at length gratified: the
memory of the brief sojourn in the "Acadian Land," will
ever remain among his most highly treasured recollections.

Then came a desire to know more of that affiicted people,
and of the facts attending their expulsion from the soil of
their ancestors. The author was surprised that this chap-
ter of American annals had been passed over in almost ut-
ter silence by nearly every American historian, and that the
only books treating of the subject at any length, with a sin-
gle exception, were a few old and rare volumes, many of
which were scarcely to be had at any price, and none of
them accessible to the general reader. This suggested the
preparation of these pages to meet the demand of those
who might, like himself, feel prompted to peruse the details
of this sad passage in the world's history.

In accomplishing tbe task, the author wishes to state

ACADIA

that he has made free use of coteraporary history, not onlj
as to facts, but likewise incorporatiug portions of the text,
when such a course seemed preferable. Upwards of fifty
authorites have been laid under contiibation, and it is his
own fault if some of the best portions in each have not been
culled. To mention each of them by name would unneces-
sarily burden these pages, and he hopes this acknowledg-
ment will be considered sufficient without a pedantic dis-
play of marginal notes.

The typographical work was done in a "Country office,"
with a fifty-pound font of type and an old Liberty job press,
the stereotyping being executed with home-made apparatus,
after a process developed from personal experiment. The
illustrations, also by himself, whatever may be their artist-
ic worth, are believed to faithfully represent the subjects
they are designed to elucidate, which, after all, must be ad-
mitted to be the prime and legitimate purpose of illustration.
The author feels at liberty to make this statement out of jus-
tice to himself, inasmuch as the book must of necessity com-
pete, in an overcrowded market, with other books that have
not only received the careful manipulation of half a score of
artisans, skilled in as many distinct trades, but also have
engaged in their manufacture complicated machinery to the
value of thousands of dollars.

Thus much touching the mechanical and literary execu-
tion of the work. As to the historical data given in the
book, and the conclusions drawn therefrom, the author ex-
pects, and furthermore, cordially invites the most search-
ing criticisms, as he is well aware the subject involves na-
tional pride and prejudice, and all are entitled to a hearing.

*%
a

PEBTPACII!

What he gives as facts are taken from what bo beHeves to
be reliable sources, aud he has only stated bis bouest con«
yictions, wherever the blame may fall.

Another departure is, the volume is put on the market
without the imprint of an influential publishing house to
give it currency among the peopla The writer believes
the subject to be one that will introduce the book, and
prefers to conti'ol its sale himself ; and trusts that the mod-
esty of his pretensions will prompt the trade to extend a
friendly hand.

Could he be assured that the reader, under whose eye
this book may chance to fall, may derive as much enjoy-
ment in its perusal as he has had in the collection of the
materials and subsequent compilation, then the pen will be
laid down with the feeling that the labor has not been per-
formed in vain. And should it cause one sympathetic heart
to pause in the midst of the bustle of the present and drop
a tear of compassion to the memory of the poor exiles,
now gone from earth and almost forgotten, then the rec-
ompense will be still greater.

With these explanations the volume is sent out into the
world to buflfet with the waves of competition and preju-
dice, to ride out the storm in safety, or be swallowed up
as many a more meritorious book has been before.

Pawling, Feb. 1st, 1884.

CONTEiNTS

Introdtjctiox ...

Pkei.iminary Discourse

Early Explorations

Attempts at Colonization

Permanent Settlement

The La Tours - . _

From Graxd-I-ontaine to MENXiiVAL

Villkbon on the St. John

Fall op Fort Uoyal

Troubles of the J'rench

Capture of Louisbourq

Refusing the Oath - *

Fall of Beausejour

Preliminary to Expulsion

Expulsion of the Erench Neutrals'

The French Neutrals in Pennsylvania

" Massachusetts
Affairs in Acadia

Downfall of French Rule in America
English Occupation
The Fisheries . , _

Legends » . _

Appendix . .

loa

tI4
1:^9

163
167
188
21>8
- 242
250

- 265
276
313
322

- 367

INTRODUCTION.

Where is Acadia?

It is not down on the maps. Like th'^ simple and i»i'1us-
trious yeomanry winch cot ■inrised its ' . abitimts, ifs record
is to be searched after in tlie dim atma's of th> past. Were
. \ Hot that a poet has att'ned its story to ,er ^e, uiid there-
by c.auaed tiiousands of heaits to throb wiUi emotions of
niingfled pity and indignrition, and so rendered ifc imm«)rtal,
it mi^ht have remained in oblivion. Who iias not heard
of Evanyeline ? Her name is a household word over the civ-
ilized world, for the translations of the poem are legio'i, so
well iidajited is it to stir the dr.'pest sentiments of the soul.
To put the question diflferently, Where was Acadia I

When France first acqiiired dominion in the New W^orld
she gave to her Tiewly acquired tei'ritory the beautiful name,
Zi'Acadle, or in its anglicized form, Acadia, By the treaty
of Utiecht, in 1713, that power made over to the Queen of
England all "Acadia comprised \vithin its ancient bounda-
ries." These territorial limits became afterward a great na-
tional question, the French claiming that Acadia comprised
only the peninsula now known as Nova Scotia, while the Eng-
lish maintained it included the surrounding islands and
much of the mainland now called New Brunswick. Great
Britain had previously undertaken to establish a Scottish
Barony in the same territory, giving to the country its
present name of Nova Scotia, o: New Scotland. It will an-

ACADIA

8wer our purpose best to make these terms interchangeable
in the succeeding chapters.

Nova Scotia is bounded on the northwest by New Bruns-
wick and the Bay of Fundy, north by the Gulf of St. Law-
rence and the Northumberland Straits, and on the other
sides by the Atlantic. It has an area of 18,670 square
miles, or about double that of the State of New Hampshire.
The form of the peninsula has been compared to that of a
mitten, the thumb being the isthmus joining it to New
Brunswick. No part of Nova Scotia is more than thirty
miles from the sea. A belt of rugged rocks stretches along
the whole southern shore, and by the Bay of Fundy coast.
The inland is rich in minerals, well-wooded, and in many
parts, exceedingly fertile.

That long line of rocky coast forming the southern bound-
ary of Nova Scotia is not unfrequently broken into shapes
of picturesque boldness. Sometimes the rocks erect a dark
and perpendicular wall, against which the storms of the At-
lantic have beaten for ages. At other times, the ocean, pen-
etrating far inland, forms interior seas, around which clus-
ter the cabins of the fishermen, each with its fish-flalccs and
its fishing boat moored near at haud. These bays roseuible
In their general features the Norwegian fjords, and give
food and occupation to the peasartry ; and except when ag-
itated by stornib, suggest nought but fertility and jieace.

There comes a change when the tempest breaks over the
sea, and the billows dash impetuously among the shoals. The
stoutest heart shrinks in awe at the display of Divma pow-
er, and happy is the bark that can find a safe harbor whtn
old Ocean is once fully roused. The landsman shudders as
the gun comes booming ove • the water from the vessel iu
distress, calling for the help that tc)0 often is unavailable ;
and when morning breaks, and the storm has passed, naught
but a broken hull and a few shattered spars are left to tell
the talo. Notwithstanding that lighthouses shed their

5
5

M ill 11 1 !■

■ ■'-•»■'«,-,.»

PBEFAOE

friendly beams from every jutting headland; and sirens,
bell boats, fog trumpets and whistling buoys warn the anxious
sailor when the fogs hide the lights, and life-boats, manned
by sturdy arms, are ready to brave the dangers of the deep
to aid the shipwrecked mariner; — in short, after all that
human skill can devise, or humanity suggest, for lessening
the dangers to shipping, these irou-bouud coasts and their
insatiate shoals continue to demand and receive many a hol-
ocaust of human victims.

But little is known of Nova Scotia by the average Ameri-
can, and that little is closely associated with ideas of a
sinister kind. "Ought to be banished to Nuva Scotia!"
*'Wish it was in Halifax!" are mild forms of anathetnas to
which we have I)een accustomed from childhood. But this
terrifory has a just claim on the heart of every citizen of our
republic

Hundi-eds of brave New Englanders lie sleeping beneath
the greensward on Point Rochfort, beneath the once frown-
ing battlements of Louisbourg, who lost their lives in the
early struggles for the possession of that fortress. The
Acadian seas are literally strewn with the wrecks of vessels
sent out from New England ports, the fate of whose crews
will never be revealed until the sea yields up its dead. The
shores of Bedford Basin are hallowed to the memory as the
sepulchre of many a Revolutionary hero, who perished there
in captivity. It has a place in history as the refuge of
thousands of Auierican Lo^'alists, who were there given
new homes by the King in whose interest they sufiFered ban-
ishment We have alrt:ady referred to the expatriated Aca-
dians, who were violently torn from thence, and scattered
throughout the English colonies on the Continent. It is al-
so the domain of the lisheries, which subject has long been
a question of national issue between the two great powers
of England and the United States, and which is soon to
come before the people for further adjudication or arbitra-

ACADTJI

!'i !

ment. It seems almost incredible that the citizens of our
country should manifest so little interest in a land who?©
varying fortunes have ever been so closely associated with
our own.

It is emphatically a land of romance. The annals of the
early adventurers need not the gilding of fiction to invest
them with interest. Its history is made up of bloody strife,
startling events, and singular experiences. It has been the
scene of miiitai-y victories by sea and land which have illu-
minated, in turn, the cities of France, England, and the
United States ; and its soil has drank some of the noblest
blood of those great nations. It is here that the demon of
religious intolerance has been most rampant, and fratricidal
wars exerted their most baneful iuflueuce. Here, too, par-
ticularly in remote French settlements, superstition hoids
powerful sway. The headlands of the coast ai'e haunted
with the lost spirits of the victims of the numberless wrecks
strewn among the rocks; weird lights flicker about the seas
on wild and stormy nights ; strange voices inhabit the air,
and foreboding signs appear in the sky ; while the spectral
feux-follets, and the dreaded loups-yarous, prowl about the
country on the watch for souls. It is here that the passion
for the finding of hidden treasures has the strongest hold
on the people ; — the fact that the French Neutrals buried
much of their treasure at theii* extirpation, being a pre-
disposing cause.

In marked contrast are the works of Nature as disclosed
in this corner of the world. In the proper season, one may
ride for fifty miles in the Anuapoiis Valley under the con-
tinuous shade of apple orchards in full bloom. No level er
spot is there in the wide world, no happier blending of wa-
ter, plain and mountain, than at Grand Pre, on the sjores
of the Basin of Minas. And yet, within a few hours' ride,
are the wateis wherein the current from the Gulf of Mexico
and the floods from the Eiver and Gulf of St. Lawrence, im-

PREFACE

pinge their momentous force against each other; where the
iceberg rocks iu the waves, auJ the sea-fog haugs over the
deep, imperiliiug the uavigatiou, and seudiug many a weary
mariner to his long home.

The tides, which here surpass those of any other quarter
of the globe, are among the most wonderful features of
Nature's exhibit. Says a writer: ''At the head of Cobe-
quid Bay, the flood-tide is preceded by an immense tidal
wave, or *bore,' which, at spring tides, is sometimes six
feet high. At low water, nearly sixty square miles of saud,
shingle and mud flats are laid bare; tbe flood rises more
rapidly than the water can advance, and the result is the
foiujation of a splendid wave more than four miles long,
which rolls over the flats and quicksands in a sheet of foam,
and with the roar of thunder, washirg away, or burying up
everything before it Vessels lying with their broadsides to
the bore are rolled over, — their masts are broken, and they
Eire left half buried in the shingle : the skill of the pilot is,
however, equal to this danger, and accidents seldom occur."

It may be said, that few places offer greater inducements
to the summer tourist or to the sportsman, than do the seas
and mountains of this Acadian laud. The woods are full
oi game, and the waters abound in fish ; one may traverse
in boats, almost evex'y portion of the country; and the place
bas only to be better known to attract the thousands of rest-
seekvirs from abroad,

Iu the present work no pretensions are made to a full and
exhaustive treatise of the subject. It is believed, however,
that the more salient points have been touched upon, and
sufficient given to shed light on a subject that has long re-
mained in obscurity. Though the scope includes the entii'e
period succeeding the discovery of Acadia, the expulsion of
the French Neutrals is designedly made a leading feature of
the volume. In this, as in the other portions, the authoi
bas drawn his materials from the must reliable sources.

ACADIA

Haliburton, a standard authority iu Nova Scotia, referring^
to the absence fi*om the public records of that Province, of
the official documents covering the period of the forced ex-
tirpation of these people, gives it as his belief that they
have been purposely abstracted, with the view to cover up
the traces of the deed ; and he wrote more than half a cen-
tury ago. Since then the records have been filled up by
copies obtained from the state paper office in England, and
from tliose at Quebec, primanly obtained from the archives
at Paris. Of these the author has availed himself in the
present compilation. Extracts are given originally procured
from Wiiialow's letter book; the journals of the Colonial
Assemblies, and other trustworthy sources, have likewise
been freely utihzed. The papers of the French Neutrals
having been forcibly taken from them, they cannot be heard
in their own behaif, except as they have told the story of
their sufferings in two memorials, one to the King of Great
Britain, and the other to the Pennsylvania Assembly, cop-
ies of which may be found in the Appendix of this volume.
The reader can compare the declarations therein contained
with the accounts taken from English sources given in
the body of the work, and then, in the light of all these
facts, judge for himself whether the despoiling of fifteen
thousand pastoral people of their farms and firesides, and
the dispersion of most of them in indigence among a peo-
ple aliens in language and religion, was "a justifiable and
necessary measure."

rPillLIMINARY DISCOUnSE.

To the lover of romance as well as to the student of ver-
itable history, no quarter of the world is more rich in inter-
est than Acadia — a land which has been poetically immor-
talized as " The Land of Evangeline." Whether we turn
to the Diisty era of the early " Sea Rovers of the North,"
the records of whose voyages seem like quaint, legendai-y
tales, or to the later historical epoch, when the virgin soil
was enriched with the blood of so-called civilized nations in
their eager strife for its possession ; or whether we contem-
plate the stern and pitiless aspect of Nature as exhibited in
the war of the elements raging in fierce grandeur about
the rock-bound coasts, or survey her in her milder moods as
displayed in sunny seas and glowing laudscapes, — in all
there is that which holds the student spell-bound to the sto-
ry ol this enchanted land.

Previous to the discoveries of Columbus, the country
beyond the trackless sea was a fruitful theme of visionary
fipoculalion and traditionai*y tale. Plato's imaginary island
of Atlantis opposite the Straits of Gibraltar, was by many
bciioved to actually exist. Much was said and written of
the fabulous Island of St. Brandan,* which for along while

* Tlie iiiliftbilftuts of the Cannries fancied they beheld a monntainonE
ialuiid l)it^^ far to the westward, visible only at intervals and in perfectly
Rorenc tvc f»thcr. They sent severaL expediiions. but every attempt to

'ir

i V

ACADIA.

haunted thp imaginations of the people of the Canarieg;
and even the speculative "Island of Seven Cities "f was giv-
en a place on the charts of the leai'ned geographers of the
time.

That the Norse mariners visited parts of Acadia centuries
befoie the era of Columbus' discoveiies, is a fact well aui hen-
ticiited. Original manuscripts of the voyages of these Sea-
Vikings have been carefully preserved in Iceland. They
were first published at Copenhagen in 1837, with a Danish
and a Latin translation. Within the whole range of the lit-
erature ol discovery and adventure, no writings can be
found that bear better evidence of authenticity.

reach it proved fntile. Still so many had testified to seeing it, and so
nearly did their testimony apree as to its form and position, that its ex-
istence was believed in, and it was put down on their maps. Traditions
were told of some tempest-tossed mariners having at one time landed up-
on the island, but were forced to return to their ship by reason of a "harsh
wind which arose;" in an instant they lost sight of the land, and could not
again find it, nor did they afterwai'ds hear of the two sailors that had
been abandoned in the woods. On another occasion it was said a vessel
touched at this mysterious island, and anchored in a beautiful harbor at
the mouth of a mountain ravine. A number of sailors landed and wan-
dered about in various directions. Seeing night approaching, those on
board signalled for their return to the ship; scarcely were they on board
when a whirlwind came down the ravine with such violence as to carry
the vessel out to sea. They never saw more of this inhospitable island.

t A popular tradition concerning the ocean, in which seven bishops flee-
ing from Spain at the time of the Moorish conquest, landed on an un-
known island in the midst of the Atlantic Ocean, burnt their ships to pre-
vent the assertion of their followers, and abandoned themselves to their
fate. Here they founded seven cities. According to common report
some sea-faring men presented themselves before King Henry, of Portugal,
stating they had landed upon this island, the dust of which they found to
be one-half gold — hoping to secure a reward for their intelUgeuce. They
were ordered to return immediately and procure further information, but
the seamen, fearing their falsehood would be discovered, made their eB«
cape, and nothing more was heard of them.

PRELIMINART DISCOUBSB

In the year 861, Iceland was discovered by a Norse Rover
named Nadodd, and soon became a place of great interest;
in two or three centuries we lind its people bad become em-
inent among the Norse communities for their intellectual
culture, and for their daring and skill in navigation.

" Eirek the Red " occupied a prominent place as one of
the eai'ly mariuors. The Norse narrative introduces Eirek's
voyage of discovery as follows : '* There was a man of no-
ble family named Thorwald. He and his son Eirek, sur-
named the Red, were obliged to flee from Jadir (in the south-
west part of Norway), because, in some feud which arose,
they committed a homicide. They went to Iceland, which
at that time was colonized." Thorwald died soon after, and
the restless spirit of Eirek at length involving him in an-
other feud in Iceland, he was a second time guilty of tak-
ing the life of a fellow being. The narrative continues:
*' Having been condemned by the court, he resolved to leave
Iceland. His vessel being prepared, and everything in
readiness, Eirek's partisans in the quarrel accompanied him
some distance. He told them he was going in search of
the land Gunniborn had seen when driven by a storm into
the Western Ocean, promising to return if his search proved
successful. Embarking from the western side of Iceland,
Eirek steered boldly for the west. At length he saw land,
and called the place Mldjokul. Then coasting along the
shore in a southerly direction, he sought a place more suit-
able for settlement. He spent the winter on a part of the
coast which he named 'Eaek's Island.' A satisfactory sit-
uation for his colony having been found, he remained there
two yeai-s." The country discovered and colonized by
Eirek was Greenland.

Eirek returned to Iceland, and as a result of his repre-
sentations of the newly discovered country, " twenty -five
ships," filled with emigrants and stores, returned with him
to Greenland. This happened, says the ciironicle, "fiiteen

ii I

ACAr'A

KOBMAN 8HIP

years before the Christian re-
ligion waa introduced into Ice-
land," or fifteen years previ-
ous to 1000 A. D. Biarni, a
chief man anjong these colon-
istp, was absent in Norway
when they sailed from Iceland.
On his return he decided to
follow and join the co'ony ;
and although neither he nor
his companions had ever seen Greenland, or sailed the
Greenland Sea, he boldly embarked, and made one of the
most remarkable and fearful voyages on record. It must be
borne in mind that the "ship" of thofe early times, with
its qurint propoitiois and *' dragon prow," was so unsea-
worthy, that, in this day of advanced nautical skill, it would
be deemed an act of sheer madness to essay an ocean voy-
age in so frail a vessel.

On leaving Iceland they sailed three days with a fair
wind; then arose a storm of northeasterly winds, accompa-
nied by very cloudy thick weather. For many days they
were driven before this storm, into trackless
and unknown waters. At length the weath-
er cleared, and they could see the sky. —
They sailed west another day, and saw ]and>
diflf( rent from any they had formerly known,
for it "was not very mountainous." Biarni
said this could not be Greenland. They put
about and steered in a northrasterly direc-
tion two days more. Again they saw Jand
which was low and level. Biarni thought
this could not be Greenland. For three
more days they sailed in the same direction,
and came to a land that was " mountainous,
and covered with ice." This proved to be an island around

KOBSEMAN

PREIJMINABY DISOOUBSK

,.->i

OLD TC'.WSn

-which they sailed. Steering north they sailed four days,
and av;ain discovered land, which proved to be Greenland.
They were on the southern coast near
the new settlement It is manifest
that the first laud Biaini saw was
Cape Cod ;* the next was the north-
ern part of Nova Scotia ; and t le
isiaud around which they coasted
was Newfoundland. This voyage
was made five hundred yc^ars earlier
than the first voyage of Columbus.

The period of these adventures was
during the dark ages, at a time when

ignorance and supei'stitioa brooded over the woi'ld like the
demon of night. But little was known among the nations
of Europe of the voyages of the Norsemen ; and that little
seems to have been regarded as " dim, traditionary tales of
old Sea-Kiiigs," and only served to deepen a sense of the
mystery of the great unknown beyond the sea.

Centuries passed away. Gradually the light of intelli-
gence began to be shed abroad among the benighted na-
tions. Slowly but surely the workl was being prepared for
a great event which the guiding hand of Providence was
now to bring about.

On the 4th of Ma'ch, 1493, a vessel sought shelter in the
port of Lisbon. Her coming was unheralded; her seamen
were weary and weather-worn ; her sails had suffered the
strain and shock of fi('rce tempests; yet that frail, leaky
bark was the bearer of tidings that were to work great so-
cial and political changes among the nations of the earth

• These early Navigators gave the country they hnti discovered the
name of "Helluland." They are supposed to hfive erected the old round
tower at Newport Certain it is the Indians had no tradition of its origin
when the whites first canie amons them.

i; i'

III

I lii

Si ACADIA

It was tho caravel of Columbus, returned txom his first vojw
age of discovery.

The triumphal reception of Columbus by the sovereigns
under whose patronage he had sailed, and the agitation pro-
duced throughout Europe by the report of his discoveries,
are facts in history too well known to need repetition here.
Learned men, appreciating what was sure to follow, ^' ex-
alted over the fact they were living in an age marked by
such an event as the discovery of a New World." Kings
and Emperors, anxious to extend their power, or to add to
their wealth, became eager patrons of explorers ; doling ad-
venturers, anxious to distinguish themselves by some im-
portant discovery, or seeking to open up some channel of
sudden wealth, undertook expeditions ibto unknown seas ;
while not a few, assuming a more religious view of the mat-
ter, went among the newJy discovered people for the pur-
pose of converting them to the Christian religion. For up-
wards of half a century the minds of kings and subjects
were occupied with this all-absorbing topic. And now the
" vaunted wisdom of antiquity began to pale as the light of
discovery broke in upon them," scattering to the winds their
learned theories and hypotheses of the wide waste of wa-
ters. Says Humboldt — " The fifteenth century forms a
transition epoch, belonging at once to the middle ages and
to the commencement of modern times. It is tiie epoch of
the greatest discoveries in geographical space ; and to the
inhabitants of Europe it doubled the works of creation,
while it offered to the intellrct *:ew and powerful incite-
ments to the improvement of the natural sciences."

Men of broken fortunes, and restless spiiits of every
class, could now find employment befitling their ambition.
Not since the crusades had an event been so opportune. —
The golden lure was held out to them, and many clutched
at the proli'ered bait. The love of conquest became a rul-
ing pabsion : — Cortez, a soldier of infurior rank, suddenly

»REUMISABT DI8OO0B8B

found himself fired with an ambition which required the
blnod of a inillion of native Mexicans to satisfy. Surely it
wjis an unlucky day for the races of the new world when the
eyp of Europeans first opened upon it.

As the vast wealth and resources of the nowly-discoverod
land came to uo better known, bitter rivalries sprang up l>e-
twoen the European powers for its possession. The relig-
ious dissensions then raging throughout Christendom add-
ed fuel to the fires of national discord and jealousy. It was
uiuler these conditions of political and civil comtuotion that
the Acadia of American History had its birth ; and as it not
un frequently happens in njcdical practice, the pain is expe-
rie* .'dd in one pai't, while the disease that causes the pain is
to be sought for elsewhere, so we may read, in the suffer-
ings of hapless, helpless Acadia, the vaiied changes in the
political phases of the Old World.

Ill

EARLY EXPLORATIONS

THE CABOTS.

A few years subsequent to the first royage of Columbus,
the Cabot s were taking a prominent part in nautical achieve-
ments. They were natives of Venice, and of renowned skill
in maritime pursuits. They sailed under British colors,
and were duly authorized, as their commission read, "to
discover and possess the isles, regions, and provinces, of
the heathen and infidels." In the spring of 1498, the ship
Matthew, in company with three or four smaller vessels, all
displaying the proud flag of England, left Bristol and steered
westward. They bore John Cabot and his son Sebastian,
who, with their followers were essaying the jiassage of the
North Atlantic. On the 24th of June they discovered the
main land of America, which they named Prima Vista. —
The same day they saw an island opposite, which they called
St. John, from the day of discovery. Here they found the
inhabitants clothed with skins, and they fought with darts,
bows and arrows : three of these natives they carried off to
England. But meagre records of the voyage have been
handed down, yet there are good reasons for supxjosing the
lands discovered to be the main land of Labrador, and the
island of Newfoundland. They describe the country as
sterile and uncultivated, with no fruit. White bears, and
stags of unusual hight, were numerous. The waters were
full of fish, especially of the kind called by the natives bac-
alkoSf which poetical name has since degenerated into sim-

EARLY EXPLORATIONS

pie "cod." Proceeding northward tbey encountered those
terrojs to navigators of noithern waters — icebergs. Be-
coming alarmed, they turne.l helm, and coasted southward
as fai- as Fiorida, The voyages of the Cabots gave to Great
Britain her claim to the New World.

GASPAR DE CORTEAL.

Two years later [15C0] Gaspar de Corteal, a Portuguese
navigator, sailing from the port of Lisbon, touched at the
coast of Labrador, which he named Terre Verde. He sur-
passed the English in disregarding the rights of the abo-
rif,'ines — capturing fifty-seven of them, which he afterward
sold as slaves in Europe. The country from whence these
unfortunates were taten is described as abounding in im-
mense pines, tit for masts, which would prove the land
could not have been far to the noith. It was thickly peo-
pled; the natives used hatchets and arrowheads of stone;
they lived in rudely constructed huts, were elad with the
skins of wild animals, and were a well-made and robust
race. This description might well apply to the Indians of
Acadia. Encouraged by tlie sut-cdss attending his first un-
dertaking, Corteai set out in the following year for anoth-
er cargo of timber and slaves. But neither himself nor any
of his crew were ever heard of more. His brother Michael
de Corteal fitted out two ships and went in search of him,
a)id he, too, shared the fate of his relative. "The avenging
spirit overwhelmed them on the trackless deep, and they
were never permitted to again see the shores they had pol-
luted with the curse of human trafGic."

VERAZZANI.

Nearly a quarter of a centuiy elapsed when the King of
France determined on sending an expedition to discover
new worlds for him, imitating the example of the crowned
heads of Englanil, Spain, and Ji'ortugal, who, during this

'il i

I ■!

I li

ACADIA

time, had been adding to their possessions "by right of dis-
covery." Disrcgardful of the authority of Pope Alexander
to bestow all newly-discovmed lands on Spain and Portu-
gal, the French monarch fitted out the ship, Dol2)fiin, with
a crew of fifty men and piovisions for eight months, and
sent it out in command of Verazzani on the 17th of Janua-
ry, 1524. The expedition touched at North Carolina, sailed
northward as far as the 50fch degree of north latitude — or
that of Newi'oundland,-r— and gave to the country its third
a^jpellaliou — " New France." Verazzani made a srbsequent
voyage from v.hich he never returned. Of his fate nothing
Cv-itain is known; but there is an old French tradition to
the effect that he landed near the present town of Cape Bre-
ton, an the island of that name, and attempted to found a
fortified settlement. But being suddenly attacked and
overpowered by the Indians, himself and his entire command
were put to death in a cruel manner. Says Bancroft — "Ve-
razzani advanced the knowledge of the country, and gave
to France some claim to an extensive territory on the pre-
text of discovei-y."

Previous to the expedition of Verazzani, France appears
to have taken '.ittle national interest in the New World. —
Hitherto every French vessel that had visited America came
on a commercial errand only, and the trade of that people
in the foreign products of fish and peltries was considera-
blt\ We may except the iii&t;ance of Baron de Lery, who,
in 1518, attempted to found a settlement under French pat-
roiiage in Acadia. The Baron was a man of courage and
lofty aspirations : with a company of colonists, and stores
necessary to commence life in a new country, he embarked
in the enterprise ; but unfavorable weather, and other ad-
verse incidents, caused the project to miscarry.

With the last expedition of Verazzani, l^ieuch interest in
America again declined. For a number of yeai's that war-

EArL" «iXPl.OKATIONS

hMTa^seJ people had enough to occupy their attention at
home. At lengi.h the adviaers of the French King urged
upon him the advautages of founding a colony in America,
and 8 iggpsted that the most appropriate place to colonize
woukl be the nearest nortaeastern region, inasmuch as na-
tive Basque and Norman barks had for twenty years fre-
quented Acadiua waters in quosL of tish. An expedition
was determined on, a knowledge of whicn coming to the
Kings of Spain and Portugal, those potentates entered a
protest against it us au encroachment on their territorial
rights. The French King answered sarcastically, "I should
like to see that clause in Adam's will that gives to theui
alone so vast au inheritage ! " The grand admiral of France
gave command of the expedition to Jacques Carlier, of iSt.
Malo, a reputed skillful mariner and hardy seaman.

Cartier sailed from St. Malo, a seaport of Brittany, in
the spring of 1534, with two vessels, neitlier of wiiich ex-
ceeded sixty tons burden, and whose united crews amount-
ed to but one hundred and twenty-two meii. During tiiis
his first voyage, Cartier made no impoiiant discoveries.
The more salient points of the Laurentian Gaif were already
well known to his countrymen, who habituaLy fished in
these waters ; but he was the first to carefully examine the
"arid and desolate sea-margin of Labrador." He came up
the Newfoundland coast, and entered the Gulf of St. La\v^
rence by the Strait of Bellisle.

Skirting along the western coast of Newfoundland as far
as Cape St. George, he then sailed northwest, and on the
Both of June came in sight of the coast of Acadia. Tiie first
land seen by Cartier is now known as Point Escuminac. —
Carlier thus records his impressions: "AVe went that day
ashore in four places to see the goodly and sweet-smelling
trees that were there. We found them to be cedaiss, ewe-
trees, pines, white elms, ashes, willows, with many isoiLs of
tiees to UB unknown, but without any fruit. The grounds

1 i

ACADIA

where no wood is are very fair and all full of peason, white
aud red goosebeiiies, strawberries, blackberries, and wild
corn like unto rye, which seemeth to have been sown and
plowed. The country is of better temperature than other
that can be seen, and very hot. There are ujauy thrushes,
stock-doves, and other birds ; in short, there wauteth noth«
ing but good harbors."

He says of Newfoundland : " If the soil were as good a9
the harbors are it were a great commodity, but it is not to
be called New Land, but stones and wild crags, and a place
fit for wild beasts, for in all the North Island I did not see
a cart load of good earth. Yet I went on shore in many
places. In short, I believe this is the laud God allotted to
Cain."

Cartier entered a spacious basin which he named Bay of
Chaleurs, on account of the extreme heat at the time. —
Landing on its coast he took formal possession of the ter-
ritory in the naiue of the French King [Fran-
cis I], setting up a cross thirty feet high and
suspending thereon a shield bearing the
Jieur-de-lis, and an inscription, as eml^lematic
of the new sovereignty of France in America.
This typical act of incorporating the territory
into the empire of France was ingeniously
performed so as to appear to the natives as a
ABMs OP FKANCK rellglous ccremouy. The old chief seems to
have had his suspicions aroused that something more than
worship was intended, and visited the ship to remonstrate
with Cartier. He was assured that the cross was erected
merely to serve as a landmark to guide the white visitors
to the entrance of the harbor on their next voyage. On
leaving the shores of the Gaspe, as this land was called by
the Indians, Cartier carried oflf two sons of the chief, wljom
he decoyed on board. As the season was now far advanced,

EARLT EXPLORATIONS

he delermine.l on returning to France, and set sail in time
to avoid the autumnal storms which yearly visit the coast.

The favf^able report given by Cai'tier encouraged the
French to further attempts^ accordingly another expedition
was fitted up and placed under his command. Conforming
to the prevailing custom of the day, Cartier repaired with
bi:i men in solemn procession to the calhedral of St. Malo,
whej the blessing of Heaven was evoked in aid of their en-
terprise. This religious service concluded, and the fare-
wells spoken, for hia crews were mainly composed of the
husbands and sons of St. Mnlo, they repaired to the ships.
The squadron, consisting of three vessels, having on board
11 J hands and provisions for tnree months, departed with a
favoring breeze from the port of St. Malo in May, 1535.
(':vtier, as Captain General, hoisted his pennant on the Le
Oraw'e Ilertidne, a vessel of little moi'e than 100 tons bur-
don. Several persons of gentle blood accompanied the ex-
pedition as volunteers. Unfavorable weather was soon ex-
perienced ; the passage jiroved tedious, and adverse winds
separated the vessels. Cartier had provided for this emer-
gency by appointing a rendezvous on an island between
Labrador and Newfoundland, which they all at length
reached safely.

After a brief season of rest, they put to sea. Sailing
about among the numei'ous islands, on St. Lawrence day
they "entered the bay forming the embouchure of the no-
ble river now bearing that naaie." This stream for a por-
tion of its course at the mouth, has a wild and saddening
aspect. The numerous rocky points obstructing its course,
the dense fogs, the furious blasts that ply over its bosom,
the eddying and whirling of the tides among the numer-
ous islets, are well calculated to appal the spirit of the voy-
ageur. Passing up the river, the adventurers entered the
deep and gloomy Saguenay,* but were prevented from ex-

* The Sagueuuy is uot properly a river. It is a tremendous chasiq.

ACADIA

ploring it by the lateness of the season. Early in Sepfem
ber they reached an island abounding in hazel bushes, to
which in consequence they gave the name Isle ctux Cou-
dres. The river, "so vast and sombi'e in its lower expanse,
DOW became a graceful and silvery stream."

Cartier began to look about him for a good harbor in
which to \. =iss the winter, and decided upon one at the mouth
of the river now known ai the St. Charles. Close at hand
was the Huron town of Stadacona. This Indian village
was situated on a hjg j bluff which projected far into the
river, and so narrowed its passage that it was forced into a
rapid current. To this passage the Indians had given the
name of Kepec, which name, slightly modified, has since
been bestowed on a more pretentious modern city that has
sprung up on the site of the Indian town, a city that has
become iliustrious in the history of the American Continent.

" Quebec needs not the gilding of roma- ^e to invest it
with interest. The rock upon which it stands will not be
more enduring than the fame of the achievements that have
been there enacted. Where stood the fragile huts of the
simple Algonquins, there have arisen parapeted walls, bat-

cleft for sixty miles through the heart of a mountain wilderness. Every
tiling is hard, naked, steru, silent. Dark gray eliffa rise from the pitch-
black water; lii-s of gloomy green are rooted in their crevices and frin^'e
their summits; loftier ranges of a dull indigo hue show themselves in tiie
background, and over all bends a pale, northern sky. The water beneaiJi
us was black as night, and the only life in all that savngc solitude wjw,
now and then, the back of a white porpoise, in some of the deeper coves.
The river is a reproduction of the fiords of the Norwegiiin coast.

(Uayard Taylor.)
Sunlight and clear sky are out of place over its black waters. Any-
thing which recalls the life and suide of nature is not in unison with the
huge, naked cliffs, raw, cold and silent as the tombs. It is with a sense
of relief that the tourist emerges from its sullen gloom, and look back
upon it as a kind of vault,— Nature's sarcophagus, where life or sound
eeeiuB never to have entered. (Louduu Times.)

. I ■ifi'

■ABLT EZPLOBATIONS

Wements and fortifications, — emblems of militai'y prowess.
For a century and a half this was the seat of the capital of
the French Empire in America, whose authority extended
from the stern and rocky coasts of Labrador to the«delta at
the mouth of the Mississippi. Its name h>iis been oiiiinous of
bloodshed ; and it has successively been the scene of tri-
umphs which illuminated every city in the great nations of
United States, Great Britain and France. From it bloody
edicts went forth which gave over the border settlements
of New England into the hands of the merciless savage, and
his still more merciless white-coadjutor, and which «hi ouded
her villages in mourning. On this barren rock was achieved
the famous victory which gave the vast territory of Cauadaf
to the Bi'itish crown."

Cartier still pushed on, impatient to reach Hochelaga, the
site of the present city of Montreal. He found there an In-
dian town of about fifty wooden dwellings, begirt with a
triple enclosure of a circular form, and palisaded. He re-
quested to be taken to a mountain top a mile distant ; en-
chanted with the view from this lofty peak, he gave to the
hill itself the name Mount Royal, — words which have since
been modified into MontreaJ, and become the appellation
of the fair city on its southern declivity. The squadron re-
turned down the river and occupied the place selected for
winter quarters. Scurvy broke out among the company ;
the cold became inteuse, and increased day by day ; out of
more than one hundred men composing the three vessels'
crews, for some time not more than three or four men were
free from disease. Too weak to open a grave for the dead
the survivors yet able to crawl about deposited the bodies
under the snow. At length, after twenty-five of their num-
ber had perished, and when most of the others were ap^jar-

» s

fThe natives iutiinated to Cnrtier of a collection of wigwams further
up streaiu which wfts called Kauuata, from which word the country prob-
, ably derived itd uame.

i :. 1

ACADTA

ently at death's door, a native told them of a remedy whiclfi
was resorted to with the effect of curing every ailing French-
man within a few days. When spring returned, Cartier set
Bail for France, signalizing his leave-taking by an act oi
treachery. Inviting the King and three or four of the prin-
cipal chiefs on board, he imprisoned them and carried thenk
to France. The lamentations of the Indians were of no
avail, and none of the expatriated savages ever saw their
native soil again.

While he was still at Quebec a number of London mer
chants sent out two vessesls on a trading voyage to the
coast of America. They spent some time in Acadian wateis,
but found the natives so shy that they w ere unable to trade
with them. Coming short of provisions, they for a t>rae
subsisted on herbs and roots j at last they were reduced to
the extremity of cas'iing lots to see who should die to afford
sustenance for the remainder. At this critical moment a
French vessel appeared, laden with provisions. This they
immediately seized, and appropriating its cargo, thus pro-
vided for their wants. France and England being then at
peace, the Frenchmen complained of the outrage to the Eng-
lish sovereign, Ilenry VIII. The King, on learning the
great straits to which his countrymen had been reduced,
forgave them the offense, and generously compensated the
Frenchmen out of nis own private purse. The failure of
Cartier to discover gold (that great desideratum), and the
Bufferings his men had undergone, together with the fo-
ment in which he found his native country on account of
religious dissensions, caused the project of colonizing the
new world to be temporarily abandoned. The very exist-
ence of Canada seems to have been ignored.

Not until the year 1541 was public attention again turned
toward Acadia. The anticipated profits of the traffic in pel-
try and the fisheries were sufficient to induce many to brave
the dangers of the deep and the rigors of a northern winter;

BARLT BXPLOBATIOKS

accordingly in that year another expedition was prepared
by King Francis, who bestowed the chief command on Ro-
berval, making him his lieutenant and viceroy in Canada.
Gartier was appointed Captain- General of the fleet. The
latter without waiting for hie superior who was detained,
set out with five ships early in the summer of 1541 ; ascend-
ing the St. Lawrence he cast anchor Ai, Quebec which he
had left five years previously. Notwithstanding his act of
treachery toward the natives, he was allowed to remain in
peace through the winter; but in the spring, their man-
ner being changed, he knew they only waited an oppor-
tunity to attack him, and he embaiked his colonists to re-
turn home. He set sail for France at the same time Rober-
val was leaving there with three ships, with two hundred
colonists on board. Boberval had been prevented from
joining Cartier the yeai' before. The two squadrons met at
St. Johns, Newfoundland. Cai'tier >\'as commanded by bis
superior to return with him to Canada: but he, having
had enough of Canada experience, weighed anchor under
cover of night and departed for France. Roberval proceed-
ed to Can^a, took possession of Cartier's forts, and there
spent the winter, having first dispatched two vessels to
France, to inform the King of his arrival, and requesting
that provisions be sent him the next year. The scurvy
broke out, and not having the remedy used by Cartier, fifty
of the colonists died before spring.

The chronicle informs us, that during the winter "one
man was hanged for theft, several others were put in irons,
and many were whipped, by which means they lived in qui-
et." The next spring Roberval made an exploration into
the interior, during which one of his vessels sunk and eight
of his men were drowned. During the summer he return-
ed to France with what remained of his colony. In 1549
Boberval organized another expedition, and again set sail
for Canada, accompanied by his brother A.chille and a band

ifji ('!

i : 1 ''

AOAOU

of brave adventurers. Their fate is one of the secrets of
the sea. Canada had reason to lament the event, for the
loas of that expedition retarded the settlement of the ooun<
try for more than half a century.

! ■!

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ilHHHIHH^HHHI

ATTEMPTS AT COLONIZATION.

For a period of about forty years succeeding the ill-
starred expedition of Boberval, the colonization of Acadia
was not attempted. This period was fully occupied by the
vai'ious European powers in conflicts with each other, and
in the more Hanguinary domestic wars of religion.

It must not be supposed there was no intercourse during
tiiis period between the old world and the new. The Nor-
mans, the Basques, the Bretons and others, "continued to
fish for cod, and join in the pursuit of whales that frequent-
ed the embouchure of the St. Lawrence and the neighbor-
ing waters." In 1578, one hundred and fifty-seven French
vessels repaired to Newfoundland alone, in addition to the
vessels of other nationalities. These hardy fishermen were
continually widening the limits of navigation. Another im-
portant branch of industry, the traffic in peltries, began to
grow up, and proved to be nearly as profitable as the deep-
sea fishing. Their vessels ascended the St. Lawrence, and
dotted the picturesque rivers and bays of Acadia. But
these expeditions were planned and executed by private en-
terprise, and therefore possessed none of the interest and
importance of national ventures.

England was the first to break this period of inaction.
She came late into the field, yet it was her province, in the
end, to eclipse all others in tne race for territory in the new
world. In 1683, Sir Humphrey Gilbert, brother of Sir

AOAOU

Walter Raleiph, set out to found a colony ander British
patronage, with a fleet of five vessels. Two hundred and
sixty men accoiiiptuiied the expedition, including many car-
penters, sbipwriglits, masons and blacksmiths. Nothing
seems to have been omitted that was thought necessary to
the success of tlie enterprise.

The little fleet had been but two days at sea when the
largest vessel turned back on account of a contagious dis-
ease which had brolcen out among its crew.* After a foggy
and disagi'eeablc passage, tlio remainder o/ th-? fleet reached
Newfoundland in sai'ety toward the close of July. The first
sight of this desolato coast, — a bleak stretch of lofty rock
loouiing through a dense fog — was disheartening to the
storm-tossed mmitiors. They soou re:iched the haibor of
St. John, wJxere they were churmei"! with the fresh green
foliage, bright flowcr.s, and nn abiindaucc of berry-beaiing
bushes. Hero tJiey found thirty-sis ships of vaiious na-
tions, with who)n they exchanged civilities. Gilbert at once
lauded and took fonnal possossion in the name of the
Queen, amid a salvo of t)rd)iauco from the shipping in the
harbor. The suninier was spent iu examining the creeks
Rnd bays, noting the soundings, and sui-veving the coasts
at grent risk of destruction. Evidences of rich mineral de-
posits wore found, v/luch eontributefl much to tae satisfac-
tion of the crew. One night, toward the close of August,
there were signs of an approaching storm. It was after-
wai'd romenibered, that " like the swan that singeth before
her death, they in the Delight continued in the sounding
of drums and trumpets and tifes, also the winding of cor.
nets and hautboys, and in the end of their jolhty, left with
the battoll. and the ringirjg of doleful bells." Soon after,
the storm broke upon then The JJelight, the largest of
the vessels, struck and w';nt down among the breakers oflf

I I

* tk>me say it was a case of desertion.

ATTBMfTS AT COLONIZATION

Cape Breton, in full view of the others, who were unable to
rentier any help. A large store of provisions, and Gilbert's
papers, were lost The Golden Hind and the /Squirrel nar-
rowly escaped, and were now left alone. The weather con-
tinued boihterouM: the rigors uf wii;ter had set in early;
provisions run short; and Gilbert found himself with no al-
ternative but to abandon his explorations and return to
England. But he spoke hopefully of future expeditions to
Newfoundland, and did his best to cheer the drooping spu*-
its of his men. Gilbert shifted his flag to the /Squirrel, a
mere boat of ten tons burden, against the entreaties of
those in the other vessel. Shortly after, the sky became
dark and threatening. The sailors declared they heard
stiange voices in the air, and beheld fearful shapes flitting
around the ships. When in Mid-Atlantic a severe gale
arose, and destruction appeared inevitable. The /Squirrel
labored heavily, and several times in the afternoon of the
9th September, was near cast away. Gilbert, sitting abaft
with a book in his hand, as often as the Golden Flind came
within healing, cried out — " We are as near Heaven by sea
as by land ! " At midnight the lights of the Squirrel went
out: — the elements had swallowed up both her and her
hapless crew. The Golden Hind survived the storm, and
bure the tidings of the disastrous fate of the expedition to
England.

At leiigth, France having obtained a respite from her ex-
haustive wars, and her King [Henry IV] firmly established
on his throne, the spirit of adventure began to revive, and
attention was again directed to the New World. The
strong arm of the government was no doubt called in requi-
sition the sooner on account of difficulties between rival
traders, who carried their animosities so far as to burn each
other's bai'ges or coasting vessels. The nephews of Car-
tier, believing that they were entitled to some consideration
on account of the services of their illustrious relative, asked

i '

I 't:

ACADIA

for a renewal of the privilege accorded to him. Letters
patent were granted them in 1588 ; but as soon as the mer-
chants of St. Malo were apprised of this, which amounted
to a prohibition on all other traders, they lodged an appeal
before the privy council, and obtained a revocation of the
grant. This did not serve their purpose, however, for a
third competition arose, in the person of the Marquis de La
Boche, who obtained a royal confirmation of himself as
"lieutenant-general," or viceroy of Canada, Acadia and the
lands adjoining. The Marquis was authorized to impress
any ships or any mariner in the ports of France, that he
might think needful for his expedition : he was empowered
to levy troops, declare war, build towns, promulgate laws
and execute them, to concede lands with feudal privileges,
and regulate colonial trade at discretion. No trader, there-
fore, dare set up against this monopoly.

La Roche set sail in that year taking with him forty-
eight convicts from the French prisons. Fearing that his
people might desert him, he landed them on Sable Island,
a barren sand-bank, one hundred and twenty miles to the
south and east of Nova Scotia, while he went to find a suit-
able place for a settlement. He visited Acadia and was re-
turning for his colonists when he was caught in a tempest,
and was driven before it, in ten or twelve days' time, to the
French coast. Scarcely had he set his foot in France when
he was thrown into prison, and not until five years after-
ward was he able to apprise the King of the result ot his
voyage. King Henry, compassionating the condition oi the
unfortunates on Sable Island, dispatched the pilot of La
Roche to learn their fate. That island which is of crescent-
like configuration, arid and of rude aspect, bears no trees
nor fruit; its only vegetation is sea-matweed, growing
around a lake in the centre, and in places along the shore.
When the pilot arrived he found their condition truly de-
plorable. Of the whole band, forty-eight in numbei*, only

*!ii

ATTFMfrS AT COLOKIZATIOW

twelve remained. Left to their own discretion thay became
utterly lawless ; evil passions being in the ascendant, each
man's hand was turned against his neighbor, and many were
horribly murdered. Ill-supplied bodily wants will tame the
fiercest passions ; and the surviving few had latterly led a
more tranquil life. A vessel had been wrecked on the
breaker3 abounding on the shores of the desolate isle ; of
tjje wood that had driven ashore they had constructed huts.
Theii* food had consisted chiefly of the flesh of a few do-
mestic animals which they had found on the island, of a
species that had probably been left there by Baron de Leiy
mora than eighty years before. Their clothing was com-
posed of the skins of seals they had captured. The Kin^
desired to have them presented before him accoutred just
as they had been found. Their hair and beard was in wild
disorder, and their countenances had assumed an expres-
sion unlike that of civilized man. The King so cpiiuuis-
erated their condition that he gave ea;;h dfty crowns, and
promised oblivion to p,ll the evil deeds they had committed
afo' etima La Eoche, who had embarked his whole fortune
in the enterprise, lost the wliole of it in succescliiifj' misfor-
tune's through its inbfci umeutality, and died of a brokea
heait.

\ m

!i i
i[ ■

! J

! I!

HIP
••I'll

\ 1!

(Ml

PERMANENT SETTLEMENT,

We are now arrived at a period we may desi^ate as tBe
permprjent colonization of Acadia. Settlements had been
establislied in Florida for nearly a quarter of a century, and
blood liad already been shed for possession of that territo-
rv ; Holland had founded the New Netherlands ; England
had established a foothold in Jainestov/n ; France had di"
rected her attention toward Canada and Acadia; hi a
word, it seemed that every nation in Europe was reaily
to cross swords with her neighbor over the division of ter-
ritoi'y in America.

Pont-Grave, a rich merchant of St. Malo, formed a plan
of securing a monopoly of the fur trade in Acadia. His first
step was to obtain a royal grant of all the powers and priv-
ileges of La Roche ; the next, to cause a trading society to
be foi'med of the leading merchants of Rouen, Under their
patronage an expedition was fitted out and sent to America
in command of Samuel Champlain. "With three barks of
twelve to fifteen tons burden, that navigator set sail in 1603,
p ad safely arrived in Acadian waters. The King was so
♦veil pleased with the account Champlain gave of the voy-
age on his return that he promised royal aid

Another expei!iii;)n was determined on, and four ships
were manned and victualled for the enterpi'ise. The chief
command was given to De Monts, a placeman at the French
court, and distinguished as ever zealous for the honor of
his country. Both Huguenots and Catholics were to ac-

'W:

PERUAMSNT SBTTLEUENT

company the Bhips, the former being allowed full freedom
in their religious worship, but were to take no part in na-
tive proselyting, — the privilege of converting the heathen
being exclusively reserved to the Catholic priests. Two of
the vessels were to commence the traffic for the company at
Tadousac, thence to range the whole seaboard of New
France, and seize all vessels trading in violation of the roy-
al prohibition. The two remaining vessels, having on boai'd
a few emigrants, were to seek some favorable locality and
form a settlement.

De Monts sailed from Havre-de- Grace in March, 1604,
and stood for Acadia, which he preferred to Canada on ac-
count of its milder climate, the variety of its sea-fish, the
abundance of harbors accessible at all times of the year,
ani the friendly character of the natives. De Monts came
upon the coast near La Heve, now Halifax. In the lirst
harbor he entered he seized and confiscated a vessel which
he found violating his monopoly, perpetuating the memory
of the event by naming the port after the master of the cap-
tured vessel — Port Rossignol. Cruising westward, he en-
tered another harbor which he named Port Mouton in hon-
or of another victim — that of an unfortunate sheep which
fell overboard. De Monts, becoming alarmed at the delay
of the vessel that was to bring out provisions for the win-
ter, sent out exploring parties along the coast ; the ship
was happily discovered near Canso, and her stores brought
to him by aid of the Indians ; he then ordered h^. saptain
to proceed to Tadou::ac in aid of the colony there.

De Monts continued to coast to the westward around Cape
SiiUe, and entered the Bay of Fundy* which he called, "la
Bale Franc,>aise." He next entered St. Mary's Bay; finding
it a pleasant country, he advanced and sent out exploring
^artien. On board ship was a priest named Aubrey, who

'Foud de U Bale uu old French maps.

111 !

•ti

ACADIA

went on shore with the company as was his custom. When
about to return to the ship, he could not be found; they
fired guns to attract his attention, but were forced to return
without him. Cannons were fired from the vessel to guide
him in case he were near, and for four days they searched
the woods without avail. Then a suspicion was aroused in
the minds of the friends of the missing man, that something
was wrong. One of the party in company with Aubrey was
A Protestant, and their voices had been heard in high dis-
pute on religious matters while in the woods, and it was
feared violence had been done him. To the credit of the
com I ony be it said, no action was taken against the suspect-
ed p.; ■.•■' ' "d with sad hearts they sailed out of St. Mary's
Bay. I. ig along the coast they discovered a naiTow

channel it. 'nginto a capacious basin, around which were
modest slopes cleft with deep water-courses, and bordered
with verdant meadows. This was Annapolis Basin. The spa-
ciousness and security of the harbor caused them to name
it Port Royal. A large stream flowed into the basin from
the eastward, up which they sailed fifteen leagues, as far as
the boats would go. and named it River de I'Esquille, from
a fish of tliat name with which it abounded.

M. de Poutrincourt, a gentleman of Picardies who accom-
panied the expedition, was so well pleased with the beauty
of Port J^oyal and its surroundings, that he obtained a
grant of it from De Monts, which grant was afterward con-
firmed by the King.

Leaving Port Royal, they pursued their way further to
the east. Soon coming in sight of Cap© Chignecto, they
called it the "Cape of Two Bays," because it separated
Chignecto Bay from the Basin of Minas. To the lofty
island which lies off the cape they gave tho natne of Islai.(.l
Ilaaty on account of its great elevation. They landed on
it/b solitary beach, which to this clay is seldom profened by
the foot of njan, and Ciimbed to its summit, where liXMf

!lll

PERMANJiNT SETTLEMENT

fo\ind a spring of water. They next sai'ed eastward until
thfc-y discovered the river by which the Indians reached the
Basil) of Miuas from Tracadie, Miraraichi, and other parts
of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. Chaaiplain seems unfavora-
bly impressed with the forbidding aspect of the rock-bound
coasts.

Crossing the liay of Cliignecto, the voyagetrrs came to a
spacious bay with three islands and a rock, two bearing a
league to the eastward, the other at the mouth of a river,
the largest and deepest they had yet seen. This they named
the lliver St. John, on account of the day it was discovered.
By the Indians it was called Ouangont^y, signifying a higli-
way. Champlain, the historian of the expedition, describes
the River St. John that the falls being passed, the river en-
lai'ged to a league in certain places, and that there were
three islands, near which there were a great quantity of
meadows and handsome woods, tiuch as oaks, beeches, but-
ternuts, and vines of wild grapes. The inhabitants went
to Tadousac, on the great River St. Lawrence, and had to
pass but little land to reach the place.

Leaving the St. John, they sailed to the west and carae
in sight of four islands now called "The Wolves," but which
he named Isles an Margos, from the great number of birds
be found on them. He presently found Himself sailing
among islands, many of them very beautiful, and contain-
ing numerous harbors, situated in a cul de sac; the waters
abounded in fish.

The season being far spent, De Monts fixed upon an island
at the mouth of the St. Croix River as the most suitable
place to commence a settlement. He immediately be'^^an
the erection of suitable buildings, in the meantime dispatch-
ing one of his vessels to St. Marys Bay to examine some
ores The attention of the sailors was attracted one day to
the signal of a white handkerchief attached to a stiok and
waved by a person on shore; immediately landing they

ACADIA

i. I. .11

were overjoyed on finding the missing Aubrey, who had
been absent seventeen days, subsisting on berries and roots.
He had strayed from his companions, and being unable to
retrace his steps, he wandered he knew not whither.

De Monts built his fort at the end of the Island ; outside
of this were the barracks. Within the fort was the resi-
dence of De Monts fitted up with " fair carpentry work ;"
close at band were the dwellings of his officers. A. covered
gallery, for exercise during bad weather, a storehouse, a
large brick oven, and a chapel, completed the structures for
the use of the colony. "Nearly two hundred years after-
ward, t je stone fount'ations of these buildings were brought
to light. Five distinct piles of ruins were discovered on
the north end of the island, and the manner in which the
woik had been done showed the builders iut<:!i:ded the fort
should be a permanent one.''*

Wbilc the colonists were thus occupied, Poutrincourt took
his departure for France : he went for the purpose of re-
moving his family to the home he had chosen at Port Roy-
al, and to bear a message to the King that his subjects had
at last founded a colony in Acadia.

Scarcely had they completed their labors before the rig-
ors of winter btu'st upon them in all their fury. The colo-
nists weio appalled at the depth of the snows, and the fury
of the blasts ; the river became a black aud chilly tide, and
the cold was more severe than they had ever before experi-
enced. De Monts had not chosen the position wisely, there
bf iug no wood near. Before spring thiity-six of his people
died of scurvy.f

•Hanney.

tChamplain describes this disease as follows: — During the Trinter »
certain disease broke out among many of our people, ciiUed ute diRease
of the country, otherwise the scurvy, as I have since heard learned men
sny. It originated in the month of those who have a large amount o£
dabby and superfluous flesh, (causing a bad putrefaction,) whioh inoreas**

VEBHANENT SETTLXnENT

who bad
nd roots,
inable to
ir.

; outside
the resi'
y work;"
S. covered
ehouse, a
:ture8 for
ars after-
e brought
)vered oa
svhich the
I the fort

3ourt took
)se of re-
i*ort Roy-
ejects had

9 the rig-
The colo-
l the fury
tide, and
re experi-
sely, thei'e
his people

;li« Trintar a
ixie disease
earned men
) amocnt ot
liehinflreaa*

On the return of spring, De Monts armed his pinnace,
and taking the remnant of colonists on board, hastened to
■quit the island. They sailed southward as far as Cape Cod;
not finding a more eligible place for settlement, they turned
helm and steered for Acadian waters, where they met with
an expedition just arrived from Frau'ie, with fresh supplies
and forty emigrants for the colony. This accession stimu-
lated their drooping spirits, and they at once set out for
Port RoyaL On their way they stopped at the solitary
island which had been the scene of so much suffering, and
where so many of their companions lay bui'ied. Before
leaving, some of the colonists sowed grain on the island:
on visiting the place years later, they found and reaped a
heavy crop of rya *' A solitary lighthouse now warns the
manner to avoid its bleak and inhospitable shores."

The site chosen for settlement at Port Royal was oppo-
site Goat Island, on the Granville side of the basin, about
six miles from the present town of Annapolis. The position
was admirably adai^ted to the purpose. The giound gent-
ly sloped from the bank; the long line of hills in the rear
warded off the bleak north winds ; timber of the best qual-
ity was abundant ; the fisheries were close at hand ; there

es to such au extent thnt tbey can scarcely take anyibing, unless it is al-
most liquid. The teetli Iwcome quite loose, and they can be extracted by
the fingers without cnusin;.; .tny pain. The superfluity of this flesh re-
quires to be cut nwiiy, auci this causes a violent bleeding from the mouth.
They are afterward seized with great pain in the legs and arms, which
swell up and become very hard, all marked as if bitten by fleas, and they
are unable to walk from contraction of the nerves, so that tliey have no
strength left, and suffer the most intolerable pain. They have also pains
iu the loins, the stomach and intestines, a very bad cough, and shortness
of breath; in short, they are in such a state that the greater part of those
seized with the complaint can neither rp^se nor move themselves, and if
they attempt to stand erect they fall do\ u senseless, so that of seventy-
Dine ot us, tbirty-five died, and more than twenty barely escaped death.

ACADIA

wei'e mai'sh lands of ioezhaustible richness ^ the climate
here was milder than in most of the peninsula ; — in short,
nothing was wanting that Nature could oestow to render
the location desirable^

The colonists once more set to work. Dwellings were
erected, storehouses built, and a small palisaded fort was
constructed^ as a means of defense against an enemy. And
here the first water-mill was put up, an expedient that
saved the colonists a great amount of the severest labor.

As soon as this work was fairly inaugurated^ De Monts
departed for France to provide for the provisioning of the
new settlement, leaving Pontgrave in command during his
absence. He left them under very auspicious circumstances
and anticipated a speedy return with the needed stores. —
The natives were pacific through the winter, and provided
the colonists with an abundance of fresh meat, and opened
a brisk trade with them in peltries. The settlers were free
from epidemic during the whole season.

On return of spring [1606} Pontgrave, not yet satisfied,
resolved to find a warmer climate for his colony. He fitted
out a barque and set sail for Cape Cod. Twice was he driv-
en back to Port Royal by stress of weather -, at the last at-
tempt the little vessel was injured at the mouth of the har-
bor, and permanently disabled. Pontgrave set to work to
build another ; in the meantime the season waned, and D©
Monts did not arrive from France. On the 25th of July,
Pontgrave left Port Royal in his new vessel, leaving two
men in charge of the stores, and, with the hope of falling in
with some fishing vessel, coasted along as far as Canso,
Bailing through the Petite Passage, between Long Island
and the Main. At this time De Monts was hastening to the
aid of Port Royal in the Jonas, and happening to pass out-
side of Long Island, the vessels missed each other. De
Monts had been detained in France by some unforeseen cir-
ciuustauce, but finally succeeded m uettiii^ out with a fresh

1 !i

PmmANlETr SETTI.RMmuT

aiipply of provisions and men, Poutrincoiirt arrcompanying
hiin. Pontgiave fell in with a shallop left on the Canao
ooast bv De Monts, and rpoeived information that the Jo-
nas bad arrived. He retraced his course with all haste,
and on the 31st of July, rejoined his companions at Port
Royal. In honor of the event Poutrincourt op-^ned a hogs-
head of wine, and the night was spent in Bacchanalian rev-
elry.

Althonpfh the season was far advanced, they sowed vege-
tables and prain. Most of the colonists would have bfen
c< ntent to remain, but De Monts wanted to make another
t'ffoit further south. Accordingly Poutrincourt set sail on
the 28th of August in search of another location in which
to fix their settlement. On the same day the Jonas put to
8ea with De Monts and Pontgrave, who were to return to
France. Poutrincourt's voyage began with diflScnlties, and
ended in disaster. After being twice turned back by storms,
he coasted as far as Cape Cod : here his vessel was dama<7ed
among the shoals. Some of his men who went ashore, caMie
in collision with the natives, who here appeared to be of a
savage, warlike disposition. Poutrincourt ordei*ed \\\a men
on board ; but five of them who neglected to obey, were sur-
prised, two killed outright and others wounded — two mor-
tally. A party were sent on shore, and the slain were buried,
and a cross erected over their graves. The Indians soon
appeared, tore down the cross and dug up the bodies. Pou-
trincourt replaced the cross and bodies, and bore away for
Port Royal, where they arrived on the 14th of November.

The following winter was spent in comfort and cheerful-
ness. They made an arrangement, for each colonist to be-
come steward and caterer for the day in his turn ; it became
a point of honor with each one, as his day of providing came,
to have the table well served with game, which he procured
from the forest or else purclias* d of the Indians. In conse-
quence they faied sumptuously all winter. Painful to re-

)

H1|'

y i:-i

I I

w%.

ACAOTA

cord, though bread and game were abundant, their wine be-
gan to fall short, — the festive Frenchmen were reduced
from three quarts a man, daily, to an inconsiderable pint.

The Micniacs were their constant Tisitors through the
winter. Mernberton, chief of all the clans from Gaspe to
Cape Sable, was a frequent guest. He recollected the vis-
it of Cartier to the Bay of Chaleurs over sixty years befoie.
In the spring the work of improvement was renewed. The
fisheries were prosecuted vigorously, and all available land
was prepared for receiving seed, and fortune seemed to
Bmile on the little colony.

One morning in May the Indians brought in word that a
vessel was moving up the Basin. Poutrincouvt set out in
his shallop to meet her ; — she proved to be a small barque
from the Jonaii, then lying at Canso, She brought the dis-
heartening intelligence that the company of merchants was
broken up, and that no further supplies weie to br) furnished
the colony. Nothing now remained but to leave Port Roy-
al, where so much had been expended to no purpose. Pou-
trincourt determined to take visible tokens of the excellen-
cies of Acadia back to France with him ; to do so he must
stay until corn was ripe. Not to sacrifice the interests of
the merchants at whose charge the vessel had been sent to
take the colonists back to France, he employed the barque
in the meantime in trading with the Indians at St. John
and St. Croix, and at Minas.

A war having broken out between the Indians of Acadia
and the tribes west of the Penobscot, the whole available
force of the Micmacs was called into requisition. Port
Royal was the rendezvous, and early in the summer Mem-
berton took his departure for Saco with four hundred war-
riors. This savage pageant, warlike, novel and imposing,
greatly interested the whites ; as the flotilla swept past the
eettleuient the Frenchmen'.* guns thundered forth a grand
salute which reverberated far and wide over the water — by

'■ll

ON THE ]<AY OF FlNDY.

!i!l

i^ ;i

! :•.

PSRMAMU^T UETTLKMimr

4»

way of cheering their Indian friends on to victory. The
Piince of the western tribes was defoatel ; a civil war broke
out among his now divided people ; pestilence followed ;
some tribes were exterminated and others were greatly re>
ducod : such was the tragic end of this great savage war,
and Memberton returned triuuipl ant to Fort Royal before
the colonists leiy.

The grain having ripened, Foutriucourt set sail on the
11th of August. He left Memborton ten hogsheads of meal
and all the standing grain, enjoining the Indians to sow
more hi the spring. The natives appeared sincerely grieved
at the departure of the colonists, manifesting the intensity
of their feelings even to teax's.

Foutiincourt promptly waited on the French Monarch,
showing him upcoimens of wheat, barley and oats grown in
AcaJia : also five living wild geese hatch 1 nfjar Port Royal.
Tho King was much pleased with the specimens, and urged
Foutrincourt to continue the settlement. He ratified the
grant of Fort Royal made him by De Monts, and desired
him to procure the services of the Jesuits in converting the
Indians, and offertd t vo thousand livres ft r their support.
Two yeai's subsequent, Ohampdore visited Fort Roy a., and
found the grain growing finely and the buildings ail in good
order ; he was received by Memberton and his people with
demonstrations of welcome.

Foutrincourt was detained in France much longer than
lie anticipated : he did not visit Fort Royal until June, 1610.
This time he brought wiih him a Catholic priest named
Josse Flesche, who prosecuted the work of converting the
Indians. At Fort Royal twenty-five were baptized — xVlem-
berton being one of the number. This great Sachem was
80 full of zeal that he oflFered to make war on all who should
refuse to become Christians : this savored too much of the
Mohammedan system of conversion, and was declined. —
Poiitrincoui't, who was somewhat of a connoisseur in music,

AOAriA

composed times for the hymns and chants used by the In-
dian converts in the ceremonies of the church. A band of
novel worshipers they were, celebrating in their rude church
the solemn rites, with maimers yet untamed.

I*oatrincourt had sent his son to France for supplies ear-
ly in July, and also to carry the news of the conversion of
the natives, with instructions to return in four months.
Winter having set in, and the expected succor not arriving,
the colonists became seriously alarmed; but their experience
in Acadian life enabled them to depend on their own exertions
for supplies svifficient to wai'd off starvation. Biencourt
had presented himself at the French coui't, and was desired
by the Queen to take two Jesuit missionaries. Fathers Bl-
are] and Mass^, with him on his return, the ladies of the
court providing liberally for the voyage. Biencourt's ves-
sel was to sail from Dieppe in October, but some Hugue-
not traders who had an interest with Bieucourt refused to
allow any Jesuits to go in the vessel. To this he was
obliged to submit : Madame de Guercheville, a lady of the
court, collected money sufficient to buy out the traders, and
the missionaries were allowed to embark.

Biencourt, with a company of thu'ty-six persons, and a
Bmall craft of but sixty tons buiden, essayed a winter voy-
age across the stormy Atlantic. They sailed in January,
1611, but were socn forced to take shelter in an English
harbor. The voyage lasted four months : at one time they
were in great danger from icebergs ; they reached Port Roy-
al late in May.

Much of the stores that were to supply the colony had
been exhausted on the voyage, and they were forced to seek
provisions elsewhere. A temporary supply having been ob-
Uiined of some fishing vessels at the isiand of Grand Me-
nan, Poutrincourt set sail for France, leaving Port Eoyal
in command of his son. The coiouy consisted of twenty-
two persons, including thd Jesuit MiBsiouMies. F»thttr

PERMANENT SETTLEMEKl'

ira=!sJi took up his abode in the Micmac village at the
mouth of the St. John ; Father Biard united himself with
Indians ai Port Koyal, accompauying Biencourt on his oc-
casional tvips to points along the Bay of Fundy.

About thit time, the chief, Membeiton, being near his
end, a disputt arose between the Jesuit priests and Bien-
court as to his piace of burial. Biencourt wanLeJ him to
be buried among his own people, agreeably to a promise he
had made the dying chief ; the Jesuits insisted he should be
buried in consecrated ground. Biencourt curtly told them
they might consecrate the Indian burial ground, but he
should see that Memberton's request was carried out. The
old chief consented to be buried with the Christians, and
he was accordingly interred in the burial ground at Port
Royal.

Meanwhile the colonists were getting short of provis-
ions ; but late in January [1G12] a vessel arrived with sup-
plies, sent out by an arrangement Poutrincourt had made
with Madame de Guercheville, who had exerted herself
strenuously to promote the mission of the Jesuits. This
lady was hkely to become an ally that would fain be his
own master ; it being her ambition to form a spiritual des-
potism in Acadia, in which the Jesuits were to be the rul-
ers, and herself the patroness. All of Acadia except Port
Royal belonged to De Monts ; having obtained a release of
his rights, and a grant from the King for herself, she de-
pended on Poutriucourt's necessities to force him to relin-
quish his portion. The latter did not return to Port Roy-
al, but sent a vessel in charge of Simon Imbert, a servant
iu whom he had entire confidence, Madame de Guerche-
ville sent another Jesuit named Du Thet, in the guise of a
paHseuger, but really as a spy in hej- interest. Soon after
tLeir arrival, serious difftu-eiiees arose between the priests
and the colonists. It is said that Uiencourt was actually
oxcommuuicatod by the Jesuit pridsba ; ho uooUy iuformed

■31

If i.

;l!li

• < I'

03 ACADIA

them, that however hij^h their s])iritual authority mipfht be,
he was their ruler un earth, aud that he would be obeyed
by all in the colony, even to the point of compelling obedi-
ence with the lash. Biard and Mass6, who appeared sin-
crt'ely desirous of converting* the savages, were suffered to
remain in the colony ; bnt Du Thet, whom Eieiicourt sus-
pected of not coming out as a missionary, and who was all
the while creating dissensions, was sent l-- -^- to France.—
Thus was Port Eoyal once more brou^ .. to a tranquil
state.*

Biencourt now set to work to prevent the influence of the
Jesuits from becoming predominant in the colony : this de-
termined the Lady de Guercheville to establish there a col-
ony of her own. At Honfleur she fitted out a vessel of one
hundred tons burden, aud gave the commi nd to M. de La
Saussaye, with forty-eight persons and pi ^visions for one
year, — the Jesuit Fathers Du Thet and Qua itin accompany-
ing the expedition. The vessel was bettev provided with
stores and implements than any previously sent to Acadia ;
cai'rying horses, goats for milk, tents and munitions of war.
She wrote a letter commanding that Fathers Biard and
Mass^ be allowed to leave Port Boyal.

The vessel sailed in March, 1613, reaching Cape La H6ve
in May, where they held high mass, and erected a cross
with the arms of Marchioness de Guercheville as a symbol
that they held possession of the country for her. They
next visited Port Royal; taking Fathers Biard and Massd
on board, they stood for Peutagoet. When off Grand Me-
nan, a thick fog arose which lasted ten days: ^en they
put into a harbor on the east side of Desert Island. This
they chose as a site for a settlement, naming the town St.
Sauveur. All were speedily engaged in clearing ground.
La Saussaye was advised by the principal colonists to build

•Honoajb

'■■m

i^-

VXBHANXNT BISTTLEUEHT

« BwfficTent fortification before proceeding to cultivate the
soil : he merely raised a small j^aiisaded structure, and was
perforce little prepared to meet the storm that was about
to fall upon the uususpecting little colony.

A fleet of VI ssels from Virginia, convoyed by an armed
vessel under command of Captain Samuel Argali, came into
Acadian waters for fish. Learning there was a French set-
tlement in Mount Desert Harbor, with a vessel, he resolved
to attack. All the French were ashore except ten men who
did not understand the working of the ship. At the second
discharge of Argall's musketry, Du Thet fell back mortally
wounded ; four others were seriously injured, and two mea
jumped overboaid and were drowned. Argali proceeded
to the new settlement on the shore, and informed them they
were on English territ''.y, and that they must remove. He
said to La Saussaye s he could prove he was acting under
commission from ' xie Crown of France, he would treat them
icjulerly. T.r. Liaussaye could not show his commission, as
it was among the jjapers which Argali had abstracted from
the ship's chest while plundering the captured vessel. Ai'-
gall now assumed a very haughty tone, — called them a set
of freebooters and pirates— uud to show his authority, car-
ried away fifteen of the colony in chains to Vii'ginia, mag-
nuuimously allowing the remainder to take a shallop and go
in search of some French fishing vessel in which to return
to France.

Argali arrived in Vuginia, with his bound French cap-
tives. His perfidious theft of La Saussaye's commission
was likely to cause his prisoners to be executed as pirates }
to save them he produced the filched document: but this,
while it saved the lives of one set of Frenchmen, ruined the
rest of Acadia. Argali was furnished with two armed ves-
sels, and set sail on a mission to destroy all the French set-
tlements in Acadia. He was accompanied by Fathers Biard
and Qusntin. Argali first visited St. Sauveur, wheie he de>

ACADTA

stroyed the cross the Jesuits had set up, and erecCed tCDoth"
er in its place with the name of the British King on it ; then
firing the buildings he sailed £<»* SL Croix Island, where he
destroyed a quantity of salt stored there by fishermen. He
then crossed to Port Royal, piloted, it is said, by an Indian ;;
but some suspected, and it was generally believed, that Fa-
ther Biard did this favor.

Arrived at Port Royal, the fort was found to be without an
occupant — all the people were at work in the fields, five
miles distant. The first intimation the poor Frenchmen had
of the presence of strangers, was the smoke of their burn-
ing dwellings. Argall proceeded to destroy the fort, to-
gether with a great quantity of goods stored within it, and
even effaced with a pick, the arms of France and the names
of De Monts and other Acadian pioneers, engraved on a
stone in the interior. He is said to have spared the mills
and barns up the river, only because he did not know they
were there. The piratical Ai'gall, having completed the de-
struction of the colony, departed for Vii'ginia, having, by
the act, rendered his name notorious in American annals.
The despoiled inhabitants quitted the place, some taking
refuge in the woods around with the Indians, and others
emigrating to a distant settlement on the river St. Lawrence-
History says, that while the ^struction was going on,
Biencourt made his appearance, and requested a confeience.
The parties met in a meadow ; Biard endeavored to persuade
the colonists to abandon the country and take shelter with
tho invaders. The advice was received badly. Biencourt
proposed a division of the trade of thecountry ; Argall would
not accede to this — his mission was to dispossess the French,
ar.d nothing short of that would suffice. When Argall left
Port Royal, that settlement, on which more than 100,000
crowns had been expended, lay in ashes ; — a place more
desolate than the most dreary desert could have been. No
. more wanton destruction could be imagined, perpetrated iq

PERMAIfE:?! SETTLEMENT

a time of peace, — the only claim that England could lay to
the territory being, that the Cabots, more than a century
before, had touched somewhere upon these shores while
sailing under British authority. No remonstrance ever came
from France for this piratical outrage — that power evident-
ly preferring to recognize the colony in the light of a pri-
vate venture, and not giving the afiair the importance of a
national issue.

Poutrincourt, who attributed all his misfortunes to the
Jesuits, took no further part in the affairs of Acadia; he was
killed soon after the events just related, in the military ser-
vice of the King.

Bieiicourt never returned to France, but maintained him-
self and a few faithful companions the rest of his life in
Acadia; sometimes living with the savages, and at other
times residing near Port Royal. Of his adventurous life
in the remote Acadian wilds, but little has come down to us
in history. Doubtless were it written, it would rival the
most romantic production of fiction.

■gpmwwr

I !

THE LA tours:

Although the destruction of Port Eoya! by Argall was
complete, it does not appear that many of the inhabitants
returned to France. In 1619, two French trading compa-
nies were formed ; one to carry on a shore fishery with a
rendezvous at Miscou on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and the
other a trade in furs with a depot at the mouth of the Riv-
er St. John. To provide for the religious wants of the ad-
venturers, three Recollet missionaries were sentj through
their instrumentality many of the natives were induced to
embrace the Christian religion. During all this time the
English continued to assert their right to Acadia by reason
of the discovery by the Cabots a centui-y before, and were
fain to consider the French as interlopers.

At the court of King James was a Scottish gentleman^
Sir Williain Alexander, standing high in royal favor, to
whom was granted in September, 1621, a j)iece of territory
including the whole of Nova Scotia, New Bi'unswick and
the Gaspe peninsula, to be held at a quit-rent of one penny
Scots per year, to be paid on the soil of Nova Scotia on the
festival of the Nativity of Christ, if demanded. The pro-
prietor was endowed with enormous powers for the gov-
(«:nmcnt of his territory, the creation of titles und officers,
and the maintenance of fortifications and fleets.

In pursuance of his broad plans, in 1622 Alexander fitted
out a vessel, and sent it to his new dominions. It was late

THE LA T0UB3

irgall waft

nhabitants

ng compa-

jry with a

ce, and the

)f the Riv-

of the ad'

t; through

induced to

9 time the

by reason

and were

iB'entleman,

favor, to

f territory

swick and

one penny

otia on the

The pro-

the gov-

d ofiScers,

nder fitted
i was late

in the season when it reached Newfoundland, where the win-
ter was spent. The following spring the expedition sailed
to Cape Sable, where some time was occupied on the coast ;
finding the French in full possession, it returned to Scot-
land.

In 1625, Alexander obtained a confirmation of his title to
Acadia ; and to expedite its settlement, an order of Baronets
was created. This, it was thought, would promote emigra-
tion by the introduction of the English custom of landed es-
tates into the new territory : probably that result would have
been accomplished, had the plan been vigorously carried out.

While this effort at the colonization of Acadia by English
subjects was going on. Cardinal Richelieu formed a strong
company to accomplish a similar purpose under French
patronage, to which was given the title of the Compa-
ny of New France. By the terms of the charter, Richelieu
was bound to settle 200 persons the first year, and at the
end of fifteen years the number to be augmented to 4000 —
every settler to be of French birth, and a Catholic. The
French monarch gave the company two vessels of war, with
aims and munitions : the wealth and standing of the members
of the .company seemed to insure success. Twelve of the
settlers received patents of Nobility ; the company were
granted free entry into France of everything produced in
Acadia, — thus having a monopoly of the fur trade, hunt-
ing and shore fishery; and were clothed with the power of
declaring peace or war. Thus were two powerful compa-
nies fitted out by two European nations, who were destined
to prey upon each other in the Acadian land. War between
England and France having broken out, this circumstance
was highly favorable to the strife of the colonists.

It is at this period of Acadian history that the name of
La Tour comes into notice — a name associated with stirring
and romantic incident, and occupying a prominent place in
the annals of the country. Claude La Tour, the elder, was

ih . i

III

> I
i'l

i ;i

:; llliriil

ACADIA

a French Hivruenot, who had lost the greater part of hia
estate in tlio civil war. He was what njight be termed a
broken down nobleman; and not having means to preserve
tlie style of living to which his family had been accustomed,
his nUention was diverted to the new world. He came to
Acadia in 1609, accompanied by his son Charles, who was
then twelve years old. He was engaged in trading when
the settlement at Port Royal was broken up by Argall: he
was afterward dispossessed, by the Plymouth Colony, of a
fort which he had erected at the mouth of the Pembocet.

Charles La Tour, the son, allied himself to Biencourt,
and was made his Lieutenant ; and in 1623, when he was
twenty-six years old, he was bequeathed Biencourt's rights
at Port Boyal, and thus became his successor. He married
a Huguenot lady, who afterward became the most remark-
able character in Acadian history. Charles had removed
from Port lioyal soon alter his marriage, and had built a
fort at what is now Port La Tour, near Cape Sable. His
quick perception showed him that, in the war that had brok-
en out, the French were in danger of losing their title to
the territory; to provide against such an occurrence, his
father sailed for France to obtain arms and ammunition.
On the voyage back with the supplies, several of the vessels
were captured by a British squadron in command of Sir
David Kii'k, and Claude La Tour was sent to England as a
prisoner of war. Kirk took possession of Port Royal, left
a few men in charge of the works, and gave orders to pre-
pare for the reception of a colony in the spring. Out of
the fleet coming to the aid of Charles La Tour, eighteen ves-
sels were captured, together with one hundred and thirty-
five pieces of ordnance, and a vast quantity of ammunition-
When tidings reached him of the disaster to the fleet, he
summoned all the French in Acadia into his fort.

In the meantime the elder La Tour, being designedly
treated with especial favor at the English court which held

THE LA TOURS

,rt of Ilia
termed a

preserve
•ustomed,
I came to
who was
ing when
iryali: he
[ony, of a
nbocet.
3iencourt,
n he was
L-t's rights
.e married
it reiuark-
l removed
id built a
ible. His
had brok-
ir title to
rence, his
imunitiou.

le vessels
nd of Sir

land as a
ioyal, left
to pre-
Out of

iteen ves-
ud thii'ty-
imuiiition-
fieet, he

lesiguedly
bich held

him prisoner, and, moreover, forgetful of Lady La Tour,
who lay sleeping in her lowly grave at Rochelle, became en-
amored of a Protestant lady, whom ho married, and so fell
away from his allegiance to his native country. Ho became
iutciestcd in Sir AVilliara Alexander, and was created a Bar-
onet of Nova Scotia, — his son Charles receiving the same
honor. The two La Tours were granted a tract of territo-
ry from Yarmouth to Lunenburg, fifteen leagues inland
tow'iud the north, the laud to ba held under the Crown of
Scotland. They were invested with power of building forts
and towns, togethei- with the rights of Admiralty over the
whoUi coast. For this munificent gift the elder La Tour
undtMtook to plant a colony of Scotch in Acadia, and also
to obtain jKisnession of his son's fort at St. Louis for the
King of Great Britain.

He accordiiigly set sail in 1630, with two vessels well pro-
vided, and landing at Fort La Tour, waited on his son.
Notwithstauditjg all the persuasions the father could offor,
with promiacs of wealth and the favor of the Crown of Gioat
Britain, the son could not be setluced from his allegiance to
France, and boldly declared himself incapable of betraying
the contidence leposed in him. Overwhelmed with mc^rti-
fication, the elder La Tour retired on board ship, where he
addressed him a letter setting forth the advantages that
would accrue to both ; he next attempted to intimidate by
menaces, in all of whicli he was disregarded: driven to des«
peration, he disembarked soldiers and a number of seamen,
and attempted to carry the fort by assault. His attack
was received by the son with spirit, and he was driven back
with loss ; the next day he directed another assault, with
no better success. La Tour urged a third attempt but ia
this his intention was thwarted by the commanding officer,
who would not permit any more men to be sacrificed.

Claude La Tour was now in a bad plight. He was a trait-
or to his country ; he had broken his promise to the English ;

1.1

?!!!!

M I'i.i

1' n

I'M I

1 .1 iliill

-11

1^1 !l

AOADIA

he had nowbere to turn for comfort or succor. He told hiB
wife he bad countpd on introducing her to a life of luxury
and ease in Acadia, but found himself instead, reduced to
beggary, and offered to release her and allow her to return
to her family; she refused to desert him at his misfortune,
peif erring to share with him his trials and troubles. He
finally took up his abode at Port Royal, where a colony ^torn-
posed chiefly of natives of Scol and had been established
by a son of Sir William Alpxiuider, who had built a fort
on the Granville shore opposite Goat Island, on the site of
the French works destroyed by Argall. Little is known of
the colony, and that kittle is a record of misfortunes. Thirty
out of seventy colonists died the first winter : the anival of
La Tour's ves'-'^ls revived their drooping spirits.

Quebec having been captured by the English forces, the
French determined to regain that stronghold, and also to
strpngtben the defenses of what possessions still remained
to them in America. Two vessels were fitted out with sup-
plies, arms, and ammunition, and arrived sal'ely after a 'ovg
and stormy passage. Captain Marot, who had command of
the expedition, brought the younger La Tour a letter from
his patrons, enjoining him to remain steadfast in the King's
cause, and expressing the confidence of the company in his
patriotism ; also informing him that the vessels with the
arms and ammunition were at his service. Charles La Tour
induced his father to come from Port Royal and live near
him, — building a house for his accon)modation near the
walls of the fort. The older La Tour brought information
that the Port Royal colonists intended to make an attack on
Fort La Tour. This information led to the evacuation of
that fortress and the building of another strong fort at the
mouth of the St. John, which would serve the double pur-
pose of repelling the attacks of the English in that direc-
tion, and command the peltry trade of the Indians of the
TMt wilderness extending to the River St. Lawrence. Arti-

<rire x.a Totrss

ScerB were promptly conveyed to the spot and the work com-
oieiiced ; but the summer was so lar advanced that little
could be accomplished that season.

By treaty of St Germain-en-Laye, in March 1632, Acadia
was formally restored to France, the intention being that
the Scotch fort at Port Royal should be destroyed. ThiB
mea^^uie led to considerable trouble in Acadit*, and was th«
fruitful cause of mucn bloodshed.

Agreeably to the treaty, France proceeded to resume pos-
te.ssion of those portion.^ of her Acadian provinces that had
been seized by the Engiisb. The company of New France,
strong in numbers and influence, were to spare neither
money nor paius ; an expedition was fitted out, and Isaac
Je Razilly was selected as commander. He was to receive
«, vessel, the L'Espcrance en Dieu, free and in sailing order,
limed with ^uns and swivels, powder and shot, and tea
thousand livres in money, in consideration of which he en-
gaged to put the company of New France in possession of
Port Royal without further charges. He agreed, also, to fit
out an armed pinnace of not less that 100 tons burden, to
cai'ry out the Capuchin friars, and such a number of meni
ds the company should judge to be proper. He received a
ooinmissiou of the King authorizing him to cause the Scotch
ttud other subjects of Great Britain to withdraw from
Quebec, Port Royal, and Cape Breton. He held letters
patent from the King of Great Britain for the restitution of
Port Royal to the French, and an order from King Charles
to his subjects in Port Roj'al for the abandonment of the
place : also a letter from Sir Willi'^.m Alexander to the com-
mandant at Port Roj'al to the same effect. Razilly took oufi
with him a number of peasants and artizans : also Charnisey,
ft lifo-long enemy to Charles La Tour, and Nicolas Deny a,
■who afterward became the historian of Acadia.

Port Royal was promptly surrendered by the Scotch Com-
luiuider. Most of the Scotch families were glad to return

■■ ■!

r I

Wm AOADI&

to their rative land : those remaiuing became absorbed in tho
Freucli pup illation iu the course of a geueiation.

DuKazilly Jiil not aultie at Port Royal, but after taking
forjual possession weut to Le Heve. This location had long
been hiiown to the French fishermen ; it was an aduiuable
p]ac3 to cany on the shore lishery ; the harbor was spacious,
safe, and easy of access. De Kazilly's foit was erected at
the head of Lu Hove harbor un its western side, on a Utile
hillock of three or four acres ; it was a small, unpretending,
palisaded enclosare, with a bastion at each corner. This
fort constituted a kind of trading hou^e, around which the
houses of the colonists might cluster, and in which the peo-
ple might s-eek refuge in time of danger. DeRazilly, in the
first year, brought out forty colonists from Fiance, who
settled on the rocky land surrounding Le Heve.*

We; k as was the colony at Le Huve, it was strong enough
to create great apprehensions in the Now England Colonies.
Go»fcrnor Winthrop, in his diary, relattd how he called the
chief men to Boston to devise what cou d be done for the
salety of New England. The completion of the fort in
Boston, a plantation and fort at Natascott, and a plantation
at Agawara, was ordered.

A party of Frenchmen came to Penobscot where the Ply-
mouth colonies had erected a trading house, pretending they
had just arrived from sea, that they had lost theii- reckon-
ing, and wanted to keel up theLr vessel and repair* her.
The people were mostly absent ; the French, seeing their
opportunity, resolved to help themselves to the contents of
the trading house ; they overpowered the four men in charge
Bud loaded their vessel with the pilfered goods. Then set-
ting the guards at liberty, they told ttem to inform • .oir

master on his return that bome gentlomen of t
Bhe had been there. It is highly x^iobable thi

.aa

of
La

*Now occupied by the town uf Halifax.

TlIK LA T0DR8

tour was at tlie hpad of this mauraiulin^ pavty, to reim-
oin«e liimself for his loss at Penobscot wlien it was taken
from him by the Enprlish.*

While ifiturniTi^- with the plunder of Penobscot, the French
Fell in with an English shaMop, in comnian.l of Dixy Bull,
and robbed him of his goods. Bull wan so much discom*-
jtgod by his I'uihiro in getting an honest living, that he de-
termined to turn i)irate himself. Gathciing together nearly
a 8c<jre of othfr vag-Jibond Englishmen, and seizing some
boats, he nfle.1 the fort at Pemariuid, and p'undernd the
settlers. He was cliasod away by a hastily orgatiizd foioe,
and a bark was lirted out with twenty men to cajjtnre him,
wiiich returned unsuccessful after a two months' crui'-.e.
This man Bull was the first, pirate history mentions as being
on the coast of New England.

Another collision between the French and English set-
tlers occurred the following year, in which La Tour dispos-
et'ssed a company at Macliias, wiiere thej' had established
a trading house, killed two men, and took prisoners three
of the guard over it ; the prisoners and captured gi^.ods he
cariiod off to the La Tour fort at Cape Sable. He further
told them if he caught them trading to the east of Pemaquid
bt! would seize them and their vessels as lawful prizes to the
Iving of France. One of the Engiish asked to see La
Tours commission ; he informed (he questioner his word
was a sufficient commission where he had strength to over-
come his enemies ; when that failed, he would show him
his commission.

The claim of the French was again enforced in the follow-
ing year [163/)]. De Kazilly sent a vessel to Penobscot
under command of his Lieut., Charnisey by name. The
trading post at Penobscot which had been despoiled by the
French a few years previous was still kept up by the Ply-

'HflPP B-y .

ACADIA

I ii\

ilii

In;

mouth colony^ but was Utile capable of defence. CEafraigey
seized all the goods in the trading house there ; he gave-
the men their liberty, but showed them his commission
from the French commander at La E6ve to remove all the
English as far south as Pemaquid. He bade them tell their
people he would return next year with ships ind men, and
remove the whole colony as i.sr south as the 40th degree of
North Latitude. He then coolly proceeded to occupy the
trading post and strengthen its defenses, a caution which
served him to good purpose as subsequent events proved.

When the news of this violent proceeding reached tho
Plymouth colonists, their rage knew no bounds. After due-
deliberation they entered into a contract with a jwrivate in-
dividual, Mr. Girling, owner of a sailing vessel the Great
H<ype_ — who undertook, for a payment of two hundred
pounds, to drive the French out of Penobscot, the Ply-
mouth colony to aid him with a bark and about twenty-five
men. The French, eighoeen in jiumber, were so strongly
intrenched, that after expending most of his powder and
shot in an ineffectual cannonade. Girling was obliged to
send to Boston for assistance, leaving the Great Hope te
maintain the blocki\de.

The General Cour^ having assembled at Boston, the mat-
ter was brought bpfor« it in due form ; a diversity of senti-
ment prevailed as to th<> measm-es it were best to adopt. —
Mutual jealousies and iaisunderataudings pervaded the
council, and the conferenie fell through without arriving at
any decision. Giriing's snip was soon withdrawn, and tho
French were left in uni]is*;urbed possession of the mouth of
the Penobscot for several years.

The last grant of importance made by the Company of
New France was to Charles de La Tour, — that of the fort
and habitation of La Tour on the River St. John, with lands
adjacent. This fort was destined, in after years, to be the
theatre of the most stirring events in Acadian history.

) I

THE LA TOmtS

In 1676, Isaac de RaziUy died in the midst of plans for
the colonizatiou of Acadia. The young colony soon became
merged in dissensions ; instead ot engaging in the work of
providing for their wants and improving their surroundings,
thoy .separated into contending factions, and carried on then*
quarrois with the most bitter animosity. As a legitimate
result, after foii,y years had elapsed, scarcely a family had
been added to the population of Acadia: during all this pe-
riod New England, being more united in sentiment, was
rapidly increasing in wealth and population

After the death of Kazilly, it would seem that Charnisey
was permitted, by the rightful heirs, to enter into posses-
sion of his estates, though the deed of transfer was not
given until some yeais later. One of his tirst acts was to
take possession of Port lioyal, erect a new fort there, and
remove thither a portion of the colonists at La Heve. He
added to their number twenty families emigrating from
France. Charles La Tour was occupying the fort at the
mouth of the St. John Eivor, and his father Claude La
Tour was holding the fortification at Port La Tour. A feud
grew up between La Tour and Charnisey, exceeding in bit-
terness and diiefui consequences the wari'are previously
mentioned, against their English neighbors : as contentions
between kindred are apt to be of the most hostile kind.

The site of La Tour's fort was on the west bank of the St.
John, at its mouth, on a gentle rise of ground commanding
the bay and river. On the west side of the harbor, opposite
Kavy Island, remains of earthworks may yet be seen, mark-
ing the locations of the bastions of the fort.* Traces of it
however, are rapidly disappearing,— the rapidly growing
town of Carleton having already utilized most of its site.
The fort was one hundred and forty feet square, compris-

' I'he author was siiowu these nmrkings in the summer of 1880 through
the wurteey of Mr. J. Hanuny, the gcutlemanly resident historian, who
luui given much utt«ntiuu to ituiin in Acuilian hibtory.

E'i

A0AO1&

. i'

ing four bfisfions, and was enclosed by palisades, according
to the prevai:ing custom of those early times. It was strong--
ly built of stone, and contained two houses, a chapel, mag-
azine, and stables for cattle. Twenty cannon composed the
heavy ordnance of the fort. In this savage retreat lived
Charles La Tour, affecting a style and show of military
power emulating the baronetcies of the old world. The
woods, the sea and the streams, furnished an abundance of
the choicest viands, and the yearly ship brought such luxu-
ries and necessities as the new country did not afford. A
course of military drill was kept up, botli as a display and
as a means or self-preservatiou, — in addition to which, trad-
ing with the Indians gave employment to the men. Sur-
rounded by dense woods oi' iir and larch, full of howling
beasts and wild natives, within sound and yet secure from
attack ; but more suspxious of their white neighbors ucrosa
the foggy Bay of Fundy : — the seasons came and went in
their accustomed rounds : doubtless no ruier was ever more
absolute in his authority, or moie careless of what was tran-
spiring in the outer world. Hunters and tiappers, both
white £ind Indian, frequented the fort, to dispose of their
peltries and procure the necessities of life. Many an even-
ing was spent in the juidst of a \igorou8 northern winter,
by the roaring tire-places, by the wild fellows of tue forest,
smoking their pipes, telling of tights with the red man, of
encounters with roaming beasts and other dangers of the
woods. Romantic and wild must such a life have been — as
nearly the realization of the dream of an adventurer as could
well be surmised. Lady La Tour must iiave lea a lonely
life, with no society but that of her husband and chiidten.
Once a year the ship came in — the only tie that bound lier
, to her native land — and brought h( r news from iiome, and
awakened memories of her native Ciimt.

La Tour and Charuisey eacli held u u'onimission as Lieu-
tenant from the King of France : both had large territories

THB LA TOtTBS

and were engafjed in the same trade. To complicate mat-
ters, Charuisey's fort nt Port Royal was in the tract grant-
ed to La Tour, while La Tour's fort at St. John was in the
limits of land under government of Charnisey, and also
commanded the whole of the St. John River territory — a
tract rich in furs and abounding in fish. It was not un-
natural that Cliurnisey should inake an effort to disposs^re
his rival ; his first attempt was by diplomacy before the
court of France. He succeeded so well at the French capi-
tal, that before La Tour was aware of what Charnisey had
been doing, he received an order from the Kiug to embark
immediately for France to answer sundry serious charges
against him. A letter was sent by the Kiug directing Char-
nisey, in case La Tour failed to obey the oi'der, to seize his
person and make an inventory of his eff-^cts. To accom-
plish this he was empowered to exercise all the means at his
disposal, and to jiut La Trur's fort in the hands of persons
well disposed to do the King's service. By one fell stroke,
withont being allowed the privilege of defense. La Tour
wan to be robbed of his possession'^, and sent a prisoner to
franco. Not long after this he was still farther degraded
by havuig his commission of Governor revoked — a commis-
sion he liad held with credit for half a score of years.

A vessel was sent to Acadia bearing these letters to La
Tour, and was intended by the King to convey La Tour a
prisoner to France. The latter, not without reason, aver-
red that these papers were obtained from the King through
misrepresentation; and though by refusing to obey the
royal mandate he was aware he made himself liable to a
charge of treason, he boldly declined giving up his property.
His fort at St. John was in such a state of defense that
Charnisey dare not attack ; the vessel was sent back with-
out its prisoner.

La Tour had maintained himself in Acadia, by his energy
and tact alone, for many years ; he was of a cast of mind to

1 •

fl'l

''!<

;i!!lll»

' I

I ,

■'

ACADIA

maintain himself as long as he had power to do so. Legal
documents, usually so all-powerful, were not much feared
where there was uo force to back them. Charnisey knew
he could not dispossess his rival without aid from France,
and .scon returned to that country to make another effort
against him.

La Tour \\as well aware that Charnisey had powerful
friends at Court — and further that he was an accomplished
diplomatist. lie began therefore to prepare for the strug-
gle thai he knew was sure to come. He had openly defied
th<< authority of the King, and he must expect the conse-
queiicefs of his disobedience, unless he could devise means
of escape. He determined to seek help from his neighbors
of New Eng.iind, with whom he was then on good terms,
and in November, 1641, sent as messenger a Huguenot
named Roeliette to Boston to confer with them. Rochette
proposed a treaty between Massachusetts Bay and La Tour.
Governor "Winthrop informs us the treaty was to embrace
three points :

1. — Free commerce.

2. — Assistance against Charnisey, with whom La Tour
had war.

3. — That La Tour might make return of goods out of
England through the merchants of Boston.

The first condition was immediately granted ; the other
two were rejected because Rochette brought with him no
letters or commission from La Tour, and, therefore, no evi-
dence had been offered of his official capaiity. Rochette
was courteously entertained by the people of Boston duiing
his stay.

In October of the following year. La Tour sent liis lieu-
tenant to Boston with a shallop and foiu'teen men. This
time he bore letters from La Tour to Governor Winthrop,
highly complimenting his Governorship, and requesting the

THE LA T0ITR8

people of New England to assist him against his enemy,
Charnisey. These Frenchmen were grandly entertained by
the Bostonians ; the best of feelings sprang up between
them — e?en the Catholic French attended the Protestant
chinches — but no measures were taken to grant the assist-
ance asked for.

La Tour's lieutenant, while in Boston, formed an ac-
quaintance with the merchants, and proposed the opening
up of a trade. In conformity therewith the mercliants sent
a pinnace to Fort La Tour, laden with goods. This was
the beginning of a trade with them which lasted as long as
La Tour remained in Acadia. La Tour sent a letter to Gov-
ernor Winthiop, thanking him for tlie courteous manner in
which his lieutenant had been treated. On the way back
the vessel stopped at Pemaquid. Here La Tour's messen-
gers met with Charnisey — the latter gentleman told them
the letter was from a rebel. He sent a printed copy of the
order for La Tour's arrest to Governor Winthrop, and
threatened, if the merchants of Boston sent more vessels to
trade with La Tour, he would seize them as lawful prizes.

This order of arrest was the result of Charnisey's last
voyage to France. He had succeeded in securing title to
large territories in Acadia, on which title he had borrowed
large sums to enable him to cari-y on war against La Tour.
He was now determined on one great effort, a.id had secur-
ed means to employ iive ships and a force of five hundred
armed men in this bitter feud.

In the meantiiue La Tour was not idle. He dispatched
Rochette to France to obtain aid. His cause was espoused
with ardor by the Rochellois, who determined on going to
his rescue. They fitted out a large armed vessel, the "67«m-
«?«<," loaded her with ammunition and other supplies, pi;ton
board one hundred armed Rochellois, and sent her with all
speed to La Tour's fort. Thus was civil war in Acadia fed
ou both sides from Fiance — swords being shaped at Ro-

[)^

■ k

AOADIA

chelle aud at Paris with which to carry on this^ frafrlcidal
strife. Clouds of fate, dark and o.ninous, brooded over the
future of La Tour, yet he continued to maintain the strug-
gle with courage unabated.

Early in June, 1643, an armed vessel suddenly appeared
in the harbor of Boston. Scarcely was her presence noted
until she had passed Castle Island and she had thundered
forth a salute which echoed long and loud over the little
Puritan town. There was no response — the Governor's
garrison being withdrawn, A boat filled with armed men
was seen to leave tiie ships side^ and was rapidly rowed to
Governors Island, landing at Gov. Winthrop's gai'den. The
boat was there met by the Governor and his two sons, who
found tlie passengers to be La Tour and a party of his fol-
lowers, come to solicit aid.

Early in the spring Charnisey had appeared before Fort
La Tour with several vessels of wai' aud five hundred men.
"Unable to carry the works by assault, blockade was resurt-
ed to, until such time as the necessities of the garrison
should force a capitulation. In a few weeks the Cltintnt
appealed off St. John harbor, with men and supplies for La
Tour, but was unable to enter on account of the blockade.
Under cover of night La Tour stole out of the fort and
boarding the Clement, crowded sail for Boston^ where he
airived after a speedy passage.

Gov. Wintbrop hastily called together such of the Mag-
istrates as were at hand, and gave La Tour a formal hearing
before them. The papers of the Clement showed La Tour
was still styled "her majesty's lieutenant general in America,^*
which was regarded as an offset to the order for his aries)
showed by Charnisey. He was informed by the Governof
and Couucil, that while no aid could be opeuiy granted
without the advice of the other members of the Govern-
ment, he was at liberty to hire such men and shij^s as were
in Boston. The Boston meicbants were aware that their

TRK LA toxma

trade would be injured by the destruction of La Tour, and
the latter found no difiSculty in secuiing the assistance he
wanted. He hired four vessels of the firm of Gibbons &
Hawkins, the Srahri'lge, Philip and Mary, Increase, and
the Greyliound, together with fifty-two men and thirty-
eight pieces of ordnance; enlisted ninety-two men to aug-
ment the force on beard his vessel, provided all with arms
and supplies, and was about to set sail with his flotilla for
Acadia, when a new danger beset him.

By the articles of agreement, the shijjs were not required
to undertake any oflfeusive operations. It was stipulated
they were to go as near Fort La Tour as they could con-
veniently ride at anchor, and join with the Clement in the
defense of themselves or La Tour, in case Charnisey should
assault, or oppose their approach to the fort. Any addi-
ticnial assistance was to be a subject of further negotiation,
the agent of the Boston owners accompanying the expedi-
tion for the purpose. Doubtless the wily Frenchman sur-
mised, that in case of open hostilities, the heat of the strife
■would cause them to forget the precise terms of the agree-
ment, and induce them to join with him in annil '-^ting the
enemy. The newM soon spread, however, that VVinthrop
had formed an allifj"oe with the French Papist, and many
lei.ters of warning iiid deprecation were showered upon the
Governor. Sevend ministers referred to the matter from
their pulpits, and even went so far as to prophesy that the
streets of their town would yet run red witn blood, in con-
sequence of this alliance with La Tour, and public senti-
ment ran so high that it seemed the expedition would be
broken up altogether. In the midst of this clamor, Gov.
V;inthrop called another council, to whom he stated the
condition of afiFairs, which had been grossly misrepresent-
ed, and the question was fully discussed.

Thu Puritans regarded the Old Testament as their guide.
Que party claimed, by the examples of Jehoshaphat, Jonas

ACADIA

"Jill

I ,"

^r'irfl!ll!i

fi ''

IMIIII!!!! I|!i
IIHIIIIIlll

ill I '

and Amaziah, that it was wrong for righteous persons to as-
sociate with the ungodly in any way. The other side con-
tended that the censure applied only to the particular cases
in which it was given, and were not general in application ;
otherwise it would be unlawful to help a wicked man in any
case. The latter party seems to have had the best of the
argument, and the expedition was allowed to pi'oceed.

La Tour bore away from the port of Boston about the
middle of July, having made a host of friends during his
slay. He made all speed for Acadia, and there was reason
for haste, for during this entire period Charnisey had cut i)ff
all supplies from La Tour's fort, supposing his enemy to be
within.

When La Tour's fleet of five ships came in sight off St.
John, Charnisey's vessels were lying alongside Partridge
Island. Suspecting the true state of affairs, Charnisey did
not care to measure strength with the allied powers, but
stood straight for Port Royal, and running his vessels
aground, he and his men betook themselves to the shore,
where they proceeded to put the mill in a state of defense.
The enemy pursued; Captain Hawkins sent an officer
on shore bearing an apologetic letter explaining the pres-
ence of the New Englanders. Charnisey refused to receive
it because it was not addressed to him as Lieutenant of Aca-
dia. When the messenger returned, he reported great ter-
ror among the French, the friars included, and all were do-
ing their best to put themselves in a position of defense.

La Tour urged Hawkins to send a force ashore and attack
the mill ; this the latter declined to do ; if any of the New
Englanders chose to go of their own accord, he would do
nothing to prevent it. About thirty Bostonians availed
themselves of the permission, and the united forces marched
to the attack of Charnisey at his improvised fortress. After
a sharp engagement, during which the besieged suffere.l the
loss of three men killed and one taken prisoner, and three

THE LA TOVRS

of La Tour's men were wounded, Charnisey was driven from
the iiiill. The New Englanders escaped without the loss of
a man.

The allied forces now returned to Fort La Tour, where
we may conjecture their victory was duly celebrated. Dur-
ing the period they were lying there, a pinnace belonging
to Charnisey was captured, having on board fom* hundred
moose hides and a like number of skins of the beaver. This
was a rare prize ; the booty was divided between the New
England owners and crews, and La Tour. Hawkins was
evidenth' willing to rob Charnisey, if not to fight him. La
Tour paid off the vessels and crews that had been hired,
and the New Englanders reached home in thirty-seven days
from the time they had left Boston, in high spirits, without
the loss of a man or ship. The good Puritan elders were
shocked at the piratical seizure of the French pinnace, and
claimed the expedition had done too much or too little ; —
thty ought either to have remained neutral in the war, or
else taken measures to effectually crush out the rival of La
Tour.

Charnisey, not disheartened, commenced the erection of
a new fort at Port Royal,* and returned to France for fur-
ther aid. He there heard of the arrival of Lady La Tour,
who had sailed for France to further her husband's interests
and procure supplies. Charnisey obtained an order for her
ai'rest on the ground that she was equally a traitor to the
King with her husband ; before the order could be executed
she fled to England. Here she soon made many warm
friends, and found means to freight a ship with supplies in
London, ando forewarn her husband of the danger he was
in from the efforts of Charnisey.

For many weeks La Tour, almost desparing, waited by

• 1 assume that Charnisey 's old fort was on the site of Champlain's fort,
opposite Goat Island, and that tlie new fort was built on the now ruiuod
CortificationB of Annapolis. (Hannay.)

If '

;, t

ACADIA

the River St. John for the return of his wife. He finally
sailed for Boston where he made known to Endicott his
difficulties. A meeting of the magistrates was called ; a few
were unwilling to operate in favor of La Tour, and the rest
would not act without the consent of all ; La Tour was forc-
ed to return without the coveted assistance. All the New
Eiiglanders did was to send a letter of remonstrance to
Cha)'nisey. La Tour left Boston early in Sei^tember, hav-
ing spent two months to very little purpose. He boarded
his vessel on training day, and all the training bands were
made guard for him to the ship's boat ; as he sailed out of
the harbor the Eiigiish vessels saluted him. He was accom-
panied bj' a Boston vessel laden with provisions for St.
John. La Tour happeniug to delay on the way, by that
means narrowly escaped capture by an armed vessel that
Charnisey had sent to cruise the Bay of Fundy on the watch
for him ; but which, on the supposition he had escaped, had
put into port.

Scarcely had the pennants of La Tour's vessels sank be-
low the distant horizon, before a vessel displaying English
colors came into Boston Harbor. Among her passengers
were Roger Williams and Lady La Tour. This notable
lady had left England six months before together with sup-
plies on board this vessel, with a destination at Fort La
Tour. The master had spent some time trading on the
coast ; it was September when they reached Cape Sable ; as
the vessel was entering the Bay of Fundy it was captured
by an armed ship in the employ of Charnisey. It was found
necessary to secrete Lady La Tour and her party, and to con-
ceal the identity of the vessel — the master pretending she
was bound direct for Boston. Charnisey, little suspecting
the valuable prize he had in his possession, let them go,
contenting himself with sending a message to the Governor
of Massachusetts expressing a desire to be on good terms
with that c<.'louy. The vessel was therefore forced to change

TBI LA TOUSS

le finally
licott his
)cl ; a few
1 the rest
was f orc-
the New
lauce to
ber, hav-

boarded
ads were
d out of
IS accom-
} for St.

by that
!ssel that
;he watch
[iped, had

sauk be-

English

isseijgcrs

notable
vith sup-
Fort La
y on the
able ; as
laptured
as found
d to con-
ling she
specting

em go,

overnor
i terms

change

'■&y

the destination of her voyage to Boston. This change in
the voyage, added to unreasonable delay, was made the
basis of an action at law brou^4ht by Lady La Tour for dam-
ages. She was awarded two thousand pounds; seizing the
cargo of the ship, she, with the money thus acquired, hired
three vessels to take the cargo and herself home, where she
safely arrived uiter an absence of more than a year.

When Charnisey was apprized of Lady La Tour's safe
arrival at her fort, and her friendly treatment at Boston, his
rage knew no bounds. He directed an insulting letter to
Governor Eudicott, accusing him of dealing with a lack of
honor ; threatening him with the dire vengeance of the King
of France. Charnisey soon disji^ayed his vindicative spirit
in a practical way ; a small vessel sent out from Boston with

I'AUTUIUliJi 181, AND.

supplies for Fort La Tour was captured, and the crew all
turned loose upon Partridge Island, in deep snow, without
fire, or scarcely a shelter, where they wftie kept close pris-
oners ten days. Charnisey then gave them an old shallop
in which to return home ; after stripping them of most of
their clothes, and allowing them neither gun nor compass,
they were suffered to depart for Boston, which they at last
reached in sorry plight.

The New Englanders were highly incensed at this out-
rage. The Puritan Governor dispatched a messenger in a
vessel to Charnisey bearing a letter full of spirit; he said
his people meant to do right, and feared not the King of
France. Charnisey told the messenger he would retuiu no

I''

I IF

AOADU

answer, and would not permit him to enter the fort — ^lodg-
ing bim without the gate. He, however, dined with him
every day to show the messenfjer it was only as the bearer
of Endicott's letter that he disowned him. Finally he in-
dited a letter to Gov. Kndic-ott, couched in high language,
requiring satisfaction for the burning of his mill by the New
England anxiiiavies of La Tour two ycais previous, and
threatening vtiigearice in case his demands were not met.

At the time the crew of the Boston vessel were fighting
cold and hunger at Partridge Isla.id, two friai's hailed Char-
nisey's ships from the mainland and desired to be taken on
board. They came from Fort La Tour, and had been turn-
ed out for showing signs of disaffection. Had Lady La
Tour hung thexn instead, the sequel to this story might have
beeu different. They told Charnisey that was the time for
him to attack; that La Tour was absent, the fort rotten,
with only fifty men to guard it, and susceptible of an easy
reduction. On their i*epresentations Chai^nisey drew up his
armament, ranged the vessels in front of the fort, and open-
ed a brisk cannonade. The fire was returned with such
vigor that Charuisey was obliged to warp his vessel behind
a point of land out of range, and lost twenty men killed and
thirteen wounded. This was in Februaiy, 1645.

In April of the same year Charnisey made another attack
from the land side. La Tour was still absent — his mission
to New England to secure aid had proved fioiitless, and he
could not reach home on account of armed cruisers waiting
to capture him. Three days and nights the attack contin-
ued ; the heroic lady commandant was resolved to hold out
to the last ; the defense was so well conducted that the be-
siegers were forced to draw off with loss. Treachery accom-
plished what heroism could not. Charnisey found means
to bribe a Swiss sentry while the garrison were at prayers,
who allowed the enemy to approach the fort without giving
the alarm, and who were scaling the walls before the besieged

i hi

THE t\ Tonns

fort — ^lodg-
i with him
the bearer
ally he in-
1 language,
by the New
BviouH, and
not met.
re lighting
lailed Char-
e taken ou
been turu-
1 Lady La
might have
le time for
ort rotten,
of an easy
hew up his
, and open-

with Buch
sel behind

killed and

her attack
is mission
s, and he
8 waiting
k contin-
hold out
at the be-
^ry accom-
nd means
prayers,
)ut giving
besieged

were aware of the attack. But even then the heroism of
Lady La Tour repulsed them, and CLuiniHoy lost twelve
men killed and iminy wounded, while fighting within the
fort. Charuisty now propoised terms of cttpitiilntion ; Lady
La Tour, despairing of successful resistance, acce^ited, and
the besiegers were given possession.

No sooner did Cliarnisey find himself master of the place
than he disciosad all the baseness of his character. On pre-
tense that ho had been deceived, he caused all the garrison
to be hung but ouc, whuui he spared on condition thiit he
should be the executioner of his comrades. Lady La Tour
Butfeied the indignity of being forced to be present at the
execution witli a rope about her neck, by way of shov.'iug
that he considered her as deserving of hanging as were the
others, but that hei' life was spared only by his gi'acious
for beaiance.

This broke the spkit of this remarkable lady ; she surviv-
ed the fall of the fort only about three weeks, when she waa
laid to rebt on the banks of St. John. This noble wife and
mother left behind a little ehild which was sent to France ;
but as no further mention is made of it^ the supposition ia
thur. it died young.*

The booty taken by Charnisey in La Tour's fort amount-
ed to more than £10,000. Thi.s loss ruined La Tour; and
Charnisey had become so much involved by the expense of
the war, that he could not hope to liquidate his own indebt-
edness. Thus were both men ruined by a useless and fool-
ish war again'- 1 one another, when both otherwise might
have become wealthy.

La Tour was in Boston wheii the news of the reduction
of his fort and the death of his wife reached him. Being
by nature of a hopeful spiiit, he was not the man to yield
to misfortune ; his addiess procured friends wherever he

* Uaimay. i

ACADIA

:(■■

ti;

iliii'

(i':-

went ; in his greatest straits ue never wanted for mcmey t>J
supply bis immediate necessities. He applied to Sir Duvid
Kirk, Governor of Newfoundland, who express -d a willing-
ness to render the required aid, but whose r-roiiises were
not fulfilled : towards Sj ring the merchantB of Boston fit-
ted him out with supplies for a trading voyage to the east-
ward.

In the summer of 1646, we hear of La Tour in Quebec,
where ho was received with marked honors. The guns of
the citadel thundered forth a salute ; the gan iaon was drawn
up to receive him in a manner worthy of one of high rank ;
the whole populace turned out to behold the man oi whom
they had heard so much ; in short, the civic and nulit;iry
vied with each other in their expressions of hosi'itality and
vespect. How stran^w and unaccountable are the woi'kiii<j[S
of human passion and prejudice, as exemplified in the treat-
ment La Tour at various times received from his country-
men ; — at one time we behold him hunted down as a:i out-
law, at another he is entertained in the style of a prince —
all under the laws of the same Empire.

Charnisey had now nearly attained the summit of his am-
bition. He had driven his rival out of the country; he was
received with the favors and smiles of royalty at hoE\e ; a
Ireuty had been definitely settled with tlie colony of Masi-a-
chusetts ; and he now was the undisputed monarch of an
extent of territory half the size of France. He built mills,
dykod the marshes, constructed vessels to carry on his com-
niorce ; — thus were his dominions daily growing in strength
atd opulence.

One conquest more, however, was necessary before his
thirst for power could be satisfied. Nicolas Deuys, a friend
and intimate associate of Charnisey, had been appouited
'• Governor of the whole coast of the Galf of St. Lawrence,
and tijo islands adjacent," and it was to dispossess him oi
this teiritory that Charnibey now turn.'^d his attention. Ue

TKB LA TOrRS

fitted out a fleet, and dispatching it against his old friend
Denj's, seized all of his forts, captured his gocla, broke up
his tishing tstublishments, and ruined his settlers. Past
f)i(Mulship aval ed nothing with the cold-hearted and rapa-
cious conqueror.

('harnisey was at length vanquished by a foe he coiild
not subdue. In 1G"0, he mot a violent death by drowning
in Poi"t Royal Kivtr. Ntither history nor tradition gives
auy particulars of the event further than is given in these
few words. AVhether tlie occnrrencB was prenioditated on
his pait, or that of some one he hiu! t^eepiy wronged, or was
the lesult of accicient, will perliaiM tver remain a mystery.
He had, in his life, been haid and cruel, incapable of pily,
and destitute of remorse for his treachery toward the heroic
Lady La Tour. Though trrated witli sucii high favor wlien
at the French court, liis influence there did not survive him
a single day; — indeed, it was said there was not a friend to
be. found iu all France who would sjxak for liim. Denys,
his coteniporary, speaks only of his rapacity, cruelty, and
tyranny.

News of Chnrnisey'b death having reacheti La Tour, the
latter lost no time in sailing tor Franca A living man has
good chauje of success when conaontod by a dead rival,
and &o it proved in this case. La Tour speedily secuired an
accjuittal of the charges jigain.t him, and obti;in((d a new
commission with additional rights ; and thus with character
cleared, and endowed with the fullest powers a sovereign
could bestou-, h.- once more returned absolute monarch of
Acadia.

La T ur took possession of his old fort at the mouth of
the ht. Juh)i, the widow of Charnisey meanwhile remaiiiing
with lier clhidren at Fort Uoyal. Tliat lady beginning to
view with alarm La Tour's pretentions to the country, enter
ed into an agieement with the Duke da Vtndome, a reputed
son of Henry lY, who for a consideration was to aid her ia

>!'

ACADIA

I I'

recovering her possessions. This agreement having- receiv-
ed the sanction of letters patent from the government of
France, the skies of La Tour'^s prosperity began to be dark-
ened by portents of a coming tempest. The matter was
righted without the shedding of blood by a mutual agree-
ment between the principals in the quarrel r that is to say^
La Tour married the widow of Charnisey, and united their
varied inteiests into one. Articles of agreement were drawn
up with great minuteness of detail^ and the marriage was
Boleranized in the presence of many august witnesses. La
Tour had now passed his fiftipth year, and no doubt rejoiced
at the prospect of peace, in which, however, he was doomed
to further disappointment.

This adverse fortune was embodied ia the person of Le
Eorgue, a mcrt'Jiant of Ruchelle, who had obtained judg-
n»cnt in the courts against Cliarnisey for money advanced
him, to the amount of IGO.OOO livres, and who had come out
to Acadia to take possession of Charnisey's estate, which
he understood embraced all of Acadia.

LeBorgne bc{;an operations by plundering the settlements
on the Laurentian Gulf belongiug to Nicolas Denys, as
Charnisey had done before him, capturing vessels and car-
goes, and taking Denys and his men prisoners. They oanio
by way of La Hcve, where they burned all the buildings,
not sparing even tiie chapel, Denys was placed in a dun-
geon at Port Royal, but was pfterwards liberated, when bo
returned to France ; he was in due time restored to his
rights, and eventually to his possessions, on the Gulf of St.
Lawrence, from which he had twice been ruthlessly torn.

Le Borgne's success in this warlike exploit emboldened
him to undertake another — no less than the capture of Fort
La Tour. This he attempted to do by strategy, but a slial-
lop having secretly left Port Royal with information of Lo
Bor{,no"8 intentions, the enterprise failed. Before the \\:ir
could be carried further an English fleet appeared upon the

' Pf

•• I

THE LA TOURS

Bcpne, and both La Tour and Le Borgne capitulated to the
superior force of the enemy.

The seizure of Acatlia was welcome news to the New Eng-
landers, who had looked with alarm at the growth of a ri-
val colony in the new world. Cromwell seems to have jus-
tified the act, and a government was organized for the con-
trol of affairs in the new territniial acquisition. It was
arranged that whosoever traded with the colony should pay
enough for the privilege to support the garrison ; Massa-
chusetts was asked to enforce the law, and assist the Eng-
lish in Acadia if necessity reqiiircd.

La Tour resolved on one more grand effort to retrieve
his fortunes. Hasten-ng to England he laid his cause be-
fore Cromwell, showing how, as co-grantee and heir of his
father, he was entitled to large possessions in Acadia by
grunt of the British Crown through Sir William Alexander;
his well known plausibility and address secured for him a
triumphant success. The Acadian diplomat, having asso-
ciated with hiiu Thomas Temple and William Crowne, and
secured a large grant of territory, next sold out his interest
to his partners, probably fearing the dissensions that would
sooner or later occur. He evidently regarded a title of an
estate in Acadia as very precarious property, so much in
dispute, and so frequently changing masterf. La Tour
lived about thirteen years after this, dying at the ripe age
of 72, and was buried in the beloved Acadian land which
had been hi.s home from his boyhood.

Temple was made Governor of the forts at St. John and
Penobscot, and commenced the expenditures of large sums
of money in improvements. In the meantime, the home
government having been changed. Temple was in danger
ot losing his title. He was obliged to compronjise witli a
Frenchman named Thomas Elliot, by an annual payment of
six hundred pounds. He found it necessary also to return
to England to defend his interests, one Captain Breodoa

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AOADIA

having been appointed Governor in his place. In July, 1667,
the famous treaty of Breda was signed, by which insti'iiment
England ceded to France all the province of Acadia. Temple
was ordered to deliver up Pentagoet, St. John, Port Royal,
Cape Sable and La Huve, to the person appointed to receive
tbein. After some delay the forts were formally deliver-
ed up — Chevalier de Grand-fontaine having been commis-
eioned by Louis XIV to receive them. A careful inventory
of the forts and their contents was taken, evidently with a
view of establishing a claim for indemnity in Temple's be-
half. He estimated his expeiiditures in Acadia at £10,000,
but neither he nor his heirs were able to recover any j»ait
of this vaat sum irom tke Ciown Oi ET^^'aud.

:)"V

FROM Gr.AND-FONT-^INE TO MENNEVAL.

At tne time Grand-fcntaine had established himself on the
Penobscot there were less than five-lniiidred white people
living in all Acadia. Though nearly three-fourths of a cen-
tury had elapsed since De Monts formed the first settlement
at St. Croix Island, the time had been so fully occupied in
attending to their quarrels among themselves, and so much
property wasted in the wars with their English neighbors,
that the real interests of the Province were neglected. The
prime motive that actuated the promoters of colonization,
was thirst for gold- A'-.count.s of the vast quantities of the
precious metals that the cruel and rapacious S;ianiards \TOre
acquiring in Mexico and Pei'u, were being industriously cir-
culated throughout Europe with favorable exaggerations :
a country that did not abound in gold was apt to be consid-
ered worthless. Acadia, notwithcitanding all the wealth of
her natural resources, came under the universal ban, and
capitalists were unwilling to take the trouble and risk ex-
cept the prospect of sudden wealth was held out to tliera.
Besides, the government of the colony was continually le
verting from one power to the other; plunder and pillage
'as the order of the day; the resources of the soil had iu)t
been developed, nor were the locations for settlement at all
times wisely chosen ; the go^'er«ors appointed to look alter
the welfaie of the colonisslb, were more apt to look after

AOADIA

:| I

their own interestp> to the detriment of the public ; in a
word, so many were the disaJ vantages, that we cease to
wonder the growth of Acadia was so slow. The brief sov-
ereignty grained to Giaud-fontaine, was not without the
difficulties that usually beset the rulers of Acadia. The
encroachments of his English neighbors, the jea'.ouiies of
his French associatt-s in Aiadiu, and the umcbinations of
enemies at heme, kept him fully occupied. During his ad-
ministration a few colonists repaired to Chignecto, " whoi'e
an enonauus area of maish laud awaited but the cai'e of man
to yield its licnes," A few years later Piere Theriot, Claud
and Autoine Landry and Ker>& Le Blanc began settlement
at Minas, whieli finally ^rew to be the most rich and popu*
lous in Acadia.

In 1673 Grand-fontaiue was succeeded by Ohambly.
During the summer of the following year, a^ Chambiy with
his garrison of tbirty men were at tlieir usual duties aboat
the fort at Penobscot, tiiey were startled by the uppearuuce
of a Dutch wai' vessel on the river. Louis XIY was then
at war with Holland, and while his generats were winning
glory for him in Europe, the Dutch thought they migUtaid
in the cause by attacking the French in .Imerica. The ves-
sel was heavily armed and carried a force of o;je hundred
and ten men ; after a brief combat, during which sevei a1 of
the garrison were killed, Chambiy capitulated. The Frenub
fort at Jemeeg, on the Hi. John iiiver, likewise was taken by
the Hollanuer, who made ma effort to hold on to the forts ao
easily captuied, but was coaaMnt with plundering them oi
their valuables. The French made no further attempt tc
occupy the fort at Penobscot, and it was suffered to fall
into decay.

In the summer of 1676 the Dutch again visited Penobscot
and undertook to restore and garrison the fort. The French
were too weak to offer resistance ; but the English, uuwii*
ling to see a Dutch colony established on their northern bo>>

FROM OHAND-FONTAINE TO ME^mEVAI,

(lers, dispatched two or three vessels from Bo^toa, and the
invaders were driven off. The Enfjlish quitted the place as
»oon as they had dispossessed the Dutch, not cai'lng to main-
tain a {garrison there.

Pentagoet, as this fort was afterward calle.l, was not suf-
fered to remain tenantless. Bai on de St. Castiu, ati Indian
chieftain of French birth and education, imimnliata^j' oc-
<'upied it with his savao;e subjects. This man ligu ed large-
ly in th« events transpiring in Acadia and the adjacent New
England provinces. His character and disposition has been
made the subject of much adverse criticism, and also of com-
ioendation, by various historians who have written of him.
He married among the Indians (some say he had but one wife),
and according to good authorities he was always friendly to
the Englisii, and used iiis influence to keep the savages at
peace. Other authorities, entitled to equal credence per-
haps, aver he lived a life of licentiousness among the In-
dians, and that he incited them to acts of plunder and ra-
pine against the English settlements, and that he even went
so far as to direct tlie savages in person, in their maraud-
ing incursions. Sutlice it to say, that at one time the name
of Baron St. Castiu was a terror tlu'oughout New England,
and he received the credit of planning all the Indian massa-
cres that desolated the country. Was the community star-
tled with the tidings of another frontier village laid waste
by the midnight torch, and women and children tomahawk-
ed and scalped? — '* The Baron St. Castin "* was hui'led from
every tongue with bitter execrations.

'The BaroD St. Castin, a uative of Oberon amouK the Pyrenees, hay-
ing lived ainoiiM the savages fur above tweuty yearb, is looked upon by
theiu us their tutelar god. Jie nmiried anioug thciu after thoir fasliion,
and preferred the forests of Acadia to the Pyrcuiau MouMtaius that en-
compass the place of his nativily. The savages made him their Rreat
chief or leader, aud by decrees ha has* worked himself into such a fortune,
which nay/ man but he would have made such use of, as to draw out ot

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AOADIA

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Lauveigait, writing to Father La Chasse, says of the sons
of the Baron : — " The insolenc? of the Messrs. de St. Castin
has come to be so excessive, that they no longer set bounds
to it, in their conduct towards me or before God. Tlie
elder, who does not care to marry, and not satisfied with
spreading corruption through the whole village, in addition
to that, now makes a business of selling brandy, openly, in
company with his nephew, the son of M. de Bellisle. They
have been the means of one man being drowned alrealy on
account of it, and are like to be the destruction of many
otljers. The younger of the Messrs. de St. Castiii never
comes to the village without getting drunk in public, and
putting the whole village in an uproar,"

Mrs. Williams, in her excellent work on the Neutral
f rench, pictures the home of Bai'on St. Castin as the abode
of refinement which is in ill keeping with the siniste." char-
acter imputed to him by the English. As to his constancy,
she goes on to say, one fact alone should set this matter at
rest. The Baron had immense possessions in France, and
many connections there, and his son by the daughter of
Madocawando, chief of the Tarratine tribe, had no difficulty
in establishing his claim to his father's title and estates.
He must, too, have been united to this woman by the rites
of the Catholic Church, to make his claim good. It was
known that he usually had a missionary of that denomina-
tion in his house.

In 1721 a son of Baion St. Castin was decoyed on boaid

tlie country above two or three hnndred thonsnnd CTo^vns, which he has
now ill hia pocket, in good thy gold. Kut nil tlie nse he makes of it is to
buy up j^oiuls for preseuts to his fellow snvaf^ea, who uiron their return
from luintiuf;, present him with benver skins to treble their value. The
Governor-Ceneriil of Catiada keeps in with him, and the Governor of
New Eufiland is afraid of him. He has several daughters, who are all of
i!iem m.inied very handsomely to Frenchmen. He has never changed
his wife, by which means he intended to give the savages to understand,
tliat God does not love incoastaitl folks. (La Houtao.)

FltOU ORAMD-F0>TAIRE TO MEXNEVAL

an English vessel in the hai'bor at Pentagoot, taken to Bos-
ton and cast into prison. This proceediug was tlie occasion
of much unfavorable comuieut in I\Iassacliu-<etl8. The
charge against him was, that he was present with the In-
dians at AiTOwsic, dressed in a splendid I'rench uniform.
His case was made the subject of legislative action ; a com-
mittee being appointed, he so well satistiedtliera that wrong
had been done him, that they reported favorable to his dis-
charge. In reply to interrogatories he said : " I received
no orders from the Governor of Canada to be present at, Ar-
rov.slc. I have always lived with my kindred and people.—
My mother was an Abenalas — I was in authority over them.
I should not have been true to my trusts if I hadneg ectvd
to be present at a meeting wherein their interests were con-
cerned. My uniform is required by my position, which is
that of a Lieutenant under the French King. I have the
higiiest friendship for the English. My disposition is to
prevent my people from doing them mischief ; and my efforts
shall be to influence them to keep peace."

In 1676 Chambly left Acadia, and La Villiere, M. Perrot.
and Meiineval successively exercised the functions of Gover-
nor of the province, the latter coming into power in April,
IG87. The following year was signalized by the descent of
a New England force upon Acadian soii, which opened the
way for an Indian war that brought ruin and desolation to
many a frontier village, and wasted many precious lives.

An dross having become royal governor of New England
under a connuission from James II, he formed the resolu-
tion to seize upon Penobscot. Setting sail, his frigate an-
chored opposite Castin's residence, and a iieutouHiit was
sent ashore to inform the Baron that Andross wished to see
hiui on board his vessel, hu Castin deciined the interview,
and with his family fled to the woods, leaving most of their
household effects to the mercy of the enemy. Andross
lauded and robbed his dwelling, and returned to Pemacjuid

10 AOAmJt

Vfith his booty ; hui, as before stated, the result showed t&
to be a costly prize.

The Indians commenced hostilities the following August,
probably urged on by St. Castin, though no doubt having
gi'ievaijces of their own to redress. Andross marched
against them with a large force, but the savages entirely
eluded him. Before he could take the field again in the
Spring of 1689, ovv'ing to political changes in Europe, he
was removed from office. France and Eng and being at
war this made an excuse for renewed hostilities between
their subjects in the New World. Frontenac had been re-
appointed Governor of Canada, and from his stronghold at
Qut'bec, he was to direct operations on a grand sca.e : New
England and New York were to be ravaged, and the Prote*
tant population driven from the soil.

The war was leuewedin June, 1(589, by the destruction
of Dover, New Hampshire, when Major Waldron and twenty-
two others were killed and twenty-nine taken ( aj" tive. The
venerable Major was then eighty yeai's of age, and was tor-
tured to death as a retribution* for an act of treachery he
had been guilty of some twelve years previous, and which
doubtless caused the spilling of much innocent blood. Dur-
ing King Philip's war the Major was in command of the
militia at Dover. About four hundred Indians were en-
camped there, with whom "Wa'dron had made peace. Two
companies of soldiers arriving soon after, the Major pro-
posed a sham fight between the Indians and whites ; he in-
duced the savages to tire the lirst volley which was no sooner
done than they were surrounded by the soldiers and the
whole of them made prisoners. Two hundred were taken
to Uoston, where seven or eight were hanged, and the rest
sold into slavery.

'The time had now arrived to satisfy their vengeance. Seating the
old luau iu u cLoir, ou a table, they tauntingly asked, "Who is going to,

mnM rtHANn-roNTAinir to mfumktai.

The destruciion of Dover was Bneedily followed by the
irnssacre at Saco, and later still by that iit Potnaquid. New
Fngland wan aroused by those repeated attacks. A lar<»e
force of volunteers was sent into the fiold, and the command
piven to Major Church, who had won reputation in King
Philip's war. Nothing of impurtauce was accomplished
that year.

The war between the French and English in America
opened early in 1690. Three expeditions weie planned
nnder the direction of Fronteuac, which were sent against
New York, New Hampshire and i\iaine ; the war parties
being formed, respectively, at Montreal, Three Rivers, and
Quebec. The Moutreal force consisted of upwaids of one
hundred men, about half of whom were Indians. The lead-
ers were Frenchmen, and Albany the destined point of at-
tack ; but when, after a terrible winter jouruey through the
wilderness, they readied it.i vicinity, the savages objected,
and Schenectady was invested instead. "This vil)a'.je, which
contained eight houses, they reached Feb. 18, in the evening.
The people were found asleep, not having posted any senti-
nels, though advised to be on the watch previously. They
did not believe that Canadians, loaded with arms and pro-
visions, would traverse for hundreds of miles the snowy
wilds at such a season — an incredulity which cost them
dear! The French, — after reconnoitering the place, which
had a four-sided palisaded enclosure, with ten gates, — enter-
ed the latter noiselessly, amid a snow-fall, about 11 p. m., and
invested all the houses. These men, with frozen locks and
burning eye, and vengeance in their liearts, resembled the
terrible phantoms described by the Scandinavian bards. A

Judge the red man now?" Amid whoops and jeers, they slit his nose,
cropped his ears, and committed other iTueltios upon his person, till faint
from loss of blood, his own sword was held under him, which transpierced
his body.

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ACADIA

more grisly phantom, the King of terrors himself, it was
who now entered at the portals of the silent streets of Sche-
nectady, the indwellers of which were about to be awakened
from their last sleep. Orders were given underbreath, ;ind,
each soldier muffling the rattling of his aniis as agreed on,
the fatal sign was given, and every door forced with hatch-
ets."* The inhabitants thus caught by surprise could c£Fer
no resistance. Two houses only were sjjared: one because
a wounded French officer lay there ; the other was left out
of regard to Mr. Sander, whose wife had kindly treated in
past times some French prisoners. Sixty persons were
killed, including ten women and twelve children ; and twenty
seven were led captive to Canada. Many in the darkness
and confusion escaped the massacre only to perish by a more
lingering death from exposure : some who fled to Albany
lost their limbs from frost. The victors carried away a
quantity of plunder, but on their v.ay buck were pursued by
a party of Mohawks, and a number of them were killed and
taken.

The Three Rivers expedition consisted of about fifty
French and Indians. After a two months' journey through
the trackless wilderness, the party attacked Berwick on the
morning of t/;'3 28th of March, before daybreak. Thirty-
four persons were killed, over fifty taken prisoners, the
buildings were set on fire, and the return march was begun.
One hundred and forty men were hastily collected from the
neighboring towns, and the retreating party were pursued
as far as Wooster River, where the enemy made a stand and
checked the pursuit until nightfall, and then made good
their escape.

The third war party left Quebec on the 28th of January,
composed of fifty French, and seventy Abenakis Indians.
On the Kennebec they fell in with the Three Rivers party t

'Churneao.

FROM QRAND-FOTAINE TO MENNEVAL

their force was augmented by a number of Kennebec In-
dians and others from St. John and Penobscot, until the
party numbered about five hundred men.

Falmouth was attacked on the 26ih of May, and all the peo-
ple who were unable to reach the fortified houses were siain.
During the following night the inhabitants retired to Fort
Loyal, where there was a small gairison under Captain Davis.
A regular siege was made against the fort, and after a brave
defence of four days, Davis was forced to suiTender. The
terms promised quarter to the inmates of Fort Loyal and a
guard to the next English town ; but no sooner was the fort
piven up than the place was turned over to pillage. About
one hundred, men, women, and children, were murdered in
cold blood, and Captain Davis, with three or four others,
was carried off captive to Quebec. The fort was destroy-
ed, and the dead bodies of the unfortunate people were
allowed to lie unburied, mingled with the ashes of their
homes. All that summer their mangled corpses remained ex-
posed to the elements, and supplied the wild animals of the
forest with ghastly feasts for many a night's hideous revel.
In October, Major Church, then on an expedition to the east-
ward, gathered their bones together and buried them.

These acts of atrocity by the savages, aided and led on
by the French, was doubtless measurably done in repasal
for the massacre at Lachine the year previous, which was
attributed to English instigation. Though not a part,
btrictiy speaking, of the subject of this volume, a brief des-
cription of that tragic event will lead to a better understand-
ing of the state of affuirs at that time : we are the more in-
clined to give it from the fact the massacre of Lachine is
not often referred to by the authors of American histories.

The French in Acadia and Canada on the one hand, and
the English colonists on the other, were engaged in a ter-
rible strife, the object of each being the total subjugation of
the opposing party. To further their interests both at-

• 1

ACADIA

1 11

tempted to win over the various wandering Indian tribes as
allies. In this the French, through the influence of their
priests, showed the better diplomacy. But the Iroquois, a
strong and warlike confederacy occupying the central por-
tion of what is now the State of New York, manifested a
strong friendship for the English, and this preference was
destined to be siiown in an exemplai'y manner.

The Governor of Canada, the Marquis de Denonville, had
been positively informed that an inroad by the Iroquois oa
his territory had been arranged; but as no procursive signs
of it appeared to the general eye, and as the Jesuit priests
expressed their disbelief in such an occurrence, no defensive
preparations were made. The summer of 1689 was well ad-
vanced, " when the storm, long pent up, suddenly fell oa
the beautiful Island of Montreal, the garden of CanadtL
During the night of the 5th of August, amid a storm of hail
and rain, 1400 Iroquois traversed the Lake St. Louis, and
disembarked on the upper strand of the Island. Before day-
break the invaders had taken their station at Lachine, in-
vesting every house within a radius of several leagues. The
inmates were buried in sleep, — soon to be the dreamless
sleep that knows no waking for too many of them. The
Iroquois only waited the signal from their leaders to fall ou.
It is given. In short space the windows and doors of the
dwellings are driven in ; the sleepers dragged from their
beds ; men, women, and children, all struggling in the hands
of their butchers. Such houses as the savages cannot force
their way into they fire ; and as the flames reach those virith-
in, they are driven forth to meet death at the threshold,
from beings who know no pity : they even forced parents to
throw their children into the flames. Two hundred persons
were burned alive; others died under prolonged tortures,
vrhile many were reserved to perish similaiiy at a future
time."

While these events were trauspiiing, it must not be sup-

rHOM Or.ANn-KO!TTArNF TO MryXRVXL

posed the New En<:jland people wpve idle. Extensive pre-
parations were goinpf on in ^lassachusetts, spuiTed onbv re-
ports of these relocated outrages of the French and Indians,
having no less an object in view than the reduction of both
Port Koyal and Quebec, the two strongholds of the French
in America.

The Port Royal expedition sailed from Boston on the 9th
of May, 1690. It consisted of a 40 gun frigate, a ship of
16 guns, and a third of 8, with transports lor the convey-
ance of 700 men. The command was given to Sir William
Phipps,* a native of Maina On the 19th of the same month
the guard at the entrance of Port Royal Basin discovei'ed
the hostile fleet, and fired off a mortar to alarm the people
at the fort. During the night the guard reached the iort
and reported the uumber of the enemy. Menueval, per-
ceiving that an attack was intended, fired a cannon to call
the people to his assistance ; only three responded to the
summons. The garrison was small, the works were in poor
condition and most of the cannon were dismounted. Men-

* Phipps was bom in 1650, at Pemnquid. At the age of eighteen ha
was apprenticed to a ship-carpeuier; at the expiration of his indentures
he built a vessel which he himself navigated. He tirst brought his nama
into promineuca by raising a quantity* of treasure from a Spanish wreck.
He had been provided with the necessary apparatus by the Gcvernor of
Jamaica to raise the cargo of the frigate ' ' Alger Rose " near the Island of
Hispaniola; and having for a long time sought the object of his voyaga
near a reef of rocks called "The Boilers," was about to abandon tha
search, when, as one of the boats was returning to the ship, a sea-feather
was observed growing out of a rock. An Indian diver was sent to fetch
it up, who law several guns lying at the bottom of the sea. On the sec-
ond descent the Indian raised a mass of silver; and Phipps carried away
over thirty-two tons of silver bullion, besides a quantity of fjold, pearls
and jewels, over which the billows had been rolling for more than half a
century. When the new charter of Massachusetts was granted, he was
oiade Governor; being a man of hasty temper, he was summoned to Eng-
land to answer a charge of assault; he died while there, and was buried ia
tiie church of St Mary, Walucath.

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ACACtt

neval was advised ta remove his garrison and stores tip the-
river ; the brigantine lying at hand, was brought near the
fort and the soldiers commenced loading her with provisions-
and ammunition. While this was going on^ two priests —
Petit and Trouve — arrived, and they induced Mennevai to«
change his plan. They persuaded him he would only in-
ciease his difficulties by abandoning his forDr and tliat he
might make an advantageous cajjitnlation, Accordingiy, the
foi.owint day, as the New England fleet appeared in Port
Koyal Basin, Phipps sent his trumpeter to summon the
garrison tu surrender. Mennevai detained him and sent
Petit to arrange terms of capitulation. Sir William demand-
ed an uncoiiilitional surrender. This was peremptorily re-
fused by the Priest, who proposed the following ai'ticies of
capitulation: — 1st, That the soldiers with their arms and
baggage, should be transported to France, in a vessel to b&
provided by the English. 2nd, That the inhabitants should
be maintained in peaceable possession of their properties,
and that the honor of the women should be preserved. 3d,
That they should be permitted to enjoy the free exercise of
their religion, and that the property of the chmch should be
protected.

Sir William agreed to these conditions, but refused to
commit them to writing, stating as a reason that his word
as a General was better than any document whatever. Men-
nevai was obliged to content himself with this assurance,
and the keys of the fortress were given up. Upon exami-
nation the English were surprised at the weakness of the
place, and regretted giving such favorable terms. A slight
misunderstanding occurring, Phipps used it as a pretext to
annul the conditions ; he disarmed the soldiers and impris-
oned them in the church ; he confined Mennevfvl in his own
house and robbed him of his money and effects, and gave
up the place to general pillage, from which neither the Priests
nor the Church were exempted. He sent a force to reduce

FEOM Gr.ASD-FO>iT.\TN'E TO MENNEVAL

La Hcve and Chedabucto, where a quantity of goods belong-
ing to the lishing company were taken : from thence it i^ro-
cetded to Isles Perco*and Eonaventure, v.'here the crews
sacked and burned all the houses and destroyed the churches,
firing 150 gunshots through the picture of St. Peter. The
losses the I'reuch incurred through Phipps' expedition ex-
ceeded fifty thousand crowns.

•The snramitof the Perce Sock covers about two acres, and is divid-
ed into two great districts, one of which is inhabited by the gulls, and the
cormorants dwell on the other. If either of these trespass on the other's
territory (which occurs every fifteen minutes, at least), a battle ensues,
the shrill cries of hundreds or thousands of birds rend the air, great clouds
of combatants hover over the plateau, and peace is only restored by the
retreat of the invader. When the conflict is between large flocks, it is a
scene worthy of close notice, and sometimes becomes highly exciting.

Many years ago the Rock was ascended by two flshermen, and the way
once being found, scores of men clambered up by ropes nnd carried away
the egfjs and young birds, finding the older ones so tame that they had to
be lifted off the nests. This vast aviary would have been depopulated
long ere this, but that the Perce magistrates passed a law forbidding the
ascent of the Bock.

VILLEBON ON THE ST. JOHX.

^ot long after the events related in the last chapter, and
ivhile, as we may suppose, the hapless, helpless Acadians
were broouing over their misfortunes, a French ship, the
Union, sailed into Port Royal harbor. She had on board
a notable Frenchman named Villebon, a brother of Menne-
val. He had come to place himself at the head of th« In-
dian tribes. The vessel also brought out fifty stand of
arms, some recruits for the garrison, and a quantity of preS"
ents for the savages. "Villebon, having been told the story
of the capture of the fort, and learning the English were
still on the coast, and might return if they heard of his ar-
rival, he, after consultation, decided that his best plan was
to proceed to the River St. John, and occupy the Oid fort at
Jemseg, He accordingly crossed to St. John, and sailed up
that I'iver to prepare Fort Jemseg for the goods entiusted
to Jus rare, leaving orders for the Union to follow in a few
drtys.

Scarcely had Villebon left Port Royal when two "piratlo-
a1 ships" made their appearance before the fort, the orews
of which landed and commenced to pillage the piace. Near
the entrance of the basin on the Granville side, they burned
ftixteen liouses: at the fort they set tire to twelve houses,
(slaughtered the cattle, hanged some of the inhabitants, and
deliberately burned up one lamily wnom they had shut up
r,o prevent their escape. Seizing all the piuuder they could

VILLEBON OX THE FT. JOHN

gather, including the Union and her cargo, the "piratical
vessels" sailed away.

In this emergency Villebon acted with vigor and discre-
tion. Having collected the Indians, he told them of the
capture of the presents intended for them, exhorted thetn
to bo faithful to the French King, and promised to embark
for France at ciice, and would return again in the Spring
with better presents than those be had lost. To this they
replied that Onanthio (the name they had given to the King
of France), having already supplied them with ammunition,
they were perfectly satislied, and that they were more griev-
ed for the loss of the vessel and stores on his account, tlian
for the presents destined for them ; and promised that dur-
ing his absence they would give a good account of the Eug-
Jish.

At this time a squadron was fitted out against Quebec,
consisting of thu'ty-five sail, and Sir Wm. Phipps was nouii-
i:ated to command the expedition. Two thousand militia-
laen embarked in it. The spirit and enterprise of wliich
this expedition was the result, was remarkable, and its war-
like ai'ray made the Bostoniaus exuitant : the wildest hopes
'.vere entertained of what it was capable of accomplishing.
The Boston land expedition under Winthrop, which was to
await the arrival of Phipps in middle Laurentiau waters af-
ter the expected capture of Quebec, arrived at Lake George
and encamped on its picturesque banks : the plan of opera-
tions being for the two forces to ascend conjointly to Mon-
treal. But an epidemic broke out among Winthrop's has-
tily raised corps, which speedily spread to his savage allies,
and there being, too, a lack of canoes in which to transport
the men, there was no alternative but to beat a retreat.

The Bostonian fleet appeared in sight of Quebec on the
morning of the 16th of October. Sir William Phipps sent
au ofl&ccr and flag with a summons to surrender. " He was
met ou the tshore, and led blindiold through the city, by a

!
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iMi
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AOADTA

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long and devious course to the castle ; tlie men on duty
taking care to ma^re as much clangor with their weapons as
possible." M. de Froutenac returned the following for an-
swer: '• Tell your master thau the mouths of my cannon will
forthwith bear my answer to the summons he has aent me.'*
The batteries of the lower town soon opened on the fl^ot.
Some of the tirst shots brought down the flag of Philip's
own vessel, which was fished up by the French, and after-
ward suspended to the ceiling of the Quebec ca<jh«dra\ as a
trophy, and there remained until that oJidce was consumed,
during the siege of 1759. Phipps bombarded the place for
scvtral days, but not making satisfactory progress, he rais-
ed the siege and returned to Boston. On the return voyage
one vessel was wrecked on the desolate coast of Anticosti,
where most of the crew who reached the shore afttrwiuds
died of cold and hunger ;* other vessels foundered at sea.
Both belligerents had 8u£fered heavily, and neither had gain-
ed or lost a foot of territory. Both sides suffered a two-fold
loss — the countries lost the labor of the men who formed the
armies, and were heavily taxed to pay the expenses of the
war. Privateers were making remunerative captures of Ji.er-
chant vessels on the high seas, and families on tha frontier
were obliged to take refuge in the towns to escape from their
savage enemies. Such were the circumstances in which the
campaign closed. While these dark clouds hung threaten-
ingly over the early colonists, the English were gui'ty of an
act of treacherous folly, a deed which the emissaries of France
were not slow to make use of to influence the minds of the
Indians, already prejudiced against their English neighbors.
Captain Chubb, commander at Pemaquid, had arranged with
the Penobscot tribe for an exchange of prisoners. The In-

* Only five of this boat's crew survived the ^vinte^ on the island. Af-
ter the ice broke itp these brave fellows started in a row boat for Boston,
900 miles distant, and after a passage of forty-two days they reached Iheli
homes in safety.

VILI ESON ON THE ST. JOHN

diana were inducecl to give up five English prisoners to him,
anci he proniiseil to send to lioston for the tive they desired
in return. With this arrnngeiuent tlioy appeared to be
pleased, and Cliubb proposed a conference in sight of the
fort. It was agreed that nine of the Enghsh and nin*! In-
dians should meet unarmed at the jilace selected. The latter,
being considoi ably under the influence of Chii1ib\s licpior,
did not observe that a party of soldiers bad surrounded them,
nor were they aware that the nine Englishmen had pistols
concealed about their persons. At a given signal the Indi-
ans we e aliuc'red, four of them killed and three made pris-
on<»r8, only two escaping. It is needless to enlarge upon
the character of the transaction, which in its consequences
wionght lasting injury to the English; for the story of the
treachery of Chibb, with all such instances, was told at the
camp tires of every tribe fiom Cape Breton to Lake Superior.
At this period the English set up a claim to the territory
of Acaaia, and, under the new charter of Massachusetts, had
it annexed to that colony. By way of maintaining a juris-
diction over the country', they sent out an English ship of
war to intercept the annual supply that Villebon was in the
liabit of receiving from France, at his fort on the St. John.
This sbi]\ the Sorrel, sailed from Boston with orders to
cruise off St. John's harbor, and await the French vessel.
The frigate appeared in due time, and a severe engagement
ensued, in which the Sorrel was beaten off", and the French
landed their stores in triumph. The A^orre/, reinforced with
the frigate Newport and another vessel, was sent upon the
Bame service the following year. "While lying in the harbor
of St. John.D'Iberville, the Governorof Quebec, arrived with
two men of war. The vessels immediately engaged, and the
Newport surrendered. The others escaped under cover of
a fog. Reinforced with this prize, D'Iberville and Villebon
proceeded to Penobscot, where they wore joined by Baron
St. Castin and two hundred Penobscot Indians, and the aug-

;h 1

100

ACADIA

Uf!

nicnted forre imnircTatc'y invested Pemaquid. The parn-
Kon at that ].'aco, aaruied at this forniitlab'.e array of force,
and ftiirful of the consequences of falling: into the han da of
the sa\af,e8, after a resistance, surrendered on promises of
prottctiou. On entering tha fort the Indians discovered
one of their iieojile in irons, and so exasperated wfie they at
the account he jjave of his sufferings, that they fell upon the
English and murdered several before D'Eberville couid tai e
U'.easuies to prevent them. A fleet was immediately sent
out from Boston to intercept the French, but they had do-
iiolished the fort that had cost so much, and were already
in full retreat.

New England at once determined upon measures of re-
taliation, and a force of five hundred men, under command
of Captain Church, was sent I'rom Loston into Acadia. Ke
sailed direct for Beaubasi-iu, which has since received the
name of Cumberland. The tenilied inhabitanis, as usual,
abandoned their houses and tied to the woods Oii the first ap-
proach of the enemy. During the pursuit, Bourgeois, one of
the most respected Acuuians, surremleied, and demanded
protection for iiimself and famiiy, which was granted. Bour-
geois was desired to give notice to his countrymen that ad
who should return would be weil received. Many of them
were induced to return, but no sooner had they assembled
than they were ordered to '"join the force o; Captain Church
in pursuit of the savages." On their refusing to comply,
their houses were burned, theii- dikes broken down, their
cattle and sheep destroyed, and their effects plundered by
the soldiers. C harlevoix informs us that " Bourgeois pro-
duced a proclamation of Sir William Phipps, in which as-
surance of protection was given to the inhabitants so long
as they remained faithful subjects to King William, and that
Church being made acquainted with it, had ordered their
property to be respected ; but that while he and his officers
'vere being entertained by Bourgeois, the soldiers, who ware

VILLECON ON THE 9T. JOHS

101

ilisperscd among the iiilinbitants, coii<l»ictcfl tliorasolv«>« as
irtl-eylmd bet'ii in a con(]i;cr('d countiy." He ulso ukig
*'lliat iimny of tho people, distrusting his promisun, rofusel
to Huriendor, -imd thut it was foiiu'ia.e they did so, for an
order of Frontiiiac, the Governor of Cnuala, having' been
aoon after discovered posted up in the c'.iap9i, tha English
troated tiieni as rebe^.s, — set live to the church, and rediiocHl
to ashes the few houses they had previously spared." It la
<lifficult to conceive waat provocation these simple Acadiaiia
had given to merit such harsh treatment — thus stripped of
lion)e and the reccssaries of life, jii the "erge, tcx., . i nn Ac-
adian winter; or how they could be termed rehcls, when,
within less than a century, they had changed masters no less
than fourteen times.

During the return voyage to Massachusetts, Church was
met b;y i, i ;^ inforcement under Hiwthorne, and tVo f Tvpedi-
'■'m was turned bacic to besiege YiJleoou's fort at Niishwaak,
on the St- John, The iitlack, which might have beon suc-
cessful had it been attempted a month before, was doomed
to failuie, Yillebou hud industriously added to his I'oices,
improved and strengthened the defenses of the place, and
was prepared for the alVray. On the IGth of October Ville-
bon heard that tlie English were in force below; and on the
evening before the oneiny'.s ships hove in sight, he address-
ed tlio garrison in stirring terms, and encouraged them to
resist to the last. Early iu the morning the English made
their appearance, and onunenced the erection of a battery
on the south side of the river ojjposite the fort. A lively
caiiiiouade soon commenced, which was only ended by the
approach of night. Viliebon prevented the Enghsh from
lighting lires by discharges of grape, and they suftered much
from cold. The cannonade was continued through the fol-
lowing day, and at night the English ligl ted fires over a
Inrgt- extent of ground and decamped under cover of the
davkneei). No one has been able to explain the cause of so

^ I

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i02

ACADZ*

feeble an clfort, which may have been owing to dissensions
between Cliuich and Hawthorne. With this ended the war
froni 1690 to 1696, which is generally known as Kin^ Wil-
liam's Wur, and by the treaty of Ryswick, Acadia wap once
iiioie leuloied to Fiance.

FALL OF PORT ROYAL.

The Peace of Eyswick was scarcely proclaimpu, eve the
French manifested then" intention to make themselves sole
masters of the fishery, and to exclude the English from any
part of the territory to the eastward of the Kennebec. In
pursuance of these claims, Villebon sent a messa^.'^e to the
Governor of Massachusetts to the following purport: — "I
am expressly ordered by his ^lajesty to maintain the bounds
between New England and us, which are from Kennebec
lUver to its mouth, leaving the course of the river free to
both nations, and I desire that you wili no longer consider
the Indians there your subjects. I am informed that you
Lave divers fishermen on the coast, and that you permit
your people to trade in the French ports. You may rest
assured, su*, that I shall seize all the English, who shall be
found fishing or trading there, for you cannot be ignorant
that it is plainly prohibited by the treaty between the two
crowns, a copy of which you, yourself, forwarded to me.
jMonsieur de Bonaventure has also sent you some of your
fishing vessels which he has taken, and acquainted you that
if they presume to trade on the coast he shall con.sider them
tt3 lawful prizes."

lu the yeai* 1700 the French government decided to aban-
don the forts on the St. John, but before the order could be
cai'iied into ctlect Villebon died. He was succoH'ded by Vil-
lieu, who was the following- >-ear relieved of his command

104

ACAjnA

by M. de Brouillony formerly Governor of Flacentfa. Tlifa
last named governor commenced his administration with a
great show of zeal and activity, demohshed the fort at the
mouth of the St. John River, recommended the fwt at Port
Royal to be built of atone. iv.lvoeated the erection of a re-
doubt at the entrance of the Basin, besides proposhig other
plans lor the better establishment of the French authority
in Acadia. What is now kuown as Queen Anne's War was
begun in 1702, otherwise called the war of the- Span'&'i suc-
cession, which involved many of the leailing nations of
Europe. England and France could not remain long at war
without their respective colonies in America finding a pre-
text to open hostilities with one another. Brouillon was
accused of encouraging piracies against the English ship-
ping, — La Hove being made the headquarters- of the free-
booters, — and of using the proceeds in instigating the na-
tives to acts of hostility against the people of New England.
An armament was fifed out in Boston, comprising three
men-of-war and I'ourteeii transports^ having on boai'd 550
soldiers, under command of Colonel Church, for the purpose,
as Haliburtou puts it, "of ravaging the French settlements in
Nova Scotia ! " The instructions given to Church by the
Massachusetts authorities, after authorizing him to take
command of the force destined for Nova Scotia, orders him
'• to have prayers on ship daily, to sanctify the Sabbath, and
to forbid all profane swearing and drunkenness." The next
article authorizes him to burn, plunder, destroy, and get
)>poil wherever he could effect a landing. The Puritan
fathers also ofllered a bounty of one hundred pounds for each
male Indian over twelve years of age, if soalped: one hun-
dred and live jjounds if taken prisoner ; fifty pounds for each
woman and child scalped, and fifty pounds when brought
in alive ! *

*T)k> (U'prcp of rofinenieiit which chnrficterized these early wars, is
fui'tbcr illu^tralvd in the following: "Villieu, atone time Governor of

FAT.L OF PORT llOTAL

105

Church first sailed up the river Penobscot, where he took
a number of prisoners, among them tlie daughter of Baion St.
Castin and her children. From thence the boats proceeded
up the Passamaquoddy, destroying the settlements and per-
petrating several acts of outrage upon the unolVending in-
habitants. Here the expedition was divided — the men-of-
war steering for Port Pioyal, and the whale boa":; for Minas
(now Horton). At the latter place the inhabitants offerea
some resistance, and the EngHsh thereupon totally destroy-
ed the populous village, plundered the inhabitants, broke
down the dikes, made several prisoners, and joined tlieniiiiii
force in the harbor of Port Royal. After some ineffectual
attempts to carry the place, the project was abandoned,
Church evidently having little taste lor hard fighting, and
BO bore away to Chignecto, which country he had ravaged
eight years before, and whose reduction involved less mill-
tary force. Here he burned twenty houses, kiLed ojie hun-
dred and twenty horned cattle, and did the uniortumita in-
habitants all the harm in his power. Then he returned to
Boston to receive the thanks of the Legislature for his ser-
vices.

An inc>!^cent illustrating the character of these expeditions
is given id Chur.ii's own words, in his dispatch to the Gov-
ernor. A E'jHill island on Passamaquoddy Bay was invaded
by the forces under Col. Church, at night. There was no
resistance, the inhabitants all gave xi\j. "But, lookiijg over
a little run, 1 saw something look black just by me : stopped
and heard a talking ; stepped over and saw a little hut or
wi<;wam, with a crowd oi people round about it, which was
contrary to my former directions. I asked them what they
M'ere doing ? They replied, there were some of the enemy
in a house, and would not come out. I asked what house ?

Acndin, presented to Frontenac, the Governor of Canada, a string of
English Bcalps;— a flue prt'sent for one French geutlcmau to bestow up.
on another."

It'

I Hi

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till '

106

AOADIA

They said, *a bark house.' I hastily bid them pull it down,
and knock them on the head, never asking whether they
were French or India)is, they being all enemies alike tofne."

There were some in Boston Avho did not approve of the
acts of the Squaw-killer, for his historian says, " after Church
came home, some evil-minded person did their endeavors to
injure him for taking away life unlawfully."

In the year 1704 an expedition from Canada, consisting of
French and Indians, under Major Rouville, attacked Deer-
field, on the Connecticut River, applied the torch, killed
forty of the inhabitants, and carried one hundred and twelve
away to the wilderness. Among the captives was Rev. John
Williams, the village pastor, whose little daughter, after a
long residence with the Indians, became attached to them,
and married a Mohawk Chief. The minister's wife, and
some others, who were not able to travel as rapidly as suit-
ed the Indians, were killed. On his arrival at Canada, Mr.
Williams was treated with respect by the French, and was
afterward ransomed and allowed to return home. The chief
object of the attack on Deerlield seems to have been to carry
ofif the bell that hung in William's Church. That bell was
purchased, the previous year-, for the Church of Saut St.
Louis, at Caughwanaga, near Montreal. The vessel in whi(!h
it was brought over from Havre was captured by a New
JhJngland privateer, and the bell was purchased for the Deer-
field meeting-house. Father Nicholas, of Caughwanaga,
accompanied the expedition, and the bell was carried in tri-
umph to its original destination, where it stiil remains.

Brouillon, the Acadian Governor, went to France in 1704,
and Bonaventure was left in command. Brouillon's time
iu France seems to have been occupied in justifjinghisown
conduct while in Acadia, and in making accusations against
others. Ho set out on his return late in the following sura-
mer, but died on boai-d ship off the harbor of Chebucto
His body was committed to the deep, but his heart was car-

FAT.T, OP PORT BOYAI,

107

ried to Port Royal, where it was inteviTd with military hon-
ors. Such was the hatred with which this man was held,
that it was said of him "the public were unable to conceal
theu' joy at his loss."

In 1706, M. de Subercase was appointed Governor of Ac-
adia, and arrived at Port Royal. He proved the opposite
in character, to Brouillon, and was much belove.I; for the
iSrst time, in many a long year, harmony reigned in the
co!ony. Says Hannay: "The ponderous volumes which
contain the correspondence from Acadia at that period,
afford a curious illustration of the condition of a small
t'ommunity, isolated from the rest of the world, outside of
the great movements of the age, and whose main business
seems to have been to plot against and slander each other.
The French minister, who had charge of Acadian affairs, re-
ceived letters from governors, judges, officers, priests and
private citizens, and there is scarcely a letter from the time
of Menneval to that of Subercase, which is not filled with
complaints of the conduct of others. One of the most com-
mon complaints against the Governors of Acadia, was, that

they traded secretly with the English But no class of

men in Acadia had more charges perferred against them

than the priests No doubt a false zeal frequently led

them to mingle in temporal affairs with which they had no
concern, but every one will desire to believe that their con-
duct was generally exemplary, and that they had the real
interests of the people at heart."

There was great activity at this time among the privateers,
both French and English, and the number of prisoners on
each side became burdensome. Frequent voyages were
made between Boston and Port Royal for the exchange of
prisoners; it was surmised that this was made a pretext for
carrying on an unlawful trade with the enemy. Even Gov-
eiDOj Dudiey did v.ot escape being accused of implication,
but v/as exonuiatcd by the Legislature.

b' I'

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108

AQADIA

Governor Dudley now determined to show his zeal for the
interests of New England by a strong eflfort for the capture
of Port Royal, and with it all Acadia. Massachusetts had
long coveted this beautiful country, and therefore procured
the assent of the parent government to raise a force SLiffi-
cient for the conquest, and a pledge that if conquered, it
phou'd never a;ain be ceded to France.

Accordingly, in 1707, one thousand men were raised in
Massachusetts, New Hampshii'e and Hhode Island, and the
chief command given to Colonel March ; and on the 17th of
May of that j'ear, they arrived before Port Roya", under
convoy of two men-of-war. Subercase proved himself an
active and efficient officer, and so disposed the forces under
his command as to check the English in every attack. In
this he was assisted by a son of Baron St. Castin, who was
tiiere to command the Indians. The siege was abandoned
after it had lasted eleven days, during which no susceptible
progress had been made.

Col. March wrote from Canso of the failure of the expe-
dition, tidings of which had already reached Massachusetts.
Gov. Dudley was determined that another effort should be
made before so fine a body of troops should be allowed to
disperse. He ordered that no soldier should land from the
transports under pain of death ; and sending Mai'ch one
hundi'ed new recruits, with three commissioners to super-
vise the conduct of the expedition, directed an immediate
return to Port Royal. The place was the second time in-
vested on the 20th of August. The English " unfortunately
fell into several ambuscades, in which they suffered severe-
ly;" u violent epidemic disorder broke out among them, and
it was dolermiued in general council, to make good their re-
1 reat before they wpre so weakened as to render embarka-
tion a malter of difficulty. On the 1st of September the
New England troops embarked, and sailed away from Port
Itoya], where they twice met with such a mortifying want of

PALL OP PORT BOTAL

109

SQccess. But, as the sequel will show, the wai'like spuit of
the Puritan fathers was still undauuted.

During the year 1709, Captain Vetch, who had been fre-
•quently to Acadia on trading voyages, went to England to
solicit the aid of the parent government in reducing that
province. He xeturned home with the assurance that a
fleet would be sent out to co-ope rate with the colonies in
an expedition against Quebec, and bore a command from
Her Majesty, Queen Anne, that they should enlist troops
for that purpose. Five regiments were to be sent out from
Englanu, with a squadron of ships, to be joined by twelve
hundred colonists at Boston, — the united forces to proceed
against Quebec ; an additional force of fifteen hundred men
were to march by way of the lakes and attack "NIonLreEd.
The latter force advanced to the place of rendezvous on
Lake Champlain, and the New England troops were assem-
bled at Boston at the appointed time, but the promised Eng-
lish fleet did not appear. The vessels had been put in read-
ness, and the British regularn were on the point of embark-
ing, when the exigencies of the European war diverted
the troops to another destination. Great was the disap-
pointment to the Colonists, and the necessary expenses
of the proposed expedition bore heavily upon the impov-
«hsbed state of their finances.

Another expedition was resolved upon the following year,
having for its object the reduction of Port Royal, which
was deemed a more feasible enterprise than the capture of
Quebec. Accordingly, on the 18fch of September, a squad-
ron of four men-of-war, and twenty-nine transports, set sail
from Boston under command of Col. Nicholson, aiiiving at
Port Royal on the 24th of the same month.

The troops consisted of one regiment of Marines from
Europe, and four regiments of Provincials raised in New
iiingiaud, but commissioned by the Queen, and armed at the
royal expense. At the entrance of the haibor of Port Roy-

110

ACADM

I : i

al one of the transports was wrecked, and twenty-six men^

with all the stores on boaiu, were lost. The English forces
were landed without opposition, Subercase, the Governory
had but two hundred and sixty eflfectual men, and most of
these he was utraid to trust out of the fort, lest they should
desert to the English. As Col. Nicholson was mai-ching up
toward the fort, several soldiers were shot by the inhabit-
ants from behind lences ; and for several days, while pre-
liminaries to the siege were being made, the French contin-
ued to thj'ow shot and shell from the fort

On the 29th, Subercase sent out a flag of truce, praying
that the ladies of the i'ort might leave to a place of greater
safety. By the 1st of October, three batteries were opened
within one hundred yards of the fort. The English contin-
ued to work in their trenches, though severely cannonaded
by the French, until the evening of tiie 10th, when they be-
gan to tire bombs, two of which fell into the fort. During
the night fii'ty oi' the inhabitants and several soldiers desert-
ed: those remaining presented a petition to Subercase, ask-
ing; him to surrender. He resolved to call a council of hia
officers to consider what should be done. "A council of war
never fi;>hts ; " a cessation of arms was agreed upon, and
the terms of capitulation soon settled. On the 13th of
October the articles were signed, sui-rendering the fort to
Her Majesty, Queen Anne of Great Britain. The garrison
were permitted to march out with their arms and baggage,
with drums beating and colors flying, and were to be pro-
vided with transportation to Kochelle, in France. The
officers were allowed to take with them all their effects ; the
Canadians had leave to retire to Canada; the furniture and
ornaments of the chapel were to be respected, and the in-
habitants within cannon shot of the fort were to be protect-
ed. This article was probably intended to protect those of
the people who had tired upon the English on their ap-
proach to the fort, and afterward became the subject oi cou-

ITAM, t)/ POHT RAVAL

«derable cojitro^ ersy. The English lost only fifteen mea
in their expedition, beside the twenty-six who were wrecked
on the transj^oi t Col. Nicholson left a gavriaon of two
hundred and fifty volunteers, under the coiinntind of Col.
Vetili, who had been appoinlcd Governor of that country,
una returned with the fieetaiid army to Boston, where he
arrived on the 26 ih of October. Thus was the tri-color of
France torn from the fortress of Port Roj'al, above which it
had waved for more than a hundred years, over which it was
■destined never more to float as an emblen> of authority.
The expense incurred by New England amounted to wJ3,-
000, which was afterward reimbursed by Parliament.

The easy success of the English forces at Port Eoyal
caused an expedition to be fitted out against Canada. Fif-
teen hundred colonial troops, exclusive of a large body of
Indians, were placed under command of Colonel Nicholson,
who were to march against llontrea'.. At the same time an
English fleet, comprising fifteen men-of-war, and forty trans-
ports containing 5,000 veteran soldiers, under Admiral Walk-
er, was to operate against Quebec. During a terrible Au-
gust storm, while they were ascending the Gulf of St. Law-
rence, the fleet drove down on the Egg Islands. The frig-
ates were saved from the shoals, but several transports were
wrecked with 1,500 men on board, and 900 brave fellows,
who had x^assed scathless through the sanguinary battl-s of
Blenheim and Eamillies, perishf'd miserably on the desolate
shores of the St. Lawrence. This disaster was the cause of
the total failure of the expedition.*

• The rreiich ships, which visited the Islands soon after, found the
wreck.* of ei^'ht vt«!sels, and the bodies of nearly three thousjmd drowned
pertjou"'. lying along the shore. They recognized whole companies f>f the
Queen's Giiards. distinguished by their red coats; and several Scotch fam-
iUes, aiucng them seven women, all clasping each other s bauds. The
French colony could but recognize a Providence which watched singu-
larly ovtsc it*} })rostuvation, and which, not satisfied with rescuing it from

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ACADIA

Colonel Vetch sent a deputation to Vandri*!?, Governor
of Canada, with the message "that if he did not restrain the-
savages under his control from further incursions into New
England, the English would take revenge for every act of
hositility comiuitted by them upon the defenseless Acadiatis
now in their power." The French Governor returned an-
swer — "if these threats were put in execution, nothing
should prevent him from delivering up every English pris-
oner hito the hands of the Indians. "^

The court of France at last began to awaken to a sense of
the real va'.ue of the province they had lost. The King
could not find a person willing to take ciiarge of an expedi-
tion for its recovery. Vandrieul had appointed Baron St.
Castiii* to the command of the Indians of Nova Scotia, with
instiuctions to preserve their loyalty to the French King
as far as possible. This personage raised a considerable
body of Indians, and had successfully attacked an English
party in what is now New Brunswick, and was mai'ching to
the attack of Port Koyal. The commanding British officers
at Port Royai, took three priests and five of the prin .-ipal
inhabitants and shut them up as hostages, proclaiming that
*'upon the least insurrectionary movement, he would execute
these innocent persons in retaliation." As an additional
measure of safety, he undertook to force the dispersed in-
habitants to swear allegiance to the English. This was
peculiarly distasteful to the French Acadiaus, and they re-
Bo.ved not to submit. A body of sixty men was sent out
under Captain Pigeon, to enforce this regulation, and re-
duce the uisaflfected to obedience. They bad not proceeded
far when they were surprised by a body of Indians, who

the lEtiejvtest dnnger it had yet run, had enriched it with the spoils of an
eneiHv whom it had not the pains to conquer; hence they rendered him
most heartfelt thanks. (Charlevoix. )

* This was the Baron's half-breed son.

VALL OF PORT ROTAL

"killed tho fort major, the engineer, ami all the boat's crew,
and took from thirty to forty English prisoners. The scene
of this disaster is ahnost twelve miles from the fort, on the
road to Halifax, and is still called Bloody Creek. The suc-
cess of this tempted the inhabitants to tike up arms, and
five hundred of them, with as many Indians under St. Cas-
tin, embodied Uiomselves to attack the fort." Bui not hav-
ing an efficient officer to takf chief command, they had to
abandon the interprise and disperse. On the 11th of April,
1713, the treaty of Utrecht was signed, and France and
England were once raoie at peace. By this treaty it was
stipulated that "all Nova Scotia, or Acadia, comprehfnded
within its ancient boundaries, as a'.so the city of Port Royal,
now called Annapolis," were yielded and made over to the

Queen of Great Britain and to her crown forever.

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TROUBLES OF THE FRENCH.

By the trenty of Utrecht, Acadia and Newfoundland were
ceded to Eujiflund, — France retaining Cape Breton, Prince
Edward's and other islands in the St. Lawrence Gulf. The
way was thus left clear for France to erect other military
establishments by v/ay of retaining practical control of the
fisheries of those waters, — an oi^portnuity of which she was
not slow to avail herself in the founding of a great fortress
on the shores of English Harbor, on the island of Cape Bre-
ton, which afterward became the widely-famed and potent
Lonisbour^' •

The population of " Acadia"' at this time was in all about
two thousand five hundred souls. It was composed, al-
most exclusively, of French who were strict adherents to the
Roman Catholic faith. By the stern decrees of war, military
domination had passed into the hands of a fon-ign power,
and the French of Nova Scotia beheld a fortress in their
very midst, that had been built by French capital, now gar-
risoned with English soldiers, to whom they must bow sub-
missively, and aid in their support. This wi < at that peri-
od of the world's history when the sanguinavy wars of i e-
ligion were fiercely raging, and when the bitter jealoiui 'S
and antagonisms of the contending factions were at tbfir
hight. Both Romanist and Protestant professed to believe
that they would do God service by desiiovin-; all who would
not give assent to their form of reugion — which contributed

TROUBLES OF THE FRRNCa

116

an incrcasccl rancor to the contoHt. We have, then, a Prot-
estant En^jliKh garrison liokling military domination by con-
quewt over u French Catholic Bubjugated people; that there
Hhould be a lack of unity of feeling and interest, and •
mutual distviiHt and hatred of one another, is not strange.

Though nominally the subject sof Great Britain, the Aca-
dinns could not be ^xpeeted to forget the land of their
fathers. A continued intercourse was kept up between An-
napolis, Minas, Chignccto, and the adjacent settlements, —
each locality having its Popish priest, who was largely en-
trusted with tlio guidance of their temporal affairs.

The influence that tliese priests exercisod over the simple
Acadiaijs is admitted to have been very great. They acted
under orders from a central power at Quebec ; but a full
cogi;izance i the nature of the instructions that emanated
from the Cathe.lial of Notre Dame was never given to the
outside world. Our information is deiived mostly irom
English sources, poisoned with a jealousy of conflicting inter-
ests, and prejutliced with a belief in Papist i)erfidiousiiess.
There is abundant evidence that some of the charges against
the priests were well founded ; and the English seem to
have adopted the principle that the guilty in part, were as a
natural sequence, guilty of the whole. The mistaken zeal
and shortsightedness of such of the clergy as, forgetful of
their higher calling, stooped to instigate measures against
the English, only wrought injury and final ruin on the peo-
ple for whom they plotted.

A short time subsequent to the signing of the treaty of
"Utrecht, Queen Anne wrote to Nicholson, then Governor of
Nova Scotia, as follows : —

"Whereas our good brother the most Christian King,
hath, at our desira, released from imprisonment on buuid
his gaiiey, tiuch ol his subjects as were detained there on
account of their proiessiug the Piotesiant religion ; We
being willing to show by some mark oi our favor towards

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116

AOAUIA

his subjects how kind we take his compliance therein, have
therefore thought t^t hereby to signify our will and pleasure
to you, that you permit sucli of them as have any lands or
teneiuents in the places under our government in Acadia
and Newrouudlaud, that have been or are to be yielded to
us by virtuo of tlie late Treaty of Peace, and are willing to
continue our suujects, to retaui and enjoy theii- said lauda
and tenements ^vltllout any mo:ehtation, as i'uily and freely
as other of our subjects do, or may possess their lands or
estates, or to sell tue same ii they shall rataer cuuose to re-
move elsewhere. And for so domg this siiall be your war-
rant."

When Port Koyal was taken it was stipulated that such
as lived within a league of the i'ort should remain upon their
estates two years, oa takiug the oatn of allegiance. By the
treaty of Utrecht the subjects of the King of France were to
" liave liberty to remove themselves within a yeai" to any
other place, with all their niov able efl'ects. But those who
are willing to remain, and to be subject to the Kuig of Gi'eat
Britain, are to enjoy the free exercise of their religion ac-
cording to the usage of the Church of Kome, as fai* as the
laws oi Great Britain do allow the same."

In 1714 Governor Nicholson proposed to the Acadiana
either to become subjects of the British Crown, or remove
in compliance with the terms of the treaty. Upon every ap-
plication that was made to them for that purpose they firm*
ly refused to take the oath of allegiance. They however ex-
pressed their readiness to accept an oath that would not re-
quire them to take up arms either against the King of Eng<
land or France, or against the Indians.

The following is from Paul Mascerene to British Lords
of Trade: "Canso Island has been found so convenient
and advantageous for catching and curing codfish, that of
late it has been the resort of numbers of the English, as it
was of French before the seizure made by Captain iSmart.
This stroke was so grievous to the I'repch, who were cou-

TBOUBLES or THE FREMOS

117

oemed in this loss, tliat seeing that they could not obtain
the satisfaction they demanded, they have been at work all
this spring, and incited the Indians to assemble at Canso
and to surprise the English who were securely fishing therci
and having killed and wounded some, drove the rest off the
sea. By means of this hurry and confusion whilst the In-
dians were plundering the dry goods, the Freiich weie rob-
bing the fish and transporting it away, till the English, hav-
ing recovered themselves, sent after them, and seized several
of their shallops laden with English fish and other plunder,
and made the robbers prisoners."

Governor Phillips, residing at Annapolis, writing to Board
of Trade, complains " that the French councils tend toward
exciting the ludiiins into a general war, but that the Indiana
(who are not without cunning) cannot be brought to a dec-
laration of war because the French cannot openly join them
and are determined to defer it to another opportunity."

On Sunday, the 25th of September, 172G, Lieutenant-
Governor Armstrong met a deputation of the inhabitants oi
Annapolis at the Flag Bastion. His Honor, the Lieutenaot-
(iovernor, •' told them he was glad to see them, and hoped
they had so far considered their own and their children's
future advantaf,es, that they were come with a full resolu-
tion to take the oath of fidelity like good subjects

Whereupon, at the request of some of the inhabitants, a
French translation of the oath required to be taken was read
to them. Upon which, some of them desired that a clause
whereby they may not be obliged to carry arms, might be
inserted. The Govei'nor told them that they had no reason
to tear any such thing as that, it being contrary to the lawa
of Great Britain, that a Iloinan Catlioiic should serve in the
army. His Majesty having so many faithful Protestant
subjects first to provide for, and that all His Majesty re-
quued of them was to be faithful subjects, not to join with
any enemy, but tor theii- own iuterMSt to diseover ail trait-

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ACADIA

orous and evil designs, plots and conspiracies, any wise- fovmdl
against Hi« Majesty's subjects and government, and so
peaceably and quietly to enjoy and improve their estates.
But they upon the motion made as aforesadd still refusing,
and desiring the same clause, governed by the advice of
the Council granted the same to be writ upon the margin
of the French translation in order to get them over by de-
grees. Whereupon they took and subscribed the same both
in French and English."* AVe may add that this paper did
not receive the approval of the Secretary of State, and the
act of Armstrong was annulled ; and also the singular fact
that neither the original document nor a copy of it can be
found. In consequence of this exemption they were after-
wards known as the '* Neutral French,"

Governor Aim strong subsequently sent Captain Bennett
to iliiias and Eusigu Phillips to Beaubassin, two of the
principal settlements, to administer oaths to the inhabitants.
"They are both returned," he says in his report to the Sec-
retary of State, "with the sail iuhabitauts answers and res-
olutions not to take any oath but to their Notre Bon Roy
ile France^ as they express it."

Enough has been said to show the causes at work, which
were, in a quarter of a century, to end in the utter overthrow
of the French people in Acadia ; — the distrust of the Eng-
lish in the protestations of innocence on the pait of the
French, and the determination of the latter not to subsci-ibe
to any oath binding themselves to take up ai'ms against their
own country and kindred

One of the most singular accusations bi'ought against
the French at that time was, that " they had told the Indi-
ans the English were the people who crucified our Savior."
This story was current thioughout New England at that

* Nova Scotia Archives.
I- good King of France.

TROUBLES OP THE FRENCH

119

day, and the cruelties of the Indians often attiibuted to it.
Halibuiton claims there is nothing to support such a charge.
About this time there existed on the banks of the Kenne-
bec a beautiful Indian village named Novridgwock. An
aged missionary resided among them, who had been their
teacher for a period of forty years. The village contained
a fhapel, and was defended by a rude fortification. This
Romanist was highly accomplished, and his life liteially one
long martyrdom ; being a correspondent and friei}d of the
Governor of Canada, the English believed he might be the
instigator of hostilities of the Indians. Under this impres-
sion they fitted out a force from Massachusetts, consisting
of upwards of two-hundred men, with orders to attack the
village. This force arrived at Norridgwock, completely tak-
ii.g the Indians by surprise. Charlevoix relates that the
Priest Ralle, though unprepared, was unintiniidated, and
showed himself at once in front, in hopes of diverting the
attention of the enemy to himself and screen his be.oved
flock by the voluntary offering of his own life. As soon as
he was seen he was saluted with a great shout and a shower
of bullets, and fell together with seven Indians who had
rushed out of their tents to defend him with their bodies.
When the pursuit had ceased, the Indians returned to find
their Missionary dead at the foot of the village cross, his
body perforated with balls, his scalp taken, his skull broken
with IjIows of hatchets, his mouth filled with mud, the bones
of his legs broken and otherwise mangled. The Indians
buried him on the site of the chapel,* that edifice having
been hewn down with its crucifix, and whatever else the au-
sai.ants considered emblems of idolatry. They had likewise
destroyed the buildings and pillaged the encampment. Now
beneaih its ruins, was interred the body of him who had the

;i '

•The bell of Fatber Rnlle's little chapel escaped, and is still preserved
ill the cabinet of l^owdoiu College, Maiue.

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120

ACADIA

evening before celebrated the rites of his religion within its
walls. " The death of Balle caused great rejoicing in Mas-
sachusetts, and when Hai'mon, who was senior in command
carried the scalps of his victims to Boston — ^this string of
bloody trophies, including the scalps of women and children
and an aged priest — he was received as if he had been some
great general, fresh from the field of victoi-y."

A certain Captain John Lovewell, emulous of Harmon's
fame as a taker of scalps, and with a patriotism fired by the
lai'ge bounty offered by Massachusetts for that kind of ar-
ticle, gathered a baud of volunteers, and commenced scaliv
hunting on the borders of New Hampshire. They killed
one Indian for whose scalp the company received £100. He
started next year with forty men, surprised ten Indians by
their camp tire at Salmon Falls, whose scalps netted £1000.
In a subsequent fight he lost his own scalp, as did thirty-
four of his men.*

Meanwhile the administration of Lieutenant-Governor
Armstrong, at Annapolis Royal, was meeting with oppos-
ition. At a council held at his house in September, 1727,
at which time the inhabitants were ordered to assemble to
take the oath, an answer was read, but not being subsciibed,
"it was returned to the three deputies who presented it,
who were ordered to attend at 3 o'clock in the afternoon,
together with the inhabitants, and then adjourned the board
to that time. .... The Deputies being

admitted, again presented the afoi'esaid paper subscribed
by almost seventy of the inhabitants.
The Board resolved that the said paper is insolent, re-
bellious, and highly disrespectful to his Majesty's authori-
ty and government, that his Honor would please to tender
the oaths to the inhabitants, and in case of refusal to com-
mit the leaders to prison. It was "ordered that the three

* Hannay.

ON THE FISHING BANKS.

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TROUBLES Of "B". Fr.TSNCH

121

deputies, for their contempt and disrespect to his Majesty's
government and authority, be committed to prison, and that
the other inhabitants for having refused the oaths shnli bf
debarred from fishing upon the British coasts until his Maj-
esty's further pleasure shall be known concerning them.

Governor Phillips obtained an oath from the people of
Annapolis River in the winter of 1730, of which the Lords
of Trade complained as not having been explicit enough.*

Gov. Armstrong writes from Annapolis Roya' to the Duke
of Newcastle : "I am sorry this Province should be in such
a poor condition as it is really in, after having been so long
as upwards of twenty-one years (which may be said imagin-
ary only) under the English government ; for the inhabit-
ants here being all French and Roman Catholics, are more
subject to our neighbors of Quebec and Caiie Breton than
to his Majesty, whose government by all their proceedings
(notwithstanding of their Oath of Fidelity) they seem to de-
spise, being entirely governed by their most insolent priests,
who, for the most part come and go at pleasure, pretending
for their sanction the treaty of Utrecht, without taking the
least notice of this Government, in spite of all endeavors
used to the contrary. I must also inform your Grace that
the Indians aie employed in the affair, and use for an argu-
ment that although the English conquered Annapolis, they
never did Minas, and other parts of the Province, and in
consequence of such arguments instilled into them, they
have actually robbed the gentlemen of the Colliery by
Chickenectua. destroyed their house and magazine built
there, through pretense of a rent due them for the land and

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•The following was the form of the oath : " Je promets et Jure Sin-
oerement en Foi de Chretien que Je serai eutierenient Fidele, et Obeirai
Vraiment Sa Majeste Le Roy George le Second, qui Je reconnoi pov.t L«
Souvitiin Seigneur de L'Accadie ou Nouvelle Ecosse. Ainsi Dieu m«
SoitenAide."

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122

ACADIA

liberty of digging ; being advised, as I am informed, by
Governor St. Ovid, that if they permit such designs of the
English to succeed, that the Province will be entirely lost."

Also a letter from the same at a later date: "Your Grace
will be informed how high the French Government cairies
her pretensions over their Priests' obedience, and the people
of the Province, being Papists, are absolutely governed by
their influence. How dangerous this may prove, in time, to
his Majesty's authority and the peace of the Province I know
not, without we could have roissionavieB from some place in-
dependent of that crown, but this will prove a considerable
expense which the French King beai's at present with alac-
rity for very political reasons. Itis most certain there is not
a missionary neither among the Frencli nor Indians who
has n't a pens'on from that crown."

Still another source of trouble to the Acadian Governors
seems to have arisen, the nature of which will be seen by
the following extract of a letter from Paul Mascarene, now
Governor at Annapolis, to the Secretary of State : —

" The increase of the French inhabitants calls for some
fresh instructions how to dispose of them. They have divid-
ed the lands they were in possession of, and which his ATaj-
esty was pleased to allow them on their taking the oaths of
allegiance, and now they apply for new grants, which ihe
Governor did not think himself authorized to favor them
with, as his Majesty's instructions on that hoad prescribe
the grant of unappropriated lands to Protestant subjects
only. This delay has occasioned several of tiie inhabitants
to settle themselves on the skirts of this Province, pietty
far distant from this place, notwithstanding proclamationa
and orders to the contrary have been often repeated, and it
has not been thought advisable hitherto to dispossess tbh-m
by force. If they are debarred from new possessions they
must live here miserably and conseque) tly be troublesome,
or else they will continue to possess new tracts contrary to
orders, or they must be made to withdraw to the neighoor-
ing French colonies of Cape Breton or Canada."

TROrET.ES or THE PT^FVCH

123

Another complaint Governor Mascarene has to make is
told in the followinff letter to Des Ens'aves, parish priest at
Annapolis for many years : " You mention the spiritual to
be so connected with the temporal as sometimes not to be

divided. This proposition requires some explanation

Under pretence of this connection the missionaries have
often usurped the power to malie themselves sovereign judges
and arbiters of all causes amongst the people. For exam-
pie : A parishioner complains to the priest that his neigh-
bor owes him, and the priest examines the neighbor in the

way

of a confession. The man denies his owins:. The

p'.iest doth not stop where he should, but examines wit-
nesses, and then decides in a judicial manner and condemns
the party to make restitution ; and to oblige him thereunto
reiuses to administer the sacrament by which means the
man is in a woful case, and must i-ather submit to be de-
prived of his goods than to incur damnation, as he believes,
by not receiving absolution from the priest. Consider how
this tends to render all civil judicature useless."

In 1742 it was publicly ordered that "no Romish priest of
any degree or denomination shall presume to exercise any
of their ecclasiastical jurisdiction within this his Majesty's
Province."

The French Acadians in their objections to taking the oath
of allegiance, gave as a reason that they were at'raid of the
Bavages, unless the English had a force at hand able to pro-
tect them. This reason has been scoffed at by some histor-
ical writers, as a specious sort of argument, that 18,000 peo-
ple should be over-awed by a few hundred Indians ; assert-
ing that this feai' was the work of the French leaders, who
Avished to preserve the loyalty of the Acadians to the King
of France. The condition of these poor inhabitants was in-
deed truly deplorable, whose fears and interests were con-
tinually worked upon by both the Frenca and English
powers. The following will go to show whether the feai's

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ACADIA

of the inhabitants, as to the acts of the Indians were they to
take the oath, were groundless or not. It is a copy of an
order to the inhabitants of Minas and vicinity (Grand Pre
of Longfellow) by M. Du Yivier, Captain under Du Quesnalf
commandant at Louisbourg ; —

" The inhabitants of Minas are ordered to acknowledge
the obedience they owe to the King of France, and in con-
Bequonce are called upon for the following suj^plies : the
paiisli of Grand Pre, eight horses and two men to drive them,
that of the liiver Canard, eight horses and two men to drive
tlieiu : that of Piziquid, twelve horses and three men to
drive them ; as also the jjowder horns possessed by the said
inhabitants, one only being I'eserved for .each house. The
whole of the above must be brought to me at 10 o'clock on
ijaturday nioniing, at the French Aug which I have had
hoisted, and under which the deputies from the said paiishes
sijnil be assembled to i^ledge fidelity for thembelves and all
the inhabitants of the neighborhood who shall not be called
HAiiy from the labors of the harvest. All those for whom
Ihu pledge of fidelity simll be given will be held fully res-
ponbible for said pledge, and those who would contravene
tiie present order shall be punished as rebellious subjects,
and delivered into the hands of savages as enemies oi the
dtate, as we cannot refuse the demand which the savages
make for all those who will not submit themscives. vVe
enjoin also upon the inhabitants who have acknowledged
their submission to the King of France to acquaint ua
promptly with the names of all who wish to screen tiiem-
teives trom the said obedience, in order that faithful sub-
jects shall not suffer from any incursions which the savages
may make."

The following is the reply of the deputies to the order:

2'o M. De Ganne : —

We, the undersigned humbly representing the inhabit-
ants of Minas, iiiver Canard, Piziquid, and the surrounding
rivers, beg that you will be picasea to consiuer, that wnuai
there would be no di&cuity, by vatue oi tiie stroiig forcQ

TR0TTBLE8 OP TBB FREHOI

125

which you commanci, in supplying yourself with the quau-
tiiy of grain and meat you and Du Vivier have ordered, it
would be quite impossible for us to furnish the quantity
you demand, or even a smaller, since the harvest has not
been so good as we hoped it would be, without placing
ournelves in great peril. We hope gentlemen that you will
not plunge us aud our families into a state of total loss ;
and that this consideration will cause you to withdraw your
savages and troops from our districts. We live under a
mild and tranquil government, and we have all good reason
to be faithful to it

Youi' very obedient servants,

Jacques Le Blano, and others.

Minas, October 10th, 1744.

I am willing, gentlemen, out of regard for you to com-
ply with your demand.

De Ganne.
0< tober, 13th, 1744.

By a letter of the same date. Governor Mascarene writes
to the deputies, highly commendatory of the action of the
peop'e of Minas and vicinity, for remaining "true to the
allegiance which they owe to the King of Great Britain,
their legitimate Sovereign, notwithstanding the efforts which
have been made to cause them to disregard it." The peo-
ple of Chignecto appear to have behaved with less loyalty,
and received the following menacing notice:

Deputies of Chignecto : —
I send yott these lines to inform you that I am in a po-
sition to execute what I have so often said would happen to
you if you failed in the allegiance you owed to his Britannic
Majesty. If you wish therefore to avoid the danger which
threatens you, do as the other departments have done — send
your deputies, give an account of your conduct, and show
the submission to which your oath of allegiance to the gov-

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ACADiyi

ornment of the Kinjj of Great Britain binds vou. In tl)»4
case you shall still have in me a friend ar.il servant.

P. Maboarknb.

The above instrument will be better underBtood after a
few explanatory words. In March, 1744, France iniulo a
declaration of wair against England. News of this event
did not reach Boston until June ; but intelligence was con-
veyed to Cape Breton much earlier, by a fast bailing vessel
dispatched for that puiposo. M. Du Quesnal, the Govern-
or of the Island, had received instructions not to attempt
the capture of any post in Nova Scotia until further oiderrs,
under the apprehension that such expeditions might alarm
the neighboring English colonies, and cause them to retali-
ate on Louisbourg, then unfinished and unsufficiently garri-
soned.

Du Quesnal was well aware that the English posts of Can-
so and Annapoiis were in a ruinous condition and poorly
garrisoned, and was firm in the belief that there were four
thousand French Acadians ready to throw off the English
yoke ; he made up his mind to strike a sudden blow upon
the unsuspecting English before they would have time to
prepare for defense, and then trust to the effect of a bril-
liant victory of French arms to allay the censures of his gov-
ernment for his disobedience. He found an active and zeal-
ous partisan in the person of Du Yivier, a great-grandson
of Charles La Tour, to whom he gave command of the ex-
pedition. The armament consisted of two sloops and sev-
eral smaller vessels, with eight guns and other small arms,
with about two hundred and fifty lien. At Canso they
were joined by two hundred Indians, which place was im-
mediately invested. Captain Hovon the English command-
ant, having only one company of men in garrison, and de-
prived of the assistance of the man-of-war belonging to the
station, with no better defense than a log block -house built

TRirnr: P.T of tttk KTiF\rn

127

lonp before by the fishermen, was forced to capituiute. TLe
guniaou of eighty brave men therefore surreiulei'ed, the con-
ditions beiri'i; that they shouhl be taken to Loiiiabourg,
an<l at the expirntion of a year sent either to Boston or to
England. Du Vivier burned down the block-house, and re-
turned with his pUinder and prisoners to Louisbourg-.

Had Du Viviur marched immediately upon Annapolis, that
phire must inevitably have fallen. The ramparts had been
sutfered to fall into the foss^;^, and cattle passed and repass-
ed them at pleasure. The j^arrison, which had boen reduc-
ed at the })eai'e, and subaefiueiitly weakened by a detach-
ment sent to Canso, did not exceed eighty men capable of
doing duty. Not yet aware of what had taken place in
Europe, the English wore not a little astonished to see, oaily
in June, a hostile force of St John and Cape Sable Indians,
to the number of three hundred, assembled before the walls
of the fort, demanding a surremler of the place. They were
under control of La Lontre, a French priest, who ))as the
uame of being the most determined enemy to British power
that ever came to Acadia. With him was young Beliisle,
a son of Anustatia St. Castin.

La Loutre inlovmed the Governor that a reinforcement of
regular troops was daily expected from Louisbourg, but
that after blood was spilled it would be difficult to restrain
the fury of the Indians. He advised an immediate surren-
der, in which case humane treatment and protection were
promised; otherwise the garrison must expect an immediate
storm of the paice on arrival of the soldiers, and probable
massacre at the hands of the savages, if defeated. The re-
ply was "it would be soon enough to surrender when the
armaments of which he spoke had arrived."

La Loutre's Indians, growing weary of waiting for the
promised assistance from Louisboui'g, withdrew to Mmas,
having burned some English houses in ths neighborhood
and tttolou stiuxo cattle.

128

AOADIA

Hardly had Tja Loutre quitted Annapolis before the ex-
pectant nava! division appeared in the Basin from Canso,
uivler Du Vivier. He landed his men on the 2nd of June ;
the Indians of the vicinity flocking to his standard, he at
once invested the fort. For four weeks he kept the place
in a continual alarm, but did not venture a regular attack.
In the meantime Mascarene had dispatched a vessel to Mas-
sachusetts for help ; on the 3d of July, four companies of
New England troops arrived i a number of artisans at work
on the fort having volunteered for military duty, and l.av-
ing forty cannon mounted, the Governor believed himself
capable of successful resistance. Du Vivier now prepared
to assault the place, and offered a reward of four hundred
livies to every Indian who should mount the rampai't ; but
not prevailing upon them to make the attempt, and hearing
that Mascarene contemplated a night sortie, he broke up his
camp and returned to Miuas. Du Yivier was severely cea-
sured for precipitately alarming the English before Ctmrtda
was in a position to support the consequences of a war, and
also for not marching on Annapolis immediately on the re-
duction of Canso. The people of that place could ill sup-
poi t such a body of troops, which gave rise to the corres>
poudence already referred to. Du Yivier had not been gone
many days when a large French frigate, an armed briguu-
tine. and a sloop, appeared before Annapolis. This was a
part of the naval force intended to operate in the reduction
of the fort. Throughout this whole affair the French ap-
pear to have been exceedingly unfortunate : for had any two
of the three bodies acted in concert, Annapolis must have
fallen. Mascarene acknowledged tliat much of his success
was due to the conduct of the French Acadiaus, who with a
few exceptions gave no willing aid to the enemy.

CAPTURE OF LOUISBOURG.

The capture of Louisbourg was planned, and the details
carried forward, by the merest novices in war, under cir-
cumstances unfavorable in the extreme; and the attempt,
all things considered, would have been pronounced foolhar-
dy and reckless by the best military minds. The complete
success of the enterprise, where there were so many contin-
gencies either of which would have proved fatal to the pro-
ject, effected at so small a loss and in so brief a periou, has
caused the taking of Louisbourg, the " Dunkir^c of America,"
to be rated as among the most remarkable military triumphs
on record.

At this periof"" the New England colonists were suffering
severely from privateers sailing under French colors. These
vessels were sent out from the port of Louisbourg ; to
which place they likewise retreated when pursued, or to dis-
pose of their booty. It was, therefore, a mattor of dire
exigency on the part of the colonists that this naval station
should be broken up, — a measure that would result in driv-
ing French privateers from American wafers. The cai^tive
garrison of Canso, which had been sent home from Louis-
bourg, conveyed information lo the Governor of Massachu-
setts that induced him to determine on an attempt ugamst
that place.

This hated French fortress was situated on a buy on the
southern coast of the Island of Cape Breton. Its gloomy

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130

AOADIA

walls gave shelter to the Jesuit; the crafty aboriginal, with
his belt of scalps, fresh from his Ent;lish victims, found a
secure asylum there ; and the gay soldier of France could
here plot and scheme and draw supplies with which to carry
on the war. Over the parapet was opened to the breezes
the flaunting tri-color of Fiance, waving a defiance against
her competitor for the possession of the New World.

Over thirtj' millions of livres had been drawn from the
French royal treasury, and expended on the fortifications of
Louisbourg; and numerous cargoes of building ston'^ were
sent hither from France. For a quarter of a century bad
the government devoted its energy to the completion of the
fortress ; and no v its sombre walls, " whose towers rose
like giants above the northern seas," menaced the authority
of tlie military rival of France. The town was more than two
miles in circuit, and was surrounded by a rampart of stone
from thirty to thirty-six feet high, and a ditch in front eighty
feet wide. There were six bastions and eight batteries, con-
taining embrasures for one hundred cannon, and eight mor-
tars. Two additional batteries — one at the entrance of the
harbor and the other on a high cliff opposite — contributed
to the strength of the place. The citadel was in the gorge
of the King's Bastion. In the centre of the town were the
stately stone church, the nunnery, and the hospital of St.
Jean de Dieu. The streets crossed each other at right an-
gles, and communicated with the wharves by five gatss in
the wall next the h irbor. The houses were constructed,
partly of wood and p irtly of stone or brick, and partook of
the general substantial appearance of the place.

Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, must be accredited
as the originator of the gx'and scheme of the reduction of
this almost impregnable fortress. In the autumn succeed-
ing the capture of Canso [1744], Shirley had written to the
British ministry, making known his plans and soliciting as-
sistance: he conjectured that by surprising the place early

CAPTURE or LOTTISBOrRQ

131

in the spring before their siiocora had arrived from France,
it would full b?fore a determined attacl:. Without waiting
a reply from Great Britain, Shirley communicated his pro-
ject to the general court, under an oath of secrecy. The
scheme appeared so wild and visionary to most of the mem-
bers, that it was rejected; but a petition fortuitously arriv-
ing from the n:f;rchants of Boston, Salem and riTarb'.ehead,
complaining of the great i'.ijuries they had received from the
privateers harboring at Louisbourg, Shii*ley was enabled to
liave the vote rtconsidered, which \.as finally earned by a
majority of one voice. Circulars were imraeJiately adareis-
cd lO the colonies as far south as Pennsylvania, requesting
their assistan(?e, and that an embargo be laid ou all their
j.orts. All excused themselves from taking a part in so des-
] ' -ite a venture, except Connecticut, New Hampshu'e and
iihode Island. The latter State missed its «hare in the
l^lory of the affair, hovAe -ar, by the tardy arrival of the three
iumdrcd soldiers it had undertaken to c;>ntrib;ite.

Four thousand and seventy troops were en.isted, victual-
ed and equipped, in two months' time, and early in March
tills force w&s tibsenibled in Boston, ready to embark. Of
tliid nuijibcr JIassacluisctta contributed three thousand two
hundred and lifty men, Connecticut five hundred and six-
teen, and New Hampshire three hundred and four. Tlie
four coloiios furnished thirteen armed vessels carrying in
all two hi.:-'Jved cannon. New York contributed artil.ery,
and Peati } ' ania sent provisions, in aid of the project.
Goveciior &hi?-ley applied to Commodore AVarren, comman-
der o' tht; i^ '1 on the West India Station, soliciting his aa-
Eiacance ah t -: j-operation : that commandar detained to act
ou the giC.iu : . of having uo orders from England, and that
tuo oipedition was whoily a Provincial affair, undertaken
without the assent, and perhaps without the knowledge, of
the iiiniatry. Tins was a severe disappointmeut to Shirley.
l)Ul, concealing the iuformatiou from the troops, on the 4th

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182

ACADU

of April the whole were embaiked, and the expedition bore
away for Canso.

The command of the aimament was given to William Pep-
perell, a Militia Colonel, of Maine, a uian of agreeable man-
ners and unblemished character, and very popular through-
out New England.

This reniaikable enterprise partook greatly of the nature
of a religious crusade. In waging war against these Pa-
pists, the Provincials thought they were doing God service.
Gei ige Whitefield, one of the founders of Methodism, was
then in New England!, animating the people with his impas-
sioned eloquence, a: ^^ 'I'^ri they applied for a motto to in-
scribe on the banner o expedition. Wlntefuli selected
theioUowing: '■'■Nil dts/j >ncluni Chrlsto auce,"' — We des-
pair of nothing Christ being our leader. A chaplain of one
of the regiments carried on his shoulders a hatchet, with
which, he proclaimed, it was his intention to destroy tiie
images in the Papist chapels. Previous to sailing, religious
services wei'e held in all of the churches throughout New
England, invoking the blessing of the Almighty on the un-
dertaking, and committing to His keeping their fathers and
brothers who were embarked in the hazardous enterprise.
The whole affair was inaugurated in a manner so extraordi-
nary, and rested so much on fortune for its success, that in
no way can we explain their action other than that they be-
lieved the God of Battles would signally bless an undertak-
ing, having His own glory for its prime object. Not one of
those composing the expedition, from the highest to the
lowest, knew how to conduct a siege, and few had ever heard
a " cannon lired in anger ;" yet they abounded in the wild-
est enthusiasm, and even went so far as to enter into pre-
liminaries for celebrating a triumphal relurn.

Providence smiled on them from the start. They aiTived
at Canso, the place of rendezvous, early in April. The en-
tire coast of Cape Breton was secuiely blocked by a barrier

CAPTURE OF LOmaBOURO

133

of floating ice: it was certain no intimation of the intended
attack had been received at Louisbouif>'. A richly laden
vessel from Martinique, thus early bound with supplies for
the fortress, fell an easy victim to the Provincials. A few
<lays later, four war vessels were descried far out at sea. —
All was in a tumnit and alarm, and the vessels in the har-
bor were got ready for action. As the strangers drew near,
the Viroad pennant of Commodore AVaneu was made out,
flviiig at the mast-head of the iSn2)crb, the flag-ship of the
squadrou. Warren, subsequent to his refusal to Shirley,
had received orders from England to pioceed directly to
North America, and concert measures for his Majesty's ser-
vice. Ltarning from a fisherman that the fleet had sailed
from Boston, he made all haste to join it at Canso. A con-
ference was held with Pepperell, and it was arrnnoed that
Wnrren should cruise in front of Louiaboui'g, and intercept
all vessels going there. Here he was joined in the course
of a few weeks by six more British war ships which hap-
pened on the coast, when he found himself in coiumand of
a formidable fleet of four ships of the line and tix frigates.
Other precautionai measiiies were taken, which were so
effectual that, \shen on the 30th of April, the ?^ew England
flotilla arrived iii Gabarus Bay, they were so entirely un-
expected that great consternation prevailed in the fortress
and town. Cannon were fired, bells were rung, and dismay
was exhibited in Q\bi:y movement in the hostile camp.

The French sent out a detachment to obstruct an attempt
of the English to land, but Pepperell deceived them by a
clever ruse, and landeii his men higher up the bay, who .
drove the French party into Louisbourg. That day the
English landed two thoubaud men, and during the follow-
ing, the remainder safely reached the shore. Under cover
of diukuesB, Colonel Vaughan, of New Hampshire, made a
circuit of the works, to the rear of the Royai Battery north
of the city ; setting hie to the storehouses behind it, illled

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134

ACMtM

E ■ J

with pitch and tar, the sulphurous smoke so frightened the
garrison, who thought the whole English force was upon
them, that they fled after first spiking their guns. This bat-
tery was immediately occupied, and its thirty cannon turn-
ed on the town with terrible effect, within wliich almost
every shot lodged, several falling into the roof of the cita-
del. The troops wei'e employed for fourteen successive
nights in drawing cannon from the landing place to the
camps, through a morass. The soldiers constructed sledg-
es, as the ground was too soft to permit the use of wheels,
and, with straps on their shoulders, dragged the ponderous
guns along, sinking to their knees in the mud. This work
could be done only in the night or in foggy weather, the
place being in full view of the town and v/ithin reach of its
guns. By the close of tliat month thebebiegers had complet-
ed a line of trenches, erected five fascine batteriea mounted
with sixteen caimoi: jind several mortars, which had destroy-
ed the western gate of the city and made an evident inipres-
fcion on its circular battery. Five unsuccessful attacks were
made upon the fortifications on the island, in which the as-
sailants lost a number of men ; a safer plan of silencing it
was carried out of erecting a battery on Light-House Point,
which enfiladed the Island Battery, rendering it untenable.
In the meantime, the Vig- ^nt, a French seventy-four gun
ship, unaware of the presence of an enemy, had sailed into
the very jaws of Warren's fleet. The prize was laden with
a great quantity of military stores, and five hundred and
eixty men. This capture proved very opportune to the al-
lied forces, as it not only added to the English naval pow-
er, but furnished them with a variety of supplies of which
they had been very deficient.

Commodore Warren proposed conveying information of
this event to the Governor of the fort, and inducing the cap-
tive commander of the Vigilatit to certify it himself. Some
of the English prisoners, it was alleged, had been treated

CXPTnnE OF LOUISBOUBQ

135

witTi severity ; the French Marquis was requested to visit
the various ships on the station, and if satisfied with the
treatment of his countrymen in the hands of the English,
to address a letter to Governor Du Cbambon, entreating
similar usage for those whom the fortunes of war had thrown
into his hands. To this he readily consented, and the fol-
lowing letter was sent by a flag of truce into Louisbourg
next day:

"On board the Vigilant, a prisoner, June 18th, 1745;

f TrauslRtion. ]

" Herewith I send you, Sir, the copy of a letter, written to
me by Mr, Warren, Commander of the squadion, who in-
forms me that the French have treated some English pris-
oners with cruelty and inhumanity. I can scarcely believe
it, since it is the intention of the Kinij, our master, that they
should be well treated on every occasion. You are to know
that on the 30th of May, I was taken by the squadron as I
was about to enter your harbor, and it is fitting you should
be informed that the Captains and officers treat us not as
prisoners, but as their good friends, and take a very partic-
ular care that. my officers and equipage should want for
nothing. To me it seems just you should treat them in the
eame manner, and see that they be punished who act othei--
wise, and oiler any insult to those whom you make prison-
ers. Yours, &c.,

De La Maison Fobtb.

To Du Cbambon,

Governor of Louisbourg.

As Warren surmised, this intelligence had the eJBFect of
inducing the French to consider the propriety of a surren-
der. The French garrison were mutinous, and could not
be trusted outside the fort. The erection of a battery on
Light House Cliff, together with the preparations which
were making for a combined assault by sea and land, brought
matters to a crisis: negotiations were opened, and on th«
IGth of June, the fortress of Louisburg capitulated. Uponl

ACADIA

entering the works, the stoutest hearts were appalled v.t
viewing its strength, and the terrible slaughter which must
have befallen the English had they attempted to caiTy the
place by assault. The garrison, numbering 650 veteitui
troops, 1310 militia, the crew of the Vigilant, and the prin-
cipal inhabitants of the town, in all upwards of four thou-
sand persons, engaged they would not bear arms for twelve
muuths against Great Britain or her allies, and being em-
barked on boaid of fourteen cartel ships, were transported
to Ilochfort.

A swit'fc sailing ship carried the news to Boston of the glo-
rious tiinmph the sons of New England had won, and well
niii;ht tliey rejoice, for histoiy records no parallel. That a
baifd of untrained artisans and husbandmen, working after
a puin of operations drawn up by a lawyer, and commanded
by a meichant, sbuukl capture a fortress it had taken thir-
ty years to buiid, and defended by veteran troops, was so
wondoiftd as to astonish all Europe. Boston and London,
and ail the chief cities of England and America were illumi-
nated. Tlie batteries of the London Tower fired salutes,
and Kh)g George II made Pepperell a baronet, and War-
. ren a rcai-admiral. Pepperell attributed his success, not to
His artillery or Warren's line-of-battle ships, but to the
prayers of New England, daily arising from every village
in b(!half of the absent arjny.

It is remarkable that a train of fortuitous circumstances
should have succeeded one another, any one of which, had
it been otherwise, would have brought disaster on the ex-
pedition. Tlie garrison of the place had been so mutinous
that the Governor could not trust them to make a soitie,
otherwise he might have rei)eatedly surprised and broken
up the English camp. The French were in want both of
pi-ovisions and stores, and those sent to them had been cap-
tured at the mouth of the hai'bor by the hostile fleet. The
French could form no idea of the number of their assail-

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CAPTUBE 07 LOmSBOTTWl

137

ants, and the English prisoners, as if by a preconcerted un-
derstanding, represented the number infinitely greater than
it was. During the forty-nine days that the siege lasted,
the weather was remarkably fine ; but the day succeeding
the surrender it became foul, the rain falling incessantly for
ten days, during which time fifteen hundred of the Provin-
cials were attacked with dysentery. Had the soldiers been
stationed in the trenches, and exposed to the rains, the mor-
tality would have been fearful. At the time the transports
sailed from Boston there was no prospect of aid from the
navy ; but ciicuiiistances providential'y brought together
every British ship of war then on the American Continent
and Islands, to which, if we add the captured French ves-
sels, a formidable fleet was the result. But these circum-
stanoes must not be construed as lessening the merit of the
man who planned, or of the soldiery whose valor was re-
warded by so signal a victory.

The capture of Louisbourg. while it added lustre to the
military lame of England, at the same time aroused all the
warlike potencies of the French. Indeed, so greot were the
preparations immediately entei'ed into by Froiire to regain
possession of her American stronghold, and to stiike a b.ow
at her English rival by the destruction of her New Eng and
colonies, that it seemed the sovereignty of Great Britain
in tho New World would be annihiluled.

Early the following season [17-iG], the Duke D'Anville was
sent out with an arniajnent consisting of forty ships of war,
fifty-nine transports, and thirty-five hundred men, together
with forty thousand muskets for the use of the French and
Indians in Canada. D'Anville was ordered to retake and dis-
mantle Louisbourg; thence to proceed against Annapolis,
which he was to recapture and garrison; he was nexc di-
rected to destroy Boston, ravage the whole American coast,
and pay a visit to the West Indies. Thus it wiil be seen
that the Biitish Colonies in Ameiica, by their zealous par-

188

AOADIA

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ticipation in the movement that led to the fall of Louis-
bouHg. had diverted the vengeance of France upon their
own beads; and they were likely to be put to the necessity
of coping alone with this formidable French armada, Eng-
land having given notice of her inability or indisposition to
furnish either men or vessels to assist her colonies at this
critical juncture. Though alarmed at the prospect, the
New Eng'.anders were not dismayed; and the most vigoa--
OU6 measures were adopted by way of averting the portent-
ous calamity.

A dire fatality seemed to hang over the fortunes of the
Duke D'Anville from the time he cleared the coast of Fwmce.
His passage acroM the Atlantic, though at the mildest sea-
son of the year, was protracted and perilous in the extreme.
VViien within less than a thousand miles of Nova Scotia, he
ordei ed one of his ships that had been disabled to be burned.
On the 1st of September he experienced a terrible gale off
Sable Island, where he lost a trausjjort and fire-ship. Here
the .irde7it and the Mars, both of sixty-four guns, being
much injured, put back for Brest, and were captured on the
coast of France, and the A Icicle, having sustained serious
damages, bore away for the West Indies. After a passage
of more than ninety days he reached Chebucto (Halifax)
Harbor with the lienomme and three transports. Four
ships of war that he had previously sent as canvoy to His-
paniola, with "^rders to immediately return to Nova Scotia,
were absent. He was so disturbed at the disappointment
the failure of this expedition would occasion in France,
that his health was greatly affected ; he died suddenly the
fourth day after his arrival, some say of apoplexy — the Eng-
lish claim of poison. The same day Vice- Admiral D'Estour-
nelle arrived in the harbor with four additional ships of the
line. Other ships and frigates having been either destroyed
or sent back, a proposition was made before a council of
war to return to France. The Vice-Admiral's spirits were

CAPTURE OP LOiriBBOURa

139

oppressed to such a degree that he was thrown into a fever
and attacked with delirium, during which he imagined him-
self a prisoner : he ran himself through the body witli his
sword, causing instant death. An attack on Annapolis hav-
ing been agrewd upon, it was found necessary to await the
arrival of such of the vessels as had outlived the storm, and
were daily coming into port; and also to laud the men, who
were suffering terribly from a scorbutic fever resulting' from
their long confinement on shipboard. Since the time they
had left France, they had lost 1,270 men, and the rest were
so sickly that they were unable to undergo the least fatigue.
Tliey were therefore landed on the southern shore of Ijed-
ford Basin, and furnished with fresh provisions from the
Acadian district.

The squadron from the West Indies, that had been pre-
viously detached from the fleet as convoy, \n ,iich, it was ex-
pected, would co-operate with them, had been on the coast,
but D'Anville's fleet not arriving at the appointed time, it
had put back to France The Canadian troops, that had
come to act in concert vith the fleet, having waited beyond
the specified time, had 'jommenced their return march to
Quebec. Still, the French ware determined to invest An-
napolis, and a detachment of regulars was sent to Minas,
there to hold itself in readiness to march for Annapolis as
soon as the fleet should leave Chobucto. No time was fixed
for their dej^iarture, for the mortality among the people con-
tinued ; they Lad buried over a thousand men on the shores
of Bedford Basin since the formation of the encampment.
Their allies, the Micmac Indians, took the infection, which
spread with such alarming rapidity that one third of their
number, it has been computed, fail victims to the scourge.

A vessel bound from Boston to Louisbourg, having been
captured with the mails, a communication was found from
Governor Sliirley, witli the inlurmation that Admiral Les-
tock, with a fleet of eighteen sail, had been ordered to the

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140

ACADIA

I .1 '.

North American station, and might be hourly expected. An
exjjiess was dispatched to inform M. de Bamsay, who had al-
ready invested Auuapolis, that the fleet would immediately
sail thither. Three of the veslsels were sent home with the
Indians ; the rest of the fleet numbering thirty-seven sail,
put to sea and bore away for AnnapoUs.

They were doomed to a combination of disasters that had
continued to befall them ever since the armament had le^^
France. When off Cape Sable, they encountered another
of those terrifc storms, which so weakened and dispersed
the vessels that they returned to Europe. Tidings of the
fieei's first disaster having reached France by some of the
returned vessels, two men-of-war were immediately sent oat
to join the fleei;, with orders to take and hold Annapolis at
all hazards ; bat the fleet had sailed three days before their
arrival on the coast. M. de Ramsay, who hid encamped
before Annapolis, retired to Chebucto, where he placed his
men in winter quarters, in readiness to opeiate with anoth-
er Fj ench squadion which was to be sent out the following
spring.

The armament of the Duke D'Anville, which had excited
such high expectations in France, and which had struck
such terror throughout the English colonies, by a train of
fortuitous circumstances as marked as those contribiitin?
to the fall of Louisbourg, was doomed to niUr failuie. One
half of the vessels were lost or disabled, and more than one
half the troops died from disease, without having had an
opportunity of measuring strength with the enemy. These
continued disasters to the French were regarded by the
people of New England as special interpositions of Provi-
dence in theii' favor. Public thanksgivings were everywhere
offered ; towns wore illuminated ; and no one doubted the
right of the English to the whole of Acadia.

Though the fleet had left the coast, Ramsay still remained
on the Peninsula, which caused Mascareue much uneasiness

CAPTUBE OF LODISBOURd

141

lest the French soldiery, aided by the Acadians and Indians,
should attack Annapolis. Governor Masearene wrote fre-
quently to Massachusetts, noting the extremely hazardous
position of the English in Acadia, and soliciting help. Ha
ei:piessed it as his opin on that a i-einforcement of one thou-
sand ti-oops would be sufficient to dislodge the enemy from
Acadian soil. He also suggested, as a politic maneuver,
by quartering the soldiers among the inhabitants, they
would consume all the provisions, and so leave the couiitry
destitute of the means of supporting an invading enemy:
and further, that their presence and intercourse among tlie
Acadian French would have a good effect in confirming
them in their allegiance.*

These representations had the designed effect: Massa-
chusetts sent five hundred men, Rhode Island three hun-
dred, and New Hampshu'e two bundled, for this service.
The contingent from Rhode Island was shipwrecked near
Martha's Vmeyard; the armed vessels of New Hampshire
went as fai- as Annapolis, but immediately returned to Ports-
mouth ; and the troops from Massachusetts, not behig able
to reach Minas by water on account of the inclemency of
the weather, were landed on the 4th day of December, on
the shore of the Bey of Fundy. Each man was furnished
with fourteen days' provisions, and the party made a winter
journey to Minas, through the snow and the interminable
forests, and in eight days' time they reached Grand Pie in
safety, though having suffered much from cold and fati^^ue.

This detachment was quartered for the winter in the vil-
lage of Grand Pre. Supposing the rigor of the season and
the difificulty of threading the pathless woods to guarantee

i'^i'

• Mascarenc <loes not seem to make provision for the Acndinns after
their fond supplies were consumed by the soldiers ; nor is it ensy to see
bow such a plait was Ui opcralo iu iueieusiug the love of tUc Acadiaua foi
tlie coDijuerois oC llicur country.

iij

I:' I

142

ACADIA

them iniinunity from attack, the English neglected ta take
proper precautionary measures, and distributed their force*
in a careless manner. The French were soon apprised of
this, and on the 8th of January a detachment from Chig-
necto, under De Villiers,* maiched against the English at
Minas. The distance between the two points by the ordi-
nary route was less than a hundred miles. But the Basin
was impassable for cauoes on account of the floating ice.
De Villiers was therefore obliged to make a long detour
around its shores ; and when his soldiers came to a river
they were obliged to follow up its course above the influence
of the tide before a crossing could be effecteii. While the
French were toiling on through the dark fir forests,, making
their way on snow shoes and dragging their provisions on
sieuges, bivouacking at night on the snow with no roof but
the sky, and mercury fai* below zero, the English were in
their comfortable quarters at Grand Pre, living in fancied
security. Some of the inhabitants told them the French
were coming, but they gave no credit to the report.

Eighteen dajs of weary toil among the passes of theCobe-
quid mountains, and along the storm-beaten banks of tlie
Shubenacadia, brought the assailants to Gaspereau. Cross-
ing the bridge over the creek, the detachment lialted and
paiiook of refreshments j then the force, numbering six
hundred, was divided into small parties, and the attack was
made about three o'clock in the morning. A feavf al snow
storm had been raging for twenty-four hours, until the snow
was four feet in depth, and the air was still full of falling
flakes, which hid the advancing column from the sentinels,
until they had been surprised and bayoneted. De Vidiers
was joined by some Acadiansat Piziquid (Windsor), and was
informed by them of the exact position of the English. They

" The English officer who fought against George Washington at the
uupituiauoit of i'ort Nccebsity iu lloi.

CAPTURE OF LOTTISBOURG

143

were qimrtei*ed in twenty- four houses, from which the
Piench people had retired when rumors of the invasion be-
gan to be received. De Villiers resolved to attack ten of
them in which the principal officers resided, and crush them
by an overpowering force : — judging that the rest would fall
an easy prey when the leaders were disposed of. The Eng-
lish leaped out of their beds and fought desperately for their
lives ; but their assailants outnumbered them, and they were
undressed, and many of them unarmed. A. terrible s augh-
ter was the result. Colonel Noble was killed fighting iu his
shirt, and with him fell four officers and seventy soldi n-s ;
sixty more of the English were wounded and nearly seventy
made prisoners. A number of the English still renuiiiied,
who collected in a body under Captain Morris, and made a
gallant stand. They were unprovided with snow-shoes, and
were impeded in their movements by the depth of the snow.
They made an effort to cut their way to their vessel and
provisions, which attempt proved unsuccessful. At noon a
suspension of arms was agreed upon, and a capituLiMou
afterward arranged in the following terms: — 1st, they were
to march off to Annapolis, with arms shouldered, drums
beating and colors flying, through a lane of the enemy with
rested firelocks. — 2nd, they were to be allowed six days' pro-
visions, with a pound of powder and a projiortion of ball to
each man. — 3d, they wei-e not to carry arms against the
French in the country bordering on the Basin of Minas and
Chiguecto for six months. The French loss in tins uneLjual
strife was only seven killed and fourteen wounded, but De
Villiers was among the latter. Such, doubtless, are the
variable fortunes of war : yet the wholesale slaughter of un-
armed, helpless men, just awakened from their slumbers,
has none of the heroic qualities of a fair -fight in the field of
battle.

In the meantime Jonquiere had returned to France with
the remnant of D'Anviile's fleet. By great exertions he had

i i

f ;

i^ I

144

ICADIA

caused another expedition to be fitted out to operate against
Nova Scotia, comprising thirty-eight sail, laden with soldiers
and ordnance stores, which was put under his command.
The sailing of the French fleet had been watched by their
English rivals -, a formidable armament under the British
flag set out in chase,^ and forced an engagement off Cape
Finisterre, on the 3d of May, 1747. After a well contested
battle the French struck their colors ; seven of their ships
were captured, and almost five thousand soldiers taken pris-
oners. It is estimated that France lost by this catastrophe
a million and a half of livres. This destroyed all hopes thai
Kamsey had entertained to reduce Nova Scotia. But this
war was about to draw to a close. On the 7th of October
terms of peace were concluded between France and England,,
known as the "Treaty of Aix-la-Chapeile." By its stipula-
tions the people of New England were not a little chagrin-
ed to see the fortress of Louisbourg, that had cost them so
much blood and treasure to secure, again pass into the hands
of the French. It mattered not though fully a thousand of
brave New Englanders lay molderiug under the patch of
dark green-sward, in the old burj'ing ground on Point Roch-
fort, who had sacrificed their lives to wrench it from French
domination. '' Though no monument marks the spot, yet
the waves of the restless ocean, in calm or in storm, sing an
everlasting requiem over the graves of the departed l -oes.'*
The restoration of Louisbourg has been pronounced an act
of extreme folly, in view of its aggressiveness towards
Ameiican commerce, and the fact that the peace was not
likely to be lasting. Says Macaulay — " the peace was, as
regards Euro^^e, nothing but a truce; it was not even a
truce in other quarters of the globe."

REFUSING THE OATa

N(ar]y half a centiu-y had elapsed since the English, by
the treaty of Utrecht, had come in possession of Nova Sco-
tia ; yet they had not succeeded in founding a single English
settlement, nor had they added to the number of English
speaking people in the Province. The French Acadian s on
the contrary had gone on increasing and spreading them-
selves over the land, until their numbers were treble what
they were when the country came under the British ^dg.
Like Pharaoh of old, who, dismaj'ed at the increase of the Is-
raelites, was terribly perjilexed how to dispose of them, the
GoA-ernor of Acadia was at a loss what to do with the French
Neutrals. The garrison at Annapolis were d<!p*'ndent on
the French for supplies, and would have nothing to live up-
on were the latter driven from the territory ; and, further-
more, would have to garrison a country without a popula-
tion in it. Besides, it was stipulated by an English law that
all unoccupied lands in the Province should be reserved to
English settlers ; the French had therefore divided and sub-
divided their farms to accommodate the increasing number
of families, until this was no longer practicable. The Gov-
ernor did not like to see the law violated by French families
settling on unoccupied lands ; he was also anxious to exempt
the French from the miseries attendant upon overcrowding,
and escape the embarrassment of providing therefor.

Another source of annoyance was that the Acadians, in*

U.I

146

ACACIA

secure in their rights and possessions, \vhen they received
any coin for produce sold to the gai'rison, would not allow
it to come into circulation; keeping it by them,* as was
supposed, for use in case they were driven fi'om their pos-
sessions.

Heretofore the government of the Province of Nova Sco-
tia Imd been administered by the commander of the garri-
son at Annapolis, the province being thought too poor to
support any additional expense ; but in 1749, Hon. Edward
Corn wallis was appointed to be Goveruor-in-chief of • Nova
Scotia. He arrived at Chebucto harbor during the summer,
where he established the first permanent English colony, coui-
prising two thousand and five hundred persons, naming it
Fiplifax out of compliment to the Lord then at the head of
the Board of Trade. The colonists comprised a large num-
ber of disbanded officers, soldiers and sailors. Halifax was
henceforth the seat of government of the Province, while
Annapolis, which had been the center of power, was to take
a secondary part in the history of the country.

We will now endeavor to follow, with a frank and open
candor, the course of events of the next fifteen years that
culminated in the utter ruin of eighteen thousand pastoral
French people. We will bring forward the authenticated
facts bearing upon this part of our subject, and give both
sides a fair and impartial hearing. The prejudices of race
and rtjligion are now happily lessened ; the scenes were en-
acted so long ago that no fears need be entertained of of-

'^ Numbers buried their coin, nearly always, if tradition may be be-
lieved, in stouo crocks. They then prepared charts in cypher, pointing
out the location of the hidden treasure. The French inhabitants, at the
tiiue of their expatriation, were driven away so suddenly, that numbers of
them had no time to secure it. There are many stories current among
the people in variou-i localities, of Frenchmen returning to their former
habitations, and by means of charts, mineral rods, and forms of divina-
tion known only to the initiated, securing and carrying away quantities of
the hidden coin.

BEFUSIKG THB OATH

147

fending the posterity of the chief actors in the melnncholy
diama: and, furthermore, believing that the people of Eng-
land, France and America, are at this late date willing to
assume their full share of culpability in contributiug to the
sufferings of this unfortunate people, — we are arrived at a
time when the matter may be treated with entire fre )dom,
without the hazard of meeting with undue bigotiy and pre-
judgment. We may premise that the succeading extracts
aie compiled, with few exceptions, from English sources,
and may naturally be expected to have a bias in favor of
the cause of Great Britain. When parties are convicted by
witnesses supposed to be in their interest, the proof is always
deemed the more conclusive. The French people caimot
be heard in their own behalf, as their papers were taken
from them at the time of their forced extirp;ition. If they
had any record of their sufferings and wrongs, it will ever
remain a sealed book.

One of the very first acts of Governor Coruwallis on es-
tablishing his government at Halifax, was to issue a decla-
ration to the "French subjects of his Majesty, King George,
inhabiting Nova Scotia," which contains the foJowing charge
against them, bearing date of July 14, 1749 :

"I do hereby declare in his Majesty's name, that his Maj-
esty, although fully sensible that tiie many indulgences
which he and his royal predecessors have shown to the said
inhabitants in allowing them the entirely free exercise of
their religion, and the quiet and peaceable possession of
their lands, have not met with a dutiful return, but on the
contrary divers of the said inhabitants have openly abetied
or privately assisted his Majesty's enemies in their attempts,
by furnishing them with quarters, provisions and intelli-
gence, and concealing theii- designs from his Majesty's Gov-
ernor, insomuch that the enemy more than once appeared
under the walls of Annapolis lioyal before the garris(n) had
any notice of their being witlun tiie Province: yet his Maj-
esty, bemg desirous of showing fuitiier inures of his royui

118

AOADU

i I

g;nee in hopes to induce the inhabitants to become for the
future tiui> and loyal subjects, is graciously pleased to al-
low that the s-aid inhabitants shall continue in the free exer-
cise of their religion, as far as the laws of Great Biitain do
,-tllow the same, as also the peaceable possession of such
as ai e under their cultivation : Provided, that the said in-
habit ants do, within three months from the date of this de-
clariition, take the Oath of Allegiance appointed to be taken
by the Jaws of Great Britain, . . and I do strictly charge
and forbid all persons whatever, from possessing themselves
of any cultivated land witiiin this Province without a grant
for tne same under the seal of this Province ; also that no
pei!?ou whatcN er do export out of this Province any corn or
cattle without especial leave for that purpose."

In answer to the charge contained in the above, that the
French openly abetted with the enemies of King George,
we ujipend the following extract from a letter written by
Governor Mascarene, dated at Annapolis Royal, in which he
says, referring to Du Vivier's campaign :

" To the breaking the French measures, the timely suc-
cors received from Massachusetts, and our French Inhab-
itants rcfiiainy to take up arms against us, we owe our
preservation. The first had prepared a force that in the
opinion of all, considering the ill condition of the fort, we
should not have been able to resist ; by the second, our men
were eased in constant duty the many ruinous places in our
ramparts required to attend ; and if the inhabitants had tak-
en up arms they might have brought three or four thousand
men against us, who would have kept us on still harder du-
ty, and by keeping the enemy for a longer time about us,
made it impossible to repair breaches or get our firewood."

The charge of the English had been that the French ii -
habitants were ripe for revolt, and only needed the presence
of a French force in the country when they would flock to
its standard. The above declaration of Mascarene would
seem to refute this charge, as also the following which ap-
peals on the records, relative to l>u Vivier's behavior towaids

BEFUSINO THE OATH

149

the iiihabitftiits of Minas and Piziquid, that it was "very
harsh ;" that the French soldiers "coining in the night scut
m n to every house whilst they were buiicd in sleep, and
thicatened to put any to death that should stir out or come
near the £Englisli] fort; that tliey had been ordered to fur-
nish weekly a certain quantity of cattle, to bring theii' caits
and teams, the orders being most of them on pain of dcat'.i."

At the first Council held by the new government b.t Hali-
fax, — which for want of better accommodation was held «)n
board of a vessel in the harbor, — on July 14th, three French
deputies, representing River Canard, Grand Pre and Pizi-
quid, called to pay their respects. They were furnished
with copies of the above declaration, and of the oath tl at
was to be given to the inhabitants, and were commanded to
return within a fortnight and report the resolutions of tht ir
several departments. They were ordered to send to the
other French settlements to let them know His Excellency
desired to see their deputies as soon as possible.

In obedience to the orders of Cornwallis, ten deputies ar-
rived at Halifax on the 29th, representing the settlemejit of
Annapolis, Grand Pie, River Canard, Piziquid, Cobeqnid,
Chignecto and Shepody, who delivered a written answer to
his Excellency the Governor, which contained a request tl'at
they might be permitted to have priests, and enjoy the fiee
and public exercise of religion; and demanded an exemption
from bearing arms in time of war. The Council were of
ophiion that they might be allowed the free exorcise of tln-ir
religion, provuhd that no priest shall presume to officiate
without first obtaining a lice ie, and taking the Oath of Al-
legiance to his Majesty. With regard to exemption fn^m
bearing arms it was the unanimous opinion no exempti )n
should be granted them, but they must be told peremp-
torily that they must take the Oath of Allegiance as offered
them, for that his Majcfity would allow noi.e to posscos
lands in his territories whose allegiance could not be count-

If-

I I

IZO

ACADIA

ed on in cc" of need. It v,as decided to s«nd pe'son* to
the French dish'icts to admi liuter the oat i to the in habit-
ants, and such as would continue in the possession of their
lands must take the oath before the 2Gth of October, which
would be the last day allowed them.

The next day the deputies were called before the Council,
and a declaration embodying^ the above decisions read to
them, and a copy given to each for their several districts.
The deputies asked provided they had a mind to evacuate
thoir lands, if they could have leave to sell their lands and
eflf(.(!ts, and wore told they could not be allowed to sell or
cany off anything. The deputies then asked leave to return
and consult with the inhabitatxts, upon which they were
wfttneJ that all who should not beiore the 2(>i;h of 0;Hober
have taken the Oath of Allegiance, would forfeit all their pos-
sessions and rights in this Pi'ovince. They then asked leave
to go to the French Governors and see what conditions
might be offered them, and were told that " whoever should
leave th? Province without first taking the Oabh of Alle^^iance,
should immydiately forfeit all their rights." The priests of
the several settlements were at the same time ordered to
repair to Halifax as soon as possible.

Ou the 6th of September, deputies from the French dis-
tricts appealed before the Governor at Halifax, with a letter
containing their answer, signed by one thousand persons.
After acknowledging with thanks the many kindnesses and
privileges they had received from the government, tlii^i letter
goes on to say ; " We believe if his Majesty had been inform-
ed of our coTiduct towards his government, he would not
propose to us an oath, which, if taken, would at any moirent
expose our lives to great peril from the savage nations, who
have reproached us in a strange maimer, as to the op.th we
have taken to his Majesty. This one binding us still more
fctrictly, we should assuredly become the victims of their
barbaious cruelty. The inhabitants, over the whole extent

BBFCSINO THE OATH

151

of country, liave rppolved not to tnke the oath reqntrod of
us ; but if jour Excellency will giant us our old oath which
wa8 given us at Minas, by Mr, Riclnid Phillip?!, with an ex-
emption for ourselves and for our licirsfrono taking up arms,
we will accept it. But if your Excellency is not dis^Myedto
grant us wliat we take the liberty of asking, we are resr>lvc;d,
every one of us, to leave the country. We ta1»e the liberty
to beg your Excellency to tell us whether or not his Majesty

has annulled the oath given us by Phillips We hope

your Excellency will allow yourself to be njoved by our
mitierieK, and wp, on our part, will exert ourselves to the
utmost in praying to God for the preservation of your per-
son."
His Excellency made the following answer:

*' We have cause to be much astonished at your conduct.

This is the third time you have come here, an.l you do noth-
ing but repeat the same story. To-day you present us a
letter signed by a thousand persons, in which you dec. are
openly tliat you svill be the subject of his Britannic Majosty
on such and such conditions. It appears to me you think
yourselves independent to any government, and you wish to
treat with the King as if yoa were so.

'*But you ouglit to know, that from the end of the j'ear
stipulated iu the treaty of Utrecht, for the evacuation of the
country, those who chose to remain in the Province becaine
at once the subjects of Great Britain. The treaty deciaies
them such ; tlie King of France declares, in the treaty, that
all the French wiio shall remain iu this Province, shan be
the subjects of his [British] Alajesty.

" It would be contrary to comniou sense, also, to suppose
tl^at one can remain iu a province, and possess houses ciad
lands there, without being subject to the sovereign of tiiat
province. Tou deceive yourselves if you thiiil: you aro at
Lberty to choose whetlier you will be tbo subjects of the
King or no. From the year 1714, that no longer depen.led
upon you. Fioin that moment you became subject to the

laws of Great Britain You ou^ht to have taiceu the O i;h

of Allegiance to your King the niomeut }ou were requiied
to do so. Yuu tell me tiiat General Phiiiips granted you

152

ACAOU

the reservatioDsyoutlemancl : and I tell you tliat theppneraJ
who granted you Buch reservations did not do bib duty,,
and alHO that this oath has never in the slightest de;;iee
leMtiened your obligations to act always as a subject ought
to act.

" You allow yourself to be led a»tray by people who find
to their intertst to lead you astiay. They have made you
imagine it is only your oath which binds you to the English.
They deceive you. It is not the oath which a King admin-
isters to his subjects tiiat makes them subjects. The oath,
supposes they ure so already. The oath is nothing but a.
veij sacred bond of fidelity of those who take it. It is only
out of pity to ^ our situation, and to your iiiexperieuce in
thf affairs of government, that we condescend to reason
with you ; othe/wise tlie question would not be reasoning,
but commanding and being obeyed "

Governor Cornwallia wrote to the JBoai'd of Trade: "The
French deputie» have been here this week ; they caine as they
(ioid with tneir iinal answer. Your Lordships will see from
the enclosed cO]jy of their letter, that they are resolved to
retire rather than take the oath. As I aiu sure they vvUi not
leave their habitations this season, when the letter was read
to the council iu their presence, I made them answer with-
out changing any of my former deciax'ation, or saying on©
word about it. My view is to make them useful as pos.sibie
to his Majesty while they do stay. If, afterwards, they are
still obstinate, I shall receive in the spring his Majesty's fur-
ther instructions from your Lordships."

In the foregoing papers we have a plain statement of the
questions ut issue, and the position of the two parties, nei-
ther being disposed to yield ground to the other. The neu-
trals were firm in their determination not to take the pre-
scribed oath without immunity from bearing arms, alleging,
as an excuse, their fear of the savages ; though doub
another reason was, that, in the unsettled stale of the t i-
try, they did not know how soon they might be called upuu

REFT79INO THE OATH

153

to talce arms against their own countrymen. The EnpHsh
Government, on tl»e other hand, was as determined that they
should takd an unquaHficd oath, and gradually drew the re-
stniints of power more closely, until the expulsion of the
French from the tenitory.

While these events were transpiring, other troubles were
engendering, nil of which bodt^d no good to the hopeless
Aciidiaus. The terms of the treaty of Utrecht were not suf-
ficiently explicit, and war was likely to break out at any
moment between the two powers over a professed misunder-
stamliiig. The French affected to believe the term " Aca-
dia" included only the peninsula, while the British side
were for including territory to the north of the Bay of Fundy.
This made the government at Halifax all the more anxious
to get the numerous Acadian French bouiid in some way to
the British cause, and it was an equally potent reason for
the Acadiaus not to commit themselves. The Governor of
Canada had sent detachments of soldiers to take possession
of the St. John River, and also to dispute the title of the
English at Chignecto, and prevent their settling there.

In September, Captain Hantield Avas detached from Anna-
polis with orders to occupy Minas, and to establish himself
he built a block-house at Grand Pie. This was looked upon
with disfavor: a party of three hundred Indians attacked
the place in December, but were foiled in the aUempt; they
siiccteded, however, in capturing Lieutenant Hamilton and
eighteen men who were surprised without the fort. Eleven
of the inhabitants of Piziquid were with the savages when
the attack was made, and Captain Gorham was sent up to
seize the rebellious inhabitants and contine them for trial ;
bift they had fled for Chignecto.

At this period in our histoiy, the priest. La Loutre, fig-
ures quite conspicuously. As early as 1740 we find him act-
ing as a missionary among the Micmac Indians. He was a
most determined enemy to the British authority in Acadia,

154

AO&DIA

, i

h'i

if !

iwi I

and an effective emissary and correspondent of the French
government in Quebec. In 1745 we hear of him heading a
body of Abenaqui Indians in an attack on Annapolis RoyaJ.*
Large sums of money, fire-arms, ammunition and other sup-
pli( s, were furnished him from time to time, for distribU'
tion among the French and Indians. His principal resi-
dence was at Chignecto, from which point he could readily
communicate with the different French settlements on the
peiiiusula. He held the office of Vicar-Gene .&) in Acadia, un-
der the Bishop of Quebec. By me.tus of this office he ob-
tained an influence over the Acadian priests, who became
his agents in controlling the French and Indians of the
province. He is charged with still farther departing fi'cm
the sacred functions of his office by engaging in trade, by
means of which he added to his coffers. The support he
received from the Governor of Canada enabled him to hold
his position, regardless of advice of his clerical su[^eriors,
and rcmonsti'auces of the British authorities. lia Loutre's
plan of operations with the Acadi:;ns, one vshich La pursued
vigorously from first to last, was to threaten them with the
vengeance of the savages if they submitted to the English,
and to refuse the sacrament to all wLo refused to obey his
commands. He was charged with inciting the Indians to
hostilities at the early settlement of Halifax, and encourag-
ing their attacks upon stragglers and those without the
limits of the fort getting fire-wood.

With all these ill-omened influences at ~york, it is not a
matter of surprise that ihe new governmei t at Ha'ifax re-
garded with suspicion all persons of French descent, and in-
terpreted all occurrences to their disadvantage. But one
fails to see the justice of laying tiie acts of a few renegade
Frenchmen at the doors of thousands of law-abiding popu-
lation, any more than pronouncing a whole community guil-

'Seepage 8164-6.

BEFUSIKO THE OATH

165

tj when a burglary has been committed in their midst ; or
the equity of the claim that the machinations of the Papist
La Louire, reflected the sentiment of the whole Acadian
people.
The following is characteristic of the time :

"To Capt. Sylvanus Cobb: —

Having certain infovtnation that La Loutre, a French
Priest at Chignecto, is the author of all the disturbances the
liiuians have made ia tnis Pioviace, and that he directs and
instructs them, and pi'ovides them from Canada with arms,
anuiiunition, and every thing necessary for theii* purpose, —
I'ou are hereby ordered to apprehend the said priest La
Loutre wherever he may be found, that he may answer the
crimes laid to his charge.

" As ail the inhabitants of Chignecto, through his instiga-
tion, have harbored and assisted the Indians, aud have never
given the least intelligence to this government, you are here-
by ordered to seize as many of the inhabitants as you can,
or in case they quit their houses upon your approach, you
are to seize and s^ecuie as many of their wivei and chiiaien
as you think proper, and deliver them to the lirst Eug ish
fort you shah come to, to remain as hostages of their becier
behavior. You will likewise seaicn their houst;a for papers,
arms or ainniuniiion and warlike stores of any kind, which you
will take or destroy.

" Given under my hand and seal at Halifax, Jan. 13. 1749.

E. COBNWALLIS.

Early in the season of 1750, Governor Cornwallis detei*m-
ined to erect a block-house at Chignecto, w \ere the most re-
bellious of the French were residing, and near where the
bated La Loutre had made his residence. Major Lawrence
was entrusted with the work; taking with him four hun-
dred soldiers, they marched to Minas, from whence they
embarked for Chignecto. There on the south side of the
Misseguash, which the Fi'ench claimed to be the boundary
of Acadia, was a settlement of one hundred and forty houses.

156

AOADIA

This village was situated upon one of the most fertile spots
in all Acadia. Its people, having had early notice that the
English were coming, were persuaded to abandon their
homes, and with their cattle and movables, to cross the Mis-
seguash, and come undei' the French authority on the nor-
thern bank. La Loutre was the chief prompter in this
movement ; and to make the step ii'revocable, he ordered his
Indians to set fire to the village ; every dwelling was speed-
ily consumed, not exceptmg the chapel. This act of wanton
devastation committed on the French people by a priest of
t'lieir own country and faith, comes well autheuiirated,
otherwise it could hardly be believed. Over a thousand
persons were embraced in this forced emigration ; and the
number was increased at a later period. About eight hun-
dred AfatlJans took refuge on the site of Charlottetown, P.
E. I., during the summer, and were fed on rations furnished
from Quebec. There they lived miserably, like Indians in
the woods. Others were scattered in different parts of the
counti^. These poor refugees lived for several years within
Bight of the fields that had been their own, rather than re-
turn to them on condition of taking the Oath of Allegiance
to the Crown of England ; or we might more fitly say, "they
were restrained by the influence of a wicked piiest who em-
ployed savages to overawe and coerce them." These were
afterwards known in history as the 'Teserted French In-
habitants." Lawrence did not build the fort, as the with-
drav/al of the French south of the Blisseguash rendered it
unnecessary, and so he marched back to Minas.

In April, 1750, deputies from River Canard, Grand Pre
and Piziquid, arrived at HaUfax, desiring leave to evacuate
the Province and carry off their effects. Governor Corn-
wallis returned them the following answer:

"I am not ignorant of thp fact thnt since my arrival in
this Province, every means has been employed to alienate

BEFUSCMQ THE OATH

157

the hearts of the Fieiiclj subjects of his Biitannic Maje-^ty.
I know that, gnat advantages have been i.ioiui.sed you else-
where, and ti:at vou have been made to Iwj'ieve vour reliir-
ion was in danger. Threats have been resorted to in order
to hiduce you to remove into French Teiritojy. The sav-
ages aie made use of to molest you. The savayvs are to
cut the throats of all who persist in remaining in thoir na-
tive countiy, attached to their own interests, and faithful
to the go\eiuujeut. By the manner in which this scheme
has been carried out, you will judge of the characLfcr of the
directors and of their designs. You will judge whether
those deserve your confidence who sacrifice their own hon-
or, the honor of their sovereign, and of tlieir nation, ti > lead
you to >our ruin. You know that certain officers ain! mis-
Kionaries, who came from Canada to Chignectu last autumn,
have been the cause of all our troubles duiing the winter.
Their entrance into this Province, and their s.ay here, are
directly contrary to the treaiies which exist between the two
crowns. Their conduct has been horrible, without honor,
probity, or conscience, and such as 'hey dare not acknowl-
edge tiieniselves. They are doing everything by urider-
haud dealings, and by means of the savages, whom they
disown in the end. It was these who induced the Indiaus
of the lliver ht. John to join with the Ivlicmacs, the day
after a solemn ticaty. They induced tbe Micinucs to com-
mence theu- outrages, and lurnisued them witii everythhig
for theii' war. i luany, since tne peace, they have bteu en-
gaged in intrigues auu enterprises for which an honest man
would hiive buished even dui'ing the war. These same gen-
tlemen are doing their best to cause you to leave thw country
and to tiansler _)oui-8elves to French territory. They Jiave
endeavoied to give you vei'y faise ideas wiiich you will not
fail to declare to us. Their aim is to embroil you with the
govtinmcnt. * * * *

•'After having passed the winter in the Province and com-
menced to piepare the lands in the spring, it is luuculuus
to come ana tell me that you will not sow, having usoived
to withdraw. My friends you must go and sow }our lanaa
in oraer that they may be left in that condition in wuicu
they ought to be at this season. Without that you wid
have no right to expect the least favor from thegovernuitut.
AVhen you have done your duty in this respect, 1 wiJ

iff

'' '

jl^

irji;

159

AeXDK

, .Mi

111

!l,

give you a more precise reply to your request. In the
meantime, as it is my detfrinination to act aiways in pfood
faith witli you and not to flatter you with vain hopes, I will
now let you know my sentiments on two important articles,
I declare to you framkly that according to our laws nobody
can possess lands or houses in the Province, who shall refuse
to take the Oath of Allegianee to the King when required
to do so. As to those who shall leave the Province, the or-
der of no government permits them to take with ihem their
tffecits. Ail their goods are confiscated to the King. I have
just issued mj orders to the effect that all shall be arrested
itud brought uack who are found carrying off such e£fects."

Towards the close of Majv the French Neutrals having
Bown their lands, deputies from Annapolis, Grand Pre. Riv-
er Canard and Piziquid, again waited on the Governor at
Halifax, soliciting permission to leave the Province. The
following is a portion of a letter given by him in reply:

"My friends, the moment that you declared it your desire
to leave and submit yourselves to another government, our
determination was to hinder nobody from following what he
imagined to be to his interest. We know that a forced ser-
vice is worth nothing, and that a subject compelled to be
BO against his will is not far from being an enemy. We
frankly confess, however, that your determination to leave
gives us pain.

"We are well aware of your industry and your temper-
ance, and that you are not addicted to any vice or debauch-
ery. This Province is your councjy ; you and your fathers
liavc cultivated it ; naturally you ought to enjoy the fruits
of your labor. Such was the design of the King our Mas-
ter. You know that we have followed his orders. You
knuw that we have done everything to secure to you not
only the occupation of your lauds, but the ownership of
tiiom forever.

'' We have given you also every possible assurance of the
enjoyment of your religion. When we arrived here we ex-
|iccted that nothing wuuid give you so much pleasure as
ike determination of his Majesty to settle this Province.

TterUHlNO TUX OATH

159

Certainly nofhinjjf more advantageous to you could take
place. You possess the only cultivated lands in the Prov-
ince ; they produce grain and nourish cattle sufBcient for
the whole colony. It is you who have had all the advant-
ages for a long time. In short, we fluttered ourselves that
we could make you the happiest people in the world. . . .
We must not complain of all the inhabitaTits. We know
very well there ai'e ill-disposed, and mischievous persong
among you who corrupt the others. Your inexperience and
your ignorance of the affairs of government, and your habit
oi following the counsels of those who have not your real
interests at heart, make it an easy matter to seduce you.
In your petition you ask for a general leave. .... In or-
der to effect this, we should have to notify all the couimaud*
ers of his Majesty's ships and troops to allow every one to
pass and repass, which would cause the greatest confusion.
The Province would be opeu to all sorts of people, to stran-
gers, and even to savages. . . . The only manner in which
you can withdiaw from this Province is that all persons
wishing to leave shall provide themselves witb our own pass-
port, aud we declare tnat nothing shall prevent us from giv-
ing passports to all those who asK for them, the moment ti.at
peaire and tianquillity are reestablished in the Province.

" In the prtSL-ut state of the Province we are surpiised
that jou thought of asking for such leave. You know that
the savages are assembled at Chignecto, furnished with ev-
ery thmg and protected by a French detachment. You know
you will have to pass these French decachmentsand savages,
aud that they compel the inhabitants who go there to take
up arms. I aiu to presume you pay no attention to this.
It is a demand I can by no means grant."

" And as we are not ignorant of the uad consequences of
those assiembiies, wliere often the most honest people are
led asaay by bome seditious persons, we positively forbid,
for the luture, all assemblies of the inhabitants, except for
some impoL'taut business, wueu they shall have the permis-
sion of the commander aud when he or some one for him shall
be present. I recommend you lo remain quietly iu your
settlements, occupied about your own affaiis, until we shall
gee the present disturbances settled "

Though the foregoing is couched a very plausible Ian*

i H

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160

ACATflA

guage — the language a father would use toTvard a son whom
he loved — it is difficult to reconcile the various orders ema-
nating from the Halifax government. At one time the
French NeuiralH ai-e told to take the unqualified Oath of
Allegiance, or accept the alternative of leaving the country
without the j rivilege of selling their property or taking
with them their eifeets ; and when they come to ask per-
miasion to leave on the latter ruii.ou8 conditions, they are
plainly told they cannot be permitted to leave the couutry.
The English, as they themselves declare, weie averse to hav-
ing the twenty thousatid Acadians join their enemies in
Canada and elsewhere — the threat therefore that they must
take the oath or leave the colony could not have been made
in good faith. Those who are disposed to condemn the
course of the Acadians in not accepting so many blessings
as promiseii by Governor Cornwallis, by so easy a matter
as subscribing to an oath, and so sc>care all that earth could
give, have but to imagine the condition of the Acadians had
they subscribed to the oath, in case the Province again re-
verted to French dominatiuu, as it was, to all appearance
likely to do at any time. With Papist piiests and Canadian
Governors on une hand, and the English on the other, the
poor Acadian l''reneh, distrusted by both, with ruin staving
them in the fuoe, military quartered among them, propeity
taken by force by friend and foe alike, — theii' condition
was truly deplorable.

The following letter from La Loutre addressed to M.
Bigot,* Commissary of New P'rance, dated Bay Verte Aug-

'Seycn miles from Quebec are the roiiib of a maasiun, consisting ot
gables and division-wall, in thick masonry, with a deep cellar, outside of
which are heaps of debris, over which grow alders and lilacs. This cha-
teau was occupied by the last Koyal Intendant, M. Bigot, a dissolute and
Ucentioiis French satrap, who stole !|2,000,000 from the treasiu^-. The
legeud tolls us that Bigot used this building for a hunting lodge and pluoe
of revels, and that once, while pursuing a bear among the hills, he got
lost, and was guided back to the chateau by a lovely Algon(j[uiii maideu

FALL OF BCAVREJOITR

161

loth. 17."0. not only shows the powers exercised by that
worldly priest, but likewise exhibits the condition of the
families of the Neutra's at this period. The letter was found
on a captured sloop taken from the French by the British
ship, 2Vial:

" I send yon the ship London. M. de Bonaventure is to
write to you by this opportunity to ask you for provisions,
not being able to get any from Louisbourg for the subsist-
ence of the refufifee families. If the four vessels that you
pronaised us had arrived, we would have sent some flour
to Isle St. Jean (Prince Edward Island); but for the pres-
ent we cannot do so. We have here a great many people to
support, and in the autumn we shall have an increase of
more than sixty families from Beaubassin, and the rivers
whic'.i are beyond our claims, who have not sown at all, in
order to withdraw to our territories.

*' The inhabitants of Cobequid are to decide as soon as
th<-y hf nv from France. They will make the number one
hundred families. Perhaps we shall have some from Minas
if they can escape. You see tliat we require provisions ;
&ud it would be exposing these families to peiisli, not to he

in a condition to help them The Ciinabas avIio were

on the Chebucto road hav« seized the letters of the English
who were writing to Minas and Port Royal. I will iiave
theui sent to you by the tirst courier.

"I. ail our savages were Frenchmen we should not be
embarrassed ; but the wretches get tired, and will perhaps
leave us in our greatest need. They are getting tired at not
heai'iiig from France ; and it is very suipiising there are no
lett^r.s lor us, although a vessel has arrived at Louisbourg

Laving three hundred soldiers on board We are waiting

here only for news from France to decide upon our course."

Gov. Cornwallis and his Council, having decided the erec-
tion of a fort at Chignecto a necessity for the proper guard-

whom he had met in the forest She remained in this bulMiug •: ling
time, in a luxurious boudoir, and wia visited frequently by the Int jnd-
ant ; but one night she was assassinated by some uukuovvu ijei'Hv)n, either
M. Bigot's wife ur her own mother, tu avenge luu dibuouur lo her iribe.

162

AOADIA

Log of their interests on the Peninsula, Lieut.-Col. Lawrence
was sent there in September, with a strong force to erect
one. The French and Indians opposed their landing, but
were driven off after a sharp skiimish. A short distance
south of the Misseguash, opposite Fort Beausejour, on a
considerable elevation, Lawrence commenced the erection of
a picketed fort, and a block-house, which he named after him-
self. Though the two crowns were then at peace, here were
two fortifications on opposite sides of the Misseguash,
manned by so diers of diffei'ent nationalities, between which
something very similar to a state of warfare existed.

ij.

I ,.

FALL OF BEAUSEJOUB.

As has be^n before intimateil, the campaign against Nova
Scotia was undertaken at the expenise and under the author-
ity of the iiritisii Crown. Tlie troops, however, were drawn
from among the colonists of New England, and acted under
tlieir own officers. Lieutenant-Colonel Moncton held the
command of the expedition, but the soldiers from MasHa-
chusetts, consisting of two battalions, of which Governor
Shirley was Colonel, were led by Lieutenant-Colonel John
Winslow of Marshfield. Haiburtou says of Winslow that
he was "a gentleman of one of the most ancient end honor-
able families in the Province, who held a commission of
Major-General in the Militia, and whose influence was so
great as to efTect the raising of two thousand men in about
two months, to serve for the term of one year if so long re-
quhed."

The fleet, with about two thousand men on board, set
sail from Boston on the 20th of May, and in five days reached
Annapolis. Then taking on board about three iiuudred of
Warburton's regiment, and a small train of artillery, iliey
bore away for Chignecto, where they arrived on the 2ni» of
June, and the following day the troops landed and encui ap-
ed around Fort Lawrence. Vergor, then in comuiau i at
Fort Beausejour, called in all his available forces, sei !ing
an order to the Acadians to cume to bis assistance: — llico

I r

164

ACADIA

hundred of whom obeyed under compulsion.* On the 4Lh
of that month the New England troops were set in motion.
The first vebistauue was met at Pout a Buot, a few miles east
of EeausBJour, where was a block-house and a strong breast-
work of tunber. A spirited attack was made on this place,
and the French were driven out of the works after an hour's
Lard fighting; following up their advantage, the English
pressed upon the block-liouse, which was soon abandoned
and set on fire, the enemy seeking the cover of Fort Beau-
sejour. From the block-house Colonel Moncton advanced
to w.thin half a league of the French fortress, and invested
tnat p.acB with his little army. As the French retired they
set file to all the houses between Pont a Buot and BeauBe-
jour, to the nuuiber of sixty, and before niyht all were in
ruins, not even excepting the chuich. For more than a
weei: the English were employed in getting theu* cannon
over the river, cutting a road through the woods, and loca-
ting a battery on the hij^h ground behind the fort. The
Krent-h in the mountimo had been actively employed in
strengthening the place. On the 13th the guns opened on
Fort Beausej our; the following day tiiey fired small she.ia
from trenches dug within seven hundred feet of the walla.
Vergor had been expecting help from Louisbourg, to which
place he had sent for assistance when first hearing of Mono*
ton's approach : he was doomed to disappointnient — tha
commander at Louisbourg sending word he could give him
no nieu as he was himself threatened Vr'ith an English squR .!•
ron. Many of the Acadians deserted; the rest asi:ed p^ir*
mission to letire, which was refused. On the IGth, a l.trge
shell rolled into one of the casemates, killing an English
prisoner by the nauie of Hay, and three French ofiicerd*

•JliiHuay states, the Acadi.ta French were willing to take ip armi
agaiust the English, and that this protesting against aiding tl Frmch
was only a sulnojfiiye, in case the refugees utieiward fell into Xiiigliah
power. Ue gives uo uutiioiiiy for thu biuceiueut, however.

TALL OF BEACSEJODB

165

Tlie same day Vergor sent an officer to Moucton for a sus-
pension of hostilities ; terms of siarencler were ugreed upon
and the same evening the PIng'isli entfrod t!;e foi t.

Tiie terras of ( ivpitulatiou grantod by the victorious New
England General were — that the soldiers should g(j out of
the garrison bearing their arms ; that they should be given
a passage by hea to Louisbouig ; and they agieed not to bear
arms in America for six months. The Acadian ;. who liad
been forced to take up arms on pain of death, were par-
doned.*

"In the evening, Vergor gave a supper, at which the offi-
ceis of both armies were present : but there was one well-
known face absent from the board. The Abbe Fa Loutie,
seeing no clause in the terms of capitulation that would
cover his case, had withdrawn from the fort just before the
English entered it. His career, as an agitator and political
incendiary, was ended. The result of all his schcujes had
been simply his own ruin, and that of the cause for whi'-h
he Lad labored. As in his disguise, and concealed by the
shadows of the evening, he wended his way t( Aard the
northern wilderness, an outcast and a fugitive, it may pos-
sibly have occurred to him that his political mission was a
mistake ; that he would have done better had he taken the
advice of his Bishop, and attended to the duties of his office
as a missionary priest When he got to Quebec, aller

• So says Hannay. Minot says it wrts "stipulated that they should be
left in the same situation that they were in when the army arrived, and
noi be punishsd for what they had done afterwards. " This we believe to
be tlie only instance in which a considerable body of the Neutral French
were ever found in arms against the English : and, as the above authorities
Htate, they were pardoned. Yet the EupjUsh were wont to justify their
cruel measure of expatriating the whole French people from their
country, mainly on the ground of this act. It is difficult to perceive the
justice of condemning the three hundred for an offense that had been
pardoned ; nuich less the > (juity of consideriug a whole nation guilty of
a oi'ime that was committed by a few only.

■

II.!

166

AOADTA

a fatiguing journey through the wilderness, he met with a
cold reception from the Governor, and was bitterly re-
proached by the Bishop for his unclerical conduct."*

Colonel Moncton, after putting a garrison in the captur-
ed fortress and changing its name to Fort Cumberland, in
honor of the Royal Duke who had won the victory at Collo-
den, next marched against Bay Verte on the Gulfof St. Law-
rence. He promptly reduced that place, where he found a
large quantity of provisions, ammunition and stores of all
kinds, that being the port from which these articles were sup-
plied to the French. He likewise disarmed the Acadian ref-
ugees in that vicinity, numbering about fifteen hundred.
The fortifications at St. John harbor, a few days later, which
had but just been raised, were blown up and destroyed at
the approach of the English. During all those operations
the New England troops lost only about twenty men killed,
and the same number wounded. The French forta on the
Peninsula having been reduced and French power broken,
the expedition was at liberty to proceed with the buuiuess
of removing the French from the territory.

• Haunay.

PRELIMINARY TO EXPULSION.

*'Tko year 1755 comroenced with preparations for dis-
lodging the French from theu* encroachments." So wrote
Haliburton. He might have written, the year commenced
with preparations for forcibly removing the French from
the soil that had been theus by inheritance for four succes-
sive generations, extending over more than a century and a
quarter of peaceable possession.

" Perhaps," says another historian,* " those who examine
the whole matter impartially, m the light of all the iacts,
will come to the conclusion that it would have been a real
cause for shame had the Acadians been permitted longer to
misuse the clemency of the government, to plot against
British power,! and to obstruct the settlement of the Prov-
ince by loyal subjects."^

'Hanuay.

t Governor Mascarene writes to the Doke of Newcastle in 1742, after
nourly thirty years of English rule in Acadia, "The frequent rumors we
Lavo Lad of war being declared against France, hare not as yet made any
ftlteraliuu in the temper of the inhabitants of this Province, who appear
m a good disposition of keeping to their oath of Fidelity. "

I A disclosure of the motives of the English is given by Lawrence in a
letter to the Board of Trade, Oct IS, 1755, in which he acknowledges the
following : "As soon as the French are gone, I shall use my best eudeav-
»rs to encourage people to come from the Continent to settle their lands,
|ud if I sucoeed ia this point we shall soon be in a condition of supplying

ill

!i ||

■

■■ \

1 j; in

IC8

ACKVIA

In " Walsh's Appeal," where the author spt?aFcs of Win-
bIow'b caiiipaign against Nova Scotia, we tiiul these words —
" This officer, General Winslow, of an exceptionable and
elevated character, left upon record the expression^ of hi&
disgust and horror in submitting to act the part which wa&
imposed upon him by the British authority. I transcribe
some of tlie shocking details from Minot." Extolling one's
character and condemning his acts as shocking, all in the
same brcatli !

Entiek, a writer of no mean authority^ whose account i»
the principal one through which tiie aflfair is ci)cuniHtantia'.ly
known to the readers of English history, speaks in this
wise : —

" General Lawienco pursued his success, and was obliged
to »ise much seveiity, to extirpate the French and Indiaiis,
who rei'used to contorm to the .avvs of Great Britain, or to
swear allepam o to oiu- sovereign, and had eugayeJ to join
the French trcjps in the spring, expected to arrive from old
France, as earh- as possible on that coast or atLouisbourg j
some of whom, with annuuiation, stores, 6cc.j fell into the
hands of our cruisers off Cape Breton. Goneral Lav, rence
did not only pursue those dangerous inhabitants wilh lire
and sword, laying the country waste, bui-uing their dwell-
iugs, and earrymg off their stock ; but he thought it expe-
dient for his JIajedty's service to transport the French Nou-
trald, BO as entirely to extirpate a people, that only waited
an ojjportunity to join the enemy. This measui'e was very
commendable. But the execution of it was not quite so
prudent. The method taken by the General to secure the

ourselves with provisions, nml I hope in time to be able to strike off the
greiil cxpeuBO of victuiilhn^ the tn)op«. This \va.s oue of the Impjiy ill. eta
I proposed to niyspif from drivinR the French off the ist)iinn« : uiiii ;iie
HclcUtioiml circuuislunco of the mlmhitiuit« evncuiuiu^; the countiy will. 1
flutter niyht^lf, greatly hiisten this event, tu* it fiuuisliea us with a iHTgO
qutiutity of ^uud liiud ictidy for iiiUue^Utitti cultivatioo."

PREMMINABI 10 EXPULSION

1C9

Province from this pest, wa ^ to distribute thera, in number
about seven thousand, among the British Colonies, in that
rigorous season of winter, almost naked and without money
or effects to help themselves."

While Entick makes a candid statement of the violent pro-
cedure of the English against the Neutrals, we cannot fail
to observe hov, adroitly he introduces the fixprt-ssion "dan-
gerous irhttbitants," " who only wanted an oppoituiiity to
join the enemy,"* ''pests," and such like epi*u?ts, by way of
justifying the act. We leave the reader wL^-, in the forego-
ing pages, has had the samt sources of inforniution put be-
fore him, to judge whether those expressions are deserved.
The documents copied, as before stated are most of them
from English authors from an English stanil point, and we
should expect would bs colored to favor the English if color-
ed at all, still less is it likely they would favor the French
more than facts will wairant. All the papeis and uocu-
mentri in poshcs^-ion of the Acailia:is were taken from tliem
at the time of their expulsion or previous tliereto; as lew
or none of tht ni have ever ci«mo to light, we have the right
to presume they were puiposely destroyed — as the iaw-
brea'.er undertakes to cover up all traces of his guiit, with
the view of escaping censure for his acts.

The historian, IMinot, speaking of the French Neutrals,
says, their character and situation were so peculiar as "to
distinguish them from t^'must ever}' other community that
has suffen d under the scourge of war. They wi-re the
descendiuits of thosj French inhabitants of \ovu Scotia,
who, afler tlie traity uf Utrecht in 171l>, by which the ]'rov-
inct was ceded to England, were peirnitted to hold their

•'I'hii* snuic Gov r.or Liiwrence, in u letter written tlie your i)r»'viow
to the liCiils of Trade, hhw : "1 Ix'lievc th.it ii very Isirgo jiiut i.l' tho in-
hiiliitiiiiih wiiuM «u><mit to any terms iJitluT tluiu take up aruis on cilker
Bide. ' WLicU assci uon i« the uiuk- truthful !

--1

i ;

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ili!

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170

aoIdia

lands, on condition of making a declaration of allegiance tc
their new sovereij^ii, which acknowledgment of fldelitj was
given under an express sHp'ilation that they and their pos-
terity should not be required to bear arms, either against
their Indian neighbors oi* tiaus-Atlantic countrymen. This
cont.aet was at several periods revived, and renewed to their
children; and such was the notoriety of the compact, that
for half a century, they bore the nanie, and with some ex-
ceptions, mainiaincd the cuaracter, of Neutrals."

We next (]uote from a declaration of the French Neutrals
then;selvos, on this pohit, who were living in exile in Penn-
Bj'Jvania at the time it was made, and who liad petitioned

Kin;

suflfcrings :

Geuige of Great Britain to take cognizance of their

"It is a matter of certainty, (and within the compass of
some of our memories,) that hi the year 1730, General Pliil-
lips, the Governor of Nova Scotia, did in your Majesty's
name confirm to us, and all the inhabitants of tlie whole ex-
tent of the Bay of IMinas and rivers thereunto belonging,
the free and entire possession of thoso lands we were Liiea
possessed of, wliicli by grants from the former Freni-li Gov-
ernment we held to us and our heirs i'orever, on paying the
customary quit-rents, &c. And on condition we shoukl be-
have with due submission and fidelity to your .Mujetity,
agreeably to the oath which was then administered to us,
which is as follows: "We sincerely promise and swear by
the faith of a Christian, that we shall be entirely iaithfiil,
and will truly submit ourselves to his Majesty, King George,
whom we acknowledge as sovereign Lord of New tn-otlaud
or Arcadia: so God help us." And at the same time the
said Phillips did, in like manner, promise the said Frencli in-
habitants in your Majesty's name, that they should have
the true exercise of their religion and be excmpt<'d from
bearing arms and from being employed ir. war either i:gainst
the French or Indians : Under the suuctiuu of this sukmu

PBELIMINARY TO EXPtTLSION

engagement we held our lands, made further purchases, and
annually paying our quit-rents, and we had the greatest
reason to conclude that your Majesty did not disapprove of
the above agreement."

That this charge was never denied may be taken as an
evidence of the truth of the asseveration. The British
ministry made no e£fort to explain, or contradict the allega-
tion.

Governor Lawrence writes to Secretary of State Nov. 30,
1755 : " The people .... were by us commonly called
the Deserted French Inhabitants, because they were uuivers-
a'ly, as well as the other inhabitants, the descendants of those
French left in Nova Scotia at the treat}' of Utrecht ; and had
jakeu the Oiith of Allegiauio to his Majosty in the time of
General rhi.iips' government, with the rtnerce of not bear-
ing arms ! "

We prefer that the melancholy story of the French Neu-
trals shall b'^ toid by those who were best acquainted with
their circanl^tances and were living among them. We shall
thorel'oru thaw largely from the documents of that period.
Governor lir.pson, who sufcocded Cornwailis iu Aug., 1752,
tlms writt s to the Lords of Trade under date of the 10th day
of Decenibev;

"I should be glad to have your Lordships' opinion as
early in the sprin^^y as possible, concerning the oaths I am to

tender to the Fiench inhabitants Mr. Corn walHs can

inform you how diflicult, if not impossible, it may be Lo force
Buch a thing upon them, and what ill consequences may at-
tend it. As they appear to be better dij^posed than they
have been, and I hope will still amend and in a long course
of time become less scrupulous, I beg to know iii thii spring
how far his Mujesty would approve my silence on t! is liead
till a more convt uii iit opportunity. Mr. Coinwaliis can in-
form you how useful and neces^iury those people aie to us.

172

ACADIA

how impossible it is to do without them, or to replace them
even if we had other settlers to put in their places, and at
the sauie time will acquaint you how obstinate they have
always been when the oaths have been offered."

Governor Hopson seems to have counseled a mild and for-
bearing deportment towards the French people. He direct-
ed his soldiers to take nothing froii^thera by force, or set
any price upon the goods but what they themselves agreed
to ; that upon all occasions they were to be trea:ed us his
Majesty's subjects, to whom the laws of the country were
open, to protect as well as to punish.

The considerate demeanor of Governor Hopson, thus
shown toward the French inhabitants, would seem to have
had its effects if we can judge from a letter written by him
to tlie Lords of Trade the following July. After some pre-
liminary remarks in relation to th^ state of the Province, he
goes on to say :

" As the almost continual war we have with the Indiana
prevents our mixing any English settlers among these in-
habilants, or instituting any sort of civil jurisdiction among
then», they have hitherto bei^n left open to the insinuationa
and evil piac'tices of French priests and other emissaries
tlmt are sent amongst them from Canada and the French
fort at Beausejour, who have at all times been endeavoring
to prejudice them against an English government, and to
•nci suade them that the country they live in will sbdrtly
all into the hands of the French either by negotiationn or
bv force oi lunis. Though these doctrines would not fail of
their desired cft'ect with so ignorant and so bigoted a \)eo-
p!e, yet no event happening in all this tim'^ ^^owards the ac-
complishment of their predictions, the iniiubitants began to
suspect they were deceived, and even some few of those wlio
had deserted their lanils ntaincii ag.iin into the Province,
and I have bten privately mformed tliat the inhabitants went
so far as to hold consultation whether they should not thiow
themscives under the protection of the English governniei;t
and become subjects to all intents and juiposes; but tiiero
ttioue tt very uunuiderubie ubjecitou to tiiis step, which wai

PBELIMIKABT TO EXPTTLSION

173

that as they lived on farms very remote from one another,
and of course aie not i-apab'o of resisting anykindof enf^niy,
the French might send tiie Indians among thorn and distrtvss
tbem to bucli a degree that tiiey wou^d Ui)t ho ablo to re-
uiiiin un their farms, which appreheii^^ioa they werw soon
coutirmed in by the arrival of the Abbe La Loutre at JJay
Verte, where he has just now assembled the Indians."

About the middle of September, 1753, the French inhabit-
ants sent a petition to Governor ifopson, begging that the
ix)i«sionaries might be exempted from taking the Oath of
Allegiance. They said thoy hoped his Kxcelhncy would
grunt that favor, inasmuch as, when they took the oath, it
was on condition they should be allowed the free exercise
of theu' religion, and a sufficient number of ministers to per-
form the services. If this oath were recpiired of the mission-
aries they would not remain among the peop.e. The}* siiid
the priest Daulin " who has lately come hither for the
purpose of instructing us, has determined to return should
this oath be required of him." The Governor and Council,
on consideiation, were of the belief that the Fiench author-
ities had ordered the priests not to take any oath, which
would have the effect of depriving the Neutrals of tlieir
pi'iests, and so induce them to quit the Province ; it was
thought best therefore to grant the i^etition.

Two weeks later Governor Hopson received a petition
from the Deserted French Inhabit iints, those who had vol-
untarily left their Acadian fainis and were supplied with
rations by the French Govermnent. In this petition they
stated theii- reason for leaving thou* properly " was the uevr
oath which his Excellency Mr. Cornwailis wished to exact
from us, desiring to break and revoke the one granted to us

on the 11th of October, 1727, by Gov. Armstrong. Hav-
ing learned that if willing to return they would be granied
the same favors as were given them by Annstrojig, tlu-y

proposed to negotiate with the Engish with tliai end in

»*!

t i

174

ACASU

view. They were willing to accept of th*» oath as follows :

" Je promets et jure 8inc6remeat que je serai fid61e a La
Majeste le Eoi George Second et a sea successeurs. Dieu
me soit en aide.''

[I sincerely promise and swear that I will be faithful to-
his Majesty King George the Second and to his successors.
So help me God.]

The Deserted French also desired the following articles,
which they claim were granted tbera by Governoi* Phillip ■*,
on which conditions they wei-e willing to return to their
farms : — That they be exompted from taking up arms against
any one whate%'er, and not bo forced to act as pilots ; that
they shall be free to sell their t fft?ctsand withdraw fi-om the
Province at any time : and that they have the full eiijoy-
meift of their religion with as many priests as they desire.*

The Council decided to tender thorn the oath in these

words : '• Je • Promets et Jure siiicirGnK.Mit quo Je serai

fidele, et que Je porterai tine Loyanle pavfaite vers Sa Maj-
este le lloi George Second.

Ainsi que Dieu mo Soit en Aide."

and that such of the inhabitants as shall on or before the
20tii day of Noveudier next take the foregoing oath, shall
be admitted to return to a peaceable possr-ssion of their
lands at Chignecto, shall enjoy the free exercise of their re-
ligion, and bo accorded all the privileges granted them by
the treaty of Utrecht.

U)l

*Tlie Deserted French Inliabitants, in s itmuii n! for n nmewnl of
their jirivilt,^,'cs to Govenior 1 l()p«<on in 1753, nmkf«i the cliai'^;e of liu-k of
fidfiU.y on thejiart of the EuRlish in Uiese wordu "We hope that tliewe
ftrtides will be granted us by your Kxeellency, iiud even rHtiticd ly the
Cnnrr of Enplnml, so that those who niJiy snececil your Ilxci'llenc;- slmll
not make the pretext that Ooniwnllis inmle in sayiug tlint (lovernor I'hil-
li]j^ had no auUiority from the Court of EugliuKl for the outh he granted

PBEXIMINXRY TO EXPULSION

175

In Jane of the following year the French Deserted Inhab-
itants made answer that uuluss they could be assured that
they would not be required to bear arms, they could not
possibly think of returning to their possessions.

Governor Hopson was succeeded by Governor Lawrence ;
the reader cannot fail to note the change in the tone of the
letters sent to the home government relative to the Frenob
Neutrals. Lawrence i)roved himself the sort of ruler that
was needed to carry out the harsh measures of the ysar
1755 to a successful issue. Writing to the Lords of Trade
he complains of the "many inconveniences he has long .a-
bortd under from their obstinacy, treachery, partiality to
their own countrymen, and their ingratitude for the favor,
indulgence and p.utecLion, tl:ey nave at all times so uuJe*-
Beivecily receive . irom his Majesty's Government."

Just how much "protection" the French Inhabitants
weie the ungrateful recipients of may be learned by a letter
from Governor Hopson to the Lords of Trade of a previous
date, in which he says — "Exclusive of the difficulty that at-
tends marching after Indians in a country like this, I assure
your Lordship that the troops are so divided iu keeping the
different posts at Chigiiecto, Annapolis lioyal, Minas, iizi-
quid, Luuenburgh, Dartmouth, George's Island, Fort Suck-
ville and Halifax, that I have not at present a detachnunt
to spare from hence even upon the most urgent occasion."

Governor Lawrence continues:

" Your Lordships well know they have always affected a
neutrality, and as it has been ^Tfi"f'*aliy imaginfd hr-io, tliat
the niildiit'SH of tlie Miigiish Government wouM by dogrt'<;is
have hxed them in our interest, no violent measures have
ever been taken with them. But this lenity has not had tiie
least "ood effect; on the contrary, I believe they hav» at
present laid aside all thoiij^lits oi" taking the oiitlis vohuila-
rily, and great numbers of tliom are at pros(;nt ;^oiie t^
Beaubejour to work for the French, in order to t.iii£u out tb«

i:'.

'<}•

!:|

j^-

iUh

S I

i !i

176

ACADTA

water at the settlement the}- were going to make on the
north side of the Bay of Fundy, not withstun diner they were
refused passes which they applied for to go tiiilher. And
upon their compluiuing they could get no work of the Eng-
lish, they were acquainted that as many as would come to
Halifax should be employed, though, in reality I had no
employment for them, but I proposed to order them to
widen the road to Shubeuacadia, as I veiy well knew if I
could get them once here it would put off their journey to
Beausejour, and would be no expense to the government, a»
I was sure they would refuse the work for fear of disoblig
ing the Indians. But as they did not come, I hare, l»y ad-
vice of the Council, issued a proclamation, ordering them
to return forthwith to the lands, as they should answer the
contrary at their peril. They have not for a long time
brought anything to our markets, bat on the other hand
have caiiied everything to the I'rench and Indians whom
they have always assisted with provisions, qiiiuters, and iu-
tiliigence, and indeed while they reniuin without taking the
oaths to his Majesty (which they wiU never do till they are
forced) and have incendiary French priests among them,
tiiere are no hopes of amendment. As they possess the Uifst
and largest tracts of land in this Province, it cannot be set-
tled [by the English] with any effect while they reujuin lU
this situuiion, and though I would be very far from atLeniit-
ing such a htep without your Lordship's approbation, yet I
cannot help being of opinion tliat it would be much better,
if they reiuso the oailis, that they were away.

"The only ill consequence that can attend their going,
would be tneir tailing arms and jouiing with the Indians to
distress our seitienjeuLS, as tiiey are numeiuus and our
troops m.idi divided; though indeed I believe that a very
large part oi the inliabitunts would submit to any terms
latlier than laUe up arms on either side ; but that is only
my conjectuie, and not singly to be depended upon m so
critical a tiicumstance. iluuever ii yuur Lordships siiinild
be of opinion that we ai'e not sutHciently estabiisii^d to take
BO iinpurtant a step, we could prevent many incunviHK noes
by iuiilding a fort, or a few block-iiouses, on bhubenucaaia
Itiver. ...

"The Ciiignecto inhabitants have repeated their applica-
tion for le-aumibsiou to their lands, but were acquainted it

PREtTMIWART TO PXPTTT,RIO»

177

were uRelesa to think of it without an nbRolute compliance
on their }^art. I was privately iiiforiiie<l that attlieir seturn
they were in a very i.l humor with La Loutre, and with the
French CtninianJ.uiit. and that they re})reHentt'd totheui tiie
hardships they labored under in not being suflfercd to accept
the proposals of the English in a remonstrance that I am
told was little short of mutiny."

The above letter would seem to be a fair statement of the
true situation. First, the French were in possession of the
richest lands and the English could not settle uniil the
French were driven out ; second, it was feared that the
French, if expelled, would join the enemies of the country,
and endanger the English colonies ; and Lawrence admits in
the concluding paragraph, that the French Acadians were
well disjioscd, but j)revented from swearing allegiance by
the threats of La Loutre.

The following is among the documents of the period now
under consideration :

li^

"The bearers hereof beiiig in all twenty-five persons are
just arrived here from Louiabonig from whence they luade
their eKcape to avoid starving. Home of them were former-
ly inlabilutits of this country, and are neariy related to oul
Labrador ; they have all taken the oaths : the colonel desues
yoi: would treat them kindly, order tlum to be victualled,
to have tools given tiiem, aud land laid out for them where
you shall see most convenient. \Vm. Cotterell."

On the 17th of September, Governor Lawrence issued a
proclamation, forbidding the exportation of <^orn from the
Province, "under a penalty of tifty pounds and a forfeiture
of the corn so shipped, one halt' to the informer, Hie other
to the use and support of his Majesty's government."

The reasons given in the "order book" for the corn act
are, tirt,t, to prevent the supplying of corn to the Indiana
and their abettors who reside on the north side of the Bay

i i.

173

ACADIA

of Fundy ; and second, for the better supply of the Halifax
market, which l)a(l hitherto been ob'ifjed to furnish itself
fiom other colonies, notwithstanding the great quantities of
grain produced at Minas, Piziquid and Canard, and which
baa hitherto been transported to Beausejour and St. John's
river. The inhabitants were not "constrained to sell to
atiy I'.articular person or at any iixed price ; all that is insist-
ed on is their supplying the Halifax market before they think
0.' sending corn anywhere else. Their desiring to sell their
giain to Mr. Dyson and refusing it to Mr. Mauger for the
saino money appears very extraordinary."

This statement does not fully accord with the instructions
of Governor Lawrence to Cap'.ain IMurray ; — "You are not
to bargain with this people for their payment, but furnish
them with certilicates, which will entitle them at Halifax to
r< ceive such payments as shall be thought reasonable, and
assuring them if they do not immediately coDiply, tha ne :t
courier will bring an order for their execution." Murray is
the same who complained of the insolence and want of re-
spect shown towards him by the French messengers who
waited upon him. He v.as in command of a handful of
men at Fort Fidwavd (now Windsor), and like other up-
start despots, laboring under un abi ling sen.-e of his own
hnportiince, clothed with absolute authority over life and
property, and secure in the fact that French evidence would
cot be received against him, he was not likely to bo at a luss
for a pretext to display his authority.

Trouble having aiisen at Fort Edward, Piziquid, the in-
habitants having refused to bring wood to tao I'ort, Captain
Murray, in connnand of the English force there, took Dau-
din, a priest and four other prisoners, and sent them un-ier
guard to Halifax. Daudin, who was charged with being the
cause of the trouble, "having created much discontent
among the inhabitants, those who were very quiet and obe-
dient in his absence," was ordered to leave the country;

PRELIMINAIIV TO EXPTTT.SrON

179

while the other FrenchTuen "wore severely reprimandeil and
exhorted to return im mediately and biin;;; in the wood as
had been ordered, whic-h duty if they np;:lecLed any longer
to perform they would eertnin'y sufter military execution."

Eaily in October of that year, the Governor acquainted
the Council that six Deserted French families were arrived
at Halifax, and desired to be permiited to return to their
lauds. They deciared that they were so terrilied by the
threats that La Loutre had used, and his declaring the great
distresses they would be reduced to if they remained un-
der the dominion of the English, that thev retired and had
been set down on the Island of Cape Brttun, where they
had remained ever since ; but that the land being so very
bad they were utterly incapable of supporting their families,
and had obtained consent of the Govt'rnor of Louinbourg to
return. Thty lurther declared that if the Council would
permit them to enjoy their former lauds, that tliey were will-
ing to take the oaiii, and that tueir future behavior should
be unexceptionable.

The Council were of opinion that the return of these De-
serted French families, and their voluntarily tiildng the oath
without any reservation, would have a good eflVct; they
therefore granted them permission to return to their pos-
sessions, and allowed the most needy among them provis-
ions for the winter.

Thomas Pichon, a young medical student of ^Marseilles,
was, Kubseijuent to 1753, a commissary of stores for the
French forces at Deausejour. He furnished the English
with all possible information of the priest La Loutre, and
the state of the garrison at Beausejour, until the fall of tiiat
place in 1755. Pichon was ostensibly made prisoner with
the rest of the garrison ; when apparently on parole at Hal-
ifax, he made intimacy with the French officers of rank de-
tained there, and reported their plans and conversations to
the Halifax government, for which information he was paid.

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AOADIA

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lu 1758 he went to London, where he resided up to the time
of his death. We give a portion of a communication from
him to Captain Scott :

" Daudin's affair is causing a good deal of noise. On Sun-
day iloses * preached a most violent sermon, in which he
singalai.y acooumiodated the British nation, and concluded
by saying ofiensive things to the refugees, whose crimes are,
in his estimation, the sole cause of the detention of a holy
man. He afterwards rei:!resented to them what thev — the
refugees — had to expect from the English. That when they
retvii-n to the other side, they will have neither priests nor
sacraments, but will die like miserable wretches. The ve-
heriience, or rather the petulance with which he preached,
exhausted him to such an extent that he had to go at it twice.
He then told those refugees to appear, after mass, at the
Commandant's, who had a letter from the General of Cana-
da lor them. The refugees did not come, however. De
Vergor, (the Commandant at Fort Beausejour,) sent a ser-
geant twice to summon them ; a score of them airivedin the
fort. As they seemed in no hurry to enter, the impatient
commander went to his door and called them himself, and iu
order to indiv'.e them to enter more rapidly, he threatened
to put them iu irons, and spoke to them in the harshest
manner.

"The tendency of the letter is to urge them to stay with
the French and to establish themselves. It promises them
various assistance. This letter, as you can well imagine,
had been prepared at the instance of Moses himself. These
poor people retired without compliment. Moses was pres-
ent and played the part of Aaron — he was spokesman. De
Vergor stutters. . . .

" On the 21st of last month, eighty-three of the refugees
sent two of their deputies to carry their petition to the Gov-

*Ficbon speaks of La Lontre always by the name of Moses.

PRELIMINA'Ky TO EXI>nT-flTO»

181

«ernciT of Canada, asking for authority to return to their old
possessions, since we cannot give theiu land on this side
suitable for cultivation ; and stating that thosG which are
offered thein are in places disputed by tho English ; — that
they are not released from the oath win* h tbej have taken
to the King of Great Britain; and that it' taken among the
French, they are threatened with being punisned as crimi-
nals. , . , In the meantime, Moses declared at the alta", to
the lefugees who signed the request, that if they did not
come to his house and retract what they had done, and ef-
face their marks with their spittle, they should hav« uo par-
adise to look forward to, nor sacraments to go to. There
are several who have not dared to refuse acquiescence in
such strong axd powerful reasons."

Pichon craftiiy observes of the above letter that some of
the French complain the Engiish know what is going on at
Port Beausejou) — little surmising that he, their trusted sec-
retary, is the ini'ormant.

It will be seen to Avhat extremities the poor refugees were
reduced. On one hand threatened with the vengeance of
the savages, and denied the sacraments and liopes of future
bliss in case they returned into English territory ; on the oth-
er, the absoiute certainty of. being executed as traitors if
found with the French in case of declaration of war between
France and England.

We append a petition of the inhabitants of Cobequid to
those of Beaubassin, which is among the papers furnished
by Pichon:

"While we were in the enjoyment of peace, Lieut. Gorhara
came with sixty men to John liobert's. He came stv-akiuiy
and at night, and carried off our pastor and lour deputies.
He read his instructions, by whicu he is ordered to seize up-
on all the guns found in our hou&es, and coufcequentiy to
reduce us to a condition similar to that of the Irish. Gor-
ham has relurued to John iiobert's. irle nas pitcued iiis
camp tiieru, and expects iaa biother witu u uunuied lueu.

I !

3 !

IS2

ACASM

"He is prpparipg- to establish there a bloclr-honse and a
small fort, in order to obstruct the roads ami prevent the
depai ture of the inhabitants. There is no doubt that the
English, early in the spring", will place vessels to guard the
passage of tbe entrance. Thus we see ourselves^ on the very
brink of ruin, exposed to be c<xv led off, and ti'ansported to-
the English islands, and to lose our religion.

" Under thot^e unhappy circumstances, we have recourse
to your charity; and we earnestly ask you to assist us in
getting out of the hands of the English, and in withdraw-
ing ourselves to French territory, where we can enjoy the
exercise of our reiigion. We ask you to strike a blow ; and
af t -r we have driven Gorham from our parish, we will all
go for GUI' brothers at Fiziquid, Grand Pie and Port Roval,
who will join us for the purpose of delivering theruselver
from the slavery with which they are threatened. V^e do
not seek to make war. If the country belongs to the Eng-
lish, we will give it up to them ;. but as we are the masters
of our own persons, we wish absolutely to leave it.

"It is your brothers who ask you for help;^ and we think
that the charity, religion, and union that have always exist-
ed between us, will constrain vou to come and rescue us.
We are waiting for you ; 3-011 know that the time iS' hurry-
ing on, and vv-e beg you to send us a prompt rep^y.

" This is what I have been requested to wiite to you, gen-
tlemen, in faith of which I have signed the present peiition.

"J. li. La, Lootre."

Among Pichon's papers is also a petition of the Acadian
inhabitants to the King of France, impioi'ing his protection,
stating their grievances against the English government,
and asking grants of Frencii territory adjoining Acadia.

The Lords of Trade wrote to Governor Lawrence under
date of October, 1754 ; they say: "As to the inhabitants of
the district of Chignecto, who are actually gone over to the
Fren:;h at Beausejour, if the Chief Justice should be of opin-
ion that by refusing to take the oaths without a reserve, or
by deserting then* settlements to join the French, they have
forfeited then- title to their lands, we could wisii that prop-
er measures were pursued for cai'rying such forfeiture into

PRELraiNARY TO EXPULSION

188

€xecution by legal process, to the enci you might grant them
to any persons desirous of settling there, where we appre-
Lend a settlement would be of gieat utility, if it cuuid, in
the present state of things, be elTected; and as Mr. Shirley *
has hinted in a letter to the Earl of Hali.'ax that there is a
probability of getting a considerable number Oi people from
New England to settle, you would do well to consult him
upon it; but it apjiears to us that every idea of an Eng ish
settlfment at this place would bo absurd, but upon a suppo-
sition that the Fiench forts Beausejour, Bay Verte, &(•., ..re
destroj-ed, the Indians forced from 'hen- settlements, and
the French driven to seek such an asylum as they can tlnd
in the barren islands of Cape Breton and St. John, and in
Canada."

In the foregoing we have documentary proof that the
Lords of Trade, the Governor of Acadia and the Governor
of Massachusetts, were discussing the feasibility of dispos-
sessing the French Acadians of their valuable lands, with
the avowed purpose of settling English colonists thereon.
This is in the face of the assertion of some historians i' t
no such motive was entertained by those who took par^ m
the rei'ioval of the French. f

We have before adverted to the character of Abbe La

' I

* Governor Sliirley of Ma&sachusetts.

fHaimay, in his work on Acadia, saj's : "French writers say tho Aca-
dians were exijelled because the greedy Enghsh colonists looked upon
t'leir fair farms with oovetotis eyes, and that the govei-unient was iudu-
euced by these persons. A more tiagrant untrath never was told. The
anxiety of the government that the Acadians should remain on their lands
and become good subjects was extreme. To effect these objects the gov-
ernment consented to liumiliations and concessions which only increased
the aiTogance of the Acadians. Even after the fall of Beausejour they
might have remained on their lands without molestation, if they had but
GDUseuted to take an unconditional Oath of Allegiance to the i:<ritish
Crown."

184

ACADTA

Loutre; — we append the follo.ving altlitional testimony
from no less an authority than the Bishop of Quebec. Thiit
high church dignitary wrote La Loutre the following caus-
tic letter :

!■"

.<-

''A

v'-*^

.\''

•' You have at last, my dear sir, got into the very trouble
which I forepa .V, and which I predicted not Jong ago. The
refugees could not fail to get into trouble sooner or ^a'eiv
nnd to clmrge you with being the cause of their misfortunes.
It will be the same with those of the Island of St. John
whenever the war breaks out. They will be exposed to the
English, ravaged without ceasing^ and will throw the b'.aMie
tipon you. The court thought it necessary to faci'ltate Iheir
de[ arture from their lands, but that is not the concevn of
our profession. It was my opinion that we should neither
say anything against the course pvn'sued, nor anything to
induce it. I reminded you, a long time ago, that a priest
ought not to meddle with temporal afTairs, and that if he
did so, he would always create enemies^ and cause hia peo-
ple to be discontented

" I am now persuaded that the General and all France
will not approve of the return of the refugees to their lands.
. . . But IS it right for you to refuie the eacruments, to
threaten thnt they shall be deprived of the services of a
pritst, and that the savages shall treat them as enemips?
I wif-h them conscientiously to abandon the lands they pos-
sessed under Eugjish rule ; but is it well proved that they
cannot conscientiously return to them, seeluso perversionis
periclof'

"On the northern bank of the Misseguash, less than a
mile from the river, which now forms the boundary of two
Provinces, the Intercolonial Railway winds around a remark-
able hill, which rising suddenly from the maicjh, runs back
in a high narrow ridge towards the northeast. The traveler,
CIS he gazes listlessly at the landscape, suddenly has his at-
tention fi.Kfid by the sight of a ruined magazine, and the ram-
parts and embrasures of an ancient fortress, and turns to
V. bis guide bock 'to ditioovor what this may be. These wast-

PREI.IMTNAfey TO EXPtTT-StON

18S

ing battlements, which now seem so much out of p'ace in
the midst of a quiet pastoral scene, have a sadder history
than almost any other piece of ground in Acadia, for they
represent the last effort of France to hold on to a portion
of that Province, which was once all her own, which she
seemed to value so little when its possession was secure, yet
which she fought so hard to save. This ruin is all that
remains of the once potent and dreaded Beausejour." *

In addition thereto, the French had a small fort at Bay
Verte, on the Gulf side of the isthmus, called Fort Gaspe-
reau, which they used as a depot for supplies coming to
Beausejour from Louisbourg and Quebec. At Pont a Buot,
between Forts Gaspereau and Beausejour, they built a block-
house, in which was a garrison of thirty men ; and there were
guards at Shepody, and other points on the north shore of
the Bay of Fundy, thus making a complete chain of fortifi-
cations from the Gulf of St. Lawrence to the River St
John, where was a detachment of eighty men. Beausejour
could thus be reinforced either by way of St John oi' the
Gulf, without the English in Acadia having any knowledge
of it. Here La Loutre established his headquarters; and
it was here that he committed another deed which added to
the odium with which he was regarded.

The soldiers of Beausejour and Lawrence, the two hos-
tile forts on either side of the -ilisseguash, were accustomed
to meet between the two with flags of truce, when one de-
sired to communicate with the other. La Loiitre dressed
an Indian in French uniform, and sent him witii a white flag
in the direction of Fort Lawrence. The flag was noticed,
and Captain How went out to meet it. When he had near-
ly reached the pretended French officer, a party of Indians
who had been lying in ambush fired a volley directiy at
How, killing him instantly. Gornwallis characterized this

•Hamiay.

IJIil

)

'i;-

i VH

fi i<|

I".

|i '■ti

a-'MutuueBcasc

1S6

ACADIA

.,:! ;

as "an instance of treaclieiy and barbarity not paralleled
iu history."

Diiriug this time the English were excessively anv.oyed
by the attacks of the Indians of the Peninsula, who fell up-
on tlie inhul itants in the night, or surprised small parties
of the settlers who had ventured too far from the fort.s. —
This checked the settlement of the country by making it
impossible for the settler to strike out into the wildevnesa.
and make a home for himself. As it was generally believed
the savages were prompted by French emissaries, the court
of France was apprised of the condition of afTuirs. That
p wer, not yet being in a position for open rupture, prom-
ised to send positive orders to the Governor of Canada, to
prevent all causes of complaint for the future, — a promise,
which, if the French court fulfilled, was not as fully obeyed.
At the same time, supplies of men and military stores were
being sent to Louisbourg, and to Quebec, until both places
became a source of alarm to the English.

One of the early laws of the Halifax Government was to
the effect that no debts contracted in England, or in any of
the colonies, prior to the settlement of Halifax, or to the
arrival of the debtor, should be I'ecoverable in any court of
judicature in the Province. The design was to attract emi-
grants ; it may be supposed that the dishonest sought
this asylum for insolvent debtors ae well as the unfor-
tunate. That the grade of public morality was none of the
highest, is shown by a very exti'aordinary order of Govern-
or Cornwallis, which, after reciting that the dead were fol-
lowed to the grave by neither relatives, friends, nor neigh-
bors, and that it was difficult to procure the assistance even
of " carriers," directed the Justices of the Peace, upon the
death of a settler, to summon twelve persons from the vi-
cinity of the last place of abode of deceased, to attend the
funeral and carry his corpse to the grave ; and as a penalty.
for not complying with the orders, diiections were given tq

PRELIMINARY TO KXPOLSION

187

strike out the name of any delinquent from the mess books
of the place, and to withdraw from him the allowance and
Bupport of the Government.

The year 1755 was memorable in events on the American
Continent. No less than four grand expeditions were plan-
ned against the French by Great Britain and her Colonists
in America. The mai'ch of General Braddock on Fort Du
Quesne, and its sanguinary defeat, is familiar in its details
to every school-boy. A second was organized to proceed
against Fort Niagara, composed of Colonial Kegulai s and
Indians, but which got no farther than Oswego, owing to a
delay in starting : the attempt against Niagara went no far-
ther that year. A third expedition against Crown Point by
the Provincials inflicted a bloody defeat on the French un-
der Dieskau, but failed to attain the object for which it was
p.aeed in the field. But the fourth, the expedition against
Acadia, succeeded only too well. This incursion, aided and
abetted, and paid for by England, consummated by New
England troops, under a Massachusetts commander bred
in a Puritan atmosphere, in the name of religion, was con-
ducted in so hpavtless a manner, that as though by common
consent, the reports of details have been purposely destroyed,
and historians have passed over it with only an allusion, as
if unable to record the shame of the transaction.

t 1

EXPULSION OF THE FRENOH NEUTUALS.

|.,!

We open the chapter by allowing this simple people to tell
the sto) y of their suffering and wrongs in the following me-
morial to Go/ernor Lawrence, under date of June lOtli,
175'), previous to the fall of Beausejour, and other Fiench
revMses on tlie Peijinsula. We mention this, as otherwise
it might be s-aid they were disheartened, and came to sue
for peace only after having lost all hops. We ask the can-
did reader to peruse the document carefully, a id to judge
for himself whether the strictures put upon it by the Gov-
ernor and Council are just, or otherwise.

it ^

ii ill

"We, the iiiliabitants of Minas, Piziquid, and the River
Canard, take the ubei ty of approaching your Excellency lor
the piu'pose of testifying our sense of the care which the
Govfri nnient exercises over us. It aj pears, Sir, that your
Excel eiicy doubls the sincerity with which we have prom-
ised to be faithful to his Britannic Majesty.

" We most imnibly beg your Excellency to consider our
past conduct. You will see, that, very far from violating
the oath we have taken, we have maintained it in its entire-
ty, in spite of the solicitations and the dreadful threats of
another ijovver. We still entertain, Sir, the same pure and
sinceit^ disposition to prove, under any circumstances, our
unsl akeu fidelity to his Majesty, provided tlmt his Majesty
shall allow us the same liberty that he has granted us. — •
We earnestly beg your Excellency to have the goodness to
inform us of his Majesty's intentions on this subject, and
to ^ive us assurances on his jpai't.

! ';/

ixpxn.fnos or rm fuesch !^F.UTR\La

189

"Pemiit us, if you plf-asp. Sir, to maVo known theannoy-
inff cirounifitaiices in which ue are p^acerl, to the prejudice
of the tranquillity we on;.'ht to enjoy. Under pretext that
we are transportinfj our corn and provisions to Beausejour
and the River St. John, we are no longrer permitted to car-
ry the least quantity of com by water from one place to an-
other. "NVe be^' your Excellency to be assured that wo nev-
er transported provisions to Eeanscjour. or to the Rivev St.
John. If some refnj:ee inhabitants at this point have been
seized, with cattle, we are not on that account, by any nieana
pinlty, inasmuch as the catt'.e belonged to them as pi ivato
in(^'viuuals. and they were «liiving them to their reaper tiva
habitations. As to ourselve?. Sir, we have never oifnnded ia
that respect; consequently we ouprht not, in our opinion, to
be \ uiiished; on the coctiary, we hope that your Ex'icUency
will be pleased to restore to us the same liberty that wo en-
joyed formeny, in eiviiig us the use of our canoes, either to
transport our provisions from one river to tho other, or for
the purpose of fi'^hing; thereby providing for our liveihood.
This permission has never ben taken from us except at the
present time. We hope. Sir, that you will bo plf ased to re-
store it, especially in consideiation of the number of poor
inhabitants wIjo would be very g'ad to suijport their fami-
lies with the fish that they would be able to catch. More-
over, our guiiS, which we rr gard as our own personal prop-
erty, have been taken from us, notwithstanding the fact they
are absolutely necesfiary to us, either to defend our cattie
which ai'e attacked by wild beasts, or for the protection of
our children, or of ouiselves. Any inhabitant who may
have his oxen in the woods, and who may need them for
purposes of lab^r would not dare to expose himself in go-
mg lor them without being prepared to defend himself.

"It is certain. Sir. that since the savages have ceased fre-
quenting our parte, the wild beasts have greatly increaseil,
and that our cattle are devoured by them almost every day.
Besiues, the arms wh:ch have been tal:eu from us are but a
lei'b.e guaiantee of our fidelity. It is not the gun which an
iiiliabitant poi-sesses that will induce him to revolt, nor the
piivatiou of the game gun that will make him more faithful ;
but his conscience alone must induce huu to maintain hia
oath. An order has app».ai>ii iii ^our Excelleiicy'o name,
given at l^'oit Edwai\i, June ItL, 1755, n the LSth year ol

t '

i ;
i i

5 :

r. I

ACAniA

his Alnjesty'fl rpig'n, by which we are commanrTcrT to carry
miiiH. pistoiH, cV-'c. to Fort Edward. It apjieiirs to un, Sir^
tliat it would be daiigorons ior us to execute tbatordt-r, l;o-
fore ropres€>Titing to you the danp;cr to wliich this order ex-
poses us. The savages may come and thrcutcu and plunder
us, reproaching" us for having fui'nished arms to kill them.
^Ve hope, Sir, that you will be pleased, on the contrary, to
order that those taken from us be restored tO' us. By so
doing, you will afford us the means of preserving both our-
Bslves and our cattle.

" In the last place, we are grieved. Sir, at seeing ourselves
declared guilty without being aware that we have disobeyd.
One of our inhabitants of the River Canard, named Pierre
Mehnifjcm, was seized and arrested in charge o;' his boat,
before having heard any order forbidding that sort of trans-
port. We beg your Excellency, on this subject, to have the
goodness to make known to us j-our good p.casure bciure
confiscating our property and considering uaiii fau.t. This
is the favor wo expect from your Excellency's kindness, aiul
wo hope that you will do us the justice to b lieve that very
tir froju violating our promises, we will maintain them, as-
BUiing you that we are are very respectfully, Ov.c.

[Signed by twenly-five of said Inhabitants.]

Also a second memorial, dated June 24th, containing the
fo'lowing: "All the inhabitants of Minas, Piziquid aud tlie
Kiver Canard, beg your Excellenc}' to believe that if, in tlie
petition which they have had the honor to present to your
Excellency, there shall be found any error or want of neglect
towards the government, it is entirely contrary to their in-
tention; and that in this case the inhabitants who have
eignedit, are not more guilty than the others."

The Council voted unanimously ''Thu he memorial of
the 10th of June is highly arrogant and insidious, an insult
upon his JMajestN 's authority, and government, and deserved
the highest resentment, and that if the Memorialists had not
submitted themselves by their subsequent memorial, tiiey
ought to have been severely punished for their presump-
tion."

IXPTJL8I0N OF THE FRENCH NKUTRALS

lyi

*'The lafutonant-Govcrnof ;\t the sumo timo at'quaintoil
tlio Council Unit Cupluiu Munuy liud iiifoiiiieil liiin taut fur
some time beroie ilie uelivury of the Ihst of the «ai(i uieino-
rinls, the French hud beliaved with greater submission and
obedience to the orders of government than usual anil had
already delivered to him a considerable number of thei;- lire-
arms; but that at the delivery of the said memorial they
treated him with gieat iiidccency and insolence, which c;iive
Lim strong tsuspicions that they had obtained some intelli-
gence which we were then ignorant of, and which the ijieu-
teiiunt-Governor conceived might mostprububly be a re port
tl iit had about that timo been spread amoji^st. them of a
i'rench fleet being then in the Bay ox Fundy, it coing very
notorious that the said French inhabitants hav»» utways dis-
covered an insolent and inimical disposit''^u towards his
Majesty's government wlien they have ha. the least ''upe
of assistance from France."

\» auL the precise character of this " great v. Iccency and
insolence" of behavior was which the delegates showed
towards Captain Murray, we are not informed. As tne same
charge is made against them by the Council, of their memonal
of the 10th of June, (it may be with equal justice,) we will
lay belore the reader the reasons the Council gave tor such
acL'usation. It appears the signers of the document had
bi.'en urdered to Halifax, fifteen of whom responded; they
were brought in before the Council, the memorial read to
them, when "they were severely reprimanded for their au-
dacity in subscribing and jiresenting so impertinent a pa-
per." We have the document now before us, and can our-
selves judge of the truthfulness of their charge. If in this
instance we do not find the accusation fully sustained by
the facts, we may infer that the charges against the Neu-
trals in other respects are equally unfounded on fact. How-
ever we will let the council pi'oceed with its ovvu justifica-
tion. "In order to show them [the Neutrals] the falsi-

* '

I I

I l\

192

ACADIA

ty as well as impudence of their memorial,"' it was ordered
to be read by paragraph, remarks being made by the Lieu-
tenant-GoTernor. It was observed in answer to this para-
graph of their memorial of the 10th of June —

** That they were affected with the proceedings of the Gov-
ernment toward them,"^

that they had been always treated with the greatest len-
ity, hp.d enjoyed more privileges than the English subjects,
had been indulged in the free exercise of their religion with
full liberty to consult their priests, had beeu protected in
their trade and fishery, and had been for many j'ears per-
mitted to possess their lands (part of the best in the Prov-
ince) although they had not yet complied with the terms on
which the lands were granted, by taking the Oath of Alle-
giauce to the Crown. They were then asked whether they
could produce an instance that any privilege was denied to
tuem, or that any hardships were ever imposed upon them
by the Government. " They acknowledged the justice and
lenity of the Government."*

"They desire that their past conduct might be considered."

It was remarked to them **that their past conduct was
considered, and that the government were sorry to say their
conduct had beeu undutif ul and very ungrateful for the len-
ity shown to them. That they had no returns of loyalty to
the Crown, or respect to his Majesty's government in the
Province. That they had discovered a constant disposition
to assist his Majesty's enemies, and to distress his subjects.
That they had not only furnished the enemy with provi-

* That tlie French deputies were actuated by fear in making this re-
ply is quite evident The memorial was brought for the expreased pur-
pose of complaining of instances ** where privileges were denied them."

EXPULSION OP THE FRENCH NEnTR»t.S

193

BioTis and ammnnition, but had. refused to supply the inbab-
itants, or government, with provisions, and when they did
supply, they have exacted three times the price for which
tliey were sold at other markets. That they had been idle
and indolent on their lands, had neglected husbandry', and
the cultivation of the soil, and had been of no use to the
Province either in Husbandry, trade or fishery, but had
been rather an obstruction to the King's intentions in the
settlement." They were then asked whether they could
mention a single instance of service to the government, *' to
which they were incapable of making any reply."
Upon reading this paragraph, —

**It seems that your Excellency is doubtful of the sincerity
of those who have promised fidelity, that they had beon
so far from breaking their oatU, that they had kept it in
spite of terrifying menaces from another power,"

^>l

they wei'e asked "Wliat gave them occasion to suppose
that the government was doubtful of their sincerity?"* and
were told that "it argued a consciousness in them of iiism-
cerity and want of attachment to tiie interests of his Majes-
ty and his government. That as to their taking arms, tiiey
[the Frencli] had often argued that the Indians would an-
noy them if they did not assist them, and that by taking
their arms by act of Government, it was put out of the pow-
er of the Indians to threaten or force them to their assist-
ance. That they had assisted the King's enemies, and ap-
peared too ready to join with another power t contraiy to

' As if the taking away of their arms, and depriving them of their ca-
oois wiis cot a sul&cieut reason.

t At the time of the French occupation of Minas in 1744, the inhabit-
ants of that place meu:oiiiiliijed a Cnptain of iufainry iii r Du Vivioi
to this effect: " We live under a mild and traucjml gov. nme .t. and we
Lave all good reasou to be faithful to it. We hope, theiefore, that jou

; i .

194

ACAUIA

tlie allegiance the)' wave bound by their oath to his Majesty."
In answer to this ptxragiaph, —

"We are now in the same disposition, the purest and sin-
reiest, to prove in every circumstance, lideUty to his
Majesty, in the sane manner that we have dojie, provid-
ed that ii.s Majesty will leave us the same liberties which
lie has granted us."

thoy were told that "it was hoped they would hereafter give
proofs of more sincere and pure dispositions of mind, in the
practice of fidelity to his ]\rajesty, and tbat they would for-
l.-car to act in the manner they have done, in obstructing the
settuement of the Province, bv assisting the Indians and
French to the distress and annoyance of many of his Maj-
esty's subjects; and to the loss of the lives of several of the
Kngiish inhabitants. That it was not the language of Brit-
ish subjects to talk of terms with the Crown, to capitulate
about their fidelity and allegiance, and that it was insolent
to insert a pru!;iso. tliat tiiey would prove their fidelity,
f<i'(>rided that his Majesty would give them liberties. All
his Majesty's subjects are protected in the enjoyment of ev-
ory liberty while they continue loyal and faithful to the
Crown ; and wlien they become false and disloyal they for-
feit that protection."

They were told in answer to the paragraph where

" Tl.i.ey desire their canoes for carrying their piovisions from
one river to another, and for theix- fishery,"

will hivve the goodness not to separate us from it. " Governor Mnscarene
Hcknowledged to Governor Shirley, of Miussiichusetts, ilisit the safety of
Aiiu;ii)ohs diu'in<; Du Vivier's attempt at the reduction of that plaee in
17'11, was in great measure owiu^' to tiie "Franch inhabitants ref iisiu;,' to
take up arms against us. " These assertions do not accord well witli the
(loclaration of Governor Lawrence. This, too, was during the time of a
French invasion of the territory, a circumstance which would be likely to
fan into flame the least spark of a spirit of iuooriectiot^, bud such been
{guud ill the hearts of the I'reucb Meutrals.

EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH NKUTBALS

195

I !

lor-

that "tlif'v wanted thfir canoes for carrying provisions to
the enemj', and not for their own use in the fishery ; that,
Ly !i ]a\v of this Province, all persons are restrained from
cavrj'ing provisions from one port to another, and every ves-
sel, canoo or bark found with provisions is forfeited, and a
penalty is inflicted on the owners."
Thoy were told in answer to the following paragraph.

" They petition for their guns as part of their goods, that
tliev raav be restored to defend their cattle from wild
beasts, and to preserve themselves and their children,
that since the Indians have quitted theu' quarters, the
wild beasts are greatly increased,"

that " guns are no part of their goods, as they have no right
to keep arms, and they are subject to penalties if arms are
fonnd in their houses. That upon the order from Captam
Mu] ray, many of the inhabitants volunlavily brought in tlieir
anus, and none of them pretended that they wanted them
for the defense of theii" cattle against the wild beasts, and
that the wild beasts had not incieased since their arms were
surrendered. That they had some secret inducement, at
that time, for presuming to demand their arms as a part of
their goods and their right, and that thoy had flattered
themselves of being supported in their insolence to the Gov-
ernment, on u report that some French ships of war were
in the Bay of Fundy. That this daring attempt plamly dis-
covered the falsehoods of theu" professions of fidelity to the
King, and their readiness has been visible upon every inti-
mation of force or assistance from France, to insult his Muj-
csty's Government, and to join with his enemies, contrary
to their oath of fidelity."

Upon reading this paragraph, —

"Besides, the arms we carry are a feeble surety of our fidel-
ity. It is not the gun that an inhabitant po-sesses which
wUl lead him to levoit, nor the Llepr.,vi>.g him of tuat

» :

i M

■;1

;■

196

AOADU

gun that will make him more faithf u^ but bis conscience
alone ought to eugagu him to maintain his oath,"

they were asked, ""What excuse they could make for their
presumption in this paragraph, and treating the govern-
ment with such indignity and contempt as to expound to
them the nature of fidelity, and to prescribe what would
be the security proper to be relied on by the government
for their sincerity ? " The deputies were then informed they
had a fair opportunity to manifest the reality of their obe-
dience by immediately subscribing to the Oath of Allegi-
ance. They answered " they had Kot come prepared to an-
swer the Council on that head." The Council replied that
the same thirg had often been proposed to them during the
six years past, that they knew the sentiment of the inliabit-
ants, and had determined this point with rei^ard to them-
selves before now. The deputies asked that they might go
and consult with the people as they desired to act with the
rest, and were told they "would not be permitted to return
for any such purpose, but that it was expected from them
to declare on the spot." Permission was given them to de-
lay an answer until the following morning. In the mean-
time the "Council after consideration were of opinion that
directions should be given to Captain Murray to order the
French inhabitants forthwith to choose and send to Halifax,
new deputies with the general resolution oi the said inhab-
itants in regard to taking the oath, and that none of them
should for the future be admitted to take it ai'ter having
once refused to do so, but that effectual measures ought to
be taken to remove such Recusants out of the Province."

"The deputies were then called in again, and having been
informed of tliis Resolution, ottered to take the oath, but
were informed that as there was no reason to hope tlieir
compliance proceeded from an honest frame of mind, and
could be esteemed only the effect of compulsion and lo.oe,
and ib uontiai^ tu au Act of Parliament waerebj^ ^nvtaoua^

EXPULSION OP THE FRENCH NEI7TSALS

197

who have refused to take the oatlis cannot afterwards be
peimitted to take tbem. but are considered as Popish Recu-
sants; therefore they would not now be indulged with such
permission. And they were thereupon ordered into confine-
ment."

It does not appear that the men thus summarily impris-
oned were proven guilty of "assisting the King's enemies,"
or "refusing to supply the government with provisions,"
nor even that they were individually charged with the of-
fence; neither did the Council make any butac;enera accu-
sation of a "constant disposition to distress" the Eii;;lisli
subjects, and " obstruct the intentions of the King," with-
out deigning to support the charge with a single instance
circumstantially proven, or even asserted.

We quote fiom Haunay on this topic: "The presence,
north of the MisJ^eguash, of fourteen hundred inhabitaut.s,
rendered despeiate by their misfortunes, and led by a French
regular officer, and reinforced by a large band of Indians,
afforded ground for the most serious alarm. The iniiabit-
anls of the settlements at Minas and Annapolis were known
to be in active sympathy and correspondence with these
* Deserted French Inhabitants,' as they were termed. "With
consummate hypocrasy these * deserted' Frenchmen, who
had c'aimed and professed to be neutrals, got themselves
enrolled for the defense of Beausyjour, under threatening
orders which they themselves invited. With ecjual hypoc-
rasy, the French of Minas and Annapolis approached the
English Governor with honeyed words, while they were
plotting in secret with the enemies of English jjower.* —
With so many concealed enemies in the heart of the Prov-

•The same writer elsewhere says, the action of the Desertod French
was due to the influence of La Loutre ; and the question mi;i;ht be nsked,
where is his Huthority in regard to their "consumiuate hvpocrasy" in
themselves inviting threatcuiug orders; or that the otlior iuhabitauts
were "plotting in secret with the enemies of EugUah power."

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ince, and so larpe a number of open oneraies on its borders,
the position of the Encflish colonists wa-i far from secure.
And surely they deserved some consid(M ation at the hands
of their own government, and some measure of protection
against those who soupht to destroy them.**

Haliburton, who ruiyht be expected to favor the Bvilisb
fiide of the question, says "the orders against tho I'leiicb
population directing the surrender of their arms and the giv-
ing up of their boats were complied with in a manner which
might certainly have convinced the government thit they
had no serious intention of an insurrection." He attrib-
utes the sanguinary action of the goverume/it to re.igiovis
prejudices, and to the hatred with which the English at that
time regarded all Frenchmen. He furtl)er says the action
of the goveriim-Mit was not always such as would t'oncitate
affection, and cited as an instance when Captain Munay in-
formed the pco^ile at Piziquid that if they tlid not furnish
his detachments with fuel their houses would be used for
that purpose; or if they failed to furnish timber for the re-
pairs of Fort Edward, they should certainly suffer military
execution.

As has already been stated, the entire line of forts and
the northern border of Nova IScotia had faV.en into the liaiids
of the English, some of them having garrisons leit in tlioni
to prevent communication between the Frt-nch of Cuuada
and Acadia. The French refugees at Chiguecto had been
disarmed; the Priest La Loutre had fled to Canada, tmd
gave no furtlier trouble: Vevgor and other leaders wore pris-
oners of war ; the Indians had mostly left the Pi ovince, and
the Neutrals about IMinas and Annaiiolis had delivered up
their anus, and appeared as peaceably inclined as at any
time during their forty years sojourn under British lule;
the English colonists were daily becoming stronger in num-
bers, and in short, every indication about the Peninsula was
favorable to the government. Under these circumstauces

EXPULSION OP THE FRENCH NtOIRALS

199

it is Imvd to explain, in the light of the j^resent century, the
extreme measures decided on by the Governor and Council,
assisted by Admirals Boscawen and Mostyn, convened at
Halifax, July IHih, 1755 — no less a measure than the eviction
of the whole Fz'ench poinilation of Acadia, and tiieir disper-
sion among aliens in a strange land.

By the end of July, answer had been received from all the
French settlements, to the effect that they would take no
new oath; and "as it had been determined before to send
all the French inhabitants out of the Province if thev re-
fused to take tha oath, nothing now remained to be consid-
ered but what measures were necessary to send Ihein away,
and where they should be stni. After mature considera-
tion, it was unanimously agreed that, to prevent as much
as possible their atteinpting to return and molest the set-
tlors that ma,}' be set down on their lands, it would be most
proper to send them to bo distributed t.inong the several
colonies on the Continent, and that a SLiflicieut number of
vessels should be hired with all possible expedition for that
purpose."

Governor Lawrence's instructions to the various military
forces designed to carry the resolutions of the goveinment
into execution, were, to keep the measures as secret as pos-
sible, "as well to prevent tlieir attempting to escape to car-
ry off their catt'e;"' and the better to effect this, "you will
endeavor to fall upon some stratagem to ge^ the men, both
Old and young (especially the heads of famiiies) nito your
power and detain them until the transports shall arrive, so
that they may be ready to be shipped oft' ; for when this is
done, it is not much to be feared that the women and chil-
dren will attempt to go away and carry off the cattle. But,
lest tliey should, it will not only be proper to secure all the
boats and vessels you can lay your hands ujiou, but also to
send ont *~j,rtie3 to ail suspected roads and places I'rom time
to time, 30 they may thereby be intercepted." He also or-

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ders that the inhabitants will not " be allowed to carry away
the least thing but their ready money uad household furni-
ture."

And again: *'As thei*e may be a deal of difficulty in se-
curing them, you will, to prevent this as much as possible,
destroy all the villages on the north and northwest side of
the isthmus, that lie at any distance from the Fort of Beau-
sejour, and use every other method to distress, as mut-h as
can be, those who may attempt to conceal themselves in the
woods. .... I would have you give particular orders
for entirely destroying and demolishing the villages of Je-
diacke. Kamsach, &c., and everything they find about these
quarters, from which any sort of support or assistance may
be had by an enemy."

To gratify a ;audable curiosity that is likely to arise re-
specting the social condition of this peoj^le on who.ie heads
a calamity, unpara.leled in historj-, is about to fall, and
against whom such diieful seheiiies are being concocted, we
will draw at some length from the historian Halibinton,
who not only was a resident of the territory, but who had
known and conversed with eye-witnesses of the sad event.

"•Hunt wig and fishing, which had formerly been the de'ight
of the colony, and might have still supplied it with subsist-
ence, had no attraction for a simple and quiet people, and
gave way to agriculture, which had been established in the
niaishes and low lands, by repelling with dikes the sea and
rivers which had covered these plains. These grounds
yielded fifty to one, at first, and afterward fifteen or twen-
ty for one, at least j wheat and oats succeeded best in them,
but they likewise produced rye, barley, and maize. There
were also potatoes in great plenty, the use of which was be-
come common, at the same time these immense meadows
were covered with flocks. They computed as many as six-
ty thousand head of horned cattle : and most families had
several horses, though the tillage was cairied on by oxen.

EXPUloiON OP THE FRENOH NErTRALS

2"»1

Tbeir habitations, which were of wood, were extremely con-
venient, and furnished as neatly as substantial farmers hous-
es in Europe. They reared a great deal of poulti^ of all
lands, which made a variety in their food, at once whole-
some and plentiful. Their ordiriai'y drink was beer and ci-
der, to which they sometimes added rum. Their usual
clothing was in general the produce of their own flax, or of
the fl'^eces of their own sheep ; with these they made com-
mon linens and coarse cloths. If any of them had any de-
sire for articles of greater luxury, they procured them from
Annapolis or Louisbourg, and gave in exchange, corn, cat-
tle, or furs. The Neutral Fi'ench had nothing else to give
their neighbors, and made still fewer exchanges among
themselves: because each separate family was able, and had
been accustomed, to provide for its own wants. They there-
fore knew nothing of paper currency, which was so com-
mon thioughout the rest of North America. Even the small
quantity of gold and silver which had been introduced into
the Colony, did not inspire that activity in which its chief
value consists. Their manners were of course extremely
simple. There was seldom a cause, either civil or criminal,
of importance enough to be carried before the Court of Ju-
dicature, established at Annapolis. Whatever little differ-
ences arose from time to time among them were amicably
adjusted by their elders. All their public acts were diawn
by their pastois, who had likewise the keejiing of their
wills ; for which, and their religious services, the inhabit-
tints paid a twenty-seventh part of their harvest, which was
always sufficient to afford more means than there were ob-
jects of generosity.

" Real misery was wholly unknown, and benevolence an-
ticipated the demands of poverty. Every misfortune was
relieved, as it were, before it could be felt, without ostenta-
tion on the one hand, and without meanness on the other.
It was, in short, a society of brethren ; every individual of

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ACADIA

which was equally reaJly to give, an;l to receive, what he
thoujTfht Ihe corumon right of nianl\iucl. So perfect a har-
mony naturally prevented all those connections of gallantry
wliic-h are so often fatal to the peace of families. An ille-
gitimate child was almost unknown in the settloments. —
This evil was prevented by early marricages, for no one
passed his youth in a state of celibacy. As soon as a young
man arrived at a proper age, the comniunity built him a
house, broke up the lands about it, and supplied him with
all the ntcesparies of ";il'e for a twelve-month. There he re-
cf-ived the partner v.hom he had chosen, who brought him
her portion in flocks. This new family grew and jjrospered
like the others. In 175.3, all together made a population of
eighteen thousand souls."

"Tradition is fresh and positive in the various parts of
the Ignited States where they were afterwards located, re-
specting their guileless, peaceable and scrupulous charac-
ter; and the descendants of those, whose long-clierished and
endearing local attachment induced them to return to the
land of their nativity, still deserve the name of a mild, fru-
gal, and pious peo ile."

The execution of this unusual and genei*al sentence, says
Haliburton, was allotted chiefly to the New England forces.
The Acadiaus were kept entirely ignorant of their destiny,
agreeably to instructions from Governor Lawrence, until
the moment of their captivity, and were overawed, or al-
lured, to labor at the gathering in of their harvest, which
was secretly allotted to the use of their conquerors.

The orders from Lawrence to Captain Murray, who was
first on the station, directed that if these people beiiaved
amiss, they should be punished at his discretion; and if any
attempts were made to molest the troops, he should take
an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth ; and, in short,
life for life, from the nearest neighbor where the niiscbief
should be performed. To hunt these people into captivity

{U-

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EXPDI.SIOS OF THE JTIKXCH NEUTRALS

203

was a measure us imi'iacticable as cruel ; ami as it was not
to be siii'posed tliey ward voliii;tarily FUiiendcr thojiisolves
as prisonors, their subjugation became a matter of f^nat dif-
ficulty. At a coiihuilation held bfLwten Colonel Winslow
and Captain Muiray, .t was agreed that a pruL'lam.ition
slionld be issued at the different sett'euieiits, requiring the
attendance of the peap.e, at the rc-pective pc.; ts on the.
same day; which proclamr.tion should be so ambigu(ius in
its nature, that the object for which they weiC to assemble
could not be discovered ; and so peremptory in its torms,
as to insure implicit obedience. That which was a.ldiessed
to the people in the limits now comprised in Kin^j's Coun-
ty, was as follows :

" To the inhabitants of the District of Grand Pre, Minas,
River Canard, &c., as well ancient, as young men and lads:

Whereas his Exce'lercy, the Governor, has instrufted us
of his late resolution retpecting the matter prnpowed to the
inhabitants, and lir.s ordf-red v.s to coMmunicate the same in
person, "his Excf-ilency, being desirous that each of them
bhould be satisiied of his Misjesty's intentions, which he
has aiso ordered us to communicate to you, such as they
have been given to him : We therefore older and strictly
enjoin by these presents, all of the inhabitants, as well of
the above named Distnct as of all the other Districts, both
o:d and young men, as weh as aii tlie lads of tea years of
a.!:;e, to attend at the Church of Grand Pie, on i'riday, the
5th instant, at three of the clock in the a i.'rijoon, raut we
may impart to them wijat we are ordered to communicate
to them; dec ariiig tliat n-> exciise wiii be admitted on any
pretense whatever, on paui of lorf filing goods a;ul ctiatteis,
iii default of real estaie. GaV«.u at Giauu i'le, iia Septem-
ber, 1755, and 29th year ol hi.s ^iajesty's re;;;::.

"John Winslow."

While the three days are passing before the memorable
5th arrives — a term but too short lor the unsusp>ctii)g Aca-
dians — let us glance at the conespoudciice of the com-

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manders of the several clistiicts who are engaged in this
work of oaptiniDg a whole people, and see what motivei
prompt, and what thoughts inspire them.

Grand Pre, 30th August, 1755.

To Governor Lawrence:

I am favored with your Excellency's letters, which Cap-
tain Murray was so good aa to be the beai'er of, and with
whom I have consulted as to the duty proposed ; and as the
corn is now a'l down, the weather being such, has preven-
ted the inhabitants from housing it, it is his opinion and
mine, tluit your Excellency's orders should not be made pub-
lic until Friday; and which day we propose to put them in
execution. We hud picquettcd in the camp before the re-
ceipt of your Excellency's letter, and I imagiiiH it is so far
from giving surpiise to the inhabitants, as to their being de-
tained, that they look upon it as a settled poinr, that we are
to remain with them all winter; and as this duty is of no ex-
pense to Government, I cannot but flatter myself your Ex-
cellency will approve of the matter, as lii'ty men to remain
will be better in present cu'cumstances, than one hundred
without this protection, and the other part of the troops
put on duty abroad, . . . Although it is a disagreeable
part of the duty we are put upon, I am sensible it is a nec-
essary one, and shall endeavor strictly to obey your Excel-
lency's orders, to do anything in me to remove the neigh-
bors about me to a better country ; as to poor 1 utLer Xje
Biauc, I shall, with your Excellency's permicision, send him
to my own place. I am, &,c.,

John Winslow.

23d August.

This morning Capt. Adams and party returned from their
march to the liiver Canard, and reported it was a line coun-
try and full of inhabitants, a beautiljl church, abundauc«
of the good of this worjd, and provisions of all kinds in
great plenty. Capt. Holby ordered with live officers and
fifty privates to visit the vidage Moiansou on the Kiver Gas-
pereau, and Capt. C)t^good, with the ^Lke number ot otticera
and men, to reconnoitre the country in the irout, or to tne

EXPULSION OF THE FUESCH NEUTHALa

woutliwoT'l of our eucanipment, both of which jmrtios vo-
tunitHl in the eveuiog, aud gave each account that it was ft
fiue country.

John Wissrow,
Lieut. Col. Cv/minaudiug.

This **fine country, with its benutiful cliurch, and abund-
ance of the good of this world," was, in less than a for. ni^ht,
to be laid waste by fire and pillage, and depopulated, by or-
der of W'inslow.

Fort Cumberland, 24th August, 1755.

Dear Sir: — I embrace this opportunity with pleasure, to
let you know thiit these ieave me and all friends, as I hope
they will find you in good health, and we rejoice to hpur of
your safe arrival at Minas, and am well pleased that you aid
provided with so good quarters lor yourself and so^dierH,
and Ji you have taken possession of the friar's house, hope
you will execute the ofiice of pi-iest. I am tired of your iib-
sence, and long for nothing more than to be wifcliyou; l)ere
is Capt Proby and eight transports, arrived last "Wednesday;
Capt, Taggart arrived this morning, and a sloop from New
York with provisions for the troops; the news has not yet
come on shore; our troops remain in good health, and long
to follow you. Yours, &c., Prebblb.

To CoL Wiuslow, commanding at Miuas.

Camp at Cumberland, 5th Sept., 1755.

Deab Sir: — I received your favor from Captain Nichols,
of the 23d August, and rejoice to heai* that the lines are fal-
len to you iu pleasant lands, and that you have a goodly
heiitage. I understand jou are surrounded by the good
things of this world, and having a sanctified place for your
habitation, hope you will be prepared for the enjoyments of
another; we are mouldering away our time in your absence,
which has rendered this piace to rue worse than a prison ;
we have only this to comfort us, that we are as nign to
heaven as you are at Minas, and since we are denieu our
good things in this world, doubt not we shall be happy in
the next. . . . Your sincere friend,

Jedediah Pbebblib.

To Col. Winslow, commanding at IVliuaH.

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ACADIA

Fort Edward, 175l>.

I was out yesterday at the villages, all the people were
qniet and busy at the harvest ; if this day keeps fair, all will
be in here into their baius. I hope to-morrow will crowifc
all our wishes. I aai most truly, &c.^

A. MUBBAT.

We will not burden these pages' with more of this sicken-
ing religious cant. Such professions of piety made by men
engaged in the work they were in, appears to be little short
of sacrilege.

The reader has noted, in the above letters, th«i erident
anxiety on the part of the English for the people to com-
plete their harvest before the day decreed for them to as-
semble. The purpose of the commanders was, that the
troops could the more readily plunder, and more eflfectually
destroy what they could not carry away ; tlie instructions
of Governor Lawrence being for the country' to be so com-
pletely devastated timt, should any of the French escape
fi'om the soldiers, they would not be abie tf> subsist in it.*

The ever memorable 5th of September arrived in due
time. The "beautiful country" was all aglow that morning
as only a September sun in that clear northern atmosphere
could render it. The work of the harvest is over — the u.ut-
ed efforts of the whole populace (for women and chikiren
wrought in the fields in that primitive pastoral couimuni-
ty) sufficing in a few days to secure the season's yield : the
produce of a year's industry is safeiy gatheied into over-

• The following i» Among the instructions to Major Hanfield, under
date of August 11th, 1755 : "You will use all tlie meaus proper and neces-
snry for collecting the people together so as to get Ihein ou board. If you
find that fair means will not do with them, you must proceoil by the most
vigorous measures possible, not only in compelling tliem to embark, but
in depriving those who shall escape of all means of shtilei or support, by
burning their houses, and destroying every tiling that may afford them the
means ot subsistence in the country. "

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EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH NtUTRALS

207

flowing barns and granaries. Little do the yeomanry sus-
pect, as they gather round the ample board, that it is the
last time they will be permitted to meet as united families.
Yet it is apparent that something unusual is occnnirig : ia
it a day of some religious festival, or r.re the people to join
in a public joyous celebration of the inj^aihering of the sea-
son's bountiful harve.it? The male members go out of hun-
dreds of happy homes in obedience to the stern military
order convening the inhabitants for the purpose of commu-
nicating "his Majesty's intentions'" concerning them. The
rising ground ou which stands the church is isoon ttemiug
with the country folk. Some come on foot, singly and in
groups; others, particularly the older men, are conveyed
thitaer in carts: all are neatly clad in substantial )ion;e-
apun, with countenances that betoken a peaceable and law-
abiding population.

The church was a large edifice, sufficient for the needs of
that extensive parish. It was sacred to the hearts of this
simple peoi")le; it was the place where, at the stated gatu-
erings of the pop ihice, the veiieiable Father LeBlauc was
wont to break to them the bread of life; it was the scene
of their christenings, the solemnization of their marriages,
and above all, hallowed to the recollection of the last ri*;e3
in memory of deceased loved tmes.

Promptly at the hour (the Neutrals had felt the iron heel
of military despotism too long not to be punctual), four
hundred and eigliteen able-bodied men were usteuibled Lit
the church iu Giaud Pie. These being inJu 'ed to ent.r
the church, and a guard having been stationed at 1 iie door,
Colonel Winslow placed himseif, with his ofiicers, in tiie
centre, and addressed them as follows :

Gentlemen : — I have received from his Excellency, Gov-
ernor Lawrence, the King's cuininiFision, wliich I have in my
hand; and by his orders you are convened together to man-

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ifest to you, his Majesty's final resolution to the FrencR' fn-
habitants of this his Province of Nova Scotia ; who, for al-
most half a century, have had more indulgence granted
tbeni than any of his subjects in any part of his dominions;
what use you have made of it you yourselves best know. —
The part of duty I am now upon, though necessary, is very
disagreeable to my natural make and temper, as I know it
must be grievous to you, who are of the same species ; but
it is not my brsiness to animadvert, but to obey such ordors
as I receive, and therefore, without hesitation, shall deliver
you his Majesty's orders and instructions,, namely — that
your lands and tenements, cattle of all kinds and live-stock
of all soi'ts, are forfeited to the Crown r with all other your
eflfet-ts, saving your money and household goods, and you
youi'seives to be removed from this his Province.

" Thus it is peremptorily his Majesty's orders,, that the
whole French inhabitants of these Districts be removed ?
and I am, through his Majesty's goodness, directed to al-
low you liberty to carry oflF your money and household
goods, as many as you can without discommoding the ves-
sels you go in, I shall do everything in my power that all
these goods be secured to you, and that you are not mo-
lested in carrying them off; and also that whole families
ehall go in the same vessel,* and make this remove, which
I am sensible must make you a great deal of trouble, as easy
as his Majesty's service will admit ; and hope that, in what-
ever part of the world you may fall, you may be faithful
subjects, a peaceable and happy people. I must also inform
you, that it is his Majesty g pleasure that you remain iu se-
curity under the inspection and direction of the troops I
have the honor to command.

And he then declared them the King's prisonerSk

* A promise which, whntever may have been' the intentkmft of Winsh-
low in malciug it, y/ns most sbnmefnlly and inhuninuly brokeu. Says
Mrs. \\iUiains: "By what BOimism Colcncl Winslow reooiioued this de*
ceptiou, not to soy abominable fakchood, to liis couscieuce, }>ihtory does
not say. But his friends liave said for him that if he was engaged in a
cruel undertaking, y( t his honor vsas untarnished, and doing wliat he did
lit the conminnd of his sovereign, impUwl no want ot humanity in him ;
that he was uu otiicer whose honor could xwt he impeached."

XXPTTLSION OF THE FRENCH NEUTRALS

209

The whole nur^ber of persons finally collectfirl at Grand
Pre, says HaHburton, amounted to four hundred and eighty-
thrive men, and three hundred and thirty-seven women, heads
of families; their sons and daughters to the number of fiva
hundred and twenty-seven of the former, and five hundred
and seventy-six of the latter ; making in all one thousand
nine hundred and twenty-three souls.

Their stock consisted of one thousand two hundred and
eixty-nine oxen, one thousand five hundred and fifty-seven
cows, five thousand and seven young cattle, four hundred
and ninety-thiee horses, nearly nine thousand sheep, and
upwards of four thousand hogs. This enumeration shows
the thriftiness of the population, who were rich in all that
added to worldly enjoyment.

As some of the wretched inhabitants fled to the woods,
all possible measures were adopted to force them back to
captivity. The country was laid waste to prevent their
subsistence. In the district of Minas alone, the soldiers, by
order of Winslow, set fire to two hundred and fifty private
dwellings, two hundred and seventy-six barns, eleven mills,
one church, and other buildings to the number of one hun-
dred and fiftj'-five; — over five hundred buildings in all, con-
taining all the grain and household effects (not set apart for
their capturs) of the Acadians, reduced to ashes in a single
district !

It was thought the people who had temporarily escaped
capture, woild return and deliver themselves into the hands
of the Enghsti. rather than attempt to reuiain in a country
where was no shelter nor provisions for susteiiuice. Hav-
ing been deprived of their arms, they were at tiie mercy of
the enemy, and many were reduced to such a conditiou of
despair, that they surrendered themselves up. A few were
yet hiding in the woods ; in order to force them to terms,
Col. Winslow issued another order, sur])iiS8ing in cruelty
Lis former one, if possible, which was to the effect that, " if

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ACADIA

ii'<

•within a specified time the absent ones were not delivered
up, military execulion would be immediately visited upon
tbe next of kin." In short, says Haliburton, so operative
were the terrors that surrounded them, that of twenty-four
young men who deserted from a transport, twenty-two ware
glad to leturn of themselves, the others baing shtit b}' sen-
tinels ; and one of their friends, believed to have been ac-
cessory to their escape, was carried on shore to behold the
destruction of his house and effects, which were burned in
his presence, as a punishment for his temerity and his per-
fidious aid to his comrades.

In the execution of these orders for firing the dwellings,
no provision was made for the sick and infirm ; the edict
was inexorable, though the removal of the invalid from a
dwelling should prove fatal. A number of thsm, more fee-
ble than the others, did die from exposure to the night air
and chilling winds, while waiting on shore during the delay
attending the embarkation : their bodies were hastily buried
in the sand by the sea.

■Jt

The prisoners confined in the church expressed the great-
est concern at having incurred his llajesiy's displeasure,
and in a petition addressed to Colonel Winslow, oufcreatcd
him to detain a part of them a.? sureties for the appearance
of the rest who were desirous of visiting their families, and
consoling them in their distress and misfortunes. To com-
ply with this request of holding a few as hoslages for the
surrender of the whole body, was deemed inconsistent with
his instructions ; but permission was given them to choose
ten for the District of Miuas, and ten for Canard, to whom
leave of absence was granted for one day; and on whose re-
turn, another similar number was indulged in like manner.

The unfortunate captives bore their confinement, and re-
ceived their sentence with a fortitude and resignation alto-
gether unexpected ; but wheu the hour of embaikutiou ar-

EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH NEUTRALS

211

rived, in which they were to leave the land of their nativity
foiever, — to part with their families and friends with lit-
tle hope of ever again meeting, and to be dispersed among
strangers, whose language, customs and religion, were op-
posed to their own, — then it was that the weakness of hu-
man nature prevailed, and they were overpowered with the
sense of their miseries.

Before giving particulars of the embarkation, let us turn
once more to the written evidences of this dark transaction
left by those participating in the terrible deed. In Wins-
low's letter book, to which source we are already indebted,
ai*e the following :

" The French people not having with them any provisions,
and many of them pleading hunger, begged for bread; on
which I gave them, and ordered that for the future, they
be supplied from their respective families. Thus endeu the
memorable fifth day of September, a day of great fatigue
and trouble.

John Winslow.

Fort Edward, 8th Sept., 1715.
Dear Sir: — I received your favor, and am extremely
pleased that things are so clever at Grand Pre, and that
the poo*" levils are so resigned ; here they are more patient
tnau I could have expected for persons so ciicumstauced,
and what, still surprises me, quite unconcerned. When I
thiuk of those at Annapolis, I appear over thoughtfu of
Bummouing them in; I am afraid there will be some difli-
cu'.ty n getting them to,<:ethor; you know our soldiers liate
them, and if they cau but linJ a pretext to kill tiieni they
Vfiih I am really giad to tnink your carnp is so wed secur-
ed (as the Frencii said at least a good prison for inhabitants).
I iOng much to see the poor wretches embaiked and our
afl'.iub a little settled, and then I will do mjseif the pleas-
ure of meeting you and drin^ung their good voyage, &c., «fec.

i'ours, &o.

A. JiORSAY.

To Colonel John Wiuslow.

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212

AOADU

Fort Edward, 5th September, 1755.

Dear Sir: — I bave succee.lpd finely, and have got 183
men into my possession. I believe there are but very few
left, excepting their sick. I am hopeful you have had equal-
ly as good luck, should be glad you would send me t-ans-
poi ty as soon as possible, for you know our fort is but small ;
I slumid also esteem it a favour, if you could also send me
an otficer and thirty men more, as I shall be obliged to send
to some distant rivers, where they are not all come yet. —
Your answer as soon as possible, will greatly oblige your
most humble servant.

A. Murray.

P. S. — I have sent Father Le Blanc's son to you, to go
with his father, as you have taken him under your protec-
tion. At the nearest computation, it will require 360
tons of shipping, which I think at the least computatiou too
small ; therefore I believe 400 tons will be better, — since
writing the above, two of the transports have arrived.

A. Murray.

To Col. Winslow, Commanding
His Majesty's forces at Grand Pre.

Governor Lawrence gave the following instructions relat-
ing to theii' embarkation:

"You must collect the inhabitants together, either by strat-
agem or force, not paying the least attention to any remon-
strance or memorial from any inhabitant whatever, who may
be desirous of staving behind, but embark every person if
possible, according to instructions herewith sent. The in-
habitants and their bedding must at all events be embarked;
and if afterwards there is room for other articles, suffer
them to carry what they conveniently can. Upon arrival of
the vessels, as many of the inhabitants as can be collected
by any means, particularly the heads of families and young
men, are to be shipped on board of them at the i*ate of two
persons to a ton, tonnage of the vessels to be obtained from
the masters. . . . You will order live pounds of iiour and
one pound of pork to be delivered to each person so shipped,
to last for seven days.

"And you wiil make it a particuior injuuctiou to the said

in*

EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH NEUTRALS

213

masters to be as careful and watchful as possible during
the whole course of the passapce, to prevent the passen^^ers
from making any attempt to seize upon the vessel, by allow-
ing only a small number to be upon the decks at a time and
using all other necessary precautious to prevent tho bad
consequences of such attempts; and that they be particu-
larly careful that the inhabitants have carried no arms or
other offensive weapons on board with them.

Of the vessels appointed to rendezvous in the Basin of
Minas, there weve "to be sent to North Carolina, such a
number as will transport five hundred persons; to Vir-
ginia, such a number as will transport one thousand per-
sons, and to Maryland, such a number as will transport
five hundred persons, or in proportion, if the number to be
shipped off should exceed two thousand persons."

Of the transports assembled in Annapolis Basin, there
were ordered " to be sent to Philadelphia, such a number
as will transport three hundred persons ; to New York suf-
ficient to transport two hundred, to Connecticut suffic ent
to transport three hundred, and to Boston such a number
of vessels as will transport two hundred persons, or rather
more in proportion to Connecticut, should the number to
be shipped off exceed one thousand persons." Governor
Lawrence estimates the number of French in the Province
whom he proposed to forcibly remove, to be nearly seven
thousand.

The Acadian peasants incarcerated in the chapel, as has
already been stated, bore their captivity with remarkable for-
titude. Not surmising that such extreme measures were
contemplated by the English, they had been unwarily decoyed
and captured, without even a show of resistance.* Duiing
the first night of their confinement, their families remained

•Garneau, in his "L'Historie Du Canada," snys ft body of soldiera,
hitherto kept in the backRioniid, canio forward and surrounded the build'
ing us soon as the unsuspecting French entered it

iJ:

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t I'f

214

AOATHA

at home in an^Ions solicitude at their continued aT)apnce. —
A number of stranfje vespela liad been noticed in the Basin,
and the fact added to their forebodings. At the first break
of morninpf some messengers arrived^ and soon the intelli-
gence spread to the farthest settlement. It is not possible for
the pen to poi tray the emotions that must have aiisen in
the bosoms of these poor Acadians at such an announce--
nient as met them on that morning. In times of distress,
tliere is conso'ation in rendering mutual advice and assist-
ance: in this instance the tender wives and helpless chil-
dren were obliged to act without the advice of theirnatnral
protectors.

During the few davs intervening between the memorable
5th and the dav of embarkation, events were transpiring of
the gravest import to the French peop'e. Batids of soldiers
were scouring the country in pursuit of fugitives — not hesi-
tating forcib^j' to enter the dwellings of the people whenever
a suspicion of a lurking Frenchman, or even caprice, in-
clined them so to do. At one time the community would
be thrown into a high state of excitement over the report
that another of the hunted Acadians — some loved husband or
brother — had been captured, killed, or brought in severely
wounded ; at another time a family would be given so many
hours in which to deliver up an absent membei", under a
threat of militai'y execution on the nearest of kin. in cat^e
of failure to comply ; all this conspired to spread conster-
nation among the peas^antry, every family bowing under the
wei9;ht of its own affliclrion.

Then came the order to fire the buildings. Squads of
soldiers were detailed for the purpose, and the incendiary
torch was conveyed to the remotest hamlet. The custom
of the French Acadians was, as that of their descendants
is stili, to construct their houses a few rods apart a'ong the
same street, while their farms exter.^I far back into the coun-
try. Thus the farming communities were nestled in su^all

EXPULSION OF THE FRENCH NLUTRALS

21.5

villages, anCi their social proclivities led them to spenrl much
of their time at each other's houses. Tl)e soldiers iix^t with
MO resislaiup, for oif.y wom<n ami chi dv?xi were there. —
Hardly had the inhabitants a nf)tice of their inteutimis ere
the whole village was erackJing witli piti'e-s fl.imes. The ap-
peals for mercy \\ere received by the soldiers with derision.
The sick and feeble were removed to the optm air; such of
their valuables as the females assisted by the children, could
tlie more readily carry, were taken to a place of safety; on
evt'vy side rose cries indicative of terror, or imploring lielp ;
aiotiiers ran frantically about in search of their childr.-n,
while a few st<K)d wringing their hands in mute anguish at
thei • overwhelming mis fortunes.

Night settled down over that once beautiful and popu-
lous palish bef< re the Loirid work was completed. The
flames from hundreds of burning buildings soon commr.ni-
cated to Ihe woods; the veiy htnvens were aglow with a
baleful light, and the air was iliick with smoke and flying
eiuilers for njiles around. The domesticated animals bel-
lowed and ran wildly about; and it is !?aid that the tumult
was conveyed even to the v ild beasts of the forest, so great
was the conflagiation. Can this be the work of man's
hand? — man that was created in the image of his Maker?
How must the hearts of men accustomed to war be steeled
to bear unmoved such an exhibition of woe and devastation!

The four hundred French peasants immured in the chap-
el, could spe tile light of the burning dv/ellings reflected on
the distant clouds; at times they could distinguish the
roa)iug of the flames, and the screams of the aflfiighted wo-
men and children. There were well-to-do farmers in that
church who beheld the accumulations of a lii'e-tirae perish-
ing in the general conflagration ; fathers were there, whose
little ones were mingling somewhere in the dreadful tumult,
whether safe from harm, or whether in need of the strength
of a father's love to protect — they would have given all to

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21G

ACAOIA

l:uow. Of tidiijgs of their fate, both on that evftntful nighfc
and uuvii)g their sub pquent life, many a heart-broken fath-
er was forever kept in ignorance !

But the scenes there enacted will ever remain, in a great
measure, hidden from the knowledge of men.* We have no
written evident-e that any act of ci'uolty v/as jjerpetrated by
the soldiers beyond what the nature of their work demand-
ed j but the French could not, and the English would net,
bear testimony were such the fact. When we consider the
instructions of GoTonor Lawrence to ^distress them a&
much as possible," and also the hatred which the soldiers
bore towards evei'y thing couiiected with Papac;-, — in short,
where so'diers had both license and inclination, the teach-
ing of past history will justify a suspicion there may have
been moie sickening scenes than history has put on record.

There have been instances, in the annals of the past, ia
which a country has been desoiated, in tuples of actual war,
and where the inhabitants were found in aimsj but we de-
fy all past history to protiucn a parallel case, in which an
unarmed and peaceable people have suffered to such an ex-
tent as did the French Neutrals of Acadia at the hands of
the New England troops.

• It is very remarkable, says Halibiirton, that there are no traces of
this importaut event, to be found among the records in the JSecretai-y's
Office at Halifax. I could not discovci", that the correspondence had been
preserved, or that the orders, returns, and memorials ii:td ever been tiled
there. In the letter-book of Govern(jr Lawrence, which is still extant,
no communication to the Board of Trade is entered, from the 24th De-
cember, lliJi to the 5th August, 1756, if we except a common victnalliug
return. The particukirs of this affair seem to have been carefully con-
cejiled, although it is not now easy to assisu the reason, unless the par*
ties wv re, as in truth tlicy well nuj^'lit be, ashamed of the transaction. 1
have, therefore, had much ditlicully in ascertaining the facts. Th*
mnrqhinl note in Miiiot's history of Mas; ;'.chusects Iiavmg reforred to th#
Manuscript Journal of Colonel Winslow, 1 traced that book to the Libra*
ry of the Mass. Hist. Society in liostoD.

EXPTI.^OX or TKE FRENCH NEUTRALS

217

Tiip lOth of Septfmbe:-, IT";", was tlie clay fixed upon for
tho tiej RVlure of tfie pe (jle at. jlinjis. Piepavfttiona liaving
be', n coiupkteJ, tlie pnsonPiH wpi-p drawn up six denp, and
the young men, one liundrod and pixty-ono in nnniber, weio
ordered to go first on board the vessels. This th?}- inst:int-
ly and perenii)torily refused to do, declaring they would not
leave their ] ar'^-nts; but expressed a willingness to comply
tvith the order, provided they were permitted to enjoark
with thfir families. This request was immediately rejected,
and the troops were ordered to fix bayonets and advance
towitrd the piii-oneis, a movement which had the eftect of
jroducing obedience on the part of the young men, who
forthwith commenced their march.

Tho road from the chapel to the shore, just one mile in
length, was cvowdc'd with women and cliildren, who, on
their knees, gieeted them as thej^ passed with their tears
and their blessings, while the prisoners advanced with slow
and reluctant steps, weeping, praying, and singing hymns.
This detachment was followed by the seniors, who passed
through the same Fc-ne of sorrow and distress. In this
nianner was the whole roa'e popuiatinn of the District of
Winas put on board the five transports, stationed in the
River Gaspereaa, each vessel being guarded by six non-
commissioned officers and eighty privates. As soon as the
other vessels an-ived, their wives and children followed, and
the whole were placed on beard.

The haste vith which these measures were carried into
exfciition, continues Haliburton, from whom we draw large-
ly, did not admit of those preparations for their comfort,
Vbich, if unmerited by their dis'oyalty, were at least due in
pity to the seventy of their punishment. " Wives were torn
from their husbands,'' and mothers, while it was "too late,
fcaw their cliildren left on the lard, extending their arms
with wildest entre.i:i^f." Bntthe hnrry, the confusion and
excitement conntcted with th'^ embarkation had scarcely

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218

ACADIA

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subsided, when the Provinciak were ftppallofl at the work
of ti'oir own liuiids. Tlio uovoltj and pecuhurity of tluir
situation could not but forctj itself u]ion the attentiou of
evL'u the uniefleciing boldiery of Acadia: stationed in the
xaiilst of a beautiful and fertile coiintry, they suddenly fxiud
t'i»-niselveb without a foe to subdue, and without a popula-
tion to piotci t. The volumes of snioko which the half-
expiring einbcns emitted, while they marked the site of the
pea- ant's humble cottage, bore testimony to the extent of
the work of destruction. For several successive eveninj^s
the rattle asHonibled round tlie smoldering ruins, as if in
anxious expectation of tljc return of their nms'ters ; while all
the i:ight hmg the faithful watch-doi^s of the Neutials howled
over the scene of desolation, and mourned alike the hand
that liad fed, and the house that liad slieltered them.

Five years after these events, some emigrants from Con-
necticut* were persuaded by the Colonial authorities to em-
igrate to this spot. They mention the scene of desolation
that met their view, as defying all efforts at description.
The ground was then whitened with the bleaching bones of
the famished flocks and heids of the Neutrals, being actual-
ly found in heaps in sheltered })lact:S bordering the adjacent
woods; the blackened ruins of their habitations still diofig-
ured the landscape on every hand ; and eveu portions of the
carts that conveyed the Neutrals and their eliects to tiie
place of embarkation, were still moldering on the shoies.
But the most moving spectacle was some huuian beings who
had been hid in the woods, and had not tasted bread for live
years. In the famished and forlorn condition tJiey were in,
it was with difficulty they could be lured frojn their retreat;
but at ienyth the fnendiy ba.iavior of the new settlers pre-
vailed against the overwiielmmg I'ear they iiad of the Eng-
lish.

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EXPULSION OP THE FBEJfCH NKUTBAtS

2id

Goverjior Lawi-ence fuinislied the master of each of the
transports containing the Neutrals, with a circulav letter di-
rected to the Governor of the colony to which the vf^sel,
with its living cargo, was destined. As this letter contains
the Governor's vindication of his act of extirpatin^j a people,
it is given entire.

l!-.'

"The success that has attended his Majesty's arms in diiv-
ing the French from the encoachments they had made in
this Province, furnished me with a favorable opportunity of
reducing the French inhabitants of this colony to a proper
obedience to his Majesty's government, or foroini^f them to
quit the country. These inhabitants were permitted to re-
Giain in quiet possession of their lands upon condition they
should take the oath of allepianre to the King within one
year after the treaty of Utrecht, by which this Province was
ceded to Great Britain ; with this condition they have ever
refused to comply, without having at the same time from the
Governor an assurance in writing that they should not up
called upon to bear arms in defense of the Province; and
wi.;h this Geneial Phil ips did comply, of whicii step his ^laj-
4sty disapproved : and the inhabitants pretending thereaom
to be in a state of Neutrality between his Majesty and his
enemies, have continually furnished the Frenc.i and Indians
with intelligence, quarters, provisions and assistance in an-
noying the government; and while one part have abetted
the Fiench encroachments by their treachery, the other have
countenanced them bj' open rebellion, and tnree hundred of
them were actuailj' found in arms in the French Fort at
Beausojour when it surrendered*

" Notwithstanding all their former bad behavior, as his
Majesty was pleased to allow me to extend still . vther his
Royal grace to such as would return to their duty. I offered
Huch of them as had not been opemy iu arms against us, a

'Governor Lawnmce dot;s not seem to name any spccilic instances in
whicL tlie iubabilants '.ere fnimd guilty in having "abetted the French
encroachments by their tienchery," but only prefers a general charge
against t.heni. He also ci'es the finding of three hundred Neutral.-, in
ornis at Beanspjoiir as a reason for expelling the whole of them from the
tci'i'ilory, iihat the Jii^ngliyh had agreed to paiduu the oll'eobe.

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220

ACADIA

':■ I

continuance of the possession of their lands, if they would
take the oath of alle<i;iaii('e, unquaUtied with any leservatiou
whatever; bat this tiiey huv^ moht aadaciously us well as
unauiniously refused, and if they would pvosiuuo to do this
when there is a large tleet of ships of wai* in the harbor, and
a ooasiderabie land force in the Province, what niiyht we
not txpect from them when the approat-hinj;;' winter deprives
us o; the former, and when the troops whicli are only hired
from New En:;]and occasionally and for a bmail time, have
returned home.

•'As by this behavior the inhabitants have forfeited all
title to their lands and auy further favor from the govern-
ment, I called together his Majesty's Council, at which the
Hon. Vice- Admiral Boscawen and Eear-Adniiral Mostyii as-
sisted, to consider by what means we could with the great-
est sucurifcy and efTect rid ourselves of a set of people who
would forever have been an obstruction to the intention of
settling this colony and that it was now from their refusal
of the oath absolutely incumbent on us to remove.

•'As their numbers auKnint to near seven thousand per-
sons, the driving them off witli leave to go whither they
pleased would doubtless have ptrciigthened CaJiada with so
considerable a number of inhabitants, and as they have no
Ci'jared land to give tin in at pr( sent, sue!) as are able to
boar arms mi<;ht have been immediately employed in annoy-
iiig this and the neighboring colonies. To prevent such an
iiiconvonienco it was judged a necessary au'.l the only piac-
ticable measure to divide them among the Colojiies wliere
they may be of some use, as most of them are healthy,
i-trong people; and as they cannot easily collect themscives
together again it will be out of their power to do any mis-
chief, and they may become prolitablo and it is possible, xa
time, faithful subjects.

" As tliis step was indispensably necessary to the securi-
ty of this colony upon whose preservation trom trench en-
croachments the prosperity of Nortli Ameiica is esteemed
iij a great measure dependent, 1 have not the least reason to
doubt of Your Excellency's concurrence, and that you will
receive the inhabitants 1 now send you and dispose of theiu
in such a luanner as may best answer our design in prevent-
ing their reuniuu."

EXrOLSIOlS OF TUi: FRENCH NEUTRALS

Tet another indignity was offered the biolcen-lieaited
French. They had all along plead to be allowed the uiiuis-
tralions of their priests — priziug that privilege as the higli-
«;st boon that could be granted. We fmd the following in a
letter of Goveinoi- Lawrence to Board of Trade: "As the
tluee French piicsts, Chevereuil, Daadin andLe ilaire, were
of no further use in this province after the removal of the
French inhabitants, ACmiral Eo.'-cawen has been so good
as to take them on board of his fleet and is to give them a
passage to England," We now leave the exiles of Grand
Pie, stowed away in over-crowded vessels, tempest-tost and
<lespairing, farni.y ties broken, bound to distant lands they
knew not of, while we turn to the events transpiring in oth-
er parts of Acadia.

The English did not meet with like success at other points,
in their scheme to take a nation captive. At Cumberland,
tlie inhabitants were suspicious of something wrong, and
fled to the woods on the approach of the troops. This did
not prevent the burning of their dwellings; the Etjgash lost
twenty-nine men in an attempt to burn a papist chapel. We
will let Speakman, the officer in command, tell his own story.

Camp Cumberland, 5tli September, 1755.
I am sorry my first letter should be the bearer of such
melancholy news, as the defeat of a part of a detachment
at'ut out under INlajor Frye, who sailed from this place with
Captiiin Brentna), myself and Mr.Endicott, Dr. March and
Lieutenant Billings, and two hundred men, to bur" the
buildings at bhepody, Piziquid and Memramcook, ar. I'ter
'■.i,\ing burned one hundred and eighty-one bu Iciings at
niiepody, we sailed on the 3d instant. After sailing up i'et-
itcoaiac river, and burned on both sides the river all tlie
ii'oiuing, about one o'clock Colonel Fiye ordered Captain
Ada; js to come to anchor, and land his men opi osiLe tue
i.it"ss-liouse, in order to burn a small village be.ow it, and
join Mr. Eudicott and Lieut. Billings with sixty men. Ac-
cordingly I and Dr. Maich went on shore with a paitj', but

22:!

ACATTTA

by rf ason of the clifficnlty of latiflinjr, vms oblfoie J to marcb
with twenty tneo, ten of which Dr. March took with him,
though contraiy to orders, and went to the village in order
to burn the mess-house. When Mr. Endicott's party joiued
him, and befoie they could g'et the mess-house on fire, tiiey
weie beset by above three hundred French and Indians, ati(J
our men, being straggung^ about, were soon defeated. Dr.
March and five or six privates certainly killed ; wa hatl elev-
en luore wounded, among whom is Lieutenant BilliDg.s, who-
is badly wounded, having received a shot through his icffc
aruj, and another through his body, which is looked upon
as dangerous. I was in a small village adjoining,, and nad
Bet lire to the houses just as I heard the attack,, and repaiitd
to the niavsh and joined them, but before I got there the
most of the men had left their ofl&cers, and with difScu.iy
it was we got Mr, Biiiiugs awayj our powder was wet, and
little ot it J no waver and but two dsiji^J pruvisiousy obliged
us to retiun wit^ *.,t nvooeediiig any farther, after baiUiiig
two hundred and ^ ree buildings with i\ large quar.ricy

of wheat and liax. peopie here are m;ich coucerued f(jr

ferir of your party met ..ig tne sama fate, bei^ig in theiieart
of a numerous and devilinii cievv, whicn I piuy God avei t.

THoaiAa SSpiiAiijiAK.
To the Hon. John Winslow,
Commander at Minas.

i .

At Annapolis the proclamation was disobej-ed ; the inhab-
itants were apprehensive that some harm was intended thain,
and like tliose at Cumberland, had taken vefuge in the neigh-
boring woods. When the ships arrived to convey theiu
from their country, a party of soldiers was sent on shore to
bring them in, who found all the houses deserted. Haii-
bnrton su^s he was told by an eye-witness of the occurrence,
that the houses and barn.-} on the Annapolis River weie
burned. He also speaks of a woman living at the time timi
be wrote of Nova Scotia, who was with her parents wnen
they delivered themselves up to the Commandant at Annap.
oiia. and who gave a most aft'ecting narrative of their suffer-
ings iuid the diiugers to which they were exposed. Hunger,

EXPULSION OF THE FBSNCH NEUTRALa

223

fa*^igue, and distress, finally compelled many of them to re-
turn and surrender themselves prisoners ; somo retired deep-
er into the depths of the forest, where they encamped with
the Indians ; while others wandered through the trackless
woods to Chigiieoto, and so escaped ii::to Canada.

It would apjjcar that no misfortune was too great for
this people to endure. While wai* and pillage had been go-
ing on around them for nearly hau' a century, their pecii:iar
situation had enabled them to avoid taking part on either
side. As a result, they had rapidly increased in wealth and
numbers, through the benign iuflaences of a life of industry
und peace: now a sad change had come over their fortunes.
Though the people had eluJ.ed the Engli'-U soldiery, they
saw their barns destroyed, their crops of grain and flax con-
sumed, their houses burned and provisions wasted ; they
found themselves reduced to the alternative of a winter
journey into Canada, a life among the Indians, or the un-
certai.i fate of prisoners among a people, aliens in customs
and in religion. An adverse fate seemed to await them, no
matter which course they might choose. The sufferings of
the women and children, ill-provided with clothing and pro-
visions, exposed to the autumnal storms and the perils of a
life in the wilderness, were said to defy description.

General Winslow remained some time in the Province af-
ter the sailing of the expatriated Acadiaus. Various apolo-
gies have been ofifered for his share in the cruel business.
It is claimed he was a soldier, whose duty is to obey the or-
der of his superior. He, by an artifice, had entrapped over
lour hundred unarmed peasants, against whom, as individu-
als, no chai'ge was preferred ; when these were helplessly
within his power, he threatened them with military execu-
tion unless others, who had so far eluded his grasp, were
inmiediately forthcoming ; and lastly, he had violated his
**word of honor as a soldier," for he had pledged "that
whole families should go in the same vessel." Doubtless

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ACAOTA

he thought hiinsolf entitled to, and expected, consirTeration
at the hands of the authorities of the Province, for the part
he had acted. On the coiitrar^v his subsequent sojourn
there was embittered by the ungrateful treatment he re-
ceived fi'om Governor Lawrence, who made no scrup'e to
tiansfsr troops from his command to recruic the Hahi'ax
garrison. Winslow'^s expostulations, were treated with cool
contempt*, and in his journal he prophesied " it will be the
last New England force ever inarched into Nova Scotia to
defend their rights."

As a portion of the several cargoes of tbe expatriated peo-
ple of Grand Pie were consigned to Boston, the home of
W'insiow, he luust have been frequently reminded of his
work, as he beheld, in his daily walks, the mute sufferings
of the exiles as they dragged out their hopeless, helpless
existence. Tradition says that temporary shelter was pre-
pared for thorn on Boston Commonr where they were recip-
ients of such charity as chance threw in their way. Dis-
ease and wr.nt put a speedy end to the unhappy lives of
mauy : others become gradually absorbed into the surround-
ing population.

VN inslow lived to the age of seventy-three, his death oc-
curring a short time jsrevious to the War of the Revolution-
It is worthy of remark that Winslow's family were among
the refugees that were forced to flee to Nova Scotia — the
soil from whence « ir ancestor had assisted in driving out
the Neutrals a quarter of a century before ; while a descend-
ant of the exiled Acadians, General Sullivan, became a dis-
thigu:shed p;ttri''>t. ^

History is replete with instances of the readiness of man,
in every degree of enlightenment, to lay down his life in
defense of his right to worship God as he chooses: — the
Neulrals were denied the services of their priests, when such
deprivation meant, according to the light of their faith, the
loss of their hope of happiness in the world to come.

EXPTTLSTON OT THT! FRSITCH SEnTRHLS

225

When a sipffle household has been stripped of shelter and
effects by a sudden unavoidnble ca^nmity, the occasion is
one that calls forth the sympathy ol' the v/hole comnuicity.
Here we have hundreds of P're;ich exiles, who had lost all,
by a common calamity, in obedience to the command of
those in authority.

Many a mother has clasped her babe more clo-^oly to her
breast as she has recalled the civciimsiances, yet fresh in
the mind of every reader, of those anxious i^arents, who, for
80 many long j'ears have been wearily searching for their
kidnapped boy, until their forLuue is spont, and their fore-
h*"ads have become wrinkled with tbe living sorrow: the fate
of those parents but illustrates the experience of those of tbe
Neutrals, who passed their lives in searching for meuib3rs
of their families which had been purposely scattered to pre-
vent their reunion.

The banishment from one's country has ever been ad-
judged one of the most severe penalties known in juris-
prudence: this, and the other extremes of human misery,
the poor exiled Acadians suffered, by the voluntary acts of
inen differing only in language a?Kl lei'giou.

We will append a few opiirions from standard historical
authorities, aud close the chapter. The first is from Boll's
translation of Garneau:

British agents treated them with the greatest rigor; tbe
tribunals, by flagrant violations of the law, by systematic
denials of justice, had become, for the peop.e, objects of
terror and hatred. The pettiebC jaek-in-ofSce became a
despot for them. "If you fail to supp'y my men with fuel, "
said a certain Captain Murray, "I will demolish your houses
and make tirewood of them." "If ycu don't take the oath
of fidelity," added Govei-nor Hobson, "I will batter your
villages with my cannon." Nothing conld tempt the honor-
abls minds of Acadians to take an oatli of fealty to aliens,
repugnant to their consciences ; an oath which, it was and

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226

ACADIA

li "

is the opinion of many, Eritaiu had no right to exact. The
Acadians were not British subjects, for they had not sworn
fidelity: therefore they were not liable to be treated as reb-
els ; neither ought they to be considered prisoners of war
or rightly be transportable to France, since, duiing half a
century, they had been left in possession of their lands on
the simple condition of remaining neutral. But numerous
adventurers, j^reedy incomers, looked upon their fair farms
with covetous eyes. Smolderuig cupidity soon burst into
flame. Keasous of state polity were soon called in to justi-
fy the total expulsion of the Acadians from Nova Scotia. —
Although the far greater number of them had done no act
which could be construed into a breach of neutrality, yet,
in the horrible catastrophe preparing for them, the inno-
cent and the guilty were to be involved in a common perdi-
tion.

In "AValsh's Appeal" we find the following: Seven thou-
sand of the obnoxious community were torn from their rus-
tic hones, and transported in a way wortliy of being com-
pared with the ''middle passage." . . No proof has ever
been produced, — none exists, to support the charges which
Entick prefers against the sufferers — of having engaged to
join the French troops, and refused absolutely to take the
oath of allegiance to the British sovereign. On the other
hand, their own allegations, as he reports them, and which
gives them strong titles to respect, are upheld by the tenor
of the otficial declarations of the British authorities in Nova
Scotia, who pleaded, little more in substance, than the pos-
itive orders of their government, and a supposed overrujing
necessity, as regarded the more secure dominion of that ter-
ritory. Their descendants received universally from them
the same tale of injustice and woe. It is consigned in the
petition which they transmitted from Pennsylvania to the
King of Great Britain, and which bears intrinsic evidence,
too «itroug to be resisted by a feeaug uud unprejudiced read-

EXPULSION OF THE FBENCH NEUTRALS

2-";

■ .i]

er, of the truth of all the details.* To complete the histo-
ry' I onght to add, that uo attention whatever was paid to
their prayer either for immediate redress, or a judicial
hearing.

Says Haliburton : Upon an impartial review of the trans-
actions of the period, it must be admitted that the transpor-
tation of the /.cadians to distant colonies with a'l the marks
of ignominy and guilt peculiar to convicts, was cruel: and
although such a conclusion could not then be drawn, yet
subsequent events have disclosed that their expulsion was
unnecessary. It .se.^ms totally irreconcilable with the idea
of justice entertained at this day, that those who are not in-
volved in the guilt shall participate in the punishment; or
that a whole community shall safFer for the misconduct of
a part. It is, doubtless, a stain on the Provincial Councils,
and we shall not attempt to justify that which all good men
have agreed to condemn.

•The render i8 referred to this petition, fokpti from the dranrht in the
haudwriliug of iieuezet, coiumeuciiig on page 367 of this volume.

THE FRENCH NEUTRALS IN PENNSYLVANIA.

On the 19th and 20th of November, 1755, three veesela
appeared in the JDelaware, and dropped anchor belo'v Phil-
adelphia. Tiiey were the JIunna/i, the 2'hree Friends, and
the iSwan, — the same vessels that, over two months before,
had leceived their liviug caigoes at the Port Royallaudiiig
in the Basin of Annapolis. One of them, say the newspa-
pers oi the day, came up to town but was immediately or-
dered back. Governor Morris, it seems, was thrown into a
tenibie alaim, and on the day the first cargo of them ai'-
rived, he wrote to Governor Shu'ley:

"Two vessels are arrived here with upwards of three
hundred Neutral French from Nova Scotia, whom Governor
Lawrence has sent to remain in this Province, and I am at
a very great loss to know what to do with them. The peo-
ple here, as there is no military force of any kind, are very
uneasy at the thought of having a number of enemies scat-
tered in the very bowels of the cour.try, who may go off
from time to time with intelligence, and join thdr country-
men now employed against us, or foment some intestine
commotion in conjunction with the Irish and German Cath-
olics, in this and the neighboring Province. I, therefore,
must beg your particular instructions in what manner I may
best dispose of these people, as I am desirous of doing any
thing that may contribute to his Majesty's service. I have,
in the meantime, put a guard out of the recruiting parties

THE FBEXCH XEUTR\LS IN PENNSYLVANIA

229

now in town, on board of each vessel, and ordered these
Neutrals to be supplied with provisions, which must be ut
the expense of the Ciown, as I hava no i'rovincial money ia
my hands; for this service I have praviiiled on Capt. Mor-
ris, who is recruitiLg here for Colonel Dunbar's regiment,
to postpone sending oflF his recruits till I could hear froui
you upon the head, which I hope to do by the return of the
post."

Governor Morris found at least one man who shared his
misgivings touching this untoward visit of the exiles. This
was Jonathan Bex-ijer, Chief Magistrate of New Jf-rsey, fatli-
ther of Jonathan Belcher, Chief Justice of Nova Scotia, and
member of the Council of that Province, who had, by iu3
stern opinion that they were "rebels" and "recusants,"
fixtd the doom of that people. The elder Lelcher wriics
Morris as fodows :

"I am truly surprised how it could ever enter the thoughts
of those who had the ordering of tho Fren(!h Neutrals, or
rather traitors and rebels to the Crown of Great Britain, to
direct any of the.n into these Provinces, where we have al-
ready too great a number of foreigners for our own good
and safety. I think they should have been transported di-
rectly to old France, and I entu'ely coincide with your hon-
or that these people would readily join with the Irish Pa-
pists, &c., to the ruin and destruction of the King's Colo-
nies, and should any attempt to land here [El'.zabethtown],
I should think, in duty to the King and to his good people
under my care, to do all in my power to crush an attem^'it."

History does not record that a cargo of French Neutrals
was ever received in New Jersey !

The bitter struggle between Protestantism and Roman-
ism, which had convulsed the Old World, and deluged it
with the most noble blood of the time; the numerous and
sanguinary wars between the Georges and the Loui-^s in
Euiope, and which were shared by theii* respective .T-iies

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280

ACAWTA

hi America; and finally, the actual association of French
Papists atnl ravages on the frontiers of tlie English settle-
nicuts, and who were at this time advancing in victorious
array within three hundred miles of Philadelphia, Imd bo af*
fccted the minds of the Protestant English colonists, that
they looked upon Indians and French Papists alike, with a
feeing of horror. A gentleman of Philadelphia gave but a
mild expression of the public sentiment when he wrote, —
•'May God be pleased to give us success against all our
copper-colored cannibals and French savages, equally cruel
and perfidious in their natures."

A short time before the arrival of the exiles, the following
was pubiished in the Philadelphia papers, under date of
Ha.ifax: **A few days since, three Frenchmen were tuken
up and imprisoned on suspicion of having poisoued some
wells in this neighborhood. They are not tried yet, and
it's imagined if they are convicted thereof, they will have
but a few hours to live after they are once condemned."

The manifest hatred and prejudgment exhibited in this
brief paragraph, while it argues the poor fellows stood but
a poor chance whether guilty or innocent, as plainly shows
the condition of public sentiment at that time. Were i*
not that these accounts are fully sub.stautiated by incontro-
vertible evidence, they could scarcely be credited, so strange-
ly do they sound since national prejudice and religious in-
tolerance have been dissipated before the light of knowl-
edge and the benign influence of the Gospel.

It appears more incredulous and unaccountable still from
the fact that a complete reversion of pubuc sentiment in
this particular occurred in less than a quarter of a century.
Washington had scarcely appeared in the Kevolutionary
camp at Boston, when he found preparations being made
for burning the Pope in effigy. His memorable order of
November 5th had the effect of putting an end to the cus-
tom of " insulting the religion " of brethren and co-workers.

THE FRENCH NtUTn.M.S IN PENXSTLVANIA

231

When the French fleet arrived at Newport, Uhode Islatid,
to aid the cauao of the colonists, the Le;;isl;itiiro made all
liaste to repeal a law on her Btatute-book forbiddin;^ a llo-
man Catholic to put foot upon her soil iindor pain of death.
At Boston, a funeral proce^ision traversed the streets, wifh
a crucifix at its head and priests solemnly chantin;^; wliiie
the selectmen of Puritan Boston joined in the cceinony,
giving this public mai'k of respect to the faith of their al-
lies. .

On the 24th of November, Governor Morris made the ar-
rival of the Neutrals the subject of a special message to the
Assembly, inforniiug them he did not think it safe to per-
mit them to land ; but that a contagious disease having bro-
ken out on board ship, some of them were sent on shore on
Province Island.

In the minutes of the Assembly of that Province, the fol-
lowing entry is made : " Antony Beuezet, attending with-
out, was called in and informed the Huu.se that he had, at
the request of some of the members, isited the French Neu-
trals now on board sundry vessels in the river, near the city,
and found that they were in great need of blankets, shirts,
stockings, and other necessaries ; and he then withdrew,
(whereupon) Resolved, That this House will allow such rea-
sonable expenses as the said Benezet may be put to in fur-
nishing the Neutral French now in the Province."

Thus we have no less evidence than a Legislative record,
that the poor exiles of Nova Scotia were suffering for the
necessaries of life, who had not known before what want
was ; that their continued close confinement had caused an
alarming disease to break out on their vessels,* demanding
their instant removal, but the Governor of the Province was

* The Neutrals were kept on board from the middle of September to the
close of November, not fur short of three months, with a meaner diet of
poi'k and flour, without ever once being permitted to put foot ou land.

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2.'T2

AOAVTA

afraid to let them land ! We append a list of names from a
Bubscriptiou paper circulated in Philadelphia for their re-
hef, showing how clangerous a peopie they were to be let
loose on the town. The list runs thus :

"Widow Landry, blind and sickly; her daughter Bonny,
blind ; Widow Coprit, has a cancer in her breast ; Widow
Seville, always sickly ; Ann LeBlanc, old and sickly ; Wid-
ow LeBlanc, foolish and sickly •, the two youngest orphan
children of Philip MelanQoa ; three orphan ciiiidren of Paul
Bujauld, the eldest sickly, a boy foolish, and a girl with an
infirmity in her mouth ; Baptist Galerm's foolish child ; Jo-
seph Vincent, in a consumption ; Widow Gautram, sickly,
with a young child ; Joseph Eenoit, old and sickly ; Peter
Brassay, has a rupture; Peter Vincent, himself and wife
sickly — three children, one blind, one very young, &c." Id
these brief paragraphs we find evidences of the intensity of
their suflFerings on shipboard ; and, notwilhstandiug the
cliaritabie attentions shown tliem after their arrival in Phil-
adelphia, tbe statement is made that more than one half of
their number died in a few weeks.

But the meagre records of those early times show there
was another influence at work, which was to ameliorate the
condition of the exile. We refer to hereditary national
sympathies, which were strong enough to assert themselves
in spite of the rancor of religious animosity, and work in
the cause of humanity. There were then, in Quaker garb,
living in Philadelphia, men of the French race, who though
HugLienots, still felt kindly to Frenchmen like themselves.
The Benez'^ts and LeFevers, of Philadelphia, came from the
same soil as did the Galerms and LeBlancs of Grand Pre ;
and we may add, the Quaker Huguenots of Philadelpliia, by
tlieir acts toward their exiied brethren, did not in the ieast
tarnish the reputation of the toliowers of William Penn for
Christian charity and unostentatious benevolence. The
A.cadians, in their first memorial to the Assembly, were con-

' I

THE FREXCn NEUTR\L" IN PEXXSTLVANIA

233

etrained to say — "Blessed bo God that it was our lot to be
Bent to Pennsylvania, where onr wants liave been relieved,
and we have, in every respect, been treated with Christian
benevolence and charity."

The Assen.bly was specially convoked early in FeL>ruary,
1756, and on the 11th, attention was directed to the Nuutra.a
by a petition from ona of their number, Jeau Baptiste Ga-
lerm. This document contained a statement of the causes
which led to their exile, an expression of gratitude for the
kindness shown them, and a protestation of a passive loyal-
ty (no one had a right to expect more) to the 3ritish Crown.
So modest were they that it contained no prayer for sptii-itio
assistance. A bill was passed for the relief, or, as its rath-
er ambiguous title expressed it, for " dispersing " the in-
habitants through tiie counties, which beja ne a law on the
5th of March. By the provisions of this act the Acaliana
were to be distributed throughout the Province, in order
"to give them an opportunity of exercising tiieir own labor
and industry." They were to be provide I ior at the puh.ic
expense, while nothing like a separaaon of farailias is hint-
e;i at.

The French Neutrals exhibited what had beon termed a
species of "contumacy," though they claimed t!iey were only
asserting their just rights, which contributed not a little to
their sufferings. They thought that by refusing to Mork
they would force their recognition as prisoners of war, and
as Kuch, be entitled to be exchanged or sent back to France.
This attempt failed in the object the Acadians had in view,
and made the duty of kindness and protection on the part
of their benefactors not aii easy one : many were unwilling
to help themselves. They were offered land, and imple-
ments to cultivate, and cows to stock it witli ; bnt these tuey
refused to accept, as they could by no means agree to set-
tle there.

One cannot read the memorials of those people without

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234

ACADIA

being deeply moved with their passionate lonj^ings for their
beloved Acadia, and their pathetic appeals to be restored to
liberty, or at least transported to France. "We humbly
pray," say they to the Assembly, " that you would extend
your goodness so far as to give us leave to depart irom
hence, or be pleased to send us to our nation, or anywhere
to join our country-people ; but if you cannot grant us these
favors, we desire that provision may be made for our sub-
sistence so long as we are detained here.* If this, our hum-
ble request, should be refused, and our wives and childi'en
be suffered to perish before our eyes, how grievous wi aS
be! — had we not better have died iu our native land?'"

On the meeting of the Assembly in October, 1756, there
is a sad revelation on its records of the sufferings of these
poor people, — made, too, not by them, but by one of the
Commissioners appointed to take care of them. Disease
and death had been busy among their number. Many had
died of small-pox ; and but for the offices of a kindly « har-
ity, many more would have perished miserably. The o 'er-
eeers of the rural townships refused to receive them — t ley
were literally the dependants of the Quaker City. The prej-
udice entertained at that day against those of another re-
ligion, prevented the employment of such of the Neutrals
as were willing to work ; and the petition says, " many of
them have had neither bread nor meat for many weeks to-
gether, and been necessitated to pilfer and steal for the sup-
port of life."

* Those who would jastify the forced removal of the Acadians, and
their retention among a strange people, would do well to explain why the
principle laid down in this memorial is nut tuuuded in equity. They had
committed no overt act making them amenable to the civil law, and, con-
sequently, could be held only as prisoners of war, and us such were enti-
tled, by the laws of war, to be maintained at the expense of the govern-
ment 80 holding them; if they were not prisoners of war, then on what
giouuds were they denied the Uberty to depuit, agreeably to theii- request?

THE FEENCH NEUTRALS IN PENNSYLVANIA

235

The simple Acadian farmers, who, a short year ago, in
their once happy and secluded homes dwe't in ease and were
Bunounded with plenty, were becoming mendicant pilferers
in the streets of Philadelphia. Who can contemplate the
contrast unmoved ?

This appeal resulted in the passage of *vn Act for binding
out and settling such of the Inhabitants of Nova Scotia as
are under age, and for maintaining the old, sick, and maim-
ed, at the charge of the Province. It was of this measure —
the compulsory binding out of the children to learn trades —
that the exi.es most loudly complained, and the most elab-
orate remonstrance that is to be found on the records, was
induced by this law. The key-note of this appeal, was as
before, a prayer for deliverance from captivity ; — a prayer
tiiat was destined to ba answered by the death-angel alone.

In the spring of 17o7, Pennsylvania was honored by the
presence of the new Commander-in-Chief, the Earl of Lou-
don. His was tiie first coronet that ever shone on this dis-
tant and simple iand. Doubtless there were festivities and
rejoicings when he came ; but all this while the poor Neu-
trals were pining away in misery — not the less real be-
cause self-inflicted. Say the legislative recoids, — the au-
thorities were instructed by the assembly to act for their
relief, " so as to prevent their perishing from want."

This Lord London remained only a few days in Philadel-
phia, yet long enough to show by his acts that his high po-
sition did not prevent his partaking of the bigotry of the
period, and to exercise his elevated function in office in heap-
ing a new indignity on the Neutrals. He found it neces-
sary to ascertain the exact number of Eoa ai Catholics in
the Province, so that the terrible danger from this source
might be provided against. The folUnving answer, returned
to Loudon by the priest, is found among the Colonial Bee-
ords :

■it >

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23!)

ACADIA

Honored Sir: — I send j'ou the EUinbev of Koman Catho-
lics in this town, jukI of those whom i visit in thy cou'itry.
Mr. Schiiiedev is not in town to give an iic-ouiir. of the Grer-
maiis, but I have lieard him often say. that the wiiole nuni-
bej- oi Konuiu Catholics, English, Ixmh, and Germans, in-
cliKaug men, women and cUildreu, does not e;.ceea two
thousand. I remain,

KoBEUT Hardi.

The sad remuuiit of tba poor French Neutrals did not
seem worth counting!

In the Colonial Ef^cords of 1757, is a sheriff's warrant, is-
sued by the Governor, at the request of Lord Loudon, di-
recting the airt'st of Charles Le Blanc, Jean Baptisfce Ga-
lerm, Philip M;.>lanQon, Paul Bujauld and Jean Landy, as
suspicious and evil-minded porsoiKi, who have uttered men-
acing speeches against his Majesty and his liege subjects.
They are to be iipprohcnded and committed to jail.

The following extract of a letter from Lord Loudon to
"William Pitt, is sufficiently curious and characteristic to
sound strange at the present tinje: and there is something
in it which looks more like the delivery of this people into
slavery than anything else that Pejinsylvania annals afford;

«25th April, 1757.
Sir: — .... When I was at Pennsylvania, I found
that the French Neutials there had been 'ery mutinous,
and had threatened to leave the women and . Jidren and go
over to join thv; French in the back coinitry : they sent me
a memorial in French setting forth their gi.evances. I re-
turned it and said I couid receive no menioriai from tho
King's subjects but in English, on which they nad a gener-
al meeting at which they determined they wouJd give no
memorial but in French, and as I am ini'ormed they came to
this resolution from looking on themseives entirely as French
subjects.

"Captain Cottevell, who is Secretary for the Province of
Nova bcotia, and is in llie country for tne recovery of hia
heait/li, luunu among thuae .Neairalii one wno hau be&u a

THE FREKCH XEITTRM-S IN PEXInSYLVANIA

237

Spie of Covnwallis and afterwarrls of Governor Lawrence,
who he tt^lls me had behaved well both in giving accounts
of what thpsp people were doing and in biititinj^ tliem in-
teri_ence of the situation and strfuj^th of the French forts,
and in partiiMilar of Beausejour ; by this man I learnt there
were five pvincipai leading men among them who stir up all
the disturbance tiiese people make in Pennsi'vania, and who
j^er.suade them to go and join the enfimy, and who prevent
them from submitting to any regn^ation made in the coun-
try, or to allow their children to be put to work.

"On linding this to be the case, I thought it necesssary
for me to prevent, as far as I possibly could, such a j uc-
tiou to the enemv: on which I secure .1 these five rintflen 'era
ami put theiii on board Captain Talkingham's ship, in order
to his caiiyiug them to England, to be disposed of as his
Ma,j< sty's servants shall thmk proper; but I nmst inform
you that if they are turned loose they will directly return
and continue to raise all the disturbance in their power,
therefore it appears to me that the safest way of keeping
them would ha to employ tliem as sailors on board ships of
war.

Loudon."

« The Right Hon. William Pitt."

On the strength of a report (the truth of which he took
no legal pains to ascertain) that they caused all the disturb-
ance, and had, moreovei', committed the in lignity of memo-
ria-iziug Lor.uon in Freuch, that poti-ntiite thought the cir-
cumstance sufficient to warrant their condemnation, unheard,
to a prison on board ships of war. It is quite possible that
the men thus exiled — whose fate is not known — may have
been the leaikrs, the speakers, and the writers for the ex-
ile« ; for, after they were sent away, tliere is no record of any
further remonstrance on the part of the French Xeut , als. —
They dwindled away in uncomplaining misery — pensinnera
on charity. They are seldom referred to in public docu-
ments.

The following is among the records of the Assembly, un-
der date of February, 1761 :

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23S

ACADTA

i!i^

'i:

"We, the comTnTfioe appointed to examine info the staf©
of the French Neuirals, . . do report —

"That the late extraordinary expenses rharfred by the
overseers of the poor, have been ocea'^ioned by the p-enpval
sickness which prevailed amougst them, in common with
other inhabitants, during' the last fa'l and part of the win-
ter ; this, added to the ordinary expenses of supportinor the-
indigent widows, orphans, aged and decrepid persons, have
greatly enlarged the accounts of this year. Th^y have like-
wise a number of children, who by the late acts of the As-
sembly, ought to have been bound out to service, but their
parents have always opposed the execution of these laws,
on account of their religion ; many of these children, when
in health, require no assistance from the pubic; but in
time of sickness, from the poverty ol their parents, become
objtcts of charity, and must perish without it.

" Your comraitte cal'ed togelher a nnmber of their chief
men, and acquainting them with the dissitisfaction of the
House on finding the public expense so much increa'^ed by
their opposition to those laws, which were framed with re-
gard to thein, and tending immediately to their ease and
benefit, aiid assured them that, unless they could propose
a method more agreeable to themselves for lightening the
public burden, their children would be taken from them,
and placed in such families as could maintain them, and
some effectual method taken to prevent the ill effects of
idleness in their young people.

"They answeied, with appearance of great concern, they
were very sorry to find themseives so expensive to the good
people o:' this t.'ovince; reminded us of the late general
sickness as the principal cause of it, which they hoped might
iio). occur again during their continuance here; that in ex-
pectation oi lessening this expense, and of obtaining some
;.estitation for the loss of their estates, thej' had petitioned
the King of Great Britain,* and humbiy remonstrated to
his Majesty the state of their peculiar sufferings, and as toe
Governor had been so kind as to transmit and recommend
their said petition and remonstrance, thsy doubted not but
the King would be so gracious as to grant a part of their
coantiy, suiiicieat for their families to settle on, where they

•gee copy of tbis document beginniog on page 3o7.

THE FBENCH NLDTBALS IM PENNSYLVANIA

239

Batter themselves they should enjoy more health, and, free
from the apprehension of their children being educated in
fantilies whose re'igious sentiments are so different from
theirs. In the meantime they pray the iuduigence of the
government in si^.ffering them to retain their chiich-pn, as
they find, by experience, that those few who are in Prot-
estant families, soon become estranged and alienated from
their parents ; and, though anxious to return to Nova iScotia,
they beg to be sent to old irunce, or anywheie, rather than
part with th<rir children: and they promise to incite and en-
courage all their young people, to be industrious in acquir-
ing a competency for their own and their parents' subsist-
ence, that thij iiiay not give occasion for complaints here-
ait.^r. liow lar they may succeed in this, or tiieir ap])lica-
tion to the crown, is very uncertain. We are of opiuion
that nothing short of putting in execution the iaw, which
oirects the Overseers of the Poor to bind out their cliikl.en,
will so efiectually lessen tiiis exi^euse, unless tii« liijveruor,
with the concurrence of the Commander-in-Chief of the
King's forces, shall think lit to comply with their request
ana transport them out of this Province.

"Nevertheless, your Committee being moved with com-
passion for these unhappy people, do recommend them to
the consideration of the House, as we hope that no gre.it
iuconvtnience can arise from tne continuance of the pub.ic
c'aarity towards them for a few months longer: and think
it just to observe, that there are amongst them numbers of
iuuustrious laboring men, who have been, during the late
sv .acicy of laborers, of great service in the neighborhood of
the city."

!:•■

" The application to the Crown " referred to in the above,
met with no response from the British authorities. When
the agent of the Province of Massachusetts represented to
Grenville, the British Minister, that his most Christian Maj-
esty, looking upon the Acauiaus as of the number of those
who had been bis most faithful subjects, had signified his
willingness to order transports for conveying them to France
from the British Provinces, Grenville immediately replied,
'' That cannot be — that is contrary to our acts of naviga*

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240

ACAVU

tion — ^how cat) the French Court send ships to our coToTiieaf
as though Iho iaw, for once, could not be made to coiiforra
to the dictutea oi huuiuiiitv ! Louis XV, touclied by the ap-
peals sent him by the Ntutrals transported to Louisiana,
nuide overtures in vain, tliroagh his miui.steis to those of
G.eat Britain, to be permitted to send his ships to convey
them to Fj auce.

One more record, and one only, is to be found in the Aa-
Beujbly Journal of Peunsylvama, and that one tells a sad
tale. It is ciaied January 4tb, 1766:

"A petition from John Hijl, of the city of Philadelphia,
joiner, wiiy presented to the house and leati, setting forth
that the petitioner has been employed from time to time to
lio%ide ('015113 for the 'iTi'onca Neutrals who have died in
a'^d about this tity, and has had his accounts regularly al-
lowed and paid by the Govevnuient until lately j that he is
Uiformed by the gentlemen comuiissioners, v. ho used to pay
L'm, tliat they have no pubic money in theic hands for the
payments of such debts; tliat he has made sixteen coflin»
Bince their last settlement, witiiout any countermand of his
former order ; he therefore prays the House to make such
provisions for his materials and labor in the premises us to
them shall seem meet. Ordered to lie on the table."

With this cofiin-maker's memorial, so su^ijestive of the
terrible bufferings and njouiuful end of the French exiles,
the authentic iiistory of this people in Pennsylvania ends.
In the Annals of Watson we hud it stated that "for a long
time the remnant of the Neutrals occupied a row of frame
huts on the north side of Pine Street, between Fifth and
Sixth; and these ruined houses, known as the Neutral Huts,
are lemjinbered distinctly by persons now living." "What
at last became of these poor creatures, is not easy to deter-
mine; their very names bave perished from among men I
It appeals from the olhcial records that there was expend-
ed .or the relief of the exiles by the Pennsylvania Icgisaators

:( ■

THE rnEKCH N-EUTB \LS IN PSN'XSYLVAXIA

a av.m not less than $25,000, exclusive of the amount donat-
ed by pvivate benefaction — always liberal in Piiila.lelp'aia.

"What a strange contrast does this sad story bear to the
next visit of the French to Philadeljihia, vl;en the;- c;i;ne
as welcome auxiliaries ! Though less than a score of vf-a's
had i^assed, French soldiers and French priests went uboiit
the streets, no longer regarded with fear and distrust,* and
when, we trust, they walked across the Pottors' Field, and
looked at the moldering remains of the Neutral Huts, and
traced out the crumbling mounds marking the graves of
their once lappy, but now sadly lamented countrymen, the
exiled Acadiaus !

• Page 231, first paraRrapb.

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THE FKENCH NEUTEALS IN MASSACHUSETTS.

Boston, 1755.

Messrs. Apthoi'p & Hancock to Samuel Harris, Dr.

To Hire of Sleep Sei-iflower, Sa;uuel Harris, "Mas-
ter, Chart- v'd by Ca'it. A.' ex. Muvvxyfov Bring-
ing off tlu^ Fiei'ch I il>!iiutarts trcm Minfis to
tha Proviti'-e of the M issa-imsotts, 81 Tuns,
fiom 29tli Sept. to 1 Dec. i-,2 luouths 2 days:
at i>43 4 pr. month, £89 5

&II;

Governor Lawrence eiaploTe.l the Boston firm of Apthov;i
ancook as iigeuts in settling with the owners of the ve; -
se.s engaged to transport the Acadians : the above is a copy
of a biii which serves to mark one of the steps of the trans-
action. Transported at a given amount per head, with it
stat"d allowance of pork and flour per week, two Neutrals
to every ton burden — a treatment savoring of no more con-
sideration than if they had been dumb animals — such wera
the conditions atteacliug the expulsion of the French Aca-
dians. Such ships were hired as could be had cheapest —
old huiks or otherwise — which were selected without any
consideration for the comLort and safety of the cargo. On-
ly a few of the prisoners were allowed on deck at one time
for fear of a mutiny ; the crowding of so great a number of
people in close holds, subject to all the miseries of a tadious
ocean voyage, wrought great chringes among the captives-
Death brought rest to many suHtirers within a short timet

TBK VBESCH VK'.TRxr^S T.V MASSACniTfJUTTS

243

ancl tlieir botlies were coramitted to the wavos oi tlie vollinj'
Of.can, witliout so laucb as observing one of the solemn rites
of Christian burial.

When the shi] s coutaining the exiles arrived in Boston,
the authoiities would not permit them to land lor several
days. Here, as in Philadelphia, a Roman Catholic whs i)e;d
as one of the wo)-.st of foes to society. There was likelihood,
too, that they would become a charge to the public, and it
was some time before the Massachusetts authorities could
bring themselves to decide on turning a thousand of thiso
creatures loose on socie'cv. The suffering of the cajjtiven
detained on board the vC'dslo, is said to have been di-eadinl.
One Hutchinson, (afterward Governor of Massachusetts,)
who visited them on board, wrote an account of a case pe-
culiarly distre.- sing. He found a woman in a dying state
from the foui atmosphere and uneomi'ortable quarters, but
the regulations did not admit of her removal. Tnree small
children were with hsr, requiring a mother's care. To save
her life, Hutc'iinson had her conveyed to a house ou shore,
contrary to oruers, at his own risk, where the poor widow
v.iis made comfoiiab.e. But disease had wi'ought too great
havoc in her fra-.e to admit of recovery; she wasted away
and left her httle ones without a protector: but just b'.'fore
she died she besought her benefactor "to ask the Goveinor,
in the name of their common Savior, to let lier cliiUren
remain in the jj.ace where she died. "

The XeutraiS were finally permitted to land, and tempo-
rary quarters were fitted up for them on Boston Common ;
they were afterward distribii-od to the different towns. At
fii st the Acadiuns set up the claim they were prisoners of
Avar, and refused to work, but subsequtntiy became an in-
dustrious element

There was one groat difficulty attending their employ-
ment, however. a:id tL.at was the prejudice of the people
against the admission of a papist into their families. Some

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244

▲OADIA

designing employers, too, would refuse to pay the exiles for
work i)eri'oniied, trusting to this prejudice to bear them out
in the wrong. One account is recorded where two grown-
up sons were refused their wages, which amounted to fifteen
"joes," and were barbarously beaten when they asked for
their dues, one having his eye put out. Another instance
occurred at Plymouth where a boy had been dragged off to
sea by an unfeeling Captain, and the parents, upon remon-
strating, were cruelly beaten. That there is some ground
for believing the truth of these allegations appears evident
from the fact that the Government of Massachusetts at once
enaci ed laws with severe penalties for defrauding these per-
secuted people.

One large family of Neutrals was sent to Wilmington.—
They repiesented that they were placed in a ruined house,
without doors or windows, in an incltment season of the
year. The mother, who was sick, was obliged to have her
bed moved to leeward every time it rained. They had no
fuel, were denied oxen to get any, and were not allowed to
back it from the woods, A small amount of provisions was
supplied, and they were told to earn the rest. The man
complained of the water coming in upon his floor, and " ev-
ery thing afloat ; " he was told to " build a boat, then, and
sail about in it ! "

The Neutrals here do not appear to have been received
with the considerate kindness their brethren were so fortu-
nate to experience in Philadelphia. They were not permit-
ted to go from one town to another, and if taken without a
passport from two selectmen, they were to be imprisoned
five days, or whipped ten lashes, or perhaps both. By this
treatment, as useless as it was cruel, members of families
were kept separated from their friends and from each other.
The meager records of those times show that numerou- pe
titions were sent, and advertisements were const;''
culated, to find lost relatives : — it being a feature .^ar

THE rilENCH NtrrnALS IN MAHSAOnUSETTS

'240

to their case, tlmt they were loft in tlio most distressing
doubt as to tlie I'aLe of tlioso nearest and dearest to theiu.

In tlie niiJbt of so much distrust and fauaticisuj, tho uu-
Wfc.couje Gallo-Acadians were subjected to tlia luost rigid
«uiveilhuice; there v/as no deed su dark but they were be-
lieved to be capable of perforaiin<^' ; and every species of
crime committetl in the vicinity, the perpetrators of wiiicli
were unknown, was attributed witii one consent to the pa-
pists. A petition from one town on the coast asks to have
the Neutrals "removed to tlio interior, as they had a pow-
der-house there, and was afraid they wou.d blow them up."
The student of human nature tinds in tliis another illustra-
tion of the power that education and prejudice exert over
the judgment of men. The Acadians themsjlves refer to
this view entertained toward them by the Eug.ish — tliat of
being- addicted to pillage and other warlike exploits. In
one of their meniorials tiiey advunca as a reason that they
could not have possessed the beliigerent characteristics at-
tributed to them, from the fuct that it was the absence of
these qualities tliat enabled the English to obtain such un-
limited power over them; otherwise, several thousand Aca-
dians uevei' would have submitted to a handful of English
soldiers.

Says Mrs. Williams — '* We cannot help remarking, while
looking over the bills of expenses of that date, presenteJ to
the Government of Massacnusotts, that however they miglit
have suffered for food, lodging and clothing, it appears they
did not lack for niedicine. There was a bill of one Dr. Trow-
bridge, of Marshtield, for visiting nine French Neutrals, and
administering nine vomits, one hundred and twenty-one pow-
ders, and eight blisters! "

The French Neutrals were greatly superstitious, and gave
close attention to the "signs of the times." A blight fell
ujjon the grain in the ear throughout New Eughmu ; this
tUi3 Neutrals attributed to the judgments of God for their

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246

ACADIA

own fields wantonly laid waste." And the earthqualie, which
visited this continent only a few weeks after tijeir arrival,
the most severe ever known here, and wnich so shook the
town of Boston as to ring the bells and throw down chim-
neys, was regai ded by them " as the voice of a God who had
not forgotten them."

New £ork, Connecticut, Maryland. Yirginia, North Cai'o-
lina, South Carolina, Georgia and even Louisiana, each re-
ceived a complement of the Acadian Neutrals. Wherever
they went they exhibited similar characteristics, were sup-
ported as public paupers, hav'ng loe-i ail incentive for any
mode of industry, and pleading, in the most pathetic tones
to be restored to Acadia, or to old Frauce. In Louisiana
they founded a canton to which they gave the ever deai'
imiue of Acadia. From thence they memo; ia'.ized the French
Crown, and that monarch, commiserating their condition,
requested but was denied pei'nussion, on tlie part of the
iJritish Government, to send veHseis for their transportation
to their mother country. Notwithstanding this, some of the
Acadians did reach France, and " ti eir dec^audants now in-
hauit two flourishing communes wherein the peaceful habi-
tudes and rubtic peculiarities of their race are still recogniz-
able among the verdant oases which dot the moorlands of
Gascony."

Some of the exiles went as L\r as French Guiana: "and
certain Frenchmen, buniahed the.'nselves to fc;iui;!^ijiari, found
there, iu 17U8, an Acadian family whose members received
them hospitably; saying, 'You are welcome! Our ances-
tors were expelled from their count y, even as you are now.
Thej' taught us to succor the unfortunate, bo come into
our cabin, and let us have the pieas;;re of rendering yuu
Buch consolation therein as we have to bestow.' "

Count D'Estaing when Governor of Hispamola, commis-
erated this peop.e in their misi'ui Lunes, and invited them
to his Isiand, setting apart a particular district to their use.

THE FKENCH NEUTKALS IN MASSACHUSETTS

241

A consiilerable colony availed themselves of tbo Conut's of-
fer; but neither they nor their kind benefaotor bad taken
'.nto considoratic.u the danger attending a change of ;:boda
to a tropical climate. The result was that a pcslilcnce
broke out among them even before they cou".d prepare
themselves dwellings. A large number oi th ) inhabitatita
died there, and the rest were forced to emignite to a differ-
ent climate. Their kind bonefar'tor, the Count, on learning
of their shocking mortality, went to visit their settlement.
He found them in the most pitiable plight, crawling un-
der the bushes, to screen themsyives from the torrid sun,
and lying down to die. A number found mtans to return
to Nova Scotia; here they encamped in the wilderness, and
it is believed many perished from hardships and exposure.

It appears from the records yet extant, that vessels con-
tinued to arrive at Boston, with new quotas of the exiles,
until the MassachnsnUa government put a stop to the pro-
ceeding. Tlie English so'.dioiy were continually scouring
Acadia, hunting the French ivoin their hiding places in the
mountains, and sending them off to Boston by the ship-
load as fast as collected.

The mortality among the exiles sent to Georgia, South
Caro'ina, and other southern ports, was greater than among
those sent to the northern colonies, owing to the great dif-
fcrenco in climate. In July, 1716, seven boats containing
about ninety of these people coasted along shore from Geor-
j>ia and the Caro'.'nas, and put into a harbor in the southern
inivt of Massachusetts. Receiving here some temporary re-
lief, they sailed a.ong the coast until they were stopped at
Boston, where five of the party tound and were restored to
their families. Governor Lawrence, hearing of the circum-
btance, immediately sent a circular to each of the Governors
on the Continent, stating be had been informed that some
of the transported inhabitants were coasting irom colony to
colony on their return to Nova Scotia, and as '* their succesi

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248

ACADIA

iriB i

in this enterprise would not only frustrate the design of
tliis government in sending them away at so prodigious an
expense, but would greatly endanger the safety of the Prov-
ince, especially at this junotuve, I think it my indispensable
duty to entreat your Excellency to use your endeavors
to prevent the accomp'ishmsnt of so pernicious an under-
taking by destroying their vessels."

It would seem that the Lords of Trade unwittingly cora-
milted themselves adverse to the means resorted to in this
forced extirpation, as will be seen by the clanse at the close
of the following sentence, from a letter written to Governor
Lawrence in 17a7: "As to the conduct of the southern col-
onies in permitting those who were removed to coast along
from one Province to another in order that thev miefht jrei
bick to Nova Scotia, nothing can have been move absurd
and blamable, and had not the Governors o: New York and
Massachusetts Bay prudently stopped theui, there is no
attempt, however desp?rate and cruel, whi(;h might not
have been expected from persons exasperated as they must
ha '6 been ioith the treatment they had met «ot7A."

Could a course of persistent memorializing have availed
the distressed Acadiaas, they might have ha. I some hope of
a mitigation of their sentence. Petitions were successively
Bout to the Governors of the Provinces on i\m Contincit, to
the Goveinor of Canada and to the Crowns of EnglanJl and
France; but their prayers failed of their purpose, and iu
many instances were treated with contempt. The poor ex-
iles do not appear to have been welcomed anywhere, not
even by their own countrymen; they were outcasts, feared
and despised wherever they turned their steps. "We close
this chapter by an extract of a lettor from the Board of Trade
to Go vex'nor Lawrence. England imi ret-eived a batch of
the Neutrals, and the complaining tone of the letter shows
the spirit in which the receipt of thp invoice was considered.
It may be premised that altiiough the navigation laws pre>

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THE PKEKCn NEUTRALS IV MAf»SACHU3ETT8

249

vented the punctilious Briton from allowing French vessels
to take ofi' the AcaJians from the colonies, these sctniplcs
were somehow set asiile when the Xentia'.s became a burden
to England, and means were sp.^cdilj t'oaud to restore them
to France. The extract reads :

"Notwithstanding vvhat you say in your letter of the Aoa-
diana being received in the several Provinces to which they
were sent, We must inform you that several hundred of
them have since been sent over hero from Virginia, and sev-
eral from South Carolina, and tliat his Majesty bas given
orders to the Lords of Admiraltv, to direct the Commiiision
for Sick and Hurt Seamen to secure and maintain them." —
They further express themselves as "extremely anxious till
we ltf!ir what occurs to you with respect to the spttk-meut
of il/ose laud-, whirh appears to us to bj an object of the
utmurit importance." ^

LOW TIDH.

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AFFAIRS IN ACADIA.

It was ill a p-feat measure owing to the effective coopera-
tion of the New England troops that the Acadians were expa-
triated from their homes and possessions ; it was to the >iew
Entjjand Colonies that the larger shai'e of that afflicted
people were sent to be quartered upon the inhabitants. —
The ]Massachu setts authorities did not favor being burdened
with the expense of such a host of public paupers for the
benefit of another Provinco, and the subject became one of
sharp controversy. The Council directed Gov. Phipps to
inform Governor Lawrence that Massachusetts "received
them in expectation of being indemnified from all charges
that might arise upon their account." Gov. Phipps writes:
"I would therefore desire of your E.tcellency that you
would give orders for defraying all such charges as may
ba incurred by the receiving of those inhabitants already
arrived; and as we are informed that more of these French
iuhabilauttj may be sent hither I make no doubt but that
you wiil give oiders respe;;tiug the charges that may arise
by this government's receiving and disposing of them also."

One cause that rendered the jjeople of Massachusetts still
more sensitive on this point waa, that some of the Neutrals,
returning from Georj^ia and the Caioliiiao, haJ found their
way back to Boston, as aiready mentioned, and were added
to the complement of that colony. " What appeared pr. tty
extraordiaaiy was, that these people had been fuiuished

AITAIBS IN ACADIA

251

with passports from the Governors of Georgia, South Car-
olina and New York."

Gov. Shirley seems to have volunteered his services to qui-
et the apprehensions of the New Eoglanders ou this point.
He first observes to the Council that they themselves
thought the expatriation of the Acadiaus was a necessary
measure — thus inferring they were in a manner responsible
for the consequences. He then adds; "I believe Governor
Lawrence had no apprehension that it would occasion any
considerable charge to this Province, or that it would be a
disagreeable thing to have those people sent here : I am
sorrj that it is likely to prove so burdensome: I have it not
in my power to support them al: tlie charge of the Crown.
You have a great deal of encouragemeut to depend on it
that his Majesty will not sutfer any unieasonable burthen to
lie upon any of his colonies : I wi:l make full representation
of the state of this aflfair and in such a manner as I hope
you will receive a favorable answer ; and I shall be ready to
join with you in proper measures to enable and induce tii. se
persons to provide for their own suppoit aud tuat of tiieir
families."

We have already referred to the occasional bad fpeling ex-
hibited between the New England soldiers and the Ha it'ax
regiments, and the complamt of Gen. Winslow of the arbi-
trary acts of Governor Lawrence in transierriug ihe coloni-
al troops and refusing to let them return uccor.ling to the
terms of their enlistment. The effect of these outrages of
authority now became apparent. Governor Lawrence com-
plains to Shirley of " the bad success of our officers in tiieir
recruiting upon the Continent;" that the New England
troops still in the Province [February IT.iG] were clamor-
ing so loudly to be dischared that he was " inclined to think
they were put upon it by some of their officers;" and, fur-
ther, he was fearful he c .ukl not preserve the acquisitions
made last year ou the north side of the Buy of Fuudy, aud

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252

AOADIA

that the whole Province would be continually subject to
French inroads. Shirley proflfevs his assurances to the New
England people, by way of encouraging new enlistments, in
these words: "You may depend on it that the engagements
made to the soldiers in order to encourage them to enlist
shal] be fully complied with."

A number of the Acadians having taken refuge among
the bays and islands near Cape Sable, Governor Lawrence
issued to Major Prebble "the necessary orders" for him
to call at the Gape on his way home with the returning New
Eug' and regiments which had been detained through tlie
winter, and convey the Inhabitants to Boston. Governor
Lawrence in a letter to Shirley, says; "I flatter myself the
Government of Mfis^acb asetts Bay will not liud it inconven-
ient to receive such of ihese inhabitants as the Major may
be able to carry away with him." The "necessary orders"
read thus; "Seize as many of the inhabitants as possible,
and carry them with you to Boston, where you will deliver
them to his Excellency, Governor Shirley, with a letter
you will receive with this order. You are, at all events,
to burn and destroy the housas of the said inhabitants,
confihcate their cattle and utensils of all kinds, and make a
distribution of them to the troops under your cjmni;in.l as
a reward for the performance of this service, and to destroy
such things as cannot be conveniently' carried off."

This wretched remnant of Acadians at Cape Sable had
found means to escape from the English, and by great la-
bor had built huts, and provided themselves with necessa-
ries sufficient to enable them to subsist through tbe winter.
To the credit of Major Prebble, be it said, he did not see
fit to obey the order.

Some time subsequent [Sept. 15, 1758], the people of
Cape Sable sent a memorial to the "Honorable Council in
Boston," asking their protection, and that they mi<;ht be
permitted to remain where they were: or if that could not

AFFAIRS IN ACADIA

253

be granted, they asLci to be taken to New England. They
were willing to pay taxes and to help niuintain the war
against Fiatice. TLey said they were iu ;i';; about iort}' fam-
ilieir, consisting of about one hundred and fi[i.y soul.s. They
conclude this peiiuion with, -'Deur Sirs, Do for us what
lavs in your power to settle us here and we will be yuur
faithful subjects till death." The Council of Massachusetts
did not see lit to grant the petition.

These people, having been reduced to the greatest ex-
tremities, in 17i')9 sent a deputation to Governor Lawrence
with terms of suirender. Accordingly, armed vessels were
sent to Cape Sable, and one hundred and fifty pt-raons wore
taken on board, and conveyed to George's Island in Halifax
Harbor, from wiiich place they were afterward sent to Eng-
land. Of their subsequent disposal, histoi'y is silent, but
the supposition is they were permitted to return to France.

In December, 17;>9, the Governor submitted to the Coun-
cil at Halifax, a letter from Col. Frye, the commanding of-
ficer at Fort Cumberland, stating that a number of French
Acadians had come to Hn fort under a flag of truce as dep-
uties for one hundred nud ninety French people, resi ling in
the departments of Petifoodla" urid Memrauicook, with pro-
posals to surrender theul0^1ves. The petitioners said they
were in a miserable condition for want of provisions, not
having more among them than could, by the most prudent
use, keep over two-thirds of them alive till spring; and
begged of Col. Frye to allow them some, otherwise they
must ull starve. The Colonel wrote, he agreed the French
should send sixty -three of their number to winter at Fort
Cumberland, and that the remainder might come out of
their obscure habitations into the French houses remaining
at Petitcodiac and Memramcook Rivers, where they should
live in peace till spring. Col. Frye mentioned that a few
days later a delegation arrived from the neighborhood of
Mhamichi, with similar proposals. The result is iu the

i i;

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I" pill

254

ACADM

Colonel's own words: "I agreed that they shonld trend two
hundred and fifty of their people to winter here ; and upon
their informing me that they had twelve yessels in their
custody, that were taken on the coast of Canso the sumiuer
past, I ordered the remainder of them to come with their
effects in those vessels to Bay Vcrte, as soon in the spring
as navigation opened. They seemed well satistied and prom-
ised to come, but were afraid they should not be able to get
their vessels all off (they were all driven on uiiore by the

late terrible storm), but would bring all they could

It ]iretty evidently appears that early in tlie spring there
will be at this placa and Bay Verto about nine handled souls^
to be disposed of as your Excellency shall see fit."

In January following, his Excellency comiiuinicateda let-
ter he had received from Gen. Amherst, advising that the
French inhabitants from St. John River be sent to Europe
as ])risoners of war. The advice of the Council was asked
as to the expediency of sending not only these, but those
who had delivered themselves up at Fort Cnmborland, on
boaid of transports to France. The Council "were of opin-
ion that such a measure would be extremely proper and
seemed to be absolutely necessary, in order to facilitate the
settioment of the evacuated lands by the persons who are
coming from the Continent for that purpose, who otherwise
would be always liable to be obstructed in their progreas
by the incursions of these French inhabitants."

Belcher writes to the home government in January ot
17G2: "I have the honor to inform you that a very consid-
erable body of Acadians, having withdrawn their allep;iauce
from his Majesty, and retired to the northern part of this
Province in the Gnlf of the Rivor St. Lawrence, and there
having taken up arms, and by means of small vessels hav-
ing ill Tested the navigation of tliat river, I tlionght it my
duty to check and prevent further progress of such git at
mischiefs. ... I gave directions for ecj[uipping two small

Af FAIRS IN ACADIA

255

vessels, ou bL>aid of which Captaiu McKeuzie, with some of
the troops, pioeeeded about the eiicl of October to the place
of their rendezvous, where he surprised seven hundred and
eighty-seven persons, including men, women and childrea.
Of this number he brought away threa hundred and thirty-
five, as many as he could in that late season of the year re-
move, and the remainder have promised to come in when it
shuU be thought proper or convenient to request it."

The fact that piracies on English shipping in the Gulf
had been perpetrated, coupled with the circumstance that
some Fieuca Acadian settlers weie located somewhere on
the adjacent shores, was thought sufficient, such was the
state of public sentiment, to make the one responsible for
the other, witmut the trouble of direct proof, and wiihout
granting the accused the privilege of being heard in their
own defense.

The French Neutrals remaining in the country found
themselves despoiled of their lands, their property burned
or carried off, and themselves hunted* with remorseless rig-
or among the mountain fastnesses. It is not much to be
wondered at that the Acadiaus, seeing themselves treated in
violation of the laws of war, justice or humanity, should see
lit to make reprisals on the English. Governor Lawrence
writes of the French inhabitants and Indians, that "by ly-
ing in wait in the roads where our parties pass and repass,
have f(MUid opportunities of killing and scalping some of
our people."

General Murray, then Governor of Canada, writes, in 1761,
to Belcher, in relation to the settling of the Acadian Neu-
trals in Nova Sc(>tia, thus: "The measure does not appear

•■ ''■'!!

\ H M

' Says Governor Lawrence in a letter to the Board of Trade — ' ' I am
II] hopes, when the troops ordered from Ireland shall arrive, it will be
more in my power than it liilluito has l)een, to hunt tacin i.iit of their
lurking phices, and possibly to drive them entirely oat of the peninsula."

•1"

2r>fi

ACADM

to me so eligible, as the very spot must renew to them, in
all succeetlmj]; generations, the miseries the present one has
endured, and will perhaps alienate forever their affections
from its government however just and equitable it may be."
Early in the summer of 17G2, M. de Tourney, having es-
caped irem Brest with four ships and a bomb ketch, arrived
at the Bay of Bulls, Newfoundland, where he made prizes
oi' English vessels, destroyed the stages and implements of
fisijery of the inhabitants along the coast, and captured the
unimportant town of St. John. The English of Nova Sco-
tia were thrown into a state of terrible alarm at the intelli-
gence; ol' this petty triumph, and were niouientarily in ex-
pectation ox a similar visitation. A general insurrection of
the savages and of the few Acadians in tlie Province, was
coniidentiy looked for, as auxiliary to the anticipated at-
tack of the Frencli Heet. The Council of Nova Scotia made
a formal address to Governor Belcher,* in which they laid
down six reasons why the French should be removed out of
the Province, in effect as follows:

1. From the insolence of the Inxtians and the threaten-
ing of the Fiench, there is the highest reason to bolievt; that
the tlesj^^us oi the enemy were more extensive than what
was earned to a successiul issue.

2. Tluit such prisoners as could have escaped would un-
doubtedly have taken arms with the enemy had the latter
appi ared on the coast.

3. That these people, seeing the English daily in posses-
sion of the lauds iorititcd and fcmerly occupietl by them-
selves, will foiever regret their iosu, and will take favorable
opportunity to regain them.

'Joudtlmn Eelchcr succeeded Governor Lawrence on the death of the
latter in 17(J0. Lawrence did not live to witness the beuelits it was an-
ricipali.'d would accrue to {l:o Euglisli from the succcas of tiie scuume of
forcibly extirpating fifteen thousand French iuhabiti\uts from tlie soil of
their ancestors, which he labored so strenuously to accomplish.

AFFAIRS IN ACADIA

207

4. "^hat their re^ijfion, wherein they demonstrate the
hi;."'hcsh bi^olrj, mvst iii::ke them in their hearts etieuiies to
a iJritish govtrnrn'-nt, however tiiild and beneficent.

5. That being born and bred an)onj» the siiva{:fe3, con-
DK'tfd with theiu bj ii)terniarna<4e, prol'esHiug the Hutne re-
ligion, they never fail to incuk-ute in theui a spirit ol' (iishke
to English htrtlics; and who may easily prevail up )n the
Indians to brei. . j)eace and to chase away the Englisli set-
tlers from their habitations.

6. That these French Neutrals, as they are now collefted
together, are at present a heiivy charge upon the [lingiish]
iuhiibitants, who aie objiged to mount guai 1 every third
day and hight iii theii- tuins, to prevent the b^^uape of priti-
oners.

These six distinct charges, of which all but the latter were
mere assumption, were formally considered by the Council ;
it is not to be wondereil at, tuat where such evidence was
deemed relevant, where the accusers also sat as judges, and
where the judges would reap a bent fit by a veraict agiunst
the accused, the poor Neutrals would have little chain e of
escaping conden nation, however innocent they might have
been. "These, sir, and many more cogent reasons which
might be enforce.1, and which will naturally occur to you,"
Bay the Council in their addrtss, "we hurabl^v submit to
your consideration, and we flatter ourselves you will give
the necessary orders that these French prisoners may be ro-
inoved out of the Province."

The records of the Council at Halifax, under date of 26th
July, 1762, read thus: "The Council do unanimously advise
and recommend, in the most earnest manner, for the safety
atid security of this Province and its new settlements, that
the Governor wouid be pleased to take the speediest meth-
od to collect and transport the said Acadians out of this
Pi'ovinee; and do further advise, that as the Province of the
Massachusetts is nearest adjacent, that the Goven n' would
be pleased to cause them to l)e transported to that Province
with all cjuvemeut dispatch."

•i \'.

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t I

258

▲OADU

Accoi'flin,2fly nn embarpco was laid on all the shipping, and
nifti tial law tjeci.'ueil tlirnnpflioiit tlu; I'loviucc. Tho iiiilitja
>veie ordeied to collect the lusiJont. Acailians and biiii^
tht'iii in to Huliiux. Governor Boiclier dechutd he put little
co.ii', J(!UctJ ill the Acadiaii.s who had taken th') (•iuli. us " ;'i, ir
vuiits and tf^ivoi's only reducol them to it;'"* and he a;ii)liej
to jiiijoi-Oeiifrul Anihrrst, who hoid the conmuMid of the
Eiijj.ish army in Aniciicu. uiici who was tlieii in Now Yo:k,
"for such nu:ui8 as may be sufl&cieut to ward oil' any throal-
euiiig diinger."

General Aiuherst does not soeni to have shared in the
fear.s Oi Bdchtr. He had written to the Goveinor but a
fe.v uay.s bijiOi ', that ii the removal of the remaining Acfi-
diuiis could uud to either the secuiily or the advantage of
the Province of Nova Scotia, he would be the lirst toadvi.se
their expult-iou : he did not sue that they could have any
thing to fear from these Acauiiins, but that great advantages
might be reaped in employing them pro])erly.

General Andierit wriLes Governor iJelcher from New
York, under datfj of August 30, 1762:

11 ii

"Sir: By an express from Boston I was last night favored
with your letter of the 12Lli inst., and at ttic same time
learn that live transports, with Acadiuns, were arrived at
that pi ace.

"Aithongh I can't help thin';cing that these people might
have been icept in proper subjection while tiiH troops re-
mained in Nova Scotia, yet I am glad you have taken meas-
ures for removing them ; .... I doubt not but you have
wrote to Governor Bernard concerning them, but I shaji by
roLjrn of express, desire he be pleased to dispone of the
Acadians in such a manner as he judges be.st, in the Prov-
ince of Massachusetts Bay, where they must remain for the
present, taking care to separate them as much as possible,

•Historians who have attempted to justify the expnbiou of the Acadi-
aup. htvvo set forth the clniiij, tlirit had the Froir-h tiih' ii tlio Oath of Al-
legiance they might have retained possession of their lauds.

AFFAIB8 IN ACADIA

259

to prevent tlioir doiiir;- any mischief, as well as rrtnvninp to

tllcll old liul>it)inohs.

"I coiiJd Imve wihlied that thost; wiiu iijliHl)ited tlic hack
pni t ot the I'loviiR-e liud l)eoa sent to CaiiuUa. a^rffahn to
Itovci nor Mill ray's i-(;qii('.-.t. . . . i an p:nauii led tluifc iiei-
tlicr the Acadians, Canadians, nor ImliatiH, had ai^y knowl-
<)il;j;e of tlie intiuitious of the enemy who have beeu landed
at Newfoundiand."

By the foregoing it will be seen that the resolution of the
Government at Halifax, relative to transporting the Acadi-
BU8, had beeu carried out. The vessels eontaiuing this un-
fortunate people arrived in Boston Harbor in due ti:ue, and
were ordered to lie under the guns of Castle William until
the General Assembly could talce action in the premises.
The dispatches from the Governor of Nova Scotia were pro-
duced before that body, who, instead of admitting the pris-
oners into the Province as requested, required Governor
]3t rnard on no account to permit them to land, anil become,
as their predecessors had b^en, a charj^e to the public. A
report of these jn'oceedings was transmitted to General Am-
herst, but before a reply could be received the Assembly
was prorogued. Massachusetts had received no compensa-
tion lor the expenses already incurred on beha.f of the Neu-
trals, and was not inclined lunger to indulge Nova Scotia
by quartering this additional number on her colonists.*
Nothing therefore remained but for the transports to return
with their passengers to Halifax ; and the Bostonians had
the satisfaction of seeing the ves.seis setting all sail for
Nova Scotia waters before any further orders could be re-
ceived concerning them.

Governor Belciier characterized the means made use of by
Massachusetts in sending back the Acadians as "precipitate,"
and complained loudly of the persuasion brought to bear

■ Subsequently this debt was paid by Parliament,

■ 1 '

260

ACADIA

with Captain Brooks inducing iiiiu " to return with the Aca-
diaiis back into this Province, to the great danger thereof,
and the distress of all the inhabitants. By all vhich man-
agement, the public hae incurred a very considerable and
fruitless expense, and Sir Jeffrey Amherst's intention fvv the
disposal of those prisoners has, for the present, been entire-
ly ixifiied, and his expectations disappointed."

Tne Lords oi Trade, in a resolution touching the com-
plaint of Governor Belcher against the Massachusetts Colo-
ny, conveyed a mild but unmistakable reproof. "Their
Lordships," so reads their record, "could not but bo of
opinion, that however expedient it might have been to have
removed them at a time when the enterprises of the enemy
threatened danger to the Province, and it was weaker ed by
the employment of great part of the troops stationed there
upon another service, yet as tl:at danger is now over and
hostilities between the two nations have ceased, it was nei-
ther necessary nor politic to remove them, as they might by
a proper disposition, promote the interest of the colony,
and be made useful members of society, agreeable to what
appears to be the sentiments of General Amherst in his
letter to the Governor."

In March, 17G4, the number of Acadians remaining in the
Province of Nova Scotia, was four hundred and five families,
or nearly eighteen hundred souls, besides three hundred on
Prince Edward Island. In December of that year "six
hundred Neutrals departed for the French West Indies,
where they were to settle on lands unfit for the sugar-cane,
and although they had certain accounts that the Ciimate had
been fatal to the lives of several of their coiintryn)en, who
Lad gone there lately from Georgia and Carolina, their res-
olution was not to be shaken. Thus we are in the way of
being rciieved from these people who have been the bane of

* Govenior Wiliuot, snccessor to Grovemor Belcher*

AFFAIRS IN ACADIA

2G1

the Province, and the terror of its sett'ements." This
would leave b;it iibout fifteen hnndrel Acriclian French with-
in the Pvovir.ce of Nova Scotia in 1702. out of a po^iulat on
of nearly eighteen thousand in 17o5, previous to tl^j first
expulsion from Acadian soil.

"We are pleased to add that the suggestion of the Lo .Is
of Trade, to absorb into the population the reninaut of
French Neuti-als with'n the Province, was finali^', by h ow
degrees, carried into efi'ect. In 116/), a resolution wa-i tak-
en, having the sanction of the Governor of Quebec an 1 No-
va Scotia, to remove all the ren)aini':>^- Acalians int ) some
diKtaut district of Canada. Happi } that measiu-e was nev-
er put into execution. Althc-u^h the Acadhin e'.eiu mt iie'ps
swell the population, the French are penaliarlya uistinrtive
people, preserving the customs and the language of tiieir
foicl'athers, even when surrounded with inoderu innovations ;
selilom intermarrying with their English or German neigh-
bors, and living apart in French hamlets, from which the
outer world is excluded. A bref history of the i\fada\vaska
settlement is here appended, with which our notice of the
French Neutrals, except as spoken of iucideutally, must
close.

The Mac^awaska settlement is a range of clearing at h ast
sixty miles in length, with the town of Madawaswa as ihe
center, occupying a favorable position at the coisfiuence of
the St. John and Madawaska Rivers. This settlement con-
tains upwards of eij^ht thousand inhabitants, half of thetn
living withio U^o State of Maine. Surroundiiig ^ladawas-
ka is an im'nense and trackless forest which "covers an ex-
tent sev "n times that of the famous Black Forest of Germa-
ny at its largest expanse in modern times. The States of
Rhode Island, Connecticut, and .Delaware could be lost to-
gether in this finest, and still leave about each a margin of
wilderness siiffioiently wide to make the exploration with-
out a compass a work of desperate adveuLuro."

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ArADTA

The people of this settlement are flescpnclerl from ihf
French eoionists vvlm hved on the shores of tlie Bay of
Fundy and the iJasin of .Miiias, who fled from the Aiinflo-
Ainevican troops under Sloiicton and Winslow, and to )k
refuse in the forest. A portion of th<'m fled up th'^ River
S^. Jolm to fcl]<^ present site of FrediTickton, \vh(To ihey
founded the viilaj^e of St. Anne. Here anif)ng the lich
meadows, bcjrd,^r»'d with groves of stately ehiis and otiier
forest trees, the Minas and Port Royal refng^es established
themselves once more, and be^jan to reap tiie beneiits of
well-directed industry, on a soil as fertile as any the sun ever
slioiie ii[ion. (Seventeen years passed over the siniiin<>- vil-
lage of .St. Ann' — then came another evil day for the French
who had aforetime "dwelt by tho Ba-^in of Alinas."

In 17Si ca'ue the American Loyalists into 'he Province :
th'Mnse'ives exiles from tiieir hoaies. and who, as their fore-
fntin.'rs had done, drove away tlu^ uniiap))y French from
their farms and hresides ; in tiie following yeiir the Governor
of the Piovince, Sir Guy Carleton of Revolntitmary fama,
cstablish( 1 the capital here, in view of the attractive natural
features oi tho piacc*

Provokcu beyond endurance, the Acadians a second time
Bet out in search of a home. They plunged into the deplhs
ol the forest, and evidently thought they would go far enough
to escape being again molested. The traveler over the
route at tlie piesent day will wonder how the faujilies man-
aged to travel se the many weary miles to their destination.
A\'liere was then an unbroken wilderness, now pretty villag-
es dot the landscape, and cidtivated fields meet the view
In the names of the settlements and the ancestry of their peo-
ple the liistory of the British Flag can be traced. A fi w
miies above i'rederickton is the riiral })arisli of Kingsc.i'ar,

'Nearly njiposite is th« ni' lilt h of tL(! NushwMiik lliver, whoso viill»>y
Wns settled by disbuuileil soklioi ■> of tuu ukl Uiuek Watch ['12d Hiyldiiud-

AFFAIRS IN ACADIA

2(i'i

eett^ecl in 1784 by tbe '2d Eattajon of New Jersey Loyalists.
Fill thur ou is the parish of Trinoe William, originally set-
tled by the King's diagooiis, and now uccuiiied by their
<les;rendants; also the hilly uplands of the parish of Quteus-
bnry, which were seLtled by tha Q.ieen's Kaiigertj after the
Eevolutionary war; while bej'ond Woo'lstoek are districts
peopled by the descendants of the AVest India Hangers and
New Lrunssvick Fencibles.

The tourist next jnisses the Grand Falls, and afterwards
■enters the Acaili.in-Freneh settleim nts and favniing dislricts.
Tae rich tuict-s (-f intoivale along the rivoi's iu thits locality,
Aveie siitBeient to attract the Acat-iian refugees, and here they
ouce more began to caive out a subsistence from ihe wilder-
iits.'. A Iniveier writes: "It was p.ea-anc to drive along
the wide, Hat intervale I'orining the Aladawaska Valley; to
see the rich crops of oats, biici;wheat and potatoes, and tha
coml'ortable hou.ses of the inhabitants; a. so the river, oa
which an occusi(nial boat, laden with stores for the luuiber-
ers, with the iielp of stnut horses, tcjiled against the current
towards the rareiy-visiied lieadwaters of the tributary
Btreams, where the virgin forests still stand unconscious of
the ax." This district is studded with Ikuman Catholic
chape s,* from whence, each morning and evening, are

*A tnriosity iu this pliioe (Chicontiini, a few miles It low the most
sontlicrii fiill outlie rivor) is 11 rude Catholic chm-ch, wlncli is said to
have bc't'U built by the Jesuit Alis>i(iimiirs iiiiwnrds of ii liiuitlicd yi an
&'^(u It oc'cu|)io'< ihf crrttvof a t-'inssy lawii, iiirrouiidrd by a <dnsti r of
Vuod-ciM\vui'<l liiUs, luiil c(iiii!iiaii(lsii liiK' j)i(isiuct, not only «f thf Samic-
nay, bui also ol' a «prtcious bay, into which there fini>tic>s n uobic nioiui-
tan siuam, uo^v iaiowu iis ('hicontinii lUvor. In (he b( Ifry of this vcu.
tiablt! ci.iufli liau:^s a cli artunrd btll, wilh an inscvijilinn upon it wliirb
the leiivnini; of Caniuli (with all its h amrd and unnanibpred priests) l.ns
Uiit ytit b( i^n aljK' to tran.-latf or vypound. lint u'li-at a-, is thf mystery f)f
this niscriptiuu, it is less mysterious to my mind than am the motives o(
the Roniisli (Jhiircii iu planting the cross in the remotest corners of tlie
earth iu> iu thu u:i^Lliv.st ol uiiies. (Churks Luumun. )

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264

ACADTil

heard the inntin nncl veSj^-rv bel!<^, in f'^at fnr off ^nv({. Ad
OLoasional ruadside shrine, in the shape oi a woudeu cious,
erected al the iiiterBecoiou ui loadH, uud suii'ouuded by vo-
tive oifeiiugs, bei'ore which the peasautiy, as they pass, id-
wjiys stoj) to cross themselves aud offer a short invocation
to the patron saint in whoso honor the shrine is set up, is
another e\idence oi' the devoteduess of a people to the re-
ligion of their fathers.

Another peculiarity of these settlements, — and exclusive-
ly a French custom, whose people are wont to live in ham-
lets rather than apart like the average American or English
farmer, — is the narrow farms of the Acadians. The dwel-
lin,^s of a farming community are in clusters on two sides of
a village street, while the faims, only a few rods in width,
run fai' back into the country. The following is a picture
of a Madawaslca home :

" The whole aspect of the farm was that of inctairie in
Normandy; the outer doors of the huuse gaudily painted,
the panels of u different color from the fratne, — the large,
open, uncarpetcd room, with its bare, shining floor, — the
lasses at the spinning-wheel, — the French costumes and ap-
peauince of Madame and her sons and daughters, — all car-
lied me back to the other side of the Atlantic."

DOWNFALL OF FRENCH RULE IN AMERICA.

In January, 1757, Lord Loudon arrived in Boston, clothed
witli the chief romiuand of the army in America. He caied
together his military council, G')vernor Lawrence of Nova
8ci'tia being present and allowed a voice in the consulta-
tion. In the unasiires pioposftd for the overthrew of the
Fi fuch in America, it was ih^ciihd not to atteiiiyit a cornplete
reduction at once; but by coiic:^iit;atinp all their force at
one point, win their way giadiially on Fr.nch teriitoiv.
The capture of Louisbourg wa^ adjudg.d the first enter-
prist) to be attempted, and Ha ifax was tixed upon as the
place of rendezvous for the 11 '^et and army desti'ied for the
Work of detii()liti(m. In Jnly of that year Adiniral H olb irna
nnivcd at Halifax with a powerful fleet, having on board
five thousand land troo])8 under command of Viscount
Howe; here the force was auirmented by Lord Loudon in
person, with six thousand infantry from New York. Some
small vessels v.ere sent (>ut as scouts to reconnoitre the en-
emy, which brou^'l.t bnck the unwe cnme news that a large
fleet of French ships of war and transports were riding safe
at anchor in the harbor of Louisliourg. Though many were
of opinion tiial the number of the enemy was greatly over-
rated, the intelligence occasioned extraordiTiary fluctnati"n8
in the Council of War. Wliile the counsel^ for nroseeuting
the expelitoii with v gor and the counter ^ loposition to jjive

'!■

2G6

ACADIA

\m 1

it up eiitivciy, were being ur<;ed with vehemence, a packet
bouiul fro!i< Loiiisnour',' tn i'lT-iice ••\as cupt.iretl by an Eng-
lish crcis^T stationed at NLnv-FoamllaMil; on board oi this
vessel were found letters by which it appeared th.uttiiere vvere
iu rjouisljoiu-;;, six thousand regular troops, threo thois lud
re'<iuent solili'^'s, and thirteoin hundred Luians, aeventeen
ships of the line and three frigates being moored in the har-
bor; that the place was wcli yUjiiIied with provisions and
all kinds of military stove^-, and that the enemy wished for
nothing more than to be attacked. The comir.aiidtrs at
Halifax were I'rdly conscious of the futility of atteuiijtiug a
rodnction of Louisboarg under those circmnsavnces, anil also
how fatal an unsnceessfal attempt would be to Britisii in-
tercs'sin America: it wa? res. Ivedtopostpone the attack un-
til some more convenient op))oitraiity. Admiral Kol'ooiue
determined on takiiig a look at the enemy, i)owove:-, and on
the 'JOth of Augast he appciU'el before Louisboing harbor
with fifteen shiii3 of the ane, four frigates and live ships.
The French Admiral at o:ic3 maile sigiial to uumjor, mis-
taking the display of Engli.-h sliipping as a challenge to a
combat outside: Ho. home's intention being simply to recon-
noitre, and not deeming himself strong enough to copa with
so formidable an aJversary, he sailed back to Ilaliiax. A
few weeks afterwards, having been joined in the meaiiline
by four additional ships of war, Aduiiiai Holljorne returned
to Louisbonr^r, determine! to risk a naval engagement vvitii
the enemy; t)u^ French Admiral, La Motle, wa-iin no humor
to tight this time, unsupported by the guns of the fort —
prubably deeming the isjua tor^ great to warrant, volunta-
rily, his yielding any advantage::

The i^ugiish sipuiJrou c()n;inu**<i cruising before Louis-
bourg until the 2<jtii, when a te;~ibie storm broke upou
them. In twelve hours tue whole fl^-et were driven within
two miles of Liie break-ns on the rock-bound coast of Cap*^
Breton, and total detitruction seemed iuoviiabie; providen-

^' a

POWNTAM. OF FltEXOr: RTJLE IX AMERICA

2C7

tift^ly tlie win<l vc^'V^fl in time to permit tlio yphroIs tn es-
cape wit'i aRiui^l'? <"XCi-"^tIon. Elevpii shiiis w-iv dismustt-'fl,
others threw their cargoes overboarrl, liaif of the wrrck^cl
vesfjol's crew were lost, aiul the whole fleet retuBned to
Eii;.r:uid in a shattere;! coiuiiiion.

This unsnccfssful oxiiedition a/^ainst Lonisbonirr, by
drawing so mariv tr(X)ps ami vahiabl'^ nfaoei s away from the
Coiitineut, left the frortiors of the Colonies in an exposed
situation; the French, seizing th'^r opportunity had taken
fi'll possession of Lai.e Champlain and Lale George, and
likewise of all the territory west of the Alk-ghany Mount-
ains. But the appointment of Mr. Titt to the Premiership
inspired new hopes in all parties a*^^ home and in America.
Immediately on assuming the duties of that vffi"e he wrote
a circular letter to the Colonies, assuring th'in of a dft"r-
mii'.alion on his ]iart of sending out an immense armanient
early in the season, and cal ii^g upon them to co"per-
ate with him with as large levies of Provhi^ial tronp; n^
they conld rnisc. The laU-'-r were ready to take the tield
early in !Ma'-, provion'-* to whi<'h Admiral Boscawon had ar-
rived at Hi'.lifiiy 'vith a fovmidiible fleet, and a powerful ar-
my under Gcneird Amherst.

The coral in^d forces, with the ma'rnificent array of one
hundred and fifty cail, and fourteen thousand men, pt-.t to
Rea. and on the 2d of Jure. 17"8, anchored in Gabarus Bay,
about seven miles to the westward of Louisbourg. The
place was garrisoned by twenty-five hundred regular troops
and three hundred miitia, under Chevalier Drncor: they
were afterwards reinforced by three hundred an ;1 fifty Cana-
cliaiiS and Ind'ans. Six Frer'^h ships and live frigates
guarded tlie 1 arbor, three o*' wbi'h wei-e sn!il- at the entrance
to ob.:-truct th ' passage of the English ves.r'ls.

Six days elapsed be'^^ii'c the violence of the surf admitted
of an atteroi t to enlavk. Oil the seventh the order was
givtn to effect a lauding. The truops wure dibtiibuted in

ip:

i ?

268

ACAPIA

fchvce divisions, the better to accomi^lish their purpose. The
lii^ht and ceuter under command of Governor Lawrence and
General Whitmore, were directed to make a show of land-
inji;-, to engage the attention of the French, while the renlat-
teiiijit was made in anotlier quarter by the left division tin-
dor General Wolfe. The Frenc^h reserved their tire until the
bouts had nearly reached the shore, when they opened up-
on them with a innrderoiis discharge of grane and musket'
ry ; this had tho eifiu't, aided by the surf which was now hi;,di,
to overset soaie of the boats, and create a t'Mnporary con-
sternation aiii;>ng tiie English. But the s])irit and example
of General Wolfe inspired his men to a heroic effo.t, and
the beach was j;aixied at the creek of Cormoraii, not without
Bfcvei'e loss: and the French were compelled to take shelter
in the town.

Tlie stores and artillery havinj^ v.ith pfieat difficulty been
lauded, General Wolfe '.vns (U'tach"d witli two thousand men
to take possession of Liglit House Point, an important post
from which the shipping in the harbor ana the town might
be greatly annoyed. On his approach the French ubau-
doned the place; the Engasli put several strong batteriea
tliere, and by the 25th, had effectually silenced the Island
baltery, which was directiy opjjosed to it. Tjie besieged
Lad tried the effect of several sallies ou the assailants, out
to little purpose ; while the English were making slow and
cautious approaches to the fortress.

Two of the I'reuch fleet had eluded the vigilance of the
blockading ship and escaped; a third, on inuking a siniiiaj
attempt, was captured. About a month afterward, one of
the largest of the French ships blew u\) ; the explosion hav-
ing communicated the rire to two other vessels, all were con-
sumed to the water's edge. Admiral Boscaweu, following
up these reverses of the enemy, sent six hundred men iu
boats to make an attempt ou the two ships of the line yet
I'tiMiiiUui^ ui' the Frcucii fleet iu Lho iJasui, — the J^iudent,

I>OWNFALL or FUENCn UUi.K IN AMERICA

209

a seventy-four, and the liL n/ni.sant. u si\ty-fi>;ir gun ship.
The former, which had been run u;,iound to escapw caiduie,
was clehtioyed; the luttei' was towed past the l;atteiies in
tiiuniph, the English losing but seven men laJled and nine
wounded This gaLaut exploit put th.) English in posses-
sion of the hai'b(n'. In the nicMitijne sivcial breaches had
been made in the woriis by the continual eannojiade, so t <•
p. ace was no longer considered utleusiblo. The Governor
offered to capitu.ate on conditions which were rejectiid by
tlif Eiifjlish, who believed they were in a way to enforce
tliL-ir own teinis. Admiral Bo.scawen demaiided that the
garrison should surrender tliemselves prisoncjs of war, vr
sustain an assault by sea and laiid; to these conditions, im-
uii.ia.iu;/ as they were, the French were obliged to subiiiit.
Tiie tn-ms stipulated tliat tha gavrisou were to be conveyed
p:isoners of war to England; that the provisions and miii-
tary stores in the Islaiuls of Cape Breton and St. John be
dtlivered over to the English; and that the merchants and
clerks who had not carried ai ins, be seat to France.

On the 27tli of July, three companies of Grenadiers took
possession of the Dauphin Gate, and Gen. Whitmore was
detached into the fortress to see the garrison lay down their
anus and deliver up their colors on the esplanade, and to
post the necessary guards within the town. Thus at the
expjnse of ab.uit four hundred men, in killed and wounded,
the English obtauied i)ossession of the important Island of
Cape Breton and the strong fortress of Louisbourg, con-
taining two hundied and thirty-one pieces of cannon, eight-
em mortars, and a considerable quantity of provisions and
military stores. Tlie loss of this fortress was the more se-
verely felt by the Frenc-h King, as it was accompanied by
the destruction of so many line-of-battle ships and frigates.

The intelligence of this brilliant victory to the British dag
was conveye(i to England by a swift-sailing vi .-.sel dis-
patched for that purpose, and which likewise conveyed

•' <

\. ;i

i\'>

iJTO

ACADM

eleven pni'rs of colors taken from the FrenMi. Tli^sp coTnrs
AVfiv, i-i^- oidev uf liin Maj'.;sly, canie.l in poniioi.is pjUiulB
fvniii Ih.j I'a'iici' of Koiirtiiigtoii to 6t. Prul's CiitliOLlruI. t.s-
cortod 1)V d'.'tiii'linicDU of Hoiso ami Foot Gr.aiJ.s, with
kettle-druiMS and trumpets, where t)ie cnj^livo fln/^s woie di'-
pobited as tiophies, under a discharge of cannon and oiLi^r
demonstrative expressions of triumph and exuliation.

rtonic vessels were sent to tako possession of the Island
of St. John, [i'l'inco Eilward Islu!'. I,] which, from its po-
sition in the Gulf of St. Lavvtvnce, anil the fertiiity of it^i
Boil, had since the bej^inning of rlio war supplied Quebec
vith a considerable quantity of provisions. It was likewise
the asyjum to wliich the Fr'-uch Neutials of AnnapoUs liad
lied tlnee years pievious, auil the re' r.^at from whence tiiey
a"ul their Indian udies used to umke their irruptioiiS into
Kova Scotia. Over four thoutiand French inl abiiaiit-? sub-
mitted and brought in their arms. In the Governor's quar-
ters were found several English Si'al])o tliat liad been bi o'Ui;ht
in by the Indians, who had been awarded by the Fre.ich a
certain premium on every scalp. The Island wa^j found to
be noli slocli<nl with cattle, and some of the farmers raii--ed
each twelve hundred bushels of corn every year for the Que-
bec market.

Previous to the fall of Louisbourg the cause of the French
ill America be^an to wane ; her dec.ine after that evei.t was
rapid. Afier an ill-judged but gallant assault upon Ticon-
deroga, in whicii Ambercrombie was defeated with the loss
of two thousand men, he dispatched Colonel Bradstreet with
a force against Frontenac* by way of Oswego and Lake
Ontario, The capture of this was easily eft'ected, in winch
\ve;o found sixty pieces of cannon, and an imuiense quantity
of stores. Bradstreet lost very few men in action ; but a
terrible disorder bioke out in camp wliich proved fatal to

*ldaii^tou, Upper Cauada.

row^-yALt or prescii h^le in America

271

five liundi f J of iLe gallaiit littb army. On tbsir return thoy
buiit a foit on tl.e oito of Ilomo, N. Y., to whi(.'h they gitve
the name of i-'oit Staawix.

The n'<liieti'»n of Fort du Qiiosiie wns floon arterward ac-
coiiiplishcvl \>y the forces uudcr Gciicral j'o.be-*, who ii: coiu-
pli'.'U'ut to tho riviiiicr under wUosa avuijiicos tli' se opeva-
tii. 11- we e co!.d.icti;d, gave it tlio namo of Pift-.I) rg.

Major Geueral Amherst had uow [IToOJ succeedod to the
ccmiiiaiid of thf- army in North America; ho siijiialiZ'' I iiis
fi])] ointment by the bold project of attumptiu;,' tlie entire
coKijuebt of C'ana la. His pl;in was to send thice j)(>\\.irul
nriiiics into the country by different routo-j, an 1 si'uu'tune-
ously attack all the strongholds of the French. The cm p-
tineof Quebec, tbt; rtiiu' tionof Niugani, and the invest iii.nfc
of Ticonderoga aiid Crovn Poii.t, by the scveiul diusio is of
the arnj}', weie tc/nip.etcly succf sslul. ^MilitaiT nif u i nve
I'ondc'nned this pan as subject to many casiialticM wiiioU
ii;ight have fiuslvatedits executi'ui and endangered tha safe-
ty of each division of th.^ann}', but circumstances were pro-
pitious to tlr.i fcucc'-Si of the English arms.

The division sent avainsi Quebec was commanded by
General Wolfe, ai'.d consisted of eight thousand troop < un-
der convoy of twenty-two !in9-of-battle ahip:^, ard a like
Euiabo* of fiigatP3 ar.d smaller vessels. An unsuccessful
nttack on the Fre^^ch, July 31st, resulted in a loss of five
Iji'.iidred of the E.'igiish troops. At the beginning of Sep-
teiiiLer. as Wolfe lay in his tent prostrate from fevei-, brought
on by excessive lubt-r and over-anxiety, he called a council
of war; on the suggestion of Townsend, it. wai decided to
inahe a second attempt by scaling tho bights of Aljraha'u.
and assailing the town on its wcal.est siile. Wolfe iieavtily
endorsed the plan, and ho arose from his sick-bed to I'vid
the at cauit iu person. The English v/eie encamped at IMont-
inorecci, below tlie town ; on the 13th the camp was broken
up, the soidicis eniLaiked on board several vessels of the

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ACADIA

fleet, and at evonipg- a''cen<lecl several miles above fhe city..
Leaving the sliips at midii^ht, tlioy etnhar'ceJ in flat-br>ats^
and with nmflfied. oars droyvped silently down stream, arriv-
ing opposite the mouth of a ravine a niiie and a half from
the city, at wliich point they eff^^cted a landinpf,

Lieutenant-Colonel Howe led the van up the ravine at dawn,,
in the face of a sharp tire from the guard above ; he was
closely followed by his generals and the remainder of tie
troops, with artillery; at suiuisn tlio entire army stood in
battle array on the Plains of Abraham.

The surprise of Montcalm at thi^ siidden api)earance of a
hostile army before the eity at its most vulnerable pointy
was only equaled Ijy his ff.ars for the safety of the place.
He was already nut-,::;'eneraled. — nothing now remained but
to IJftht as a soldier. He brought his army aci'oss tiie St.
Charles River, and by nine o'clock the French were diawn
up in line of battle between the Britisli troops and the city.

The moment was big with interest to tiie two great powe. 9
of Europe ; this battle was to determine the supremacy of
i\w Jkur-de-lls, or the banner and cioss of St. George, on
the .\merican Continent. Montcalm, v»ith 7.50Q well-ti ained
soldi'-rs, confronted 4,800 British vegular.s under Wohe.
Both generals were youjig men, enjoying the full contidence
of the soldiers, ranking among the highest of the military
chieftains of Europe, and each ambitious to signalize the day
by a grand victory for his respective King. The scene was
beautifully grand — the quiet landscape, the rolling river,
the spires and tin roofs of the city, the evolutions of the
tioojis, all lighted up by the rays of the morning sun, and
enlivened by the blare of trumpets, the roll of drums and
tiie strains of martial music. Yet the beautiful scei;e was
in a moment to be changed. The ominous loll of muslcetry.
the suioke of battle, the angered voices of the conibat.ints,
nnd tile groans of tlie wounded and dying, were to succeed
this scene of earthly ma^niliceuce.

I; I

rOWNFALL OF FRENCH RULE IN AMERICA

273

Moiitca''m led the attack. The French came on with
their wmiteil impc-tuosity. The c^Tposing ranks of the Eng-
lisli stool with arms at vest as if on jiarade, motionless
Oiily as tbey closed up the ghastly gaps after receiving each
voile}', — then as calmly awaiting the next. Nearer and
nearer came the jilatoons of the French ; deadlier the stream
of leaden fire tliat rained against the living wall ; yet not a
British soldier vacated his post only as his life '^vent out,
when his comrades silently and mechanically closed up the
breach, and presented the same unbroken front of scarlet-
coated veterans. The ranks of the English were fast melt-
ing away before the murderous fire ; fully one- fourth of their
number had already fallen, yet not a shot had been returned,
not a tittle of the strictest military discipline had been vio-
lated ; — they stood calmly awaiting the»order to fire.

The practical eye of Wolfe now saw the opportune mo-
ment had arrived. The French were within forty yards of
the British lines, and still advancing. The necessary or-
ders were given. Every gun along the whole line was
brought into position with all the coolness and precision of
a review parad-, as if the who!e were one great machine,
moving obcditnly to the touch of the engineer. A fiarue
of fire belched forth from hundreds of black-throated bajrels
as though from a single gun: the French line was carried
forward by its own momontuui a few paces, then reeled,
and it seemed tho whole rank had fallen. When the smoke
from the volley had cleared away, what a scene of carnage
was there disclosed! Before the French could recover,
"Wolfe gave the order to charge; in a few moments the
Frenih were flying in tveiy direction, leaving the Biitish
ma>iters of the field. England, through the valor of the he-
roic Wolfe, had won a right to assert her supremacy over
tlie soil of America.

Wolfe and Montcalm were both fatally wounded on the
field of buttle, and tho concluding movements of the con-

i l>

274

ACADIA

flict were carried on by their cdiicers. As the eyes of Wolfe
were closing in (ieaUi. his well-trained ear detected shouts
of victory. "The French give way everywhere," said au
officer in response to his inquiry. ''Then," said he, "I die
contented. ' With one more effort — the last order he wua
to gi "e, the last word he was to speak — he said; "Tell Coh
Burton to march Webb's regiment with all speed to St.
Charles River, to cut off ihe retieat," and immediately ex-
pired.

Montcalm, on receiving his mortal wound, was carried in-
to the city; and when told that he must die, he said, "i^o
much the better; I shall then b3 spared the mortification of
seeing the surrender of Quebec."

Gieat was the enthusiasm displayed by the English peo-
ple everywhere, on the overthrow of French uoiuiuatioii on
American soil. Illuuiinations, patriotic addresses, and pub-
lic rejoicings were giveLi in every town throughout Euglaud,
except the little Kentish village of Westerham, where lived
the widowed mother of Wolfe, who now mourned the death
of au only son.

It may l.)e that other mothers have felt the pangs of sep-
aration from a heart's idol as poignantly as did this widow,
but we doubt if a mother's grief was ever before shared
with such unanimity by a whole nation, or that a hero's ut^ath
was ever more gratifying to the heart of the true soldier
than was that of Wolfe expiring amid the salvos of artillery,
the shouts of victory, and assured of the blessings of the
English -speaking people of two Continents.

Wolfe's remains were embalmed and sent to England.
They were lauded at Plymouth with the highest honors,
minute guns were lired, the flags hoisted at half-mast, and
rtn escort with arms reversed received the coffin on the shore,
They were then conveyed to Greenwich, and buried beside
those of his father who had died but a few months before.

Tlie remains of his brave competitor, Montcalm, still re-

.jlancl.
jonois,
3t, and
shv)i'e.
I beside
[efove.
Itill re-

rOW>-PALL OP FRENCH RULE IN AMERICA

275

pose in the Ursuline Convent at Quebec,* in an excavation
in its waV made by a shell during the action in which he
lost his life. The French and English residents of the ci'^y
have erected a monument on the battle-flold, ueJicateJ to
the liiiked m moiy oi uoife and Montcalm.

•Montcalm's sliuU is carefully preserved under glasa

il'

it>

' \

\ I

ENGLISH OCCUPATION.

With tlio fall of Quebec and other French rovoi'so?, (he
EiJ'jlish became complete n^astcrs of a teiTitory which hacl
bfon a source of bitter stiife for upwards of two centuries,
and a delinite treaty was Rip;ned at Paris between France and
England on the lOtli of February, 1763.

Tlie English deemed it inexpedipnt to maintain a costly
garrison at Louisbourg; and as its capture at anj- future
period by the French miglit endanger the safety of Nova
Scotia, the Brilish crown deternii):ed on its reduction. Ac-
cordingly, a company of sappers and miners had been sent,
who, in the space of six months, at an immense expenditure
of money and labor, reduced the fortifications to a heap ol
cubbish by means of mines, judiciously exploded. The .valla
and glacis were leveled with the ditch, and nothing was left
standing but the private houses, which had been badly torn
and shattered during the siege, together with the hospital
and a barrack capable of holding three hundred men.* At
the present time neither roof nor spire remains, — no street,
convent, church, nor barrack. " The green turf covers all—

* Much of the buildinc;-stone composing this fortress, so it is said, \va*
transported hither from France. At its ved»ictitm, coueiflevnblp of this
material was conveyed to distant p.ivts. Some of the public buildings ia
Halifax, and many of the stone edifices in the various cities along thfi
New England coast as far as Uostou, contain portions of this once power«
fill furUess.

rSGLISH OCCUPATION

277

even the fouuclalioije of tie bcu&es are buried. It is a city
■without an inhabitant. Dismounted cannon, broken bavo-
Eets, gun-locks, shot and slieil, corroded and corroding, in
silence and desolation, with no feigns of life visible upon
tliese wai'-like battlements except tiie fl'cksof shec-p, — these
aie the only relics of once powerful Loiiisbourg."

fcjays a recent writer, " With the Treaty of Paris, the his-
tory of Acadia ends." In our opinion the record would be
quite incomplete, did we not include the subsequent for-
tunes of the many Acadians who eventually returned to the
country, if not to the soil, from whence they were expati ia-
ted; or failed to mention the circumstances attendin;.; tl)e
re-peop]ing of the vast amount of fertile lands vacated by
the dispossessed French farmers.

The local government at Halifax went vigorously to work
to insure the tranquility of the Province, and to induce cm-
igiation from the Continent. In 17G1 there arrived Irom
Boston six vesseiS, having on board two hundred settlers,
and four schooners from Rhode Island with half that num-
ber; New London furnished one hundred emigrants, and
Plymouth one hundred and eighty, making in all live hun-
dred and eighty ;jou1s. Two hundred persons arrived from
the north of Ii'eiand about the same time, followed by ad-
venturers from other places: these early emigrants laid the
foundations of those beautiful townships which line the
shores of the Bay of Fundy and Basin of Minas.

His Majesty's ministers, soon after the removal of the
French, expressed a wish that their cultivated lands should
be reserved for militaiy settlers; but Governor Lawrence,
who had been bred to the profession of arms, and was well
ac(|uainted with the habits of soldiers, prevailed upon the
Government to relinquish the design at that time. Law-
rence's objections were, that besides their transportation,
such settlers must be f uruisaod with provisions i'ur one year,
with materials and tools for building, implements of iius-

273

ACADTi

il *

bandry, and cattle to stock their lands ; for soldiers, wbo
Lave notbing of their own to set out with, will nece->saiily
bo in want of everything at the beginning. According to
his ideas of the military, they are the least qualified, from
their occupation as soldiers, of any class of men to ea ab-
lisli a new country, where they must encounter ditHcuJies
with which tliey are altogether unacquainted. He further
asserted that every soldier that Imd come into that Prov-
ince had either quitted it or become a drams(41er.

These remonstrances had the desired effT'ct, and those
va.uable reserves were thrown open to an industrious
ckss, whose occupation had always been the cultivation of
the soil. The great distance of Nova Scotia from the iNew
England colonies, the expense of moving lamilies thither,
tlie opposition of friends and fear of the Indians, tended
greatly to check the tide of eraigia.ion to that Proviuce, of
which such glowing accounts had bten given. However, on
the 12ih of December, 1760, Croveruor Pelc'ier wrote the
Board of Trade: "'I have the satisfaction to acquaint your
Lordships that the towrjf-hips of Horton, CornwalJis und
Falmouth, are so weil estabJished that everything bears a
hopeful appearance ; as soon as these townships were laid
out by the surveyor, palisaded forts were erected in each of
them, with room to secure ail the inhabitants. After the
necessary business, the proper seaS'^n coming on, they were
emploj'ed in gathering hav for the winter." About tins
time they put some corn and roots into the ground. The
late Governor "having made a progress into these feettle-
mtnts," after having regulated several matters, the repai. of
the dikes was his tirst care. For this purpose the inhabit-
ants, with their cattle and carriages, at their owvi expen-e,
were joined with some of the Provimial tioops and Acadi-
ans, who were best acquainted with works of this kind.

The next pubiic impiovement was the making of a road
from Halifax to these settlements. All the troops that

I! i

ENGLISH OCCUPATION

279

s a

laid

hof

the

were

this

The

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■ai. of

road
that

could be s^mred from duty were tmp.oyed on this work. —
The pass«a<^e bf-twecn these poi]it.s was very diffiriilt ut that
time, oil account of dense swamps and broken bridges.*
The greater part of the expense attending- the labor, wrute
Governor Belchor, will be defrayed '• out of a sum of money
appropriated from a ^~eizure of molassc s."

Many of the people were in good circumstances, having
transported themselves and their fffects at their own ex-
pense; as lor the poorer class, there was provision made for
them until the following August. In the township of Liv-
eij ool, says the Governor, "they are now employed in
bui ding three vessels for the flsheiy, have laid in hay fur
the winter fodder of their cattle, and have raised a consid-
erable quantity of roots, and erected a grist and saw mill.
They have sixteen sail of fishing iLchooners, and although
some of them came late in the season, they hava cured hear
five hundred quintals of fish. In regard to the townships
of Granville and Annapolis, about thirty propiietors are set-
tled in each ; as they came late in the year, they did not
bring all their families, but are preparing against their ar-
rival in the spring The perfect establishment of

the settlements depends, in a very great degree, in the re-
pairs of the dikes, for the security of the marsh lands, from
whence the support of the inhabitants will become easy and

* Dr. M'Gregor, one of the early Presbyterian preachers sent over from
Scotland into this Province, thus describes one of these bridges : "Over
an upright pier, on each side of the river, were laid three long logs, at
least forty-tive feet li.up;, so as to extend fifteen feet beyond the pier ou
the river, the other cud extending thirty feet vn the land, and haviuf^
heavy logs laid across them near the end, to overbalance any weii,'ht that
might be ou the bridge. The long lo^^s are called buliucnts. Three oth-
er log-s were laid with their ends resting on the inner ends of the but-
ments, fifteen feet from the piers, filling the interval space. The round
of the npper surface of the log was hewn away by the ax, and thus ths
bridge was finished with nine long logs. Spans of ninety or one him-
'li&l feet ^Tf made iu this way. "

I i

280

ACKTiTJt

> I

5i'

' 1 • ■

tl'

■1,-

1 H

^ r'^

;i|

plentiful. I ImmTily conceive thnt tlio dilcou maybcpiitiTitc
Ten- c^noil con lition if, with join Lordship's uppro'uation.
011^' huiiiirecl of the French inliabitnnts niuv be employed in
different jiarts of the F ovince to assist and instruct in tlieir
repairs, tlio new settlers Laving come from a country in
in which such works are not needed."

In the snmirer of 17G1, thirty f.-unih'es from the Province
of ^Fassar-hnsetts landed in Onslow, at the head of Cobe-
quid Ba3'. They brouj^fht with them twenty head of homed
cattle, eight horses and seventy sheeji ; but their stock of
provisions was altogetlier inadequate to their wants, aiid was
consumed in six months. From this circumstance they were
reduced to gi\at privations. During the second year tlie
government supplied them with Indian corn, and they add-
ed to their food supply by li-hing and hunting. On their
arrival they found the country laid waste to prevent the le-
turn of the Acadians, but five hundred and seventy acres of
marsh land were still under dilce; and about forty acres of
upland a'ound the ruined ho us^es, which were partially over-
grown with shrubs, were c!e;ued. Remains of the French
roads, which wei'e confined to the marsiies, are visible to
this day. Near the sites of their buildings are found fann-
ing implements and kitchen utensils, which they bad buried
in the earth under the hope of being permitted some day
to return to their possessions.

At this time New Brunswick was included in Nova Scotia,
and denominated the County cf Sunbury. The extreme
fertility of the intervales of New Brunswick had attiacted
the attention of the British officers who had been stationed
in the country. Some of th.em procured extensive gratits of
territory; among them General Gage, a large tract at tlie
head of the Long Eeach. St. John River; Col. Spry, a large
grant near Jemseg ; Col. Mangers, a grant at Muggers
Island : and Major J3ight secured title to live thousand acres
since known as the Ten Lots in Sheffield. It was unfortun-

EKOMSH OCCrPATION

281

e to
t'arni-
uneii

ate'y the case then as now, that favorites of thoge in power,
and ijiontyt'il speculators, secure luonopolios to the detri-
meiit of the masses and the consequent hindrance of nation*
al prosperity.

In 17G3, the firm of Simons, Hazen & White, established
themselves at St. John Harbor, and a Scotdiman nuTued
John Anderson salected the flat of Frederickton for his farm
and trading,' post. Several faiuihes from the Parishes of
Rowley, Andover and Boxford, near Boston, ejuic^ruted to
the River St. John during that and the following season, in
a couple of packet sloops, of about forty tons burden each,
and commanded by Captains Newman and Ilowe. The for-
mer came first with the emigrants, and the latter became an
annual trader to the River, his sloop being the only means
of communication between the pilgrims and their native
land.

There were small, detached French villages located, at
that time, in the rich intervale; but the uncougeniality of
their English neighbors, no doubt, was the cause of their
migratin;;' farther into the wilderness. The New Eng and
settlers connnenced clearing the soil and preparing for the
first crop ; they were dcliglited with the rapid growth and
favorable prospect, when an early frost put an end to their
hopes for that year. Before relief arrived, the next season,
they suffered much for want of food.

These emigrants had taken the precaution to obtain a
grant of land from the Government at Halifax, securing
five hundred acres to each man of a family. They were de-
sirous of settling near together, and each sliaring in the rich
intervale on the river bank; they therefore laid out their
lots ten chains in width, and extending back Lve hundred
and fifty chains [neai'ly seven miles], making eight farms to
a mile in breadth on the river.*

• Hatheway.

282

ACAOU

i?l

m' I

The resettlement of the eountjy unJer English patrou-
age couritjutjj very siow aiitil tiie outbreiik of the llcvo-
lution, when the poijuiution was auguientcd by the ainval
of Tory refugees from the revoltiug coiouies, styled in the
Cai.uJiau rroviiictH "UiiiLeJ Eiui^iio Lojuliots;" who, to
thi) iiuiuber of twenty thousuuil, with their eiiects, sought
here a home. Many of these were among the "first fami-
lies" in the country from whence ihty had tied, and provetl
a valuable act-esbion to the Province, by cievatiiig the bocitJ
Btnnciing of the conjmunity, and adding a valuable elemcxj
to the industrial population.

Scarce twenty years agone, we saw a whole people of
French descent viokntly expatriated frcm this soil by the
joint efforts of native and colonial Critons, on the asbertt J
ground of the ininutal tendencies of their bijoted religion
and Papist priestliond. Now we behold a violent rvipture
between the English colonies and their mother country, and
between the co.onists themselves; and some of the latter,
in their turn expatriated, are I'oieed to seek an asylum in
the laud from which they had helped to drive away the
French.

The strange perversities of the human mind, and the
marked effect that self-interest exerts over one's opinions
and prejudices, were never more appaient than as exhib-
ited in the march of the events of which we write. When
au excuse was wanting to drive the French from their ter-
ritory in America, the xiritish Ministry, the Council at Hal-
ifax, and the Colonial Governmeu*-" each openly denounced
that i^eople as " equally cruel and perfidious as their savage
allies." In 1774 both England and the coiouies were aux«
ioufc) to secure tne services of the French Catholics of Can-
ada in the contiict then impending between them. The
British Ministry restored to them their ancient civil pro-
cedure, together with the full ecclesiastical jurisdiction per-
taining to the Papibt priesthood: this was done with the

EN'CI.ISH OCCUPATTOX

283

view of conciliating the priests, and by that means win over
tliH cuiiiiium leoplo to thrir iuttnsts. On the other huud,
although a Inw wiih at that time on the statute-book of
Ilhode Ibland, making it a penn! offence fbr a Roman (.'ath-
olic to set foot on her soil, the coh)nies sent a inessag(,' to
their neighbors of Canada, in which they said; "We a-e too
Wei; acc|uaiiueu with the liberalitv of sentiment di-;t.ingiiish-
ing your nation, to imagine that difference of re.igioii will
prejudice you against a hearty amity with us." *

Count d'Estaiug, of the coiip^rating Frencli fl.^et cruising
on tlie American seaboard in 1778, vainly trie! L • i'lflucnce
his (yanadian fellow-countrymen, by calling to ren^ ibrance
the natural ties which bound them to the raca tl o\ sprang
from. The reproachful saying of Lafa; ett .u the Cam,
diau officers imprisoned at Boston for taking up arm«iin the
roya.ist •luse, is a matter of history : "What' ynu elect
to light, in order to maintain your subordiii'ition as colo-
nists, instead of acre])tiiig and vindicating luc inu^pMi Viice
which has be?n <.ffered you! Remain then, tvcr the slaves
ye now are! " The Briash Ministry proved themselves the
better diplorantists,and, by granting privileges to the French
Catholic element, greatly to the prejudice of the EngKbh
Prote!?tant popu'.ation, who were of less importance to
Great Britain in point of numbers, permanently secured to
the Ci own of England the powerful dominion of Canada.

fcre anx*

*Tlie following, from the " Laws nnd Resolves of Mnssnchnsetts Hay,"
is oppropos to tlie siibjcct. Tlie paper bcirs date of Dccenilier 12, 1(!05 ;
ef:cr a preamble sliowinR tliat the law was intcuded to abate a "grievous
inconvt-mence. " and as a measure of "public safety," it reads: "J^e it
er.ac:ed .... That from and after the second day f)f .Tmmary next en-
pV-ng, none of the French nation be perniirted to reside or be in any of
the seaport or frontier to^\-ns in this jjiovince, but such as shall be licensed
by ihe Governor and Council; nor sh.idl any of said nation keep shop, or
cxc:rcise any manual tra.le iuany of the towns of this I'rovince, without
the approbation of the Selectmen, on pain of imprisonmoiit, and to te-
nwin ill prison nntil rele^ased by order of Governor and Council."

hr H.

284

ArAItlA

Throughout the Cawadiau l-iovinces, as in the revolted
colonies, sentiment was divided as regarded allegiance to
Great Britain. The young colony of Massachusetts emi-
grants on the banks of the St. John endorsed the action of
the Whigs, and set on foot a campaign and siege a;;:iinst
their English neighbors of Fort Cumberland, who, it ap-
pears, had as heartily espoused the cause of George tbe
Third. The historian Hatbeway thus describes what he is
pleased to term the "quixotic " campaign against Fort Cum-
berland: —

""Without artillery, without a commissioned officer at
then* head, or an ordinary knowledge of s^ch an undertak-
ing, they commenced their march, while the greater part of
their company were as iguoiaut of the nature of such an
undertaking as they were of the justice of it. They ut
length arrived in the neighborhood of the fort, and soon
made known the nature of their visit by a bold demand of
an immediate surrender; and having contrived to forward
an exaggerated account of their numerical strength and
resources, they caused the garrison to close their gates and
prepare for the siege or assault, notwithstanding the elToc-
tive troops of the fort were more than double the number
of the besiegers. Unfortunately at this juncture a vessul
Lad arrived off the fort, loaded with provisions for the
troops. A sergeant with a few men had gone on board as
u guard until time and tide should favor the unloading. —
Our invading heroes now conceived the bold design (since
there seemed little prospect of carrying the fort) of captur-
•ng this vessel. They accordingly, wheu the tide had run
out of the harbor and left the vessel sitting on tlie mud flat,
marched alongs.de of her in a dark night, ordered a ladder
to be let down to help them on board, threatening to buru
Ihem in case of resistance. This order was obeyed and
they took their prize \vithout opposition. Had one shot
beeu iired, the iort would Lave takeu the alai'iu and recap-

EKGLISH OCCUPATION

285

tared ber the next morning, instead of having the chagrin
to see her saU away next day a prize to the foe, without a
cruiser on the coast to pursue her. Tiiia vessel was tukeu
to Machias and sold by the captors, who it is presumed made
a fair dividend of the prize money."

The same authority says: "At the conclusion of the peace
of 1783, there was a great influx of emigrants to this Prov-
iuce, chiefly of the American Loyalists, disbanded soldiers and
ofiicers, nearly all of whom drew laud from the government.
Some remained and occupied their lauds during the two
years in which the government allowed them rations ; otiiers
left and returned to the United States, and some continued
permanent and useful settlers. This gave a new impulse to
the infant colony, enhanced the value of property of all de-
scriptions, made a ready and sure market for a surplus iirod-
uce, and caused money to circulate and capitalists to under-
take business. But a disbanded soldiery seldom makes the
best settlers. Too much of the dissipated customs of the
army, with the usual attendant intemperance, proved for b
time a great drawback and hindrance to those benetits which
might otherwise have resulted from the change."

The Province of New Brunswick had been erected, and
was so named in honor of the Duke of Brunswick, one ol
the petty German princes, from whom England had en-
gaged the sixteen thousand Hessian troops which she em-
ployed in the War of the Revolution. Three thousand per-
sons from Nantucket arrived at the River St. John in the
spring succeeding the declaration of peace. Many of these
were men who served in the ranks of the Lo\alists during
the war ; twelve hundred more from the same piace followed
during the autumn of the same year. The sufferitigs ct
these settlers are described as severe. They had previous-
ly enjoyed all the comforts which a country subdued and
cultivated by the endurance and industry of their forefath.
ers afforded, Xid they were forced to encounter all the hor-

Y^'i'i i

286

ACAVTM

rors of an approaobing winter, without houses to shelter
tiiem, amiJ tlie wilds of New Brans>vick. Their suifeiiugs
huve been JesciibeJ in a paiuph-et published by a resident
of the Province. He says the difficulties to which the liist
eettlers were exposed, for a long time continued a.uost in-
surmountable. On their arrival, they found a few Iioveis
where St. John is now built, the adjacent country exhibit-
ing a most desolate aspect, which was peculiarly discouiag-
ing to people who had just left their homes in the beuuaful
and cultivated parts of the United States. The country all
about was a continued wilderness, uninliabited and untvod-
den, except by savages and wild beasts i and scarcely had
they begun to construct their cabins, when they were sur-
prised by the rigors of the untried climate, their habitations
being enveloped in snow before they were tenable. The^
Climate at that period, from some cause, was far more se-
vere than at present, and they were frequently put to the
greatest straits for food and clothing to pi'cserva their ex-
istence. A few roots were all tliat tender mothers could at
times procure to allay the importunate calls of their children
for food. Sir Guy Carleton had ordered their provisions at
the expense of the government, for the first year; but, as the
country was little cultivated at that time, food could scarce-
ly be procured on any terms. Frequently hnd these settlers
to go t'roia fifty to one hundred miles v.-ith hand-sleds or
toboggans, through wild woods or on the ice, forced to sleep
in the open air, and make their way on snow-i-hoes, to pro-
cure a supply for tlieir famishing families. The privations
and suffeilngs of tliese people almost exceeded belief. The
want of food and clothing in a wild country was not easily
Buppiied. Frequently in the piercing cold of winter, some
of thft family were obliged to remain up at night to kee*) fire
in their huts to protect the others from freezing. t,ome of
the uioie destitute lauiiiies made use of boards to supply
the want of bedding. Many of these Loyalists were in the

SNOI-reH OCCCPATIOS

287

prime of life when they emigrated into the country, and
luofifc of theiij had young fauiiUes. To establish these, they
w«re out their lives in toil and poverty, and by their unre-
milting exertions subdued the wikTeruess, and covered the
face of the coantiy with habitations, villages, aud towns.

Among the early settlers of St. John after the close of the
•war, was the notorious Benedict Arnold and faniilv. He
eeeu.s to have been hat^d even in St. John; aud many local
instances of meanneFs are yet told of him while a resident
there. Arnold engaged in tiade and navigation, and owi:e(l
the lirst vessel built in St. John. He obtained it of the
builder, who was unable to procure the necessary sails and
rigging, and who unfortunately came into Arnold's power,
by iraud. He lived in a house built by himself at the cor-
ner of King and Canterbury Streets; his store was in an-
otL( 1 quarter, near the corner of Main and Chai'iotte Streets :
he dtait in ship-furnishing goods.

"When Benedict Arnold returned to England he was the
father ot seven children. His tirst wife bore him Benedict,
Eichard and Eeuiy. The elder was an officer of artillery
in British service, aud died yourg while stationed in tho
"West Indies. The children by his second marriage were
James, Edward, George and Sophia. James was tbe only
one born in the United States, and was a child at the time
of Arnold's trehsou ; he entered the British army and rose
to t'ne rank of Colonel of Engineers. He was stationed at
Bermuda for awhile, then was transferred to Haiiiax, whera
he was in command of the engineers of New Brunswick
and Nova Scotia. During this period he visited St. Joun,
and on going into the house built by his lather in King
Street, wept like a child. He married a Mies Goodrich of
the is.e of >Vight.

Benedict Arnolo and sister Hannah were the only ones
left of a family of six cui.di-eu at the time of the llevolution ;
bufc adhered to him through ali his giiiltj career. She ig

ml'

288

AOADTA

f ■,

<l]l Hi

k. :

ijfl :i W

■■^Wi

said to have possessed excellent qualities of character, and
died at Montague, Province of Quebec, in 1803. Arnold
died in London in 1801 f and Margaret, his widow, died in
the same city three years afterwards, at the age of forty-
three.

Miss Margaret Shippen, afterward Mrs, Benedict Arnold,
it will be recollected, was at the time of tbe British occupa-
tion of Philadelphia, 1877, one of the reigning holies of that
city, and a groat favorite with the British oflScers. The
young and brilliant Major Andre, by his po isbed manners,
aiid superior address, had attracted her admiration, with
whom she soon came to be on intimate terms. After the
English withdrew, it was then she became acquainted with
Benedict Arnold, with whom she afterward contracted mar-
riage. Van Shaack, a New York Loyalist, relates being at
Westminster Abbey some years after tbe war. While there
he saw Benedict Arnold, and a lady with him he supposed
to be his wife. The two stood before the cenotaph of An-
dre, deliberately perusing the monumental inscription of
the tale of his own infamy. What Arnold's thoughts were,
when his act of treachery came up before hiin, or hers, at
this reminder of the untimely end of her former lover, can
be only surmised. Van Shaack relates that he turned from
the scene in disgust.

The town of Shelburne, on an inlet on the south eastern
coast of Nova Scotia, is noticeable to the student of Ameri-
can history, from its having been the I'esidence of Beverly
Robinson, with whom Arnold was quartered at the time he
was negotiating the surrender of West Point, and whose
former dwelling vet stands among the mountains of Putnam
County, N. Y., within view of the ruined fovtificatioiis of
Fort Putnam. After the surrender of Cornwa.lis, a hun-
dred and twenty Lova'iists from New York, heads of fami-
lies, assocJaied thimselvts for the piupose of emigrating to
Nova Scotia. Ihe number was subisequently increased to

.) i

ENGLISH OCCUPATION

289

four hundred and seventy-one beads of families, who were
divided into pixtecn ocnpnnies with a captain and two lieu-
tenants appointed for each. The several companies were
each provided with one transport for its conveyance, two
for the removal of its heavy baggage, and a schooner to car-
ry horses. The associates were furnished with forty pieces
of cannon and a proportionate quantity of ammunition and
military stores, and were accompanied by a commissary, en-
gineer and a number of carpent'.is, who were supplied with
all kinds of tools and implements necessary for the forma-
tion of a settlement upon a large scale. Previous to their
de^;avtuie a Board was constituted, of which Beverly Kob-
inson, Esq., was appointed President, whose duty it was to
apportion a pecuniary donation of Government among the
must meritorious of the settlers.

The associates and their families sailed from New York
harbor on the 27th of April, 1783, in a fleet of eighteen
equal e-rigged vesse.s, and several sloops and schooners,
supported by two ships of war. Choosing a situation, a
town was laid out, consisting of five parallel streets, sixty
feet wide, intersected by others at right angles. Temporary
huts were erected for the families, and the ground cleared
away for the site of the town. The Roseway Iliver swarmed
witn salmon and gaspereau, and the harbor was filled with
cod, halibut, lobster and shell-fish. In J uly the erection of
substantial houses was commenced. The following month
Governor Parr visited the place and conferred upon it a
name by drinking prosperity to the tov/n of Slidbiirne. A
complete inundation of fleeing Loyalists poured into the
half-built town during the autumn, and the limits of the
growing city had to be en'aigcd. Within a year the popu-
lation of Sheiburne reached twelve or fouiteen thousand.
But the town had no back countrj^ to supply and be en-
riched by ; and the colonists, mostly of the wealthier class
from the cities, would not engage in the fisheries. The

ill ^1

> ' ■■■ ■

A.CADIA

money tliey had brought from their old homes was at leugth
exhausted, auu theu Shelbarue declined with a rapidity as
remarkable as its growth had been. Many of the people
returned to the United States, and others removed to vari-
ous parts of the Province: the population soon dwio.Wed
to four hundi'ed souls. Within two years over $2,jOU,OUO
were sunk in the founding of Shelburne. It was recently
described as the site of a fevv huge storehouses, with de-
cayed timbers and crumbliug window frames, standing near
the v.harves, with piles of stone and grass plats marking
where the streets had been.

Notwithstanding the coldness of the climate of Nova Sco-
tia, numbers of the colored race have emigrated to its shores,
the dascer.dauts of whom still abide on its soil. Here they
retain, with a iew excejjtious, the proverbial improvidence
of their race. Nearly twelve hundred blacks were trans-
ported from this Province to Sieira Leone in 1792, by sanc-
tion of the British government. Shortly after their remov-
al, six hundi'ed Maroons, from the Island of Jamaica, were
conveyed to Halifax, with the view of making them perma-
nent residents. The history of this singular people is so
full of interest, that a brief sketch of them cannot be out of
place here.

In 1655, when Jamaica was taken from the Spaniards, fif-
teen hundred of their enslaved Africans took refuge in the
mountains of the island. In these retreats they, for upward
of forty years, mainly subsisted by frequent incursions into
the settlements of the English in the lowlands. Their num-
bers continued to swell by natural increase, and by rein-
forcements of fugitive slaves ; and they finally became so
formidable, under an able leader named Cudjoe, that, in
1738, military force was resorted to for their subjugation.
A pacification was fortunately entered into with them, and
thus was terminated a contest which seemed to portend the
ruin of the whole coIo:iy.

EHQLISH OCCUrATIOJT

291

In 17P5, the Maroons again appeared in arms, ar.d swooped
down from their mountain fastnesses, cfirrying destruction
and alarm all over the island. They established their hcad-
qaaiters at a place called the " Cockpit," a deep valley sur-
rounded by steep precipices and mountains o" a prodigious
hxght, in the caves of which they had placed their woineu
find children, and deposited their ammunition. From this
secure retreat, they sent out small parties of their ablest
young men, who prowled about the country, gathering up
provisions, and applying the midnight torch to unprotected
Tiwellings, and murdering in cold blood, such of the white
1 eople as came into their hands, without regard to age or
sex. The Earl of Beicarras and General Walpole proceed-
ed against them with a body of troops, but so great were
the difficulties encountered, that they nearly despaired of
subjugating this people. The Cockpit could be reached on-
ly by a path down a steep rock, one hundred and fifty feet
in almost perpendicular descent. This obstacle the ^la-
roons surmouured without difficulty. Habituated to era-
ploy their naked feet with singular effect in climbing up
trees and precipices, they had acquired a dexterity, which,
to the British troops, was wholly inimitable. The great
lack of the Maroons in this impregnable retreat, was a full
supply of water. For a time their thirst was asbuaged by a
substitute for natural springs furnished by a species of pine
growing in the pit; this finally fiviled them, but it is not
known what the issue might have been, had not an unusual
tind cruel measure been resorted to by way of enforcing sub-
jugation.

The British Commissioners who went to Havanna for as-
pistance, arrived at Montf^go Bay with forty C/insseiirs, or
!ii:auish hunters, (chiefly people of color,) and one hundred
cud twenty Spanish dogs. A groat proportion of these au-
imais were not regularly trained, so that the fugitives whom
they overtook had no chance to escape being torn in pieces

l'\

ACADIA

by them. These Spanish Chasseurs had bound themselves
"to go to the Island of Jamuica, taking each three do^s for
the hunting and seizing of iiegroes; that when arrived, and
hifoi med of the situation of the runaway or rebellious ne-
groes, we oblige ourselves to practice every means thui may
bfl necessary to pursue, and to apprehend with our dugs,
said rebellious nef;roe8." Thus the authorities may be said
literally to have let loose "the dogs of war" against tlie pio-
scribed Maroons.

Tliis harsh measure had the effect of bringinnf about a
truce : terrified and humbled, the insurgents sued for peace ;
six hundred of the Trelawney Maioous were put on board
three transports at Bluelields, in Jamaica, and in six weeks
were safely landed in Halifax. They had been provided with
all manner of necessities and acconmiodutions at sea, and
provisioi* made for their subsistence after reaching iuiid:
the sum of £25,000 had been furnished by the Jamaica Leg-
islature for the purpose.

On their arrival at Halifax Harbor, his Highness, Prince
Edward, then in the country, was greatly anxious to see a
people who had for months successfully resisted a greatly
superior force of British troops. The Prince, on going on
board the Dorer, found a detachment of British Kegulars
drawn up on the quarter-deck, theii' arms rested and music
playing. The Maroon men, in a uniform dress, were ar-
ranged in lines on each side the whole length of the ship,
and the women and children forward, dressed clean am*
neat. Accustomed to view lines of men with a very dis-
criminating eye, the just proportions of their limbs did not
escape the notice of the Prince.

It being midsummer, temporary houses were erected,
and others hired for them, and the Governor allotted tha
barns of his farm for the same purpose. They were em-
ployed on the fortifications of Halifax : the Maroon Bastion
wub erecttid and designated a munumeut of their active iu-

ENGLISH OCCUPATION

293

dnstry. In a •word, this di'eaJfui bmitlitti were consiJeied
ift great acquisition to tlie country. It wild not long before
this people showed signs of discontent; those who were in-
strumental in their transportation began to have fears they
might have made a mistake; in 1800 tliey were reumbarked
at Halifax, and sei:t to Sierra Leone. Tiius ended the set-
tlement of Maroons in Nova Scotia, after an expenditure of
, £40,000 on the part of the Island of Jamaica, and a very
great outlay by Great Britain.

At the conclui?ion of the war of 1812, a large body of es-
caped slaves were permitted to take refuge on board the
Biitish squadron, blockading the Chesapeake and soutijera
harbors, and were afterwards landed at Halifax. They liad
imbibed the theory that liberty consisted in total exemption
from labor; and unaccustomed to provide for their own
wants, they eked out an existence by cultivating smail gar-
dens through the summer, and subsisting on rations allowed
them by government during the winter. In the neighbor-
hood of Halifax are settlements composed wholly of blacks,
who experience during the rigorous season all the misery
incident to improvidence. The following is a pen picture:

"In a few minutes we saw a big house perched on a bone
of granite, and presently another cabin came in view. Then
other scare-crow edifices wheeled in sight as we drove along ;
all forlorn, all patched with mud, all perched on barren
knolls, high up, like ragged redoubts of jjoverty, armed at
every window with a formidable artillery of old hats, rolls
of rags, quilts, carpets, and indescribable bundles, or bar-
ricaded with boards to keep out the sunshine. The people
living here are descendants of escaped slaves from the Uni-
ted States. They are a miserable lot; they won't work,
and they shiver it out here as well as they can. But in the
strawberry season they make a little money."

In 1821, ninety of these [itople were cijnveyed by permis-
sion of government, iu chartered vessels, to Trinidad.

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The traveler of the present day, seateil in on© of the corn-
fortable coaches of the Inter-colonial Railway en route for
Halifax, on leaving Valley Station in the city of iSt. John,
and passing rapidly out through Ma' sh Valley, will soon
Bee the bioad watei's of Kennebecasis Bay opening on the
left. The ever-charging and picturesque scenery of New
Brunswick engages the attention of the tourist, aud he speed-
ily tinds himself amid the pleasant rural scenes of the fa-
mous farm-iands of Sussex Vale. This tract was settled by
the military corps of New Jersey Loyalists, [mostly Ger-
mans,] of Revolutionary fame ; their descendants now oc-
cupy tne dwellings and till the lanils donated to their fath-
ers by the King of Great Britain. "Good reads, excellent
crops, comfortable houses, commouious churches, weil-
taught schools, an intelligent and industrious people, all in
the midst of scenery beautifully varied with hill and valley,
mountain and meadow, forest and flood," are among the
characteristics ascribed to Sussex Vale.

A ride of two hours more brings the traveler into the val-
ley of the Petitcodiac River: the quaint houses and barns
betoken the inhabitants to be of German origin ; history as-
serts their ancestors were German Loyalists from Pennsyl-
vania. The pretty village of lloncton is at the head of nav-
igation on the Petitcodiac, and its name perpetuates the
memory of one of the early conquerors of the country. The
visitor must not omit to stop here, to see the great "bore,"
or tide-wave, of the Bay of Fundy. At the beginning of
flood-tide a wall of water, from four to six feet high, sweeps
up the river, and in the space of six hours the stream rises
over seventy feet.

The Halifax train runs out to the northeast from Monc-
ton, but after a stretch of a few miles, deflects to the Houth-
eust into the Menivamcook Valley. Here the tourist finds
himself in the midst of rural farm scenes, peopled with a
peasantry having the unmistakable impress of a French

ENGI.rSH OCOUrATION

295

Catholic origin; he is told these avo the desceiulaiits of the
Acadian Xeutials, bearing tho family nainos of LoUluiic,
Melaucjou, and others equally historic. — A walk of a fow
minutes in the leading streets of i^oston or Now Yorlc will
reveal palaces of olive-colored sandstoup, qiarried from
among the fii'-clad mountains bordering the ilemramcook
River,

At Saekville the train crosses the Tantramar River — a
nnmv) corrupted from a French word signifying "a thunder-
in,!^ noise," and suggested by the noise and fury of the rush-
in^r tide ; thencfe the course is laid out on the wide Tautra-
ni:»r Marsh, the dread of winter travelers and tho bauo of
lailway managers, whose trains are often blockaded on these
plains during the snow-stnruis of winter. To the north-
east is Cape Tormentine, "the great headland which forms
the eastern extreinirj* of New Brunswick within the Galf,"
a name likewise suggested by the fury of the relentless sea.
It is from a point on this Cape thai the winter inail-sarvice
is conducted between New Brunswick and Prince Edward
Island; where the njails, passengers and baggage are sub-
jected to an exciting and perilous transit in ice-boats across
the Northumberland Strait.

Thcae pretty hamlets, nestled in the picturesque valley8»
now the abode of a contented and well-to-do people, sur-
rounded with quiet, pastoral scenes, are in strong contrast
with the deeds enacted there little more than a century ago,
when the French Neutrals were hunted like wild beasts
among these mountains, when the midnight sky was illu-
mined by the flames of their burning dwellings, and neither
age, sex, nor infirmity served to move the heart of the con-
queror in compassion.

The tract of country comprised in the townships of Tru-
ro, Onslow, Londonderry, and Economy, is unsurpassed by
any in the Province for richness of soii. The bay, washing
its shores for upwards of sixty miles, is easily navigated.^

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ArADM

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On the opposito sido of \ho Rasin ia t'lo inrTfinturo madfl by
the Sluibi-nar-ailic, with its fit'ty-fiTt flood-tide, itscmrenb of
eight miles an hour and it» banks containing iiiexhaii8ti-
ble tn^asures of gypsum, limestone, and freestone.

The first settlora of Truro, under British doniination,
were from New liainpshiro, from a stock origiiiiilly haiiiny
from Ireland. They comprised part of a vohiiiteor force
sent out hy that colony ; having seen the country, thej' were
80 well p'.cased that they returned with their familips and
settled as soon as they were disl;anded. At first they lived
under great terror of the Indians, and a stockaded fort was
their rtsort at night for a long time. When tl>ey first oainn,
they found two barns to be the only French buildings re-
maining: this circumstance was the occasion of a part of
the township being called "Old Barns," or "Barn Village."
Remnants of FrencL orchards are still to ha found iu the
neighborhood.

Tliis part of the Province attracted the early French set-
tiers in large numbers. Some idea of the former pojiula-
tion of Londonderry may be formed by the size of the Cath-
olic chapel, which was one hundred feet long and forty feet
wide. This spacious building, together with the dwelling
houses, was destroyed by the Pi'ovincial troops on the dis-
persion of the Acadians in 17.55.

The rich dike land bordering the Rirer Mieseguash, and
the border line between the Provinces of Nova Scotia and
New Brunswick, is occupied by the descendants of the Aca-
dians. New England emigvauts, and the posterity of a few
families from the north of Ireland. Here stood the two
rival forts of Beausejour and Lawrence, separated by the
little stream. Many traditional anecdotes of the siege of
the former fort have been handed down to the present gen-
eration. It is said that while preparations weie making for
the attack, ^Jarties of the Frencu and Engiisii would meet at
the river and indLil.',e iu some good-natured banter as to the

SAMBRO LIGHT— Entrance to HiUifftx Hiirbor.

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297

probable result of the conflict, each being aMkc confident of
success; they made excliange of bu.lets, and exacted prom-
ises of their faithful return from the mouths of their mus-
kets. The deseendants of those engaged in that metaoia-
ble siege now dwell side by side in perfect amity, under the
prorection of the same government.

Not far away is the town of Minudie, settled by A^-adi-
ans, the greater part of whom escaped the hands of Capt.
Murray at Windsor at the forced French extirpation, and
found means to remove thit)ier. Here they found the wives
and children of many of thfir fellow countrymen, deprived
of their natural protectors by the ruthless decree of a rival
military power, and destitute of food, clothing and shelter.
This little community preserve a remarkable attachment to
their language, customs and religion ; the dike land around
which they are settled contains three thousand rich alluvial
acres, the houses being scattered along its outer margin lor
fifteen miles. Great quantities of shad are taken hei e, in
weirs erected upon the lints, which are exposed at low wa-
ter, not only su^jplying tlie wants of the inhabitants, but
furnishing an article of export. At a place called the South
Joggin, in this neighborhood, are situated extensive and val-
uable quarries oi" giindstoue.* From the bleak and north-
west exposure of these settlements, they ai'e at the mei cy oi
the winters' storms.

On th 3 summit of the Cobequid Mountains, between the
Cumbei'land and Minas Basin?, surrounded by an exte;jsive
tract of woodland, on the post-road between Halifax and

"To avoid remo\'inp! the superincumbent earth, the stones are
dug tis ueai'.y as possible nt low wftter-irmrk, wlieve Iho tides Lave left
them exposeu to view. But as the combined action of the sea and frost
natuiiilly affects the uppt'i- strata, the best kind lias to h- B)uqht for be-
low the 6urf'i.ce. In cuttiiiL; the stones the workmen freiiuemly meet
rounded nodules called "bull's eyes," a defect which renders them uuHt
for use.

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A^CADIA

Canada, is tbe settlement of Westchester, peopled by a col-
ony of Lciyu'ists fiora Westcheste;-, Xuw York. It is said
tbey were attracLed thither by the similarity of the country
to that from which they emigrated. This selection was iu-
judicious: from the exposed situation of the top of the Go-
bequid Mountains, they are enveloped in immense fails of
snow in wiuter, and inconvenienced by heavy falls of rain
in summer.

A graut of six thousand acres on the southern coast of
the Gut of Caiiso, was made about the year 1786 to a com-
pany of fifty Loyalists, who had joined the British troops
at St. Augustine, and embaiked with them for this Prov-
incij. They were lauded at the Gut late in the autumn, and
suffered terribly from the unexpected severity of the win-
tei". The diffeienca between raising indigo and tobacco on
the natural savannahs of l<'loriua, and raising potatoes on
8oii fiom which they had first to remove the Isova Scotian
forest, was so great as to discourage them ; the adjoinitig
fisheries promising a less laborious means of support, they
were induced to embark to a great extent in maritime pur-
suits.

Windsor, on the river Avon,* is a place of interest from
the fact that it is the principal port from which gypsum is
shipped, a fertilizer held in high esteem by the farmers of

•The tourist who passes from Grand Pre to Windsor during the 'lours
of low tide, wiil sympathize with the traveler who says, "the Avon v.ould
have been a charming river if there had been a drop of water in ir. I
never knew before how much water nilds to a river. 1 think it would be
couf asinp; to dwell by a river that rims first one way auJ then the other,
and then vanishes altogether. " Another description runs thus : ' ' The
tide was out, leaving the red river-bottom entirely bare. After an ab-
sence of an hour or more, I loitered back, when to my surprise there was
a river like the Hudson at Oatskill, ruuniuj; up with a powerful current.
The high wharf, upon which but n short time before 1 had stood and
surveyed the unsightly fields of mu.l, waa now up to iU middle in the
deep and vvhirlins stream. "

ENGMSH OCCTTI'ATTOS

299

the United States. TUis fossil crops out above the soil in
many places iti "WinLlsor; on the northern side of the St.
Croix it rises into a high, mural precipice for several miles.
It is accompanied and somerinips intermingled with lime-
stone, for which it has a strong affiaity, the one being a car-
boiiaie and the other a sulphate of lime. The ground in
which it occurs is often much broken, abounding in circular
cavities known in local parlaiice as "kettle holes," in which
there have sometimes been found the bones of afiimals and
the skeletons of Indians who had fallen into these caverns
and could not extricate themselves. Gvpsum is seldom
found in an unbroken strata; large veins of loam are scat-
tered thi'ough the rocks, also red and blue clay with layers
of lime. It is quarried by the aid of gunpowder, and brok-
en into suitable sizes for exportation l>y the pick-axe.

The township of Cornwaliis was settled by emigrants from
Connecticut, who arrived in June, 1760, and took possession
of the lands formerly owned by the i'rench Neutrals. They
met with a few straggling families of these pa jple, who had
escaped from the soldiers at the tira^ of the forced removal
of their countrymen, and who, afraid of sharing the same
fate, had not ventured to till the land, or to appear in the
open country. The cleared lands everywhere skirted the
meadows, and on all of them were found the ruins of the
houses that had been burned by the Proviucials under Col.
Winslow five years before. Tii'sre were likewise small gar-
dens encircled by cherry trees and currant bushes, and sinall
orchard: or I'ather dumps of apple trees. Groups of wil-
lows, ''tuose never-failing appendages of an Acadian settle-
ment," b )re silent testiiaony of an exiled race.

As the ludiiujs were both numerouis and unfriendly, and
Boine feaib entertained that the lew remaining French would
mo.e.st the new occupants of the confiscated farms, stock-
aded houses were erected for the general defense.

The township of Lunenburg was peopled by emigrants

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from Germany, and is the oldest sett'.ement, next to Hali-
fax, formeil under Enpflish patronage. In 17o0, the Lords
of Trade of Great Britain caused a proclamation to be post-
ed up in the several populous towns of Germany, offering
inducements to settle in Nova Scotia. That year one lum-
dred and fifty Germans and Swiss were induced to sell their
effects and eiubark for Halifax. The rocky coast, the inter-
niinable forest, and the steriiity of the soil, impressed the
adventurers unfavorably. By the year 1753, the number
had been increased to upwards of sixteen hundred persons,
when a new se.tleiuent was determined on, in a valley be-
tween two round, green hills, at the head of a beautiful bay,
to which they gave the name of Lunenburg. As the In-
dians were very numerous, and exceedingly hostile, mur-
dering every man who ventured aione into tire woods, nine
block-houses were built, and the settlement enclosed with a
fence of palisades, or timbers sharpened at the points, and
firmly set in the ground.

"While the hardships ar.d dangers incident to their situa-
tion had discouraged the settlers and soured their tempers,
a report was industriously circulated among them that they
had been defrauded of a large part of the provisions and
Btores destined for their use, through the dishonesty of
some of the cflficials. As they had all been supplied with
fire-arms, they resolved to redress their own grievances ; the
civil authority was quickly overpowered, and nearly the
^vhole of the settlers were in a state of open rebellion. A
B'aong military force was sent from Halifax to quell the in-
sabordination. Two of the ring-leaders having been shot,
the insurgents submitted ; four hundred and fifty fire-loiiks
were surrendered and deposited in the King's stores, and
the people returned to their respective employments. In
1754 supplies of cattle were received from the agents of the
government, and the following year this stock was augment-
ed by some of the confiscated property of the Acadiaus.

ENGLISH OrCUPATION

301

After the expulsion of the latter from the territory, a paity
of men marched through the woods from Lunenburg to the
iBasin of Miuas, and collected and drove off upwards of one
hundred and twenty head of horned cattle, and a number
of horses. After infinite labor they only succeeded in con-
ducting to Lunenburg sixty oxea and cows, but the rest of
the cattle and all the horses died during the journey of fa-
tigue and hunger. The inhabitants had been supplied with
provisions at the public expense until June 17^4, when the
allowance was withheld, excejjt from the aged and infirm.
In consequence oi the depredations of the savages, Gover-
nor Lawrence offered a reward, by proclamation, of £30 for
■eveiy ma"je Indian prisoner and £25 for his scalp, with a
proi;ortionate i-eward for each woman and child, or scalp.
The premiums were wholly unattainable by these foreign-
ers, who were ignorant of the surrounding woods, and who,
if they chanced to discover Indian traces, too often found,
to their cost, that these tracks were made to lead them in-
to ambush. This state of warfare continued to the peace
of 1760, over a term of seven years, during which there was
an increase in the population of only seven souls. From
that time until the commencement of the Revolution, Lu-
nenbuip' steadily advanced in wealth and population; but
during that war it met with repeated reverses, by the cap-
ture of its vessels and the plunder of the settlement. In Ju-
ly, 1782, six sail of American privateers arrived at Lunen-
burg, under command of Capt, Stoddard, and ninety men
weie landed and the p.ace surprised. Having taken a block-
Louse defended by Colonel Creighton with a loss of three
men killed, the assailants plundered the town, burned sev-
eral houses, and carried away or destroyed property to the
value of £12,000. Upon threatening to burn the town, the
inhabitants executed a bond for its ransom in the sum of
£1,000. During the continuance of the war thuy were in
constant cuead of a similar visit.

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ACiDlM

With the war of 1812, An.er.can privateers were ugain on

the coast. Tbe former woodeu fortifications of Lunenburg
having been suflfered to decay, four new block-bouses were
erected. In June, 1813, two men-of-war were seen chasing
an armed schooner into Mahone Bay. The alarm guns in
the block-houpes and outposta were immediateiv fired, and
the militia of the country hastily assembled at the sum-
mons. The movements of the vessels were carefully ob-
served until sundown, when they came to anchor. Boat©
were then hoisted out of the ships and manned, and sent
in pursuit of tiie schooner, but before they reached her a.
dreadful explosion took place, and an immense cloud of
smoke was teen issuing from Ler ruins. Darkness now
came on, and tbe people of Lunenburg lay upon their arms
all night, not knowing whether a iriendly or a hostile force
was in the harbor. Tbe next day a boat aviived with six
American prisoners, all dreadfully mutilated, most .2 wLom
were obliged to undergo some iujmediave amputation. The
two ships of war weie under Enylisli colors, and had chased
the American privateer. Teaser, into the Bay. One of the
olncers of the privateer, who was an English deserter, know-
ing the fate that awaited him if captured, ard failing to in-
spjre the crew with his own feeling of desperate resistance,
deliberately set fire to the magazine, killing ninety-four of
the one hundred men on board of her, including himself.

Students of American history will recollect the celebrated
cavalry of Tarieton, the hero of Waxhaw, North Carolina,
in the Kevoiution. This arm of tbe British service, known
throughout the South as Tavleton's Legion, at the close of
tlie war weie petsioned for their services with a grant of
land in Nova Sc^l ia by King George III. They selected a
site a the head of Mouton Harbor, on the southern coast
of the Province at its western extremity, and began the
foundation of a town which t.ey ( ailed Guysboro, after the
Chr stiau name of the Governor of Canada, Sir Gay Carle-

ENGLian OCCUPATION

303

ton. They soon perceived they bail selected injudiciously,
tbfc soil beiijg stony and barren, with little in favor of the
location except a good harbor. They hud erected a few
houses, still they determined on abandonirjg the place;
while making preparations for removing tneir effects, a fire
broke out, consuiuing the town to ashes; the measure of
their calamities was tilled up by the total loss of their live-
stock, furniture and wearing apparel. A more complete de-
struction than that which overtook the veterans of Waxhuw
cannot well be imagined; and had not a King's ship been
dispatched from Halifax with provisions for their re.ief,
they must inevitably have perished from famine. Most of
these sufferers by the conflagration removed to the eastern
part of the Province, where they founded another settle-
ment, naming that likewise, Guysboro.

The township of Yarmouth, at the western extremity of
Nova Scotia, contains no less than eighty lakes : to a bird
<lying overhead it must seem like a patch-work of blue and
green, in which th3 blue predominaces. They are nearly all
connected with the Tusket River, and are generally small,
irregular in shape, and surrounded with stunted timber. In
the picturesque Argyle Bay adjoining avo the beautiful
groups of Tusket Isles; "Like most other collections of
islands on this continent, they are popularly supposed to be
365 in number, though they do not claim to possess an in-
tercalary islet like that on Lake George [New York], which
appears only every fourth year." The Tuskets vary in size
from Morris Island, three miles in length, to the smallest
tutt-erowned rock, resembling a little basket of evergreens,
floating on the water. The scenery of Argyle Bay is ex-
tremely beautiful of its kind : — cottages embowered in the
forests of lir and spruce, and the masts of small fishing ves-
sels peeping up from every little cove, with innumerable
islands and peninsulas enclosing the blue sea in every di-
rection; whiie beyond, amid the scenery of the Tusket

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ACADU

Lakes, are the Blue Mountains, the paradise of the moose
and trout.

Among these narrow pa8?es, hundreds of Acadians took
refuge during the persecutions of 1755-60^ and sever-
al settlements were formed by them here. The remains of
a flourishing one existed up to a recent period at the head
of the Chegoggin Marsh, and the apple trees,, stone walls,
and cellars on Chebogue River are said to be relics of the
eame people. But even the solitude and seclusion of this
spot did not save tbem from the pursuit of their enemies.
A British frigate was sent down to hunt them out- A small
boat was dispatched at the mouth o^ the Tusket River, and,
guided by native pilots, ascended the stream and its chain
of ^akes, to invest this asylum. The invaders had advanced
io within a mile of the village^ and were arrived at a nar-
I ow place where the river is conti'acted to twenty or thirty
yards in width. Here the pass is oveiavched by the branch-
es of the sombre pine, enveloping the stream in shade ; un-
der the umbrageous foliage, an ambuscade had been formed
by the fugitives, and the unsuspecting crew, surprised un-
der the veiy muzzle of their tsssilants' guns, received a fa-
tal discharge of musketry whicii destroyed the entire party.
This sanguiuai'y triumph only servsd to render the fate of
the Acadians more certain, and they were at last compelled
to fly. Some escaped to the woods and affiliated with the
Indians, never afterward returning to the haunts or habits
of the white man ; but the greater part were captured, and
transported with their families to New England. After
many years they were permitted to return, and the Acadi-
ans of Clare, Eel Brook, and Pubnico are chiefly the descend-
ants of these people.

In 1761, a few families from Massachusetts were attract-
ed to Nova Scotia by the rich alluvial of Chebogue Marsh.
Bud the valuable fisheries adjacent. The greater part of
them settled at the head of the marsh, on the site of a

ENGLISH OCCUPATION

305

French virage, and in mor^t instances they erected thfir
houses on tlie cellars which had been dug by their prede-
cessors. Havinj? carried thetn to a state of completion af-
fording a tolerable shelter, tlie new settlers essayed the seri-
ous task of passing their first winter in the dreai y and lone-
ly spot of which they had taken possession. They had
brought with t'lem two horses, six oxen, and a number of
cows and ca.ves; the horses they immediately sent back as
useless incumbrances. Over half the rattie died of hunger
and exposure, and the rest were killed for food. The win-
ter was terrible in its severity ; snow lay on the ground four
mouths to a depth of four feet. An accident having befall-
en the vessel on which they were totally dependant for sup-
plies, they were reduced to the most, pitiable condition for
want of provisions. For a long time they were without
bread, potatoes, or any substitute; a lew actually perished
from want of suitable hutrimeiit. Six families, tenihed and
disheartened, returned home by the Uraz opoortunity; the
remainder, being joined by other emigrants from the fish-
ing towns of New England, effected a permanent settle-
ment.

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THE ISLAND OF CAPE BRETON.

The Island of Cape Breton, formerly denominated by its
French jnasters, L'Isle Royal, has been teimed the key to
the Gulf of St. Lawrence, from the fact that it commands
all access from the Atlantic, except by the circuitous route
of the straits of Bellisle, round the northern extremity of
.Newfoundland. Nearly one third of j;he superficial area of
the island is coveted with water, being divided into two nat-
ural though continuous diViSi'_ms by the Great and Little
Bras d'Or Channels, and the inland sea known as Bras d'Or
Lake. The land is well adapted to cultivation, and the tim-
ber is of good size except near the margin of the cliffs,

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AOADU

where is usually a gr(>v\tb of spruce and other evergreens,
all int'iiiiin;; iaudwMids Iruzu the fury of the At^ antic stonnH.
The beauty of the bays, the densely wooded shores, the rich
veins of coal, liujestoue, and gypsum croppiug oat uion^^'
the coast of thesti in.aud waters, gives them u just title ty
the ''Arm of Gold." It is said that in some localitiss gyp-
sinu may be quarried from the c.iffs, broken up and thrown
directly on the vessel moored at tlje base; and in others,
as Nrrth Sydney, coal is delivered from the mines by let-
tin;? it fall dir( ctiy from the rail cars into the vessel's hol.l.

C;)'.amunicatiou between the different towns is ea;=il/
carried on by sailing vessels, no part of the island beiiig
more than ten miles from ijavigation, yet coiitainiug about
the same aieaas New Hampshire.

Thu Gut of Canso,* the thoroughfare of all the trade to
and from the Galf of St. Lawrence, se^^javatiug the Island of
Cape Breton from the j)eninsula of Nova Scotia, is about
fifteen miles long, and one inilo wide. The scenery of this
stiuiu is spoken of by travelers as sui passing anything else
of the kind in America, and it has be?ii poetically styled the
"Golden Gate of the St. La.vrence Gulf." There is a very
strong current here. The tide seldom runs at a less rate
than from four to five miles an hour, but no tabulated cal-
endar of the Canso tides can be made on account of the great
influence of winds upon them. It is not unusual for the
stream of the strait to run one way for several days in suc-
cession. A southerly gale, by accelerating the ebb of the
St. Lawrence, causes the water to flow through towards the
Gull ; while a northwest wind will force a current into the
Atlantic until the level of the water is I'estored.

Cape Uretou was settled by Scotch and Irish emigrants*
French Acadians, and a number of Loyalists from the Unit-

•i'l'om the Simnish word Gauso, sifjuifying a goose, a name given to
it on accomit o£ the immense mmibers of geese formerly found there.

BNGT.IPH OOCrPATTON

307

«»fl Sfates. Over tweiity-fivo tlioufiand Scotch emif»rnnt8
luive Hcttled ou tins islni'd, and it will ]irol).'ibly evor be a
Sicttish land. After the di^pfi'sion of the Hifjhland c'ins
and the tinal paciiication of Northern ScDt^and, the cliief-
taiiJS and nobles foni d it more protitablo to devote their es-
tates to cattle-raising, than to maintain tie old tenantry
Bystem. So th')i;8ands of poor tenant farmers wcrs exiiellod
from their ancient homes to n-abfl ro.im i'or d( er-par!:s and
shtep-farms among the glens. Diiven from their holdings,
ihe poor Highlanders took refuge in the New World, thon-
Bands of miles from their early a-sociations and the clinrch'
yard where laj* the bones of their fathers ; ou a foreign shove,
amid strange scenes they built new homos, and have become
a well-to-do people. The eelfish policy of the powerful no-
bles depopulated whole distucts of the Highiands.

The northern part of the island is mountainous, and the
shores bleak and inliospitable. The north'ast sior;us of
November and December hurry many a vessel on to this
rocky coast, whoie, if thf crtw cft'-ct a lauding, they wan-
der in ignorance of the course to be taken until their limbs
aie frozfu, and the only records left of their distress are
their bones whitening on the shore. Sometinjes t'iey r» afh
the settlements to the southward, only with the loss of their
hands or feet fioiu frost bite.

The shore from Cape St. Lawrence to Cape North, the
two northern ex'nemities of the island, present perpendicu-
lar Ciiffs which descend into the sea without a beach bov-
der, against which the sea dashes with terrific vioienee. —
Some of the mountains exceed twelve hundred feet in hight,
on which the ice and snow of winter form glaciers, wliose
debris is often seen in the valleys. Ten miles to seaward
iVoni Cape Noith lies the fatal St. Paul, a barren and rocky
isle, whose grini, preciinlous slioreslmve b^eji the r.nm:iiked
grave of thousamls. V ashing ansong its rocks ave to ba
Been the bones of its victims, and numbers of massive an-

I! i

'dm

ACADIA

1 ,

chors lie ai'ound, under the water, the only remaining ves-
tiges of ships theie ddshed to pieces. Thus placed in the
great entrance of the Gulf, where perplexing fogs and vari-
able currents conspire to hurry tiie unsuspecting mariner
against the rocks, " the fatal shock at onco precipitates siiip,
c.ew, and cargo, to the depths below." The Acadiatis of
Cheticamp used to visit St. Paul Island every spring, to se-
cure the valuable part of cargoes which the sea threw up on
its sliores.

To the south and east of Cape North, that " watchtower
of tie Gulf, beneath the brow of which all must pass that
appioach or depart from the great St. Lawrence," is Aapy
Bay. The sett ers here are gathered around the lagunes,
or as they call them, burrasois. These people are fanner-
fishermen. Their farms extend along the rivers and sur-
round the head of the bay. Here the northeast storms of
the Atlantic have swept up a tine sand, forming a beautiful
beach. Coins, to a large amount, are thrown up from the
ocean, — the cargo of some vessel with specie foundered there.

The rivers flowing into the Bras d'Or are, in general,
streams of one hundred feet in width, and peculiarly errat-
ic in their course. They are usually obstructed at their
mouths by low marshy islands, overhung with the dark fo-
liage of the hemlock and spruce. The water is wont to be
sluggish, the surface disfigured by huge roots and branches
of fallen trees, brought down by the spring freshets, and
there water-logged and sunk, to the no small peril, in a
dark night, of the frail birch -bark canoes of the Indians.
Remains of gigantic animals are found in the vicinity of the
Bras d'Or. Thigh bones six feufc in length have been dis-
covered in the bottom of tho lake. In the bed of a tribu-
tary river an extraordinary slmll vas discovered. Of what-
ever nature these colossal creatiires may have been tbxt an-
ciently tenanted the wilds or the waters of Cape Breton,
their race is now utterly extinct.

ENGLISH OCOOPATION

809

Winter lasts from the be^jimiing of November to the eiij
of April. Ihe ice iu the Liubor of Svdiu^y uekloin breaks
up until the middle of the latter snuDi h, uiid for two months
following the coast iH subject to the visitations of drift ice
from the Gulf of St. Lawrence, — a groat impeiliment both
to navigation and vegetatiou. Few winters pass without a
depression of the mercury to twenty degrees bc'low zero,
and sometimes to thirt}'. The country is also subject to
great and sudden changes of temperature — thaws of a week's
duration often occurring in mid-winter. It is this that
proves so destructive to plants not indigenous to tlie cli-
mate, rather than the severity of the cold. Duiingii bright
forenoon in spring, the mercury rises to summer heat, and
lias been noticed at ninety-six; the land thus heated, hav-
ing communicated its temperature to the atmo-sphero i-aused
it to ascend, pi'oducing a current from seaward, which drives
the masses of loose ice into the harbors : the presence oi* the
ice brings the adjacent shores rapidly down to the freezing
poir.t.

A terrible gale swept the Gulf of St. Lawrence in August,
1873, wrecking hundreds of vessels. The storm attained its
greatest force around the Island of Cape Breton ; it lasted
only a few hours, but was fearfully destructive in its etri.ets,
and strewed all the neighboring coasts with drowned mari-
ners. Over sixty sail from the New England harbor of
Gloucester alone, wei-e included among the lost. The storm
has since been known as The Lord's Day Gale, from the
day on which it commenced. The morning dawned bright
and clear, and

i^'

" Was never a Gloucester skipper there
But thought erelong, with a rif,'ht good fare,
To sail for home from St. Lawreuce Kay. "

Towards noon the breeze freshened, and at nightfall, the
•to.ui was beating upon ihe Guif in ail its iury. But

".•f

:in. m

SIO ACADM

"Tlio bedtime bolls in Glouoester town

'i'lmt SiiLliiith niL;ht vnn^' soft und clear;
The siiilors' childn 'ii laid theiu down, —

Dear LoriJ ! thfir sweet piiiyers cuuidst tboa hear?
*Tis said thiit geuily blew liie winds ;
The guO(l-wi\ es, tlirough the sciuvaid blinds,

Luulied down the bay and had no fear."

NEWFOTTNDLAND.

The Island of Newfouuclland, called Helluland by the
early Norse navigators, is of triRngular con f; juration, ^\ith
bold anil rocky shores springing directly ouii of the. x\.tlan-
tic. It is located on the ocean hift;hway from England to
New York; its area is considerable more than that of Ire-
land, while its coast line is double that oi the At.antic
States. It is separated from the blealc and barren coasts of
Labrador by the narrow Strait of Bollisle, and is w.ished
by the waters of the Laurentian Gnlf ou thr west. It is the
home of the cod a:;d s-ea! tisbera, whose rude luits and tish-
flakes line the shores of its deeply indented bays. These
flake-* are frauips coni=tructed of poles, on which are sprtad
codiish, nressed and salted, to be dried in the sun. iJany
parts of the narrow line of coast are iiteraiJy roofed over
with these sta,c -!S during the season, imparting a pecu'iar
odor to the ati; ospheie. In March or April, almost all the
men go out in fleets to meet the ice that floats down from
the northern regions, to kill the seals that come down on it.
Later their boats dot the seas in the pursuit of cod ; while
the women remain at home to plant and tend the little gar-
dens, and dry the lish.

In the vicinity of S^. John and other considerable towns,
ihe superb villas of merchants and business men now and
then peep out from among tne dark fir woods. The biac-
jtig atniospheie, the clear bhie skies, the inatch'ess sea-
views, studded with islets and ^ay with white-wi;:ged ves-
«UiS, to^^etuer with the preiiy pabtoiai scenery of liie couu-

r \ 'i.

\ 1 !

ENGLISH OCCUPATION

811

gar-

)\vns,
and

biac-
sea-
ves-

:uua-

try back of the settlemeuts, — such would be a paradise but
for the short Newfoundland suminer.

The island has been teiintd a iand of fog, — but this ffature
is more characteristic of the fishing banks, frotu whii-h it la
8ej)iuated bv a snip of deep water fi;'ty miies iu width. —
Tliioughout the spring, summer, and fall, the fog nu'e.y
lilts from these banks, and a slow rain ahnost iiic syantly
fails. Not unfrequently these fogs are so dense thut ob-
jects within sixty feet are totally invisible, at which times
the tlshing vessels at anchor are apt to be run down by the
grc at Atlantic steamers. The proximity of icebergs \vu;^h
often ground on the banks, is indicated by the intense cold
they send through even a midsummer day, and by the white
glaie in the air, and the roar of breakers on their sides.
Fogs are comparatively rare ashore: the mists which euv cl-
op the banks, to the great peril of navigators, roll up, day
by day, a huge white sta-wall, to within a mile or two
of the coast, while within the harbor all is sunshine.—
Silvery ribands mark the courses of rivers that take tlieir
rise in lakes among mountains far in the interior, where the
foot of civilized man has never trod ; and, stretching through
miler of stunted forest of fir and spruce — the home of the
bear and caribou — and dashing down precipices, at last thid
their way to the Atlantic. Owing to the influence of tiie
Guif Stream, frost does no.- cnme till late in October, and
in eariy fad it is an exceedingly pleasant land for tu hunt-
er. In 1822, an adventurous Scotchman crossed the inte-
rior, and his descripti<vi' of the natural parls, over wiiich
roamed herds of reindeer, sbouUi have attracted sportsmen.
Fish are abundant, ar d trout will take a iiy from a line held
over them from the hand.

Bayard Taylor say-'- of the Bay of Bulls : " The village is
built around the head of the harbor ; the hills behind it
have been cleared and turned into fields of gr.iss and bar-
ley. The place with its wooden church, its tish-tiakes aioj^g

312

ACAVJM

.t 1

the water, its two or three large storeliouseSy its yelTo\^
fields of late bay, and the dark dwarfish woods behind, re-
minded me of a view on one of the Norwegian fjords."

Icebergs are seen off the east shore at almost all seasons,
and dense fogs are often illumined by the white glare which
precedes them. Field-ice is also common during the sum-
mer, but is easily avoided by the warning of the "^ice-blink.'*

The natives met with on the discovery of Newfoundland
were Esquimaux, — men of stalwart frame aud fierce dispo-
sition. Their complexion was a dark red, and they were
renowned for their courage in battle. From the first, they
were the imii'acable enemies of the whites. The Micmac
Indians of Nova Scotia and these red Indians had cariied on
a war of extermination long bofore the advent of Europe-
ans ; each landing on the other's coast, scalping the men,
and carr^ving the woaien into slavery. The rifle and bayo-
net of the white man finally overcame the valor of these
fierce natives; abandoning the coasts they fled into the al-
most impregnable forests of tlie interior. Sometimes, in the
long winter nights, they crept oat from their fastnesses, and
visited some lone hamlet with a terrible venfjeance. The
Bettlers, in turn, hunted them like wolves, and they were so
reduced in numbers that they seldom ventured to appear;
it was known that a few lingered, but were almost forgotten.

The winter of 1830 was unusually severe and prolonged.
Towards spring a settler was cutting timber at some dis-
tance from one of the remote villages, when two gaunt fig-
ures crept out of the bush, and with sad cries and painful
gestures implored help. The settler, terrifieil ai. their hag-
gard looks and uncouth apj)ea'.anc.e, seized hia gun and
shot the foremost ; the other tossed liis lean arms wildly in-
to the air, and the wooiN rang with his despairing shriek aa
he rushed away. Sincn that time none of the race have been
Been on the islar.d; and it, is believed the last of them per-
ished from the severity of the winter.

! I

THE FISHERIES.

Stretched along the Atlantic side of Nova Scotia, Cape
Breton and Newfoundland, are numerous tracts of shaV.ow
sea, or submarine fields, where the depth of the water varies
from sixteen to sixty fathoms. The bottoms are chiefly
sand, shingle and sheils, and are believed to be the summits
of submerged mountains. These so-called "banks" are
swept by that powerful Atlantic current called the Gulf
Stream, and owe their changes and perhaps their formation,
to its action. The Gulf Stream is a mid-ocean river pouring
out of the Gulf of Mexico, at a temperature several degrees
higher than that of the ocean at the equator, and falling
only to eighty degrees when in the vicinity of the Grand
Banks. This stream is of an indigo blue, with boundaries
sharply defined against the light green of the seas through
which it passes,* and is the home of multitudes of fi^h;
v'lule the many indentures of the adjacent shores, comu. •
n;ef *ing with hundreds of fresh-water streams, by f uruishing
lavukable ground for spawning and abundance of rich exuvire
en which to feed, render the locality still more favorable us
tl.xi r jBort of the finny tribes.

ij'mly in April the herring rush in from the Atlantic

* This change is so sudden that when n ship is crossing the line, two
thermometers dropped the same instant from her bow and stern, will
show a difference of thirty degrees.

f^:

(li

314

AOiDIA

towards the shores in dense shoals. Cod, haddock and pol-
lock fol'ow theiij, and feed upon the flanks of the advance
arnnes : these in turn are pursued by sharks and other dsh
of pvey, and it is not untix the harmless tribes enter the riv-
ers and estuaries that they obtain respite from their vora-
cious entmiea. Here they are assailed by every device that
luan can invent for their capture, before their roar is fairly
safe from attack by the hungry tr.bes of the deep ; and had
not God created them with wonderful powers of reproduc-
tion, nothing short of annihilation could result. Fattened
by tii9 exuvia3 of the creeks and bays, they supply not ouiy
the wants of the farmer- fishor men aloMg the coasts, but fur-
nish the :'<i<at fish marts or: the world; and they are no-
where ell > 1 so varied in kind and so abundant in
quantity. E . during the coldest days of winter the shore-
inan can live upon this cheap luxury taken from the w-iter
within sight of his cabin window. Not unfrequently the
fish are taken in such numbers that the farmer drives his
ttani to the shore and loads his wagon from the " haul,"
whiie quantities of the dead and dying fish axe left to be
washed away by the next tide.*

The revenue from this source was one of the chief causes
of the early broiisbetween the French and English in Aca-
dia. After the treaty of Paris, whon Fratice renounced her
claim to the western empii'e, England and her colonies main-
ly shared the fisheries between them. Among the vexed

i *

' ■!

* Tbe seal fishery is still prosecnted with profit in the Gulf of St.
Lawi'ence aud on the coR.st of Newfouudlaud. When t]ie Europeans lii'st
Lc^au lo frequent Canso as a fisliin;j; station, wahus were quite abund-
ant, aud their te.itli, whicli equal the ivory of the elephant, formed a val-
uable articls of trade. When the ica-lields became closed, these animals
would sunu'tinies i:i'id aud sport on the snow. They were attfieked by
bauds of tisheriuen witti spears, niiu sucli havoc was made amon^' them
that they linaliy disappeared. At North Cape their bones are still found
in the forest

THE FISHERIES

315

questions out of which grew the War of the Revolution, this
subject was a fruitful source of clisaj^'ieenient ; and one of
the first measures of the mother country to bring the colo-
nists into obedience, was to deprive them of their right in
Acadian fisheries.

During that war, the colonies neglected this branch of in-
dustry, the New England mariners having eugacfed in the
less sure but more alluring business of privateering. The
treaty of peace of 1783, provided " that the people of the
United States shall continue to enjoy unmolested the ric^ht
to take fish of every kind on the Grand Ban!: and all other
banks of Newfoundland ; also in the Gulf of St. Lawrence^
and at all other places in the sea where the inhabitants of
both countries used at any time to fish ; and also that the
inhabitants of the United Statos shall have liberty to take
fish of every kind on such parts of the coast of Newfound-
land as Britisli fishermen shall use, and also on the co^isfcs,
bays, and creeks of all other of his Britannic Majesty's do-
minions in America." Previous to this the New England
colonial governments had granted bounties and certain im-
munities to the pro[)erty and persons engaged in the fish-
eries, to which fact may be ascribed much of the interest
of their hardy seamen in this lucrative branch of industry.

This question continaed to be the subject of various dis-
putes and arrangements between the United States and
Great Britain. The latter claimed at the Treaty of Ghent,
that the war of 1812 aimulled tlje ori'^nnal treaty of 1783,
and the question was left open until 1818, when a conven-
tion granted the United States the right to fish in the deep
sea, and to dry and cure on the British coasts ; that power
renouncing all claim to fish witl)in three miles of shore, but
retaining the privilege of entering any harbor to get wood,
obtain shelter, and repair damages. Tliis agreement did
not end the dispute. The British Crown claimed that by
the convention of 1818, "American citizens were excluded

fill

816

*r!At)TA

from fishing within three miles of the coast of British Amer-
ica, and that the prescribed distance is to be measured from
the headlands or extreme points of land next the sea of the
coast, or of the entrance of the bays, and not from the inte-
rior of such bays or indents of the coast." This interpreta-
tion by the legal authorities of the Crown would close the
Bay of Chaleuis, the Bay of Fundy and the St. Lawrence
Gulf to American fishermen — to which the United States
authorities were not inclined to submit.

An English writer claims, that that part of the treaty
\vhich permitted the Americans to enter the harbors in dis-
tiess, or for fuel aud water, was made a complete loophole
for evasion. " While one part of the crew," says he, "are
filling a water cask, the remainder are collecting bait, fish-
ing, or clearing decks of the offal so pernicious to the fisher-
ies. I was informed of a vessel that carried two bowsprits,
one for sea service, and another which had been sprung, for
in-shore w. rV, "'Vith the latter, the skipper could enter any
of the harbors by night or by day. We transcribe other
assertions from the same authority,* giving the British view
of this vexed question, taking the privilege of condensing
where it can be done without injury to the sense.

"Early in the spring fleets are sent out from the New
England States, destined for the coasts of the British Prov-
inces. They ai'e < j11 supplied with provisions, salt, empty
casks, seines, nets, twines, hooks, jigs, bait-mills, and every
article required. Of this craft there are two kinds, the
real fisherman »nd the ' speculator in fish.' The latter car-
ry pork, flour, molasses, tobacco, gin, and almost every ar-
ticle required by the provincial fisherman. These vessels
aie soon ' out of water,' or ' spring a mast,' and then they
are stefficd into the nearest harbor, where a barter traffic is
immedixtoly comvueaoei. Fish are taken in payment of

*Geta«i.

THE FISHERIES

317

American goods, which, being duty free, are given to the
fisherman at a much lower price than those obtained from
the home merchant ; and the vessel departs in time to keep
clear of the revenue officer, leaving the butts and flakes of
the shoremen Ashless."

"A very clever old sea Captain told me that he 'once ran
into St. Mai'y^s. Tidings of my doings had got out, and on
the night of my arrival, a revenue cutter came to anchor
right alongside of me. I could not get away, as the wind
blowed a stiffer right into the harbor. All at once I had it.
I sent ashore and borrowed two young calves from one of
my old customers, and lifted them on deck. I dressed two
of ray Nantucket boys in women's cloths, topping them ofif
with a pair of bonnets sent in my vessel as a venture. By
the first peep of day I sent them to washing shirts, and as
I seed the crew of the cutter about to move, I went in my
little boat and axed the people of the cruiser if they would
give me a bit of canvas to mend my mainsail, and sure
enough they gave me a fairisii piece. There we all lay till
twelve o'clock, luy women washing and drying clothes, and
our calves bleating like mad for their mothers. The wind
came round, the cutter got under weigh, and as she round-
ed past us the captain hailed, and asked if I would sell one
of the calves. I told him they were a particular breed, and
not for sale. The captain answered he thought that remark
would apply to our whole crew. And when I saw that his
jib was tui'ued the right way, I made a low bow to him, sent
my calves on shore, turned my washerwomen into boys
again, and finished the trade of the Peggy Ann.'

"In another instance, 'it was stark calm, and as the fog
cleared up a little I saw I was in the very jaws of a ship of
war, and I gave up all lor lost ; however, us they were low-
ering their jolly-boat to board me, I skulled oflf to them in
my little punt, and asked the people in the ship if they
kuowed what was good for the measles. I could hear them

r ;

31S

AOADIA

BHw^

!*■?

laugh from stem to stern ; and a big fat man they called the
doctor, told me to keep my patients warm, and give them
hot drinks. It was enough ; they took care uoi to come
nearer the Peggy Ann that time.' "

More than half a century passed away, marked by various
disputes and treaties, when, finally, the Treaty of Wash-
ington was signed. This instrument stipulated that the
fisheries of both countries should be thrown open recipro-
cally. England soon complained that the privileges grant-
ed were greater than those accorded her in return, and it
was finally agreed to refer the matter to a commission com-
posed of three members : — one from the United States, one
from Great Britain, and a third to be named by the Emper-
or of Austria. After a delay of nearly six years the com-
mission was organized, the thiee arbitrators being DeForse,
Sir A. T. Gait, and ex-Judge Kellogg, of Massachusetts. —
Judge Foster, assisted by R. H. Dana, Jr., and others, had
chaige of the Atoericau side. The interests of Canada were
mainly confided to Mr. Doutre, an eminent lawyer of Mon-
treal.

The British case was divided into two parts — Canada, and
Newfoundiaud. It held, in effect, that fishing in American
waters was worthless, claiming an award of $12,000,000 for
the use by the Americans of the Canadian inshore fisheries
for twelve years — the period covered by tlie treaty — and
$2,280,000 for the use of the Newfoundland fisheries. The
Americans denied substantially these claims. The commis-
Hion awarded Great Britain $5,500,000, to be paid within
the year. The treaty expires by stipulation in 1885.

LEGENDS.

i|.:|

1 1 . j i 1

il W\

■ M

It is not without some degree of solicitude that we ap-
pend this portion of the book, not so much from a suspi-
cion that it is out of place in authentic history, as from the
fear its purpose may be misunderstood.

Closely associated with the every-day life of a pastoral
people is always to be found a deal of folk-lore, to which
their customs, their religion, and their surroundings give a
coloring. The traditions of a country are generally found-
ed on actual occurrences, and reflect, with singular fidelity,
the social and intellectual condition of its people ; and, more-
over, these traditionary tales often constitute the only data
at the command of the antiquarian to aid in determining
important historical questions. These legends were picked
up at the country firesides during a sojourn in this myste-
liouB. and romantic region ; and the effort has been made
to render them presentable, at the same time giving an in-
sight into the peculiar customs of the early Acadian peas-
antry, and also a description of the more salient features in
the natural phenomena of this tide-swept, storm-beaten,
foer-bound land of ice and snows. This is done with the
design of aiding the student of history to a better under-
standing of the strictly authentic portions of this volume,
at the same time they may serve to draw the attention of

the superficial reader.

We should not omit a favorable mention of the garrulous
little Frenchman, Pierre, who was most profoundly versed
in the hidden lore of this mystei'ious land, and whom we or
casionally employed in the capacity of cicerone, to whc ,t*
kind offices the rea:Ier is indnbted for much contained in the
8ucceedii)g chapters.

THE CHUKCH OF GRAND PRE.

■I

t? 'I

During one of our rn'jning; rambles about Grand Pre,
we canio upon a nuiDbei ot hollows partially filled with
earth and debris, and overgrown with a rank growth of
weeds and bushes. These oxcavations are to be met with
in great numbers along th'? baukt of the Canard and Corn-
wailis rivers, and in tho valiey of the Ga«tpereau. and murk
the cellars on which sfood the thatched dwellings of tho
peaceful Acndians, that weve burned by order of Colonel
Winslow. The shades of the northern twilight began to
deopen, casting spectral shadows among a group of French
willows, which, transported from far France more than a
century ago, yet sadly waved their few scattered branches
over the despoiled home of the hand that had planted them.
Whose children had played under their shade, or what their
fate, IS only a matter of conjecture; but we do know that
virtue, contentment and domestic happiness reigned in those
Acadian homes, and that the fondest and dearest hopes of
thousands were, in one sliort hour, broken in sunder. I
had not noticed the absence of Pierre, until I heard him
calling to me from a neighb(n'ing field. On coming up I
found him intently observing sotiic faintly marked ridges in
the verdant clover. " Some Acadian relic ! " I said to myself,
wondtring what new romance was about to be unraveled.

" Here," said he after a moment's pause, "hereis the very

LBOENDD

323

spot vhpre stood the cliurcU of Grand Pro, in which the
Fr'HcU we)e imprisoned and their fate aiinonuced to them."

On a closer inspection I found we wore standing in a
small rectunj>;le marked by a Blight rise of earth at the i'our
sides, and which evidently had been the site of a bmldiiig
of some sort. Not wishing to manifest any doubt as to the
correctness of the inforniation, I said inquiruiglv, "I havo
understood the site of that church was at tiie end of that
row of willows yonder, where you see that charred stump."

'*I know," said Pierre, "some say it stood there, but you
see tliey are mistaken. My grandfather, who lan into tho
woods and did not leave the country, pointed out this as tlie
place. He used to say, that the bell of the church was
buiied, just before thu English came, in a vault built of
etoiie, and covered with eaitii. The vault w!is walled up in
two parts; into one of these they put the 1 vil, and the otu-
er was for the church treasure. You .see times then were
just a bit uncertain, and most of the people had buiied their
specie. My gruutifiiLher said that for a time jir; vious, the peo-
ple frequently heard stiauge noises in the air. and saw un-
usual sights in the sky at night, and they thought these
things were the forerunuf ra of some great evil."

"Then the bell lies buried here yet," said I.

"Oh, there you are mistu'.ien," rep'.ied Pierre. "Some
beiieve that the bell and t'.ie church treasure were dug up
and carried away by robbers. A great many years ago a
sirange vessel was obsei'ved in the Basin of Minas, and a
party of men were seen to leave it about midnight and come
ashore here. Before daybreak a terrible storm arose, and
the next morning nothing was seen of the ship. Some
thought that during the night, while the wind was blowing
loudest, thi;y heard sounds of a church bell, but little was
thought of it, until they observed the earth had been dis-
turbed ; and a piece of wood was picked up near this place,
of a shape sometimes used to support u bell in a tower.

I,..,

324

AODIA

|(' ■ '

iii',!;

?Si

m J

From these circumstauces they were led to surmise that
robbers had found out where the vault was, aud carried away
wliat they wanted. But the strangers were probably lost
iu the. storm, as the wreck of au unknown vessel was iound
by some fishermen a day or two subsequently at the foo: of
Cape Blomidon. You see they couldn't carry off that bell,
and the priest's robes and things that belouged to the
church, that is, those who hadn't auy right to, and the heavy
gale that night was raised up to defeat their plans."

'' Then the bell is in the bottom of Minas Basin," inter-
rupted I.

"My grandfather was one who didn't believe this story,
but claimed tlje contents of the vault were put on board a
vessel bound to the Gjvspe coast, and were intended for a
chapel at a village of some Acadiaus who had taken refiigo
there; but the ship was lost within sight of laud, and every
soul on board perished. It is said the captain and crew
had seizid the treasure, and divided it among themselves,
aud were not permitted to land with their ill-gotten wealth.
And they say that bell is sometimes heard, even to this very
day, on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, during heavy storms."

" And you really believe this you are telling me," said I.

"It's what others have told me, and I have no reason to
believe it is not true," he replied. " Have you never heard of
Captain Pierey, who was caught in such a terrible storm on
the Gulf, that he would never go to sea again ? Well, may
be you'd like to hear the story 1 "

" By all means," I answered. " But let's sit down under
this clump of buckthorn, and hand mo that ulster. The air
is chilly with the damp from the meadows, aud we will wait
for the moon to light us home."

i ...•,, .!

^li;

''H

i-eiy

A MYSTERY OF THE GASPE COAST.

; I hi

i in!

Ill

A summer night on the Lauren tian waters I The sky is
resplendent with the northern constellations, that twinkle
and glow with a brillianry unknown in lower latitudes, and
every star mirrored in the vast deep beneath. Scarce a rip-
ple moves the surface of the sea, and only the measured
heave ever present in the St. Lawrence Gulf, serves to dis-
pel the illusion that the Dauphine is floating in mid-air.
Passengers and crew are gathered on deck, the greater por-
tion in that listless attitude one assumes when the mind is
far away. Everyone seems to have forgotten the Gaspe
youth, whose apparent verdancy had made him the object
of disparagement the whole day ; and even Mother Brus-
eaud, who was usually either complaining of the present, or
borrowing trouble of the future, for once is strangely si-
lent.

I was rechniug at full length, lulled by the unusual quiet
into that deliiious, half-dreamy state, in which i>ast and
present seem blended togethei*. The sails of the Danp/iine
hung useless from her yards ; the sailors moved about with
a noiseless tread ; everything on board comported with the
unwonted hush and stillness that characterized the elements.

While I was thus reposing, I suddenly became conscious
of an unusual sound. Was it fancy, or did something tan-
gible really affect my outward senses 1 Presently I heard
the sound repeated, but iu scarcely audible tones, not uu-

l" 1 :i '

iSii

320

ACADTA

like the notes of s di^^tant ohuicb b«ll. I ofsrtTccd. an np-
right postii'e, au^i gazed about we. Once rnoif tbf- mellow
cafleripf was borne upon the night air, this tiiii<- with more
di8ti)>ctnes6 than before. I abruptly brckt the silentre with —

"Hark ! Did yon hear that bell?"

A nr.Drtbei thought they did hear something: others sug-
gested I hati been dreaming, and were inclined to raise a
laugh at D'.y expense. The Captain, noting the sudden re-
newal of eoMTersatiou, now came up to a«>e v^hat was going
on.

" The gentleman insists that he just now heard a chapel
bel) vingirig for vespers," e^tciaiuied one of the passengers,
poiuting to me.

"Listen a moment and be convinced," said I, beginning to
get not a little piqued ; "the sound seemed to come from
that direction," and I indicated the Labiador coast.

All now assumed an attitude of listening — some I sus^Dect-
ed, h'om their mock gravity, more bent on mischief than in
expectation of liearing the bell. The suspense was becom-
ing irksome; but sud.lenly ail were startled, when from over
the sea came the distinct notes of a bell, several strokes fol-
lowing each other in regular succession, then ceasing.

"Perhaps it's the bell of some convent on shore," said
one, addressing the Captain.

"That can hardly be," answered that 'icer; "we're at
least two hundred miles from the coast of Labrador, and the
Bouiiil seoms to come from that direction."

"It's the bell of doom," growled an old sailor, Tarpaulin
.Tiicl:, who was lazily smoking his pipe as he leaned over the
taffiail, peering in the direction from whence the sound
came.

"I knowed sumthin' was sure to happen," chimed in
Mother Brussaud. " I told my folks so before I left, but
they only laughed. A loup-garou screamed around our
house one night not long ago, and only last night I dreamed

LEGENDS

827

of seem* a pale blue light ou the water; " and the old wom-
an drew a small ciucitix from her btjsom, and began devout-
ly to implore the interpositiou of the good St. Anne to pro-
tect her.

" Whatever it is, we're rapidly nearing it," said the Cap-
tain after a pause ; " don't you see the strokes are becom-
ing more distinct each time T "

The truth of the Cyi^)taiij'8 observation was apparent, —
the tones of the bell were momentarily becoming louder,
and the o^use, whatever it might be, was rapidly coming
nearer. The Captain now called for his night-glass, but
was unable to detect any unusual object. " Here. Leopold,"
turning to a sailor at his side— "you have the sharpest eyes
of any on the ship, take this and tell us what you can see."

"I see some white object, hke the sails of a vessel. Hold
on ! X have got the thing to a focus. I'll be blowed if it
ain't a packet under full sail, and she pitches and rocks as
though in a heavy sea."

" Take the glass once more and tell us her course," said
the Captain.

"Nearly due west, sir,'' suid the sailor: and in a moment
more he added, — "and as suie us I'm alive, they have got
a bell rigged to the mast-head, that rings at each pitch of
tlie vessel. That's a queer craft and no mistake."

" Purt the helm two points,"' said the Captain to the man
at the wbeel. " I am going to run down ti)at ship ; I have
never yet steered alocjf from anything that floats in these
waters, and 1 am going to find out what it all means. —
What moie can you make out, Leopold T "

"Nothing, notbing — only they seem to be liavuig a storm
all to tlieniseives. I can see the white faps of the waves
all about their ship, and I can see sailors skurrying about

the decks and in tlie riggin'

as though

the.r lives de-

pended on it. She's a c.niusy craft, sii, iike tiiey used io
build a hundred years ago. I can bee a woman ail in white,

■ I"

32b

AC AVI A

and she looks to be wringing her hands. I don't like the
looks of them at all, si;- !*'

" Lower the long boat," thundered the Captain. ** Wholl
volunteer to board that vessel ? " Then as he received no
immediate answer, he continued — " I'll go myself. Will any
of you go along? Are you afraid to follow rae? '"

"I'm not afraid of anything iu the shape of flesh and
blood, Captciin," said an old sailor, coming forward, "and
I'll go with you anywhere ; but I don't like the looks of that
'ere vessel. Every one of them sailors are spooks, and that's
the Tourmente, stove on the rocks near here over a hun-
dred years ago, and every man on board drowned. I've
heaid strange stories, Captain, about that ship, and I'd
rather give her a wide berth.''

Eager listeners now crowded round the old sailor, to hear
more about the phantom ship. Tradition said that the
French people at Grand Pre buried the bell and the treas-
ure of the church just previous to its burning by the Eng-
lish. The vault was subsequently opened, and the con-
tents put on board the 7hurmente for transportation to a
Catholic chapel on the Gaspo coast ; but the captain forci-
bly seized the treasure aiid divided it between himself and
the crew. This was done contrary to the earnest protesta-
tions of a Catholic priest, who pronounced a nurse upon all
who participated in the affair. This priest left the ship at
the other side o) the Gulf, and the vessel proceeded. But
before she reac'jed her destination, yet within sight of peo-
ple living on the coast, a terrible storm arose, which dashed
the ship against the rocks, and not a soul survived to tell
of the catastrophe. Sailors tell of meeting with the spec-
tral vessel and its skeleton crew, always in the teeth of a
terrible gale, who are obligei, by reason of the curse pro-
nounced against them, to sail up and down the gulf, until
the bell is restored to its rifrbtful owners. It's an ill ob>en
to hear the ringing of a bell on these waters, previous tu a

LEOENDS

829

storm, and ihe fisliing craft frequentiT^g these parts regard
a meeting with that mysterious sail as something to be
avoided.

"Why, I am sure there are no indications of a storm just
now," observed the Captain, anxious to allay the fears that
were arising among the passengers at the superstitions no-
tions of the old sailor. And, in obedience to tVie general
wish, he did not pursue further his purpose of boarding the
strange ship.

Neaier and nearer came the phantom vessel, till the white
sails were visible to the naked eye. As the relative position
of the two vessels changed, the binnacle lamp of the strang-
er was brought into view, that threw a pale light over the
surrounding objects. Her sails were bellied as if in the
face of a heavy gale. Then the skeleton shapes could be
seen moviug about as though in the execution of ordcis. —
The rocking and pitchirg of the vessel, the swinging of
ropes and blocks, the dashing of the waves a^ ainst her side,
and the white foaui at her prow, — all this v^us plainly vis-
ible, yet uuaccotijpanied by any soiiud, save the clanging of
. the bell at the n.ast-head. This was the more singuiaj', as
our own vessel was still becalmed, the breeze hardly suffic-
ing to keep the Dauphine^s head in her course.

On came the spectral vessel, crossing our bows so closely
as to allow the biue binnacle light to flicker full in our fa-
ces. The female figure in white appeared as a young girl,
in the attitude of despair. The old legend says she was a
passenger on board the ill-fated Tourmente, and was lost
with the crew, in sight of her lover on shore. The latter,
maddened at the sight of her struggling in the water, plunged
into the breakers and perished with her. Everything about
the decks of the strange ship, the dress of the unearthly
crew and the cut of tlio sails, was of a fashion pertaining to
the reign of the (leorges.

Scarcely had the apparition passed, when a strange op-

3,: II

; t

.,: '¥^

\i-'f'''.

'ikiiiKfJ

880

AOADIA

piessiveuess in the air became manifest; and before the
passengers aui] crew had recovered from their surprise, they
were startled by an exclamation from the mate : — the barom-
eter had t^uddenly faUeu, an alarming indioatioi] that a vio-
lent gale was at hand.

Instantly all was activity on board the Dauphine. The
hoarse orders of the mate, the answers of the sailors, the
creakiiig of blocks, all betokened how imminent the danger
was thought to be, and that brave men were doing their ut-
most to prepare for it. Before any one was really aware of
it, the sky bad become overcast, and a thick darknesb set-
tled over the vessel ; — a dai Iiness broken only by the phos-
phorescent gleaming on the water, and a mere spai'k far to
the west, the binnacle light of the retreating phantom ship.
The very, elenjents seemed to be conspiring. The stoutest
hearts beat more quickly. The Cajitain forgot to intersperse
liis orders with the usual oaths. The sailors no longer in-
dulged in their coarse jokes ; and the human voice had such
ttn unusual sound in the rarolicd atmosphere, that no words
were spoken save those necessary to the working of the ship.
Passengers clung to one another, and many embraced with
the thought they had looked their last upon the green earth.
Soon all preparations were made ; and the officers and crew,
having done all that human hands could do for the safety
of those on board, awaited the coming of the tempest.

"Hold fast your lines and be ready, every man at hia
post," said the chief officer in solemn, measured tones,
** there's no knowing from which direction the gale will first
strike us. God help we may not be driven toward land, for
if—"

All at once the whole sky seemed rent from horizon to
horizon by a terrible flash of lightning. It was the most
blinding flash I ever remember to have seen ; the whole sur-
face of the sea seemed ablaze with the horrid glare; and so
Inghti'uUy vivid had been the momentary gleam, that it was

LroFxns

8S1

Bomn h'n>" li^'foro the power of the eye was iTsfoved. Then
followed n solemn, doliow peal of tliui'der, utterly iusigiiifi-
caut fonipnrerl with th ^ flush, which seemed so mysterious
OS still further to depress the spirits of all.

"T don't like the looks of this thing," said the man at the
•wheel, rubbing his eyes. By this time most of tlie pasaen-
geis Imd sought^ their berths. The crew had been told
that none would be allowed to go below that night, but
were to remain at their posts ready for any emergency. All
above was literally black with a ponderous darkness, which
rendered all the more marked the green and blue of the
phosphorescent gleaming of the water about the vessel.
While watching the play of the weird and fli'-kering lights
as they darted and dipped about the ripples, resolving
themselves into strange and fanciful ligures, I was blinded
by another flash of lightning, accompanied with an instan-
taneous report of thunder. Masts, spars, and vessel seemed
all on fire; I thought I heard a cry, and knew that we were
struck, but in wbat part of the ship I cou.d not tell. The
mate who also heard the cry, now <;ame forward and inquired
if any one was hurt. Wliilu he was speaking a confused
roar was heard in the distance, which momentarily increased
until it resembled the rush of a cataract, and every one
knew it was coming.

" Holm hard aport ! " was heard in tones not to be mis-
understood. "Quick, now."

"Aye, aye, sir," came the answer. Then followed the
creaking of the rudderpost; slowly, and all feared too slow-
ly, the good ship answered to her helm. Then came anotli
er blinding flash, a loudei- peal of thunder, and a gust struck
the vessel tliat almost took tin; masts bodily out of her.
All this occurred in such rapid succession that nothing could
be said or done till it was past.

" If that's only a feeler, there'll be business for us whet-
thu fitorm settles down in eainest," said Tarpaulin Jack.

»|.||

'■*

r.i

332

AOJI DIA

Meantime the vessel had been brought to her course. A
man ■.„3 sent to assist the one at the wheel; while the oth-
ers stood by lor a sudden call. The second charge of the
storm's outriders was not long in waiting. It struck the
ship with still more violence than the former one. AH were
in momentary expectation of hearing the snapping of a mast
or the giving way of u sail, but the staunch vessel bore it
well, and toie through iht- water like a race-horse.

" We're heading towards the nearest land," said the Cap-
tain ; if the gale continues long at this rate, nothing short
of a miracle cau keep us off the Gaspe reefs. Do you see
that ? " — and ho pointed directly astern.

The sea was one mass of foam anr' aurgiug l)illow8, and
the pho!*phorescent glovv everywhere present, enabled one
to see in any direction. Directly in the rear of us was a
black cloud, while beneath this cloud, and in contact with
the whitc-cresled waves, wa's a «lull luminous mist of a red-
dish hue. It was this that tlio l.'aptain hail noticed. A
Jiew s )und now reached us — I lie roar acviomj^Diving this neb-
ulous cloud : as it came up it fairly howled about our ears.
This bellowing of the wind is something one never hears ex-
cept at sea. It difters houi the roar of the winto's blast as
it rushes down the mountain and sweeps along the valley ;
it seems endowed with a liondish propensity, that delights
in wreck and ruin, and whose sole mission is lo destroy. —
Its shriek among the shrouds is a sound never to be forgot-
ten, and sets at nought all description. A two-fold strength
seemed added to the force of the gale, and the hardiest sail-
or was obliged to turn his back to the wind, and liold on by
main strength to whatever was at hand to keep from being
blown into the sea.

Once all was given up for lost. — A heavy wave buried the
vessel and knocked the men from the wheel : Ijefore she
could be righted another billow struck her at a di.sadvant'
age ; fortunately, the helm was put down, and the sliip au-

being

LEOEXDS

833

sweringit promptly, she was brought out of itmuinent dan-
ger. The men were now lashed to the wheel to prevent a
repetition of such a catastrophe.

In this way imssed the hours till after midnight. But
littk^ chjmge was noticeable; the gali^ was scarcely abated;
the laboring and straining of the noble ship began to tell
on her strength ^ she groaned audibly as wave after wuve
passed over hev, and the practiced ears of the sailors knew
she could not beai* it much longer.

Shortly after midnight, during a temporary lull in the
tempest, a shriek broke upon the air; in a few moments it
was repeated. Was it from the sea or sky, or did it come
from some part of the ship? What could it mean? "Go
below, Leopold, and see if all is ri«^ht.."

The sailor made his way with difBcidty nlong the slippery
deck, being twice washed from his feet and jammed against
the mast with so much force as to knock the wind out of
him ; after repeated trials he at length reached the gang-
way', and disappeared down the ladder.

Presently we heard him calling for the Captain, who pro-
ceeded to the gangway, dirr cting me to follow. At the foot
stood Leopold, with a lantern in his hand, and his face the
very \ icture of terror. Wittiout uttering a word he led us
directly to the beith occupied by Motlier Brupsaud, when
what a sight met our gaze! There lay the old woujau,
holding in one hand the crucilix, with both ai ms extended
as if f(.r help, with her eyes turned up\\ard in her head un-
til nothing but the whites were visible, stone d(.ud! Auaik
streak passed down the face and along the left arm of the
unfortunate woman, the quick work of the ligbtnino's flash.
Her forebodings had this time been reaHzed. Slie iuul evi-
dently been dead some hours, and if so, what was ti^at cry
just hearel? At this moment an unusual movement was
heard on deck, and we hurried up to see what new danger
menaced us.

III
ill

kCAVIA

"Wbnf is ihfii brifrlit lifjht to the wrst. sir," smM a rniflnr
lo tho Ciiptniu who reuchcil the deck duiinjj; (mo of the brief
lulls of the storm, "are we nearing the InnJ?"

" That comes from the binnacle of the ship the spooks are
Bailing in," answered anotlier tar.

Presently the Toico of the Captain was henrd — "Is there
any one on board that's acquainted with this coast ? In
lia f an hour we'll be among the breakers ! "

For several minutes no one answered. The Captain re-
peated the question — " Does any among you know this
coast? " Slill no answer came. Every individual on board
knew their situation was almost hopcloss, and all shrank
from assuming any responsibility in such a dire extremity.
It was a limo of terrib'e suspense. They were being driv-
en forward with frightful rapidity, evtiy moment bearing
them nearer to what seemed inevitable destruction. All at
once a voii;e ran;i; out clear above the roar of the storm and
seething of the billows —

"I do, sir!"

There was something in that voice that revived hope in
every breast. " Well, come foi ward, and let's know who and
what you are,'' shouted the Captain. But wl\en the Gasre
youth, Ettrinee, came up, a murmur of disapprobation ran
through the crew. Even the Captain could not helj) par-
taking of the general sentiment ; but as he tuined the light
of the lamp full on the youth, a look of surprise lighted up
the f( atures of that cfScer,

The young man was no longer the diffident and hesitat-
ing youth of the day before. Every line of his countenance
was animated, the figure erect, the voice strong and manly,
and he stood the scrutiny of the Captain with a grace that
evinced a consciousness o!" his own powers.

""Well, Avho are you, and what do you know aboi ' it."
said the Captain in as •:rr.flf a voice as he could ass'

"I was born within a league of where this vesse -^ely

LfclitNDS

333

to Htrike. atiil know t-vt-rv (.-uve luxi vcei within twenty
uiili'H." TLiiri wua utteiod with ft fioeJoui and ciocihiou ti.ut
at once lumle fneiuls of tht- ci(;w.

"How do 3'ou know, yomig in;ui, wbcro tliis ship is pfoinpf
to stiikc, wLeu tl.eic lire no li^^lithuusfs within til'ty juilc-j
of lic'ic, and the night is so thick you can almo.st cut it wnh
a knifo. Yoii cau't see u chff before you can tuiu-lj it witli
youi hand, and tlio tinng is iittii ly impossible unlo.ss you
are in league with Ihcse imps yonder in that j;hoHt of a
«hip." This WHS spoken iu a vvay that was intended to an-
nilidato the lad, but he unH\ver<>d without chaugujg a i'en-
tuits or abating a wliit of his animation —
" You see that light just ahead f "
" Yes, and it's the binnacle lamp of the spooks."
"So be it," said the boy. " To follow uireutly in the
path of that light is youv only chance. The phantom ship
in heading" diiect for Shelter Cove, to be dashed in pieces
against a sunken lock at the mouth of ihe chanrcd, at the
very spot where the real vessel was wrecked over a iiundred
yeai s ago. The ghost of the maiden's lover will be await-
ing her on the cliff with a spectre bonfire, that lights up the
aea lor a great distance. By the aid of that light, and by
noting where the phantom ship disappears, one acquainted
with the channel may possibly bring his ship into the har-
bor." Then as if noticing evidences of incredulity on the
part of his hearers, he continued: " Once a year, at each an-
niversary of the wreck, this whole scene is gone through;
I have several times gone down to the beach to seethe bou-
tire, and the ghost of the young man springing from the
cliff to join the maid ! "

"And do you suppose you can pilot this vessel into the
channel you speak oil Recollect, young man, this is a ter-
rible storm, and many lives are dependent on the safety of
the ship. Are you willing to take the risk if I see tit to give
you the authority? "

t i

,:<

3C6

AO»DTA

" I do not hesitate to take the risk on one condition," re-

spondeil tlio youtb.

"I^ume it,'' said the Captain.

"I will assume the responsibility on condition that I can
have the entire control. It's your only chance. If the ship
behaves well, and the sai.s holri, i think we can bring her
safely through. You will have to (It -ide pretty sooi., as I
can aii'eady hear the sound of break 3r8 ahead," said the boy.

A hurried consultation of tlie officers was held ; the idea
of trusting their lives to a ptsrfoct stranger, and who was to
be guided in his course by .'•ghts and signs not of earth, ap-
pealed a purpose too wild and visionary to be entertained^
Ilowever, the Captain favored the plan, and as there seemed
to be no better courser a reluctant consent was given.

" Go ahead, lad, and let's see what you can do," said the
Captain in the presence of the officers.

"First I want the mizzen stay-sail bent to its place."

"Why, madman!" said the uiPte, "the ship has all the
. aus she can stagger under now ; and would you have her
b.own clear out of water ? Besides, no sailors could bend
a sail of that size in the teeth of such a blast ! "

"Give the lad the trumpet," said the Captain ; "I see he
has the stuff in him, and I believe he knows what he's about.
If the spooks will have the lundness to light us into the
harbor, I for one won't object. Give the lad the trumpet,
and let's see what conies of it ! ' This command the mate
surlily obej ed, and dropped awa; ' muttering to himself.

But the youth, not appai'ently noticing the demeanor of
that officer, caught up the instiument, and began to give the
oj'ders so rapidly and intelligent'iy, as to excite the admira-
tion of ul), not exce[iting the mate. The sail was bent to
its pliice with a promptness that was remarkable — the crew
evidently imbibing the spirit of the youthful sailor, for such
he had already proved himself. The Captain, meanwhile,
was clapping his hands, so pleased was he at the masterly

LEGENDS

837

manner of its acconip!idhtxient. Aa soon as tbe Dauj^hine
felt tbe f nee of this additional canvas, she fairly leaped
from wave to wave ; all looked to see the siul torn to shreds,
or the inasts shaken out of their sockets.

"She's as staunch a ship ae ever was afloat, and she'll do
her best to get out of this scrape," sang out tbe Captain, as
soon as be perceived she would bear the strain.

"I want two of the most experienced helmsmen at the
wheel, and your best leadsman forward. Now every man
at his post and be ready at the word."

The orders were quickly obeyed and all bands were look-
ing towards the phantom ship; presently a flash was seen,
as though a cannon had been tired, though no report was
heard: this was followed by another and another at regular
intervals.

" The spooks are signaling for help," explained the youth.
Almost immediately a light was seen to break out on the
summit of a cliflF— a pallid, unnatural brightness, yet suf-
ficient to illuminate the sea for miles. By its aid ibe end-
less lines of breakers could be seen on all sides, only a tor-
tuous, dark line between the crests marked the course of
the channel.

Presently the spectral ship was seen to stagger ; her prow
shot upward, and then the vessel settled slowly down stern
foremost, and was engulfed in the waves. Not a sound ac-
companied the catastrophe, only the mournful cadence of
the bell, still pendant at tbe mast-head, which kept its se-
pulchral tolling until it disappear id from sight. And now
the figure of the girl in white appeared on the boiling surf,
casting up her arms wildly, as if imploring help ; an out-
burst from the crew of the Daupldue followed, as from the
summit of the cliff the form of a man appe iied in the act of
leaping into the sea : the twain wei-o seen for a moment,
clasped in each other's arms, and then pank from sight.
Instantly, ship, crew and sea were enveloped in almost

i'i

I;i1l|

338

ACADIA

Cimmerian darknes«». Captain and crew stood spell-bound,
as if doubting the f-virlence of tbeiv senses. Not so with the
youth, however ; for while the others had been wholly oc-
cupied with the apparition, his practiced eye had been tak-
ing in the locatiou of the channel; and no sooner hud the
light disappeared tbiin the sharp tones of the trunapet were
again heard ringing \\bove the roar of the tempest. The
orders came rapidly, and were executed as promptly.

" Breakers ahead," shouted the lookout forward.

" Breakers on the lee bow," sang out auotliar.

" Had n't you better take soundings," cried the captain.

"Not yet," answered the youth; and at the same breath
issuing the necessary commands to the hehnsmen and those
at the braces, the dreaded reef was soon left astern.

On went the vessel, plunging heavily into the darkness.
The compass remained unnoticed in its box ; the line with
the deep-sea lead was yet coiled in the hands of the leads-
man ; everything depended on the voice of the stranger
youth, whom many of the sailors began to suspect as some
being more than human, sent by their patron saint to bring
about their deliverance. They saw, by the occasional flash-
es of lightning, they were close in shore, and could make
out the dismal, sullen dashing of the waves against the base
of the clififs.

"Helm hard a-port," — came forth from the trumpet, and
every one knew a critical moment had arrived. The rud-
der-post turned in its socket not a moment too soon, for as
the vessel wore round, a flash of lightning revealed a rock
which seemed to have arisen directly out of the sea, against
which the yard arms almost grazed as the ship was brought
about. Thus passed the moments away, — moments which
seemed lengthened into hours to that anxious crew. Re-
peatedly wa^j the staunch craft afterwards brought out of
perils quite as inimineut, the youthful pilot pioviug him-
self, thus i'ai, etj .ul to every emuigeucy.

LFOEKDS

339

■^1

"I srp," said the captain, who was coctinually giving ut-
terance to words of encouragement, — "I aee how the lad
maniiges it; 'he is guided by the racket of the rips, and the
Bounds upon the shore. A quick ear is worth everything in
such an emergency. We'll be out of this, yet, you may take
my word for it."

" Now," said the youth, after a few minutes had elapsed,
•'now comes the critical moment of ali. We must wear the
ship about so as to enter that opening in the line of break-
ers on the left. If there should be a favoring lull in the
tempest for only the briefest period, we ina}' yet make the
p')rt in sai'ety, otherwise all we have yet done avails us noth-
ing."

All now awaited the crisis in breathless anxiety. They
were near the point where the vessel muat veer her course,
or be driven to speedy destruction ; while to maneuver ex-
cept during the lulls was to capsize her. God help there
may be a favoring coincidence!

The ship was iiow almost abreast the opening, but the
tempest acted as though understanding their purpose, and
was determined to thwart it. A moment more and it will
be too late !

Just as all hope was dying out, the wind ceased its fury,
as though in obedience to a guiding hand. The orders were
given; the ship seemed to realize her peril, for she spraug
to her new course with a celerity that was surprising. A
fiw moments and her prow shot into the narrow opemug,
a^id as a wild shout of the crew went up at their miracu-
lous deliverance, the good ship rode gayly into the gently
heaving current of the harbor

•iti

>. I, i! «

'I ;

(lii

( I'l

;■■

SPIRIT CAMP.

The day had been excessively warm. By the aid of our
padilles alone, we had measured more than a score of miles
since dawn. We took time to pause and cast a fly in the
deep shade of a fir-clad rock, and were rewarded with a num-
ber of the sped lod beauties. The rifle of Pierre had brought
down a brace of grouse at one of our landings for water;
and we were cheered with the prospect of a supper "fit for
the King."

We were stopping a few days, Pierre and I, amid the
matchless scenery of the lakes among the Blue Mountains —
that paradise of the hunter and angler. Early in the morn-
ing we passed an Indian village. It was composed of some
dozen wigwams, situated on a small island, in a natural
meadow, bordered by a grove of sugar maples. The wigwams
were built in the Indian fashion, circular in form, with oval
tops, and covered with bark. The entrances were low, and
they looked as though a person could not stand upright in
them. The squaws and pappooses were dodging in and
out, and otherwise manifesting a coyness of disposition,
mingled with a curiosity to behold us. The men appeared
to be absent on a hunting expedition. We noticed among
them a number of pretty girls, with unmistakable signs of
white blood in their veins, dre^ssad in good taste, and chat-
tering in French. There is a melancholy interest attached
to them, as they are the descendants of wretched Acadian

IiSOENDS

841

I!'

mothers, who, to escape a worse iale, threw themselves into
the arms of savages. It is hard to conceive, at the present
time, of the extremity to which a white woman must be re-
duced to drive her to such an altejnative. These females
are adepts at managi»g an oar. Standing uf> in their boats,
with a large straw hat confined to tlie head with a narrow
black string passing from the crown under the chin, the
large brim standing out straight, they are odd figures
enough. They will shoot a canoe over a rapid with inimi-
table dexterity, and with as much ease as a boy will manage
a wheelbarrow.

The sun yet wanted some hours to setting when our ca-
noe shot into a lake of unprecedented beauty. Islands of
every imaginable contour rose up within it. Here a single
rock crowned with a solitary tuft of evergreen, stood side by
sidc! with its more assuming neighbor, bristling with clumps
of fir, shaggy with Usnea, and fragrant with resinous bal-
sams. There was a still larger island, with groves of ma-
ple, beech and birches, with natural meadows luxuriant with
native grasses, and glowing with patches of wild flowers—
the familiar haunt of the fallow deer. Now and then a peb-
bly beach held out a tempting lure to embark. Quiet, syl-
van scenes opened up as we coasted along ; while frequent-
ly our boat grazed over patches of water-lilies, aiTowheads
and other aquatic plants, or glided under the shade of "mos-
sy banks " overhung with the dark foliago of the hemlock.

Beneath us wore myriads of the finny tribes, an we knew
by thtj splash and ripples they made as they leaped to catch
the unwarj' fly ; wo could see deer quietly feeding on the
lily-pads, and overhead wheeled flocks of wild water-fowl.
"Here," exclaimed I, "here are the fabled Indian Gardens,
and here will I pitch my tent in the wilderness."

AVhile leisurely floating along, we came in sight of a plat
of greensward, tiliiuUd by a grove of inin)euse oaks, looking
BO cool and delicious, and wilhalso inviting, that 1 in vol uu'

!:ili

lit

342

AOADTA

tai'ily uttered an ex^^^amation of surprise, and announced a
deterniiuatioM to bivouac there for the ni'^ht. I thou-jflit I
detected an expression in Pierre that was unfavorable to iny
plan, but so enthusiastic was I, that I did not stop to con-
sult him, otherwise I might never have told the following
story. In a few moments the keel of our boat grated on
the soft and yielding sand ; stejaping on the beach we lifted
t'.ie frail craft from the water, jDutting it down beside one of
the di'uidical trunks. Leaving Pierre to prepare supper, I
set out to reconnoiter.

A little brook ran down the outer circle of the grove:
the clearness of the water, and the mossy banks along which
it flowed, struck ray eye at once, and I prepared to cast ray
fly. With varying fortune I ascended the stream a consid-
erable distance, until it led nic into what had once been a
clearing. It was considerably overgrown with underbrush,
but there were several gnarled apple trees, and remains of
cellars ; and a further exploration revealed a little cemetery
containing a number of graves, on one of which was a stone
cross, overgrown with moss, and beaten with the storms of
many winters. This, as I have since learned, is but a sam-
ple of what may be seen in many of the out-of-way places
in the Province. They are the relics of the fleeing Acadi-
ans, who, in the memorable years of 1755-60, took refuge
in these mountains to escape from the English who were re-
morselessly hunting them from the territory, — grim me-
mentoes of the sufferings of a sadly afflicted people !

It was near sundown when I returned. My faithful
guide had dressed the grouse and had them spitted on long
sticks stuck into the ground. The trout had been rolled in
flour and were broiling on thin, flat stones laid on the coals.
The odor of the coffee was cheering, and Pierre had pre-
pared a surprise for me in the shape of a dessert of the wild
borries which studded the rich vegetable mould over which
we walked.

LEOENDS

343

The stars had come out as we finished our repast We
chose a choice bit of ground, collected some branches of a
reaiuous fir for fuel, and trimmed spruce branches enough
to make an elastic; bod several inches in depth. The smoke
of the Ciimp-lire drove away the mosquitoes ; and, wrapped
in our blankets, with the bltize lighting up the overhead
foliage from beneath, until it glowed like a golden fiet-work
against the dark mossy trunks and tangled copse, we com-
mitted ourselves to the god of slumber, testifying to the
correctness of the observation that there is no completer
comfort than a seat by the camp-tire, — no sweeter rest than
when the boughs of the forest are both our bed and our
canopy.

I know not how long I had been sleeping, when I was
aroused by the stiange movements of the dog. As I looked
fiom under the blanket, he was sitting upon his haunches,
his nose pointed toward a little cove bordered with alders,
uttering low whiniugs not unlike the moanings of a human
being, and occasionally br* aking into a howl that „"ave rise
to strange forebodings as they fell upou the ear iu the silence
of that lonely camp.

" Be still. Carlo," said I, surmising the dog had heard
the stealthy tread of some wild animal lurking in the bush-
es. But the dog would not be still. Just then the guide,
who had been awal.ened by the noise, pointed towards the
little cove and abruptly exclaimed —

"See there!"

I looked as he indicated, and s&vf what made my blood
curdle! There, uo*^ twenty feet from where we had been
Bleeping, were two figures in human form, a male and fe-
male, in the act oi' launching a canoe. That they were not
real persons was evident, as we could see objects through
them as through mist, and their movements wore of that
airy sort that sets at naught the laws of giavitatiou. They
were apparently iu great haste, fiequeutly looking buck as

ipn

i!
I

344

ACilDTA

if in fear of being followed. Thoy Beerned not to notice our
proximity ; and, as soon as tbey were seated in tlieir canoe,
paddled swiftly out into the lake, and disappeared among
the numerous islands.

"We're on enchanted ground," exclaimed I, sometime af-
ter our strange visitants had departed, " and this explains
your reluctance to pitch our camp here. Why didn't you
tell me that lost spirits haunted this spot, and that we were
likely to have visitors around our cauip-tire other than those
of flesh and blood T"

" I confess I didn't like the idea of stopping here, but I
knew you would only laugh at me. I saw something one
night, some years ago, when encamped in this very place,
with no companion but my dog, something I never dared
tell of," answered the guide. "I jumped into my boat and
was miles away before morning, and I never visited the spot
again until to-day. The dog, there, knows that something
is around here that ought not to be; see, how he trembles !
Say, Carlo, what's the matter, hey?" — and the noble beast,
thus appealed to, came up to the guide, and, in his dog lan-
guage, craved protection in the most piteous manner.

"I saw indications of an old settlement just back of our
camp ; were those spirit voyageurs that we just now saw,
in any way associated with the tenants of those forgotten
graves I stumbled over, and who for some cause are obliged
to revisit the scenes of their active life ? They certainly did
Dot seem like Indians," exclaimed I, half meditatively.

"Yes," said the guide, "at least I have heard old hunters
Bay so. The story has been told many a time but I can't
say how much truth there is in it."

"I'm too wide awake for sleep," I exclaimed, "and who
knows but what our visitors will be back again pretty soon.
I propose, in that case, to scrape a closer acquaintance. In
the ujcantiuie, lets have the story I ilare say it's a bloody
advculurc, or it wouldn't be necessary for those fellows to

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ifl

I,Tni^VT)«<

S45

Ipare the quiet of their graves, and revisit tlio haunts of

At that moment a piercing cry went up from the forest
on the further slu-re of the lake, eiuling in a prnlongoil liowl
that echoed and reverberated among the woods, and then
died away. "It's some hungry panther that/a got u sniff
of our supper," said Pierre. "1 heard him earlj' in the eve-
ning, and I think he's working round this way. Maybe
he'i) pay us a visit before morning." ^Vith the.-se words the
guidw threw a fresh lot of fuel on the coals, and immediate-
ly the blaze caught among the dry bniiiches, roaring and
leaping up, and sending the sparks high above the tree-tops.
The huge oak trunks looked likn grim sentinels in the flick-
ering fiie-light, and we almost expected to see the dusky
forms of Indian warriors of old start up in the surrouudiug
darkness, disturbed at our intrusion of their domains. —
While reposing at fui! length, gazing up at the canopy of
leaves glowing overhead, and shrouding everything outside
our fire-light in dorkness, the fojlowing tale was told me.

It was during that stormy period when the French in-
habitants of Nova Scotia were being forcibly driven from
their homes, that a number of families at Annapolis Royal,
hearing of the fate of their countrymen at Grand Pre and
"Windsor, coliecled such of their goods as they could con-
veniently carry away, together with a portion of their stock,
and fled to the mountains. It was with the greatest ditH-
culty they made their way through the woods. Exposed to
the September storms of that latitude, with no shelter even
at night, the more feeble among them soon died. A mother,
with a sick babe at her breast, would toil on as best she
could : the New England troops were in close pursuit, and
no delay could be made ; giving the little darling one last
embrace as its spirit took flight, she would hastily consign
its body to the new-made grave, and in one short hour would
again join in the march.

'. -■ It

i,'t

846

AOiliDIA

The route talien by the refugees could be followed by the
newly-covcrcd iiioand', ftiul the carcasses of the cattle and
horses that were continudUy giving out, and were left to
thoir fate. It seerned aa though the wild beasts for uiilos
anund hud formed themse.ves into a renr dciaohineni: and
the nights were made hideous with their bowlings as they
qr.aireled and fought over the remains of some poor cow or
faithful hors« that could ^-o no I'a. Iher. The tierce animals
became so bold that they f;ven menaced the camps; no one
dare stir out alone after nightfiiU, outside the light of their
fires, for fear of being devoured. "What rendered their sit-
uation still more helpless, they had no weapons for defense,
their guns having been taken from thorn some time before,
by order of the English Governor.

In the midst of these diiTl'-idties, pursued by wild beasts
and their still more 'mplacable human foes, this hand of
refugees at length succeeded in reaching the vicinity of these
lakes. At that Jime a powerful band of Micmac Indians
Had put up their wigwams in this grove, who, taking the
fleeing Acadians under their protection, sent out a body of
warriors and intercepted a detachment of English soldiers
that had penetrated to within a short distanrse of this spot.

The French refugees, believing themselves safe from fur-
ther pursuit, commenced a settlement, the remains of which
I had accidentally discovered the day before. By the help
of the Indians, temporary log huts were erected ; a supply
of tlsh was caught and dried for winter use ; corn was fur-
nished by the Indians and game supplied the balance of the
food. Later, some of the young men visited Annapolis
Royal, where they had the good fortune to secure a quanti-
ty of gruiu and flax that had escaped the general destruc-
tion, jiud safely drove back a few head of cattle. By de-
grees liiey made themselves comfortabie houses ; the next
Beason they net uut apple orchards, currant bushes and oth-
er fruits: gradually cleai'ing away the forest, iu the course

LF0BND8

847

of a fow jears their couilitiou was made tolerable — at any
rate tbey were free.

Amonjy this community was a beautiful girl, who. agree-
ably to the custom of the Acadiars, had been early betrothed
to the youth of her choice. Their nuptials were to be cel-
ebrated at the next festival of St. Anne. In Iho exci'.ement
of their hasty departure, the absence of her lover was not
noticed ; it was not known whether he was killed or ban-
ished, or was with some other company of refugees.

Rachel did not take to her loss kindly ; she brooded over
his absence ; her cheek became pale, and her step less buoy-
ant. In her grief she would not listen to the words of love
from other young men, — her Joseph was uppermost in her
thoughts.

It chanced that a young Indian brave, noticing the maid
bad no lover, sought her to grai-e his own wigwam. The
young Indian's father was chief of the tribe, and he had
proved himself the friend of the white people. This chief
espoused the suit of his son.

"The white squaw has no love among the pale faces,"
argued the dusky chieftain, "let her keep the wigwam of
one of my braves."

The maid was inexoi'ablo ; white and red lovers were alik«
spurned from her. She seemed to cling to the hope that
her afSauced would vet seek her out. At length the chief as-
sumed a haughty mien. Had not her people often received
favors at his hands, and were they not in his power?

This appeal touched the girl on a tender chord. What
was life to her now ? Yes, she would be the bride of the
young brave; she would yield herself a sacrifice for her
people.

Great were the preparations for the nuptials — worthy the
marriage of a prince, and heir to the kiugly sceptre. The
young brave had embraced the Catnoiic belief, and hud re-
ceived the rite of baptism ; the ceremony was to be solemnized

348

ACAOrA

Mi^

■( I

1 •

:t ;

in uccordiiiifie with that fuilh. The little chapel bad beeu
decoiatccl tixpjessly lor the uccasiou, auJ the good Father,
anaved in gown and maniple, was engaged iu hia prepara-
toi'y devotions in the chancel. Just outside the door, by
tlie light of a huge boiilhv, a party of young men and iii;iiv.l-
enb, the young friends of Racbei, were dancing on thegietn.
A liltle beyond, another tire had been kindled, and about
this the young Indian warriors were celebrating their* wed-
ding feast. Grotesque aiid wild were the scenes there
tranypiring, — gross paganism, untutored superstition, and
the solemn forms of religious rites, interniitigled !

Just then a stranger entered Raoaei's cottage, and asked
to see her alone. They were no sooner together than the
visitor threw otT his disguiise, and the maiden was clasped
iu the arms of her loug-absent lover. A few words sufficed
to tell his story.

He had been taken by the Kew England forces, and,
with two bundled other captives, contined on board a ves-
sel of little more than sixty tons burden. They wore kept
ill the close hold, only a few being allowed on deck at one
time, for fear they might attempt to take the vtssel from
their captors. With no other food thaii a small allowance of
flour and pork, they endured a three-month's voyage to the
city of Philadtlphia. Then' physical suffeiijigs, great aa
they were in tliyu" crowded state, were not to be conjpared
with the mental anguish at being separated from friends, it
having plca;std the English conquerors, for some unex-
plained cause, to add the breaking of family ties to the hor-
rors of this forced extirpation. One mother on board had
but one of her four children with her. Of the fate of the
other three, or of the subsequent fortunes of the husband
and father, sho never afterward had the shghtest trace.—
And yet heis wiis but the common e-Kperience.

Many of the siiti'erers died on the passage. The clothing
of the survivors l)ecame so worn a scarcely to cover them

LEGENDS

849

An epidemic, too, broke out ou shipboard, just before reach-
in{;- port; but such was the horror of the authorities (here
ayaii.st the Papists, that it was severul days before they
ueie permitted to remove from the infected atmosphere of
the ship.

At Piiiladplphia, Joseph had found opportunity to join
a number of his countrymen in some open boats, in wliich
t\m\ proposed to return to their n:»tive land. At Bofitou
thoy were stopped by the patri >a'3 Governor, and their
bouts destroyed. From tiience he had traveled on foot and
in < anoes through the forests of Maine and New Urunswick,
uiitil he reached the vicinity of his former homti. In alibis
wauduringb his purpose liud been to tind tidings of llachel,
but he had soagiit in vain. After he had nearly given up all
hope, he heard of this settlenjent in the luountuins, and had
ariived just as the object of his fondest tiU'ections was about
throwing herself away ou a savage! But, now that he had re-
turned, nothing i^iiould again part them.

Calling the famijy togtsLuer the situation was made known.
The Inditin brave would not voluntarily give up his b» ide,
and they knew the haughty chief would treat such a proposal
as a disgrace to his tribe, and deserving of his vengeance.
Their only plan was to tly. Their chance of escape was
small indeed, but ^hey would rather die than be separated.

Their prepx" tions were soon made, and silently and se-
cretly the^ lied j ito the dark forest, and reached th'ur ca-
noe mo jreJ at the little cove at our feet. In tli«r! meantime,
the ceit/uoni?iIs had reached the point at which the bride
was to come forth, and live young gills, dressed m white,
witli garlands about their heads, came ,o condu;:t Unchel to
the cUapel. The ftitiu'r by isundry pretexts, delayed the
proceedings until the suspicions and anger of the old chief
was aitiused, when threats ot instant vengeanct. drew from
the II. .'in',-,(-i.i father the fuit tliat she had Acd with hur lor-
uier lover.

850

ACiDTA

Such a mark of ignominy as this to be cast on his son —
the son of a proud Indian chief — was not to be borne. The
order for iiuinediate pursuit is given ; the festivities cease,
and dusky warriors are threading the forest in every direc-
tion for the fugitives. Certain death, and possibly worse
torture, will follow their capture.

A wild shout announced the lovers had been discovered.
The hearts of the parents sank as these sounds resounded
through the moonlit forest ; the anguish of the mother dur-
ing the succeeding moments, while the issue of the pursuit
was unknown, and the wild uproar rose and sank on the
niglit fiir, wuh intense, defying description.

Jose[)h and Uacliel were far out. on the lake. The girl
was quick witU the paddle, and their canoe was rapidly
speeding to the opposite shore. A sense of their situation
lent supernatural strength to their anus, and they plied their
Oftra as only those can wno race for life.

The canoes of the ravages were already in the water, and
a score of brawny forma were urging them forward in close
pursuit, while tlie lake efhoed with territic yells.

For awhilp, the lovers managed to elude their pursuers,
and successfully bafilt^d every attempt at capture. Th< ir
strength, now, was beginning to flag under the intense and
long continued strain. Gradually they had been utaring
tL J outlet of the lake ; the lovers thouglit if they could but
reach the shadow of yonder island, they might make good
their escape ;lown thu river. They sn-m camo into the in-
fluence of tlie current of the stream, and had tlie satJsi>ie-
tion of perceiving their boat was being impelled rapidly for-
waril. as they hoped, to a place of safety.

A loud sliout Hunouncfeii they had bt.'n discoveied ; and
the eanoes oi' the savages poured intc) the nvt", and were
gaining so faht on liio lUj^itives that the foremodt was nearly
up to their boat. Twue ha.l Joseph picked up his gun Lo
buoot, but Rachel remonsti ated by telling him it would on-

LXaSNPS

351

ly mate their condition worne in case thry were aftevwavda
overtaken ; and iu any event, the savages would be certain
to visit retribution on her pnvonts.

The lovers now yave up all hope. They threw down their
paddles, and, falling into each otiier's anus, a lowed their
canoe to drift. They noted not the 8j)eed at which they
were going, an*-! were in momentary expectation of being
overtaken. It Vyas not until eon'O moujents had elapsed that
they became a>;are the savages had stopped pui'snit. —
The intensity of their emotions had prevented their divin-
ing the cause unt;l a turn in the river brought the roar ol
the falls full upon their ears.

Under other circumstances, the sound would have terrified
them : as it was they looked upon death in this form as a
providential interposition. Sliould they try to avoid going
over the falls, as they might still do, it would only.jnohnig
their iives to give the angry savages a chance to put tiiera
to death by slow rortui-e. "Let nio but die iu your arms,"
said the maid, "and I am content." Not a paddle was lift-
ed to avert the dange)-. " May the Lord bless father, and
mother, and little sister Maud," were the last words she ut-
tered. Locked in a last embrace, they drew near the fatal
brink — took their last look of earth — and the boat, with the
lover and maid, disappoaied from sight forever !

At each anniversary of the event, at a certain hour of the
night, two ghostly forms come to this little cove, launch
their canoe and paddle into the lake. Their actions indi-
cate great haste and anxietv ; their canoe flouts awhile
among the islands and passes into the river. Aa they ii<-ar
the rapids they drop their paddles, embrace each other, and
disHppeai' over the brink. This is done three nights in suc-
cession ; tiien they are allowed a period of repose.

"Pierre," said I. after this nmration, "I pro^'ose to lie in
wait to-morrow night, and if this lover and his maid pay us
uuo.l.c. \ibit, 1 am gomg to ace whether thiy are of real

till

85i'

ACATiTA

flesh and blood, or whether it's only a fancy of our brains."
Then, having piled a fresh quantity of fuel on the fire, we
once inore rolled our blankets about us and fell asleep.

It was about tlie bewitching hour of twelve of the night
following, that Pierre and I took our places in our skiff,
and naoored it at the foot of the little cove where our strange-
visitors were to embark^ leaving the dog. Carlo, to look af-
ter the camp. "This is a strange vigil we are keeping," I
remarked, " watching for the spirits of the departed to re-
visit the earth ! Here we've been waiting a full hour, and I
think they intend to disappoint us. What's the matter^
Carlo, what do you see ? "

The dog Imd again set up his moaning as on the previous
night, and his eyes seemed immovably fixed on the cove be-
fore us. Thou<:;h we could see nothing unusual, the supe-
rior instincts of the dog enabled him to perceive that some-
thing out of the common order was prowling about our
camp. A quick exclamation from the guide startled me.

There, not twentj' feet away, two figures were in the act
of launching a canoe. They exhibited the same undue haste
as on the night before; seating themselves, they dipped
their paddles into the water, and before we had recovered
from our surprise, they were several yards into the lake.

"Pierre," I exclaimed, "let's overtake them, or smash an
oar," — and we bent to our work. Now gliding under the
shadow of a wooded island, then darting across an open
channel; now close at hand, and the next moment rods
away, — spod the phantom boat s.::J. its ghostly crew. Our
light skiff fairly quivered with the powerful strokes of our
oars, given with the impulse that strong excitement lout us.
After a half hour's hartl pulling, we were fain to admit we
were losers in the race, and very soon we lost sight oi' them
altogether. AVe were on the point of retuiniui^- to <amp,
whei: 11:o ;;uii^l(', poiutuig iu the direction of the outlet of
the lake, exclaimed —

LE6END8

859

" Tlipre they are, in the river ! "

"Give way! Pierre," I fairly yelled, "give way! We'll see
whether real bone and sinew is not a match for anything
t'oat floats in these waters;" and sure enough, a few rapid
strokes with all the force we could exert, brought us close
to the strangers. I had dropped my paddle, and, turning
partly around in my seat, was preparing to clutch at the oc-
cupants of the cauoe, when my arm was arrested by a cry oi
t-nror from the guide.

So intent had we been on the pursuit, that neither had
noticed our proximity to the falls, until we were already
being urged forward by that powerful suction that sweeps
everything over the brink. Pierre had discovered this, and
though he said not an intelligible word, I comprehended
the meaning of his cry. I instantly grasped my oar ; the
next moment we weie doing our utmost to force the boat
out of the channel toward the shore. Life and death were
in the balance, and for a time, we neither gained nor lost in
our battle with tlio ruthless current. If oar and row-lock
were taxed before, it was nothing to the fight wo then made
for life. At last it was evident we had discovered our dan-
ger too late.

"It's no use!" exclaimed my companion, and his tones
showed that he fully realized the danger we were in, "we've
got to go over them falls ! "

The roar of th', cataract became momentarily more dis-
tinct, and trees and other objects on shore were dart uir by
with incredible swiftness. Our faces cut tho spiay an with
a knife, while the lapid motion of the boi.ing current was
fast becoming more and more perceptible. Nearer and
nearer we diew to the brink; I felt that Pierre was guid-
ing the boat to where the water was siuootht-st — ev«n at that
moment not resignini; all hop-' ; next I saw the yawnmg
abyss below luu; tli.u came a >t.nse of falUng, down, dc wn— •
and then I lost cooscioubue.^s.

864

ACADIA

:,"!

;■;! J

When I came to myself, Pierre was bending over me. He
had uiuiccuuntablv gained the shore at the bottom of the
faliu, and had it not been for his strong arm, I should not
this winter evening have been writing this story. We sat
down on the nver bank, in our dripping gavuieuts, and min-
utes elapsed before eillier said a word. The wildntss of
the place, the dim luooulight, the roar of the fails, and the
Well-nigh fatal ending of our adventure, for a time overpow-
ed us. I first broke the silence.

" i wonder if any person ever went over those falls before
to-night, and came out alive and unhurt?"

" Mot Uiat I ever heaid of," said Pierre, "and all the world
wouldn't leuipt me to go through with that again." Then
we thioaaed our way back to camp.

" Where's the dog,'' said I, as we came within the circle
of light thrown out by the exiUiiiig canip-fire, and the faith-
ful animal was nowhere to be seen. '• I never knew him to
desert a camp before, when it was left in his charge. How,
what's this? Uring along one of those blaziijg pine knots,
Pierre ! "

There lay our faithful dog, covered in blood, and his flesh
literally torn in shreds. He was yet alive, and a look oi In-
tel. igeiit recognition beamed from his eyes as we bent over
him. And I actually thought the noble animal tried to tell
us what had happened to him while we were absent. He
expii ed shortly in great ugun j ; and his death caused a pang
in our hearts, akin to thaL oima: experiences at the loss of a
brother.

" It's a loup-garou that did tiiat. T'ain't none of your
common wild varmints : come, wf^ musu't stay hero ! "' And
the strong man, wiiose l'at:e never blanched in his repeated
eucouiitcis with the bear and the panther, trembied with
fear as lie spoke. "I tell you we've got to get out of this,"
ai'.d he began to gather up our traps. I peiceivei it wuuid
be ui uu ui»u CO uijjtct.

L'^OENDS

355

"It will npver do to Irave Cnilo nnbvrierl," snicl I, for I
could not Tree my mind from the idra tliat I was somehow
culpably responsible for his death. '' Carlo nnet his death at
his post of duty, and he is at least deserving of Christian
buiial, beyond the reach of those hungry panthers."

We soon found a cleft in a rock, in which we tenderly
laid the body of our faithful hounil, and walled uptheopen-
ing with a few heavy stones ; then hastily pickujg up our
camp-equipage — our rifles were in the river at the bottom
of the fails — and taking each a brand from the camp-tire, we
bade adieu to Spirit Camp. We had not gone many yards,
when a terrilic cry broke upon the night. Looking over
tmr shoulders towards our late camp, from which direction
the sound seemed to come, we saw a strange light among
the trees, which I attributed to a reviving of tlie embers of
our tire. But Pierre accounted for it diffireiitly.

" There's tho loups-gavous, coming together at our camp.
It's lucky for us we got away when we did . "

■ill

POPULAR BELIEFS.

It was on one of those fine northern Acadian twilights
in the raonth of June — St. John s Eve, by the calendar — that
Pierre and I were strolling by the river bank, inhaling the
fragrance that was borne up from the apple trees in full
bloom, and enjoying the cooling sea breeze that was blow*
ing off the bay.

" What are those bonfires that I see, Pierre, at various
points along the river ? "

"Those are St. John's Eve fires," answered the guide.

Upon further enquiry in relation to the fires, I learnfd
that they pertained to a custom formerly prevalent here, but
which is fast dying out. The people build a pile of fragrant
boughs outside the church, and as darkness sets in, the
priest appears, recites the prayers, blesses the wood, and
gets it on fire in the presence of the congregation. Tlie
lesser ones were signal tires, by which neighbors, living
miles apart, report to each other. If all is well, a bright
fire is lighted and kept burning; if sickness has visited ti)e
fan)il3% the fire flickers and dies out; if death, then the pile
suddenly bursts into flame, and is as suddenly extinguished.
For some time we watched the fires — some burning bright-
ly, others slowly expiring, or quickly disappearing — and
pictured to our imagination the varied experiences of joy
and sorrow portrayed by this singularly impressive "fire-
lauguage."

LEGENDS

857

The sojoarner among these remote French hninlets will
OQ' et with tlie same inanuers, (.'ustoins and modes of dress
tlifit prevailed among their ancestors a hundred years a^^o.
Tiic'ir devotedness to the forms of worship of their fore-
fathers, and tht'ii tirm faith in the miraculous events as-
cribed to the intercession of their jjatron saints, are among
the most distinctive traits of the Acadian descondnnis: iu
sliort, the religious fervor of the French habitant has ever been
a nttonal cliaraiteristic. On April 11, 1782, says the chron-
icle, darkness prevailed on the Saguenay lliv( r, the heavi-na
mourning for the death of a Jesuit, Father Jean iJaptisle
Labrosse, wlio died at Tadoiisac on that day. Father La-
broshe was a native of Poitou. He arrived at Quebec in
1754, and tor neaily Ihiity years preached the gospel to
while men and Indians along the St. Lawrence and down
in the wiJds ot Acadia. On the night of his death he was
at the house of an cflicer of the trading-post at Tadousac,
and, although nearly teventy years old, appeared to be as
strong and hearty as a man of forty. He was tall and robust,
and his long white hair and saintly face made him look ev-
ery inch an apostle. At nine k m. he rose, and in solemn
tones told his triends that the hour of his death was at hand.
At midnight he should die, and the church bell at Tadousac
would announce the news to his Indian children, who were
camped there tor the spring traile in peltries and to all the
Gulf. He bade lae company tarewell, charging them, as
he left the house, to go to lie aux-Coudres and bring Father
Couipain, the cuie, to give his body Christian sepulture.
The party sat iu silence, listening for the bells, which on
the stroke of midnight began to toll. The viiJago was
aroused, and the pcop.e hurried to the chapel, and there
before the altar, lay the old Jesuit, dead. They watched
by the corpse until daylight, when the post officer ordered
four men to take a canoe and go to Ile-aux-Coudies. A
fearful storm was raging iu the (iuif, and ice lloea almost

858

ACADIA

I'.

n w

ti' t

Jii 1

\h f ;

choked the wirle expanse of water. "Fear not,** said the
oflicer to the liHhbriueu; ** Father Labrobue will pioteut
you." They launched the canoe, and great wu8 then* sur-
prise to tind that, while the tempest howled and the waves
and the ice seethed like a caldron on each side of theru, a
ptacelul channel was formed by some invisible hand fur
their craft. They reached Ile-aux-Coudres — over sixty mik'3
as the crow flies, from Tudousac — without accident. Fa-
ther Cotnpaiu was standing uii the cliti', and, as they ueared
tiie shore, ho ciied out, "Father Labrosse ib dead, and you
have come to lake me to Tadousac to bury him ! " How
did he know tiiist The night previous he was silting uione
in his house, reading his breviary, when suddenly the bell
in the chiirca (dedicated to bt. Louis) begun to toll. He
ran down to tne church, but the doors were locked, and
wnen he opened them he found no one withni, and stiil the
passing beii was tolling. As he approached the alia/, fa-
ther Compaia heard a voice saung, "Father Labrosse is
dead. Tuis be.l announces his departure. To-morrow do
thou stand ut the lower end of the island and await the ar-
rival of a canoe fiom Tadousac. BeLuru with it and give
bim bunal." And at all the mission posts where lather
Labrosse hud preached — Chicoutimi, i'lle Verte, Trois-
Pistoles, Himouski, and along the Baie-des-Chaleurs — the
bells, of their own accord, rang out the death of the old
Jesuit at the same hour. And tor many a year, whenever
the Inuians of Saguenay visited Tadousac, they made a
pilgrimage to his giave, and whispered to tne dead within
tLruiigh a hole m the slab of the vault, believing that he
Would lii.y their petitions before ftod.

"irtirhups,' said Fierre, alter a silence of some minutes,
"you have never heard of the strange jights of the livei',
I,a Jlagdclainel You won't tind a sailor, born in tiiese
purtb, vUio wouid be caught there alone at night for all the
world. There aie pale blue lights and green lights play-

rEGENDS

3:9

ing on the v/ater, and tLe lunst doleful erica are heard there,
such aa .you don't cure to Lear but onie. They are not
like the lights vou see here, and no one knows what thfiy
tire, but are supposed to l)e thetroubh d Hpiiits of men who
have been diowned among the rocks."

The folk lore of the inhabitants of the Giisj e coast is dis-
iiiictive in its feiitures. The phoK]:hoii:scent j^luw of the
water is attributed to supernatuiul agency, and the moan*
ing of the surf among the hollow (taverns h* Uh'. base of the
wa wall, is thou{.'ht to be the voice of the lumuerer, con-
demned to cxjiiate his crime on the very spot li at witnessed
its commission; tor it is well known that the (laspe wreck-
ers have not always contented themselves witli robbery and
pillage, but have sometimes sought conceal nici it by making
way with victims — convinced that the tomb records no se-
crets. It was on Ihese shoies that Walker's fleet encoun-
tered that teriific Auyust gale. St'j s the ehronieie:

On the 30th of July, 1711, Sir Hovenden Walker, in
command of a foimidable armada, consisting of men-of-war
and trunt ports cunyiiig troops, sailed from Naniasket Roads
for Quebec, lor the purpose of capturing that post, and
ttV( nging the repul.se of Sir William Phipps in IGOO. Paradis,
master on a Rochelle gunboat that had been ca)>tured by tlie
British frigate Chester, was put on board the flagship, Ed-
gar, as pilot, for he knew the St. Lawrence we!!. A dense
leg settled down upon the fleet after it left Gasje Jjay; and
at t(ii I'. M. on August '22d, " we found ourselves" writes Ad-
ujiral Walker, in his Journal, " u])on the North Shore,
amongst rocks and islands, at least fifteen lefl^^ues farther
than the log yave, vhen the whole fleet had like toiiavebeen
lost. But by God's good providence ali tlie men-of-war,
though with extreme hazard and diflScnlty, escaped. Eight
transports were cast away, and almost nine Imiidied men
lost." The beach of Egg Island and the Labiadfir shore
hard by were bUevvu with bodies. Two cumpuuieti ol Guards

IMAGE EVALUATION
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Photographic

Sciences

Corporation

1^^

23 WEST MAin STREET

WEBSTER, N.'* . 14580

(716) 87i-4S03

>° «?.

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i/.x

360

ACADTA

who had fought under Marlborough in the Low Conntrietr,
were ideutilied among the dead by their scarlet trappingSv
Mother Jucheieau, in the Hotel Dieu, records in her diary
that a salvage expedition, fitted out at Quebec, found two
thousand corpses on Egg Island. Some said the French
pilot had willfully wrecked the fleet. The cler^iy held that
it was the work of the Blessed Vii'gin, and the name of the
church of Notre Datue de la Victoire in the Lower Town,
where Phipps's repulse was annually celebrated, was changed
to Notre Dame des Victoires, to comujemorate both occa-
sions. But while the habitants doubted not the power or
the beneticence of the Blessed Virgin, they ascribed the im-
mediate causation of the wreck to Jean Pierre Laval.ee of
St. Fransois. When it became known at Quebec that Queen
Anne was fitting out the expedition, he bade the people bo
of good heart. When the news of the disaster reached Que-
bec, he said that Sir Hovendon had not drained his cup of
bitterness; and sure enough, while the Admiral was on his
way to London to repoit the disaster, the Edgar, seventy
guub', blew up at Portsmouth, and all ou board, 470 souls,
perished. •

"But what are those smaller lights I see, Pierre, down on
the ibland, that keep moving about as if carried in the hand ;
are they the torches of the eel fishers?"

"No; they are the lamps of the money diggers," was the
reply.

"Money diggers!" said I, "who are they?"

"Why, to be sure, that's a i-ejular business in these parts,"
said Pierre. " A great many of the Neutrals buried their spe-
cie before they were carried off, and it's not an unusual
thing to find buried money. Those fellows down theie are
searching for some of Capt. Kidd's treasures, which, it is
said, were hid somewhere near Dead Man's Cove. The place
is so named, because Capt. Kidd killed one of his men and
buried him with the money to guard it."

IFGEXBS

' " Wlmt, a dead man guarding money! " snid I, "what good
could a dead man do towards protecting the treasure, please
tell me ?"

"Why," answered he, surprised at my incredulity, "I'll te'l
you what happened one night over at the foot of that hill
you see yonder. Three men were digging for a pot of
Spanish dollars, that a fortune-teller said was bu-ied there.
They worked like beavers for three nights, when, about one
o'clock of the third night, their shovels struck something
they found to be the lid of a stone crock. They lifted up
the cover, and there, sure enough, were the shining pieces,
filling the crook clear up to the top. The night was eiear
and calm, without a cloud to be seen. Wliile they were
digging a little deeper so as to take out crock and all, the
shovel struck a human skull. And such a flash of lightning
and peal of thunder as then came forth they never saw or
heard before. The wind, too, began to blow a hurrivaue,
and overset their lantern and blew out the light, at the same
time knocking over the man who held it. This so scared
them that they took to their heels. On coming back the
next morning, they could see where the crock had been tak-
en out, but saw nothing of it or the money. That crock
was put there by pirates, and was guarded l>y the man they
killed and buiied with it, and he made it lighten and thun-
der to keep them from carrying off the mone; ."

"Is there no way to exorcise the spiiit of the watcher,
BO as to get at the treasure? " enquired I.

" Yes, there are some that know how, or at least pretend
they do. They say, if one of the party that's digging gets
killed, then the spell is broken ; but they don't often try
that plan. The usual way is for the company to take with
them one who understands how to manage the watcher so
as to get at lae money."

"But you say they often do find money buried about
here?"

I" i

862

▲CAOIA

,>.

"Yes, that is where the money is buried alone. We often
hear of Fionchman coming back who go to digging, and
nearly always find money. They have charts and mineral
rods with theiu, to show where to dig. I've heai'd say they
sometimes have Spanish needles, but I never saw one. The
neeil'.es are much better than the rods, for they tell specie
from ore, and the rods do not. Some years ago two French-
men came to my father's and asked to stay all night. We
oflf 'red them a nice bed in the house, but in spite of all we
could say and do, they would sleep in the barn. The next
morning early we went out, when nothing was to be seen of
the Frenchmen. But we picked up two Spanish dollars
that they dropp>^d on the floor. This set us to looking,
and we found Ihat the plate over the great doors had been
hollowed out, and a board uicely fitted as a cover ; in this
hollow the money had been secreted for years. I once heard
of a company that engaged with a land-holder on Campo-
bello Island, to dig for buried money, agieeing to pay him
a certain part of all tiie money they found. The first sum-
mer they worked several months without success; the next
season they came again, and again went away empty-handed.
Not yet discouraged, they went to work again the third
summer. One day the owner thought he would go down
to where they were digging, and was surprised to find no
one there. They had all deserted the place, taking their
tools with them. Upon examination he discovex'ed they had
found the money, and had secretly made off with it with-
out paying him his share."

" I presume you have numerous instances among you, of
people becoming suddenly rich, who have luckily hit upon
the hiding place of buried treasure," said I.

"Yes, but they oftener get rich from stripping wrecks af-
ter a storm ; but that's a business that can't be followed
like it used to be. That house you see beyond those trees,
why. its owner jjot rich iu a single uight, but he never would

LEOFKrS

363

say how he came bv the monoy. I'll wa';j€'r I wouMn't take
it and have tiuit mail's ('onsoionco to ('uvry with me as long
as I lived. I've a mind to tell you the story of a sea cap-
tain who made lots of mon^y ; ho afterward got found out
and had to leave the country. It has nh-eady been in prin*-,
but then it's none the worse for that. It is one of the
bloody stories of Sable Island, about which eo many are
told."

Sable Island, rendered memorable by reason of number-
le;-'8 melancholy shipwrecks, lies directly in the track of ves-
sels bonrd to or from Europe. Lying iow in the water, par-
tially clad with bent grass, it is not tat-iiy distmguished from
the deep gieeu of the surrounding sea. Its surface and
contour is continually uudergoiug a change, from the com-
bined actiou of wind ui.d w^uve: — the spot where ctie 3rst
superintendent dwelt is liow more than three miles in the
sea, and three fatiioms of water bveal: upon it. Those who
have not personnlly witnessed the c-fiect oi a storm upon this
lonely isle in niid-occan, can form no r.dcquate i lea of its hor-
rors. The rever 'oerated thund'T cf the sea when it. strikes this
attenuated line of sand, on a front of thirty miles, is truly
appalling ; and the vibration of the island under its mighty
pressure, seems to indicate that it will separate and oe borne
away into the ocean.

The wh(5le of the south end is covered with timber, which
has been torn from wrecks and driven on shore by the vio-
lence of the sea. At the two extremities are dangerous bars :
the northwest bar sixieen miies long and a mile and a half
in width, over the whole of whicli the sea breaks in bad
weather ; that on the northeast of equal width and twenty-
eight miles long, which, in storms, forms one coutinuous line
of breakers.

Herds of wild horses roam over the island, a few of which
ai*e taken every year and sent to Halifax. Years ago it sup-
ported hundreds of wild hogs — the progeny, no doubt, of

rli

'II

364

AOAOU

Bwine cast ashore from some wrecked vessel ; these all per-
ished during au unusually savere winter. It has not been
thought advisable to renew this species of stock, in view of
the fact that not only have human bodies formed an ai'ticle
of their food, but many living persons, weak and heJiubsa
from cold and exposure, have often escaped from wrecks on-
ly to be devoured alive by these fierce brutes.

A boat ruus once a year between the island and Halifax,
chartered by the Canadian government to carry provisions
and stores to the lighthouse people and patrols, and bring
away people who may have been wrecked there during the
previous year. As many as three hundved people have been
on the island at one time — cast upon those lonely sands by
marine disaster. It was found necessary to bring into requi-
sition tne strong arm of the government to protect the
wrecks from persons who went there for the purpose of
plundering ; — it was made a criminal offense with a penalty of
six yeais' imprisonment, to be found voiuntarily residing on
the island without a license.

"Should any one be visiting the island now, he might
first discern, at a few miles distance, a half-dozen low hum-
mocks on the horizon. On his- approach these gradually re-
solve themselves into bills fringed by breakers, next the
white sea-beach with its continued sarf, — the sand-hills, part
naked, part waving in grass of deep sea green, unfold them-
selves, — while here and there along the wild beach lie the
ribs of unlucky traders half buried in the shifting sand. —
The first thing the visitor does is to mount the flagstaff
and scan the scene. The ocean bounds him everywhere.
On the foreground the outpost men are seen galloping their
rough ponies into headquarters, recalled by the flag flying
over his head. The West-end house of refuge, with bread
and matches, firewood and kettle, and also with its flag-staff,
occupies an adjoining hill. Every sandy peak or grassy
knoll with a dead man's name or an old ship's tradition: —

LEOEKDS

Trott's Cove, Daker's Hill, French Gardens, — traditiona-
ry spot where the poor convicts expiated their social crimes—
tue iitt^e burjing-ground consecrated to the repose of many
a sea-tossed limb, — and at various points down the lake,
otiier lookout stations, each with its house of refuge and
flag-staff, complete the view."

Some less than a century ago, this lone waif of the ocean
w«i3 much resorted to by fisiiermtn. With the increase of
commerce came a corresponding increase of wrecks ; it was
at this period that the cupidity of men of infamous charac-
ter was excited, and numbers of pirates and wreckers infest-
ed the island. Few who survived shipwreck and escaped to
its inhospitable shores, ever lived to bear their story to the
luaiiiiaud. Soon dark stories were being circulated of hor-
rible deeds there committed, and Sable Island became an
iii-cmened name. Many an adventurer embaiked on a clan-
destine voyage, and returned not long after to exhibit untold
wealth. Here, secure from the reach of the law, and pro-
tected by the very elements that brought the unfortunate
wrecks into their power, these human ghouls plied their
calling with immense success.

Mai.y years ago the Amelia Transport was wrecked on
these shores. The vessel conveyed some members of the
to} al familj', and was represented as having on board con-
siderable treasure. The talk got abroad that the passen-
geis and crew fell into the bands of pirates, and all that es-
caped drowning were murdered. Captain Torrens was sent
to enquire into the truth of the reports, and he too suflfcred
shipw;eck on the coast, escaping with only a part of his
ciew. W'hUe looking about the island he came to a sbauty
known as the "smoky hut." His dog began to growl and
bark as though he saw something in the hut ; on looking
wiihin, he beheld a lady clad in white, all wet and dripping
sm if she bad just been rolled ashore in the surf. The Cap-
tain spoke to her : she answered not a word but held ujp

!! ;

366

ACADIA

:-rH

J \'i

the Weeding stump of her fore-finger. He ran for the snr-
geou's cLest, and went up to her to bind up her wound ; but
she supped past biui a\id ran out of the door, the Captaia
fo. lowing and begging her to stop. She kept on running
until she came to a hike in the center of the island, when
she dove head foremost into it. So be walked slowly back ;
and coming near the hut, he saw the same lady again with-
in, holding up her finger as before.

Looking awhile at her pale, wet face, the Captain thought
he recognized her features as one whom he supposed to be
drowned on the Transport, and he began to question her.

"Is tijat you. Lady Copelaiid?" said he. The lady bowed
*' Yet;," and then held up her finger.

"And tlie pirates murdered you to get that ring!" Once
nioio the lady bowed " Yes," again holding up the bleeding
stuuip. Then tne Captain swore he would hunt the vJlhiins
out, and return the ring to her family. This seemed to
pieuise her, for she smiled, and disappeared into the lake as
belore.

The Captain was good as his word. He tracked one of
the most noted pirates down to the coast of Labrador, made
the acquaintance of his wife and family, and without excit-
ing any suspicion as to his purpose, learned that the dia-
mond ring had been left at a watchmaker's shop in Pia'it'ax
to be sold. He went to Halifax, purchased the ring, and
sent it home to the lady's friends, as he had promised to do.

APPENDIX.

Messrs. Apthorp & Haucock to Francis Peirey, Dr.

To hire of Sloop Rauf^er, inyself master, from
20th Augubt 1755 to the 30th January,
17o6. including 10 davs for his return, is
5 months 10 days, at £48 10 8 p. month. £258 16 10

Pilott 60s. pr. month. Hi (J

274 IG 10

To cash pd. for provisions at Maryland, to supply
208 French perhons, after tba pi o visions
reed, from Mr. Saul were ezpended vizr.

Flour 59 3 2 at 14s.

£41

16 8

Bread 20 22 at 18s.

H 8

Beef 12 1 9 at 20s.

6 3

Pork 6 1 19 at 203.

8 4

AVood 3 Cord at 14s.

pd. Horse hue A: expenses to

fro

to the

Governor when sent for

Deduct 20 p. cent

84 16 11
16 19 3

67 17 8

18 4

To the passages of 81 persons more than the
Complement, of 2 to ton at 4s. 6d.

Francis Peibet. £360 19

[The above is a truthful transcript of a bill, copied from
thu Novii Scotia A)cbives, which nlate.s to the trausporta-
*.iou of the Neutral French from the Province. We give it

itmTm

308

AOAMA

a placp here as it seems to confirm the assertion niaJp by
the Nt!utraJ«< that they were crowded lufo cae vessels in a
criie) and barbaiouH manner. The sloop, Ranger, asbiown
in the bill, had on board 208 persons, which svas bl .noie
than her cumpleiueui oi 2 persons tu a ton. Deducting the
81, we find her allotted complement to be 127, wh ch would
make the Kanger to be a small sloop of iittle more than
bixtj' tons burden. By directions of Governor Lawieucf,
they \\'ere to be confined in the holds of the vessels, lest
they should seize an opportunity to overpower the crew.
Those who are familiar with the measurement of vessek
will readily understand whether the dictates of humanity
were consulted in this forced embatkation ol' the sufferers,
or whtther the fearful morluiity, wLiich in a tew weeks re-
duced their numbers to one-half, was more than mij^ht
have been expected.]

1 1

, i;

PETITION OF TEE NEUTRALS TO THE KING OF GREAT BRITAIN.

To lis most expellert Mnjestv, King of G •' Britain, &c..

The liumblf pftition of liis snbjrcts, tbc 'a'o French in-
liabitatitf! of Neva Scotia, fornifr-y sett^^d on the Ba; of
Slii'tis. and rivers Ihfieiinto \)'lon£rinj/ o\v re'^idir";;' in the
pKninc*' of Pcnijsy'vania. on brliul;' of tlienis* ivos and the
resl of the ]".te inliabitai tn of tlie j-aid bay, .'ind alao of those
formeily setl'ed on xhf^ River -^f Aina]^ lis il'val, whereso-
ever dis] er^ed. ^fa}' it I'lent^e yor.r ?Jrjcsty,

It is not in our power suffi'ientiy to trace baclj the con-
ditions upon wliirh our anctstors tirst s( tiled in Nova Sco-
tia, under the protection of your ^lajesty's pre.lecessors, aa
the f^reatest |uivt of our elders who were acquainted with
these transactions are dead; but more especially because
our papers, wiiich contained our contracts, records, «&c.,
were, by violence, tai^en fi'oni us sou)e time before the uu-
ha^ py catastro];he which has been the occasion of the ca-
lamities we are now under ; but we always understood- the
foundation thereof to be from an agieenuiit Diade between
your j\iajesty's ccmnianders in Nova Scotia, and our fore-
fatliers, about the year 1713, whereby they were permitted
to remain in possession of their laneis. under an oath of ti-
delitj' to tlio 13ritish government, with tin exemption from
beai ing arms, and the allowance of the tree exercise of their
reli'j ion.

It is a matter of certainty, (and within the compass of
Boine of onr memories.) that in the y< ar 1730, General Phil-
li[is, the Governor of Nova Scotia, did. in your Majesty's
nane, contirm unto u:-. and all the muabitants oi the whole
extent of the Bay of Minas and rivers the reunto belonging,

i'l

3'0

ACADIA

I I

! !

the fi'fie atifl entire possession of those lands we were then
possessed of; which by fi^iiints from the former French gov-
ernment, we held to us and our heirs forever, on paying the
customary qnit-rents, &c. And on condition that we should
behave with Cue subnnssioii and fidelity to your Majesty,
agieeable to the oa>h which was then administered to us,
which is as follows, viz. :

"We sincerely promise and swear, by the faith of a Chris-
tian, that we shall be entirely faithful, and will truly sub-
mit ourselves to his Majesty King Geoi'ge, whom we ac-
knowledge as Sovereign Lord of New Scotland, or Acadia;
so God help us."

And at tlie same time, the said General Phillips did, in
like manner, promise the said Frencli inhabitants, in your
Majesty's name, ''That they should have the true exercise of
their religion, and be exempted from bearing arms, and
from being em]>loyed in war, either against the French or
Indians." Undar the sanction of this solemn engagement
we held our lands, made further purchases, antiually pay-
ing our quit-rents, &c. ; and we had the greatest reason to
conclude, that your 3Iajesty did not disapprove of the above
Bgreemeut: and that our conduct continued, during a long
course of years, to be such as recoaimended us to your gra-
cious protectiou, and to the regard of the Governor of New
England, appears from a printed declaration, made seven-
teen years alter this time, by his Excellency William Shir-
ley, Governor of New England, which was published and
dispersed in our country, some originals of which have es-
caped from the general destruction of most of our papers,
part of which is as follows :

By his Majesty's command,

A declarauon of William Shirley, Esq., Cap tain- General
and Governor-in-Chief, in and over his Majesty's Province
of Massachusetts Bay, &c.

To his Majesty's subjects, the French inhabitants of No-
va Scotia : Whereas, upon being informed that a report
had been propagated among the French inhabitants of his
Province oi' Nova Scotia, that there w .s an intention to re-
move them from their settlements in that Province, I did,
by my declaration, dated 16 ch September, 1746, signiVy to
them that the same was groundless, and that I was, on the
couirai'^', ptjisuaued that His Majesty would be graciousiy

ArPEVDTX

871

pleasrcl to extend his royal protection, to all such of them
as should coutiuue in their tideiity and allegiance to hiiu,
and in no wise abet or hold coriespond.'uce with the ene-
mies of his crown ; and therein assured them, that I would
make a favorable represent.ation of their state and circum-
stances to His Majesty, and did accordingly transmit a rep-
resentation thereof to be laid before him, and have there-
upon received his royal pleasure, touching his aforesaid sub-
jects in Nova Scotia, with his express commands to signify
the same to them in his name: Now, by virtue thereof, and
in obedience to said orders, I do hereby declare, in his Maj-
esty's name, that there is not the least foundation for any
apprehensions of his Majesty's intending to remove them,
the said inhabitants of Nova Scotia, from their said settle-
ments and habitations within the said Province; but that,
on the contrary, it is his Majesty's resolution to protect and
maintain all such of them as have adhered to and shall con-
tinue in their duty and allegiance to him, in the quiet and
peaceable possession of then- respective habitations and set-
tlements, and in the enjoyment oi their rights and privileges
as his subjects, &c., &c.

Dated at Boston, Oct. 21st, 1747.

And this is further coniirmed by a letter, dated 29th of
June in the san^e year, wrote to our deputies by Mr. Mas-
carene, chief commander in Novj, Scotia, which refers to
Governor Shirley's tirst deciaiaciou, of whicli we have a
copy, legally authenticated, pai t of which is as follows, viz.:

" As to the fear you say you labor under, on account of
being threatened to be made to evacuate the country, you
have in possession his Excellency William Shuley's printed
letter, wneieby you may be maae easy in that respect: yoa
are sensible of ttie promise I have made to you, tue eflccts
of which you have already felt, that I wuula piotect you so
long as, by your good conduct and tideiity to tiie Crown of
Grtut Britain, you would enao^o me to do so, which prom-
ise 1 do again repeat to you."

Near the Lime ot the publication of the before- mentioned
declaration, it was requaed tnat our deputies should, on oe-
haif of all the people, renew the oatu formerly taiien to
General Phillips, whiru was dui\e without any jiicntioa of
bcariug arms — and we can witli tiutli say, tnat we aie not
sensible of ai y alteration in oiu- ilispositiou or conduct, siaca

ill!

37^

ACADIA

](

that time, but that we always continued to retain a prratefnl
regard to \ov.v !\Tnjesty and your government, notwirhstand-
incr whicl), we liave found oarseives suvroundod with diffi-
culties unlaio'.vu to us before. Your Majesty determined
to foitify our Province and settle Ha.ifax; wiiicli tlie Fr.nich
looking upon with jealousy, they made frequent incur^i ina
throujrh our country, in order to annoy that settlement,
whereby wo ca'ue exposed to many straits and hardships ;
yet, fi-ora the obligations we were under, from the oath we
Lad taken, we were never under any doubt, but that it was
our indispensable duty and interest, to remain true to your
povernrnf^nt and our oath of fidelity, hopui^ that in time
tliosH difficulties would be removed, and we shouJd see p„'ace
and tranqui]li:y restored : and if, from the change of affiiirs
in Nova rfcotiu j-our Majesty had thought it not consistent
with the safety of your said Province, to iet uj remain there
upon the terras promised us by your Governors, in your
Majesty's name, we should doubtless have acquiesced with
any other reasonble proposed wuich might have been made
to us, consistent with the sa;ety of our aged parents, and
tender wives and children : and we are persuaded, if that
had been the case, wherever we had retired, we snould have
held ourselves under the strongest obligations of gratitude,
from a thankful remembrance oi" the happiness we had eu-
joj'cd under j-our Majesty's adniiuistiatiou and gracious pro-
tection. About the same timo of the settlement of Halifax,
General Cornwallis, Governor of Nova Scotia, did require
that we should take the oath of allegiance without the ex-
emption before allowed us, of not oearing arais ; 'out t.iis
we absolutely refused, as being an inuiugemenfc of the prin-
cipal condition upon which our forefatuers agreed to isettie
under the British government.

And we acquainted Governor Cornwallis, that if your
Maje^tj' was not willing to continue that exemption to us,
we desired liberty to evacuate the country, ptoposing to
settle on the Island of St. John, [now known as Prince iiid-
waru Island,] where the i<'reuch Goveruaienc was wiiiiug to
let us have laud; wnich proposal ne at that i.ime reiusea to
consent to, but to^d us ho would acquaint your Majesty
therewith, and return to us an answer. Uut we never re-
ceived an answer, nor was any proposal of that made to us
UUbii V\ti \Vciu muuc piiibouel'a.

APPENDIX

873

After the settlement of Halifax, we snflfered many abuses
and insults from jour Majesty's Meiuies, more especially
from the ludiaiis in the interest of the Froucb, by whom
our cattlo were killed, our houses pillaged, and many of us
personal y abused and put in ff ar of our lives, and f,o:iie
€veu can led away prisoners towards Canada, f;ox'iy on ac-
count of our resuiution steadily to umintaiu our oath of fi-
df-htj' to the English Government: piirticulavly Ile.ie Le
Llunc (our public notary), was taken prisoner by the luUiaus
when actuary traveling in your Mr.ji; sty's soivife, his house
pillaged, and himself carried to the I'reiich fort, f:om wliouce
he did u<jt recover his liberty, but with grtat uiliicuHy, af-
ter fouryeais ciiptivity.

"We were likewise obliged to comply with the demand of
the enemy, made for provision, caitlc, &c., upon pain of
military execution, v.hich we had reason to believe tne Gov-
ernment was made sensible was not an act of choice on our
pan, but of necessity, as those in authority appealed to
take in good part the lepresentations we aiwa;. s made to
tliein alter aij_) thiug of that nature bad hapuunt^d.

Isolwithstanding the many diifii u.t > -s we thus labored
mitl-'r, yet we dare appeai to the seveiai (j jvernura, both at
Halifax and AnnapOiis iioyai, for testimonies of our OLiug
always ready and wil.ing to obey their orders, and give ad
the assistance in our power, timer iu furnishing provisions
and materia. ;s, or making roads, bunding forts, dii'., agree-
able to your idajesty's orders, and our oach of hdelity, wneu-
soever called upon, or r<. quired tuereunto.

It was also our consiaut care to give notice to your Maj-
esty's commanders, of the danger tliey from time to time
have been exposed to by the enemy's troops, ana uad the in-
teuigLiice wo gave been always attended to, many livus mi^ht
have u.ea bpa.ed, particularly in the unnuppy affair wiuca
befell xMajor iS'obie and his brotlier at Criaud i-'ie; wuen
they, with great numbers of their* men, were cut ott' by the
enemy, notwitiislanding the frequent advices wo naU given
thtm of the danger tiiey were in ; and yet we liave ueeu
very unjustly accuseu, as parties m that mussdcrc.

And although we have been thus anxiously cuiicerned, to
manifest our lidelity in these several respects, yet it has beeu
taisejy insinuated, mai it l.ad been our geueiai practice to
ubet uiid support ^ cUr Jiiajcsty's enemies; but we tiust that

374

ACADIA

your Majesty will not suffer suspicions and accusations to
be received us proofs sr.tfiaeut to reduce some thousands of
iunoceut peop.e, from the most happy situation to a state
of the greatest distress and misery ! No, this was far from
our thoughts; we esteemed our situation so happy as by
no means to desire a change. We have always desired, and
again desire that we may be permitted to answer our acciis-
•ers in a judicial way. In the meantime permit us, Sir, here
eolemniy to dec.are, that these accusations are utterly false
and groiuidless, so fai- as they concern us as a collective
body of people. It hath been always our desire to live as
our fathers nave done, as faithful subjects under your Maj-
esty's royal protection, with an unieigued resolution to
maintain our outh of lictelity to the utmust of our power.
Yet it cannot Le exijected, but that amongst us, as well as
amongst other people, there have been some weak and false-
hearted peisoiiss, susceptible Oi being bribed, by the enemy
so as to Ureak the oath of fidciity. Twelve oi these weie
outlawed in Governor Shirley's proclamation before men-
tioned; but it wiii be found tnat the number of such faise-
hearted men amongst us were very few, considering our
situation, the number of our inhabitaiits, and how we siood
circumstanced in several respects; and it may easily be
made appear, that it was the constant care of our deputies
to prevent and put a scop to such wicked conduct, when it
came to their knowledge.

We understood that the aid granted to the French by the
inhabitants of Chignecto, has been used as an argument to
accelerate our ruin; but we trust that your .Uajesoy will not
permit the innocent to be involved witU the guilty; no con-
sequence can be justly diawn, that, because those people
yielded to the threats and persuasions of tne enemy, >ve
should do the same. They were situated so far from Hail-
fax, us to be in a great measure out of the protection ox tne
liUgiish Government, which was not our case ; we were sep-
arated from them by sixty miles of uncultivated .and, and
hud no other connection witn them, than what is usuai vviou
neighuors at such a distance ; and we can truly say, we
looKed on their defection from your Majesty's interest with
git;at pain and anxiety. Nevertheless, not long Deiore our
being made prisoners, the house in whicn we kept our cwu-
tracts, records, deeds, 6ic., was invested with au aimed loicej

I i-

APPENDIX

d"5

and all our papers violently cariied away, none of which
have to this day been returned to u>3, whereby we nre in a
great measure deprived of means of niakinio; our innocency
and justness of our complaints appear in their true li;.^ht.

Upon our seiidinpr a remonstianoe to the Governor and
Comicil, of the violence that had been offered us by the
seizure of our ptipers, and the groundless I'ears the Govei-n-
merit appeared to be under on our account, by their taking
away our arms, no answer was returned to us; but those
who had signed the remonstrance, and some time after six-
ty more, in all about eighty of our elders, were sunmioned
to appear before the Governor and Council, which they iin-
lue^iiately comiilied with; and it was required of them that
they should take the oath of allegiance, without the exeiup-
tioD, which, during a course of near fifty years, had been
granted to us and to our fathers, of not bbirg obliged to
bear arms, and which was the principal contlitiou upon which
our ancestors agreed to remain in Nova Scotia, when the
rest of the French inhabitants evacuated the country : which,
as it was contrary t<> our inclination and judgment, we
thought ourselvt-s engaged in duty absolutely to refuse.
Ntvertheless, we freely offered, and would gladly have re-
newed, oiu' oath of fidelity, but this was not accepted of,
and we were all immediately made prisoners, and were told
by the Governor, that our estates, both real and personal,
were forfeited for your Majesty's use. As to those who re-
mained at heme, tliey were summoned to appear before the
Commanders in the forts, which, we showing some fear to
comply with, on the account of the seizure of our papers,
and miprisonment of so many of our elders, we had the
greatest assurance given us, that there was no other design,
but to make us rtnew our former oath of fidelity: yet as
soon as we were witiiin the fort, the same judgment was
pasjsea on us, as had been passed on our brethren at Haii-
fax, and we were also ujude prisoners.

Thus, notwithstandmg the solemn grants made to our
fathers by Gentral Phillips, and the declaration made by
Governor Sliirley and ^ir. Mascarene, in your Majesty's
name, thn^^ it was your Majesty's resolution to protect and
niuintain all such of us as should continue in their duty and
allegiance to your Majeisty, in the quiet and peaceable jjos-
Besbion of theu' &ettlea.eui.s, and the enjoj meut of all lueir

o"b

AOADIA

rights and nvivilepcs, as your Majestv^g siibjsctg; wefourd
ourselves at once dopvivcl of om* estf.res and liberties, wicb-
out any judicial process, or even without any accusers ap-
pearing against us, and this solely g'rounded on mistaken
jealousies and false suspicions that wo are inclinable to
to take part with your Majesty's enemies. But we agaia
declare that that accusation is groundless : it was always
our fixed resolution to maintain, to the utmost of our pow-
er, the oath of fidelity which we had taken, n(jt ouly from a
sense of indispensable diitv, but also because we were well
satisfied with our situation under your Majesty's Govern-
ment and protection, and did not think it could be bettered
by ;).ny change which could be proposed to us. It has a'sa
been l'als;>ly insiuutted that we held the opinion that we
mi;^ht be absolved from our oath so as to break it with im-
puiiity ; but this we likewise solemnly declare to bo a false
accusation, and ..'iiich we plainly evinced, by our expofiiug
ourselves to so great losses and sufferings, rather than take
the oath proposed to tlie Governor-and Council, becaasfi we
apprthendttd we could not in conscience com;)ly therewith.

Ihus we. our ancient parents and grand oarents, (aien of
great integrity and approved fidelity to your Majesty.) and
our innocent wives and children, became the unliap]>y vic-
tims to those groundless fears: we were transported iuto
the English Colonies, and this was done in so much iiaste,
and with so little regard to our necessities and the tender-
est ties of nature, tiiat from the most social enjoyments and
afiluent civcuinstances, many found themselves destitute of
the necessaries of life: parents were sepaiutod from chil-
dren, and husOands from wives, some of wiiom have not to
this day met again; and we were so crowded in the trans-
port vessels, that we had not room even for all our bodies
to lay down at once, and cousequently were prevented from
carrying with us proper necessaries, especially for the sup-
port and comfort of the aged and weak, many of whom
quickly ended their misery with their lives. And even thosa
aaiougst us who had sulijred deeply from your Majesty's
enemies, on account of tlioir attachment to your Majesty's
Governmeut, were equaiAy involved in the common calami-
ty, of whicu liei'e Le ijlanc, the notary public before men-
tioned, is u leiiiii; liable instance. He was seized, confi:ied,
and broLigut away among the rest of the people, and his

; I

APPENDIX

877

famihj, connhting of twenty children, and about one, hun-
dred and ^t^/ty grand diildren, icere scat'' red in. different
Colo77i(js, so that he ica.s 2>iit on shore at jVeio York, wich
only his toi/e and ttco youngest children, iu an infirm Btate
of healtb, troni whence be jcuied three more of his children
at Philadelphia, where he died without any more notice be-
ing taken of him than any of us, notwithstanding his many
years' labor and deep sufferings for your Majesty's service.

The miseries we have since enduied are scarcf sufficiently
to be expressed, being reduced for a livelihood to toil and
hard labor in a southern clime, so disagreeable to our con-
stitutions, that most of us have been prevented, by sickness,
from procming the necessary subsistf'nce for our families;
and therefore are threatened with tiiat vvuich we esteem the
greatest aggravation of all our sufferings, even of having
our children forced from us, and bound out to strangers,
and exposed to contagious distempers unknown in our na-
tive country.

This, compared with the affluence and ease we enjoyed,
shows our condition to be extremely wretched. We have
already seen in this Provmce of Peniisjivania two hundred
and tifty of our people, which is more than half the number
that were landea here, perisu through misery and various
diseases. In this great distress ana misery, we have, under
God, none but your Jiajesiy to look to with hopes of relief
and redress: \ve tliereiore hereby implore jour gracious
protection, and request you may be pleased to let the jus-
tice of our compiamts be truly and impartially enquired in-
to, and that your Majestj" would piease to grant us such
relief, as m your justice and ciemeucy yoa will think our
case requires, aud we shall hold ourselves bound to pra}'.

[This memorial had not the effect of procuring them any
redress, and they were lett to undergo their punishment in
exile, and to mingle with the population among whom they
were disti'ibuted, in the hope tijat in time, ttieir language,
predilections, aud even the recollection of their origin, would
be lost amidst the mass oi Englisu people, with whom they
were incorporated.* — Ilaliburton.'}

'< I

* See page 216, foot notei

Hfi

il:;

A relation of the misfortunes of tlie French Neutrals, as laid
before tlie Assembly of the Province of Pennsylvania,
by John Baptist Galerm, one of the said people.

About the year 1713, when Annapolis Royal was taken
from the French, our Fathers being then settled on the Bay
of Fnudi, upon the surrender of that country to the Eng-
lish, had, by virtue of the treaty of Utrecht, a year granted
them to remove with their f tfects ; but not being willing to
lose the fruits of so many years labor, they chose rather to
remain theie. and become the subjects of Great Britain, on
condition that tiiey might be exem\)ted from bearing arms
against Franco (most of them having near relations and
friends aniongst the French, which they might have de-
Biroyed with their own hands, had they consented to bear
arms against them). This request they always understood
to be granted, on their taking the Oath of Fidelity to her
late Rtajesty, Queen Anne ; which Oath of Fidelity was by
us, about 27 \eurs ago, renewed to his Majesty, King
George, by General Philipso,* who then allowed us an ex-
emption from bearing arms against France ; which exemp-
tion, till lately, (that we were told to the contrary) we al-
ways thought was approved by the King. Our Oath of Fi-
delity, we tljat are now brought into this Province, as well
as those of our community that are carried into neighboring
provinces, have always invioiably observed, and have, on all
ociasions, been willing to afford all the assistance in our
power to his Majesty's Governors in erecting fortb, making
roads, bridges, &c., and providing provisions for liis Majes-
ty's service, as can be testified by the several governors and
officers that have commanded in his Majesty's Province of
Nova Scotia ; and this, notwithstanding the repeated solic-

*See pp. 117, 118.

APPEXDIX

37)

itntions, threats, anrl abvisos,* which we hnve contin.iallv,
iijoie or less, satrtred from tlio Frf^'i^h iinl Tn,lian<* of Can-
ada on that account, particularly about teu years ago, when
500 French and Indians came to our st'ttiemonts, intending
to attack Annapolis Royal, vv'hich, had their intention suc-
ceeded, would have made them masters of all Nova Scotia,
it being the only place of strength tlie»i in that Province,
they earnestly solicited us to join with, and aid them there-
in ; but we peisisting in our resolution to abid - true to our
Oath of Fidelity, and absolutely refusing to give them any
assistance,! they gave over their intention, and returned to
Canada. And about seven yeai's past, at the settling of
Halifax, a body of 150 ludiaiis came amoiig.<t us, forced
some of us from our habitations, anil by threats and blows
Would have compelled us to assist them in way-laying and
destroying the English then employed in erecting forts iu
different parts of the country ; but positively refusing, they
leit us, after having abused us, and made great havoc of our
cattle, &c. I myself v»'as six wo»>k:i before I wholly recov-
ered of the blows received at that time. Almost number-
less are the instances which might be given of the abuses
and losses we have undergone from the French Indians, on
account of our steady adherence to our Oath of Fidelity;
and yet, notwitlistanding our stiict observance tliereof, we
have not been able to prevent the grievous calamity which
is now come upon us, and wiiich we apprehend to be la
great measure owing to the unhappy situation and conduct
of some of our people settled at Chiguecto, at the bottom
of the Bay of Fundi, where the French, about four years
ago, erected a i'ort ; those of our people who were settled
near it, after having had many of tueir settlements burnt by
the French, being too far from Halifax and Fort Royal to
expect suixicient assistance from the English, were obliged,
as we believe, more through compulsion and fear than in-
clination, to join with and assist the French ; which also
appears from the Articles of Capitalacion agreed on between
Colonel Mouckton and the French (Jommander, at the de-
livery of the said fort to tue English, whica is exactly iu the
following words :

" With regard to the Acadians, as they have been forced

•See pp. 124,125.

t See foot-no.es on pp. 167, 169, 194.

38')

ACADIA

flli

to take up arms on pain of death, they shall be pardoned

for the part t))ey have hiHiii taking."*

Notwuiistaiiding this, as these people's conduct had giv-
en juHt uiub)at:;e to the Government, and created suspicions
to the prejudice of our whole community, we were sum-
uiuntd to appear before the Governor and Council at Hali-
fax, where we were required to take the Oath of Allegiance,
without any exception, which we could not comply with, be-
cause, an that Government is at pi'esent situate, we appre-
hend we should have been obliged to take up arms; but
were still wilhiig to take the Oath of Fidelity, and give the
(strongest asHuiances of continuing peaceab.e and faithful
to hia Britannic Majesty, with that exception. But this, in
tlie present situation of affairs, not being satisfactory, we
were made priaonere, and our estates, both real and person-
al, forfeited for the King's use; and vessels beiug provided,
we weie some time alter sent off, with most of our families,
and dispersed among the English Colonies, The hurry and
confusion in which we were embarked was an aggravating
circumstance attending our misfortunes; for thereby many,
who had lived in alHuence, found themselves deprived of ev-
ery necessary and many families were separated, parents
from children, and chiluren from parents,! let blessed be
Gud that it was our lot to be sent to Pennsylvania, where
our wants have been reueved, and we have in evtry respect
Lt en received with Christian benevolence and chariiy. And
let me add, that notwithstanding the suspicions and fears
which many aie possessed of ou our account, as though we
were a dangeious people, who make little scruple of breaking
our Oaths, time will manifest that we are not such a people:
Ko, the unhappy situation which we are now m, is a piuin
evidence that this is a false chai'ge, tending to aggravate
the misfortunes of an already too unhappy peopie ; tor, had
we entertained such pernicious sentiments, we mignt easily
have prevented our falling into tUe melaucuoiy circumstan-
ces we ai'e now in, viz,:' deprived of our substance, banisned
from our native country, and reduced to live by cnarity in a
strange land ; and this for refusing to take an Oath, whicn
Ciiristianity absolutely forbids us to violate, had we once
taken it, and yet an Oath which we could not comply with,

■See pp. 164 165.

tSee pp. 207, 208.

APPF.XDIX

without beiu<? exposed to plunge our swords in the breasta
of our friends aud relatiouK. AVe shall, however, as we
havf) Intherto done, submit to what, in the i^rosent sihuitiou
of (iflfairs, may s^ein necessary, and with patience* and resii^-
ration bear whatever God, in the course of liis Providence,
shall suffer to come upon us. We shall also think it our
duty to seek aud promote the peace of the country into
which we are trauspoi ted, and inviolably keep the Oath of
Fidelity that we have taken to his gracious Majfstv, King
George, whom wo lirmly believe, when fully acquainted witu
our faithfulness and sufferings, will commiserate our unlmp-
py condition, and order that some compensatioii be maiie to
u.s for our losses. Aud may the Almighty abundautiy l/.f-ss
his Honor, the Governor, the honorable Assembly of the
troviijce, and the good people of Philadelphia, whose sym-
pathy, benevolence and Christian charity, have been, and
Btiil are, greatly manifested aud extended' toward us, a poor
distiessed and aliiicted people, is the sincere and eaiuesfc
prayer of

JOUN i3APTISTK GALliKM.

THE END.