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Act tiu^ctf tyJ.DnuUdren. St/^mltCAurcfymnt . LIVE :-^«iHifi" O F T H E BRITISH ADMIRALS: COMTATNfNG A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. FROM THE EARLIEST PERIODS. By Dr. J. CAMPBELL. WITH A CONTINUATION DOWN TO THE YEAR 1779, IMCLVDINOTHC NAVAL TRANSACTIONS OF THE LATE WAR. AND A] ACCOUNT OF TTB1|^^g;p^ fI^#7l^ yf SOUTHERN HE! Thr .col R WHOLE Il'I'3||fT«2^22?i^ Frontispieces ^WBiiflflrWIRm'T^ ' V/ITftDRAWN IN FOUR VOI.UMES. VOL. L rary, t\ LONDON: Printed foe G. G. J. and J. RofiiNSOK^ P4TER NOSTER Row, ^.DQC.I?■» '• 'J '-.:S : >v :v '^! .^^^__^^^_I»M M Hr illl H ipMMlllll I - - » ^ niMUuMHn* 'Jf'^'l* •►•iA «■■ *«.< ■*. ^^k>*.r^'^'^^^%^ mmmmwN&mitmmf ^^^mUmiidmmJUkm^mimtl^'^tU^ COI^TENTS Q F VOLUME FIRST. e5 CHAP. I. f^AVAL hiftory of tie dncknt Britonst before ihey ivere, tnvadid ly the Romans f during the continuance of their empire in Britain^ and afterxvardt to the coming of the iSaxons ■% CHAP. IT. Naval hi/iory of the Faxons, from their firji /eating them- feHes in this if and, to their being fuhdued by the Danes 33 CHAP. III. N^val hi/lory of the Danes , from the peaceable fettlement of Canutus on the throne, to the re/loration of the Saxon line, and from thence to the death of king Harold 5^ C H A P. IV. Naval hi/lory of England during the reigns of the princes of the Norman race, viz. William the Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry Beauclerk, and Stephen 76, CHAP. V. Navid hytory of Etigland during the reigns of Henry II. Richard I. John, Henry III. Edward I. Edward II. Edward III. Richard lU 'io« CHAP. m C N T E N f i. CHAP. VI. Naval hijlory of England during the reigns »f Henry IV. Henry V. and Henry VI. of the houfe ofLancafier 198 c tt A P. vn. Naval hiflory of England during the reigns of Edward IV. Edward V. and Richard III. of the houfe of York 2.1% CHAP. VIII. Naval hiflory of England under the reign of Henry VII. including the memoirs offuch eminent feamen as fourifbed in hi* time Memoirs of Sir jfohfi Cabot CHAP. IX. Naval hi/lory of the reign of Henry VIII. including the me' moirs offuch eminent fea-officers as flourijljed therein Memoirs of Sir Edward Howard, knight >- ' Sir Thomas Hoijafd, duke of Norfolk " •- Sir William Fitz-WilliamSf earl of Southampton CHAP. X. Naval hijlory of England under the reign of Edward VI, with an account of fuch eminent feamen as fourijhed in his time Memoirs of Sehajlian Cahot * Sir Hugh Willoughby C H A P. XT. Naval hijlory of England during the reign of ^een Mary, together with fuch tranfaBions as relate to foreign com- merce, or remarkable difcoveries 12^ CHAP. xn. Naval hijlory of England under the aufpicious reign of ^een Elifaheth, an account of the many difcoveries made and plantations fettled during that fpace of time, with the ineafures purfued for the advancemeht of trade) itjcluding ' 24J • a5« ' .A :■ 2^3 Nava *79 1 > 285 1 irat 291 m Men fpo\ n[rm 1 % Memo 295 1 Naval 31° 1 comj. 322 1 the. fc 6 N t E N T S. . . hlfi themeirs of the famous admirals, bnd eminent feamen, vjho fiourijhed in that glorious period Memoirs of Charles Howard earl of Nottingham I , Sir Humphry Gilbert, knight — Sir John Hawkins Sir Francis Drake ■ — Sir Martin Frohijher - ' — Thomas Cavendijb, Efqt — i..i — Edward Fenton • • George Clifford, earl ofCtmherland . Sir Robert Dudley ' • — Sir Richard Hawkins m I — Captain James Lancafier ;" •» ■ • ' Captain William Parker CHAP XIIL Naval Hi/lory of Great Britain under the reign of^JH^iMg James I. including alfo an account of the progrefs of our trade, and the growth of our plantations ; together with Memoirs of the mofl eminent feamen whoflouri/hed in that /pace of time Memoirs of Sir Walter Raleigh, knight CHAP. XIV. Naval hiftory of threat Britain under the reign of Charles I. comprehending an account of our naval expeditions againfl the French and Spaniards, our dtjperendes with the Dutch about the right of fijhing, and out' (luminion over the Bri- ii/h fea s the progrefs of navigation and commerce ; fet- tling colonies, and other naval tranfaSions ,• together with an account of the er/iinent feamen ioho ^uri/hed within that period Memoirs of Sir Robert Manfet *-.^-- — — Sir William Mor^'f* ' 339 391 ■? 403 I"'-' 410 "Vs 421 436 "J 438 .'( 439 i- 443 i ib. ■■■? ' i, 447 448 f 450 ' 45 a 485 1 jlj ' ■ w 528 ;. 562 573 i i > ■•' K ^M, . * ' f4 '. . " i ' ' l^# * mIi a'c ffl CiU l.-'i> 't- »! ' • - \'^ ■f ' *■ :y- I « . ■k-.\ ^ ^ k T from that t( Next merer; and e: dence carrici have 1 valuat worldj is due for ou fame, freed are thi fruits ( by the rived CHIEV which no riv The that lo Jias be detach /while i there i Vol t i'i 3 .1 'I PREFACE. THE general utility and great importance of naval hiflory to the inhabitants of Britain, is obvious from our being featcd in an ifland ; whence it is evident, that to navigation we owe our very being as a people. Next to this is the confideration, that we are a com- mercial nation, from whence we equally derive internal and external advantages, have enlarged our correfpon- dence to the utmoll limits of the globe, whither we have carried our own commodities and manufadures, and have brought from them whatever was eflcemed either valuable or Angular. The great figure we make in the world, and the wide extent of our power and influence, is due to our naval ftrength, to which we (land indebted for our flourifliing plantations, the fpreading the Britifli fame, and, which is of far greater confcquence, Britifh freedom, through every quarter of the univerfe. Thcfc are the glorious trophies of maritime empire, and the fruits of that dominion over the feay which was claimed by the earlieft poflcflbrs of this ifland, and has been de- rived by an uninterrupted fucccfiioii of noble at- CHiEVEMENTs ou that element to our own times, in which the fleet of Britain may be truly laid to have no rivaK The preferving a regular and well conne£led detail of that long feries of events, by which that mighty empire iias been gradually attained, was the original caufc of detaching this from our general hidorics, in which, while it lay involved, there was, as. indeed of neceflity .there mufl be, no little obfcurity. In order to remove Vol, I. a which. \' M PREFACE. fit I •which, and to place things in a full and cpnrpicMou» point of view, it became neceffary to collate and com- pare not only our own but foreign hiftorians, and, when this was done, to confult a number of other authors, who have incidentally treated of fuch matters as had any relation to the fubjc^ ; that from thence thofc circum-i ftances might be drawn, which might ill\iftn te and e:^- plain the feveral parts of the hiftory of our marine . Thefe would have been often efteemed trifling or tedious, improper or impertinent, in general hiftories, and would neceifarily have fwelled them beyond their juft bounds. But when collected with care, and ranged in their pro- per order, in conjun£lion with thofe part^ of our politi- cal hiftory \»hich were requifitc to their being thorough- ly underftood, they became equally curious and ufeful^ and fumifhed the reader yrith an agreeable variety of pleafing and interefting events, and contributed not a little to cherifh and preferve that heroic fpirit, which is the fource of every gallant enterprisse, and which excites private men to defpife eafe and pleafure, and to brave, perils and dangers of every kind, in defpnce of public lafety, or for promoting public good. In order to do this efiedually, it feemcd requifite to interfperfe the memoirs or perfbnal hiftories of thofe illuftrious men, who had diftinguifhed themfelves in this method of rendering fervice to their country. It ap- peared to be a tribute juftly due to thofe fervices, and at the fame time expedient for (he fatisfa^ion of the reader, who muft naturally defire to be more intimately acquainted with thofe to whom the nation ftood indebted for her difcoveries or her conquefts. Be6dcs, it gave an opportunity to difcufs minutely fome points of confe- quence, that otherwife might have cmbarraffed the nar- wtivf, to yin^cate fomq great charaacrs from injurious v„ ' ^ alpcrfionsj, 1 ^l i P R £ F A C E« f «rperrioni, and to s^nfwcr many other porpores, that fcrvc to throw light upon the whole defign. But to j^void, as far as poflible, the confounding nav^ hiftory with thcfe mempirs, it was found expedient to place them at the end pf every reign ; and the greateft at- tention poflible has been bellowed, to prevent any un« neceflary repetition* or intermixing fuch circumftances pf their lives, as had no conne£^ion with the chafader in which they are here cpnfidered. We have alfo been inore fuccind in fonie, and have omitted the lives of pthersy which have been written at large elfewhcre, or are to be met with in pur biographical collcdlipns, and this chiefly to keep within due bounds ; which was pne of the greatefl difficulties in our talk, and which it was requifite to mention, tp obviatf an objeflion that has been fometime$ made, without refleding pn the impoifibility of producing every thing, relative to fp, popious a fubjedl, within the narrow compafs of a por- table library, principally intended for the furniture of a cabin. AH the origin:^ writers, all the ancient hiflorians, and all the foreign authors that have been confulted in this work, are djftindly and precifely cited, fo that the I'eader may have recourfe to them with the grcateH: facility, and difcern from thence the (everai authoriticaf yipon which the fads are founded that are here re- corded. This is a point of very great importance, and is perhaps the moft confiderable improvement, in writing hiftory, that has been made by the modems. Becaufe certainty is of far greater confequence than elegance of compofition ; and a judicious perufer will be always better fatisfied, with knowing whence the in- formatibns came, than with reading the raoft florid ac- count without any vouchers for what it contains. He , . ■ > ,, -.alii*. y.i ■ 1. 1 fl I* R £ F* A C H. alfo fees, and can from thence judge, of the prdpricty Vuh which the materials have been gathered; and when he knows by whom things are affcrtcd, he like* wife knows the mcafure of credit that is due to them^ Add to this, that if he has been fortunate enough to meet cither with books, or with paiTages in books, that have cfcaped the author, for he would be weak indeed who pretended to infallibility in matters of this kind^ he has an opportunity of pointing out thefc for the be* iiefit of the public, which he never could have had if the authorities were concealed, or fo loofcly quoted as not to be found with eafe. LIVES I «/>] I'i^t //f /. iinait I n> mmmmmm I I , ■??• OF THE E ADMIRALS INCLUDING A NSW AND ACCURATE ^ J. ;. :r- ■:■..*(■ NAVAL HISTORY. C H A P. I. The Naval Hiftory of the ancient Br^ons, before they were invaded by the Romans^ dunng the continu- ance of their empire in Britain, atid afterwards to the coming of the Sa3ton$. Containing the tranf^^ions of about 1 740 years. m *.«! tif't THE ancient hiftory of Britain, or rather of tHe Bri* tons, before the coming of Cxfar into this ifland, is, vrc muft allow, not a little obfcure, as well in refpeA to their exploits by fea, as in regard to the fucceflion of their princes, and the (ettlement of their civil government at home •, but this matter is carried much too far, when it is aiTerteJ, that the hiftories of thofe times deferve not either reading, 01" noi> tice ;. tljiat they are mere fables^ and idle tales, void of al^ au« thority or probability. , It is true, that this lofty %lc is highly talking with critica, who very readily rejed what they cannot underftand ; but this may be fometimes too hastily done, a& I conceive it is here, Camden^ difliked the Britifh hiftory of QeofiFrey of Mon* * Britannia, p.- 6, 7. edit, i J94. 4to. See a Refutation of Camden's objcAioqt in Mr. Thomfon'i copioui preface to hit tranflation of GeoflTiey of Monmontli'f liiftory; and the >noft lei%^i Sir John Price'i defence of that hitlory, Vot. 1% A mouth, £f!»WBtwieffgWii ^iF WMMWin if.-^iii«wiui m t^; I) li 1 I^AVALHISTORT mouth* and his authority drew others to treat it with abfblute contempt. But, finqe his time, through the indefatigable lar hours of many induftrious men, other ancient authors have beei^ pubUfhed, which plainly {hew, that much true hiftory is to be xnet with, even in that book, though embarrafled with fiflion. Befides, it is now out of difpute, that Geoffrey was no forger, or inventor of that hiftory ; but that he reaUy tran%ted it out of the Britifh language, in which tongue it is ftill extant >>. From this hiftory, which in many circumftances is fupported by others of better authority, we have various pafiages in re- lation tp the nayal power of the Britons, before. Cs^far's expe- dition. Now, that thefe are not altogether incredible, muft appear from the reafon of the thing, on one hand } and, on the other, from what may be cited froin wjriters of unqueftionablc credit. Two arguments refult from our very fituation ; for, firfl, the. people, whoever they were, Gauls or Trojans, wha plante^l this country, mufl: have come to, it by Tea, and. confequently niuft have had fom,^ fkill in niaritime affairs, even priqr to their fettling here. Secondly, the furrounding feas, the convenijcnt ports, and the profpe£l of the oppofite (hore, muft, doubtlefs, have encouraged them, \rh^n fettled here, to pra£tife, and thereby extend that (kill in navigation, which, as I have faid, they could not but have pofteiTed before they came hither. Hence I think it might have been rationally concluded, that pur Britifh anceftprs had performed fompthing worthy of notice at fea, before the Roman invafion, even though there had been ijio records to. atteft their a£tions. Folybius ^ mentions this ifland and its commodities, Lucre- tius «* alfo takes notice of it, and thefe were both writers elder than Caefar. The author* of the book De Mundo^ which goes eommonly under the name of Ariftotle, fpeaks of the Britifh iflands, and diftjnguifties between Albion and Hierna, that is, between England and Ireland. Athenxus f tells us, out of Mefchion, that the niain-maft of King. Hiero's great (hip was found by a fwine-herd in the mountains of Britain, and by Fhr- b Uderii Britin. Eeci. Primordia. See alfo Lewit'i Brhifh hiftory. c Hift. lib, xi. d De Nat. Rer. lib. lii. ^ Axj/^ot, opera, toro. ii. p. aotf. ^it. AurcL Allobrog. i tfof . f Deipnofophiff. leas ^^If o> THE B R I T O N S. 3 i«a$ Tauromcnites conveyed into Sicily ; and Solinus ' fpeaks of skn altar engraven with Greek chara£lers, which Ulyflcs met with in Caledpnia. It is not eafy to conceive how fo remote a country ihould be fo well known in thofe times, it the Britons had not both power and commerce by fea. But, to put this matter out of difputcj the learned Mr. Selden '' owns himfelf convinced even by C«efar's writings,, that the ancient Britons had a confiderable fea force j which he conceives was chhcr weakened, or totally deftrqyed in the defeat which Csefar gave to the Venetij to whofe afliftance it was fent. Having thus (hewn, that^ for any thing the critics know to the contrary» the fafts preferved by our Britifh hiftorians may be at leaft in fbme meafure true, I (hall proceed to mention thofe that are for my purpofe, inlifting on fuch arguments as offer themftlves in fiipport of thefe tranfadtions ; there being, as I conceive^ as much honour to be acquired from the retriev- ing truth out of our fabulous ftories, as' in extrading it from Greek poets^ or (rom oriental authors ; which has, however, been the buiinefs of moft of the greateft men famed for learn- ing amongfl us. This I fay, not to leflen their reputation, or Tzifh my oiVn, but out of a defign to vindicate that of my coun- try ; by (hewing that the inhabitants of this ifland have always been, what I hope they always will be, lords of thofe feas which furround it. The firft naval expedition, celebrated by Briti(h writers, is that of the planting this^fland by Brito, or Brute >, of which there is a large^ and, in many of its circumftances, no doubt, a fabulous account in Geoffirey of Monmouth i' ; but that the (lory had a ground of truth, may be eafily proved. That this ifland was inhabited as early as this expedition is placed, ap- pears from the trade of the Phenicians, and from its being fo populous at the time of Csefar's invafion. That the ftory of Brute was no invention of Geoffrey's, is clear, from our having the fame account in Henry of Huntingdon >, who did not bor- row from him } and in Giraldus Cambrends ^, who though he t Polyhifl. cap. 3$. >> Mare Claufum, lib. it. cap. *. * A. A. C. ii9S' ^ Hid. Brit. lib. i. Alured. Bcveri. Annal lib. i. p. to, ii, i%, Ric. Viti. Hid. Britan. lib. i. 1 Proem. Hift. & in Epifl. ad Cuaria* *t Canbris Defcriptio, cap. 7. apud Camden. Angl. Norman, ^c. A z condemns NAVAL HISTORY KiU ¥' condemns the Britifh hiftory publifhed by Geoffrey of Mon« mouth, yet in the fame breath aflerts the ftofy of Brute; and, ivhich is ftill more to the purpofe, from the authority of Saxon writers, whofe teftimony, in this cafe, is of unquedionable cre- dit. As to the objeflion, that foreign writers knew nothing of this, it may in fome meafiire be removed, by obfenring, that, as they give very bad accounts of their own originals, we need not cither wonder at^ or regret, their giving none of ours. Befides this, Ammianus Marcellinus" takes notice, that part of the fly-> ing Trojans landed in Gaul, whence, our ancient hiftory fays, they came hither. If fo, then they pofleflcd this ifland in right of their naval power ; which dominion, as it began in them, fo it ihall be our principal bufinefs to fhew it has by their poilerity been ever (ince maintained. One of the mod early exploits after this, was that of King Belinus **, who is faid to have taken the king of Denmark pri- foner, and to have obliged him to become tributary. After'* wards, paffing with his brother Brennus into Gaul p, they, with the joint forces of that country and their own, invaded Italy, and facked Rome ; after which *», Belinus returned home, and reigned here with great glory. That this ftory is liable to fome exceptions, muft be owned ; a;.i indeed, what hiflory of fo great antiquity is not ? but that it is not altogether improbable, appears from hencCf that Paufanias ', a learned Greek author, fpeaking of the expedition of the Gauls under Brennus into Greece, fays, that they called their order of drawing up fquadrons of horfe, three in front, /riimirr/jia, which is pure Britiih ; for iri, in that language, fignifies three, and march a horfe. Gorguntius *, the fon of Belinus, attacked the king of Denmark (which muft have been by fea), flew him, and conquered his country K Thefe were the exploits of the inhabitants of the fouthern part of the ifle. As for the Scots, they appear to have had a very confi- lierable naval force, by which they held in fubjedlion all the ad" jacent ifles, long before the coming of Caefar } and this corro* borates the other fa£^s ftrongly. The commerce of the Britons coulJ not but be very coniider- abie, even in thefe early times} for, befides the trade they drove i 'm v!i n Hid. lib. xv. ^ Gal, Mon. Hid. Brit. lib. iii. cap. t. Alured. Beverl. lib. I. p. IS. Vi:. Hift. lib, iii. P A. A. C. 388. 1 A. A. C. 387. ' Lib. X. s Hid. Brit. Ul>. iii. cap. a, t A. A. C. 37s. " with SSkS^ 119 corro- tt TMfcBRlTONS, ^ %ritli the Carthaginians in the weftcm part of the irtAnd", they alfo trafficked with the northern nations, as appears by the flight of Brennus ^, when he quarrelled with his brother, to a king of Norway; for it cannot be fuppofed he would retire to an abfo- lute ftranger, or, if he had, that he (houM fb foon return with a potent fleet. Their intercourfe with all the maritime provinces of Gaul is indifputable ; nor is it a light argument qf their per. fe6t acquaintance with the arts and fciences then known, that the youth of thofe provinces were fent hither for in(lru6lion. But what is moft to our purpofe, and which clearly demonflrates that at this time they had the dominion of their own Teas in the moft abfolute degree, is, what Csefar himfelf fays *, viz. That he could get ho information concerning the country, or ports of Bri- tain, becaufe the inhabitants permitted none but merchants to vifit their ifle, and even reftrained thofe from travelling up into the country. The impofing fuch rules, (hews the power o£ which they were then pofleiTed. It is indeed objedied, that Caefar and other ancient authors' fpeak but in mean terms of the Britifli veiTels, telling us they were made of wicker covered with hides, which, therefore, were very unfit to have oppofed the Roman fleet.; and this they fup^ pofe to be the reafon, that the Britons never aflayed to grapple with the Romans at fea. There is, however, nothing folid in this ( for one of the reafons why Csefar inclined to attack Bri-^ tain, was, becaufe its inhabitants fuccoured the Gauls both by land and fea; the fleets, therefore, that they fent for this pur- pofe, were certainly ftout (hips, and no^ the leathern boats which they ufed in fifhing on their own doafls, and to the ufe of wluch the Romans afterwards confined them. The true caufe why they did not oppofe the Romans by fea, was the previous lofs of the beft part of their fleet, which they had fent to the affiflance of the Veneti ■. As for the Scots ■, they were engaged in reducing the ifles, which a little before had thrown off their yoke, as their own hiftorian tells us: and, after ail, Gildast> feverely reflects upon this very circumftance of their not drawing together a fleet; u Strabo, Geog. lib. i. w Hift. Brit. lib. ii!. cap. x. x pe Brll« Gallico, lib. iv. cap. i8. y De fieUo Civil, lib. i. cap. 54. Solin Poly- hift. cap, 35. Lucan, Pharfal. lib. iv. > Scldcn. Marc Claufum, lib. iL cap. a. * Johan. de Fcr^^^n. Scotichron. lib. ii. cap. 14. b Epift de Excidio Britaa. which NAVAL HISTORY '. i m m I ii which would have been abfolutely abfurd, if he had knoWn the Britons at that time had no (hips of war. To fum up all, Cwfar's own relation "= is fufRcient to fhew, that there is nothing prefling on this obje£^ion, but that the Britons made fuch a defence as their circumflances would allow, and the nature of his attempt required^ This expedition of Gsefar may fecm to fall without the limits of this work, (Ince they contended with him not at fea, but on (hore. It was, however, a naval expeditibn on his flde, and undertaken chiefly for the fake of fecuring the dominion of the fea to the Romans : wherefore I conceive, it will not be thought an unjudiHable digreiHon in me to mention fome remarkable cir- cumflances. Cacfar's firft expedition*" from Gaul was with a fleet of eighty fliips, and a few gallies, on board of which he embark- ed two legions '. He attempted to land on the oppofite coafl of Kent, where he found a Britifh army ready to receive him, who behaved fo exceedingly well, that even thefe Roman veterans were aftoniihed, and, contrary to their ufual cuftom, betrayed a diflike to fighting t whence we may juAly infer, that this was not the firft time the Britons ever had to do with invaders. The emperor Julian f , a writer of diftinguifhed parts, introduces Ju* lius as leaping from his fhip to encourage his frighted foldiers ) but Cscfar himfclf tells us, that it was the flandardi^bearer of the tenth legion, who, by this defperate action, encouraged the ar* my to gain the fliore, from which, with much difliculty, they drove the Britifh inhabitants «. After this, Cxfar encamped on - Barham Downs, where he waited a fupply ; in which, meeting with fome difappointment, the Britons again gave him battle^ - and, as he owns, were repulfed with difficulty enough j info-* much, that, when he had repaired his fleet, he judged it the , wifeft thing he could do to return to Gaul ; and this accordingly he did, and took the farther precaution of embarking his forces at midnight''. Happy had it been for the Britons, if, after fo glorious a conteft for the prefervation of their freedom, they had concerted proper meafures for giving him as good a reception^ in cafe of his makmg a fecond attempt ; but they were deficient e De BcHo Gallic©, lib. ▼. cap. i. d A. A. C. Si. « Hift. Brit. lib. iv. cap. i. Vit. Hift. lib. iv. Cacf. de Bello GralHco, lib. v. f C«f. ib. 8 Csef de Bello Gallico, lib. iv. cap. 15. Hift. Britan. lib* it. cap. 3. h.D« B«ilo Gallico, lib. v. Hift. Britan. lib, iv. cap. 5. 14 OP THE BRITONS. ^ f in dlfcretion, though not in valour, and quarrelling amongft themfelves, Mandubratius, a traitor to his country, fled to Gaul, in order to invite him again'. Cxfar was at that time returned to Rome; but his lieutenants \n Gaul were providing a navy according to his dire£lions, which confided of no lefs than eight hundred fail* on board of which, when he came back, Cxfar embarked a numerous army for Bri- tain. He landed as before in Kent ^f without meeting any re- finance, the Britons being aftonifhed at the fight of ten times the force with which they had before contefted. The Romans marched as far as the river Scoure, where, in a (hort fpace, the Britifh monarch Cafwallan engaged them with a formidable ar* my. In this battle, the Romans forced their enemies to retreat } but in the evening, the Britons boldly attacked the Roman camp, and, when they found themfelves unable to keep it, charged quite through the forces appointed to defend it,^ and recovered their faf^nefles. Caefar marching forwards toward the Thames, Cafwallan caufed the ford where he was to pafs to be fluck full of fharp flakes, remaining with his army on the oppofite fhore, in order to have taken advantage of that confuGon this contri- vance mufl have occafioned ; but the defign was betrayed, and Cxfar pafled fomewhat higher. The place, however, retains the name of Coway Stakes, near Oatlands, and is another proof that the Britons knew how to exert their force by land and by water. After this, Cafwallan managed the war without fightr ing fet battles, till Cs^far fVormed his capital, which isfuppofed to have been Verulam, near St. Albans, and that fome of the Britifh princes fubmitted to C^far, when he alio thought proper to make terms '; which C^fiir readily granted him, that he might be rid of this bufinefs with honour, which, if we believe his own commentaries, he efFe£led} but we know Afinius Pollio " faid, thofe memoirs were written with little accuracy, and fmall regac4 to truth •, aind Suetonius, ns to this particular aAion, tells us, that he was fairly beaten by the Britons'^; which may derive fbme credit to what our own hiftories fay of this matter. i De Bello Oallico, lib. v. Hift. Britan. lib. iv. cap. 7, 8. k A. A. C. 51, I Hift. Britan. Kb. iv. cap. 8, 1 1. Vit. Hift. lib. iv. Cxf. de Bello Gallic, lib. v. « Apud Sueton. in vit. Jul. Catf. cap. 56. <» In vit. Jul. Csf. cap. 15. Lu- e»n. Pbarfal. lib. xi. Hot, Epod. vH^ ' V ^ NAVALHISTORY On his return to Rome, Caefar confecrated to Venus a milU urj ornament, embroidered with Briti0i pearl", a circumftanco flight in appearance, but of confequence to my purpofe, dnce by this confecration it is intimated, that Caefar arrogated to bimfelf the dominion of the fea ; whence vincula dare oeeano^ to give laws to the ocean, and BritanfM fubjugitrii to fubdue ^the Britons, became convertible terms with fubfequent authors, who all endeavour to place Caefar's Britifh expedition in thisy aS in far the moft glorious light K Auguftus, when he had fettled the empire, thought of pay- ing this ifland a vifit *, but arriving in Gaul, he heard there of the revolt of the Pannonians, which obliged him to change his deflgn^ Seven years after, however, he refumed it, and cama again into Gaul, where ambafladors from Britain met him \ and, on their promifing to pay tribute to him, he defifted a fecond time** Finding, next year, that they did not keep their words, he prepared a third time for the invalion of Britain ; but the inhabitants prevented him, by fending ambafladors, who oftered in the capitol, facrificed to the Roman gods, fwore obedience in the temple of Mars, promifed to pay tribute duly, and, which is more to our purpofe, undertook to yield certain duties for the goods by them exported ; which is a plain indication^ that the Romans chiefly fought an acknowledgment of naval dominion, or fuperiority at fea*. During the reign of Tiberi- us, the Britons kept fair with the Romans, by their prudence in this particular; for when fome of the foldiers of Germanni- cus had been wrecked on their coafl, they not only received them kindly, but feht them back to him fafely. Thu^ thefe wife eiqperors maintained the reputation of the Roman power, with« out running any further hazards againft a people martial in their difpoiitions, unenervated by luxury, tenacious of liberty, and yet ufeful as allies •♦. The felicity of this country was then, as indeed it generally js, owing to the wifdom, courage, and public fpirit of its prince. The name of this excellent monarch wad Cunobeline, who reigned many years, and with great reputation ; but in the lat Agricola advanced farther north than any of his prcde- f Sat. iv. Hid. Britan. lib. iv. cap. 14. V\-.. Hifl. Ilh. iv. See alf > Lewis'* Briti(h hinory, and Cooper's chronicle, fol. 96. * Tacit, in Agric. •> A,. C. 7». I Idem, ibid. Vlt. Hift. lib. Iv. k Tacit, in Agric. B 2 . ccGbri i2 fj A V A L H i S T O R Y ii ■' ^v cefibrs had httb«ito done ^ ; and obferring that two efl:uan(!$^ or intrudlsg arnw of th« fea, almoft cut in funder one part o^ the ifland from the other, he refolved to fortify this ifthmus^ and thereby (hut out the Scots and Fi£b, which he accordhig- ]y performed ". In Latin authors thefe arms of the fea are called Ghta and Bcdotriat which moft c^ our writers rendef the friths of Danbritton and Edinburgh ; but they are With greater propriety ftylcd the friths of Clyde and of Forth. Having thus fecured the Roman province from all danger, he began to make the necefiary diipofitious for invading Ireland} as well as for examining and fubduing the remaining part of' Britain. With this view he fitted out a confiderable fleet, and ordered it to fail northwards, looking into all the creeks and bays, in order to gain an exaA knowledge of the coaft, while himfelf and the army marched forward by land i this exceeding'* ]y alarmed the northern nations, who, as the Roman Writers bbferve, gave all for loft, now the fecrets of their fea were dif- covered. The Caledonians defended themfelves with great ob- flinacy againft Agricola, but with indifferent fuccefs } and^ in the mean time, were terribly haraiTed by the fleet, which put now into one port, then into another, and at length furronnded the ifland, and, if we may believe the Roman authors", fubdu* ed the Orchades, or iflands of Orkney **. However, it is cer- tain, that after having completed their defign, this navy return' ed to the Portus Trutulends, or, as it ought rather to be read, Rutupenfis, which is conceived to be Richborough near Sand-* wich. This expedition gained great honour to Julius Agricola, and was looked Upon, in thofe days, as a moft heroic a^ ; the boundaries of Britain being efteemed, by the Romans, the very utmoft limits of the world, as appears plainly from the accounts we have in Tacitus : and if any doubts remain as to his impartiality, (ince Agricola was his near rebtion, we may put the faa out of difpute, by citing what Juvenal fays on the fame topic •*. Anna quidcm ultra I.'Utorn Juverna prcmovimus^ et mocfo cnptas OnadaSf ac mimma cottteutos mSic Britamict, » A. D. 8j. P Sat. ii. « iJcm, ibid. n Idon, ibid. A. D. u. We o eftuarif^^' one part o^ lis ifthmus, accordhig- :hc fca arc ters render cyarc itith Forth, ali danger, ing Ireland, ling part o^ le fleet, and creeks and coaflf, while 5 excceding- uan writers fea were dif- ith great ob- ^fs ; and, in , which put i furrounded ors ", fubdu* er, it is ccr- [lavy return- : to be read. L near Sand* as Agricolaa oic a£t } the Lomans, the y irom the emain as to on, we may fays on the tt p T H E 6 R 1 1 a N s. "Wc feme beyond Juverna** have purfu*d. And cv'n the diftant Orkneys have fubduMi Our forces now remoteft Britons fright, In northern climes content with little night. H A. D. 1\, f We Hiftory informs us, that this expedition of Agricola was ia the fummer, which accounts for the laft line, ilnce ir. that fea- fon the Romans certainly found the days very long in the nor- I them part of the ifle ; whence they concluded that the inhabi- tants were content with a flender proportion of reft : which feems to be the true meaning of their being fatisfied with a fliort night. The tyrant Domitian taking umbrage at the grea? exploits of diis excellent perfon, recalled him to Rome, and there removed him by poifon'. Under the reigns of the fucceeding emperors, Nerva and Trajan, there happened little of confequence in this ifland ; but |the emperor Adrian, who (ucceeded Trajan, undcrftanding that fthe northern nations made frequent incurfions into the Roman )rovince, came -over hither ; and, after gaining frequent advan> [tages over them, he refolved to take the fame method which lAgrlcola had formerly done of bounding the frontier province by a wall, or military entrenchment ; which he accordingly caft up, and, as the manner of thofe times was, ftrongly fortified*. This wall is faid to have extended about eighty Italian miles, from Eden in Cumberland to Tyne in Northumberland*, though iothers fay, it was from Gabrofentum, now Gatefhead, or [Gatefhend, in the bilhopric of Durham to Carlifle, thereby., abandoning a traA of country, fevei^y miles long and one hun- Ired and forty broad, to the Scots and Pi£ts j yet on his return ^o Rome, he caufed a new coin to be Aruck, whereon he is tyled the Reftorer of Britain ^ In the reign of Antonius Piue, >ne Lollius Urbicus aded as his lieutenant in Britain, who was ^ery fuccefsful ,in his wars againft the northern nations ", and l^ho, having driven them beyond the friths of Clyde and Forth, >e-edified Agricola's wall, and reftored the Roman province to ^ts full extent ''. About this time Sejus Saturninus was archi- {ubernus of the P*oman fleet here^i but whether we are to un- «« TrcUnd. ' Tacit, in vit. Agric. • A. D. iij. « Dio hift. lib. \%\x, partial) in vit. Ailrinn cup. it. Bed. lib. i. cap. $. " Jul. Capitolin. in vit. An> > A. U. 141. y PandcA. lib. xlvi. ti:. ad. fcnatiirconfult. Trebellian. derftand i4 ifAVALiltSTORT der/land thereby, that he was admiral, or arch-pilot, is doubt- ful. In fucceedlng times, the Scots and Pi£ts recovered the country they had loft, aud gained fo many advantages over the Romans, that the Empeit)!* Sevtrtis tame hithet in perfon, and with infinite difficulty, repulfcd thefe invaders *, lofing no lefs ihail fifty thoufand men in the war ; and at laft was content to re-edify Adrian's wall, which he fortified with ftrorig towers or bulwarks, afiTiiming thereupon the furname of Britanniciis Maxi- mus *. He died at York, and. His body being bui'nt at Ack- liam, thei-e is llill to be leen a great motiiit of eartli raifed upoti that dccafion, and called by the inhabitants Sever's hill i>. In the fiicceedihg diftra£tiohs of the Koman empire, Britain, like the reft of its provinces, fell into the haiids of various mas- ters, ftyled, by their adherents, emperors, aiid by the reft o^ the world, tyrants. Amongft thefe, there is oiie who deferves to be remembered in this hiftory ; fince, how bad ibever his title might bej he made ii good prince to the Britons, and* which is ftill morb to oui" purpofe, carried the maritime power of this country (6 high, as not only to vindicate his own inde- pendency, but alfo to ftrikc a terror into the whole Roman em- pire : it is true, many hiftorians treat him as an ufurper, a thing that appears to be a little tiard } fince thofe they ftyle tmperors had no otheir title than what they derived from fighting Ori land, which feems to affbrd him fome colour of right, in virtue of his power by fea. But, be that as it will, his hiftory is fufficient to ftiew, that the Britons in the Roman province^ were, at this i'lme^ remarkable for their Ikill in naval aft^airs, and were able to equip fuch fieets as made them terrible to their neighbours. Dioclefian and Maximian having fhared the empire between them, the lattery who pofltjAied the weftern parts, finding the coafts much harafifed by pirates of feveral nations, but chicfiy Saxons and Franks, made choice of one Caius Caraufius% a man of known valour, to command the Roman fleet for fcour- ing the fcas. Moft writers fay, that this man was a Menapian by birth, and of very mean dercent**: certain Scottilh authors 2 A. D. aro. » Herod. lib. Hi. .Spanian. in Severo. Dio. hir*"' lib. Ixxvi. b Vit. hift. lib. v. Orof. lib. vii. cap. i6. I.iitn»p. lib. viii. Bed, lib. V. cap. s- Lapghorn's introduAion to the Hiltory of J'.iinUnd, p. 1x3. ^ A. D. iSV. <> Ncnniut a])ud C-iOadcn. in Rom. Hiitari. Aurel. ViAor. cap. 39. ; ■ . ' ' claim lop theBRITONS. *S ot, is doubt- covered the ges over the pcrfon, sind )fing no Icfs IS content to rig towers or iriiciis Maxi- ;rnt at Ack- i raifed upon iliiUb. pire, Britain, various maf^ )y the reft oi vho deferves d ibevcr his Tritons, and* ritime power lis own indc- Roman em- rper, a thing yle emperors Ltihgoiilandy in virtue of y is fufficicnt were, at this id were able • neighbours, pire between finding the but chiefly 'araufius% a ct for fcour- a Men apian ttilh authors Dirt. hiC*"'' lib. p. lib. viii. Bed. iinland, p. iz3> . Aurel. Viftor. claim claim him for their countryman «, and with great appearance of jruth. This charge he executed with equal courage and con- duct } but, as the Roman hiftorians alledge, not fo honourably as he ought ; yet, if we cpnfider his future aftions, and that thefe writers were the creatures of thofe emperors againft whom he fought, we may fafely doubt, whether the character tliey I give Caraufius ought to prejudice him in our opinions. They tell ' iis, that, inftead of chaftifihg the pirates as his duty dire^led, he too frequently admitted them to compofition, and, finding this policy difcovered, he had recourfe to another, negle^ing to take them, till they had enriched themfelves by a multitude of prizes, and then feizihg them with their ill-got wealth, applied it to his own ufe. Maximian, informed of thefe prad^iqes, conceived a fufpicion of his intending to fet up for himfelf j which fcheme, if this officer really had in his head, he furthered by endeavour- ing to prevent it. The method he took, was, by commiffioning perfon to aiTaflinate Caraufius ; yrhich failing, this cunning ommander improved to his advantage *, for, croffing with a ilrong fquadron of fhips over into Britain, he there perfuaded a great part of the Roman army, and tht Britons in general, to mbrace his party, and fo afinming the purple robe, he declared imfelf emperor, and maintained that dignity againft all the wer with which his rivals could oppofe him. Befides this |i(land, he held the port of GeiToriacum, now Bulloigne in France, and the adjacent coaft, whence he fo harafi'ed Gaul, Italy, aind Spain, by his fleets, that, however averfe Maximian ight be to fuch a partner, he was at length compelled to pur- fhafe peace, by owning this man for emperor :n Britain ; and here are ftill extant fome of his coins, haying on one fide hit ead, with this infcription, imp. carausius, p. f. aug. On he reverfe, the portraitures of two emperors joining hands, al- 'luding to this agreement with Maximian. This coin is of filver, 'land found no yrhere but in Britain f. However he acquired the empire, it is on all hands agreed, that he held it very worthily ; for he governed the Britons with reat juftice and equity, maintained the dominion of the fea gainft all competitors with much refolutipnj and, when the nor- e Fordun. Scotichronicon. lib. ii. cap. 38. See Dr. Stukeley's roedallic hiftory »f Caiaofiui. f Eutrop. lib. ix. Bed. hift. lib. i. cap. 6. Aun.1. Viftor. [in Cx/iuib. Speed's chronicle, p. 154. thcrn i f^ NAVAL HISTORY '■ ;(i !' ! M thern nations, that istp fay, t\\c Scots and Pi^s, began to vex bis lub^!£);$ with incurfioos, he made var upon them, and, hav- ing beat them in many engagements, he recovered all that the Komans had ever htM in Britain, and, as fome fay, ere£led, as a mark of his conqueft^ that celelH'ated monument of antiquity, <:aUed Arthur's Oven } though others affirm tlus to be a tegiple of the god TerminuS;,Tind crc£):cd by another hand. When he had thus signalized his courage and condu£^ at their expence, l>c piade peace with thefe nations, wifely forefc^ing that he ihoukJ, fome time or other, ftand in need of their aflifjtance againft the Roman emperors, who he knew waited only fpr a fivourabU opportunity of difclodng their hatred againil him^. He tool^ jcare likewife by all means poflible to increafe his fleet ; and, which fliews him to be a very politic prince, he negociated a treaty with the Franks, and other nations, who were feated ot^ the Thracian ^ofphorus, and who were become famous ^fbr their power at fea; whereby it was (lipulated, that (hey fhould fend a ilrong fleet into the Mediterranean, which, paifing through the ftreights of Gibraltar, ihould join his navy in the Qritiih ieas, and a£fc in conjun^on againil the Romans. This, certainly, is a tranfa^tiop worthy of being recorded ii) our naval hiilory, ufl* hfs we have fo far loft the fpirit of our anceftor^^ as to be proud rather of being flaves to Rpme, than of conteQiing the fovereigur ty of the fea with that haughty people. The Romans, judly alarmed at fo formidaUe a confederacy, which in an inflant deprived them of any fafe paiTage by fea, be- gan to provide for putting a fpeedy end to this war. In order to fhis, Con(\antius and Maximian both applied themfeives to rai- iing forces by fea and land. The former undertook to march with an army into the territory poflefled by the enemy in Gaul; while the latter, from the naval magazines on the Rhine, fitted pat a fleet of a thoufand fail. While this was doing, ConOian* tlus befieged Caraudus in Bulloigne, who, having the f«;a open, flefcnUed himfelf without much trouble, and thereby convinced ^is enemies, that, while he held this 'advantage, their fiege yrould be to little pu'-polcj but Conftantius having found a way to block up the port by a work of a new contrivance, Caraufius ' n Hift. Rrir. lib. v. cap. 3. Vit, hift. lib. v, Forduo. ScotkHronkoo, lib. ii. csp. 31, 3^, 39. Bed. lib. i. cap. tf. ^m "ip. 4 had U • A t egan to vex 1, and, hav« all that the , ere^ed, as Dfaatiquity, be a topnple . When he expence|l>e It he A^ould, e againft the a favourable $. He tool^ ; fleet i and, negociated a :re featcd ^oq lousrlbr their ihottld fend fmg through e £[riti(h Teas, I, certainly, is ^l hidoryi un-r s to be proud he fovereignr 'S^ ■u bt iti'k ^ R i T t^ S. 17 " hid no means of fafety left but breaking through the ftoman Caaip* with a few gallant followers. This he performed iii a dark night ^ and| embarking in a fmall Ihip, crofted over to Bri- tain, where he had a ftrong fle^t arid a powerful army. He quickly repented of this wrong ftcp^ when he Was irifolrroed, thatr- the very night after his departure, the fea had carried away all the woi'ks of the Romans, and left the port o^n. The next thing Gonftantins did, was to draw. together alt the (hips that tould be had from every part of his dominions ; and having Ra- tioned {^irong fquadrons on the coaft of Britain, Spain, and Gaul, to pircvent Cafaufius from joining his confederates, he bailed in perfon with the reft of his fleet through the ftreights of Gibral- tar, to meet the Franks, whom he defeated fo abfolutely, and parfticd his viftory fo clofdy, that there was not a man of theta left *. tn the interim Caraufius employed his time in preparing the heft he cbiild for the dcfencd of Britain ; but one Alleftus, a confiderable officer iri his fervicC) and whom he had always treated as an intimate friend, fuppofing that his death would put him irt pofTeffion of all his power, treacherotifly murdered him, ^hen he had reigned feven years, and then afTumcd the purple'. This Alle£tus Was far from having either the capacity or the fortune of his pfedecefTor, though all our hiflorians agree, that he kept his dominions and his forces. He was for fome time fuperior in power at fea; but he employed that fuperiority rather as a pirate than as a prince, fending out his fquadrons to fpoil the adjacent coafl:s of Gaul, and to interrupt the trade of all the ^oman provinces. Confliantius faw this with impatience, but, at the fame time, took all the neceffary precautions for putting an end to itk At length he found himfelf ftrong enough to fight Alle£lus by fea, and, with this view, failed from the coafi of Gaul towards that of Britain. AUeftus, with a navy no way Inferiot- to his, lay then at the Ifle of Wight, whence, on the firfl intelligence of the departure of the Roman fleet, he flood to fea, in order to intercept it } but it fo happened, that Coriftan- tius, by means of a fog, pafTed him, and landed fafely in Bri- tain I which he had no fooner done, than, from a fbreflght that confederacy, TC by fea, be- In order to ifelves to rai-: )ok to march emyinGaulj Rhine, fitted ng, Conftan- the f a new mifchance befel them. Part of the Roman army, fevered from the grand fleet at fea by the mift before-mentioned, landed at the mouth of the Thames, and entered the city immediately after them. Upon this an engagement enfued, wherein the foreigners were defeat- ed, and cut to pieces ; their commander, whofe name was Cal- lus, endeavouring to fave himfelf by flight,, was pufhed into, and drowned in a little brook, called from thence^ in the Britillx tongue, Nant-Gall, and by the Saxops,, Waiibrook ". In fucceeding times, when the government of the Roman empire came to be better fettled, proper officers were ap- pointed for maintaining both civil and military government in Britain j but, above all, due care was taken of naval affairs, and garrifons were placed in various ports,, and particularly at thofe which foHow, viz. Othona,. which Camden took to be Haftings in SuiTexj Dubris,. which certainly was Dover j Lem- k A. D. iptf. I Aurel. Vlftor. in Cafiirib. Eutrop. ubi. fupri. Famen. Pancg. Conrtant. Caefar. Speed's chronicla, p. 155. Lewik's hiftory of Britain, p. rxo. m Hift, Britan. Rb. v. cap. Iv. Vit, Hift. lib. v. Camden. Defcript. Uritan. in Trinobant. Speed's Chronicle, p. xj,-. Le»i»'» IfiOory of Britain, p. i*o» % mani»v manis-v OP THE BRITONS. ^ manis, which was cither Hythe in Kent, or fomc place near it, perhaps Lime-hill i Branodunum, Bmtichefter^in Norfolk, not far from the waflicsj Gariannonum, Yarmouth ; Regulbium , Reculvcr in Kent j Rittupis or Rittupte, P '^borough near Sand- wich; Anderia, Neweodcn in Kent ; and the port of the Adur- ni, now Alkrington or Edciington, nearShoreham in Suflcx". Conflantine the Great, as he was born in this ifland, fo he was extremely careful of its concerns **. On his death, and the divifion of the empire among his fons, it fell to the fhare of Conilantine the eldeft. After his murder, his younger brothers, Conftantius and Conflans, were both here, and Gratianus was foy them made general of Britain p. The emperor Julian fent over Lupicinus to rcprefs the Scots, in which he was very fuc- cefsfui*'. Under the emperors Valcntinianus and Valens,Thco- dofius performed great things in this ifland, and, having reco- vered the country between the two walls, he erected it into a province by kfelf, and called it Valentia'. After this, Maximus was general -of the Roman forces in this ifland, who, having vanquifhed the Scots and Pi£ls, was declared emperor by his ar- my». He, carrying on great wars on the continent, tranfport- ed thither the flower of the Britifli youth, which was one prin- cipal caufe of the misfortune that bcfd his country; for after a reign of fix years, he was vanquifhed, and put to death in Ita- ly^ 9tkd (6 Britain returned to the obedience of the Roman em- perors*. The emperor Theodofiusfent over Chryfanthus, who governed here very worthily all the time of his reign *•. In the nonage of the emperor Honorius, new difturbances were created by the Scots and Pifts, which induced Stilico, who was the emperor's guardian, to fend Vi£lorinu8 to command here, who having expelled the invaders, re-fortified the wall, and placed a legion in garrifon to defend it ; the fame worthy perfon took care alfo to reftore the maritime force of the ifland, whereby he fecured it from the infults of thofe piratical nations, who now began to infeft the fea. Claudian, in his panegyric on Stilico, attributes all this to him, becaufe done by his order, and by an n Sclden. Mare Claufutn. lib. Si. cap. €, j, *^ Zofitn. Enrnp. vit. Iiift. lib. vi. P Papli Diiconi hid. lib. xi, cap. iS. ViAor in Valentin. Ammian, Mar- ccllini hid. lib. xiv. 1 Bed. lib. i. cap. i. Ammiani Marccliini, lib. sx. r Idem, lib. xxvii. Claudian de bello Getico, & in laud. Theodofii • A. ID. 381. t Zofim. hift. lib. iv. Fordun. Scoticfaronicon, iib, ii. csp. omponius Lxtus in Theodofio. C z olKcer ■ ^j ■."•' '"-1 ■■■; *«i ■ m ■■^- W\ m uf'T Br'- tl c I «# N A V A L H I S T O R T I ■m I > officer a£ling vnder bis authority : for thus he iutroduces the i^e of BritaUi fpeaking to his patron '. Me qmqtu vfcittis pauntem gem':bus, inquiit Munivit Stilico, Mam quutn Sntm lerncn Mevity tff infe/io fpumavit remtge Thetis. Illiut effeSlum curis, ne hella timerem Scotica, nee Pi3um tremerem, ne littore toto. Profpicerem duhiis vtnientem Saxona veniis ^ Mc too, by neighbours when almoft devour*d, Thou, Stilico, fuftainVl— tho* Ireland pour*d ^•* Her Scots abroad, and coverM all the fea ' With hoftile fleets.— But now, reftorM by thee, Thofc Soots, tho* join*d with Pi£ls, I fear no more, Nor dread each changing wind (hould bring the Saxons o*er. But when Alarick the Goth made his firft irruption into Italy,, Viftorinuswith his legion was recalled out of Britam' } and the affairs of the empire falling continually from bad to worfe, the Roman lEbrces he left behind thought themfelves at liberty to fle£t, in conjunction with the Britons, a prince of their own, or as the phrafe was in thofe times, an emperor. Accordingly they ^hofe and n ordered two in lefs than fix months * ; then they fet up one Confcantine merely for his name's fake ^, who in a (hort time afpired to greater things than the bare dominion of Britain. ' On this account, he, like his predeceflbr Maximus, aflembled the utmoft force of the iilaud, and paiTed therewith over into Gftul, where by the help of thefe forces and his fleet, he per- formed many great things, till the Emperor Ronorius made war againft, and fubdued him *=. The Britons, in the mean time, were brought to the laft extremity by the Scots and Piils \ in- somuch that the remainder of the Romans, giving the country , for loft, at lead for the prefent, buried their treafures, and tranfported themfelves toother parts <*. However, even after this, on their humble application to Honorius, ^tius, general of the forces in Gaul, had oM'**"s to fend over a legion j which he ^ A. D. 39«. y Paneg. ftmnd. At laud. Stilic. z Cimden Roman. Uri ap. Gulielm. Malmennir. de Ecflii rcg. Angl. lib. i. cap. r. • Zof. hifl. Jib. iv. Bed. lib. i. cap. 9. b A. D. -jej. c Bcda. lib. 1. c»p. i.7ofim. l:i.X'. cap, 13. Orof. lib. vn. cap. 41, A Chron. Sahon. ad ann. 418. ,,.^, . _^ - • ., diJ, OP THE BRl I'O is s. at 4idf and repeated the fame fav fome y rs afterwards". This lall legion was commanded u one Gal ), who Saving repaired, or rather rebuilt the wall originally railed by iMtrus, pnd fortified the coaft againft the fudden invafion^ c the pi- rates who then infcfted the Britifli feas, plainly told t) i>eople, that the affairs of the empire would not permit them to pafs over any more, but that for the future they muft think of de- fending themfelves as well as they could ; and after many ex-- hortations to behave with conftancy and courage in the caufe of their country, he embarked all the Roman troops f, and left the Britons to their fortunes «. Thus, about four hundred and eighty years, according to the computation of the learned Selden, or four hundred and feventy, as the Saxon chronicle informs us, after the fird invaiion of this ifland by Julius Csefar, the Romans quitted it, and all the rights they could pretend to K For, this being a voluntary abdication, nothing can be plainer, than that they left the Britons as free as they found them. And as it is evident, that this nation exerci- fed the dominion over the circumambient Teas before the coming of the Romans, who likewife contended, that the pofleflion of this ifland gave them a title to the like fovereignty, nothing can be more apparent than that it now reverted to the Tritons. I fay, nothing can be more evident, if we admit that the Romans ac^ quired any right by conquefl; } which may feem doubtful, fince they never fubdued the whole ifland ; and if fo, theBritifh title to this dominion remained unimpeached. We are next to in* quire, what the efFefts were of this defertion of the ifle by the Romans, and in what fituation the naval afi^irs of the Britons remained, when they were thus left to themfelves. A difficult [talk indeed, confidering the dubious authority of the authors [whom we are tp ufe j but a talk neceflary to be performed ; liince, as the dominion of the fea mud have relied fome whercj [we fhall do our beft to Ihew it refted with them. The Scots and Pifls no fooner underdood that the Britons were abandoned by the Romans, than they began to form de- ligns not only^of pillaging, as they were wont to do, the fou^^ 1 ;fl I « Panli Diaconi hifl. mifcel. lib. xiv. f A. I>. 430. R Bed. lib. i. cap. i». Gildas de cxcid. Britan. Fordun. Scotichroniroti, lib. iii. cap. 12. Zo- Cqi.. ^H\. lib. y!. Chron. Saxon ad ann. 435. >' Mare Claurum, lib. ii. cap. 9. ■■.,::■.:-• . - them ai NAVALHISTORY them part of the iflanJ, but for making an abfolute cotiqueft thereof, or at leaft of a good part of it, which accordingly they attempted with a numerous army, and with a great fleet. The firft thing they did, was to dcmolifti the wall, that it might be no obftacle to future incurfions « ; then, landing their forces behind the Britons, they fo aftoni(hed them with num- bers, that they rcHnquiihcd all thoughts of defence. Thefe inroads having deftroyed the chief cities, and interrupted agri- culture, a famine enfued, which, however grievous to the Bri- tons in one refpe£l, was yet of fervice to them in another ; for it deftroyed multitudes of their enemies, compelled the reft to retreat, and fo gave them time to recoUeft themfelves \ The iiTue of their deliberations was the fending over the bifhop of London into Armorica, or Brittany, in France, to demand af- (Iftance of their brethren fettled there ; and the reafon afligned for this, in the Britifh hiftory, is very juft and reafonable ; for the bilhop was charged to reprefent the chief caufe of their weaknefs, to be the planting of that country, by the emperor Maximus, and the leaving there the greateft part of the Britifh navy. This reprefentation had a proper efFc^ upon the king of Brittany ; who, though he could not himfelf pafs over to the aftlftance of his countrymen, yet he fent over his brother Con- ftantine, with a fquadron of ftout fhips, and two thoufand men. This Conftantine was crowned their king by the Bri-* tons, and by them furnamed the Deliverer, becaufe he fought valiantly and fuccefsfully againft their enemies, and ruled wor. thily for ten years '. • I know very well, that many of our bcft writers reje£t this Conftantine, and would perfuade us, that there never was any fuch prince } but that the whole is a fiction of the author of the Britifli hiftory. This notion, however, is fo thoroughly re- futed by a very learned writer, who long ftudied, and perfectly underftood the Britifti records, that I cannot conceive any im- partial critic will ccnfure my following his opinion, when they liavc carefully penifed, and duly weighed his reafons": but what chiefly prevailed upon me to follow the Britifh hiftory in » A. n. 433. k Hift. Britan. lib. vi. cap. 3. Vit. hift. lib. vii. Alu- rcd. Bcverl. lib. i. Johaii. de Fordun. Scotichron. lib. iii. cap. 11. « Hift. Prit. lib. vi. cap. 4, 5. Vit. hift. lib, vii. Cooper's chronicle, fol. 138. ni Sec Lewis'i anqieut hift. of Great Bjitain p. 157. ; this OP THB BRITONS. n ithU point, is, the authority of the Saxon annals, puUifhed by the late learned bifliop of London. For thefe annals place the [retreat of the Romans in 435, and the coming of the Saxons [in 443, which is the very year after this King Conftantine [died i and though thefe annals do not mention him, yet, as they [tell us nothing of what paflcd in that interval, 1 can fee no :aufe why we fhould not rather follow the account given us by the Britiih authors of things which happened in this fpace of time, than leave fuch a chalin in our hiftory, merely becaufe [other authors, who, none of them, profefs to write of the fuc- fceflion of the Briti{h kings, fay nothing of this prince. Efpe- cially, fince the Scots hiftorians own him, and there arc other convincing proofs, from Britiih records, of his having really reigned here ; though perhaps there may be fonie error as to [the length of his reign. At the time of his deceafe he left three fbns, Conftans, Au- slius Ambrofius, and Ucer, furnamed Pendragon. Cciiflans^ [the eldefl, was a very weak man, and by his father defined to a monk ; the other two were children. Vortigern, a Bri- [tiih nobleman of great power^ took Conftans out of his mo- jnaftery, and, to ferve his own purpofet, made him king. He Igoverned for a time in his name ; and, when he thought him- folf llrong enough to rule without him, he caufed him to be )ut to death, and then feized the kingdom : the children of [Conftantine flying to Brittany ". This Vortigern it was, who, [as the Saxon authors tell us, invited their countrymen over intQ [Britain. He was, as all writers agree, a very bad prince, who, [by his tyrannical government, encouraged the Scots and Pi£ls igain to invade the fouthern parts of the ifland, and fo alienated che minds of his fubje^s from him, that he durft not rely on I heir afliftancc, even for the defence of their country : this is ^o rational an account of his ftrong inclination to foreigners, for Ifwhich he is tmanimoufly upbraided by all our authentic hifto- |rians, that I cannot doubt its being truth *. The firfl Saxons ^ho arrived, were Horfa and Hengift, two brothers, with theit Followers ; by whofe afliftancc Vortigern repulf ed the Scots and IPias, and fettled himfelf efteaually in the kingdom. To fix n * D. 433. o Hift. Britan. Tib. vi. cap, 9. Vit. hift. lib. 7. Bed. Ifcift. eccl. lib. i. Glides de Excidio Britan, G. MalmelU, dc gtIWi ieg. Angl. Ub.i. them, i4 NAVAL HISTOHY n\^iW: them, without whofe afliftance his fecurity could not cohJhtti here, he gave thein lands in Kent, where they landed ; as alfd in the north, after they had beaten his enemies. Thefe Saxons came over in three flups i but, having thriven fo well here, Hengift, who was a wife man, prevailed upon the king, firft to give him leave to build a caftle, and then to bring over a freih fupply of his countrymen, which he accordingly did, in a fquadron of eighteen fliips* With them came over Rowena^ the daughter of Hengift, a very beautiful and artful woman, whom Vortigern married, quitting, for her fake, his former queen, by whom he had three fons ; and, inviting over, by her fuggcllions, a vaft number of Saxons, he thereby fo irritated the Britons, that they rcfolved to depofe him j which accord*, ingly they did, and fct up his fon p. The name of 'his young prince was Vortimer, a bfavc and worthy man •>. He immediately raifed an army, and, as fad as he could, equipped a fleet, while his degenerate fathef meanly fided with ftrangers againft his fubjcfts. The Britifli writerg fay, that Vortimer defeated the Saxons in four battles } the firft on the river Derwent ; the fecond at Ailesford, in Kent, where Horfa was flain j the third was on the fea-lhore, on the lofs of which they fled to the ifle of Thanet, where they thought they fliould have been fafe ; but Vortimer having now revived the fpirits of his fubje£ls, and withal got together a conGder^ able fleet, the Savons found themlelves obliged to try their for*. ^une in a nava? engagement, in which they were beaten for the fourth time, and obliged to fly home, leaving their wives and children, behind them in the ifle of Thanet, nor had they evet returned if -Vortimer had lived j but he was fliortly after poi- foned, by the contrivance of his mother-in-law ^ It is truc^ the Saxon chronicle takes no notice of any of thefe battles, ex* cept that of Ailesford ; wherein they fay they were vi£boribus, but acknowledge that Horfa was there killed j which conccf- ilon, with the circumfliance of the Saxons never owning they were beat at all, fccms to fupport the credit of the Oritifh hiftory. P Chronicon. Saxon, ad. ann. Dom, 44p. Witlchln. de rebui Saxon. Hb. I« Hift. Brit. lib. iv. cap. 10,11,11. fl A. D. 463. ' Hift. flric, lib. iv. cap. 13, 14. Vit. hift. lib. vii, After t)FTHE BRITONS. After H After the death of Vortimer, the Britons unaccountably in- vited Vortigern again to the throne. He, perfiftirig in his old Tentiments, recalled HengiH:, who foon brought over fuch crowds of Saxonsi that when the king would have reftrained hitn, it was not in his power j, infomuch, that aft^r fome fruit- lefs ftriiggles^ he at length fled into Wales, and left the befl part of the ifland to their mercy i and thus, as their own wri- ters agree, not more by their own valour, than by the weak* hefs of an u&orious kiiig, the Saxons firfl feated themfelves ia Britain. In this period of time, Aurelius Ambrofius, the fecond Ton bf Conidantine was become a nlan j and being invited by the Britons to profecute his claim to the crown, he got together a good fleet, and embarking thereon ten thoufand men, landed at Totnefs *. The firft thing he did was to purfue Vortigern, whom he defeated and deiliroyed i and then turned his arms 9gainfl the Saxons, whom he defeated alfo in feveral battles : aild in one of them ilew the famous Hengift, either in fight, or, as the Britiih hiilory reports, after he bad made him pri- foner ^ It is true, there is no notice taken of this in the Saxou nnnals ^ but then they fay nothing of what happened in that year ; but tell us in the next, that Efca fucceeded Hengi(V, which is a circuniHiahce very favourable to the account which we have given ; iince, as we before obferved, there is no inftance of their commemorating any defeat, though in fetting down their -viclories they Are very exa£l. Upon this viilory, Aureliuf made a peace with the Saxons, and was, not long after, at their itiitigsttlbn poifoned. It is very remarkable, that Paulus piaco* hus " mentions this Britifh king> and tells uS) that by his valour he fupported his finking country. Uther, furnamed Pendragon, that is, dragon's head, from his bearing the head of a dragon in his enfigns ^, fucceeded his brotherj and carried on the war againil the Saxons fuccefs- fully fometimes, and at others was much diftrefled by them j fo that he was conftrained to treat them as the French after- wards did the NormAns j that is, to yield them provinces, and. content himfelf with homage, inftead of abfolut? fovereignty j * A. D. 481. t Hid. Britan. lib. viii. cap. 5, tf, 7. Hift. Milcel. lib. Kvi. " A. D. soo. \ . Vol. I. D Vit, bift, nil. vii. ' and ': ;:,r i !.: ' ill ■' 11 . ;■■!- iff ^' ■ . ■ '■"i i: #;■ ' :%\. ■i: 26 NAVAL HISTORY ill I and therefore, under his reign, we find feveral Saxon priiici^ palities eftabliihed in this ifland. It likewife appears from the Saxon annals, that feveral battles were fought againft the Bri- tons in his reign, though he is never mentioned ; becaufe, in thofe annals, they fpeak of no Britifli princes, except fuch as Were by them either beaten or killed. In his reign alfo the kingdom was invaded from Ireland ; but by the courage of this prince the enemy was repulfed, and the public tranquillity rC" ilored ; to preferve which, he equipt a very confiderable fleet, and this, together with his dominion?, he left to his fon the famous Arthur *. This prince, whofe glory, like that of many other martial xnonarchs, turns more to his prejudice than advantage, by gi- ving an air of fable to his hiftory, and bringing his real deeds in queftion, through the extravagant pains beftowed by thofe who recorded them ; this worthy prince, I fay, atchieved great things, and intended greater ">. Our learned antiquary Leland long ago vindicated the reputation of his vi£^ories againft the cavils of the critics ; who, becaufe they do not find things ex- a£tly written in barbarous times, when indeed it is well they were written at all, will have them to be abfohtte fables ; as if the memory of fa€ls could not outlive their circamftances, the contrary of which every day demonftrates to be a truth. My defign will not permit me to fay more upon this fubje£l ; nor indeed had I faid io much, if Arthur had not been one of the moft eminent of our naval heroes. For he, as the Britifh hif^ tory informs us, which Mr. Selden did not difdain to tranfcribe» annexed to his kingdom of Britain the fix infular provinces, via. Ireland, Iceland, Gothland, the Orcades or Orkneys, Nor- way, and Denmark ==, which throwing ofF the yoke under the reign of his fuccefTor, were once more recovered by King Malgo, though held by the Britons after that but for a little time. Thins we have brought down the naval hiftory of this ancient nation to thfe time of its declenfion, and their being compelled by the Saxons to retire into Wales, and the counties adjacent thereto, where, according to their own hiftorians, the Britons « Jlift. BiiMn. lib. viil. cap. 14. Vit. IM. lib. yii. » HilK Britan. lib. ix. cap. 10. VU. hilt. lib. viil. T A. D, i37. for OF THE BRITONS. 27, Ibrfevera ages preferved fome maritime ftrength. If any one fiiould eiteem this (o much time thrown away, and fhould fur- mife that it had been better we had begun our hiftory lower, that we might bave written with more certainty; the anfwer is ready, and I hope fatisfafkory. Many of our wifeH: antiquaries are of opinion, that we derive our excellent conflitution from the Britons, their laws being tranflated by tEe command of the Saxon princes, and incorporated with their own. If then their conftitution might be the model of ours, why not their naval dominion the foufce of ours f We are the defcendents of the Saxons ; but then they were the fucceilbrs of the Britons, and did not think it beneath them to claim under them in this re- j^e£t Thus the glorious King Edward I. in a letter he wrote to the Pope, in aiTerting his fovereignty over Scotland, derives it from the couqueft of Arthur ; fo that, it feems, his a£ls were matter of record and hiftory then, though in the eyes of fome they pafs for faUes now. On ihe whole, therefore, if it be right to trace a title as high as pofllble, that is, as high as vouchers can be found to fupport it j we are well juftified as to the paiits we have taken ; and as to the certainty of later re- cords, as we (late them in their proper periods, we lofe noting by Ihewing whence they are derived. It may not be amifs to obferve, th^t ve follow (bme very greAt authorities, in paying this refpe.ft to the Britifli hiftory. Camden himfelf, though he fafpe^s it inthegrofs, yet fupports many hiftorical parages in his great work of the defcription of Britain from l^ennius, and other Britifh writers. The Scottiih hiftorian Bach^naq, though he treats the work of Qeoffrey of Monmouth with gi^eftt contempt, yet acknowledging the hiftory of Arthuri gives more light into fome parts of it than any other author. The profound Selden, who ftudied our antiquities with equal application and judgment, proceeds likewife in this traft. To conclude, the immortal Shakefpear, whofe works proclaim him as true a i>atriot as he was a poet, ftiewed a ftrong inclination to preferve the memory of our Britifh >yorthies, by dedicating to their honour feveral of his plays, fuch as, the tra- gedy of King Lear, Cymbeline, Locrine, isfc. and the fublime Milton had thoughts of doing the fame ; though he fcems to have altered his mind when he wrote his hiftory. Jf fo little certainty occur in wh.it the world has generally if full f i1 4. m I Pi m\ i I'. iM m f P ■ ■ 1 / • 2$ NAVAL HISTORY i'ilj' cftcemcd matters of moment, wc may very well fuppofet tha^ there is lefs ftill to be gleaned from ancient writers, within thi^ period, in reference to commerce ; yet fomething there is, for what was there., faye the third of gain, that could cftablifh a regular intercourfe between countries fo diftant as Phoeniciai and the Britifh ifles : yet fuch a correfpondence the^e was, not^ are we left quite in the dark as to the motives upon which it was founded. The Phoenicians, in thofe early days the greateit traders in the w;orld, yifited thefe iflands for the fal^e of theiii tui, which was excellent in its kind, and of which they had great plenty, and for this reafon they beftowed upon them the ^ame of Cafliterides *, the reader will permit me to give him two inftances with refpeft to the commercial fpirit of thofe ages, which are equally inftru^live and entertaining. It was in Spain, in v^hich the Phoenicians had potent colonies and fruitful territories, that they fixed the ftaplc of their trade, with thofe iflands before-mentioned, and fo jealous it feems, they were of having their route to the Britifh Indies difcoyered, that a (hip laden with tin being chaced by a Romaiji vcffel o^ greater force, the captain and owneri wilfully run her on fhore, that he might have a chance for drawing his eager enemy into^ the fame misfortune, or at lead, be fecure of preventing his rich cargo f^om falling into his hands, and thereby tempt the Romans to think of opening a pafTage to thofe iflands them- felves. This conduft of his was not only approved, but ap» plauded by his countrymen, v^ho made him arnple fatisfadion, for his cargo, Wc are indebted for this intelligence to Strabo ^^ one of the mofl: learned and authentic writers of antiquity. The other pafl*age is to be met with in Solinus«=, who alTures us, that a Strabo, Oregon lib. iii. p. 147. Thefe iflandt are flyled Callitcridci fronj^ the Greek word xurcriTi^ot which' fjgnifiei tin } juft at from the Latin word flaw num we have formed (lanneriet to fignify tin worki. In the like manner itaoug the Indian nation tailed the Drangi, there wai a city named Cafljteron from its leing a great mart for tin. Stephanus, de urbibjis, alio mentions in the Indian /ea an ifland called Caflitera for the fame reafon. b Qeogr. lib. iii. p. 17$. Where we have exprefs mention, that the Romans were exccfdingly folicitous to intercept fome of thele tin (hips. <= De Britannis, cap. xxv. He fays, they have no markets there, and will not < deal with ftrangcri oiherwife than by barter. But Strabo, in the place before eltcd, mentions them as a fober and civilized people, who wore commonly black gumcMS, and particularly an inner or under robe reaching down to their ancles, girt under their breads with a girdle, and walking commonly with flaves in tlicir hands. the OF THE TRITONS. ^9 the inhabitants of the Caffiterides would not part with their va- luable commodities for money j but infifted upon having goods for goods i now this could not arife from a fpirit of barbarity- for the ufe of money Was known to the Britons, though the metal they made ufe of for that purpofe was either copper or iron, but flowed frp^n a fpi^i^ of traffic;, and there is nothing ab. furd in fuppoiing that they either re-exported thefe foreign Commodities, or manufactured fome of them, and then fold (hem to other nations <• 5 there being no greater fkill required for that, than for extracting and refining metals, -f- - The goods and comniodities of Britain in thcfe early day$ were corn, cattle, hides, hounds, pearls, lead, ti«^, filyer, and gold. The two firft metals were of their own growth ; but for the two laft, I prefii.me they had tliem.from other^ nations ii^ exchange. In procefs of time, when, by their intercourfe witlx the Romans, they Vf^re grown more polite, the Britons not doubt extended their trade j and though we haye no autl^oritie? to enable us to give 9, diftinO: account of this matter ; yet there ^s a paiTage in Tacitus, which proves it in the general very ftrongly y for he affures us, that the people of Cornwall, by their conftant intcrcourfe with traders, became more courteous and civil than ^he reft of their cpuntrymen*. And the fame obferyation occurs in another ancient writer f; (b that notwith> fianding the obf^urity in wh^ch this fubjed is involved, we hava the cleareft certainty, that our anceftors, ev6n in the mofl re^ mote ages, knew the value of their native commodities, and^ in confequence of that knowledge, procured for their own ufe thofe of other nations j and therefore thefe fafts, drawn froni Greek and Latin writers, whofe ai^thorities alone will pafs fof. evidence with the critics, ought at leaft to have fo much weig' ^ as to render what is fnid to the fame pyrpofe in the Britiia hiftory oJF our intercourfe with the northern nations, not «ithec, fo incredible, or ridiculous^ as fome would reprefent it. There can be no doubt made, that when the Romans had fully fubdued all the fovitherii part of this ifle, atxd had introdu- d I might have cited Strabo alfo !n fupport of what is here advanced. He In- forms Hi, that notwith (landing all the precantloni taken by the PhtKnieianc* thic navigation could not be long concealed from the Romans. Piihlint CrafliN was the firft of their capuins who viflted thefe iflei, who found thHnhabitaoti very much addi<\ed to peace and cooimerce by Tea. e Tacit, in Vit. Ajric. i Diodor, Sicul. ccd i; -1, l'.\, m J 1. ;,■ III .* 'it'll II- ■if}* 1 - .' >;■ 1 i 1 tt' ( ■ 3» NAVAL HISTORY I f :,4 , or, as another affirms, eighty thoufaiad citi- zens K Now, at that time, it is agreed, that London was pojt fo conilderable a place as Verulam, and befides the Roman ge- neral had withdrawn out of London all who were willing to quit the place i fo that, as Tacitus exprefsly tells us, there were none left behind, except fuch as, through age and infirmities, were unable to leave it, or fuch as were fo taken with the de- lights of it, that even the approaching danger could not in- duce them to leave it '. If therefore, under thefe circumltanr ces, fuch numbers were killed in two places only, we mud con- clude from thence, that the country, under the obedience of the Romans, was very populous. Yet in fuccecding tinws, when they were'blefled with a long and general peace, the Roman dominion much farther extended, and beyond all comparifpn better fettled, the fouthern parts of Britain niuft have attaine4 to a far more flourifhing condition. g See what our learned Camden fays npon this fubjcdt, in his admirable Bri* tannia, (peaking of the Romans in Britain. h Bifhop Stillinglleet, in Ims difcourre concerning the antiquity cf London, i« Clfie fecond volume of his Eccleflanical Cafef. I Tacitus in Vit, Agric. Sec alfo our excellent countryman Mr. Bolton, in his mod judicious and elegant work, eniitSed Nero C phiiin. p. 1(58. See alfo Eutrop. Epitom. hift. Rom. lib. vii. i It isob(er<- yea by Tacitus, that it was the great opulence of ibcfc pbcei which cxpofcd rii!;m to tbc fury of the Britons. OF THE BRITONS. 3i icy muft nging Ui ifequent- I believe, ces held I a moft the Ro- , I rathef le of the and re- ent as to Hrians re- ; Britons, ke under ai>dLon- »rian fays, ifaad citi- ti was pot, ^oman ge- willing to here were iifirmities, the de- Id not in- cumftan- iiuft con- p of the es, when Roman >mparirQn 1^ attaine4 lirable Bri- I London, in [. Bolton, ia Dio. in Xi> I I It isobler'* |ich (xpofed Wc We have very large, and very accurate accounts of the feve- ral colonies planted, the many fortrefles raifed, and the difpofi- tion of the great roads, which, with infinite diligence, and no lefs (kill, the Romans caufed to be raifed through all parts of Etigland. We have very learned and very curious differtations upon their infcriptions, coins, and other antiquities, which have cfcaped the (harp teeth of time, and have been preferved to our day } all which plainly (hew, that they were a very ingenious and polite, as well as a great, a wife, and a brave people ">. But ftill there feems to be wanting a political view of the Ro- man government in Britain, and of its efie£ls, towards which, as occafion offered, we have given fome hints in this chapter; but the thing mofl: evidently deferves to be couddered much more at large } and if it was attempted by any learned and able perfon, it would without queftion afford both entertainment and inftrufiion. - This would be now a much eaHer talk than in former times, when fo little was known of thofe matters, that muft be previ- oufly underftood, before any certain and diftin^l notions can be formed about it ; but when thefe matters are tolerably well fet- tled, and when there is no longer any difficulty of obtaining a tolerable view of the ftate of Britain, while it remained a Ro- man province, it would be much more ufeful to endeavour at colle£ting a rational view of their government, civil and milita- ry, the number of the inhabitants of their feveral towns diilin-* guiflied into proper claffes, the flrength of their forces main- tained here at different times, the feveral improvements that Were made while they were in poffeffion of the ifland ; for that they did make improvements, their hiftorians affirm, and the monuments ftill remaining prove ; all which would contribute to give the generality of readers better ideas of the Roman power and wifdom, than they are like to attain from the pe- rufing dry difcourfes, about the difference of letters upon infcrip- tions, or the ufe of this or that inftrument in facrifices "* That during the ilourifhing ftate of the Roman empire, their provinces here had a full fhare of this profperity, and that the Britons, who "> See the many diAMurfes of our famous antiquaries, Camden, Solden, Biir« ton, &c. but more efpecially Horfeley's Bricannia Romana. B I do not pretend to condemn thefe inquiries, but only intimate my w!(h they were applied to feme mere material points. lived i-% m i'' v.- ;. ■ ■ I t ■ m > < <■ 3i K AV A L H I S t d k Y, life. live J in fubje£lion, copied their manners, till thejr were cbirupi ted by their luxury ; which^ with the (hare they bad frequently taken in the civil wars of the empire, rendered them aH eafy prey to barbarous invaders, is cdmmonly known, and well enough underilood ; but as to the particulars before-mentioned, which would enable us to make a cdmparifon between the con^ dition of the people in this iilaud^ then, and in fucceeding times^ We know very little^ and our want of knowledge in this refpe6V^ has been the fource of a great variety of errors, that one would ividi to fee cdufuted and expofedj is they deferve°. I ' ** What gives me concern is, to fee our writers fo enthnfiaitically fond of t(«> eiaii puwcr, aud Ht dnreafonably fetere Upon the findent Briconi. '■'i •i.i ■■-!,: •i yt-v ' ■ ruiff^ ~ :' ' / .' :;^«'^-- . • . \ -,. ■• '"■- .>■•' ,■" . ,■ > ■ ' ■ , ^ ■ ' *♦ '■^. --%;, r'" .^~ '^^^■flfSf- ■- twVn ij 1 , •'::. t „ ■•'•> ^,^'. . (I' . t. I >^,'. ':' ',^^_ .r/. , i^. » i '. * C 33 i n rrri-f I V E S O F T H E ADMIRALS: INCLUDING A KEW AND ACCURATE NAVAIi HISTORY. C H A P. II. The Nival Hiftoty of the Saxons, from their firft feat- ing themfelves in this ifland, to their being fubdued by the Danes. Containing the Tpace of about 500 years. WE have Very copious accounts of the ancient Saxons, before they cranfported themfelves out of Germany, as well in other authors as their own *. They defend- ed themfelves againft the Romans with equal firmnefs and fuc- cefsy manifefting the love of liberty, not only by a generous con- tempt of death in the fiel4, but alfo by ftudioufly avoiding luxu- ry in times of peaC'S; for which they are deiervedly famous **, On the declenfion of the Roman empire, they became noted for their piracies at fea ; inibmuch, that the emperors were forced to create a new officer here in Britain, called the Count of the Saxon coaft, purely to repel their invafions '', In fucceeding * ^V^itichindal de k-ebui Saxon. Tacit, de mofib. German. Sidon. Apollinar. Ammian. Marcellin. hilt. lib. xxM-iii. Bed. hia. ecclef. lib. i. cap. 15. b Ta- cit, ubifupra. Ammian. Marcellin. lib. xiv. cap. 3. " Notit. dignitat.'' btcid. cap. >a. Imp, Scaligtr Kd Aufon. lib. ii^ cap. tf. fie OuUel. Camden, in Briian. p. pft. ' , Vol. L fi timtB, m '•■ 11} hi h ■ ■ ; If m m 1 i 1% -- , ... 'v-i: I; ' •''! I'^li j .jf!: \f!. 34 NAVAL HISTORY times, they infeftcd the coafts of France as well as Britain, and began to threaten greater exploits than they had hitherto under- taken <«. We mlift, however, obferve, that they were ftyled pirates only by their enemies* who felt the cffefts of their arms } for, as to themfelves, they looked on this courfe of life as a noble and neceflary employment, for reafons which will prcfemly appear. The Saxon writers fay> that they were inyited into Britain by King Vortigcrn, in order to aflift him againft the Scots and Pi£ls ; but as wc before obferved, the Britilh hiftorians differ from them in this particular, and aiTert^Hengift and Horfa land- ing with their forces in Kent, King Vortigern, who was thea at Canterbury, fent lor them, and received them into his fer- vice, without any previous invitation. This account is very na- tural and the circumftances attending it highly deferve the rea- der's notice. As foon as they were brought before him, fays my author *, he caft his eyes upon the two brothers, who ex- celled all the reft both in nobility and gracefulnefs of perfon ; 9nd having taken a view of the whole company, aiked them of what ctmotry they were, and what was the occailon of theii coming mto his kingdom ? To whom Hengift (whofe years and wifdom intitled him to a precedence)) in the name of the reft,, made the folbwing anfwer : Mod noble king ', Saxony, which is one of the countries of Germany, was the place of our birth* and the occailon of our coming, was to offer our fervice to youy or fome other prince. For W€ were driven out of our native country, fer no other reafoa, but that the eftablifhed ttfage of the kingdom required it. It k the cuftoni of that place, that when it comes to be overftocked with people, our princes from the provinces meet together, and command all the youth of the kingdom to afl«mble before them ; then, cading lots, they make choice of the ftrongeft, and ableft of them, to go into foreign climates, to procure them a fubfiftcncc, and free their native country from i fuperfiuous multitude of people^ Our region, therefore, of late being adlually overftocked, our princes met } and, after lots caft, made choice of the youth d EihelwerJ. Wft. lib. i. Hcnric. Hunibgd. lib. ii. Sidon. ApoUinar. lib. viii. Fpift. aAngle9| Mid-Angles, Merciansg and Northumbrians. As for the Jutes, they fettled in Kent, and in the Ifle of Wight } and, ,in this laft-mentioned place,. f Chron. Saxon, ad A. D. 449. E Wirtchindui 4^' rebus Saxon. Hb, ix. dtp. ». Vic. hift. lib. vti. h Nenniui hid. Biic«n. . E 2 ' • their 1;: .';'• ) I i . J i .1 \¥i ■\ '. r.' t- • 'IP-' mi' 3d NAVALHISTORY their poftcrlty remained fo long unmixed, that, feveral ages after, the wed Saxons called the inhabitants of that iiland Jutes i. For fome conHderable fpace from their firft fettlement, they encouraged frefh fupplies, and . fometimes whole colonies to come over ; but, after they had fecured their pofTeflions, and fixed their refpeftive principalities, they turned their views enr tirely to the care of things at home, and very imprudently con- cluded, that keeping up great armies would fecure them from foreign invafioq. It was near three hundred years before they became abfolute lords of that part of the ifland, which they called England ^ } and in this fpace, one Saxon prince or other entertaining all new comers in his fervice, with a view of de-r fending his own dominions, or encroaching on thofe of his neighbours, there were few rovers on the cpaft. ?ut in pro- cefs of time, the Saxons changed their policy, and, by ftudy-r ing to keep the ifland to themfelves, created a greater mifchief than that which they endeavoured to avoid ; for* while they re- ceived and employed foreigners in their wars, their inteftine di^ viflons did not depopulate their kingdoms) one evil balancing^ the other. Yet* now, the confequence of this managements and their altering their conduct, brought upon them a greater mifchief; for it drew over fuch f^oals of ftrangers in hopes of employment and fettlement, that tlie Saxons, in their own der fence, were pbliged to fortify their coaft. Though they had the example of the Britons before them, they fuflfered them? felves to be diftreifed for want of a naval ftrength ; not ha- ving learned, as yet, that unerring maxim in policy. That power- is heft pref^rved by t^e ufe pf thofe meaiis by whi9h it was ob- tained. In one thing, they either followed the old Britifli model, or ^rough( the like cuftom with them from Germany, viz. allow- ing a pre-eminence tp one of their princes, who, while the reft governed only within their refpedlive dominions, had the fupe- rlority py^r the whole j and thence, by way of diilin£lion, was •X: ■•> ■Mi' I Chronicon. SaJcon. p. i», 13, Gul. Malmcfb. de gcflis reg. Angl. lib. J. cap. I. Henric. Huntingdon, hid. lib. ii. Vit, hid. lib. viii. k Chronicon. Suon. ad Ana. Dotn. T43. •ti^^'.-i it . OF THE SAXONS. 37 flyled King of the Engliflimen >. This oifice, in feme fort, re- fcmbled that of a dilator, and, like it, was fometimes ufeful, fometimes detrimental and at lafl fatal to the people. Offa, the eleventh king of the Mercians, having attained this dignity, began to (hew a difpoiition of ruling abfolutely over his neigh- bours ) for which he was better qualified than any of his pre- decefTors, haviig parts, as well as power, fuperior to mod of his ccnteinporaries ". His ambition, however, united the Bri- tiih princes in Wales, and the Saxon kings in England, in an alliance againil him ; but he baffled their united force, ^ much by his wifdom as by the Arcngth and fuccefs of his arms. To fecure himfelf againftthe incurfions of the Britons, he threw up 9 ftrong entrenchment, which began near the mouth of the ri- ver Dee, and, running along the mountains, ended at the fall of the Wye, near Briflol, This ftupendous work the Britons called, in their own language, Clawdh Offa^ and the remains pf it are ftill known by the name of Offa's ditch" ; and having thus fecured himfelf on this fide, he turned his forces againd: his Saxon neighbours. They, in their diflrefs, applied them- felves to Charles the Great, king of France, for protedion, who wrote letters in a high ftyle to Offa, exhorting, or rather commanding him to defiil: from his «iterprizes. But thefe, in- ftead of producing the defired effeft, engaged that magnani^ mous prince to turn his thoughts on the proper means of fecu- ring his dominion? from foreign attempts, which he foon faw could no other way be done, than by keeping up a naval force. jfle therefore applied himfelf to the raifinga confiderable fleet} yrhich rendered him fo formidable, that Charles, who was al- ready very powerful, and who became afterwards emperor, and in a manner lord of the continent, was glad to embrace his friendfliip ; and accordingly an alliance was negotiated between them by Alcuiqus, or Albinus, a perfon diftinguiflied for his great learning, and other accomplifhments, of which we have Hill remaining many authentic teftimbnies "*, This ftep procu- red OfFa both peace and reputation during the remainder of his I See Speed's Chronicle, in his account of the Saxon government. »" A. D. 75I« ■ Guliclm. Malmc/b. de geftis rcg. Angl. lib. ii. Ethelweid. Chropic. lib. ii. c^p. 19. Roger Hovcnd. p. 409. oGulielm. MalmeO). de geftU reg. Angl. lib. i. cap. s. Alculn. cpcr. in epift. p. 1CC9. lifbi I* Si: 'i I'l :\ 0' V . -■-- :< f % iis J, NAVAL HISTORY life i fo that, in fpite of the efforts df his eljcmies, he died qoictly, after a glorious, rfeign of thirty-nind years p, leaving to his fucceffors this nfeful ieflbn, That he who will be fecure on land, muft be fuprctnc at fea ". It rouft be obfdnred, that it was under the reign of tht« prince that the Danes firft fet foot in England j and, if they had al- ways met with fuch a reception as they then did, thtfy had »erf probably abandoned all hopes of fixing here ; for they were immediately forced to put to fea, and fome of them were flain <^ A little after his death, they began to infeft the coaft of Nor« thumberland, where thCy did incredible mifchicf j fpreadirr^ ihemfeltes over the country like locafts ;. and when they had €aten up all they could meet with, where they ftrft landed, Eoifted fail for fome new place. It happened unfortunately, that the remains of the Britons had ftill fo inveterate a hatred againft the Saxons, that, inftead of joining with them to re- prcfs thefe new invaders, which was certainly their intereft, they, on the contrary, affifted them againi^ their old opprelfors. Ecgbryht, king of the Wefb-Saxons, having raifcd himfclf to- the fovereignty of England, equipped a fleet, and defeated a JDanifh fquadron of thirty-five fliips, at Charmouth, in Dorfet- fliire, with prodigious flaughter ; yet this did not hinder them two yearsr after, from landing with a vaft force in Wales, where they were joined by their confederates the Britons. King Ecgbryht oppofed tl^m, both with a fleet and army ; and though he was not able to do much by fea, yet, coming to a general engagement on fhore; he broke entirely the enemy, compelling the Britoris to fly to the mountains, and the Danes to their (hips *. This kind of war was long continued, and exceedingly weakened the Saxons. Tlieir authentic chronicle informs us, that King EthelAan, in the life-time of his father, commanded the Britiih fleet, and, off Sandwich, defeated the Danes in ti bloody battle, taking nine of their fliips, and ob- liging the refl: to leave the coaft •, yet, foon after, they returned with three hundred and fifty fail j and landing, took Canter- bury, and other places i and afterwards London ^ From this P a'. i>. 79 j. 1 Chrortlcon. Saxon, p. 6$. r Ibi«l. »c] Ann. DomvjBT. • Ibid, ad Ann. Doift, 833, 83J. « Jbid, ad Ann, Dom. 8; J, • '■'^''''*" O F T H B SAXONS. 39 he died caivitig td 'ecure on lis prince ' had al>^ had very icy were ere ftaln''.' t of Nor- fpreadlng they had fl landed y rtonately» c a hatred :m to re- r intereft, [)ppreffor». himfelf to- defeated a in Doffet- nder them ileSj where ns. King rmy \ and ming to a e enemy, the Danes Inued, and chronicle is father, fcated the ^9, andob- [y returned ik Canter- From this [bid. ad Ann. |l Ann, Dom. time forward, the Saxons in a manner abandoned all thoughts of naval afFairs, and fought only how to fortify their cities, and defend themfeWes as well as they could againft their barbarous enemies, after they were landed. This was a fatal miftake i for, by thus permitting the enemy to laed without interruption, fmall bodies of Danes, whom they might eafily have cut oft", had they attacked them feparately, united themietves into irre- £{Vible armies ; and, being by degrees accuftomed to con we have authentic memoirs of his reign, one cannot but be amazed at the fagacity he difcovered in providing a kind of fhips of a new conflrudlion, devifed by himfelf; which gave him infinite advantages over people continually pra^ifed in naval arma* inents, and whofe experience, therefore, ought to have render^ ed them his fuperiors in navigation. He coniidered with him- felf, that as the fleets of thefe invaders were frequently built I in a hurry, hailily drawn together, meanly provided, in refpe^i: to vi(^uals and rigging, and crowded with men, a few ihips of I a larger fize, built in a new manner, of well feafoned mate- rials, thoroughly fupplied with ammunition and provifion, and I manned by expert feamen, muft at fir A light furprife) and, in the courfe of an engagement, deftroy numbers without any! great hazard to themfelves. In purfuance of this projedl, he| caufed a certain number of (hips to be built, capable of hoUU ing, each, fixty rowers, and as in that, double in all other re' fpc£\8 to the largeft ftiips then in ufe. Thefe he fent to feaj \i\\\\ an exprefs prohibitioni not either to receive or give quar- ter ij infupc afraid my, " Ch de gcfti y Lii Vo OF THE SAXONS. 41 ter ; but to put to death all who fell into their power *. In- (lru£tions perfe^ly fuited to the defign on which thefe (hips were fitted out, and to the circumftances the king's affairs then were in. In faying this, we only copy ancient authors, who are loud in the praifes of Alfred, and take abundance of pains to pofTcfs their readers with high ideas of his wifdom, courage, and other virtues. But it will perhaps be more fatisfa^ory, the nature of this work efpecially confidered, to examine this mat- ter a little more clofely, and thereby convince fuch as will pay a proper attention, that things were really as thefe writers have ftated them, and that there was fomething truly ufeful, and at the fame time very extraordinary, in his invention; which, as we have (hewn, was intirely due to his fagacity and penetration. . :? The learned Sir John Spelman, who wrote an accurate life of this famous prince, feems to be in much uncertainty on this fubjefl : he is not able to determine, whether they were ftiips or gallics ; nor can he well reconcile the height of the veflel« to the number of nywcrsj but after having intimated many doubts, and cleared none of them, he leaves the reader in that perplexity into which he br cient writers fay of them, may be eafily conceived j and thence their great utility arofe. We have feen that, in point of num- bers, the king had no hope of equalling his enemies ; by this contrivance he removed that difficulty which feemed otherwife infuperablc: for, with a fquadron of thefe fhips, he was not afraid of attacking twice or thrice the fame number of the ene- my, becaufe the force of his fhips rendered thefe on board " chronic. Saxon, p. 98. Henrlc. Hiintingd. liiflor. lib. v. Gul. Malmeft). de gcOit regum Anglnrum, lih. !i. cap. 4. Rog, Hjvcdco. p, 410. y Life of King Alfred ihc Gre«t, p. ijo, 151. Vot, I. f them if t ,' ill !••;■ :!■ :l|;:' ■ J' '■ .1 il •^ NAVAL HISTORY % H m them able to deal with as many as they could grapple with | and, in cafe of the enemy*s having either the weather-gage or fomc other accidental advantage, their fwiftnefs enabled them to bear away; as, on the other baud, the ports were all their own. As to their inftruQions, we cannot call them cruel, be? caufe, whatever their enemies might' think of themfelves, they were certainly efteemed by the Saxons, and with good reafon, enemies to mankind; incapable, as experience had convinced them, of keeping faith, and therefore altogether unworthy of mercy. On the other hand, this feverity was neceflary for two reafons : firft, in refpcil: to fclf-dcfence. Thcfe fliips,, though large in comparifon of other veffels, were, however, not large fnough to contain prifoners with any fafety ; for we cannot ap- prehend that they carried, excluiive of rowers, above a hun? dred and twenty men, if fo many. Secondly, it was prudent for example fake, in order to ftrike a terror into thefe rovers, that they might he thereby hindered from infeding this ifland, and inclined rather to pcofecute their deGgns on fome other f:oaft. Add to all this another circumftance, preferved to us in the Saxon chronicle, and Alfred's wifdom will from thence moft inconteflibly appear. Thefe gallies were built after quite anot ther model than Frifian oc Danifh fhips ? : fo that they were wholly ftrang<5 to the enemy, who for a long time knew not bow to board them, though their courage might be great, and themfelvesj for the age in which they lived, able feamen. But it is now time to defcend to fadts, of which fome are very fvell worth the reader's notice?. The fame year that a few of ^hefe fliips were firft built «^, fix pirates of an unufual bignefs Jnfefted the Ifle of Wight and the coafts of Devon flii re. The king immediately ordered nine of his new veflels in queft of fhem, with inftru£tions to get, if poffible, between them and the Ihore. Three of the pirates, as foon as ihey perceived them, ran a-ground, but the other three flood out to fea, and boldly engaged the Icing's Ihips. Of thefe, two were taken, and all the men killed : the third indeed efcaped, but with five men only. They then attacl^ed the ll^ips which ran a-ground, and I' a Chronic. Saxon. A. D. 897. • Henric. Huntingd. hift. int. fcript. oft Bedam. p. 350, 351. Rog. Hovcden. p. 440, 411, Cliron. Saxon, p. 98. hfon. Joau. Bromptoji> int. x. hlQor. ad A. D. 8p7. •» A. D. B97. ' ' . killed t>t THE SAXONS. 43 killed i great number of men. At length the tide took them ofF, but in fo battered and leaky a condition, that it was with much difficulty they reached the coaft of the fouth Saxons, where, again running on ihore two of their veflels, the men en- deavoured to efcape, but were taken, and carried to Winchefter, and there, by order of the king, were hanged. The third vef- felj though the men in her were grievoufly wounded, efcaped ; and, in this fingle year, not iefs than twenty fhips, with all the men on board them, were deftroycd on the fouth coaft only ; which fufficiently demonftrates, what mighty advantages were derived from this happy invention of the king. If the reader (hould inquire how this fuperiority at fea was loft, we muft ob- fervc, that it was very late in trhe king's life before his experi« ence furnifhed him with light fufficient for this noble defign, which very probably his fucceftbrs wanted (kill to profecutc, though, as will be hereafter feen, they were moved by his ex- ample to make great efforts for preferving their territories on Ihore, by maintaining the fovereignty of the fea. Though this care of his own fleet was very commendable, yet the concern he (hewed for the improvement of navigation, the extending the commerce of his fubje£ls, and the difcovcr- ing and defcribing far'-diftant countries, deferves ftill higher commendation, becaufe the Hrft might be, in feme meafure, afcribed to neceflity, and ended only in the good of his own kingdom i whereas the latter was inconteftibly the fruit of an heroic genius, and might have been of ufe to all die nations of Europe. It was in order to farther thefe views, that he kept conftantly in his court, at a very great expence, the moft emi- nent men, for worth and knowledge, of all nations, fuch as Gauls, Franks, Germans, Frifons, Armortc Britons, beddes the inhabitants of every corner of the Britilh ifles ; of whom he in- quired, and from whom he learned whatever was known in thofe days, which the fequel will prove, was more than any of , the moderns imagine. Two inftances have been tranfqiitted, v with authentic circumftances, from his time to ours. The firft, his fending certain perfons to dlfcover the utmoft extent of the Arftic regions, and the poflibility of a pafiage on that fide to ' the north-eaft. The other, his correfpondence with the In- dies. Fa^s fo extraordinary in theirfclvcs, of fuch high im- F a ;' ' ' portance III S.»I V^M a; ill t ■•! I i 4# NAVAL HISTORY r ^■ portance in rcfpCiS; to the fubjeft of which this work treats, and hitherto left in fuch obfcurity by thofe who ought to have given us a better account of them, that I prefume my dwelling upon them will be confidercd ratlier a* a }uft tribute to Alfred's glorious memory^ and t6 the honour of this nation, than a» a tedious or unnecefiary digrcffion. Sir Johrt Spcltnan, who, as I before obferved, confidering the time in which he wrotc^ hath left us an excellent hiftory of this monarch, tells us % that he had been infofmed, there was in the Cotton library a memorial of a voyage of one O^her a Dane, performed, by this king's procin^ment, for the difcovery of a north-eaft paffage. This paper, . he fays, he could never fee ; but he judged, and I think with reafon, that it contained nothing more than the relation of that voyage, printed in the colleflions 6f Hakluyt and Purchas, which are in every bodylfr hands ; and,, if there bad been no better account of the matter^ even that would have dcferved much attention. There is, how- ever, a much more perfeA copy of this relation inferted in the Saxon verfion of Orofius, made by King Alfred himfelf «*, whereby it appears, that Ohther, for f<> he is called in this au- thentic raanufcript, was a native of Halgoland, which lies in 66'^ df north latitude i a man of great fubftance> of more than or- dinary Ikill in navigation, and perfeftly acquainted with the commerce of the north. He furveyed the courts of Norway and Lapland by the direftion of King Alfred, and prefented him not dnly with a clear defcription of thofe countries and their inhabi- tants, but alfo brought him fome of the horJ'e-whalc's teeth, which were then efteemed more valuable than ivory, and gave him a good account of the whale-fiftiing. lliis probably encou- raged the king to fend Wulfftan, an Englifliman, to view thefe northern countries, of which he alfo gave him a relation. Both thcfe narratives are Written with fuch accuracy in point of geo- graphy, fo much plainrteft and probability in refpe6t to fafts, and arc intermixed with fuch juft and prudent obfcrvations, that « I,ife of KIHR Alfred the Orear, p. ijr. * There it a fulr copy of tlii» among Junius'* MSS. in the Bodleian lihrary. Tlie narrative here mentioned, together with a Latin trsnfljtion of the Saxon eriginal, is inferted In the appendix to the Laiin veifion of Sir John Spclmau's Uicol Alfred, publilbed by Walker, ubcuca thc]e UCli arc ukcn. whoever choice who ho to retui goods, curiofit as the bifhop tiHcal h us, it n when even in left to Ii ftionabi Aflcr oi « The printed oi in 1658. •?»i, Svc i; OF THE SAXONS. k§ vhoex'cr (hall take the trouble of comparing them with what the famous Olaus Magnus, archbifhop of Upfal, wrote many hun- dred years afterwards of the fame countries % will ftand ama- zed, and readily confcfs, that the age of Alfred was an age of good fenfe, and far fuperior in knowledge to thofe which fuc- cceded it, there being nothing of fable or improbability in what Ohther or Wulfftan deliver, but all exactly conformable to what the difco\reries of the laft and prefcnt age have taught us. Hence I muft beg leave to infer, that what we read of fleets fent fo far north by the Britons, is far from being fo incredible as fome critics would make us believe } for we can hardly ima- gine, ha' fred fhould ever think of fuch an expedition, with^^- fon: revious information , and that he might have thefe from the Britons will appear very probable, if we confider what is related in their hiftories, and that Affer of St. David's, a learned Briton, was one of this king's moft intimate friends, and wrote the memoirs of his reign f, addrcfTed to himfelf, which are yet extant. As to the Indian voyage, it was occasioned chiefly by the king's charity, who, hearing of the diftrefs of the Chriftians of St. Thomas, refolved to fend them relief. The perfon he made choice of was one 'Suithclm, called in Latin Sigelmusy a prieft, who honeftly executed his commifFion, and was fo fortunate as to return back, bringing with him an immenfe treafure of India goods, and amongfl them precious ftones, perfumes, and other curiofities, of which the king made prefents to foreign princes : as the reward of fo acceptable a fervice, Sigelmus was made bifliop of Sherburn j and William of Malmefoury, in his pon- tifical hiftory, gives us a diflintt account of this voyage, and tells us, it not only {\ruck with wonder fuch as lived in the time when it was performed, but was confidcred with admiration even in the age in which he lived, adding, that Sigelmus had left to his church feveral of thcfe Indian curiofities, as unquc- iVionable evidences of fo extraordinary a thing s. It is true that Afler of St. David's, whom we before mentioned, fays notliing * The title of this hook is, VLiJioria de gentihus fcptentrhmtlihus, Szc. It was printed originally at Rome in 1^55 ill folio, and there is a:i Etigiilh u^nfl3ti.)n in 1658. f Tlic lad edition of thi» venerable woric was printed at Oxfuni, A. D. i7ix, 8vo. S Gul. Malmclb. de geftis pontiiic. Anglurum, lili.ii. p. 147,448. .. - . ■ ■ M. i * It ■![ I t i'i ■'. ' tA , ■■' > i ^' I fl 1 I ;' 1 m 1- n 1l- ■■ ?i f;ti \H 4^ NAVAL HISTORY of this Indign voyage, though he is very particular ill whatevrf relates to the power, fplendour, or reputation of that monarch. But it would be a raflx and unjuft conclufion to argue from his filence, that no fuch voyage was performed. Afler, as appears from a paflage in his memoirs, wrote them in the year 893, at which time Sigclmus was not returned. But it is very remark^ able, that under the year 887, which was that wherein Sigelmus fet out, Afler celebrates the king's extenlive correfpondencc, and the great court that was paid him by princes and other per-^ fons of eminence, in all parts of the world, and he particularly mentions letters from Abel patriarch of Jerufalem, Which he faw «nd read ^ ; and thefe very probably were the very letters which occafioned the king's fending Sigelmus. Add to this, that Afler died foon after the return of this great traveller, who fucceeded him in the bifliopric of Shcrburn ■ ) fo that the whole of this nar- ration is perfectly clear, and well conn^£i:ed. It may not be amifs to obferve, that thefe Chrifliians of St« Thomas inhabit the penin* fula of India, and that the commodities, which Sigelmus is faid to have brought back, are precifcly thofe of their country. Sir John Spelman obferves farther upon this fubjedl, that the value and ufe of thefe curiofities being little known here, the king fought out for artifts of all forts, particularly goldfmiths and jewellers, ,for the working of them : and fuch were the defedts of thofe times, and fo excellent was the faculty of the king in every thing he turned his hand unto, as that even in thofe works alfo, the artificers themfelves, and their arts, received improve- ment from his invention and dire^ion, while they followed his genius, and manufa£lured that he defigned for them ^ And, as if there was fomething peculiar in the for ne of this prince, wc have ftill remaining a proof of what is here advanced; I mean a jewel richly wrought, dug up in the iflandof Athelncy, which was the king's retreat, when he fled from the Danes in the be* ginning of his reign, and where he afterwards founded a mona* ftery. This curious relic is yet preferved in the AOimolean col« leftion of curiofities, and, befides its excellent workmanfhip, hath a Saxon infcription to this purpofe, iELFRBDUs MB h Annal. rer. geftar. iClfredi Magift, p. 58. Chron. Joan. Brompton, ad A* D. 887. i Cul. MalmeAur. ubi fapra. k Spelman'a life of .Slfrcd, p. 104. JUSSIT t i latavcif march, om his ippears !93» a^ etnark- gelmus idence, ler per* icularly I he faw 5 which It Afler cceeded his nar- be aniifs e penin- is is faid itry. Sir he value he king ths and : defedts king in 'e works nprove- )wed his And, as ince, wc I mean ^, which thcbe- a tnona* lean col« nanthip» us MB I, ad A* D. JUSSIT OF THE S A X O N S. 47 fUssiT FABRiCARi, i. e, -Alfred direflied this to be made '. Having thus, to the utmoft of my ability, cleared and juftified thefe naval expeditions performed near a thoufand years ago, I return now to the thread of my hiflory, and to an account of what the Saxons atchieved at fea, after this wife monarch had (hewn them the ufe and importance of a naval force. Edward ■ fucceeded his father Alfred, and proved a great prince j however, his government was difturbed both by inte- Aine diviiions, hiscoufm Ethelwald pretending to the kingdom, and by foreign invafions of the Danes, who, at the requeft of this Ethelwald, came, in the fourth year of the king's reign, in vafl numbers into England. King Edward, finding it impofTible to hinder their landing, drew together an army as foon as he could, and followed them into Kent, where he engaged them, and in a bloody battle killed Eric the Danifli king, and Ethel- wald who had ftirred up this war. But, finding that he was flill incommoded with new fwarms of thefe northern rovers, he had recourfe to his fleet j and, having drawn together a hundred fliips upon the coaft of Kent, he fuccefsfully engaged the enemy, and forced the greatefV part of their fleet on fhore j and then, landing himfelf, attacked their forces in a bloody battle, where- in, though he loft abundance of men, yet he entirely defeated bis enemies, killing mofl of their chief commanders upon the fpot. By degrees he raifcd his reputation fo high, not only by his military exploits, but by his gentle government, and wife provifion for his fubje^ts fafety, that all the petty princes throughout Britain congratulated him of their own accord on his fuccefs, willingly owned him for their lord, and humbly de- fired his protection. The very Danes, who were fettled in the jfland, took the fame method of fecuring themfelves againfl his arms : but within a very (hort fpace from this extraordinary I mark of good fortune, he died, and, in no long time after, his I younger brother, who had fucceeded him ■. Ethelftan ^ fucceeded his brother, and gave early proofs of his [being the worthy grandfon of the great Alfred. He difcovered, from his firft afcending the throne, a great diflike to that policy, [which his predeceflbrs had ufed; cf fuffering the Danes and othat V. it f \i' M 'lMi:1 ; 1 1 ».n i^iui m:'f .-l l- m .'.ht' > Annal Elfrcdi Magn], p. 170, 171. !l Chron. Saxoi^. p. 99* ™ A. D. 9oii « A. D. 9»j. 1'v ■f •I ,, ftrangef &, 48 NAVAL HISTORY I ..^ m^ ftrangers, who by force had feated themfclves in the ifl.ind, to become legal pofTeflors in confideration of foinc fmall acknow- ledgment, and a feigned fu'jjedlion, which was fure to la ft no longer tiian they had a fair opportunity ot revolting. This was certainly z right maxim ; and one may fafely affirm this monarch was the greateft poUtician, and at leaft as great a captain as any of the Saxon kings. He wifely judged, that there was no exe- cuting his fcheme without a confiderable force, and therefore he kept his army and his fleet in conftant readinefs f. At the be- ginning of his reign he made, or rather renewed, the alliance fuofifting between his brethren and Conftantine, then king of Scots, conceiving that, as their interefts were the fame, this would bind him to a due performance of the treaty ; in which, however, he was miftaken; for Conftantine fuddenly broke it, either out of caprice, or from an apprehenfion of Ethelftan's power. Immediately upon this the Saxon invaded Scotland with a royal army, and wafted its coafts with a mighty fleet ; which brought Conftantine to a fubmiflion much againft his will, as he difcovered fome years after. As foon as Ethel ftan was retired, the Scot began to intrigue with the Britons on one fide, and with Anlaff, whom moft of our hiftorians ftyle king of Ireland, but who in reality was a Danifti prince, fettled there by conqueft, on the other. In confequencc of thcfe negociations, the Britons marched northwards with a great army, where they were joined by the whole force of the Scots j Anlaff^ coming at the fame time to their affiftance with a more numerous fleet than had been feen in thofe feas. Ethelftan, inftead of being deje^Sed at the fight of fo many and fo powerful enemies, refolved to decide the quarrel by attacking them both by fea and land at the fame time, which he accordingly performed with equal valour and fuccefs. In this battle there fell five kings, and fcven Daniih chiefs^. It was the bloodieft oigagement that, till then, had ever happened in this ifland; and in the Saxo/i chronicle there is a moft elegant account of iv. By this grand defeat King Ethelftan efFe£lualIy carried his print, and rendered himfelf the moft abfolute monarch that had ever reigned in Britain'. The ufe he made of his vic- P Chron. Sax. p. 3. Gul, Malmefijur. de geflis reg. Anglor. lib. ji. c. 6. H«n. Iluntingd. lib. V. p. 351. Rower Hoveden. p 4x2. ^.A- D. P38. «■ Chron. Saxon, p. iit, 113, 114. tory, OF THE SAXONS. n • i . 1 ■ i ■' tory, vraj effe£\ually to fecure his dominions, by taking from the petty princes fuch places as he judged to be dangerous in theit hands s and, in all probability, he would thoroughly have cfta- blifhed the SaXon power; if he had long furvived ; but he died •about i year after, hstvihg fwayed the fceptre, ibme fay fourteen, others fixteen years. Edmund*, his brother, fuccceded him in the throne, and found himfelf under a neceffiry of contefting the pofleffion of Jj with his bid enemy Anlaff and his affbciates, Whom he defeated, land with whom he afterwards made peace •, but, finding that there was no dependence upon the faith either of the Dantfh or Britifh princes feated in thie north, he feized on the kingdom of Northumberland, and added it to his own dominions, giving Cumberland to the king of Stots as his feudatory. He had no great occafion for naval armaments, the fame of his brother's power preferving him from foreign inVafions; fo that, after a ihort reign, he left his crown to his brother Edred*. This prince had fcarce alTumed the regal dignity, before he was aflailed by his old enemies the Scots and Danes, againft whom he had not fo great fuccefs as his brethren ; not through any fault of his, but rather by the treafohable practices of fomeof his powerful fubjefts. His nephew Edwy ilepped after him into the throne; and, difobliging the monks, they have tranfmitted to pofterity an account of nothing but his vices". It fhould feem, however, thati during the reign of all thefe kings, the naval power of the Saxons was continually increafing, of which we fhall fee imme- diate proof; and to this we may afcribe their not being plagued \vith any of thofe invaHons from the north, which had fo much difturbed their predeceffors. Edgar ^, veryjuftly ftyled the Great, fucceeded his brother Edwy ; and, from his firft afcending the throne, dcmonftrated himfelf worthy of being the heir of Alfred and Ethelftan. He thoroughly underftood, and fuccefsfully purfued their maxims ; for he applied himfelf, from the beginning of his reign, to the raifing a mighty maritime force, arid to the keeping in due fub- je^iort all the petty prinees. In one thing only he was blame- able; that he gave too much into foreign cuftoms, and indul- • A D. 541! chronicle, p. 36P, •i Speed's Vox.. I. t Gul. Malmefb. de geft. reg. Ang. lib. H, c. 7, w A, D.P57. .Sl-l '\^'^n: I - I "if \ .t-'i gcd 111 NAVAL HISTORY is 'ii ged the Danes in living promifcuoufly with his own people, which gave them an opportunity of knowing thoroughly the ftatc of all parts of the nation, of which they made a very bad life in fucceeding times. In all probability, he Iras led into this error by his love to peace, which indeed he enjoyed, much more than any of his anceilors had done. But he enjoyed it^ as a king of this iiland ought to enjoy it } not in a lazy fruition of pleafure, unworthy a prince ; but by afliduoufly applying himfelf to aff*airs of ftate, and by an a£tivity of which few other kings are capable, even in times of the greateft danger. But it is neccflary to enter into particulars, fince we are now come to the reign of that king who nioO: clearly vindicated his right to the dominion of the Tea, and who valued himfelf on his having juflly acquired the truly glorious title of Protestor of Commerce. As to his fleet, all writers agree, that it was far fuperior to any of his predecefTors, as well as much more powerful than thofe of all the other European princes put together ; but they are by no means of the fame .-nind, as to the number of fhips of which it was compofed. Some fix it at three thoufaud fix hundred'' ; others at four thoufand > ; and there wants not au- thority to carry it fo high as four thoufand eight hundred '. However, the firft feems to be the mod probable number ; and therefore to it we fhall keep. Thefe ihips he divided into three fleets, each of twelve hundred fail, and them he conftantly fla- tioned ; one on the eafl, another on the weft, and the third on the north coaft of the kingdom : neither was he fatisfied with barely making fuch a provifion ; he would likewife fee that it anfwered the ends for which he intended it. In order to this, every year, after Eafter, he went on board the fleet ftationed on the eaftern coaft j and, failing weft, he fcoured all the chan- nels, looked into every creek and bay, from the Thames mouth to the Land's end in Cornwall : then, quitting thefe fliips, he went on board the weftern fleet, with which, fteering his courfe to the northward, he did the like, not only on the English and ticots coaft, but alfo on thofe of Ireland and the Hebrides, a nani than by to pous In domii] his no eft pe< he fee awe, he avo one di « Roger Hoveden, p. 41*. Florent. Wigorn, id A. D. 97$. I&an. firoitipton^ * Mauhaui I'iorileg. i vj 7 Chron. which OF THE SAXONS. '* ri which lie between them and Britain : then, meeting the nor- thern fleet, he failed in it to the Thames mouth *. Thus fur- rounding the ifland every fummer, he rendered any invafion im>- pra£licable, kept his failors in continual exercife, and effefhiallj^ aiferted his fovereignty over the fea. As a further proof of this, he once held his court at Chefter ; where, when all his feudatory princes had aiTembled, in order to do him homage, he caufed them to enter a barge ; and, fitting four on one fide, and four on the other, they rowed, while he fleered the helm ; pailing thus in triumph, on the river Dee, from his palace to the monaflery of St. John, where he landed, and received their oaths to be his faithful vafTals, and to defend his rights by land and by fea : and then, having made a fpetch to them, he returned to his barg^ and p (Ted in the fa; ne manner back to his palace. The names of thefe prince> were, Kenneth king of Scotland, Malcolm king of Cumberland, Maccufius king of Man, and of the ifles, and five pet!^- kings (^ 'the Bri- tons. When the ceremony was over, the king was ; ;afed to fay, that his fucceflbrs might juftly glory in the titl of kings of the Englifh ; fince, by this folemn aft, he lia ' fet their prv.-> gatiye above all difputet*. John Foxblam d tiiis fpeech as an inflance of the king's pride and vanity % which was owing to a narrownefs of mind ; for furely the king intended no more than to fecure his juil rights, as his fpeech declared, and ther&> by to diflinguifh between a wife aft of policy, and aiiiore pom? pous parade. - In the winter, he travelled by land through all parts of his dominions, to fee that juftice was duly adminiflered, to prevent his nobles from becoming oppreflbrs, and to proteft the mean- efl people from fufFering wronv, T^hefe were the arts by which he fecured tranquillity to himfeii ^ while he kept foreigners in awe, and his fubjefts in quiet. By being always ready for war, he avoided it ; fo that, in lus whole reign, there happened but one diflurbance, and :liat through the intemperate fury of the * Hen. Huntingdon, hlft. lib. v. Rog. Hovedcp. Annal. p. 4i<, 4x7. Ala- rec*. BeverUc. Annal. lib. viii. b Gul. Malmeib. hitt. lib. ii. cap. 8. p. 50. Floreni. Wigorn. ad. Ann. Oom. 347. Henric. Hunting, bift. lib. v. Roger HoYcd. Annal. p. 4%$, Ainrfd. Beverl, Anna!, lib. viii. < Jq hisaOs and iBOnuipeDCtt v ' G 2 . Rrltons, fiji Kill '■'• 1:' i 1-1' . . :ii, ■ it'. - nim ••■tr'1 '-•A ■■■■■■fA ■1' ". <■'. '■:' -if 'iilM m- NAVAL HISTORY Britons, who, while he was in the north, committed great dii^ orders in the weft. Qn his returp, hq entered their country with a great army ; and, that they might feel the efiedts of plundering, fuffered his foldiefs to take whatever they could find : but when he faw the people reduced to extrenne mifcry, ht rewarded his arnay out of his own coffers, and obliged them %o reftore the fpoils ; by which he left thofe, yrhpm he found rebels, the moft affe£tio|iate of all his fubje^ ^, Well, ther&* fore, might our ^ncient hiflorians hoail as they did of this prince } and fay, that he was comparable to any of the heroes of antiquity. In truth, he far furpaifed them} for whereas many of them became famous by ads of rapine and robbery, he cftablllhed his reputation on ^ nobler foundation '^ that of reigning fixteen years without a thief found in his ^oxninious oi^ land, or a pirate heard of at fea '. Okie thing more I muft mention, as being much to my purpofe, though flighted by many of our modern writers. It is the preamble of a decree of his, made in the fourteenth year of his reign ; wherein his (lyleruns thus: "Ego Edgarus, totlus Albionis J^leus necnon maritimorum feu infulanorura rcgiim circumhabitantium^ &c.? That is, I Edgar, monarch of all Albion, and fovereign over all the princes of the adjacent ifles, bV. "Which plainly affcrta his naval dominion f. As he lived, fo he died, in peace and full of glory K Happy had it been for his fucceiTors, if, with his dominions, they had inherited any portion of his spirit. But, alas ! governed by women, and ridden by priefts, they quickly broke to pieces that mighty power vvhich he bequeathed them. His fon Edward, a child, fucceeded ]him j but, by that time; he had reigned three years, he was, by the contrivance of hi^ mother-in-law, bafely murdered, to make way for her fon Ethelred, who mounted the throne after his deceafe, but who was entirely governed by this dowager*-queen, his mother ''. In fix years after the death of Edgar, the (Irength of the nation was fo far funk, that a Danifli fquadron, confifting of no mwrc <> Ranulph. Higden, in Polychron. lib. vi. < Rogev Iloved. p. 410. Florent. Wigorn. ad A. D. 947. Alured. Beverl. Annal. lib. viii. f Guliel. Malmcib, de ge(l. reg. Ang. lib. ii. c. B. ff A. D. $75. * A. D. ^r8. than OF THE SAXONS. S3 |bs»n feyen (hips, infefted the coaft, and plundered Soqthampr (on • } and, in a few years after, they ravaged and burned all (he coaft} infomuch that, in 991, the king, by the advice of Siricus, archbifliop of Canterbury, made a treaty with the Danes, and endeavoured to bribe them by a fubfidy of ten thoufand pounds, to forbear plundering ; which gave the firft fife to that infamous tribute called danegeld '^. This produced an cffeft which might have been eafily forefeen, though quite contrary to what was intended ; for the Danes committed great- er rapines than ever ; fuppofing, that the worfe they treated the king's fubje£ts, the larger fums they fliould extort, for a pro- mife to be gone. Thus the king was compelled to take that method, at laft, to which he fliould hav« had recourfe at firft, vix. raifing an army, and fitting out a fleet. And now, when be had done this, his general betrayed him ; whereby the Danes for that time efcaped, though a little after they returned, and yrcre defeated '. Thefe, however, were but flight mifchiefs to |hofe which followed ; for, when it is once known that a king- dom is weakly governed, new enemies daily rife. In A. D. 993, came Unlafi^, a famous pirate, with a fleet of ninety- three fliips, to Stanes •, and, haying waflied the country on both fides the Thames, they went down the river ^ain, and com- mitted new outrages on the coafl: of Kent. The king fent an army to oppofe them, which they beat, and killed the general ^ho coinmande4 it ; afterwards they land.'d in the mouth of the Humber, and committed frefli devaftations. The next year AnlafT, duke of Norway, coming before London, with a fleet of ninety-four fail, endeavoured to burn it ; but the citizens defended themfelves fo well, that at length he was forced to dcfifi: : then marching into Kent and Hampfliire, he compelled the country people to furnifli horfes for his armyi which put it in their power to cqmmit fuch horrid devaflations, that the king being unable to protect his fubjefks, had recourfe to a compo- fition; and, having fent commiflioners to treat with AnlaiF, it was agreed to give him fixteen thoufand pounds, en condition that he fliould never again fet foot in England-, and, which was 1 Chron. Saxon, ad A. D. 981. k Tb'd. 991. Gul. Malmc[b. Chron. Saxon, p. 117— 135. Gulielm. Malmcft). dc j?eft. reg. Anglnr. Uh. ii. c. 10. II«n. HumingU. H'lih, lib. 5. Alured. Bevcrk Ann«!, lib. viii^ P- »»4. the the nat ing the: In orde and fuj every tl ihip, an a great : great as fidy Was grew, tl people ; ters, un the Con mufl dil from th< both go fuch tim was proj thofe in tion, n3 in the S; ceived tl raife a fc fum in t by it, foot, fuc take this greater f fquadron fequence part of the natio a naval f fea; whi jiey they lays, fuel people w " Chron. (M F THE SAXONS*. ss ,■0; the nation, of the neceffity of arming themfelves, and of exert- ing their utmoft force to rid them of thefe barbarous guefts. In order thereto, a new and general tax was laid, for raiflng and fupporting a fleet and army. According to this fcheme, every three hundred and ten hides of land were to find a ftout (hip, and every eight hides a coat of mail and helmet } by which a great force indeed was raifed j and yet, through treachery, great as it was, had little effe£t". It is plain, that this tax, or Tub- fidy was impofed with judgment, and by common confent : it grew, therefore, thenceforward, an annual charge upon the people ; and is that tax we fo often meet with in ancient wri- ters, under the name of danegeld j and from which Edward the Confeflbr is faid to have freed his fubje£ls. The reader mufl dillinguiih this fubfidy, raifed upon the Englifh nation, from the money occaGonally paid to the Danes ; though they both go under the fame denomination. The firfl was raifed at fuch times, and in fuch (H'oportions as necefCty required ; and was properly enough called danegeld ; as it was given to pacify thofe invaders. The fecond was a regular, fettled impoH- tion, X!3t much unlike our land-tax; and was properly called, in the Saxon tongue, heregyld, i. e. foldier's money; and re- ceived the name of danegeld^ becaufe it was originally given to raife a force to withfland the Danes. It amounted to a vaft fum in thofe days ; fince the Saxon chronicle informs us, that by it, when firft impofed, there was a prodigious fleet fet on foot, fuch a one as till then had not been feen. Now, if ue take this in a very limited fenfe, and allow it to fignify not a greater fleet than Edgar's, but fuperior to any of his flntionary fquadrons ) even this would be a very great thing **. The con- fequence of clearing this point will appear in the fucceeding part of the work : in the mean time let it be obferved, that the nation fubmitted to this grievou? tax, in order to maintain a naval force fufficient to have preferved the dominion of the fea ; which queilionlefs might have been effected, had the mo- ney they gave been faithfully applied. But fuch were the de- lays, fuch the diforder in all their military preparations, that the people were fleeced, the fervice neglected, and the unfortunate a ChroD. Salon. A. D. too8. * Selden. Mire CUufum, lib. ii. c. ti. King I 'fi m at' ii 'A :'-:hi I' I i<5 N A V A L H i S t O R Y, tsfe. t'», i .I»" R! si . ! King Ethelrcd, who, for any thing that appears in hiftoiTj was a very brave, well-meaning prince, acquired the fiirnanie, or rather was ftigmatized with the opprobrious nickname of The Unready. This is a difligreeable fubjccl, which libthihg bui the love of truth, and the defire ()f preventing fuch mifchiefs, by fairly cxpoling their caufcs, could have prevailed on me td have dwelt on fo long. It was my dutyj as ah hiftorian ; andj though a little unwillingly, I have honeftly performed it. It would, however, be to no purpofe to fwell this work with a long detail of the misfortunes which befel this prince, and his fon, the valiant Edmund, \yho for his many hardy afts in the fervice of his country was furnamed Ironfides i fince thefc arc fully related in all dur hiOiories : and, indeed, there is great realbn to fufpeft, that the ftories we meet with therein, are ra- ther amplified than abridged. 'I'wo things, neverthelefs, dc- ferve the reader's notice in this great revolutidri. The firft, that after the fpirits of the people had been once funk, by raifing on them a great fum of money to purchafe peace, they never afterwards could be revivtd'; but' things dqlily dfeclined, and the chief perfons in the realm fought to fecure ah intereft ih the conqueror, by betraying thdfe whom they ought to have de- fended i fo that the reduction of England was not fo rtiuch owing to the number and force of the enemy, though ihefe ■were very great, as to the treachery of the few, the dejefitioti of the many, and the difputes of both among themfelve? ; their naval force, even when they were loweft, being more than fuf- licient to have defended their coafts, had it beien properly con- ducted. But being fometimes betrayed by theli* admirals, at others diftrcfled for want of provifions, every Httle accidisnt difcouraged them, and any confiderable lofs difheartened theiti quite. The conqueft of fuch men cOuld not 'tife hard. The fecond obfervation I have to make is thisjj that no fooner Swain, king of Denmark, found himfeif fiipei*ior at feai that he fet up a title to the kingdom ; which fufficiently fhews, thatt this ifland is never longer fefe, than while it is the firft miaHtirae power : whence the importance of our navy ib mad'e tOb matil- fefl: to be denied, and by which wc may be convinced, that zi our freedom flows only from our conftitution, fp both m^A bt defended by our fleets* ^ tlVES t 57 1 I V O F T H E ADMIRALS: ^m. INCLUDING A NEW AND ACCURATE ■■'■' % a NAVAL HISTORY. ■", who coming with a large fleet to take poiTefllon of the kingdom, he that very year raifed the danegeld to fixty-two (hips. The following year he levied 21,099 pounds, and fixed the fubfidy for the future at thirty- two fhips. His uncle Swain being in danger of lofing the king- dom of Norway, he fent a fleet from England to his affiftance,. which did not,however,anfwer the end he propofed j and, a little after, he died fuddenly at a wedding, and with him ended the dominion of the Danes in England, in lefs than twenty-eight years after the coming of Canutus to the crown K Edward the Confcflbr, the fon of King Ethclbert and Queen Emma, fucceeded his half»brother Hardiknute >, and proved a very great prince in the opinion of the monks, and a very weak one in the fentiments of better judges. In the beginning of his reign he kept up a fleet of thirty-five fail ; but afterwards falling out with the Earl G9dwin and his fons, their quarrels threw the whole kingdom into diflra^tion } infomuch that, in the year 1 046, a pyratical fquadron, confifling. of no more than tiirenty- iive fhips, commanded by Lothen and Yrling, came to Sand- wich, where they landed the forces on board them, who imme- diately fpoiled all the adjacent country, and carried ofFthe prey they took to their fhips. Afterwards they retired to the ifland of Thanet, intending from thence to have plundered the coaft at their leifure ; but, by this time the militia rofe, and not only prevented them from landing, but flraitened them fo much h Chron. Saxon, p. i;4, 155. i A. D. lojf; I A. D. 1 041. k Ibid.p* I55» ^SS. where t i OF f H E DANES. 6i whefe they were^ that with great difficulty they efcaped. Then, falling on the coafts of Suffolk and Norfolk, they committed the fame outrages there, and at lafl failed uway to Flanders with the wealth they had got, without meeting with any interruption from the king's ftiips. The next year the king was himfelf at i \ with a fleet, and was able to do little. Earl Goilwin and his fr 3 having almoft all the power, while the king had an empty title, with which he was little contented. Swain, Earl Godwin's eidell fon, falling out with his family, as well as the king, eomr^itted great outrages on all the coaft. His father, too, being difobliged, had recourfe to a naval armament, to oppofe which, the king fitted out a fleet of fifty fail ; but whether it was through the in- trigues of the earl, or the wejik management of the king, fo it happened, that, after all thefe preparations, a treaty enfued, in confequence of which, the earl once more entered the king's fa- vour, and (with his fbns) was declared the king's befl fubjeA r filch was the doftrine of thofe times I After the death of this great nobleman, his fot^, Harold and Tofligo, fucceeded him in his dignities, and ufed th^m rather for their own conveniency, than with any refpeft to the royal authority. It muft, however, be owned,, that they reduced the Britons, wha had taken up arms under their king Griffith, who was killed ki the action : yet Toftigo made fo bad a governor in Northumberland, where the king had placed him, that the people expelled him ; nor could he be reftored, though his brother Harold was fetit with an army for that purpofe ; which fo difgufled him, that he lailed with a fquadron of ftiips into Flanders, where, like his eldeft brother Swain, be turned pirate, and begnn to think of pillaging by fea that country,, the inhabitants of which would not futifer him to plunder them on land. In the midft of thefe cohfufions King Edward died"*, as weakly and irrefolutely as he lived, with- out fecuring the ftieceffion to Edgar Atheling, his intended heir^ and who had indeed a better title than himfelf; which threw the nation into great confufion, and gave Harold, the fon of Earl Godwiuy an opportunity of fefzing the crown, to which he had little or no title " i an adt equally fatal to himfelf and to the » A D. io65. '* CJui. Malmefb. de j^rfl. feg. Angl. lib. H. cap. 13. Hen. Huntiiigd. i\\i\. lib. vi. p. 36$. Roi>er. U :)V(rden. ann»l. p. 439. Alared. BcTCrl. annal. lib. viii. Chrun. Siumi. p. .u—i7i. people. I" !i i^i M It ' \ j iT' NATAL HISTORY people, fince it occafioned the Norman invafion, and the abfo- lute excluHon of the Saxon line, the monarchs of which had defcrved fo well of their country by making good laws, encou- raging arts, and defending both by their arms. But, before we proceed to this revolution, it will be neccflary to fay forriewhat of the character of Harold, as well as of his adminiftration } for though he was a very ambitious, and confequently a very bad man, yet he wanted not fome qualities that were truly grca' , and worthy of a prince. The principal perfons about King Edward at his death were fuch as had been of Earl Godwin's faftion, and therefore coun- tenanced a report, fpread by Harold, that the king had appoint- ed him his fucceflbr, which we find in the Saxon chronicle " : and yet, in that very book, there are many things which are in- confiftent with this relation, fuch as the owning that the king fent for his couOn Edward, the father of Edgar AthelingP, and that, after the death of Harold, Edgar (hould have been king ''^ though his right was no way helped by that circumftancc, but ftood jurt as it did before at the time of King Edward's death; Such as fay that Harold took the crown, as being more fit to wear it than ati unexperienced boy, like Edgar, feem to fpeak the truth % Harold had all the qualities necefli\ry to have ren- dered him popular in an elcftive kingdom. He was of a great family, equally allied to the Saxons and Danes, very brave in his perfon, and well verfed in the art of war, but, above all, jealous of the honour of the nation, and very defirous of main- taining his independency on land and fea». He had, however^ many difficulties to'ftruggle with. A great part of the nation were diflatisfied with his title, and paid him an unwilling obe- dience. William, duke of Normandy, laid claim td his cro^rnj and began to raife an army to fupport that claim : add to this^ that his brother Tofiiigo, who had quarrelled with the late king and his own father, appeared on the coafts of Yorkfliire and Nortlmmberland with a fleet of fifty fail. Earl Edwin encoun- tered him on his landing, defeated his army, and afterwards de- o Cliron. Saxon, p. 171. P Ibid. p. itfp. 1 Ibid. p. 173. ' Ro^. Hovcd. hift. lib. vi. p. 367. Tngiilpd. hi(t. apud. fcript. pcft. Bedam, p. pco. ' Roger. Hoved. annal. prior, p. 447. Gul. Malmclb. clc geft. reg. Ang. lib. ii. cap. ult. Alured. Beverl. annal. lib. viii. p. las. ■ ftroycd t Chro " Chron, H'fitr. H OF THE DANES. igheft contempt every kind of trade except that of war. We ihall fee, however, that notwith- ftanding they long kept up a claim to this country, they were never able to recover it ; becaufe, after i», few difappointments, their naval power funk, and they were no longer capable of equipping fuch fleets as were requrfite for the undertaking fuch expeditions. I mention this circumdance here, that the reader may have an opportunity of obferving how Toon a naval force is worn out, when employed only to ferve the purpofes of ambi- tion } and this, noUvithftanding all the care and pains that can be taken to keep up the fpirits of a nation, and lupport an exa6t Vol. I. , 1^ dlfciplinc ; til ffiS: f! 74 Political Reflections upon difcipline : for Canutus the Great ena£led and publifhed a bodjr of laws for that end, which they would certainly have anfwer- ed, if the thing had been poflible in nature. This obfervation will very mixth confirm what has been before advanced, in re- fyeA to the great fleets that, for the courfe of above a century, were maintained by the Saxons for the defence of their coafts. Thefe were certainly fupplied with feamen from the (hips em- ployed in commerce, the only effectual and lafting method of maintaining maritime power. It will not appear any formidable objeftion to this, that the Danes fettled in Normandy grew fo ftrong, as not only to maintain their pofleflion of that country, but to atten>pt and fucceed in their fcheme of invading this : for they had, in a great degree, altered their meafures, and, by the conveniency of theie ports, fallen into a confiderable fhare of commerce, a& appears both from their hiftory and laws. It is true, the old martial fpirit reigned amongfl their nobility, who flill difdained anyc other profeflion tha^ that of arms ; yet this did not hinder a great part of their people from addidling themfelves to quite another courfe of life, by which they drew fuch wealth into that country as enabled their dukes to live in fplendor and ntag- nificence, and furnifhed them with the means ol making fuch powerful armaments as could never have been fet on foot bur. by princes, whofe authority upon fuch occaHons could extrad); out of their fubjefts coffers thofe treafures that by their indtiftry they had obtained. Tlie fpoils derived from military excur- :fions, and the riches accruing from predatory expeditions, Arc quickly \yafted, and, from the inftability of fortune, feldom admit of recruits ; but in countries blefTed with commerce» though the raadnefs of princes may occafionally lavilh away great fums j yet the returns of peace give their fubjedls an op- portunity of recovering again, and repairing the breaches that have been made by fuch miftakes. Hitherto I have treated things more largely than I propofe to do in *Tiy accounts of the fuhfequent reigns, down to that of Henry VII. becaufe this period hath been much negle£lc4 ; and, from an unwillingnefs to fearch into the records of anti- quity, wc have been made to believe, that, before the Roman conqaeft, THIS PERIOD ot NAVAL HISTORY. 75 conqueft, the inhabitants of Britain were an inconfiderable people, which vic have (hewn to be very falfe. But, from the time of William, furnamed the Conqueror, our modern hiflo* i^es ztt more fruitful} and therefore we may be allowed a greater brevity there. However, we ihall take notice of every thing that is material, of that may contribute to the reader's having a juft notion of the ftate our naval affairs were in under the reign of our monarchs, refpeflively, as well as of the re- markable expeditions in their times. li I ll'ii'l ' ■til K2 LIVE S ■ via if I '^ .:'!' 'lit m %-r' m :.« C 16 1 ?1 ■ I E S O F T H E D M I R A L S: INCLUDING A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. CHAP. IV. The Naval Hiftory of England, during the reigns of the princes of the Norman race, viz. William, ftyled tlie Conqueror, William Rufus, Henry Beauclerk, and Stephen. Containing the fpace of about 88 years. OF all the foreign princes who, in a courfe of afges, have afcended the Englifh throne, William, duke of Normandy, feemed to promife the beft, in regard to the maintenance of the honour' and dignity of the crown which he alTumed. He was in the prime of his life, if we confider him as a prince, being about forty-three years of age when he came hither ; bad been a fovereign from his very chlMhood, and maintained his right in the duchy of Normandy againft the king of France, and other troubkfome neighbours, with fuch con- Aancyand courage, as at length procured him fuccefs, and fixed him in the full enjoyment of the dominions left him by his father*. He had many opportunities of being acquainted w:th the £ng- . * Oder. Vital. Guliei. Cemetic. Lei Chroni^ues de Normandie. * lifh. l!(h, bcfo king Ed the long of the D intercoui of that k his extra grow fro other fu{ that indi and, ace doubtedl being hi: quifire tb therefore different condly, I furnamec fome hav this was he came right rec< coronatic though h oath as h ftern and with the tween th their owj during h people; i thofe tim He wa naval po the pren diced by b Chroti' Iliftor. Gu fievcrl. SiiT ./ » NAVAL HISTORY, Isfc. 11 H{h, before his coming hither, by the near relation between King Edward the Confeffor, and his father Duke Robert ; and the long flay that king made in Normandy, whilfk the power of the Danes lubfifled in England. This occafioned a great intercourfe between the Engliih and Normans, during th€ rcigii of that king, who rendered himfelf fufpcfted to the former, \rf his extraordinary kindnefs to the latter ; which n.lgnt poHIbly grow from a mixture of fear, as well as love, fince he had no other fupport againfl the power of Earl Godwin. This it was that induced him to invite Duke William hither in his lifetime^ and, accordingly, he made him a vifit •> : and this was, un- doubtedly, the chief motive of 1 ' feeding him with hopes of being his heir. As to the titl< A King William, it is not rc- quiilre that we iliould enter minute difcuffion of it; and therefore it will be fufficient t( ve, that he claimed three different ways. Firfl, by donation from King Edward \ fe- condly, by right of arms ; whence, in fucceeding times, he was fur named The Conqueror ; and thirdly, by election : to which fome have added a fourth title, by grant from the Pope ; though this was no more than an approbation of the firft. However he came by the crown, he certainly condefcended to have his right recognized by the people, and promifed folemnly, at his coronation, to govern as his Saxon predecellbrs had done ; though he afterwards did not adl quite fo conformably to hid oath as his fubjcdks expefted. To fay the truth, he was of a ftern and arbitrary difpofition, which did not very well agree with the temper of the nation ; and from this difcordancy, be- tween the king's humour and his fub}e p. 900, 901. ^ A-^ O. 10^9. Scotland) Of WILLIAM THE CONQ^UEROR. 79 Scotland ; where Edgar Etheling and his family took flielter, and from whence they very foon invaded the north part of England f ♦ Other lords fled to Denmark to King Swain II. who had al-» ways kept up a claim to the Engliih crowii, and who, therefore, readily yielded credit to their affurances, that, if he would but fend a force fufficient to give them encouragement, the Engliih, efpecially in the northern parts, would throw off the Norman yoke, and declare for him. He, therefore, equipped a cond-* derable fleet (fome copies of the Saxon chronicles fay 240, others make thenl 300 fsul), and fent them under the command of his brother-in-law Ofborn, his fons Harold and Canutus, and fome of the Engliih fugitives, well provided w|th all things ne- cefTary, and with a conflderable body of forces on board : fo that sothing lefs than fubduing the whole kingdom was the in- tent of this expedition ^. I "Few undertakings of fuch confequenoe, and wherein fo many perfons of different interefts were concerned, had, in the begin- ning, fo good fuccefs as that of which we are fpeaking *, for the Daniih fl|cet, haying favourable wiiids and fair weather, came fafely into the mouth of the Humber, and there debarked their forces about the middle of Augud, A. D. 1069, as we are told by Matthew Paris ". They were immediately joined by Edgar Etheling, the earls Edward and Morker, the famous Earl WaU theof, and many other perfons of diftind^ion, with a great army, compofed of Englifh and Scots, and then moved dire£lly towards York, which Ring William had caufed to be ftrongly fortified. The governor, whofe name was Mallet, refolved to make ati abftlnate defence. With this view he ordered part of the fub- urbs to be fet on fire, that the Danes might not lodge in them on their approach j but, through fome negligence^ the fire caugUt the city, and burnt a great part of it before it could be extin- guiflied, which gave the Danes an opportunity of gaining it al- moft without a ftroke : after which they attacked the citadel, took it, and put three thoufand Normans to the fword. On thit fuccefs, as the Danifh writers fay. Earl Waltheof was left there' with a ftrong garrifon, and the main body marched dire^Iy to- f Chron. Sdxon. A. D, 1098. 8 Cliron, naxon. A. D. 1068. Ponfanai, . Dan, A. D. lotfS. »» Hif^. Aug'- vo!. i p. 6, ward* Is Hi ilf™ !• ' N A V AL H I ST O R y wards London >. The king, however, advanc«4 to meet them with a ^onfiderable army, wafting, and fpoiling the northern countries, which he f:onceivied well afFe^od to the enemy, 9nd, ^s fosie alledge, fought wJlh, and gave a check to the invaders ; hut our graveft hiftofjiaus report the fa£l quite otherwjft. They fpy, that, finding his troo{>s nMfch inferior to the enemy, he enther, rather than by the force of the Normans, he banifhed him, as he weU deferved'. Thus ended an expedition which might have produced sinotber revolut^ion in our a^airs, ^f the king^s prudence had npt been as great as his courage. The next year, the SaXOn chronicles tell us, the Danes landed again in the .ii}e 4dI Ely, to Yhich abundance of malecontents had refort.ed ; bot, being able to do little, 3wain made a treaty with the king of England ; but his 3eet failing homewards, laden with booty, a great part of it vras forced into Ireland, znd m^ny of the ibips, with all (^ir treafure on board them, foundered ac fea ". But as to thi^, the Dani{h writers are fiknt. About the fame time •», the fou? of the Ute King Harold came out of Ireland with a fleet of fixty-fivc fail, and landed in Somer- fetfhire, where they committed great depredations; till Ednoth, who had been an old fervant of their fathc 'arched againft them, beat idieir forces, and obliged them /etire •. They made a fecond attempt, the year following p, with a fleet of fixty i Pantan. rer. Danicar. hid. lib. v. Hen. Iliintingd, hift. lib. vH. p. 3^9. Simeon Dunelm. A. D. ic6g. Chron. Saxon. A. D X069. Roger, de Hovc^en. p. 4J'. 4J». Alured. Beverl. Anottl. lib. ix. p. izp. « k Chron. Satan. p. 174, Pontanus rentm Dan. hift. ' Adam. Bremenf. Pantan. lib. v. ra Chron. Saxon, p. 177. "A, D. lofiS. " Roger Hovedtn. p^ 4Sb. f A. D. 1C69. fall, OP WILLIAM THE C0N<^i7BR0R. i! fail, landed near Exeter, plundered and burnt the eduntry ; but Eaihl Brien, ratfing forces, and fighting them twice in ontS day, forced them again to fly, with the lofs of feven hundred men, atid ibme of the principal nobility of Ireland } which fo broke dte {{writs of that nation, as to difcourage them ftotn zheU Cing the Englifli fugitives any more o $ fo that the fotts of Hafold, Godwin, ami Edmund, retired to Oenmatk, wher^ they were kindly received, and fpent the remainder df their dip, Thefc accidents conrinced the' king of the neteflity of ha^inga fleet always ready, and therefore to this he turi^ed his thoughts . and, haidng collected as many fhip^ as he was able, he employ- ed them to hmder fucconrs from coming to the rebels in the ifld of Ely, which gave him an opportunity of eAtcHng it by hnd, and reducing to his obedience, Or deftroying, all who had takenf ihelter there'. In the feventh year of his reign, he attacked Scotland by fea as wdl as land, in ofder to be revenged of King Malcolm, who had conftantly a0ifted all the difturbers of his government, and (Quickly brought lym to accept a peace on the terms he thought fit to prefcribe*. In the tenth year' of his feign it appea^Si chat affairs were in better order than they had ever been before : yet it was not long before a great confpiracy was formed in England ; dnd the lords, concerned in it, invited the Welch to enter the kingdom on one fide, white the Danes invaded it on the other. The king was at this time in' Normandy ^ but, having early intelligence of what pafled in his abfence, he quickly returned into England, feijted many of the conipirators, And difappoint^ them in their intended rifing. The Danes, however, under the eoitlmand of Canutus the fon of king Swain, came with a fleet of two hundred fail, upon the coaft, and even entered the mouth of the Thames ; but not finding their con- federates in the pofture they exped):ed, and perceiving that the king had now a navy as well as an army, they retired to Flan* ders without undertaking any thing ". For hine years after, the king remained (}uiet with refpedl to (he Danes, who were involved in fo many troubles at home, that in cafe his enemies refumed their proje£ls} and pafTed X Pontan. renim Danic. hift. lib, v. p. 197. Gul. Malmefb. de gef}. reg. Ang. lib. iii. y Chron Saxon, p. XS6. Ingulph. hid. Oul. Malmelb. Mat. Paris. An excellent account of Doomfday.book, the reafon why it wat made, and iis content!, is to be found in Robert of Gloucener's chronicle, vol. ii. p. 373. in Mr. Hearac's accurate edition. ^11 « Ih' !"■ m firor m. / «4 NAVAL HISTORY from thence into Normandj >. Th« next year he engaged in a irar with France, in which, though he was fuccefsful, yet it coft him his life ; for, advancing too near the flames of a city which he caufed ti» be burnt^ he caught a fever thereby, of which he died, on the 9th day of September 1087, in the twen*- ty-firft year of his reign, and the fixty-fourth of his age. The Saxon chriclie tells u^ chat he was a diligent adive prince, and ejitremciy jealous of his fovereignty as king of England^ Wales he fubdued, and bridled with garrifons, awed Scotland, preferved Normandy, in its £uJl extent, agaaoft all the attempts of the French, and, if he had lived two years longer, would have reduced Ireland without employing arms *. In a word, he was in England a great king, and to bis Normans a good duke.; Wit LI AM IL fttrnamed Rufus, /. e. the Red, from the co- lour of bis hair, (ucceeded his father, though without ia much as a plaufible title, his brother Robert not only having the pre- tence of birth, but likewife a plea of merit much fuperior to his. William, however, thought be might well attain by fraud what his father had both taken and kept by force ; and therefore, ba- ting the good-will of fomc of the clergy, he wifely determined to procure that of the nation by diAributing among them his Ci- ther's treafures. To this end he made hafte to England, and going to Winchefter, where his father's wealth lay, he fcattered it abroad in fuch a manner, that the pooreft of the people, in every pariih in England, felt the effeds of it : fo that, on his coming to London at Chriftmas, he was received with all ima* ginable tokens of loyalty and affeiQion ». He eafily difcemed, that his brother Duke Robert would not fail to- give him diftur* bance, and that, whenever he inclined to do it, a party would not be wanting to afllft him in England : he therefore, to fecure himfdf, in the iirll place, careiTed all the Engli(h nobility, and, contrary to his father's maxims, preferred them to the Normans, not out of any love, but becaufe he faw the Normans better af<* fefted to his brother : yet, whatever the motive was, the thing itfcif was very beneficial to the people \ for it once again put « A. D. ro8 :m. too. /^ OF W I L L 1 A M R XT F U S. ^ arms into their hands, and thereby gave them a power of obli- ging their princes to keep their promifes longer than they in- tended. Another expedient of his was of no lefs advantage; he permitted the Englilh to fit out (hips of force to a£t againii hb enemies; and we ihall quickly fee what profit the king reaped from this indalgence <^. Robert, the eldeft fi>n of the conqueror, was in Germany when his father died ; whence he quickly returned to take pof- ieifion of the duchy of Normandy, in which he met with no oppofition^. When he was iettled there, he turned his thoughts upon England, where his uncle Odo, earl of Kent, had formed a ftrong party for the fupport of his title. They furprifed and fortified levet al caiUes \ and if Robert, who had a good army in Normandy, and (hips enough to tranfport them, had been as diligent in his own affair as thofe who abetted his intereft here, he had certainly carried his point, and transferred the crown to his own from his brother's head : but he contented himfelf with fending^ a few troops hither, which, however, landed without oppofition, the king having no navy to oppofe them. But the Engliih obferving that, after this, they began to pais the feas carelebly, attacked them as occafion ofiered, took their (hips, and deftroyed multitudes of men ; fo that, in a little time, Ro« bert was glad to defift from his pretenfions to the kingdom ; and the king, in the fourth year of his reign, invaded Nor- mandy both by fea and land : but, by the interpoiition of friends, their differences were compofed, and for the prefent the brothers reconciled '. The year following, the king rcfolving to be revenged on the Scots f , who had invaded his dominions while he was in Nor- mandy, prepared to attack them with a confiderable land force, and at the fame time fitted out a great fleet. Duke Robert, who was then in England, was intruded vrith the management of this expedition, which was far from anfwering the expeftations raifed thereby : for the fleet not being ready till towards Mi- chaelmas, there happened fuch ftorms ontheScottifhcoaft, that abundance of (hips were loft, and many more difabled : the army, too, fufiered exceedingly by the feverity of the weather ; and c Roger. Hovedea. p. 4tft, 4ff». Johan. BxQmpr, Chron. inr. x. fcript. d A. D. ie88. , «A. O. i9 9«. f A. D. 1091. ,il'.' ■|:;. ^n ''i r after H M NAVAL irl S T O R T after allj Duke Robert was glad^ by the jnterpofition of Edgaf iitheling, to make peace with Malcolm king of Scots ; which the king ratified, without intending to Ytep \x.*. After this, ther^ is little occurs in his reign as to haval expeditions, except fre- quent invafions of Normandy \ which (hews he was fuperior at fea, and that he might have made a great figure by his maritime power, if he had been A) inclined. But he had other views, and was particularly difpofed to bring the Welch under ful>je£kion$ in order to which, he allowed the nobility on the borders t<$ undertake expeditions at their own expence, and j in confequence of that, for their own advantage. An accident happened in otit of thefe expeditions^, which Ihews how much maritime affairs were then negle£ked^ ^nd how imprudent a thing it is to depend on armies without fleets. Hugh earl of Shrewfbury, and Hugh earl of Chefler, invaded the ifle of Anglefey, and eafily fubdued the inhabitants, whoni they plundered, and ufer! very cruelly : but^ in the midft of theii* fuccefs, one Magnus, a Norwegian pirate, came ffoiii the Ork- neys, which were then fubjefl to the Danesj with a fmall fqua-i dron of fhips, and, landing in Anglefey unexpectedly, defeated ,thefe infolent invaders, killed the earl of Shrewfbury upon the -fpot, and carried off all the fpoil that he and his afibciates had taken. Not long after this, King William being infornied, that the city of Mans was beGeged, he refolved to go to its relief: and though his nobility advifed him to ftay till a fquadron, at lead, could be drawn together, yet he abfolutely refufed td make any delay, but, going on board a fmall vefiel, obliged the mailer to put to fea in foul weather^ for this wife reafoh^ that he never heard a king of England was droWned ; and fb, landing at Barfleur with the troops he had in Normandy, relieved thb place. How much foever fome commend this aiftion, it was not certainly either prudent or honourable, as exprefi^ng rather an intemperate courage, than any fober refolution of maintaining his dignity, which would have been better provided for by keep- ing a navy in conftant readinefs <. This appears alfo to have been the king's own fentiments : forj on his return to England^ the next year, his firfl care was, to put his marine in a better £ Chron. Saxon, p. i^-j. Alnred. firverl. lih. x\, » A. E^. 1999* i Uogcr. Hbved.p. 465. Alured. Bef. annalct, lib. ix. < * . . i _ condition I V « OP HEHR Y I. M ii f ondition •, and, having formed fomc new proje£ls, he drew to, gether a very conildcrable fleet, at the fame time that he raife4 a very great arnmy ; but before all things could be got ready, he was taken off by a fudden and violent death. ?or going to hunt in New-Foreft, he was (hot accidentally by an arrow'4 glancing againft a tr^e •, fo that, after fetching one d^ep groan, he died on the fpot. The current of our modem hiftories have fixed this fa^ pn onp Sir Walter Tyrrel \ but feveral ancient yrriters, fpeaking of the Ring's death, do not mention this gen-r tleman : and a contemporary author afiirms, th^t he had often heard Sir falter declare, that he was in another part of the foreft at the time pf the king's death, and that he knew not how it happened ^. Thus the rumours in one age become hif- tory in the nej(t. This accident fell out on the fecond of Au- guft, in the year 11 00, when the king had reigned almoft thir- teen, and lived fomewhat piore than forty-(wo years, He was * fertainly a prince of high fpirit, and quick parts, hut had little tendernefs fpr his fubjedts y and though he made a better king than his father, to the £ngli(h, yet it was merely becaufe he ^ad more need of them, as appe^ed by the difterence of his f ondu£b in f ime of diilrefs \ and, when the fituation of his af- fairs was mended, through their ailiilance : for he grew then as carelefs in performing, as he had been lavifh before in promi- Ong. Sp that his death was looked on as a deliverance, though \^z left the fuccei^pn vin(*et(led, and ^ things in confufion. Hbn|lT]| the yqung^i^ Ton pf the conqueror, from his being l^red to learning, fumamed Beauderk, flept into the vacant throne, while his brother Robert was in the Holy Land >. He had a bad title, though yarnilhed with many fair pretences : fuch as his being born after his father became king } drawing his firft breath in England, and having ever fhewn a great af« fediion for his countrymen. Yet the favour of the clergy, and particularly the Archbifhop of Canterbury, was the chief caufc pf his peaceable accellion } as hi$ being very rich, and knowing well how to diftribute his money, gained him, after his accef- fion, many friends. In the very dawning of his reign, he -dif- k A quodam ex fnis fagitta occifus, fays the f>axon Chron. p. Z07. Sugcr in ^tU Ludoyki CriiiG,. lA. D. iio*. covered ■WB^Wt $n NAVAL HISTORY covered an admirable talent for government, doing more good things than his brother had ever promifed. He reftored, in a great meafure, the Saxon lawsj preferred virtuous ind able men ; eafed the people of their taxes, and provided for the fe- curity of the feas ; promoting alfo, to the utmoft of his power, the trade and navigation of his fubpfis. Still more to ingrati- ate himfelf with the commons, he efpoufed Matilda, the fifter of Edgar, king of Scots, who was niece to Edgar Etbeling, the true heir (^ the Saxon line : all this he did with great iin- eeritj of heart, and not from thofe principles of Norman cun- ning, wherein conHAed the feeming wifdom of his brother. He carried his affe^on for the Engliih farther ftill, by doing them juftice upon their opprefibrs ; imprifoning the biihop of Chefter in the Tower, who had been the principal advifer of William Rufus, in all his arbitrary exaflions". In confequence of all this, he either had, or ought to have had, the entire af« fediion of his fubjed^s. But his wifJom would not allow him to truft entirely to that ; and therefore, as foon as he under- flood that his brother Robert was returned into Normandy, and received there in triumph, he provided for the fecurity of his dominions by the moft natural method, that of increafing his ftrength at fea, and giving diref^ions to his officers who had the cuftody of the coafts, called, in the language of thofe times, butfecarles, to be vigilant in preventing all perfons from coming out of Normandy into England \ Time plainly difcovered the wifdom of the king's precaution : for Duke Robert, who was returned with a great reputation, and who was a prince endowed with many amiable qualities, quickly renewed his pretcnfions to the Englifh crown } prepa- ring both a fleet and an army, in order to pafs over into England with greater flrength, and hopes of better fuccefs than he had formerly. All our hiflorians, however, agree, that, if King Henry's commanders at fea had done their duty, he would ne<. ter have fet his feet on this ifland by force, But it fo happened, that, either out of hopes of profit, or from the natural levity of their difpofitions, feveral of them inclined to the duke i and, ni Chron. Saxon. A. D, iioo. Gul. Ma!me(b. de ged. reg. Ang. lib. v. Matth. Viti$,'p. Si' Esdmer. hiftor. Novor. lib. iii. Alured. Beveri. Annal, Hb. in. ■ Roger HeTcdcn,vp. 459, 4. Fiorent. Wigoro. ad A. D» - . ■..'-' • as br HeKiR^ I. «9 ^ 4is fodtt a!i ttiey knew his fleet was at fea, went over, with their Ihips, into his ferVice : by which means he landed fafely at Portfmouth with a gaUant army *. King Henry, however, had not been idle } but had a confiderable force about him, when he i^eceived this news } iipon \^hich he marched dire£lly to Haftings, whei^ he was joined by many of the nobility ; though fome of thefe, too, afterwards, went over to his brother. When things were on the point of being determined by arms, and a feeond battle of Haftings Teemed to be the only method t>f clewing the royal title, the archbifhop of Canterbury, and fome othet* great men^ interpofed, and brought about an ac- commodation, by which the kingdom was left to Henry, and « penfion of three thoufand merks was referred to Robert >> ; ixrho, after a ftay (^ fix months in his brother^s court, returned into Norn'andy, very well fatisfied : though he did not continue fo long ', perceiving plainly, when it was too late, that he who wanted refolutioh enough to contend for a kingdom, was not iikdy to preferve a dukedom in quiet : and this jealoufy dre\t upon him, in procefs of time, the very thing that he feared, as our hiftorians relate at large, and as I fhall briefly (hew, fo fat- as it concerns the fubjeift of which I am treating. After various parages into Normandy, the king, at laft, de- llirmined to make an abfolute conqueft af it ^ pretending, that he was alhamed to fee his brother not able to live upon his re- venues, though he had not been alhamed to take from him, as « gift, the penfion of three thoufand marks per antiumt which ht had forced him to accept in lieu of the crown. With this view he raifed a great army, and a fleet proportionable, with which he crofled the fea * ; and, in a fhort fpace, conquered the greateft part of his brother's dominions. That (lout prince, whofe fpirit was always fuperior to his power, refolved to ha- ftard all bravely in the field, rather than remain fafe in his per- fon, but ftrij^ped of his dominions. Full of this generous re- folution he gave his brother battle, Wherein he Ihewed all the courage and conduit of an experienced commander ; yet, in the end, was routed, taken prifoner, and thenceforward never en- '^ A. D. itoi. P Chron. Saxon, p. xog. Mat. Paris, pi 98. Gul. Mai*. ine(b. (le geft. reg. AngI, lib. v. Alured. Beverl. Anna), lib. ix. 1 A. P. tto5. Vol. I. M . joyed ■•I ; !r> J;, SKif,'! r''9Ri NAVAL HISTORY joyed either land or liberty more'. The Englifh writers aic fond of remarking, that this conqueft of Normandy happened that very day forty years, on which his father, by the battle of Haftings, obtained the crown of England : but, as to what they relate further, of Duke Robert's having his eyes put out, and dying of fpite^ becaufe the king fent him a robe that was too little for himfelf*} they are fadls, if not falfe, very doubtful at leaft, and therefore not baftily to be credited. As Normandy could not have been conquered without a con^ fiderable fleet, fo it would quietly have been loft again, if the king had not been fuperior to his neighbours at fea ; for the king of France was very deflrous of fetting up William, the fon of Suke Robert, and nephew to the king, in the room of his fa> tker. This obliged King Henry to make frequent voyages thi- ther, and to be at great sxpence,. as well in gratifying the French lords, as in maintaining an army and fleet for its defence ; which did not, however,, hinder him from chaftifing the Welch, when they took up arms againft him, or from fending to theafliilance ef the Chriftians in the Holy Land, as givat fuccours as any prince of his time ^ Indeed, his remarkable felicity, in attain- ing almoft every thing he undertook, put much in his power ; and he had too elevated a foul not to ufe what he pofTcfled. He received,, however, in the twenty-firft year of his reign ", s very conGderable check : for having fettled every thing lit Normandy to his good liking, where, for that purpofe, he had reGded for many years *, he refolved to return to England, with all the rc^al family. His only fon William, whom he had made duke of that country, and who was alike the delight of bis fa- ther, and of the nation, ordered a new fliip to be built, for the commodious carriage of himielf, and many of his princely relations : thefe, accordingly, embarked on the 2^th of No- vember, the weather fine, and the wind fair. The prince, ha- ving made the hearts of the Tailors merry, propofed to them a reward,, in. cafe they could outfaiL the veilel in which his father I ** Chron. Sixon. p. Z13, 114. Mat. Parii, p. tf». Gul. Malmefl>. 6-c. > This it indeed affirmed by M. Farit, and Come other writers of good autho* rity ; but the Saxon chronicle i» filcnt ; and Malmclbury con)inend» King Henry** kindnefi to his brother. ' Gu!. MalmeA). dc geO. reg. Anglor. lib. v. Hen. Huntingd. hift. lib. vii. A lured. Btvcrl. Annal. lib. ix. u A. D. III*. was. OP HENRY I. :"/ 91 con«> ' the king iras. In attempting this, they ventured too near the fhore, and unfortunately, juft as it fell dark, ran upon a (hoal of rocks, then known by the name of Shatteras. The boat was prefent- ly put out, and the prince, with -Tome few about him, got into it, and might have been yet fafe, if, moved by the cries of hi^ (rfter, theCountefs of Perche, he had not returned, with -an intent to take her in ; which gave fo many an opportunity of crowding into the boat, that it funk, together with, the (hip ; every foul going to th« bottom except a butcher, who very ftrangely efcaped, by clinging to the itiain-maft **. There pc- rifhed, by this misfortune, about two hundred perfons ; which enables us to give ^me guefs at the bulk and burden of fhips in thofe days *, Other circumftances in this king's reign, I find none of weig(ht enough to deferve mentioning : I {hall therefore content my- felf with obferving, that, by feveral laws relating to trade, (par- ticularly one, which gave every wreck to the owners, if a living thing was found on board), he manifefted his intention to com- merce, and his care of maritime affairs''. To this we may add, that the Danilh prince of the Orkneys made him frequent pre- fents, as teftimonies of his veneration and refpe£l ; and though Morchad, king of Ireland, whom the writers of that country flyle Murchertus 0*Brian, in the beginning of his reign, treat- ed the Englifh but indifferently ; yet, on King Henry's threaten- ing to prohibit all commerce with that ifland, he came to a juft jenfe of his folly, and ever after behaved a« became him to- wards the f«bje£ts of fo great a prince *. It is in fome meafure wonderful, that, confidering the many and great fatigues this prince underwent, he was not fooner worn out : but, as he was fortunate in all other things, fo in this alfo he was happy, that he enjoyed a longer life and rule than his predeceflbrs ; dy- ing on December 2, 1 135 ; after having reigned thirty-five, and lived near fixty-f ight years*. He was a monarch of great en- dowments, improved by an excellent education, who fincerely ^ Chron. Saxon, p. xtx. Gal. Malmefb. Hen. Hunthigd. Matth. ParSi, &e, « AInred. Bcvrrl. annal. lib. ix. p. 148. Robert of Gloucefler's chronicle, p, 438. CKtitainr a very particular and carious account. y Sclden. Jan. Ang. int. oper. torn. iv. p. 1009. ^ Gul. Maime(b. de ge^. reg. Angl. lib. v. > Chron. Saxon, p. 137. Matth. Farii, Gul. Malmefb. ^c. llUii UM Uz loved mmmmjfi' 9* NAVAL HISTORY loved the EngUHi, and had always a juft |.gl. lib. iii, i Chron. S» Without doubtj the acceffion of th» liam Rufus, demoliflied thirty-ilx good towns, in the faireft and mofl fruitful part of England, for the making that which is (till called the New Foreft. What is afcribed to rage in the one, and wantonnefs in the other, may perhaps be juftly flyled the fruits of the fame policy in both : fot it looks as if the fa* ther had a mind to make war, a thing more di£Bcult to the in- habitants of the north, by preventing their joining with the Scots fo eailly, or fubfifting their forces conveniently When joined, and the fon might poflfibly be willing to have that coaft lefs populous, that the inhabitants might not be tempted to aim at preventing his return from Normandy, whenever his afiaira carried him thither, as otherwife perhaps they might have been. Both thofe monarchs feem to have had no tenderncfs at all fot this country, but confidered it as a farm, of which it was wif^ dom to make the moft while in their polTeffion. Henry had indeed a heart, if not entirely, yet in a good mcafure, Engliftii under him the people began to recover again, and grow weaU P De geft. pontif. An^lor. lib, ii« 4 Ibid, lib, iv. thy, •tHis Period 6t NAVAL HISTORY. 97 thy, as the king did likewife : for it was in his time that the irevenue arifing from the crown lands was adjuAed, and fixed to a fettled and certain rate, (6 as that it might be paid, either in money or provifions. As this ihews that the people were beginning to grow rich, fo, by attending his affairs at home as well as he did thofe abroad^ the king grew rich too, infomuch, that at the time of his demife, he actually left in his coffers the fum of one hundred thoufand pounds in ready money, excluflve of plate and jewels. This would have coined, incur times, to thrice that fum } but, inTeferenceio its real value, ought to be efleemed about a million. Stephen feized upon all this, and fpent it in his wars, with much more. Better had it been, if he had fpent it in his follies *, for then it would have gone amongft the people, without prejudice to their induftry : whereas his reign being a feries of troubles, they were fo often in arms, that they could attend to nothing elfe ; which was the true fource of that mifery and poverty before- mentioned. But to iinderftand this>, and many of our fubfequent reflec- tions perfectly, it will be requifite to fay fomewhat of the man- ner of dealing in thofe days, the nature of payments, and the Value of gold and Hlver. As to the common people, in their ordinary way Of trading in the country, they made but little life of money, and yet derived great advantage from the laws enaded for fettling its value } iince, by thofe laws, the rates of imoft faleable goods were likewife fettled ; by which exchange or barter was very much facilitated} and where commodities could not be brought to balance each other exactly, the difference Was paid in money, that is, in illver or gold, according to the Vates at which they were then fixed by law, . fo that none, in their open dealings, could be over-reached, cheated, or wrong- cd. Payments, adfcalam and ad ptnfumi were by weight. Twen- ty lliillings were then a pound, and the officers took fixpence over, called vantage- money. This kind of payment was very ancient : when payment was made adpenfum^ the payer was to make good the weight, though he had allowed the fixpence over. To prevent fraud in the finenefs, as well as weight, part of the money was melted down, called combuftion. There were two forts of payments by combuftion ; real and nominal : Vol. I. N real, Mi I':, liiil "* !l i!' if ! I ■r iW ; 'Pf- ::i ri; ■• ^9 FoLtTZCAt fi.EFLEC'fldiV^ tJtdH real, when a fample of the money was put into the famacej nominal, when a twentieth part of a pound was taken and ac<* . cepted in lieu of a£iual combufttom When money paid in was melted down, or the fopplement made by adding one {hilling to ^ach twenty ; the fernie was faid to be dealbated, or blanched : fo one hundred poiiijds, thus paid into the exchequer after com- buftion, was faid to be one hundred pouhdis blank. This wai bppofed to payments made nu\^er»i or by tale, which is our mo- dem way. Computations, or at leaft payments, Vrer^ made by pounds, marks, half-marks, flxillihgs, pence, isfc. iilver by roarks^ half-marks, ounces, and half-ounces of g jld. The mark of gold was equivalent to fix pounds of filver, or fix fcore {hil- lings : the ounci of gold ^as equivalent td fifteen ihittings o£ filver : the pound of filver was twenty fhillings } the mark of filver thirteen {hillings and fourpence ; the ihilling twelvepence* It is requifite to have thefe notes before our eyes, whien we are {peaking of what pa{!ed in times at fnch a difiance; for, other- ^ife, it will be almoil impo{Gble to prevent falling into great miftakes about fubje£ts of importance ; as, indeed, feveral able bi{lorians have done, for want of attending carefully to thefe matters, which, in alt probability, they did not conceive fo de- ierving their notice i and yet a difpofition to negligence is forne* times as fatal to the reader, zi an inclination to falfehood. But that I may not feem to expert more caution in others^ than I have (hewn myfelf, I think it may not be amifs to give the public {bme account of the reafons why I fuppofe, that the fum of oAe hundred thoufand pounds, found in the treafury of King Henry I. was equivalent to near a million at this time« Iti ord<:r to this, it is nece^ry to acquaint the reader, that, in the reign of that prince, the kiing's tenant, who was bound ta provide bread for one hundred men, was allowed to compound, by paying one {hilling in money. The very learned bifhop ^eetwood fuppofes, that this was bread for one meal | but I im inclined to think, that it was bread for a whole day ; and am induced to think fo, becaufe, in countries where this e{la- blKhment has always prevailed, a ration of bread is {lill fo ac- counted. In our times^ I prefume, the value of bread for a day may be computed at about twopence, or rather more j and confequently, bread for a hundred men will come to {ixteen {liillings THIS PerKdd of naval history. was (gto led: 99 ihillings and eightpence ; ib that what could be then bought |br one Shilling* "aid coft almoft feventeen now. Yet if w^ Should haftily conclude froni hen^e, that any given Aim of mor ney, at that time* ought to be multiplied by feventeen, to fin4 Its equivalent in ours, we iliall ^e much in the wrong* Fo^ t^e (hilHngt in t^ofe times, was thrice as heavy as ours ; and th^refQrp was» in reality, worth three {hUling^s fo that, \t\ fa£l, the breach that; would now coft fixteen (hillings and eight- pence, might have been bought then for as much iilver as is iq three of oor (hjUings. According to this computation, one hundred thoufand pounds then, would not be \^orth quite ib^ h^Ddred (boufsind i|ow : but if we re6e£l, that a great part of this Cum muft have been in gold, and that it is very reafonable to believe the compoiition was not exactly made, or ftriAIy fet^ it will appear, that the eftimation I h^ve made is agreeable tq truth ; or, at leaft, not very wide of it. It ms^y not be amifs, after dwelling fo long upon this fubje£t, to explain anotl^er point ; that is, the difference between the j^axon and Normal money, which in found was very great, though but very little in fa£l. The Sa3^>ns divided the pound weight of iilver into forty-eight Shillings, which the Norman^ divided only into twenty; but then the Saxons divided thei^ (hilling into fivepence only; whereas the Normans, fplit theirs into twelve : frpm whence it follows, that the numher of pence in the Saxon and Norman pound was the fame, and the pounds themfelves exactly of the fame value, as being in reality what the word implies, a pound weight of filver. It has been before obferved, that great fums of money were paid in weight; an4 the reafon of it is not hard to be found ; for the coin then cur-* rent was the filver penny, with a deep crofs indented on the reverfe ; fo that it might be eailly broken into the halfpenny, or farthing. This was convenient enough, therefore, for fmnll matters, hut not for great : and for this reafon all large pay- ments were by the fcale ; and in cafes of very great moment, it was ftipulated that it (hould be fo : juft as in fucceeding times it was required, that payments (hould be made in fterling money, and as in ours we ufe the phrafe of good and bwful money of England. N 2 ' Fc il! ii I' ml m m Wi> ii' illf :'t ; I m i\ ' J 100 Political Reflections upon, &c. 1 i I We collcft moft of thcfe particulars cither from old record^i^ monkifh hiftorians, or thofc ancient chronicles in rhyme, which arc ftill prefcrved to us by the induftry and care of a few men of a particular tafte, though very little regarded by the many. It is, notwithftanding, very certain, that points of tliis nature arc highly important, to the thorough underftanding the moft ufeful and material parts of hiftory: fuch as comparing the ftatc and conditions, the manners and iifages, the felicity and infeli- city of pad times with our own; without which, hiftorical reading is a mere amufement: which, how niuch foever it may enable a man to talk, will, notwithftanding, fcarce afford him^ the capacity of thinking or rcafoning better. It is on this ac- count that we fee the common people very apt, upon fome oc-. cafions, to treat learning and learned men with contempt ; be- caufc they are not able to anfwer readily fuch queftions as are propofed to them about matters in common ufe : and it is this, Jikewife, that recommends to them Baker's chronicle, and other books of a like nature, written in a familfar %le, and which defcend to things which fall under daily notice, though they are but mean in point of compoHtion, and are very frequently dark and inaccurate ; which is indeed a. good reafon why they ihould be corre(5led and fet right, indead of being undervalued and wholly neglected by men of parts and knowledge. For, after all, we can never expeft to fee an English hiftory complete, if there is not full as much refpefl paid to the difcoveries made by antiquaries, as to the greater and more fhining events which are recorded by thofe who make the wars and ftate intrigues of our monarchs their principal care, and difcufling them the great bufinefs of their writings. . LIVES A I »o» 3 % I '■""» L J V E S Q F T H E ADMIRALS? IKCLUDINC A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. CHAP. V, ^^ Naval Hiftory of England, during tlic reigns of Henry II. Richard I. John, Henry 111. Ed\vard I, fdw^rd U. Edward III. Highard U. Containing the fpace of about 235 yetrs. HENRT II. afcended the throne, with univerfal confcnt, on the death of King Stephen, having, befides his king- dom, large dominions on the continent, by various ti- tles, viz. Normandy, Aquitain, Anjou, Main, and Tourain, which rendered him extraordinary powerful. He was about twenty-eight years old at this time, and efteemed as wife and brave a prince as that age produced. His firft care was to rc- ftore the government to its former ftate, by rectifying the many diforders which had crept in during the unfettled reign of King Stephen*. Having performed this, he projefted the conqueft of Ireland ; for which, though he had many pretences, yet he thought fit to obtain the Pope's bull, the rather, becaufe the reigning pontiff, Adrian IV. »> was by birth an Englifliman. This * Gul. Neubrig. hid. rer. Angl. lib. ii. c. 1. b A. D. 115s. favour t |i: ' J M iiir^' m IN I i mam loa NAVAL HISTORY I favour he eafily obtained, for propagating the ChriAian faith, together with the power and profits of the holy fee, as by that inflrument appears *=. In order to this expedition, the king con» ferred with his great council a( WincheAer } but his mother ciifliking the projeft, it was for that time laid aiide^. His next expedition was beyond the feas, in the fifth year of his reign', undertaken at a vaft expence, with a great fleet and potent army, for the recovery of the earldom of Toloufc, to which the king claimed a title t but he was not fo happy in this as in his other expeditions, though he was fo far fuperior at fea, that his enemies durft not contend xyith him on that element f. In the eleventh year of his reign, he employed both a fleet and an army againft the Welch «, and afterwards was engaged in various difputes with the king of France, which obliged him to a long refidence in Normandy K In the fixteenth year of his reign >, he caufed his fon Henry, then about fifteen years of age, to be crowned king in his life^time '', which inflead of contribu^ ting, as he fuppofed it would, to his peace and profperity, pro^ ved the caufe of very great calamities to himfelf and fubje£ts. About this time, the king refumed his grand defign of con- quering Ireland, to which he had varioiis incitefnents. Some pretendohs he formed^ from its having been anciently fubdued by the Britons : another motive was, the injuries done to his fubje£ts by the piracies which the Irifh committed, taking and felling Englifh prifoners into Havery t but that which gave hini the faired occafion was the tyranny of Roderick Q-Connor, who, aiTuming the title of Monarch of Ireland, opprefled the other princes in the ifland, and thereby forced them to feek the pro- tection of King Henry. One of thefe, whofe name was Der- mot, king of Leinfter, being driven out of his dominions, pafTcd over into Normandy, where the kipg then was, and intreated his afliftance, which was readily granted : but the king, like ^ politic prince, advifed him for the prefent to apply himfelf to feme of his barons, to whom he granted a licence to undertake an expedition in his favour. Accordingly, Robert Fitz-Stephens in the month of May, in the year 1 169, landed at Wexford « Nic. Tilvet. aonal. vol. i. p. zS. * Ibid. p. 31. « A. D. njg. r Gu!. Neubrig. lib, it. c. 10. S A. D. 1165. h Nic. Trivet, annal. vol. i. p. 4S> I A. P. 1170. k Gal. Keiibrrg. lib. ii, c, 1;. that con» other OP MEKRV It 10 j with a very fmall force : he was immediately followed by Mau- rice Prendergaft ; and thefe^ by the affiilance of King Dermot, having gained footing in the ifland, Richarl earl of Chep(low« commonly called in our hiftories Richard Strongbow, who was thcchicfundcrtakerj went thither in pcrfon, and landrd Auguft 1$* 1*70* *' Waterford with a greater force, and in a Ihort time reduced Dublin and many other place •=■■ King ilcnry, ha- ving advice of their unexpected fuccefS) began to take umbrage thereat) and publiflied a proclamation, commanding all his fub- jt€ts to return out of that ifland by a time prefixed, on pain of confifcation of their eilates in England : but they, by aiTuring the king of their duty, and fubmiflion to his will, engaged him to revoke that order, and to come to an agreement with them, whereby he referVed to himfelf the fea-ports and coafts, and confirmed their inland conquefts to the undertakers. The king, however, refolved to go over thither in perfon, and for that pnr- pofe drew together a confiderable army, which he embarked on board a fleet of four hundred fail, and paflTed therewith from Milford-haven to Waterford, where he landed Odober 25* 1 171. The appearance of fo great a force, and the prefence of the king) had fuch an effe£t on this country, then torn by inte^' ftine divifions, that, in a very fhort fpace, the king made this great conqueft, which he had fo long fought, and fo vigoroufly endeavoured^ without effufion of blood. Afterwards, keeping his Chriflmas at Dublin, he there received homage and hoilages of the feveral petty princes, and even of the great King Roderick O'Connor} fo that, if his affairs had permitted him to have rC" mained there fo long as he intended, he would in all probability not only have eiFeClually reduced Ireland, but alfo left it in a quiet and peaceable ftate '. It was difcord arifing in his own fa- mily that prevented this ; for Eleanor his queen, his eldcfl fon King Henry, his younger Tons Richard and Geoffrey) entering into a confpiracy againfl him, and being fupported therein by the power of the king of France, old King Henry was obliged about Eafter to leave Ireland, and return to Wales ; which he did, without fufTering any lofs, having before fettled the Engliih I Rog. Hoved. annal. par. pod. p. 516, szy. Matt. Parii, hid. Angl. p. ti6. Gui. Neubrij. lib. ii. cap. atf. Nic. Trivet, annal. vol* i. p. 57, conqucfU lllliM U\: i. ■P t,;'J M >d i ■ V , in 'io4 kAVALHISTGkY tonquefts in that ifland as he thought proper ■". >Of this War ^Js have a very diftinfi account^ though interlarded with aiany fu- perftitioUs circUmdances by Gerald Barry^ better knoWn by the iiame of Giraldus Gambrenfis, an eye-witnefs "; The king was engaged^ by the unlucky accidents before-meh- ttonedi in various wai^s for many years together ; in all which he fupported himfelf with undaunted courage^ and admirable icondufl; In Normandy he diefeated the king of France^ and the fdrces of his oVrn fou Henry : the loyal nobility of England^ in the mean timej not only repulfed the king of ScotS) who had invaded the northern provinces of England, but took him pri- foner j and the earl of Flanderis, who had r^ifed great forced, with an intent to have invaded Englaiid, was fo awed by the king's fuccefs, that he Was forced to give over his enterprize^ and difbandhis army : and thefe great things the king was chiefly enabled to perform by his fuperior power at fea^ in which^ chough fome conted happened between him and his fon Henrys yet it was quickly over ; for the king*s fleet deftroyed mod of the rebels (hips, and many of their confederates, infomuch that^ wearied by degrees with repeated difappointmentsj and brought low by numberlefs defeats, his enemies were at length content to accept a peace on the terms prefcribed them by the king } af- ter which, he tranfpojrted his victorious army on board a royal ileet into England^ landing at Fortfmouth on May 26, 1 1 75 **; The fame year, Roderick O'Connor made a fecond and more full fubmifTion to the king p, who thereupon transferred his title to that ifland to his fon John^ who^ as fome writers report, was trowned king with a diadem of peacock*s feathers fet in goiJ» lent to his father by the Pope for that purpofe. Some part of this ftory, however, cannot be true, iince it appears, from the great feal made ufe of by this prince, that he never flyled him- felf king, but lord only of Ireland } into which country he ulfo went 'I, feveral years after, with a coniiderable army, and con- tinued there fome time^ though without performing any great matter'. n* Gul. Neubrig. lib', ii. cap. x?. ■> Thel'e is an Knglilli traKflation ot hit Work in the firil volume of Holingfhed's chronicle. " Kic. Trivet, annil. vol. i. p. 67. 9 Roder. O'Fhherty in Ogyg. p. 441. Nic. I'rivet. ahnal. vol. i. p. but it alio railed a much greater naval force than had ever been fet on foot fince the coming of the Normans, and withal carried the Engliih fame to fuch a height, 'M aftonilhed the whol'e world, and was the true iburce of that ffii w A. D. 1189. « Matt. Parii, hift. Angl. p. ijj. Oiil. Neubrig. Hb. I*, c. I. Nic. Trivet, aniial. voL i. p. 97. Gilfrid. de vino falro. Roger Huveden* minal. Johan. Brompton, Rad. dc Diccto. Ran. Iligden. in Pul)chron. refpeft m OF RICHARD I. 107 vifpeA which has ever fince been paid to the Engllfh flag. Buc it is >now time to return to the expedition. The articles of agreement between the two kings^ Richaiid' and Philip, are recorded at large in our own and the French, hiftorians, as alfo the naval regulations ' ; with which, there- fore, I (hall not meddle. One thing, however, is very obfer- rians grace with the high title of Emperor. I'his, with the plundering fuch (hips as were wrecked upon his coafl, and making prifoners of fuch perfons as efcaped drowning, fo provoked King Richard, that he made a defcent with all his forces^ and, in the fpace of fourteen days, reduced the whole ifland, taking the king and his y Matthew Paris, Roger Hoveden, and in Haklt^yt, vo!. H. p. 10. there ii a very large relation in Eqgli(h, drawn from John Fox, who had conri>lted all our tuftoriaoir * Abrc|e de I'hiftoire de France par Mneray, torn, ii. p. ;p;, O a daughter I m ! I i-R i-:f. 1!^ . mm I' wm 1 im iVt ;■ ■ f l • io8 NAVAL H I S, T O I^ T daughter and heirefs prifoiiers. I^erc he received Ouy, Ibrm^fW king of Jerufaleni} with ieyeral os^her Chriftian princes in the eaft, who fwore fealty to him a^ their prote£|or ; aind, having Jleft two governors with ^ considerable bodjr of troops in C^pnis,^ he failed from thence with z, much better €ec* than he brought yrith, hun y for it confined of 254 ftout ihi^, and upwards of 60 gallies. In his pailage to. Aeon orFtokmais« he toojc a huge, yeilel of the Saracens, laden with ammuniticui and proyifion,^ bound for the fame place, which ^as then befieged by the Chriitian araa^y. The iize of this fhip was fo extraordinary, that it very highly deferyes notice. Matthew Baris. calls it E^romunda, and tells us, that the fhips of the Englifh fleet atta.cked it briHo] ly, though it lay like a great £b.ating caille in the iea, and was in, a manner impenetrable ■. At length, however, they -boarded and carried it, though defended by no lefs than 1500 men, of' iwhom the king caufed 1300 to be drowned, and kept the rc- maiuiug 200 prifoners, who, another writer fays, were all per-, ions of di{lin£t:ion. After this vidory, the king proceeded to^ ikcon, which he blocked up by fea, at the fame time that hie. forces, in conjunOJon with thofe of other Chriftian princes, be*, fieged it by land ', (b that at length, chie^y by his means, it was taken, though defended by the whole ftrength of the S,aracen& under their famous prince Saladine i*. The French and Engliih took joint poflefllon thereof etter, if that mixture of envy and jealoufy, which is fo root- ed in the temper of our ambitious neighbours the French, had not inclined them rather to facrif;ce all regard to honour, and aU refpefk to religiouj, than fuffer fo great an ei^terprize, as; that of taking Jerufalem would have been, to. be atchieved by an Englifli prince % The king, having fettled his aSairs in tlxe heft manner he could iin the eaft, endeavoured to make all poflible hafte home, but met with a fad misfortune in his paflTage ; for being ihipwrecked on the cpaft of Iftria f, where with great difficulty he faved his life i he thought, for expedition fake, to. travel by land through Qermany incognito, taking the name of Hugo, and pafllng for a merchant. But arriving in the neighbourhood of Vienna, he was unluckily difcoyered^ and made prifoner by Leopold, duke of Auftria, with whom he had formerly had fome difference in the Holy Land, and who bafely made ufe of this advantage tqi- revenge his private c^uarrel. After he had kept him fome times he delivered, or rather fold him to the emperor Henry VL a covetous, mercenary prince, who was refolved to get all he i- I 1:8 m m m * Matth. Pariiy Hift. Angl. p. iff;. Nic.Triver. Annal. Vol. i. p. 124. Gol. K^nbrig. lib. W. cap. 30. Mczeray, tom. ii. p. {98. « Galfr. de ViiM ]^lvo, R«»ger. HoTCflcn, Gul. Neiibrig. f A, D. Itpa. could SStSs i==^ Ii« NAVAL HISTORY could by him, before he fct him at liberty*. The injuftice of this proceeding was viiible to all Europe ; but the dominions of the emperor, and of the Auftrian prince, were fo far out of the reach of England, and withal the enemies of King Richard ^7ere become fo numerous and powerful, that, inftead of won> dering at his remaining fifteen months a captive, pofVerity may iland amazed how he came to be at all releafed; efpecially, Hnce fo large a ranfom was iaHfted on, as one hundred and four thoufand pounds : which, however, was raifed by the people of England, though with great difficulty ; part of it being paid down, and hoftages given for the reft''. In the fpring of the year 1194, the king returned to England, where he began to rectify all the mifcarriages which had happened in his abfence ; and perceiving that nothing could effectually fettle his foreign rig. Ub, iv. cap. i& I Hidoire de Fiance par Tlczeray, torn. ii. ^ 6t. ' ti R I C H A R t tit of Frnic^, which then were wont to follow the court where* ever it went, came into the hands of the Engliih, and through careleflhefs were diflipated and deflxoyed"'. At laft^ when King Richard was reconciled to his brother John, and had ef- fe^ually quelled his foreign enemies, he was taken out of this life by an extraordinary accident. A certain nobleman having found a large trcafure hid in his own lands, fent a part of it to the king, who thereupon demanded the whole} which being refufed him, he prefently befieged this nobleman in his caftle ; and going too near the walls to give dired^ions for an afiault, he was mortally wounded by an arrow ; though fome fay that the wound was not mortal in itfelf, but was rendered fo by the ill management of an unikiiful furgeon". However this might be, he died on April 6, 1 199, in the tenth year of his.reign» and forty-firft of his age. He was a prince very juftly fur- named Cceur de Lion, or Lion's Heart ; iince his courage car- ried him through all things ; and his firmnefs was fuch, that it alike bound to him his friends, and daunted his enemies : a ftrong inftance of which we have in the niefi*age fent by Philip of France to Earl John, on the king's being relcafed by the emperor } viz. That the devil was now let loofe again, and therefore he ihould take the befl care he could of himfclf ^. Of all our princes, none better underftood the value of a naval force, or how to life it ', as appears not only by the vidories he gained in time of war, but by his eftablifhing the laws of Ole- ron, foe the regulating maritime afFairs, and by the conAant care he took in fupporting the ports and havens throughout the kingdom, and encouraging feamen ; whereby he drew numbers from all parts of Europe into his fervice, and by a like vigilance in promoting and prote^ng commerce p. John fucceeded his brother by virtue of his will, and not in right of blood : for if that had taken place, the crown would have belonged to his nephew Arthur, the fon of his elder bro- ther Geoffrey. From the day of his afcending the throne, he "> A, D. 1 194* ■ Matrh. Parii, Hift. Angl. p. ipj. Roger Horeden, Annal. p. 791. Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. 114. o Roger Hoveden, Annal. p. 719. » Joan, Selden, in diil(:rtat. ad fletau. c. ix. Matth. l'w to account for feveral of his a^Honsj and thofe Who 4^y him any good qoaltties at all, are dill more at a lofs xp rei|^r their relations confident. That he had very juft n(^^ as to maritime force, and was extremely tender of his (ove^^my over the feas, is more authentically recorded of hio^ thaii of any of our preceding kings : for it appears^ that v^^%2x\^ in his reign, he, with the aflfent of thie peers at Hai llings, enadtcd, that if any of the commanders of his fleet* ^ould meet with (hips of si foreign nation at Tea, the matters of which refaiVid to (Iribe to the royal flagj then fuch Ihips^ if ta<> ken, were to be deemed good prizes ; even though it fliouldi appear afterwards that the ftate of which their owners yrtxi fubje£ls, was in amity with England**. It cannot be fuppofedi that this ftriking to the royal flag was nov firft claimed } but rather, that as ah old right, it was for the preventing unneceft> fary difputes clearly aflerted. If it had been otherwifej on^ would imagine that it would prove more ftill } ilnce no prince^ who was not confeiiedly fuperior at fea, could ever have fet Up^ and carried into praftice, fb extraordinary a pretenflon ^ WWcndover. f Match. Paris, hii)» Angl. p. aji. S A. D. laia. b Mezen^y, vol. iif p. 6iZ. Matth. 5*ari«, vol. i. p. »3», Nic. Tiivit. Annal. vol, i. p. «5Z. U r P 2 9i II< NAVAL HISTORY of thcQi, that thf reft might have the greater plenty of provJ* flonf } yet, after this was done> be encamped fixty thoufan^ men on Barham Downs, having a larger fleet riding along the ce»a^ than had hfitn feen 'm thofe times ; and in ihk poftor^t ^e waited for hi^ |bes >. But the Pope's legate coming over, an4 prpmifmg tO| deliver him from this danger, if he would fubmil Limfelf and ^is kingc^om to the fee of Rome i be, to prevent cffUfion of bl^od, and perhaps fearing the treachery pf hi| barons, confented thereto, and the Pope immediately prohibited King Philip tp proceed K He, too, notwithftanding his great power, obeyed, though wi(h an ill will i| yet refolved to makf fome ufe of thi? mighty armament, and therefore turned if againil the ^arl of Flanders } iending the beft part pf his fleet to wafte the 9pafts of (hat country ; while himfelf with a greal army entered it by land. King John was no fooner informed of this, tjhan he ordered his nayy, under the command of hi| brother the Earl of Saliibury, to fail tp the aflii^nce of his ally '. He finding the French fleet, part riding in the road. and part at anchpr, in the haven of Dam in Flanders, 6rft atr tacked and d^f^rpyed thofe withoyt, and then landing his fbrce;^ ieil upon the French in the harbour by iea and land, and after an obllinate dispute, tpoIj( them all i fending home three hun- dred fail, well laden with proyifions, tp carry the new9 of thf^ vidory, and fetting all the reft on fire. So fortunate was this prince at fea, becaufe his failprs were loyal, who was fo ypluckf on (hore through the treachery of his great men "% Thus delivered from his prefent appcehen^ns of the French, the l^ing began to think of padTrng once again beyond the feas^ in order to recover his rights ; but met \f ith fo many difficuU* ties and difappointments, that it was long before be couM cnrrj his defign into execution. At laft, in the month pf February 1 214, he, without the afliftance of his barons, embarked a great army on board a powerful fleet, and therewith failed to ]|[locheI, where he landed and was well received, the greate^ part of the country fubmltting to him immediately. For fome. • MaCti). Paris, hifl. Angl. p. 334. ^ Nic. Trnret. Annal. vol. i. p. : T57, 158. Matth. Paris, hift. Angl. p, S37. Robert of GlouceAer*s chronicle, p. 507. * A. D, H13. n» Nic. Trivet. Annal. vol. i. p. JJ7. ZtUti:tiy, yo), ii. p. 6x3. Matth, Paris, hift* Angl. p, ^^g. time J 9 K I M G JOHN. 117 time he carried on the war ag^iinft the French profperoufly ; but fortune changing, and hi* allies being beat in the fatal bat- tle of Qoviqs'^, he was coaftrained, about Eader the next year,, to agree to a truce ; the rather, becaufe hi* Tubje^ls in England began to r^hel ". In the month of November he returned into ^is luogdQiB| where he found things in a much worfe condi<> tion than he expected. The barons, in his abience, had time to confer together, and had reduced their demands into form ; i^.that the king quickly found, that he either muft grant what . they aiked* or if he ventured to refufe them, mud have re- courfe to the fword. At firft he chofe the latter *, but he quick- ly found, that the barons were like to be too powerful for kJm ; and therefore, in a meadow between Egham and Stancs, called Runnemede, i. <« the Mead of Council, he granted that charter in the fight of both armies, which fince, from the im- portance of its contents, $md the folemnity with which it was made, bath been called MAQZf a ChaRTa, or the Qreat Char- %&eK Yet repenting of thu foon after, he endeavoured to fruftrate what he had done; but the barons were too powerful Sot him, and reduced him to fuch ftraits, that at length he was ^onf^rained to fly to the lile of Wight, where he lived in a manner little different from that of hispredeceilbr King Alfred, when he Qed from the Panes ; yet in all his diftrefles his fea-r men remained faithful : and ^ow, when he had not a houfe in which he could fleep with hSitf on (hore, he found a fan^uary from all dangers in his (hips^ in which he frequently chafed the vefiels of his didoyal fubjefts, and, by landing on the coafts, fpoiled their eftates, and thus fubJilled the few loyal perfons who i^uck to hi^i* ft the expence of his and their enemies %. In the ni^^an time the barons, plainly perceiving their want of a head, refolved to invite over Lewis, fon to the king of France % who had married King John's niece, in order to fhelter them« felves againft the refentment of that monarch by fetting his crown - on the head of this young prince. Not only Lewis, but King Philip his father, relilhed this propofal exceedingly, and afiln'r n A. D. 11x4. zcray, vol. ii. p. . 'A. D. in6. " Matth. Parif, htft. Angl. jj. 3.»7. w Johan, de WallJngtord. « Polyd. Virgil. y Thom, O'lcrhorn. » Matth. WeftmotialK * Sec tills point cleared in the clofc »>r King John'i reign, in Spscd's chronirlc. h Nic. Trivcr. annal. vol. :. p. lefi. Matth, Vaz'.:., i'ilN A'fjl. p. 188. Robert of Gloucfftcr'i chroui* ->. p. S»'-. 5«3 cafs T i^ot H 2 N R Y m. IJ9 III Li cafe at)d increaf; of trade. He granted more and larger charters to citieii and boroughs than any of his predeceiTors, and, by thus ibrengthening the liberties of the people, incurred the hatred of his ambitious barons'. He fettled the rates of neceiTarieS) and . effe£hi:dly punifhed all kind of fraud in commerce''. To him likewife was owing many regulations in refpe£t to money, and the £irR. coining of that fort- which is called fterling. One can- not therefore help doubting, when we confider that he was the author of our beft laws, whether thofe writers. do him juftice, who declared that King John was one of the worft of our kings. He ftood on bad terms with the monks, and at that time they penned our hiflories ; which is a fufficient reafon againft his ob- taining a good charrtder, even though he had deferved it. So much of his fame, however, as may refult from the refpe£t he had to naval affairs, we have endeavoured to vindicate ; and ihail do the fame good office (as indeed it is our duty to do) to every other prince, in whofe favour authoiities may be produced againft common opinion. Henry III. a child between nine and ten years of age, fuc* ceeded his father immediately in his dominions, and in time be- came alfo the heir of his misfortunes. At firfl;, through the care of the earl of Pembroke his guardian, he was very fucceiT- ful, that wife nobleman fhewing the barons, that now they had nothing to fear from King John ; and themfelves alio by this time well knew, they had very little to hope from King Lewis, who put French garrifons into all the caftles that were taken by the Engliih lords, and gave glaring proofs of his intention to rule as a conqueror, in cafe he could poflefs himfelf of the king- dom*. In a fhort time, therefore, the royalifts grew flrong enough to look the enemy in the face ; which the French fo lit- tle apprehended, that, with an army of 20,000 men, they had marched northwards, and befieged Lincoln. The city quickly fell into their hands ; but the caftle, being very ftrong for thofe times, made an obftinate defence ; and, while they were enga- ged before it, the earl of Pembroke with his forces came to of^* -* !' I T 1' I -If") /W-'l e Speed** chronicle^ p. jo5. d Hakluyt*li voTaget, yol. i. p. up. Can>- den'* Britin. in Striveling. Roger Hovsden. aRnal. • Matih. Paris, hifl. Angl. p, aya. III ii^ NAVAL tilSTORT > fer them battle. The baroh^ who adhered to King Lewis, and irere oertainl|r beft atquainred i^ith the llrength of their coun- trymen, adviled the Frenth general to march otit and iSght } but hej fufpicious of their integrity, ehdeavoiU'ed to fecure his forcdf in the city. The noyaliAs firft threW a conflclerable reinforcement into the caftle, and then attacked the enemy in the town. The ftruggle was veiy /hort) the French and their confederates being quickly beat, almoft withbut blood-ilied, and the Viiflorious ar^ my fo exceedingly enriched by their plunder, that they called this battle Lewis-fair, as if they had not gone to a fight, but td a market '. The confequences of this battle brought the French prince and his faction fo low, that he was gidd of a tiruce, which might afford him time to go bade to France for fuccours; and this being granted, he pafled over accordingly to Calatsj -mani' of the barons deferting him in his abfence s. He did not (lay long abroad, but, proridihg widi the iitmoR diligence a confiderable recruit, embarked on boird a fleet of eighty (lout (hips, befldes tranfports, and immediately put to fea. Hubert de Burgh, governor of Dover caftic, affilled by Philip de Albanie and John Mar(hall, refolved to encounter him with the (Irength of the cinque ports, and accordingly met him at fea with forty fail of (hips. The Englifli, perceiving that the French bad the advantage of them both in (hips and men^ made uft of their fuperiority in (kill ; fo that, taking advantage of the wiiid^ they ran down many of the tranfports, and funk theth with all the foldiers on board : their long bows alfo did them rrotablc fervice : and, to prevent the French from boarding theSm, the^ jaid heaps of lime upon their decks^ which the wind, blov^ilig fre^, drove in the faces of their enemies, and in a manner blinded them ; fo that, declining the difpute, they as faft as ik>lB<^ ble bore away for the (hore ; and landing at Sandwich j Lewis^ in revenge for the mifchief their (hips had done him) burnt it to the ground K The £ngli(h were every way gainers by this en- gagement, as on the other hand it entirely ruined the affairs of LewiS) who was now forced to (hut himfelf up iu Londoti^ where vei^ foon after he was befieged, the Englifb fleet in the f A. D. iii7. « Nic. Trivet. Annil. Vol. i. p. rtf8. Mttth. l*«rl», hli*/ Aiigl. p. X9S- Mezeray, vol. ii. p. 031. >> Aooal. Wivrrl. Thom. Wal. finghanj. Hypodigm. NeuftriiiP. V '*•■..• „ - ■ mean OF HENRY III. I2i mean time blocking up the mouth of the Thames. He quickljf few how great his danger was, and h w little reafon he had to eype£t relief. In this iituation he did all that was left for him to do } that is to fay, he entered into a treaty with the earl of Pembroke* whereby he renounced all his pretended rights to th« kingdom of England, and provided the bed he could for himfelf and his adherents ^ which freed the kingdom from the plague of foreigners >, and remains an inconteftible proof, that as no<> thing but our inteftine divifions can invite an invaiion, fo, while we retain the foverelgnty at Tea, fuch attempts in the end muft prove fatal to thofe who undertake them. The importance of this engagement will excufc our dwelling upon it fo long, as well as our taking notice here of fome lefTer circumftances relating thereto. One Euilace, who bad been iqi, his youth a monk, but for many years had exercifed the trade of a pirate, and had done the Englifli in particular much mif- chief, fell now into their hands ; and though he offered a large fum of money for his ranfom, yet it was refufed, and he put to death. There are fome differences in our ancient hiilorians as to the year in which this famous fea-6.ght happened, which it will he neceffary to clear up, becaufe any error therein would afie£t moft of the fubfequent dates. In the firfl place, Matthew Paris fixes on the very day, and aJTures us, that it was gained pn the feaft of St. Bartholomew, 1217''. Trivet places it in the fame year, and gives us the reaibn why Euftace the monk was fo feverely dealt with. He, like an apoftate as he was, fays my author, went from fide to fide, and, of a wicked monk, became a very devil^ full of fraud and mifchief. As foon, therefore, as he was taken, his head was f^ruck off, and, being put upon a pole, was carried through a great part of England '. Yet Ho- lingfhed places it under the year 1218'^, and the French hi/ld rian Mezeray in 1216". Thefe errors, however, are eafily rec- tified, fince it is certain, that the treaty of peace foUowed tUi|; yiftory i and we find it bore date September 11, 1217 9. The fame v^'iCc governors, who had {o happily managed the king's affairs hitherto, and had fo wonderfully delivered him out -; pi ■I i Mezeray, vol. H. p. 631. k Hid. Angl. p. 198. I Annal. vol. !. p. 109. m Vol. i). p. aoi. n Abregc de 1' hiiloirc de FiStiicr, vol. it. p. 631. 9 Rymcr's roedera, vol. i. p. 321. edit. »da. 122 NAVAL HISTORY of all his difficulties, fhewed a like diligence in eftablifhing tha tranquillity of the realm, and cultivating a correfppndence witl^ foreign princes ; of which various teftin^onies occur in Mr. Ry- mer*s collection of treaties^ whence it is inconteftibly evident, that they were extremely tender of trade, and of the dominion of the fea p. In order^ however, to keep up the martial fpirit of the nobility, ^nd perhaps to prevent their breaking out into re- bellions at hpme| l^ave was given them to take the crofs, and to make expeditions into the Holy Land «. Thus the earls of Chefter, Winchefter, and Arundel, went at one time' 5 the bilhops of Winchefter and Exeter at anotl^er, with many fol^ lowers • : fo that, when they came into Syria, there were not fewer Englilh there than 40,000 men, of whom ycry probably not many returned home *. The diefire King Henry had to recover the provinces taken from him by the king of France, and the clear title he thought derived to him from the treaty made with Lewis, who was now king, induced him, more than once^ to folicit that prince to *'e- ftore them, and to fend over fmall fupplies of forces into tho places which he ftill held. All this produced nothing confider- able ; fo that at laft the king refplyed to go oyer, as his prede-; ceftbrs had done, with a great fleet, and a numerous army. With this view, large fums were demanded, and given by par- liament, and fuch a force afTembled, as the nation had fcarce ever fcen j but when the forces marched about Michaelmas to Portfmouth, in order to embark, the fleet provided for that purpofe appeared fo infignificant, that it became neceflary to poft-» pone the expedition till the next fpring" } a thing highly preju- dicial to the king's affairs, and much more fo to his reputation *. The next year the king a£lually invaded France, and might, if he had puflied this war with vigour, have recovered the domi- nions of his anceftors ; but, being entirely governed by his mo- ther, and her fccond hulband, he confumed both his time and P The leader may find a multitude of tnflances in fupport of this in the firft yolumc of the Foedera, and not a few in the fecond volume of Hakluyt, «» Matth. Paris, p. 303. T. Walfiiigham. Ypodigma Neuftrix, p. 4*3. An- nat. Wavcrl. p. 184. Nic. Tiivet. annal. vol. i. p. xji, r a. D. iii8. «A. 0.1*17. « Hakluyt, vol. il. p. 31—38 "A. D. HZ9. « Matt. ?*"*^ hift., Angi, p. 3(jj, Tyrrel, vol. ii. p. 8(37. Holingfhcd, vol. ii. p. »ii. b F HENRY m. "3 indTiey * in pompous entertainments : fo that the French, coming down with a confiderable body of fortes, compelled him, after he had been there from April to 06lober, to embark and fail home again> without adding any thing either to his honour, or to his dominions f. This midake had terrible ei7e£ts ; for it emboldened fuch of the lords as were difafFe£l:ed, and gave the common people a mean opinion of their^ fovereign ; which is, generally fn^eaking, the confequence of all fuch mifcarriages. His brother, Richard Earl of Gornwall, who was naturally an active prince, and therefore little pleafed with the king's ma- nagement, refolved, about the year 1 240, to take upon him the crofs, and to lead a body of fuccours into the Holy Land. With him went the Earl of Salifbury, and many other perfons 6( diftin€tion ( and not long after, Simon Earl of Leicefter, and John Earl of Albemarle, followed his example *. Thus, m times of great fupinenefs, in the adminidration here, the ho- nour of the nation abroad was fupported by the valour and ac- tivity of private perfons ■, Difputcs with the barons continued to embroil the kingdom, and to hinder the king from thinking of foreign affairs; but, in 1242, the king refumed his projeft of reducing Gafcoigny under his dominion. To this he was chiefly excited by his mother, a high-fpirited haughty woman, who had contributed much to his father's misfortunes. Accor- dinglyi having, with much ado, obtained money of his parlia- ment for that purpofe, the king, with a fmall force, pafled over kito France •>, where, fo long as his money laded, he kept up a kind of war, more detrimental to himfelf than to the enemy ^. By this ftrange fort of management, the naval force of the kingdom Was impaired to fuch a degree, that the Normans and Britons were too hard for the cinque ports, and compelled them to feek relief from the other parts of the kingdom, who, in the firft year of this king's reign, had performed fuch extraor- dinary things. One William Marfhall, of the noble family of Pembroke, having by feme means or other, incurred the king's difpleafure, became a pirate, and, fortifying the little ifland of mm i -■ : f ; 'i' IvlV %. X A. D. 1130. y Nic. Trivet, annal. vo!. i*. p. 1S3. T. Wike'i chro- nicle, p. 41. H. Knyghton, p. a4.35>. Tyrrel, vol, ii. p. 870. ' A. D. ta4o. ■ Matth. Paris, hift. Angl. p. sjff. Annal. Waverl. p. aoi. T. Walfinghami Ypodigma Neuftria, p, 465. Annales Mnnaft. Barton, p. a9»> fc A. D, 1241. « Nic. Trivet, anna!, vol, 5. p. IJ4. Fabian, p. Jo, 51. Grafton, p. 1*4. 0^2 Lundy, 1 1. m %t 124 N A V A L H I S T O R ^5^ Lundy, in the mouth of the Severn, did fo much tnifi^hief, that at length it became necelTary to fit out a fquadron, to reduce him ; which was accordingly done, and he fuiFered by the hand of juftice at London •* : yet the example did not deter other di(* contented perfons from practices of the like nature. An idle defire of making his Ton Edmund king of Sicily* drew the kihg into vaft expences, and yet produced nothing glo* rious, in the leail degree, to the nation, any more than another expedition he made for the recovery of Normandy, in 1260, which ended in a diihonourable treaty ; whereby, for the fake of certain fums of money, he renounced all title to thofe coun- tries which had been the patrimonial pofTeflions of his anceftors $ and thenceforward left the dukedoms of Normandy and Anjou out of his titles*. On his return home, he met with frefh griefs, and greater diilurbances than ever. The barons grevif quite weary of a king entirely diredlcd by foreigners, and who thought of nothing but providing for his favourites, at the ex- pence of his people. The cinque ports, ever fteady in his fa« ther's intereft, revolted from him, fided with the barons, and fitted out a confiderable fleet (or their lervice : but, as thefc were times of great licence, fo, in a very (hort fpace, the inha- bitants of thefe ports forgot the motives on which they took arms, and began to conlider nothing but their private intereft, taking indifferently all fhips that fell into their hands, and excr- tifing an unlimited piracy on foreigners, as well as the king's fubje£ts. By their example, fomething of the fame nature was pratlifed on the coaft of Lincoln(hire } for certain malcontents^ having feized the ifle of Ely, plundered all the adjacent coun- tries, and carried to this receptacle of theirs all the booty they acquired. At length, however, by the induftry and Valour of Prince Edward f, they were reduced; and the fame worthy perfon, partly by perfuafion, and partly by force, brought the inhabitants of the cinque ports to return to their duty <. The confufion of the times, howevec, was fuch, and the king's temper fo timid^ fo irrefolute, and, in all cafes, fo little «J Matth. Paris, hift. Arg. p. $84. Holingnied's chronicle, p. 230, • Giil, JKifhangcrin conttnuat. Matth. Paris, p. sSj). Chron. T. Wilce'c, p. 54. AnnaU W ver!. p. 114. Rymcr's foetlcra, vol. i. p. 658. f A* D. ti6C. f An. n.I. Wavcfl. p, 211, Gal. Rifhangcr contin. hift. Angl. p. 1004. to OF HENRY m. I4J lo.. to be depended on, that the gallant prince Edward, with his brother Edmund, and naany other perfons of the firft diftinc- tion, took the crofs ", and went againft the Saracens >. A ftronger inftance there could not be, of the low and exhauded ftate of the kingdom, than the equipage with which thefe prin- ces went; for their fquadron coniifted of no more than thirteen (hips, on board of which there were embarked but one thou- fand men : and yet, on his coming into the eaft, the very fame of Prince Edward drew to him a confiderable force, with which he performed many noble a£ls, infomuch, that the inddels, de- fpairing of any fuccefs againft him in the field, had recourfe to a bafe aflaflination, which likewife failed them *^. On his re- covery, the prince, finding that he fhould not be able to do any great fervice to the Chriftian caufe in thofe parts, fettled his af- fairs in the bed; manner he could, in order to return home : in the mean time, the king his father, in the lafl years of his life, enjoyed more peace than he had formerly done, which was in fome meafure owing to a change in his conduct ; having learn- ed, by experience, that tO govern a kingdom was a painful of- fice, and required more application than hitherto he' had be- ftowed upon it. But what feems to have been the chief caufe of this fliort calm, after fo high a ftorm, was, the death of his principal oppofers, all of whom King Henry out-lived, and the uneafy circumflances in which they left their heirs : fo that, up- on the whole, the fire of fedition might, in this cafe, be faid to extlnguifh for want of fuel, and the king to die in peace, be- caufe the power of difturbing him was exhaufted. He ended his life on November lo, 1272, when he had reigned fomewhat more than fifty-fix years, and lived fixty-fix '. He was a prince of but moderate endowments, which rendered him unable to govern without afllftance, and made him alfo too prone to an implicit confidence in fuch as were about him. In the firft years of hrs reign, while the famous Hubert de Burgh, I. -V"' f pi ■1 ;'■■. tV:" , if ,1 ' ■ I) ■ , i. t ■; I-,? to l> Nic, Trivet, annal. vnl. i. p. 2x9. Chronica de Mailrss, p. 241. T. 'WaU finghami YpodigmaNfuftr'ae, p. 471. ! A. D, 1x69. k Annjl. Wa- verl. p. xx$, aa6. Nic. Trivet, annal. vol. i, p. zjx, Giil. Riflianger in cont. bid. Angl. p. 1007. Hakluyt, vol.ii. p. 36. > Nic. Trivet, annal. vol. u p. 136. H. Knyghton, p. i46t. Annal. Waverl. p. »»6. T. Walfingh. Ypo- digina Neuf^ris, p. 472. Chron. Mailros, p, 241. Chron. Godd.'V. p. 99. Chron. W. Thorn, p. 1920. Chrjti. T. Otttrbou.ni;, p, 77— 8o« earl il^l 12^ ISTAVAL HISTORf il I ».■ ^ carl of Kent, was at the head of the adminiftrationi thfcrs fecms to have been great care taken of commerce, which muft have been very conHderable, to fopply the prodigious expences of his foreign expeditions, or rather journies ; in one of which he carried over no left) than thirty large caiks of fpecie^ as alfo the mighty fums employed by the feveral adventurers in the holy wars, who conftantly mortgaged their lands at fetting ouc# and fpent the money they raifed beyond the feas. Beudes all this, we find that whenever any refpite from troubles would allow it, this was a mod luxurious age, and the king's kindnef^ for foreigners, efpecially the Poidtovins^ enabled them to carr]^ away vafl fums ; and his brother, Richard earl of Cornwall^ is faid to havelavifhed much treafure in attaining the pompous title of King of the Romans ; which enornious experice did not however hinder his living and dying a very rich man : fa that fome way or other vaft fums muft, by the balance of fo- reign trade, have centered here, otherwife fuch large draughts could not have been fupplied ; and yet we are pretty certain^ that the policy of this king's time did not reach to any of thofe refined arts of creating an appearance of wealth by altering the value of the current coin, which have been fince found out. Better arguments than thefe to prove a balance of trade in fa- vour of that age can hardly be produced ; and therefore we muft allow, that fuch a balance there was : though doubtlefs^ under a better government and a more fettled ftate of things, it might have been much larger. But the miftakes of former, are^ or at leaft ftiould be, lefTons to later ages* Edward I. furnamed Longflianks, though at his father's deceafe in the Holy Land, was readily and unanimoufly ac- knowledged his fucceflbr j nor did there happen anydifturbance^ notwithftanding he delayed his return to July 25, 1274 : in his paflage home he vifited Pope Gregory X. and King Philip of France ; ftayed fome time at his city of Bourdeaux, and having thoroughly fettled his affairs abroad, arrived here with an cfti- bliftied reputation, as well for wifdom as courage ; which per- haps was the principal reafon that allancient animofities Teemed buried in oblivion : and his barons ftiewed as great alacrity in obeying him, as they had difcovefed obftinacy in thwarting his father. OF EDWARD I. 127 on; thfers tick mult expences of which if as alfo rs in the cting outi eudes all :s would kindnef^ to carr^ ^ornwall^ pompous erice did man: fa :e of fo- draughts certain^ of thofe ;ring the und outi, ie in fa- rfore we oubtlefsj hings, it mer, are^ father's mfly ac*^ urbance^ \ : in his Philip of I having an efti" ich per- i feemeci icrity in rting his father. father. He, on the other hand, manifeftcd* a great fpjrlt offer* givenefs, and addreffing himfclf to the government with equal fpirit and diligence, quickly gave a new face to public affairs. The defire he had of fettling the realm in perfect tranquillity, engaged him to fpend feme time in making new laws, and com- pofing old differences amongfl: potent ^- nilies 5 in regulating affairs with the king of Scots, and in providing for the fecurity of the Englifh frontiers towards Wales, by redrefling the grie- vances complained of by the Welch, and heaping favours upon David, brother to Llewellin, who ruled over all Wales. Yet this peace did not continue long, and the nature of our work leads us to fhew how it was broken, and what were the confe^ quences of that breach ". Llewellin was a wife and warlike prince, more potent than any of his predeceflbrs, but withal exceffively ambitious ; fil- ling his mind with vain hopes, founded on old prophecies, and furthered in all probability by his intrigues with fqme of the Engliih barons. Thefe notions induced him to decline paying homage to King Edward, and to endeavour to ftrengthen his intereft, by marrying the daughter of Simon Mountford, late earl of Leicefter, that determined enemy of the royal family ". This lady coming to him by fea, from France, (for when came mifchief into this ifland from another quarter ?) was taken at fea by fome (hips from the port of Briftol, and, with her brother, brought to the king, who treated her very kindly. In order to put an end to thefe difputes, Edward entered Wales with a great army, and at the fame time haraffed the coaft with his fleet, which brought the proud Llewellin fo low, that he yielded to a peace on very hard terms ; in confequence of which, however, the king, from a royal gcnerofity, fent him his wife ". Not long after, he broke out again, and, in conjun. His policy in fecuring his conquell is worthy of obfer*^ vation : for lirft, to awe the people he diAributed the inland parts amongfl his nobility } and next, to prevent their giving in to the Welch cuftoms, he eftablifhed the Engliih laws, and ap- pointed {heriffs and other legal officers in thofe parts : laftly^ for his own fecurity, which he judged depended on a naval force, he kept all the ports of the principality ih his own hands, encouraging the inhabitants in their application to inland trade and foreign commerce, more than any of their native princes had done', that they might become true fubjeds of an Englifli king, rich and free. In the feventeenth year of the king's reign, fell out the death of Alexander king of Scots, which afforded Edward another opportunity of difplaying his wifdom, and of extending his power '. This prince had for his firft wife Margaret, the king's iirter, by whom he had a Ton, who died young, and a daugh* ter named Margaret, who was married to the king of Norway, to whom alfo (he bore a daughter, called Margaret likewife, whom the Scots, with the confent of King Edward, acknow> ledged for the heirefs of their crown. She, in her paflagc from Norway, going on -Tiore in the Orkneys, died there j whereupon many compctito/s for the Scottifli diadem appeared %• who agreed to fubmit the deciflon of tl^eir refpe^tive titles to King Edward. Thefe were, Eric king of Norway, Florence earl of Holland, Robert le Brus lord of Anandale, John de Baliol lord of Galloway, John de Haflings lord of Aberga- venny, John Comyn -lord of Badenoch, Patrick Dunbar earl of Marche, John de Vefci for his father, Nicholas de Soules* and William de Ros : and great confequences King Edward drew from this reference, which put the whole iiland into hia P Thorn. Walfinghara. Hift. Angl. p. 47—5%. Hen. de Knyghtan, lib. iii. cap. I. p. i4<$4. Annal. 'Waver), p. 134, 235. Ckroot Dunftaple, p. 43a, 433) 4(4> 5C7' Chron. T. Otterbourne, p. 81, 8z. 4 A. D. iaB8. » Wilt. Hemipgford, vol. i. p. 8 — 13. Nic. Trivet, annal. vol. i. p. z^6 .—159. Chron. GodftoviiP, uW fxipn. * A. D. 1189. ' H. Knyghtnn, lib. iii. c?p. i. p. 2468. Chron. T. Ouerbourne, p. 82—89. Chron. £)unftap!e» f. 5^4) 595' Hc&Qf B^ih. HiA. Scot. iib. »iii. lol. :;/. > power. nt EDWARD L 139 |^6wer, and gave bim a pretence for keeping a ftrong fquadron of (hips upon the northern coaft, in right of his fovereignty bver thofe Teas ) which) though always claimed) had not been exercifed by fomc of his predeccflbrs \ After much confulta- tion, and with great folemnity) the king pronounced his judg- ment in favour of Baliol, as defcended from the eldcft daugh- ter of David Earl of Huntingdon^, not withftanding Robert le Brus was fomewhat nearer in defcent, though by a younger daughter ; who therefore holding himfelf injured, dill kept up his claim } which perhaps was not difagreeable to Edward, who thought nouridiing diilenflons in that kingdom necciTary to prefer ve peace in his own*. ^ Notwithftanding thefe arduous affairs at home, King Edward was far from negle£ling his concerns on the continent, where he flill prefcrved the duchy of Guienne, and fome other domi- nions, to which he pafied over when occafion required ', and, contrary to the ufage of his predecefTors, took all imaginable care to prefcrve the friendfhip of France, which in the end he found impracticable ; and that his rights were only to be de- fended by force 5^. An extraordinary a£l of French infolence gave rife to the bloody war which broke out in the twenty-firft year of King Edward's reign ^, and of which I fhall exhibit a diflin£): account from proper authorities. The £rft grounds of the quarrel are very differently reported) both by our own and foreign hiflorians 5 but the relation given us by Walter of He- mingford is more circumflantial and much more probable than any of the refl ; and therefore from him (efpecially as it has never appeared in Englifli) we fhall infert it. " In the year 1295, ^ ^^'^^ contention happened between the «« Englifh Teamen of the cinque ports and the mariners of the *' French king in Normandy, which began thus : An Englifh << fliip putting into a Norman port, remained there fome days ; u John de Fordun, Scotichron. vol. iii. p. fix, ^Valter Heinin];ford, vot. !. p. 19. Nic. Trivet, ifinnal. vbl. i. p. i6j. ^ A. D. 119a. « Walter Hetningford, vol. i. p. 37, 38, Nic. Ttlvet, annal. vol, i. p. »73, S74. Hedtork Boeth. hift, Scot. lib. xiv. The. 'Wallifigham. hifh Angl. p. 59. y Dupleix, tom. ii. p. 368, 369. Mezeray, torn. ii. p. 777. T. Waliing-^ ham, p. 60. T. Wike's i.bron. p, i»5, i»6. Nic. Tiivct, annal. vol. i. p. 3,^^, If' A. D. 119^. Vol, I. , '-'^ ■■-:/-;■'•■ ^'^ R ■■ «* while ■'''I m ., t i ■''!' ;' \] ''■'^0 m n •I : ) i 13^ NAVAL HISTORY «* while they lay at anchor, two of the crew went to get frefh <' water at a place not far diftant from the (hore, where they «* were infulted by fome Normans of their own profeflion ; fo ** that coming from words to blows, one of the EnghHimen •< was killed, and the other flying to the fhip, related what « had happened to his fellow-failor ; informing them, that the " Normans were at his heels. Upon this they hoifted fail and •< put to fea ; and, though the Normans followed them, they ** neverthclefs efcaped, but with fome difficulty : whereupon <( the inhabitants of the Englifh ports fought affiflance from " their neighbours ; and the enemy, on the other hand, retain- « ing flill the fame difpofition, increafed their flrength daily, ** and chafed all Englifh fhips. In thefe excurfions, having « had the fortune to meet fix, and to take two Englifh veflels, " they killed thefailors, hung up their bodies at the yard-arm, « with as many dogs ; failing in this manner for fome time on « their coafls, and fignifying to all the world thereby, that to get frefh where they afefllon ; fo £ngli(hmen 'dated what tm, that the (led fail and them, they whereupon (lance from and, retain- ength daily, ons, having glifh veflels, c yard-arm, )me time on lereby, that lifhman and rants of the sd, provok- ) revenge fo ea, in order Swyn, and :arried away thisjon both ey by mcf- n day to de- day was the was 6xed in Normandy, > againft the id, Holland, nr alTidance ipointed day their minds tate the clc- )us gufls of in which at ♦< length «« length God gave the viftory to us ; many thoufands being *• flain, befides thofe who were drowned in a large number of •* fhips which periftiedj the viflorious Englilh carrying olF " two hundred and forty fail ; and with thefe they returned <* home. " When King Philip received this news, though his brother <* Charles had been the author of the battle, yet he fcnt ambaira* <( dors to the king of England, demanding reparation for the « wrong done him, by punifhlng fuch as were concerned, and by ** the payment of a vaft fum for the lofles which his merchants « had fuflained. To them the king prudently anfwered, that he " would inquire into the matter, and return his reiblution by «* meflengcrs of his own. Agreeable to his promife, he fent to ** defire the French king, that time and place might be fixed for «* commifTioners on both fides to meet and inquire into the cir- « cumftances of the fa£l, in order to its being amicably adjufl- ** ed i but this the French king refufed, and, by the advice of '< his nobility, fummoned the king of England to appear, and " anfwer for what had paifed in his court, on a day afligned, " The day came, and, the king not appearing, a new fummons •* was iflued, wherein the king was cited to appear on another *♦ day, under pain of forfeiting all his dominions beyond the •* feas. The king, before this day elapfed, fent his brt)ther Ed- ** mund earl of Lancafler, and the earl of Leicefter, with in- <* ftru£tions for the making an end of this bufinefs : yet thefe *« ambaifadors, though they produced proper credentials, were ** not heard, nor even admitted, but judgment was given, that ** the king ftiould lofe Aquitain, and all his tranfmarine domi-. ** nions, for his contempt in not appearing".** • " ; . Such is the account given by Hemingfwd, which is clear and cxaft, and very agreeable to what we find in the beft French authors, particularly Father Daniel, who very candidly relates^, and very honeftly blames, this violent procedure •». But what followed was fo very bafe, that, though I own it is (bmewhat befide my purpofe, I cannot help relating it. By the interpofi- tion of the French queens, a treaty was fet on foot with Prince Edmund for the accommodating all differences. By this treaty * Hiftona ie rubns geflis Edward I. Sec. vol. i« p. 39, 40, 41. b Hif^oire if France, Com. iv. p. jjS. R « .it t. .§■: ?.* ■ \ I M m .. ;-!■ n« NAVAL HISTORY : !(!• it was agree-^, that, to fave the honour of King Philip, a few iF'rench troops fhould be admitted into certain forts and cities, and that, after this mark of fubminion, they fhould be with- drawn, and, letters of fafe conduct being granted to King Ed-f ward, he fliould pafs the Teas, and fettle all things in a perfonal oonference with the French king, the troops to be recalled, and the fentence vacated in forty days, in confequence of the before-? mentioned fuhmilHon. All this being fairly executed by King Edward, when the time was elapfed, and the French troops were required to evacuate the towns, King Philip roundly de- clared, that he was unacquainted with the treaty, and that he would by no means comply therewith <=. Such was the policy of France of old, and fuch the honourable means by which heif inonarchy w^ extended ! The refentment of the king for this bafe ufage (hewed itfelf in Various treaties with foreign princes, as alfo by fending a fpeedy relief to Gafcony under his nephew the earl of Richmond, at-* tended by Lord St. John and Admiral TiptofF*". At the fame ^ime, to fecure the feas, and prevent any defcents on his coafl, the King fitted out three fleets, well provided with men and ammuirition ; one from Yarmouth, which was commanded by ^JohndeBotecourt; another from Portfmouth, under the direc- tion of William de Leibourne } the third, which had the care of the weftcrn coaft, under the command of a valiant knight of Ireland °. |n fome of the copies of Trivet's annals, this admiral 18 faid to be of the illuftrious houfe of Ormonde f . All thefe fleets did good feryice. That of Portfpiouth, about Michaelmas, failed into the mouth qf the Garonne s, and, ha- ving debarked the troops on board, took feveral places from the f rench •» : yet, next year» the French king having hired a great ' fleet, fonie of our writers fay not lefs than 300 fail, they ftood over to the Englifh coaft, and landing the troops on board fud- denly near Pover, by the afllftance of Sir Thomas Turberville a ^raitqr, took the tpwn ', and burnt it, but were quickly after- c Walter Hemingford, vol. i. p. ^2, 4j. Nic. Trivet, annal. vol. f. p. i7(f., 377- T. Walfingham, p. tfi. d Nic. Trivet, aiinal. vol. i. p. 179. Walter Hemingford, vol, j. p. 51. Hiftoirede France, par J. de Serrcs, p. 174. ' Nic. Trivet, annal. vol. i. p. 179. f Sec the MS. of Trivet in the library of McrtoB college ip Oxford. 8 A. D. 1154. * Waller Hemingfoid, vol. i. j>. stf. Nic. Trivet. annaJ. vol. i. p. jbo. i A. D, i»jj. , ;, » wards OF EDWARD I. 135 ip, a few id cities, be with- [^ing £d-f I perfonal illed, an4 le before-f by King :h troops Lindly de- d that he : policy of rhich heif ditfelfin y a fpeedy nond, at-* the fame his coady men and landed by the direc- ;he care of knight of lis admiral uth, about and, ha« s from the ■ed a great* they ftood board fud- irberville a ckly after- »i. !. p. i7 p. 30s, Holin£ihed's chronicle, p. ^04. ' n ; 1 1,^ j . ; K-' ^i' I : f.' '', hm ■;S ■; 4 i>n ',♦..■ ill i «34 NAVAL HISTORY n ' \ prefs the Scots, who, at the indigation of the French, took up iirais, and invaded the kingdom '. The king, according to his difpofition of entertaining peace on the continent if pofiible, while he had affairs of moment to em- ploy him nearer home, was content, notwithdanding the inju. l-ies he received, to make a peace with King Philip, which in the twenty- feventh year of his reign « was confirmed ", and. by the mediation of Pope Boniface VlII. made more explicit by a treaty ; wherein it was ftipulated, that the king of England (hould marry the French king's fifter, and his fon Prince Edward the daughter of the faid king, and that the duchy of Aquitain (hould be put into the hands of the Pope, until the matters in difference between the two kings (hould be inquired into, and fettled, with many other articles to be feen at large in Rymer's colle£kion **. This truce, indifferently performed on the part of the French, fubfifted to the thirtieth year of the king *, and then a peace was concluded between the two crowns, of which the third article contained a reciprocal engagement, that neither of the contract- ing parties (hould afford any manner of aid or affiftance to the enemies of the other, or fuffer the fame to be given, in any way whatever, in any of the territories or places under their power, and that they (hould forbid the fame to be done on pain of for- feiture of body and goods to the offenders, ^c. I mention this article particularly, becaufe, in confequence of it, there fell out the cleared proofs of the king of England's abfolute fovereignty of the fea, that could be defired or wiflicd; a clearer proof, per- haps, than the whole world can (hew, in refpedl to the prero- gative of a prince, with regard to other princes '. It happened thus . The war ftill continuing between Philip the Fair and the Fle- mings, that prince thought (it to fend a great fleet to fea under the command of a Genoefe nobleman, whofe name was Reyncr Grimbaldi, (moft of our writers call him Grimbaltz,) to whom he gave the title of Admiral, and who, under colour of this com- miinon, took feveral (hips of different nations, bound for the ports of Flanders, laden with various kinds of goods. Upon • Walter Hcmlngford, vol. i. p. 148. * A. D. 1x99. w Walter He- mingfird, vol. i. p. 168, i6p. Annal. Abing'on. Nic. Trivet, annal. v /I. i. p. 314, 315. * F«d^ra, toin. ii. p. 84*. * A. D. 1303. y IbiJ. p. 941. T ■ ■'- \ ■ - this. i ■ 1 i»i-. ©F EDWARD I. 135 I, took up g peace on :nt to em- ' the inju- iich in the md by the >licit by » md (hould ,dward the ain (hould , difference ttledi with jlleftion **. he French, a peace was laird article e contra£t- ince to the in any way leir power, )ain of for- ention this ;re fell out bvereignty jroof, per- the prero- t happened ncl the Fle- o fea under was Reyncr ) to whom )f thiscom- md for the Js. Upon u Waiter He- v-l.i. p. 314. Ibid. p. 94i> this, this, corhplaints were made to the kings of England and France, who jointly appointed comraiflioners to hear and determine the matters contained in them. To thefe commiffioners, therefore, a remonftrance was pre- fented in the name of the procurators of the predates and nobles, and of the admiral of the Englifti feas, and of the communities of cities and towns ; likewife of the merchants, mariners, {Gran- gers refident, and all others belonging to the kingdom of Eng- land, and other territories fubje«£\: to the faid king of England ; as alfo the inhabitants of other maritime places, fuch as Genoa, Catalonia, Spain, Germany, Zeland, Holland, Frizeland, Den- mark, Norway, tifc. fetting forth, that whereas the kings of England, by right of the faid kingdom, have from time to time, whereof there is no memorial to the contrary, been in peaceable pofreflion of the fovereignty of the Englifli Teas, and of the iflands iituate within the fame, with power of ordaining and efliablifhing laws, ftatutes, and prohibitions of arms, and of fhips otherwife furnifhed than merchantmen ufed to be ; and of taking fecurity, and giving pote£lion, in all cafes where need fhall require ; and of ordering other things neceflary for the maintaining of peace, rigl. , . : calls himfelf admiral of the faid fea, being deputed by his fovereign aforefaid, in his war againft the Flemings, did, (after the above-mentioned alliance was made and ratified, and againft the tenor and obligation of the faid alliance, and the intention of thofe who made it) wrong- fully alTiime and exercile the office of admiral in the faid fea of England, above the fpace of a year, by commiflion from the faid king of France, taking the fubjedts and merchants of the king* dom of England, and of other countries, pafTmg upon the faid feas with their goods, and did caft the men fo taken into the prifons of his faid mafter the king of France, and, by his own judgment and award, did caufe to be delivered, their goods and merchandizes to receivers eftablifhed for that purpofe, in the fea* ports of the faid king, as forfeit and confifcate to him ; and his taking and detaining the fald men with their faid goods and mer- chandizesi ; OP EDWARD I. H »37 and zttti' ifes where ' is thetn o£ of (hips^ )f the faid ognizance» manner of franchifes, e treaty of the words d and com* iiioned, in 1 orher, for againft all inner, that ut to inter*' lifes, libcr'- kingdom9» againft all lintain) the toms, 5s*f . ) lid or affift*. imb, eftate, after of the admiral of 1, in his war ned alliance bligation of e it) wrong- : faid Tea of 'om tiie faid •f the king* pon the faid :en into the , by his own ir goods and c, in the fea- im \ and his >ds and mer- chandizesj chandizes> and his judgment and award on them as forfeit and c(Mififcate> hath pretended in writing to juftify before you, tho LordsCommlflionerstbyauthority of the aforefaid commiffion for the office of admiral by him thus ufurped, and againft the gene- ral prohibition made by the king of England, in places within his power, in purfuance of the third article of the before* men- ticmed alliance, containing the word& above written, and hath therefore required, that he may be acquitted and abfolved of the fame, to the great damage and prejudice of the faid king of £ng- tand| and of the prelates, nobles, and others before mentioned : wherefore the faid procurators do, in the names of their faid lords, pray you, the Lords CommiiSoners before-mentioned, that due and fpeedy delivery of the faid men, (hips, goods, and mer- chandizes, fo taken and detained, may be made to the adttxiral of the faid Icing of England, to whom the cognizance of this matter doth rightfully appertain, as is above faid, that fo, with- out difturbance from you, oc any one elfe, he may take cogni- jsance thereof, and do what belongs to his aforefaid office ; and that the aforefaid Mr. Reyner may be condemned, and conftrain^ ed to make due fatisfa^ion for all the faid damages, fo far forth as he (hall be able to do the fame \ and in default thereof, his iaid mafter, the king of France, by whom he was deputed to the faid office, and that, vifter due fatisfaflion (hall be made for the faid damages, the faid Mr. Reyner may be foduly puniflied for the violation of the faid allowance, as that the fame may bq an example to others for time to come ". Thus far the remonftrance; on which other writers having largely infifted, let us content ourfelves with making a few ob- vious reflexions. I. It appears from this paper, that the doml- nion of the fea had not only been claimed, but exercifcd and po(le(!cd, by the kings of England, for time immemorial ; which is fufficient to give fome credit to the fadts which we have rela* ted from the Britilh hiftory ; for as to the times fince the Ro-* man invadon, they were, in an hiftorical fenfe, within memory, IT. It is clear, from hence, what the dominion of the fea was, viz. a jurifdiftion over the vefiils of all nations palTing thereon for the common benefit of aUj for the preventing piracies, the • Selden^s mire cltufuw, lib. ii. cap. 17, a8. Coke's Inftit. lib. iv. cap. tx. Vol. I. b jjrotc^io^ ■ :m: 10\ r ; 'I I I 8 '■':' ■ h i- » III 138 NAVAL HISTORY i'\ im i I ! i ■•at protection of commerce, and the decifion of unfbrefeen di^ putes. III. It is no lefs apparent, that this was an exclufive jurifdi£tion, in which no other potentate had any ihare ; which Qiuft h^ye been founded either in common confent, or in fupe? riority of ftrcngth ^ either of which afforded a good title. IV. We fee, by this remonftrance, that the dominion pf the fes| refting in the king of England, was a point not only knpwp to, but maintained by, the Genoefe, Spaniards, Qermans, Hollan- ders, Danes, and, in fhort, by all the iparitime powers then iq Europe ; which is fufficient to evince, that trade was far from being at a low ebb ; and that the prei-ogatiye of the crown of England, in this refpeCl, had been hitherto fo exercifed, as tq render it a compipn advantage. V. We perceive, that foreign- ers were fo jealous of thq aiTuming tepiper of the French prin- ces, that they would not admit the commander in chief of theic naval fprce to b.par the title of Admiral, which they apprehend- ed to include a title to jurifdiC^ion ; and therefore would have this Reyner Grimbaltz fly led only Mafler of the fhips to thq king of France. VJ. We muft obferve, that the Coinmiflionri ers, to whorn this remonflrance is addrefled, neither had, nor claimed any naval jurifdidtion whatfoeyer, but were appointe4 to hear and determine whether King Edward's prerogative, asi fovereign of the fea, b^d been invaded by this Reyner Grim- baltz, in contravention pf the firil: article of the treaty between the crowns of England and France, whereby the contracting parties covenanted to maintain each others prerogatives; an4 confequently, the French king w;as bound to maintain this pre- rogative of King Edward, which gave pccafion to the commif^ lion. VII. We owe the knowledge of this whole affair not to our hiftorians, but to pur records j whence we piay fafely de- duce this confequenc^, that the want of fa£bs to fupport fuch a jurifdidtion thifQughout preceding reigns, ought npt to be urged as a jufl objection; becaufe, as I once before hinted, moft of thofe who applied themfelvcs to writing hiftory, \verc very little -.acquainted wi(h thefe matters. But there is one thing more relating to this affair, which de.-> fcrves particular attention ; and that is, the plea put in by Rey- ner Grimbaltz, in anfwer to this remonftrance. He did not dif- j)ute the king of England's fovercignty \ he did aot plead any , ,. ■ ] < ■ OP E D W A R D I. 139 efeen di^ exclufive e } which r in fupcr itic. IV. )f the fe^ :npwQ to, , HoUan- s then va, i far from crown of ifed, as tq itforeign- iQch prin- Elf of their }prehend- >uld have Ips to the mmiilionr* had* nor appointe4 gative, asf ler Grim- ^ between ontrafting ;ives; an4 ;i this pre- e commif- 'air not to fafely de- lort fuch a be urged j, mo(t of very little ^hich de,^ n by Rey: lid not dif- plead any p§. Many other* inftances of this king's claiming artd exerclfing the fovereignty of the fca might be produced* if they were at all neceffary ) but as> at thit time, the title of our kings was no way contefted, it is not neceffary to detain the reader loiiger bn this head. The remainder of his life was fpent in fubduing Scotland, on which he had particularly fet his heart, as appears, by his dire^ing his dead body to be carried about that country, till every part of it was brought under his fon's dominion. In this temper of mind he died, in a manrier* in the field ; for he caufed himfelf to be conveyed from Garlifle to' a Village cal- led Burgh upon Sands, where he deceafed on July 17, 1307, in the thirty-fifth year of his reign, and the fixty-ninth of his age*. fe Seldeni nbi fijpra. Mollcy, de jure maritimo & navali, c»p. t. c Wait. HemingfoH, vol. i. p. 137, 138, 239, Nic. Trivet, annal. p. 34.«, 347. Chron. trodftovtan. p. 103. T, Walfingham. hift. Angl. p. 94. Thorn. Sprotr, clironic. p. Ill; Johan. Fordiin de ScoiicUionicon, vol. iv. p. 1003, A, Kny^hton, p< Xiio, Fabian, p. 149. 4 t V '] \ ?■ ^■aiiv 1^^; I k t ill at li f!| ,vl Li t4o NAVAL HISTORY He was, undoubtedly! one of the braveft, and mod polite princes, that ever fat on the Englifh throne. He rightly judged, that he could never be formidable abroad, till he had eftablifhed unanimity at home; which was the reafon that, atfuch an ex- pence of blood and treafure, he annexed Wales for ever to his dominions; and endeavoured, with fuch earneftnefs, to add Scotland to them likewife ; which, if he had lived, he wottld» in all probability, have done; and then, no doubt, the French would have felt the wdight of his whole power. For though he was too wife to be diverted from the profecution of his de* (igns by any of the arts of his enemies, yet he was a monarch of too great fpirit to bear the injuftice done him by France, longer than the fituation of his affairs required. As he fet the flate in order at his firft coming to the throne, fo he left the government thoroughly eftablifhed at the time of his deceafe ; which, with a numerous army and potent fleet, he configned to his Ton, who refembled him very little, either in his virtue or his fortune. Edward II. fucceccled this monarch in the throne with the general fatisfa£lion of the nation. His firft care was to folem- nize the marriage, concluded for him by his father, with the princefs Ifabella, daughter to the French King ; and for that purpofe he pafTed the feas, and went to Paris, where he was very magnificently received, and the ceremony of his nuptials was performed with extraordinary iplendour. His marriage over, he returned to England with his new queen, and was crowned on the feaft -of St. Matthias, with all imaginable tefti- monies of joy and afFe£lion from the people''. But this fair weather was foon over ; for he fhortly after bringing back his favourite, called by moft of our writers Gavefton, but whofe true name feems to have been Piers, or Peter de Gaberflon, a Gafcon, the barons took fuch an offence thereat, and at the extravagant marks of royal favour he afterwards received, that more than one civil war happened upon his account, which hin- dered the King from applying himfelf to the care of his con nym. Monach. Malmcfburient, «it. Edward II. p. 95—106. ' Adarn Mu- rimuth, annal. vol. ii. p. 1 5. Hefior Boeth. bift. Scot. lib. xiv. p. 302. Thom. Wairingham. hift. Angl. p. 105 .T. Otterbourne, p. no. H. Knyghton, p. 2533. Johan. Fordun Scotichronicon, vol. iv. p. ioo7> Monach, Malmelburtcni^vit. Ed- ward II. p. 146, 147. Johan. Trokclowe, annal, Edward II. |.. .4—3$. Fabian'a chronicle, p. 167, and ! S;. Johan. Trokelowie, annal. Edvuard II. p. 33, 44. J. Fordun Scolichronicon, vol. iv. f>. looS, 1009* T. Wairmgham, p. 107, iti. Heftor Bueth. hift. Scot, lik; xiv: f. 305. h A, D. i3i3. timbrage OF EDWARD II. U3 offending :cply laid^ ueft of the t over his ing of Irc- 1 ment at Lord johii ms of diC- juickly re- tcd fcveral lerfon; and ot been for :lcr, in the :8 done all >ne for the ; fcnt over reprefs the noiis battle ught before the EngU(h ward being iirminghani ■d". After lat the king er his mis- incd mafter uffering his ngs i finct* awn familyi J, was ano- on To 111 at ad. Charles irig to takd 5;. Johan. nieon, vol. iv« Scot, lik; xiv; Umbrage vmbrage becaufe King Edward did not aflift at his coronation, fent his. uncle, Charles de Valois, into Guyenne, a great part of which he quickly reduced, and grievoufly diftrefTed Edmund earl of Kent, the king^s brother, who was fent to defend that province ; infomuch that he agreed with the French general to come over, and perfuade his brother to give King Charles fatif- faftion, or elfe to render himfelf, if the king of England was inflexible, prifoner of war ; by which capitulation he preferved the few towns the Englifh ftill retained in Guyenne, though he thereby paved the way, perhaps involuntarily, for his unfortu- nate brother's depoiition and deflrudtion >. As foon as King Edward was informed of what had pafTed, he took it extremely to heart, banifhed the French v/ho were about the perfon of the queen, and had thoughts of entering immediately into a war Vrith that crown : but finding it impoHl- ble to obtain fupplies from his parliament, he fuddenly changed his puppofe, and rcfolved to fend over Queen Ifabella to treat yrith her brother, and to endeavour to accommodate the differ- ences which had happened between them ; and upon this errand (he accordingly went. By her applications, the French king was not only drawn to pafs by what had given him offence, but was likewife induced to give him the dukedom of Aquitain, and the earldom of Poi£iou to prince Edward his nephew, on condition that he came and did him homage for them in perfon ; though, to preferve appearances, letters of fafe condu6): were alfo fent to the king, that he, in cafe he fo thought fit, might alfo go over to France, and take poiTeffion of thofe countries *. When King Edward had confidered thefe conditions, and con- fulted with his favourites, he refolved to fend over the prince to his mother, in order to the due execution of the treaty. This was all that the queen and her party wanted : for no fooner was the heir of the crown in France under their tuition, than immediately they began to negociate z treaty of marriage between him and the daughter of the earl of Hainault, diredlly i Mezeray abrege dc Thin, de trance. Com. it. p. 841. Lc Gendre hift. d« France, torn. iii. p. 431. Adam Murimuth, vol. ii. p. 6i. T. de la Moor, vit. Edward II. p. $p(S. Thorn. Walfingham, p. stx. k Paul £myle, hid. de»Roitde France, p. 497. P. Daniel, hill, de France, torn. iv. p. 45, 47. Rynacr's fixUcra, lout. iv. p. 195.. , ^ contrary i'i .1 : '4 I 1 !r 'T;' ' t^- h hM \m\ M t i': ,J- >44 NAVAL HISTORY I ■*^ contrary to his father's inftruAions ; and, at the fame tiine» made all the neccflary difpodtions for invading England, as foon as this marriage was brought about '. The king having no in- telligence of thefe proceedings, fent pofitive orders to the queen and his fon to return homt ; and on their refu£il proclaimed diem enemies to the kingdom, and at the fame time began to aA vigoroufly againft France ; fending orders to his admiral to cruize on the French coafts ; particularly to the conftabie of Dover-caftle, and warden of the cinque ports ; who executed his commands (6 effe^lually, that in a ihort time a hundred and tWenty fail of fhips belonging to Normandy were brought into the Englifh ports i". This had fuch an effcO: upon King Charles, that in appearance at leaft he abandoned his fifter " : though a French hiftorian intimates, that it was rather occafion- ed by her too great familiarity with Roger Lord Mortimer. However it was, the queen retired firfl into Guyenne, and went thence with her fon, the prince, to the court of the earl of Hainault, where (he openly profecuted her deHgn of attacking her hufband, in fupport of which (he had formed a firong party in England. The king on his fide provided the beA: he could for his de« fence, which however did not hinder her landing with tliree thoufand men, at Orewell in Suffolk, a little before Michael- Bias : an inconfiderable force, in proportion to the delign, and yet it is hard to conceive even how thefe were landed, with- out the connivance at leaft of fuch as had the command o£ the king's fleet : which may with the greater reafon be fufpeft- ed, fince immediately after her arrival the earl of Lancafter and mofl: of the nobility came in to her aliiftance ; fo that the king feeing himfelf deferted, was forced to retire, or rather was compelled to fiy into Wales; where finding himfelf abandoned by thofe about him, he went on board a fmall fhip, intending to retire to Ireland } but after tofiing to and fro a whole week, he lauded again in Glamorganihire, where for fome time he lay hid. • 1 Adam Mnrimuth, vol/ii. p. 63, Thorn, de la Moor, vit. Edward IT. p. S99. Thorn. 'WalGnghatn, i»j. » Polydor. Virgil, lib. xviii. Thorn, Wftlfinghami Ypodigma Neuftria, p. 507, 508. Mczeray, torn. ii. p. 843, S44. » A. P. ijaC. ' • F EDWARD III. M5 At laft being difcovered, he was carried prifoner to Mon* mouth, and thence to Kenilworth-cadle, belonging to the earl of Lancafter, where he remained till his queen and the coun- fellors about her took a refolution of forcing him to redgn his crown 7 which by authority of parliament was placed on the head of his fon**. He did not furvive long after this, but was conveyed from place to place under the cuftody of Gournay and Mattravers, who in the end brought him to Berkley-caAlc, where he was bafely murdered on September 21, I327> when he had reigned twenty years, and with fmall ceremony buried at GloucefterP. With the charaQer of this prince we fhall meddle very little : his enemies have left us reports enough, in relation to his vices, and we have alfo fome accounts of him from lefs prejudiced pens. As to maritime concerns, ..uring his reign, they were certainly on the decline, as they will al- ways be when the ftate is difcompofed : yet, as far as the dii- tra£lions in his affairs would give him leave, he Ihewed himfelf a friend to trade, and remarkably careful of wool, the ftaple commodity of the kingdom, as appears by his charter granted for that purpofe, and other authentic proofs •>. ♦ Edward III. called, from his birth-place, Edward of Windfor, afcended the throne in his father's lifetime, being in- tirely governed by the queen his mother, and her favourite Roger Mortimer '. He married Philippa, daughter to the earl of Hainault, who was alfo crowned queen. In the beginning of his reign there happened many things which were far from promifing thofe glorious events that afterwards followed. For, firfl; he made an unfortunate war againft the Scots, which was fucceeded by a difadvantageous treaty; then pafHr-^r over to France, he, by the advice of his mother and her counfellora, did homage to Philip, fon of Charles de Valoif^ then ftyling himfelf king, to the prejudice of his own ti«:k to that crowu. We may add to this, the cutting off his uncle Edmund earl of ° Adam Mu^muth, vol. ii. p, 6g. Tliom. Walfingham, p. ixs—iiy. Thorn, de la Moor, p. (Joo. P Chron. Gudftovian, p. 109, Adam Mu- rimuth, vol. ii. p. 70. Then. Walfinghami Ypodigma Ncudriae, p. jog. Thorn, de la Moor, y\t. Edward II. p. fioi, 603. K. Knyghton, p. aj5i. Grafton's chronicle, p«^i&, Hf. 4 Hakiu) t's voyages, vol. i. p. i4».. f A. D. 1318. Vol. I. f Kent*s .51, ' Si- lt: I ('* I4< NAVAL BISTORT i ': ■'> I M il Kent^ head, for a pretended reafdn, in endeavouring to fet hia brother King Edward on the throne again ; though it was well known h^ was dead* Btit as by degrees he began to a£): ac- cording to his own fentiments, he eafiiy wiped o^ thefe impui tations, due rather to the tendernefs of his age, than to any hvith of his mind, for in the founh year of his reign, when the king himfelf was but twenty years of age, he, at a parlian tnent held at Nottingham, went in perfon, and at the hazard of his life feized Mortimer in his mother's bed-chamber % caufed him to be carried to London, where, by his death, he in fome mcafurc atoned for th^ crinies he had cpmmitted in hi^ lifetime ^ Thenceforward King Edward ruled like a great prince, an4 one who had his own honour, and the reputation of his peon pie at heart, ^e firf^ turned his arms againft the Scots, who had done incredible mifchiefs in the north ; and refolving to repair the difhonour he had fuAained during the weak adminin flratioq of his inother, he prepared both an army and a fleet for the invafion of that country ; and though the latter fuffered grievoufly by ftorm on the Scottifh coaft, whereby moft of hi$ great fhips were wrecked, and the reft rendered unferviceable ; yet he perfifted in his defign of e^rpelling David Brus, and re-i iVoring Edward Baliol ; which at length, with infinite labour, he effe£hed, and received homage from the faid Edward, as hi^ grandfather Edward I- had from John Baliol" : David Brus, who had fucceedcd his father in the kingdom of Scotland, re- tiring into France with his queen, where they were kindly re- ceived. In this ftep of fecuring Scotland, previous to any ex- peditions beyond the feas. King Edward imitated his grand- father, as he feems to have dpne in moft of his fubfequent un- dertakings, having always a fpcci^l regard to the maintenance of a ftout fleet, and fecuring to himfelf the poffeffion as well ;»s title of lord of the feas, which enabled him to aflertj \»hen- cver he thought fit, his rights abroad, and effedually fecurcd him from apprehending any thing from the efforts of his ene- mies at home. While he was laying thefe folid foundations of * A. D. I3i9. * Adam Murlmuth, vol. ii. p. 75. Walter dc Heminj»ford, vol. ij. p. 171. Cnron. G>">drtovUn, p. no. Robert dc Aveftjurjr, hift. Edvardi \\\. p. 8, p. H. Knyghton, p. ijs whenever he Ihould tliink fit to claim it*'. As this war was of great importance to the nation, as well Us to the l^ing) and carried our naval force to a greater height than ever it arrived at before •, it will be neceffary to enter into 9 diftinfl, though concile detail of its caufes, as well as of the. circumftances attending it. Philip the Fair, king of France, left behind him at his deceafe three fons, who all fwayed the (ceptre of that kingdom in their turns. The eldeft of thefe, XiCwis X. reigned twenty- fix y^^ars, leaving his queen big with thild, who after his deceafe brought forth a fon, called John ^ but the child died at a week old) and Philip, the late king's brother, fucceeded, who reigned alfo twenty-fix yeai*s. On his demife, Charles IV» furnamed the Fair, claimed and enjoyed the crown twenty-eight years; and deceafing in the year 1328, left his queen Jane pregnant, who was afterwards delivered of a daughter named Blanch ; and immediately thereupon King Edward fet up his title to the fucceflion i thus he acknowledged that the falique law excluded the females ; but he maintained, that the males defccnding from thofe females were not excluded by that law; becaufe the reafon whereon it was founded did t»ot reach them. The peers of France, however, decided againft him, and acknowledged Philip dc Valois, coufin to the dcceaf- ed prince, as the next heir-male, and feated him on the throne« This was in 1328 j and King Edward being at that time in no condition to vindicate his rights by force, feenied to acquiefce ; and being afterwards fummoned to do homage for the countries he held in France, he made no difficulty, as we before obferved, of complying ; and even performed it in perfon with great magnificence *» But afterwards, being better informed as to. the validity of his pretenfions, and finding that feveral foreign princes were ready ^ Adam Murimuth, vol. ii. p. 79—84. T. Otterbourne, p. iij— 117. Mnnacli. Mulmefbnricns, p. 245, 247. Rebert dc Aveftiury, p. ir— aj. H. Knyghton, p. ijffj — iS^;. Hedlor Boetli. hift. Scot. lib. xv. p. jix — 31^. J. Furdun Scotichronicon, vol. iv. p. lo»i, io*». ^ Mtzersy Hbregc de I'hiftoirc dc France, »ol, !. p. 3 — it. P. Daniel biftoire de France, torn. iv. p. 63—71. Coaiinint, /Vdaiii Muiimn(h. H-, lip;jfhi;U'* chr«i)ja«. T li to W m h ■■'■if. 1 1 ■*[ !!!| , ¥ 148 NAVAL HISTORY M 14' il ' N Wi to abet his claim, he refolved to do himfelf juftice by force o£ arms, in cafe he could obtaiix it no other way. With this view^ he entered into a treaty with the Emperor Lewis of Bavaria, the earl of Hainauh, the Duke of Brabant, and other princes ; and having proceeded thus far, the king next wrote letters to the Pope and cardinals, fetting forth the injury that. was done him, and his refolution to do himfelf right. At length, thefe previous endeavours having ferved no other purpofe than that of giving the French king time to ftrengthen himfelf, Edward, by the. duke of Brabant, made his claim to the French crown, and fpent the next winter in difpofing all things for the obtaining it by force, ifTuing his orders for railing a very numerous army, and for drawing together a great fleet ; his allies in like manner fending their defiances to the French king, and making great preparations for fulfilling their promifes to the king of England, which neverthelefs they did but flenderly '. And thus was this great war begun, in fpeaking of which, we fhall concern our- felves no farther than with the naval expeditions on both fides. The principal confederate, or at leafl the confederate of prin- cipal ufe to our monarch, was James Arteville, a brewer of Ghent } for this man fo well feconded the king's endeavours, that he drew to him the hearts of the Flemings, whom King Edward had already made fendble of the importance of the Eng- tifli friendfhip, by detaining from them his wool '. However, they durft not fhew their inclinations till fuch time as the king fent the earl of Derby with a confiderable force, who made themfelves mafters of the ifle of Cadfant j upon which mofk of the great cities in Fl?mders declared againfl the French, and in- vited King Edward thither'. The French, however, flruck the firft blow at fea : for having, under colour of fending relief to the Chriftians in the Holy Land, afTembled a fquadron of large iliips, they fent theiu over to the Englifh coaft, where they took and burnt Southampton ^ and yet in their retreat they loft 300 y T. OtterhoHine, ehron. p. ii8-*ii8. RoW. de Avcfbiiry, p. 17—44. K, Kriyohton, p, 2S69. Fabiaii't chronicle, p. 114,11;. z Ffuiflkrt, chron. <-i T. Walfinghami Ypodigma Neuftrias, p. six. F-bian's chronicle, p. »o5. Dupleix hidoire de France, torn. ii. p. 451. Le Gcndrc hiftoire de France, torn. iti. p. 44.9. The king, in his lettcrr to the Pope, takes notice of the (hips being thofe intended fur the Huly Land, and which the reader may meet with in Wal- ter of Hemingford, T. Waifingham, and others. <= T. Otterhourne, p. 1^9. Monach. Mailmeiburiens, vit. Edward III. p. 243. W. Hemingford, vol. H. p. a8». Froifart, cap. xxxii. d Robert de Avcfbury, p. $'• Holingflicd, vol. ii. p. 3sS, Gio. Vill*ni, lib. xi, cap. cviii. Paul ..-F-myle, p. si6. Chroniqoe abrege du Tillct, p. 104, • A. O. i Fabian's chronicle, p. aofi, Stow's cl)»\)iijc.c, p. IJ5. ♦ol. ji — 2?. f H, Knyghton, p. 1575. F;yi!lirr, cap, xxxvii. His, ■ 1 .V'. .'J ■ t* ',;■. 1$6 NAVAL HISTORY : ii; ' •' ! .•'mi fels, which lay in the harbour, and cohfumed the dock and af' fenal} filled with naval ftores k. In 1330, King Edward returned to England in the month of February, in order to hold «i parliament to provide for the ex-* pences of the war, wherein he fucceeded to the utmbft extent of his expectations j and, in return for the readinefs exprefled by his fubje£ls to aflift him, he made many good laws, and granted grcit privileges to merchants ••. After this, with a ftrong fleet, he paflcd over into Flanders, and gave the French a terri* ble defeat at fea. As this is one of the moft remarkable events in this period of our hiftory, and as there are various difcordaii- ces in the relations thereof publiflied by modern authors, I think it may not be amifs to give the reader that diftin£t and accurate account which is preferved in Piobert of Avefbury, who lived and wrote in thofe days, and who befides fortifies what he fays, by annexing the account publilhed by royal authority within four days after this battle ; which detail I am the more inclined to copy, becaufe I find in it feveral circamftanccs, par- ticularly refpedling the king's conduct, which are not to be met with eliewhere. ** It happened," fays my author, « that) on the Saturday « fortnight before the feaft of St. John Baptift, the king was at «* Orewell, where there were forty fliips or thereabouts, pre- «* paring for his paflTage into Flanders, where he was going to " his wife and children, whom he had left in the city of Ghent, •* as well as to confer with his allies about the meafures necefla- *l ry to be taken for carrying on the war, intending to fail in *< two days time •, but the Archbifliop of Canterbury fcnt to give «« him intelligence, that Philip dc Valois, his competitor for the " crown of France, having had notice of his intended pafHige, *< with much diligence, and as much privacy as the nature of «' the thing would admit, had aflemblcd a great fleet, which " lay in the port of Sluys, in order to intvcept him; wherefore " he advifed his Majefty to provide himfelf with a better fqua* ** drou, left he and thofe who were with him fliould perifh. e Holingfhcd, vol, H. p. 357. fc Walter Hemingford, vol. W. p, 31S, itip. T. Walfingham, p. 147, Cotton's abridgment of the records, p. zx. H> Knyghion, p. 157*. «Thc OF EDWARD III. »S« ** '^he king, yielding no belief to his advice, anfwered, that , " he W9S refolved to fail at all events. The archbiihop quitted^ " upon this, his feat in council, obtaining the king's leave to <» retire, and delivered up to him the great feal. His Majefty *" fent, therefore, for Sir Robert de Morley, his admiral, and (< one[ Crabbe, a ikilful Teaman, and gave them orders to in- *< quire into the truth of this matter, who quickly returned, and (( brought him the fame news he had heard from the archbiihop : «* upon which the king faid. Ye have agreed with that prelate «' to tell me this tale, in order to flop my voyage } but, added *< he angrily, I will go without you, and you, who are afraid ** where there is no ground of fear, may (lay here at home. « The admiral and the feamen replied, that they would (lake « their heads, that, if the king perlifted in this refolution, he " and all who went with him would certainly be deftroyed ; ^* however, they were ready to attend him even to certain death. ** The king, having heard them, fent for the archbiihop of «* Canterbury back, and, with abundance of kind fpeeches, *< prevailed upon him to receive the great feal again into his ** care j after which, the king iflued his orders to all the ports «< both in the nt^rth and fouth, and to the Londoners likcwife, ^< to fend him aid : fo that, in the fpace of ten days, he had a <* navy as large as he defired, and fuch unexpefted reinforcc- " ments of archers and men at arms, that he was forced to fend «* many of them home; and with this equipage he arrived be- <* fore the haven of Sluys on the feaft of St. John the Baptift. « The Englilh perceiving, on their approach, that the French ** flups were linked together with chains, and thr.t it was im- « poffible for them to break their line of battle, retired a little, « and ftood back to fea. The French, deceived by this feint, *« broke their order and purlued the Englifh, who they thought « fled before them : but thefe, having gained the fun and wind, ** tacked, and fell upon them with fuch fury, that they quickly « broke, and totally defeated them j fo that upwards of 30,00^ « French were flain upon the fpot, of whom numbers through " fear jumped of their own accord into the fea, and were mife* if rably drowned. Two hundred great Ihips were taken, in one ** of which only there were four hundred dead bodies. The day " {iftcr this vi(ftory was gained, it was publiihed at London by « tlm :ri^. #1 :i'!' >52 NAVAL HISTORY Ij If ** the voice of the people, which is fald to be the voice of God: <* but though the rumour thereof, through the diftance of ** places, was uncertain, yet, on the Wedncfday following, the •* king's eldeft fon had pcrfedl intelligence thereof at Waltham, *< as appears by the following authentic account ;" that is, the narrative by authority publiflied, as before mentioned, by Prince Edward'. We have alfo many remarkable particulars, in relation to this battle, in other writers. The Lord Cobham was firft fent by the king to view the French fleet, which he found drawn up in line of battle ; and, having given the king an account of the vafl: number and great force of their (hips, that brave prince anfwer- ed. Well, by the affiftance of God and St. George, I will now revenge all the wrongs I have received. He ordered the battle himfelf, direfting his (hips to be drawn up in two lines ; the lirft confifting of veflels of the greateft force, fo ranged, that, between two fhips filled with archers, there was one wherein were men at arms, the (hips in the wings being alfo manned with archers ; the fecond line he ufed as a referve, and drew from thence fupplies as they became neceflary. The battle lafted from eight in the morning till fevcn at night ; and, even after this, there was a fecond difpute ; for thirty French fhips endeavouring to efcape in the dark, the Englifh attacked them under the com- mand of the carl of Huntingdon, and took the James of Diep, and funk fevcral others. The king behaved with equal courage and conduft throughout the whole fight, giving his orders in perfon, and moving as occafion required, from place to place. ■ The French fleet, -fome authors fay, had three, others, four divifions, one of which confided of the Genoefe (liips. They were extremely well provided with arms and ammunition, and abundance of machines for throwing ftones, with which they did a great deal of mifchief ; but they were lefs dextrous in ma- naging their (hips than the Englifh j and this feems to have been one great caufe of their defeat. The victory, however, coft the Englifli a great deal of blood •, for a large fliip and a galley, belonging to Hull, were funk, with all on boArd, by a volley of ftones: and in a great fhip, which belonged to the king's i Robert (te Avtfbury, p, $4—^5. TaVhu, p. aio, tii. wardrobe, OF EDWARD III. >53 wardrobe, there were but two men and a woman that efcapcd. In all, the Englifh loft about four thoufand men, and amongd them the following knights ; Sir Thomas Monthermer, Sir Thomas Latimer, Sir John Botcler, and Sir Thomas Poinings''. The account the French writers give us of this battle, con- tains likewife fomc remarkable paflagcs. They tell us, that there was a great diffenfion among their chief commanders '. The French had two admirals, Sir Hugh Quieret, and Sir Pe- ter BahUchet } the former would have come out and fought, but the latter was for remaining within, and defending the ha- ven ; and,' perfifting in this dominion, he detained the fhips fo long in the port, that, at laft, they could not get out. As for the Genoefe, they were under an admiral of their own, whofe name Was Barbarini, who, with his fquadron, itood out to fea as foon as the Englifli approached, and behaved very bravely, carrying off fome part of his fquadron, which was all that efcaped. Sir Hugh Qmeret was killed in the engagement, and Sir Peter de Bkhuchet was hanged at the yard arm, for his ill condudl ™. To take, as much as may be, from the honour of the Englifli, thefe writers report, that the victory was chiefly owing to the Flemings, who joined the Englifli fleet a little before the batile began : and they likewife magnify the lofs which the Englifli re- ceived, computing it at ten thoufand men; adding, alfo, that king Edward was wounded in the thigh ■*. On the whole, it appears to have been a very hard fought battle ; and the victory feems entirely due to the ikill and courage of the Englifli failors, who were more adroit in working their fhips, as the men at arms were more ready in boarding than the French j and the archers, alfo, did excellent fervice. King Edward kept the fea three days, to put his vidlory out of difpute j and then, landing his forces, marched to Ghent, in order to join his confede- rates®. k Walter Hfmingford, vnl. ij. p. 319—321. FroifTart, cliap. 1. fol. 30. T. Walfinghjm, p. 148. H. Knyghton, p. a578. D« Chefnc, lib. xv. p. 651. Grafton, p. 142, J43. 1 Mezcray, v .1. iii, p. 16. P. Daniel hilUire ile la Milice France, tome ii, p. 468. FroiiTart, chap. li. Hi. tP Le Gcudro, tome iii. p. 4s j. n Hirtoire de France, vol. i. p. 491. • Chron. Godftovian, p. in, Cont. Nic. Trivet. 5c Adam Murhnuth, annal. vol ii. p. 9vr-. m Vol. I. U The ■:i.'i- ^1' ;; 154 NAVAL HISTORY r ;;1 't - The French king a£ted now on the defenfive, putting garri^ fons into all his ftrong places, that, whatever the Englifh and their allies won might coft them dear p. Hereupon, King Ed- ward, with a very numerous army, invefted Tournay, from which ilege he fent King Philip a challenge, ofFering to decide their quarrel either by a fingle combat between themfelves, or of a hundred againfl: a like number } which King Philip refu- fedj for two reafons ; becaufe the letters were addrefied to Phi- lip de Valois, and therefore Teemed not to concern him } as alfo, becaufe King Edward flaked nothing of his own, and yet required Philip to hazard his all. Both thefe fetters are preferved in one of our old hiftorians *>. At laft, after the flege had con- tinued three months. King Edward, perceiving that his foreign auxiliaries daily dropped away, while the French king's army of obfervation became gradually ftronger and ftronger, he was con- tent to make a truce for fome months, which was afterwards re- newed, and then returned to England % having got a great deal of honour by his naval victory, and no lefs experience by his difappointment before Tournay ; which convinced him, that in all foreign confederacies, an Englifli monarch is no farther con- fidered than for the fake of his treafure, with which he is fure to part, though without any certainty of meeting with a proper return. But if thefe foreign expeditions exceffively harafled the na- tion, and coft immenfe fums of money, yet it muft be owned, that King Edward had always an eye to his fubjedb welfare* and was very attentive to whatever might promote their com- merce. He had, from-the beginning of his reign, made feveral good laws for the regulation of trade, and preferving to the na- tion the benefit of their wool j but now his long refidence in Flanders having given him an opportunity of obferving the great profits made by the Flemifli manufadurers, who then wrought up alniofl all that commodity, he wifely contrived to draw over great numbers of them hither, by infilling oh the difficulties they laboured under at home, where then* country was the feat ot war, and the great advantages they might reap by tranfport- P A. D. T^4o. * Rubertde Avelbury, p. (;o,«i< r Contin. Nic. Trivet, & Adam Murfmuth, anna!, vol. ii. p. 96. Walter Hemingford, vol. ii, r- 3»4- FroiflJrt, ch»p. Ixiii. M. 35. H. Knyghfon, p. jjyS. T. Walfing- ham, p. ijj). Gajjuin. hift. Franc, lib. viii. p. 138, 139. ing OF EDWARD III. 155 ing themfelves into England, where he was ready to afFord them all the encouragement they could defire : and from his endear vours, in this refpeft, fprung, though not wholly, yet in a large degree, that great, that lucrative manufacture, which has been fince produ£):ive of fuch mighty advantages to the English nation •. Yet, in other refpefls, the king difcovered feverity enough in his temper, by difplacing and imprifoning moft of his great officers, and obftinately perfifting in levying vaft fums to be lavifhed away in ufelefs confederacies, and a fruitlefs profe- cution of his claim to the French crown. But it is time to re- turn from thefe refleftions, however natural, to the bufinefs of this treatife. In the year 1342 the war was renewed, on account of the contefted fucceffion to the duchy of Brittany, King Edward fup- porting the caufe of John de Montford, who was owned by the nobility againft Charles de Blois, declared duke by the French king, who was his uncle. On this occafion a conliderable bo- dy of Englifh troops was fent over into that duchy under the command of Sir Walter de Mannie, who performed many gal- lant exploits, both by land and Tea, though to no great purpofe; the French king having it always in his power to pour in as ma- ny French troops as he pieafed : fo that the party of Charles de Blois prevailed, though againft right, and the inclination of thofe who were to be his fubjefts ^ King Edward, on advice thereof, fent over a new fuccour, under the command of the Earls of Northampton and Devonlhire. The French king, having notice of the intended fupply, fent Lewis of Spain, who commanded his fleet, which was made up of (hips hired from different nations, directing that it fliould ly near the ifland of Gucrnfey, in order to intercept the Engliflx' fquadron in its paflagc. The fleet confifted of thirty-two fail, of which nine were very large fliips, and three ftout gallies, and had in them three thoufand Genoefe, and a thoufand men at arms, commanded under the admiral by Sir Carolo Grimaldi and Anr tonio Doria. The Englifh fleet confifted of ordinary tranfports, ?"'". ' i '■ ' 1 1 'I if ! « Stow, Holingdied, Speed, Brady. « Mejeray, vol. ir. p. n, Hif- tolre de France, cfcrite par ordrc de M. de Harley, P. prcfidcnt du parlement de Paris, vol. i. p. 494. FroilTdrt, cap. Ixxx, Ixx^i. H. Knyjjhton, p. 2531. T. W.airiflgbami Vpodigma NeuU I men a^ be Earls 1 aitack- )oni and ted by a eflels bc- EngUflx he forces le city of Towards Brittany, fuccefs; on, corn- followed, s; whicb, the Pope* led an ef- •ance, the ,ccompHfl\ ntereft, ei- fovereign, erefore, he s principal arine. At ho, by the etherlands, He, when ime to con* :m, under- ;t finding a lis a weaver, n from the ], for, in a uation of Tii- ith nothing re- Mr. Anthony vol. ii. p- 35'* •ifin^lia""! c'l'fo-; fudden (udden (umuU of the people, a cobler, fnatching up an ax, beat out his brains. The king was ft ill at Sluys with his fleet when this unfortu- nate accident happened; at \yhich, though he was much moved, yet he was forced to difTemble his refentment, and to accept of the excufes made him by the cities of Flanders *. Attributing, however, all to the arts of the French, he refolved once again to attenip. the conquefl of that kingdom, and to employ there- in the uimoft force of his own. Our hiiiorians give us a very copious arcount of this war ■, there is, confequently, the lefs need that I ihould infift upon it here : I will therefore content myfelf with giving a fuccin^t detail of the Englifh forces c.jploy- ed in this expedition, and a more particular recital of what was remarkable in the fiege of Calais, which, as it was in part form- ed by a naval force, falls more immediately under the de^gn of this treatife. In the midft of the fummer of the year 1346, the king drew his navy, conGfling of 1000 (hips, to Portfiiiouth, and ihortly after arrived at Southampton vith his army, com pofed of 2500 horfe, and 30,000 foot : thefc he quickly embarked, the fleet failing thither for that purpofe, and on the 4th of June he put to fea, intending to have landed in Guyenne; but being driven back by a florm on the coaft of Cornwall, and, the French writers fay, put back thhher a fecond time, he at laft determined to make a defcent on Normandy, where at la Hogue he fafely debarked his forces, and be^an very fuccefsfully to em- ploy them in reducing the ftrongeft cities in the neighbourhood; after which, he fpread fire and fword on every fide, even to the very gates of Paris. The French king, provoked at fo difinal a fighr, as well as with the news that the eail of Huntingdon, with the Englifli fleet, dcftroyed all the coall: almofl without re- fiftance, refolved, contrary to his ulual policy, to hazard a bat- tle, which he accordingly did on the twenty-fifth of Auguft, and received that remarkable defeat, which will immortalize the little town of Crefly. Of this victory I chufc to fay nothing, fincc my fubje ' ■ wifii. !;%l 1' 'I i1 I .i .,!■!;■■ 11 ■■' ^ l' - (■ ■i- ii I'l * 158 NAVALHISTORY wifli y. It was fo entire, that for the prefent it left the !-Jr.', without enemies; and fo much the efFeds of true courage, tl::v! . though Philip had quickly after an army of 150,000 men o> foot, yet they had no ilomach to fight again. After this viftory, the king on the laft day of Auguft ' ap- peared before Calais, zud formed a iiege that lafted eleven months, and which, \i we had leifure to dilate on all the circum- ftances attending it, would appear little inferior to the fabulous fiege of Troy, or the reduftionof Tyre by Alexander the Great. The king knew that he was to reduce a place ftrong by nature ' and art, well fupplied with ammunition and provifisns, furnifhed with a numerous garrifon, full of expeftation of relief from King Philip, who was not far from thence with his mighty army before mentioned. Thefe difficulties, inftead of difcouraging Edward, inflamed him with a dcHre of overcoming them. He inverted the place regularly by land, fortified his lines {Wrongly, and within them eredled, as FroifTart, a contemporary writer tells us, a kind of town for the conveniency of his foldiers, wherein wer'e not only magazines of all forts for the fervice of the war, but vafl warehoufes alfo of wool and cloth for fupplying the linews of war by a conflant trade at two fettled markets, his troops all the while being exactly paid, and doing their duty chearfully. As for the fleet which blocked up the place at fea, it confifled of 738 fail, on board of which were 14,956 mariners. Of thefe fhips 700 fail belonged to his own fubje£ls, and thirty-eight to foreigners ; fo that there feems to be no reafon for putting us on a par with our neighbours for hiring (hips, lince it is as evident, that we were then able to fit out great fleets from our own ports, as that our enemies were able to do nothing but by the afliflance of the Genoefe, and other foreigners. The French king made fome fhew of relieving this place, by approaching within fight of Calais at the head of a mighty army, the lofs of which he was determined, however, not. to venture. The garrifon of Calais and the citizens, feeing themfelves thus deceived, had no other remedy left than to fubmit themfelves to the mercy of a pa vei th( ¥ Walter Heminpford, voK ii. p. 381. Roh. de Avefl>ury, p. laj, Contin. Kw. Trivet, ik AJarr. Muriinmb. aiinal. vol. ii. p, 99. Froiflirt, chap. cxxx. T. \V'alGng!rin>> p. i6C. '^ A. 13. i^47. '■-••'' . ' ' provoked ot EDWARD III. 159 the ?-JnL» age, tbnT. o men 01 guft' ap- ed eleven \e circum- e fabulous the Great. by nature , furnifhed elief from ighty army fcouraging :hem. He IS ftronglyj writer tells rs, wherein of the war, pplying the narkets, his their duty , it confifted •s. Ofthefe irty-eight to )utting us on s as evident, ir own ports, the afliftance h king made ; within fight of which he e garrifon of eived, had no le mercy of a p. 113. Contin. lart, chap. cxxx. provoked provoked conqueror, which, in the moft abjedl manner, they fought, and were, at the queen's intreaty, fpared. Thus ended this glorious fiege, wherein the £ngli(h monarch triumphed over his enemy by land and fea, carrying his own and the nation's fame to the utmofl height, and forcing even his enemies to ac- knowledge, that nothing could equal the courage and conduct of himfelf and his renowned Ton the Black Prince, but the cour- tcfy and generofity of their behaviour*. The king, having can led his point in taking Calais, was con- tent, at the earneft intreaty of the Pope, to make a truce for a year; and the firftufe the French made of this was to attempt recovering by fraud what they knew it was in vain to attempt by force. The king had bellowed the government of Calais on Aymeri de Favia, whom foon after fome French noblemen per- fuaded to accept of^ 20,000 crowns, and to deliver up this im- portant fortrefs''. King Edward, being informed of the delign, pafTed with great fecrecy from Dover to Calais, with 300 men at arms, and 600 archers ; and, being received by night into the forts, he was ready to repulfe the French troops under the com- mand of the Count de Charny, who came, with i zoo men, to furprife the place. The combat was long and doubtful ; but at lad it ended in the total defeat of the French, who, inflead of taking the fortrefTes, were all either killed, or made prifoners. The king and Prince Edward were both in this a£lion, and both in fome danger, efpecially the king, who at length took Sir £u- ftace de Ribaumont, the knight with whom he fought, prifoner% and rewarded him for his valour with a rich.bracelet of pearl ^ : and thus, as Robert de Avefbury remarks, the deceit of the c!e- ceivcrs proved fatal to themfelves *=. In the month of November 1349, a fquadron of Spanifii fliips pafTed fuddenly up the Garronne ; and finding many Englilh vefi!els at Bourdeaux laden with wine, they cruelly murdered all the Engliih Teamen, and carried away the fliips, though in time • Rob. de Aveftury, p. 136— 141. Hiflohe de France, vol. i. p. 503. Meic- ray, p. ap. Froiflart, vol. i. c. 133. T. Otterbournc, p. 131. H. Knyghtoii, p. lSS»Si b Dupleix, torn. ii. p. 4S8. Mezeray, torn. iii. p, 31. P Da- niel, torn. iv. p. 175. ' A. D. 1349. d Contin. Nic. Trivct. & Ada* Morimnth, annal. vol. ii. p. loi. Froiflirt, Mczeray, P. Daniel. * HilK EdwardlK. p. i8i~i83. of '1 J m III mi I. ■ ^ ■*. ■ iv.V' ■ '|;v i i ^SM 1 ^60 NAVAL HISTORY I IT if of full peace. King Edward having intelligence that a Tqu^dron of Span! (h (hips, richly laden^ were on the point of returning From Flanders, he drew together at Sandwich a fquadron of fifty failj on board which he embarked in perfon about Mid- fumnier f, having with liim the prince of Wal6s, the carls of Lancafler, Northampton^ Warwick, Salifbury, Huntingdon; Arundtl, and Gloucefter, with many other perfons of diflinc- tion. They met with the Spanifh fleet on the coaft near Win- chelfea, which confided bf forty-four very large fhips, ftylcd ca- racks : they were but of comparifon bigger and ftrongcr thail the Englifh veflels j and yet the latter attacked them with great boldnefs. The Spaniards defended themfelves rcfolutely, and chofe at laft death rather than captivity, refufing quarter, though it was offered them. Twenty-four of thefe great Ihips, laden with cloth and other valuable goods, were taken, and brought into the Englifh harbours, and the reft efcaped by a fpeedy flight. To perpetuate the memory of this vi<^ory, the king cati- fed himfelf to be reprefented on a gold coin, landing in the midft of a fhip with a fword drawn, thinking it an honour to have his name tranfmitted to pofterity as the avencJer o^ MEkCHANTS*. It would be befide, or rather beypnd, btir purpofe to record all the glorious expeditions of this reign, which would require a volume to do them right. In order to conncft fuch paflages as fall properly under our pen, we (hall obferve, that, on the death of Philip the French king, his fon John fucceeded in the throne, who in th« beginning of his reign bellowed the duchy of Aquitain upon the dauphin ; which {o provoked king Ed- ward, that he gave it, with the like title, to his fori the princci and lent him with a fmall army of veteran troops to maintain his title. With thefe forces, on September 19, 1356, he won the famous battle of Poifliers, in which he took the king of France and his youngeft fon t*hilip prifoners, and with them theflowei- of the French nobility, with whom, towards the clofe of the year, he landed in triumph at Plymouth j from whence he pro- ceeded to London, where he was received with the utmoU r A. D. 13S0. K Contin. Nic. Tiivet. & Adam Murimiuh, annil. vol. ii. p. 101. R.nb. and to plunder their richeft provinces, yet it was by no means in his power to pre- ferve his conquefts, refolved to put an eild to fo de(lru£tive a difpute, which, though it raifed his glory, ferved only to ruin two great nations ; and, from this generous view, concluded the peace of Bretigny, fo called from its being (igned at that place, May 8, 1 3601 By this treaty King Edward, for himfelf alid fucceftbrs, re- nounced his title to the kingdom of France, the duchy of Nor-o tnandy, and many other countries } the French^ on the other fide, giving up to him all Acuitaiil, with many countries depend* ing thereupon, as alfo the town and lordfhip of Calais, with a confiderable territory thereto adjoining K By this treaty King John obtained his liberty, and was conveyed in an Engliih fleet to Calais in the month of July following^ Kling Edward, who ivas in England at the time the French king went away, pafTed alfo over to Calais in the month of Odober, where, upon thd twentyofourth, the treaty was folemnly ratified after the perform* ■I i M'v ^ Continiiat. Nic. Tr!V«. ^ Adnrti Murimuth, annal. toI. ii. p. to?. Robert de Avefbury, p. »io— 15a. Anonym, hid. Edward III. d IvU 1^. \Vaiflnghain» p. tfi. Fruiflart, c. clxiv. Paul Mmyle^ p. 540. Dupleix^ torn. ii. p. 504^ « Rymer*« fop Jcia, torn. vi. p. :li9. Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Mutimutfa, «iinal. p. iti. Mctttiy, ton. lii. p. i9. P. Daniel, tom. r. {i« 8t. Vol. I. anc(s 162 NAVAL HISTORY m ill' i ance of divine fervice } and the kings mutually embracing, ptif an end to all their differences ; John proceeding from thence to Paris, and King Edward returning on board his fleet to England K This peace lafted as long as the French king lived ; who i» 13(54 came oyer into England again^ under pretence of treat- ing with King Edward, but in reality out of refpe£l: to an Eng-* li(h lady ; and died here foon after his arrival. His fon, the f!uiiphin, fucceeded him by the name of Charles V. fumamed The Wife } and frona the inftant he mounted the throne^ pro- je^ed the breach of the late treaty,; and the depriving King Edward of the advantages Aipulated thereby, which has been always a great point in French wifdom ■. The war, however, did not break out till the year 1369. The pretence then mad^ ufe of by the French wasy that the prince of Wales had rai- fed fome illegal taxes in his French dominions, of which the nobility of thofe provinces were excited to complain to the French king, and to demand redrefs as from their fovereiga. lord. The French hiftorians themfelves admit, that this was mere pretence, and that King Charles had fccretly difpofed all things for expelling the Englifh out of France ; and when bis mines were ready, dire£);ed the Count de Armagnac, and others of prince Edward's barons, to fpring them, by prefenting their petition : upon which he (bmmoned the prince of Wales to an- fwer before his court of peers at Paris. This was a direct- breach of the treaty of Bretigny, whereby the provinces in queftion were abfolufely yielded to the king of England. The prince, on receiving this fummons, declared that he would come to Paris with his helmet on his head, and fixty thoufand mea to witnefs his appearance. The French king, who expedted fuch a return, immediately declared,, that the territories of the king of England in' France were forfeited for this contempt ; of which fentence he gave King Edward notice, by fu con- temptible a meflenger as a fculliun "^. To fUch an acl as thiti. l^ ?J k Froiflart, diap. ccxiil. T. Wallingkami Ypodigma Nv-ullriae, p. 314. Fa- bian, p. 143^ 1 I'aul JEmylc, p. $48, $49> Cagum. hilt. p. tss, ^S^- Bupltix, torn ii. p. 535. m froillarc, chap, ccxiii. Du Chcyiif, p. <5y?. Mezeray, torn. iii. p. 78^, 79, 8e. he OF EDWARD IlL 163 J was mere he was prompted by the confid'^nce he had in a fcbeme of his own^ for invading and deftroying England. In order to this, he had been for fome years purchafing ihipe all over Europe ^ fo that at length he drew togetlier a prodigious fleet, on board of which he was preparing to embark a numerous army ; when he had advice that the duke of Lancafter and the carl of War- wick, with a confiderable body of Englifh forces, were lande4 in the neighbourhood of Calais, and in full march towards him. This obliged him to abandon his defign, and to make ufe of his forces to defend his own country, which they per* formed -indifferently, though they were lucky in another re* fpe(\ J for the Count de St. Pol difappointed a deGgn the duke of Lancafter had formed, of burning the wIiqIc French fleet in the port of Harfleur ■. King Edward in the mean time conceiving himiclf, by this feries of unprovoked hoftilities, entirely freed from his flipula* tions in the treaty concluded with King John, refumcd the title of king of France ; and having received great fupplies of mo- ney from his parliament, made mighty preparations for invading France ; and for the prefcnt feveral lijuadrons were fent to fea to cruize upon the enemy". One of thclc, on the coafl: of Flanders, took twenty-five fail of flilps laden with fait p. Thefe fliips were commanded by one John Fcterfon : and having brought this cargo from Rochelle, thought to fliew their bra- very by attacking the earl of Hereford with his fmall fquadron, and fo drew upon themfdves this misfortune. The fame year, the French formed the fiege of Rochelle, tlv; ne\> i nf which gave King Edward great difquiet: he therefore iimiK uiatdy or- dered the earl of Pembroke, a young nobleman of great cou- rage, to fail with a fquadron of forty Ihips, and fuch force-, as could be drawn together on a fudden to its rciief "i. Henry, king of Calliie, having notice of this embarkation, and fearing Pi**':.. m U ■0 ■ Contin. Nic. Trivet. 8c Adam, Murimuth, annal. vol ii. p, 1x3. Anonym, ▼it. EdwarJ III. cap. Ux. Froifl'nt, chap, cclxix, T. Walfinghatti. p. 183. Mezeray, torn. iii. p. 81, 83. P. Daniel, torn. v. p. 17; A. I), 1371. * An»nym. hiflor. Edward III. c.p. Ix. FreifTart, chap, ccxcii. fol. 177. T. Otterbourrif, p. 147. Jacob, Meyer, aiir.al. Flandr. lib. xiii. p. 190, *1 Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam Miuimuth, anna!, vol, ii. p. 147, n8. T, Walfinjltam. p, iSC, Anonym, hiAor. Edward HI. cap, Ix. p> <;39< X a if m 1^4 NAVAL HISTORY S il'M )m if the Englifh fucceeded, that they would again deprive h!n| of his kingdom, which was claimed by the duke of Lancaftev in right of his wifej fitted out a flout fleet confifting of forty fail of great Aiips, and thirteen tight frigates, which, wcUt manned, under the command of four experienced fea-officers, he fent to cruize before the entrance of the port of Rochelle| 5|i order to intercept the Engliih fleet ^ The earl of Pembroke arriving on Midfummer-eve, before Rochelle, engaged this fleet, but with indifferent fuccefs ; the Spaniards having ihips of war, and he only tranfports ; how- ever, being parted in the night, he loft no more than two ftore- 0iips. The next day he renewed the fight, wherein he was totally defeated; all his (hips being taken or funk, and himfelf fent prifoner into Spain. On board one of his fhips were twenty thoufand marks in ready money, which were to have been employed in raifing forces ; but by this accident went to the bottom of the fea. French writers pretend, that the be* (ieged were not difpleafed with this misfortune which befel the EnglliTt ; and, as a proof of this, alledge, that they gave them no afliftance; the contrary of which appears from our aur thors, who give us a lift of the Rochellers who periflied in thi^ fight'. This lofs was attended with that of Rochelle, and the great? eft part of Poiftou ; which fo raifed the fpirits of the French, that they befieged the ftrong city of Touars, which they brought to 9 capitulation on thefe terms : that if, by the feaft of St. Michael, they were not relieved by King Edward, or one of his fons, then the place, with all its dependencies, fliould be rendered into the hands of the French. The principal perfon employed by the French in this expedition, was one Sir John Evans, a native of Wales, who had forfaken his country through -fome difcontent. This man was an excellent officer, both by land and fea, and was now recalled from the ifland of Cuerni'cy, upon which he had made a defccnt, and had almoU: ' Paul yEmylc, p. 559, 551. Dupleix, torn. \\. p, 566. ^.e liendrc, torn. Ji. p. J47. 5 T. Walfingbami Ypodigma Ncuflriae, p. 519. Wil- Jielnii Wyrcefter annalcs, p. 437, T. Otterbourne, p. 147. Froi/lart, chap. fcxeviii. Gagiiin. hift. p. 158. Mezcray, torn. iii. p, 87, 6?. P. Daniel^ ton. V. p. jJJj. ■ t • ' ' ' ' ' * reduce^ OF EDWARD m. i6s reduced the place, tc perform the like fervice in Poi^lou *. I mention this to Ihew, that the French began now to have fome power at Tea, which is the natural confequence of their main* taining a lingering war with us. King Edward had all this time been preparing a vaft number of tranfports, and a ftout fleet, in order to tranfport his army to Calais ; but now, having intelligence of the terms on which the city of Touars had capitulated, he refolved to employ his forces and his fleet for its relief. With this view he embarked a confiderable body of troops on board a fleet of four hundred fail; and to ftiew the earneft defire he had of faving fo impor- tant a place, he went in perfon with the prince of Wales, the duke of Lancafter, the earl of Cambridge, all three his fons, and many of his nobility j but all his endeavours were to no purpofe w : for, embarking the beginning of Auguft, the fleet was fo tofled by contrary winds, that after cominuing at" fea about nine weeks, the king found himfelf obh'ged to return to England; where, as foon as he landed, he difmifled his army, by which untoward accident Touars was loft **. From this inftance it is apparent, that notwithftandlng the utmoft care and diligence in fitting out fleets, and in fpite of all the courage and condu£t of the moft accompliflied commanders, expedition.^ of this kind may eafily fail ; and in fuch cafes, the confequence generally is the fame which fell out here : the people murmured at the vafl: expence, and began to fuggeft, that now the king grew old, fortune had deferted him. The king, notwithftanding thefe repeated difappointments, flill kept up his fpii'its, and refolved to make the utmoft efforts for reftoring his affairs in France : but being grown far in years, and withal much worn with fatigue, he contented himfelf with fending the duke of Lancafter, with a great licet, and a good army on board, to Calais ^. The French writers, and indeed moft of our hiftorians fay. It conlifted of thirty thoufand men j ■■■' ^ I It M t FroifTart, chap, cccv. Holingnicd, vol, ii. p. 407. " A. D. 137: y Cont. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Miuimuth, anna!, vol. ii, p. ng. Anonym, liift. Edward III. cap. \x. Both thefe writers, however, fay, this expedition wa? for the relief of Rodiellc. FroifTart, chap. cccv. Argc ntre hifb. .^^e, need not wonder at the wrong vurn the EngliHi affairs took in France, if we conlider the advimtage the French then had, in the art and cunning of Charles V, who was certainly one of the ableft princes that ever fat upon their throne. In all pro- bability the fenfe King Edward had of this great change in his affairs, and his forefight of the miferies that would attend a minority in fuch troublcfome times, might pofiibly haften his death, which happened on June 21, 1377, in the fifty-firft year of his reign ^. In the courfe of -this reign, we have taken notice of the great jealoafy the king expreflcd for his fovereignty of the fea; but if we had mentioned every inftance thereof, it would have fwelled the account be ond nil reafonable bounds i fomc fpecial cafes, however, it nv^^ noi De amifs to touch here. In the peace made by him wah King John, >, .erein Etlvvard rcnonn- ■ced all title to Normandy, he exprefsly excluded all the illands y Cont. Nic. TrM'ct. & Aflam. Miuimiirh, anna!, vol. ii. p. iij). FrolfTart, chap. cccx. T. Walfinghami ypodijma NeiiftriK, p. 519. T. Otterbourne, p. 147, z Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam, Miarimurh, annai. vol, ii. p. 138, T. Walfinghatn, p. xp*. H. Knyglit'^n, p. 3,619. W. WyrccOcr, annal. p. dependent OF t tV A R D III. i61 Jepetident thereupon, that he might preferve his jurifdi^ion at fea entire '. In his commiflions to admirals and inferior ofli- cers, he frequently ftyles himfelf fovereign of the EngUfli feaa; afTerting that he derived his title from his progenitors, and de- ducing from thence the grounds of his inftru^tions, and of the authority committed to them by thefe delegations t>. His par- liaments likewife, in the preambles to their bills, take notice of this point ; and that it was a thing notorious to foreign nations, that the king of England,, in right of his crown, was fovereign of the lcas*=. He was alfo, as we have before ihewn, very at- tentive to trade, and remarkably careful of Englilh wool, the ilaple of which he managed with fuch addrefs, that he long held the principal cities of Flanders attached to his interedy contrary to the duty they owed to their earl, whom he more than once engaged them to expel <*. Yet for all this, his conduct in the laft years of his life was fiatal to the naval power of this nation ; for, by long wars, and frequent embargoes, he mightily injured commerce : while, on the other hand, the French king was all this while aiTiduous in his endeavours to cultivate a maritime force in his dominions ; in which he fo far fucceedcd, that he became this way a for- midable enemy to the Englifli *, as will be feen in our account of the next reign. But before I part with this, I muft take notice, that not only the ftate was exceedingly exhaufted by the king's French wars, but that prince himfelf alfo driven to fuch neceflities, that he thrice pawned his crown ; firft in the feven- teenth year of his reign beyond the feasf; again, in thtr twenty-fourth, to Sir John Wefenham, his n;erchantS; and yet again in the thirtieth of his reign, to the fame perfon, h\ whofe hands it then lay eight years, through the kmg's inabilUy to redeem it K Neither is this a flight report, or a ftory takci from private memoirs, but appears in our records; and ought,. therefore, *o be a caution to fucceeding monarchs, not to lay too M ■■'■ V W?-^ ' Thorn. Walflngham. ad. xxxlv. Eilvardi IIT. b Ret. ScotiE, ic» Ed. III. membran. i6. ^ Rot. P.^rl. 45. Ed. fl£. num. zo. d Mc- zcray, vol. iii. p. 8fi. • Hiftoirc de la Milicc Francoifc, par P. D.iniel, torn, ii, p. 448. f Pat. Parf. i. An. 17° Edw. III. t Pbc. amul. 24. membran. %t. h Clauf. anna'. 30, EJw, Ul, Com. dc T<.r.iu liil. 2.^, Edw, III, (X p»r(e rem. regit. ' - greas 1^^ NAVAL HISTORIC great a ilrefs on their foreign expeditions ; which, though ibthl^A times honourable in appearancei have been always in cffeU ruinous to their predeceflbrs. Richard II. from the place Ttrhere he was born^ (lyled Fi^ chard of Bourdeaux, the Ton of the famous Black Princei fucceeded his grandfather in the kingdom with general fatisfac-^ tion, though he was then but eleven years old. He was crowned with great folemnity ; and being too young to govern himfelf, the adminiflration naturally devolved upon his tincles) and par-» ticularly John of Gaunt duke of Lancafter, then ftyled king of Cadile and Leon >. While the great men in England were employed in adjufling their interefls) and getting good places^ the French king's fleet, confiding of fifty fail of ftout fhipsj under the command of admiral de Vienne, infefted our coalls ) and a body of troops landed in SuiTex, by whom the town of Rye was burnt. This was in the latter end of June, within Cii days after King Edward's deceafe ; of which the French ha-^ •ving notice, they thence took courage to attempt greater things. On the twenty-firft of Auguft they landed in the Ifle of Wight, pillaged and burnt molt of the villages therein, and exafled a thoufand pounds of the inhabitants, for not burning the reft } and afterwards paffing along the coaft, they landed from time to time, and deftroyed Portfmouth, Dartmouth, and Plymouth^ to the great difhonour of the lords about the young king, who were To much employed in taking care of themfelves, that they had little time to fpare, and perhaps as little concern for the affairs of the nation j fo that, if private perfons had not inter- pofed, matters had gone ftill worfe. For though Sir John Arundel drove the French from Southampton with lofs 5 yet they burnt Haftings, and attempted Winchelfea, which was de- fended by the abbot of Battel. At Lewes they beat the prior^ with iuch troops as he had drawn together ; and having killed about a hundred men, not without confiderable lofs on their fij.8, re-embarked their forces, and returned home". 1 Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. annal. vol. li. p. 140, i4t, Thf.-m. Walfingham, p. 195 — 197. H. Knyghton, p. atfso. k FroilTart, ctup. 3-7* Vita R. Richard! II. a Monach. de £vefbam fcript. p. i, 3. T. Ot-* UrbuUiuCj p. 148. In b^ RICHARD 11. 1(59 l[n fome meafure to wipe off the Ihame of thefe mifadven- tures, a confiderable fleet was at length fcnt to Tea, under the command of the earl of Buckingham, who had with him many gallant officers, and who intended to have intercepted the Spa- nilh fleet in their voyage to Sluys ( with which view he twice put to Tea, and was as often forced into port by] contrary winds ; fo that his proje6: came to nothing '. The duke of Lancaller, on a promife to defend the nation againft all ene- mies for one year, got into his hands a fubiidy granted by par- liament for that purpofe ^ yet he executed his trufl Co indift*e* rently, that one Mercer, a Scots privateer^ with a fmall fqua- dronj carried away feveral Vcflels from under the walls of Scarbbrough-caflle ; and afterwards adding feveral French and Spanifh fhips to bis fleetj began to grow very formidable, and igreatly difturbed the Englilh commerce ". In times of public diftraftion, private virtues are commonly moft confpicuous. There was one alderman John Philpot, of London, who with great wealth -.ixid a fair reputatiqn, had a ♦cry high and ad^ive fpirit, and could hardly digeft the affronts daily done to his country by the French admirals, and the Scots pirates; This man, at his own expense, fitted out a (lout fqua- idron, on board which he embarked a ^thoufand men at arms, and then went in queft of Mercer, whofe fleet, fuperior ia force^ And flulhed with viftory, he engaged and totally defeat- led y taking not only his fhips with all the booty on board them, but alfo fifteen Spanish vefiels, richly laden, which z little be- fore had joined Mercer, befides all the prizes he had carried From Scarborough; For, this glorious a£l, alderman Philpot, according to the fixange policy of thofe times, was called be- fore the council, and queflioned for thus manning a fquadron without legal authority ) but he anfwered the earl of Sta;Sbrd fo wifely, and juftiiBed himfelf fo fully, that the lords were content to difmifs, with thanks, a man whofe virtues were more illuftrious than their titles '^. But, as there could be no dependence on thefe extraordinary rc« Inedies, the parliament provided in fome meafure for the fecurity if* k f ',■■ -m: ,'■. If' t Contin. Nic. Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. annal vol. ii. p. 141. T. WaU ftngham, p. 108, 209. "> Stowr, p. xBt Holinglbed, vol. ii. p. 419. fipeed. ■ Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. 6. T. WalQu^l^ais, p. 2X<. Hoilug" ihed, vol. Si. p. 419. Vol. I. T Qi tP:' Hi i ryt) NAVAL KISTORY* I J 'y_^ of navigation by the impofition of certain duties. Tiie very lenrh - ed Sir Robert Cotton 'ays, thefe impofitions were by ftrcngth of prerogative only®, the contrary of which appears clearly by the record, which i& ftill extant. But, before we fpeak of theft which in their own nature are the flrongefl: proofs of our fovc- j'eignty at fea, it will be necelTary to obfcrve what former kipja had done in this- refpetl. In King John's- time, as we find it recited upon record in luh- iequent reigns, the town of Winchelfea wa3 enjoined, in the llx- teenth yc ir of his reign, to provide ten good and large (hips for the king' fen'ice in Poi's reign. ' Rut. Scot. an. 2 £. tl, m. 17. Rot. Scot. an. la E. FI. ni. S. R>it. I'at. an. 4 E. II. Dorf Clanf. an. 17 £. II. m.x. u See Brady's hiltory, MoUoy dcjorc maritimo, p. tip. * CUuf. an. » E. III. Rot. Scot. cod. an. ^ Rot. Scot, an. 13 Ed. MI, m. if. y Rot. Scot. a:i. xo iiid. III. ^ Rot. AlmuQ. aa. 2, £d. III. m. z. kv 6 F RICHARD II. I7J \n the port of London to a thoufand marks per month *. Thefc nere certainly hardfhips, and hardfhips that would not havf been borne under any other pretence. But now, under the minority of King Richard II. when thing* could not be carried with fo high a hand, and yet the neceflity of maintaining a conftant fquadron at fea for the fecurity of the coafts was apparent, a new order was taken, equally agreeable to juftice and reafon, for impofing certain duties on all fhips failing m the north feas, that is, from the mouth of the river Thames northwards. Thefe duties were to be levied not only on merchants, but on fifhermen, and on thofe belonging to fo- reign nations, as well as of Englilh fubjefts. It con: .,ed in pay- ing fixpence /fr ton ; and fuch veflels only ^ cxcufed as were bound from Flanders to London with n. lUiEe, or from London to Calais with wool and hides Fj,...imcn, par- ticularly fuch as were employed in the herring-fifhcry, were to pay fixpence/»fr ton every week; other fifliernwn a like duty every three weeks ; (hips employed in the coal-trade to New- caftle, once in three months ; merchantmen failing to Pruflia, Norway, or Sweden, a like duty ; ^nd, for the corlle^fting thefc impofitions, fix armed veflels were to be employed. As for the authority by which this was done, it Avill beft ap- pear by the title of the record, which runs thus : " This is the ** ordinance and grant by advice of the merchants of London, « and of other merchants to the north, by the aflent of all the *• commons in parliament, the earl of Northumberland, and the " mayor of London, for the guard and tuition of the fea-coafts *« under the jurifdidtion of the admiral of the north feas ^," 6r. This, as I obferved before, is the cleared proof, that our fove- reignty of the -fea in thofe days was admitted by all nations, otherwife this ordinance would not have been fubmitted to j about which it appears, there was no kind of fcruple or appre- hcnfion, lince fo fmall a force was appointed to collect it. In 1378, the earls of Arundel and Salilbury pafled with con- siderable forces into France, where, being able to perform little, they in their return were attacked at fea by a S^anilh fquadron. JPart of the Englifli fleet feems not to have engaged ; and my * i-Iauf. an. 5 C. III. b Rot. Pari. an. a. R\c, II. p,*rt ii. art. 39, ia fcheduls. m ■ ' -.I-:;, ' :|'^ Yz ■*ulhcm- jtl, ' n 'MAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 4si A^>^- 1.0 ■30 "^^ itt !■■ 2.5 2.2 I.I S . «•■■ Hiotograpte Sciences Corporation 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WilSTiR,N.Y. 14SI0 (7U)t73^»03 v\ 17* NAVAI. HISTORT i\ !» mm '■'•Ami' author charges |*hilip and Peter Courtney, who commanded th« flups that fought > with tepicrity. however ^ was* they botl^ behaved very gallantly ; and Philip efcaped, though much wounded. As for Peter, he wi^s tal^en with a few of his menj| who were never heard, of afterwards ; and :^ there periihed, id this fight, abundance of QevonQiire and Somcrfetihire gently men, it was loolced upon as a very great misfortune ^. It was^ however, folIowe4 with a greaier. The duke of LancaAer, witl^ a very numerous array and a very potent fleet, failed to tha affiftanc? of tl^e duke of 9retagne ^bout midfummerj and, ha-r -ving fpent near a month i|i a fruitlefs fiege of the town of bt^ Malo, which he mi0ed taking by his own negligence and ill conduct, he returned to England with little reputation to himtr felf, the French fleet in the meai^ time leaving fpoiled th^ coafts of Cornwall. The fees of the French court very naturally Applied themfelves for aiT^ftance to England, and feldom failed to obtain it, though it was not ofteq that either we or they were gainers by it in the end. The king of Navarre, who had ihewn himfelf a bitter enemy to the houf^ of Valois, and who met hitherto with but indifferent fuccefs in a great variety of intrigues and enterprize« into which he had entered, at |aO: ^ddrefled himfelf to Kingj Kichard, and p^red to put the fortrefs of Cherburg in Nor- mandy into his hands } which was accepted, and with fome difr ficulty obtained in the mpnth of Odober, 1379* In the latteip ^nd of the fame year, Sir John Arundel, going with a confider- able reinforcement to Bretagne, w^s j(hipwrecked, part of bis. fquadron being driven on the coafts pf Ireland, fome pn thp Welch f^iore, and others intp Cornwall ; fp that himfelf and 9, thoufand men s^t arms periihed. This lofs, and the uneaHnef;^ following upon.it, occafipned the calling pf a parliament. The ne::(:t year, however, new fupplies were fent under the command of the earl of Buckingham, Sir Robert Knollys, and Sir Hugh Calverley, to Calais, and from thence pafTed througl^ the heart pf France into Bretagne, wher^ the d^ke employed ^ Cont. Kic, Trivet. & Adam. Murimuth. ■nnal. vol. !!. p. 143. Vie. R. R!. cardi II. p. 6. Holin^flied, vol. ii. p. 419. d T. Walfingbam, p. zn, X13. yi*. R. Ricardi II. p. j, Con:in. Nic. Trivet. &. Adam. Murimmh, annal, vol. ii. p. 144-. ' ■ them -■■** '*'*lt: CTF RICHAI^D n. ?73 f hem in the fi^ge of Nantes, a city which refufed to acknowledge hini ; and, taking very ^ttle care to fupply them with necefiariesy they were by degree;^ reduced to fiuh mlfery, that the Englilh foldlers were glaid to return in fmall companies thcpu^I^ France, |iot in ?L hoftile way, but begging their l>read | which ought tQ have put an end tp all thefe incoiifiderate eippeditions, tha( ^rved only to wafte the ftrength of the nation, an4 to expofe us to foreigner^ ; for in the mean time the French gaUie3 l^umt Qravefend, and plundered the whole I^entiih coaft^ In 1383 a new kind of war broke out, which, though incon^ iiderable in its confequences, ought not to be paflcd over in iGlence. There was at this time a fchifm in the church of Rome ; Urban IV. was owned in that city, and Clement VII. was ac- knowledged for Pope at Avignon. The feyeral princes of j^urope ^onfulted their owii advantage in the choice they, made of thefe pontiffs } and, as the French bad owned Clement, the EngliiH grew very warm on the behalf qf Urban, ^e, therefore, to ferve his own intere|^, and to heighten their zeal, proclaims a croifade againft his opponents, and conftitutes Henry Nevil, bifhop of Norwich, his general in England. This prelate, a |nan of noble birth, was of a fit character fpr fuch an enterprize, having a high fpirit, a rcfolute courage, and a very intriguing genius. He, knowing that the Flemings were then in arms againft their earl, and that they were naturally inclined to the Pnglifh, refolved tp ma^e ufe of his comroiflion to over-run, if polfible, that country. Fading over with this view to Calais, he there fuddenly aflembled 50,000 foot and 2000 horfe, with whom, aiid a good fleet attendiiigj, he fuddenly fell into Flan- ders, where he cut to pieces a hodj of 12,000 men belonging to the earl, took Dunkirk, Graveling, Mardyke, and other places, lind at length befieged Ypres ; his fleet proceeding with like good fortune at fea. But the French king marching with a great army into Flanders', and the Flemings beginning to fall off*, the bifliop of Norwich was glad to retire, and, after all his (hoFt- Jived fucceifes, to return with a handful of men into England. m * Contin. Nic. Trivet. 8c Adam. Mnrimath, annal. vol. ii. p. 147— i;o. T. 0tterboarne, p. If 0. W. Wyrccfter, annal.p. 441. Mezeray, vol. Hi. p. iit. The »74 NAVAL HISTORY i ■.: aV'iiBu ; : if :; \U The next year the French fitted out fcveral fquadrons to infcft the Englifli coaft, in mrhich they were but too fuccefsfbi, while oire dc la malice Franfoire^^vol. H. p. 44S. Stowe, HoUn^fhed, Speed, Bijitiy, Tyrrcl, 6'c. an4 i)6 iJ AVAL Hist 6^^ i' .! ■ :i :;. ■ '5'.* Mii :l !!■ i/' : ind as the refutation of the Englilh arms was fpriead theitif over all Europej it would be unpardonable to omit it. The Duke's titlei notwithftanding the flight put on it bf fdme au- thors, Was hi feality a very good one } he claimed in right of his fecond wife Clonftantia, who was the daughter of t*eter, the cruel king of Caftile } whereas the pofTeflbr of^ that crown was of a ba(burd line. The kin^ of Portugal was likeWife in hii interefti jm4.Tent Into England feven gallies and eighteen fhipsj to join i^e duke's fleet, which was a long time in preparing. At letlgth, about ihidfummer 1386, he embarked with twenty thoufand men, and the flower of the Engliih nobility^ himfelf commanding the army, and Sir Thomas Piercy the fleet; Thefirfl: exploit they performed was the relieving Brefl:, at thai time befiege^ by the F^nsnch, by which the dukfc gained great reputation ; after this, embarking again with frefli provifiOns^ and i^me recruits, they airived at the poit of Goruk^a, or, as bur Tailors call it, the Groin, on Auguft 9, and there fafel^ landed theilr forces ■>'* The king of Portugal behaved like a good ally, and many nf the Spanifli nobility acknowledged the duke for their king ; yet the war, at the beginning, was not ats- tended with much fuccefs» great llcknefs Wafting the Engltik army, and, through the precautions Of John king Of Caftile^ the country was fo deftroyed that a famine enfued, which pro^ ved of ftill worfe confequence to the duke*s affairs. By d^ grees, however, the foldiers recovered their health, and thlb duke, who had himfelf endured a fliarp fever, reAimed hie fpirits, and continued the War \»ith frefh vigour, and with bet- ter fortune. John, king of Caftile, feeing his dominions de- ftroyed, and the French, who had prOmifed him great (uccoursi very. flow in performing, wifely entered into a niigociation^ which quickly ended in a peace*. By this treaty King John paid the duke about feventy thou- fand pounds for the*expences of the war, and alBgned him and his duchefs an annuity of ten thoufand pounds. The eldeft "1 Marianas hift. Hifpaiii totkie iL lib. kviii. cap. x. p. 155. M. tarki y Sonfii^ lib. iv. cap. xi. T. Wallingham, p. 311, 31&. H. Knyghton, p. i6j6. Vit. R. Rtcardi 11. p. f o, 71. " Ferrerat hid. dc Efpan. p. viiU ^ i4> De ia Cledle hid. cle Portugal, tome i. p. 33^. T; Walfiogham, p. 342. Wt Wyrcefter An. nal. p. 44». daUghtW priead theitbf •mit it. The t bf fdme aii- ed in right of of t*eter, the lat crOwn wat keiirife in hii ightieen fhipsj preparing, ibarked with gliih nobilit^jk ercy the flccti Brefti at that : gained great (h provifions^ ruhiia, or, as I there fafel^ ;haved like a owledged the li was not ati^ ; the Engliik ig of Caftile^ i which proi> airs. By dea ilth, aiidthiB rcAimed hit md with bet< oniiniohs de« reat fuccours^ n^gociation^ everity thoU- aed him and The eldeH I. Ifu'M y Sonfiij I, p. i6j6. Vit. (14. DelaClede ^ Wyrcefter«a< daughter '6i. R i C ii A Pt IJ il. X77 daugliter of the duke married Hehry prince of Afturias, King jjohh's heir, and the dukc*s fecond daughter efpoufed the king bf l?ortUgal. After this agreement made^ tlie duke, with the remains of his army, which an eminent {"rench writer fays might aniount t6 aHoiit a fixth part of ttie forces be carried abroad ^, returned into England towards the end of the year 1389 ; and a little after, the king was pleafed to honour his imcle with the title of 13>uke of Aquibin p. In 1394 an infurre£li6h in Ireland obliged the king to pais over thither^ being attended by the Duke of Gloucefter, the ^arls of March, Nottirighaoi, and Rutland. In this expedition he had better fortune than in any other part of his life ; reiu* cing mod of the petty princes to fuch (traits, that they were glad to do him homage, and give him hoftages : but, at the re- queft of the clergy, he returned too haftily, in order to profc- tute heretics, when he might hav6 fubdued his rebels, and fet- tied that kingdom; Tb/s miftake in his condufi: proved after- wards fatal to his crown, and life ^. The difputes he had with his nobility at home, indined'the king to put an end to all dif^ ferences abroad j and therefore^ after a long treaty, it was agreed, that King Richard ihould efpoufe the French princefs Ifabelia, though but a child between feven and eight years old. On this occaiion he paifed over to Calais, where he bad an interview with the French king ; and having efpoufed this young princefs on O^ober 31, he foon after brought her home, and caufed her to be crowned, but very little to the people's fatis- faction, who fancied there was (bmething ominous in the lofs of part of her portion, in the (hort pafTage between Calais and ibover, in a fuJden ftorm ^, Some time after, he was drawn into a much more unpopular aft, by giving up the fortrefs of dherbiirgh to the king of Navarre, and the town of Bred to the duke of Brittany : and the difturbances which followed thefe meafures in England, encouraged the Irifh to rebels In the firft fury of thefe people they cut off Roger Mortimer, earl of March, governor of Ireland for King Richard, and prefump. ® Mezeray, tome ill. p. 134. P T. Wairmghami Ypodigma Neulrfi, |». 544. T. Ottcrbourne, p. 177, 179. 1 Chron. Hibcrn. A, D. 1394. "■ R;iner*i faskra, tome vii. p. 8ox. T. Walflnghami, p. 353. Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. laS, 119. P. ^myU, p. 601. Du TillcCfp. 309, < Chren, Hibern. A. D. 139s. Vol. I. Z tive m w 178 NAVAL HISTORY m. ' * (}} tire heir of the crown. The news of this fo much pro^okedt the king, that he determined to pafs over into that iiland, in order to chaftife the authors of fo black a faA. With this Tiew he drew together a coniiderable army, and a fleet of two hun- dred fail, with which he fafely arriyed at Waterford, in the fpring of the year 1 399 *. The king had fbme fuccefs in this, as he had in his former expedition, it being the conflant foible of the Irifli to be won- derfully ftruck with the prefence of a prince, and the pomp of a court. But his. fuccefs Was quickly interrupted by the mor- tifying news of his coufin Henry of Lancafler's being landed in Engknd, and in open rebellion. This young nobleman, flyled in his father's lifetime firfc earl of Derby^ and then duke of Hereford, had ever been of a martial difpofition, afid had at- tained to great military fkill by ferving in Pruflia under the Teutonic knights. He had been very indifferently treated by King Richard, yet had n6 thoughts of pretending to the crown, when he firfl: returned home : but finding the people univerfal- ]y difaffefted, the king in Ireland, and himfelf furrounded by it number of briik and active young noblemen, he grew bold- er in his defigns, though he flili a£ted with much caution. The king, on the firfl advice of this rebellion, returned into England, where he no fooner arrived, than all his fpirits fail- ed him, infomuch, that the firfl xequeft he made to the earl of Northumberland was, that he might h^e leave to refign his kingdom °. The precedent of his grandfather Edward II. was too recent to leave the rebels any fcruple of making ufe of the Jking's puflllnnimous temper ; they therefore brought him up prifouer to London, where he was committed to the Tower ; and fhortly after, by authority of parliament, depofed, when he had reigned twenty-two years, and was in the thirty-third year of his age *. After this his life was of no long continuance 3 for, being cairied from place to place, he at length ended his days at Pom- t T, Walfinghitn, p. 35*. T. Ottei bourne, p, 157. Ghron. Hibern. A. D. 1399. " Vlt. R. Ricardi II. p. 151-^155. T. 'S^alfingham, p. 358, 359. T. Otterbournej p. 101—106. Chron. Godftovian, p. la6. Fabian, p. ^45. ** Atteftcd copies of all tbel'c prcceedtngi, from the original records in tke Tower, tbe reader will meet with io H. Kuyghtea, col. 1743— 2761. fret- OF RICHARD II. 179 fret-caftle, in the year 1401 ; but how, or with what circunv fiances, is not clearly known to poft?rity. Some fay, that hear- ing of the misfortunes which attended his friends, who endea* Toured to reftore him, and had miferably loft their lives in the attempt, he refufed fuftenance, and ftarved himfelf ; others, iMth greater probability, a£5rm, that with hunger and cold, and other unheard-of torments, his cruel enemies removed him out of their way ' ; and to thi» opinion Camden inclined, who, in fpeaking of Pomfret'>caftle, fays, it is a place principum fadf ^ /anguine inf amis'*. The liiftory of our commerce within this period of time ivould be equally curious and ufeful, if carefully and impartial- ly colle£l:ed from our records and hiftories. What I have to offer on this head, is only the fruit of my own reflections upon fome remarkable paiTages, that, in the compoiition of this hif- tory, appeared of too great importance, in reference to the fubje£ts under my conilderation, to be pafTed by without no» tice, amongft a long train of common events. Such obferva- tions, I conceive, may be of more ufe, becaufe, generally fpeak- ing, our writers upon political arithmetic, have very rarely car- ried their refearches fo high as thefe times, from a notion, very probably, that there was not much in them to their purpofe : in which, however, I muft confefs myfelf of a very different fentiment, being fully fatisfied, that many points of the great- eft confequence might be very much enlightened, if due atten- tion were paid to fuch occurrences, tn thefe times, as any way regard our foreign and domeftic traJ; , the fcarcity and plenty of coin, and the different ftate of the finances of our feveral monarchs ; for all which, though there may not be fufficlent materials to compofe a complete hiftory, yet there »re more than enough to convince us, that the vulgar opinion of the po- verty of our anceftors, in paft times, is very far from being founded in truth, but is rather the confequence of an ill-ground- ed complaifan^e for our o\7n age. We have before obferved, that Henry I. left behind him a very large fum of money at his deceafe •, his grandfon Henry II. iff : i'*;i 'I m X T. Walfingham, p. 363. Vit. R. Ricardi II. p. 169. T. Octerbournr, P- ?^8, azj. y Dcfcript. Brif. p. 83. > reign ed tft i8o Political Reflections upon i- (« m 111 >i III reigned about the fame fpace of tlmci that u, four monthf Ihort of thirty-five yearsi as his grandfather reigned four months mofe than that number of years. Their tempers werci much alike with refpefl to economy; that i> to fayi both pf then^ ireie inclined to collect and leave behind them as much wealth as they could : the former for the fake of e(lab|t(hing his fami- ly i the latter that he might make a proviiion fpr the expedi- tion into the J^oly Land) which he certainly had very much at heart. But Henry II. at his denufc, left in gold and iilver, ex-^ clufive of jewels and other curiofit|es^ the fuqi of nine hun- dred thoufahd pounds j which would be a thing altogether incre- dible, if we had not as good authority for this as for any hifto- ^ical fa£); whatever ?. It is indeed true, that fome writers have reprefented him as an avaricious, and even rapacious prince \ \>ut the fa£l$ which they aflign to prove this, are fuch as will icarce fatisfy an impartial reader. He levied, from time to ^ime, confiderable fums upon the Jews, who were the roonie^ people of thofe days : he had confiderable aids from his nobi- lity } and he kept bifhoprics, and other ecclefiailical benefices in his hands for feveral years together, il^is predeceflbrs, howt pver, had done as much without acquiring any fuch treafure i and therefore we may conclude from this fa^, that the nation was become much richer. It is faid, and very truly faid, that coin or ready money i^ the PULSE of ailate. If it beats high and even, there is nq leafon to queftion the health of the body politic : but if it lerows low, and intermits, even wife men may be allowed tq iloubt as to the public fafety. We may therefore fafely colle€^, that the trade of this kingdom was very much increafcd during the courfe of this reign, though we had no other argument to prove it ; fince in the fame fpace of time, and without having recourie to any extraordinary methods, this monarch was able to leave, after bellowing very confiderable fums in ready mo- ney for the holy war, a treafure nine times as great as that of * Ths wcrdi of Matthew Paris, my author, are thefe : '* Inventa funt plu- " ra quam nongenta millia librarum in auro & arg?ntc, piapter utcnHlia, & lo< " (alia & lapidet pretiofoi." The will of this great monarrh is prderTcd in the Liber Niger Scaccarii, publiihed by Hcaroe j but ia thil w« find none but charitably legacies. i^ ji POM four monthf reigned fouc einpcfs mrcrc both pf them much wealth ing his fami- ' the e3(p6d)- rery much at nd filvcr, cx-^ of nine hun-; gcther incre- or any hifto- writers have ious prince I e fuch as will -om time to the monie4 >m his nobi- 1 benefices in :eflbrs, howt ich treafure ; U thenatioii dy money i^ there is no ic : but if it : allowed t<^ rafely collet, 'eafcd during argument to hout having rch was able n ready mo- at as that ojt ivcnta funt plu- utenfliia, tc )o< prelerved in the ne but chiiritabic; THIS Period of NAVAL HISTORY. i8i hi« grandfaiheTt though be was looked upon as the richeft prince of his time. Th« beginning of I^ing Richard's reign was very fatal to the d^ates and revenues of the crown, as the latter end of it was exc«nively burdenfome upon his people : yet thofe» who, from the difficulty of paying his ranfom, would infer, that this king- dom was grown wretchedly poor, and that the wealth of the nation was nothing then to what it is now ; are far from beiiig fi> much in the right as they may imagine, as will appear from hence ; that Hubert, archbifhop of Ci|nterbury, when he de- fired the king's leave to withdraw from the adminlftration, gave this as his reafon, yiz. that there had been levied upon the fubjeds, in the year 1 195 and 1 1^^ the fum of one miltiaDd, which fnt the government on contriving methods to prevent wool being cartied thtther from any of the hortherb counties, but with very Uitie fucceft. r There is fome diverficy in our old lliilorians, and much more anidngit ou^ modern critics, about this mattei- 5 wc will give the tfuih as near, and in at fe(* words as we can. Ring John is by falMe reckoned the author of oiir t\»a4mid { but this mud be with regard to fineaefs efpecially ; the fter!ing» or efterling^ which was the nume of a penny made of good filver, being introduced in his tcign. As to weight, Thomas Rudborn tells lis, William the Conqueror or- ilaincd, A. D. 1083, that a penny ftionld weigh thirty^two grains of v/heal oUtot the mit'.ft of the ear; and the ftatute J3d H. III. fays the very fame thing; but however there was a diftinftion, though not a difference. It was found by ex- perience, that grains of wheat ditfered in weight j that thofe kept for the klhg'« balance were affected by the weather, and that tio tcrtainty could arlffc whilJJ this method was continned. It was agreed, therefore, that twenty-four pieces of bra's, equal in weiglit to the thirty two grains of wheat, ftiouid be fnbfHtatcdi as an eafy number to divide; and theneefuiward thepenhy-weight *»s faid to cuntiin twenty. foMr grains. mg Tiiis Period of NAVAL HISTORY. i8« ing the fame tax fometimes over and over again 8. Upon the whole, he tells usj in the fpacc of forty-one years (he reigned in all fifty- fix) he had been the fpoiler of the kingdom ; that he had not taken lefs than nine hundred and fifty thoufand marks': yet the reader has feen, that King Richard levied confi- derably more than this fum in two years. He might very well want extraordinary fupplies^ if what the fame monk, in ano- ther place *>, inadvertently tells us was true ; that the whole or. dinary revenue of the crown fell confidcrably fhort of fixteen thoufand pounds a-year. if we fhould conclude from thefe clamours, from the mean- nefs of the king's circumftances, and ffom the diibreiTes to which -King Henry was driven-, that the nation was quite exhaufiied, and that the nobility and clergy, who always complained, and often rebeUed> were plundered and pillaged till they had nothing left to fubfift them, we (hould be extremely miftaken. The king's brother, Richard earl of Cornwall, laid up out of his eflate near lt50,ooo pounds, with a part of which he purchafed the diadem of Germany. We are alfo told, that the Lord "Warine, who is faid to be the wifeft, and yet not affirmed to. be the richeft baron in England, difpofed, by will, of 200,000 marks, which he had by him in money > ; fo that private men (if the nobility in thofe times might be fo called) were really very rich, though their king was often in a ftate of downright want. In fliort, pro- t When an hiftorlan writes with a vifible leaning to one Hde, the reader, to fee things ffrJight, muft lean.a little to the other. King Henry might have, and to be fure had great faults ; but there was the lefs need to exaggerate them. Matthew Paris fumi(hes matter for bis own refutation : he acknowledges the nobility were always rebellioui, and yet blames the king for loving ftrangers j he exclaims againft 'hit avarice, and owns he gave away all he could obtain. b It is in a manner by accident that Matthew Paris lets us into this importart point i for, inveighing againft the papal oppreffion, he fays, that the revenue of u<^ alien clergy in England amounted to no lefs than 70,000 marks fer ann. when the king's ordinary income came to fcarce a third part of that fum } which, con- fidering the largcnefs of the king's family, was, even in thofe days, a very pitiful thing. i Matt. Paris, p. 908. D. 10. I cite thr place fo particularly, becaufe Sir WiU liam Dugdale, in his Baronage, vol. i. p. 561. after making very honourable men< tion of this Warine dc Muntchenfi, and fpeaking particularly of hit great lichet, fett down what he difpofed of by his will at no more than acoo marks, which is vifibly a miftake, as he quotes the very fame author that I d'), and the very f^m* edition. Vol. I. A a pcriy I. 1 I' % ( \ tltp; \ \ * '51 < I r. i86 FoLltlCAL REFLE€TiONS tTPON il I .1 i w ( : yi ill iperty was in tliofe days Arangely divided ; and though, by- the balance of trade, vail fums were brought into the nation, yet a very great part of thefc came into the coffers of the monks and of the Jews ; and ns for the remaining produce of domeftie induftry, it was zlmoii wholly fwallowed up by the barons and the priefts. In the glorious reign of Edward I. we find many things worth obferving } and firh as to the coin ; for though the flnenefs thereof had been eftablifhed m the reign of his grandfather, and various regulations made in his father's long adminiftration, yet in his time it was that the matter was entirely fettled, and put into fuch a condition, as that in fucceeding reigns the manner only has been fufceptible of change. This was done in the fc- Venth year of his reign, when he fixed the weight of his round filver penny at the twentieth part of an ounce Troy, whence our denomination of a penny- weight : as to the finenefs, it remained the fame as before ; that is, there were eleven ounces two pen- hy- weights of fine filvcr, and eighteen penny-weights alloy'' lit ft pound of filver, Which was coined into 240 pence. However, in the twenty-eighth year of his reign, he reduced his penny fomewhat } and this was the firft variation of its kind from the Saxoii times. It was tht weight and purity of his coin that tempted the jews over hither, in greater numbers than ever, to cxercife their laudable trades of ufury and clipping ; for which laft offence he hanged two hundred and eighty of them at once ; and having in vain endeavoured to moderate the rigour of their e retortions, he at length banifhed them out of his dominions, to the number of 15,000, to prevent their preying upon the in- duflry of his fubjedts, halving exhorted thtfm more than once by proclamation to apply thcmfelves to honeft labour, or to the -rcife of lawful trades, and to forbear fleaing his people. In 1 2c^9 the king fettled a| a dotrry, upon Margaret datighter to the k Tt is now hardly to be expcAed, that any clear account Ihonld be j;aSned of the motivcD on which this change was made : but, by the fmallneft of it, thttt h good renfunto conclude^ that it was rathfr for the fervice of the (late, than t6 ferve a turn. Cut It it time t6 fhew what this change was The pi>und of filver, hith;rto accounted cqaai to twenty ihillings, wai noW raifed to twenty and threat fcitcej the fliihing, (' to confiderable profit j in th? twenty-fecondyear of his reign they produced, from the twelfth of Augufl to the laft of Q£lober, 370 pounds weight of filver » the next year 52^ pounds and a half; in the twenty-fourth year 704 pounds : they yielded afterwards more, but how much more Is not faid ; noi; have we any account when they were worn out "*. "We may form fome judgment of the courfe of trade in his time from hence, that, having occafion to borrow a large fum of money for carrying on his wars againH: the Welch, he took up 8000 marks from the city of London, and 1000 from the port of Yarmouth. In reference to the wealth of private men, there is a particular fa<^ recorded that gives us fome light. The judges were found to have been guilty of corruption, and were fined amongft them 100,000 marks, of which Sir Edward Stratton paid 34)000 ^. Th^re was in his reign a great clamour again!}: foreign' merchants, who now began to keep houfes and ware- iioufes of their own in the city of London, whereas before they lodged in fome citis;en*s houfe who was their broker : and to this the citizens would very willingly have reduced things again> but the king and his council held, that it was for the public be- nefit they fliould reniain as they were ^ and with this they wer^ forced to be fatisfied. In the reign of Edward II, we meet with very little to our purpofe, unlefs it (hould be thought fo, that, upon the depo- fmg of this unhappy monarch, the allowance fettled for hi,« maintenance in prifon was 100 marks a-month, or 800 pounds a-year : yet this monarch had given to the Lady Theophania, a French woman, who was nurfe to Ijis Queen Ifabella, an eitatq • This comparative value of coin is a fubjeft hitherto hardly confidered, and yet ancient hiftories are unintelligible, without a due regard being bad to it. "" Thefe mines were opened again in Queen Elizabeth's time, and been alfo w^'ought fince, but have not anlwered the coft of working, tt Matt. Weflmpn. p. 414. n. 10. Knyghton, eel. 1466. Thomai WayUnd, who wat the moll guijty, loft bis whole eftate. ijt.i m I -1 ■\ 'iff t|v;:- I ;■" A? »f i88 Political Reflections upon :iii !''i. of 500 pounds a-year °, The taxes in his reign were very in- coniiderable. In the reign of Edward III. anno Dommi 1^31 tt^^ king granted a protection to one John Kent, a cloth- weaver, who came 9ver from Flanders, and at the fame time invited over fullers and dyers P } from whence it h^s been fuppofed, that clothing was then introduced into this kingdom, which is di- re£tly contrary to truth, that trade having been here long be- fore, indeed fp long before, that there is no record extant tq ihew when it was introduced. As King Edward was a very inartiai prince in his temper, and his reign almoft a continued feries of wars, there were fucceffive impof^tions levied upon his llibjeCls, and thefe amounting to fuch vaft funis as very clearly prove, that, ac the beginning of his reign, England >vas hk richer ^han in the times of any of his predeceflbrs. Some attempts have been made to fettle, by the help of the ' taxes in this reign, the manner in which they were levied, and the produce of them, the value of our wool : and, without doubt, fomething yery near the truth may be difcoyered, if w<; proceed cautioufly. In the year 1338, the laity** granted hinft One half of their wool, and |the clergy nine marks a-fack upon fheir beft wool. We know not what number of facks the king received ; but it is (aid, that he fent over 10,000 facks into Bra- l^ant, wliich produced him ,^00,000 pounds, that is, at the rate of forty pounds a-fack one with another; and, from this, fome >vriters think themfclves warranted to compute the produce of our wool in foreign markets at leaft at forty pounds a-fack ; and \?y the help of this calculation they eflimace our annual expor- tations at a very large fum. We will Ihew firtt what this is, and then confider whether it be right, or whether the price flioul4 not be reduced. ^ ' ■ ' " My author, for the firft of thele fa^^s, is Thomas WaUiogbam, and, for th^ latter, Mr. Rynrier, both unqurftionable in Aich points. f Rymer'o fcedera, t«in, iv. p, 4^6. There is very little room to doubt, that the true rCdfunt of thefe encouragements were, fiift of all, in(lru£)ing our uwa people to the utmoft perfeAion in this capital art, and next drawing over the workmen Here, that, as we'rofe in that manufaAutCj our neighbours might «!(• gradually decline, 1 The computatiors mentioned in '.be tutt are to Le fiunu in the biAorical ac« count of taxes, p. 106. ' ' ' '-•"r.,y ■y-'''f'y: ■ ,,-^- ■ when the biAorical ac* THIS Tbriod OF NAVAL HISTORY. 189 When it is faid, that we know not what quantity of wool the king received hy that grant, it is to be underftood, that we know it not from the hiftorians who mention this grant; but it appears from the records, that it amounted to 20,000 facks'. Thofe who made the computation, of which we have been fpeaking, compute the exportation of wool that year at 40,000 facks, which amounts to 1,600,000 pounds ; and the aid to the king ^ornes to half that money, which they fay is amaaing and pro- digious ; and indeed well they might. But, when a grant wj\s afterwards made to the king of 30,000 facks of wool, we find it eftimated far lower, viz. at fix pounds a-fack the very beft, the fecond fort at five, and the word at four pounds a-fack, which, howeyer, was e?:clufive of the king's duty or (juftom. This computation was certainly very fair ; and this grant to the Ifing wa§ in the nature of a land-tax, which is the reafon tli^fi the produce of it was computed at the rate wool fold here, though tnere is no manner of doubt, that, by exporting and fel- ling it abKoad, the king made rnuch piore of it, "^e will try, however, if it he not pra£ticable to extract ibmething more pertain out of the fa£ls mentioned by ancient authors, becayfc, if it could be done, it would be very fatisfaftory. A certain writer has preferved the ftate or balance of the Eng- lish trade, as found upon recocd in ^he exchequer, in the twen- ty-eighth year of this monarch j and there is no reafon tofufpeft its authenticity*. In this the export of wool is fet down at 3 1,65 1 facks and a half, valued at fix pounds a-fack ; but then the duty is excluded. It appears alfo from this account, that a confiderablc quantity of cloth, both fine and coacfc, and of worfted alfo, was exported. We cannot therefore doubt, that, when the com- mons granted Kingl^dward 30,000 facks of wool, it was at leaft as much as giving him 150,000 pounds in money out of their pockets. But, if we are inclined to know what it brought the '. By this method of receiving taxes ia kind the king became in fome meafure a merchant, and that to his great profit, » This account was publiftied in a treatife intiikd, The cirrle of commerce, p. 119, 120. written by Mr. Edward Mifleiden, and printed in 1633. Atier draw ing f^om it the remarks mentioned in the text, 1 thought it would be for the con- venieiicy of the reader, and render my obfeiyations mote pcrlptcuous, if a place was allowed this curious f aper in the novcs. . Tli« I I «f i- rf i! fi'i I.*:-' M \^ ;PoLiTiCA|. Reflections upeti l,^;V P''l king, WQ may perhaps £iad the means of difcovering it. In the laft year .<^ his reign the citizens of York complained, that 9 German lord ' had feized thirty-fix furpks of their wool, which they valued at 1900 pounds for a debt due from the king, and, according to this reckoning, wool was worth in that country thirteen pounds a-fack, and fomething more : fo that the aid granted to the king could not produce much lefs than 400,000 pounds, which was a very large fum for thofe days. The btlance of the Englilb trade in the 28th year of Edward III. as faid to be found upon record in the exchequer. Exports. One and thirty thoufand fix hundred fifcy-one facks and a half > of wool, at fix pounds value each fack, amount to - j '89,909 Three thoufand fix hundred fixty- five fcUs, at forty fiiillingsP value each hundred at fix fcore, amount to - , 3 Whereof the cuftom amounts to - t • - . Four:eeen laft, feventeen dicker, and five hides of leather, after 7 fix pounds value (he laft, ..... j' Whereof the cuftom amounts to > Four thoufand feven hundred feventy-four cloths and a half,*) after forty ftiillings value, the cloth is - . - j' Eight thoufand and fixty-one pieces and a half of worfted, after ") « s. 8 d. value the piece, is - - - . j Whereof the cuftom amoiintf to - - - '^ J. i. O o tf.073 I 8i,tf24 I 89 5 6 17 9.549 o <5,7!7 18 21s 13 8 Exports 194,184 17. 2, X M p e R T 4. One thoufand eighthundredthtrty-two cloths, after fix pounds *> value the cloth, . - -- . . - j Whereof the cuftom amounts to - - . . . Three hundred ninety.fevea quintals and thrre quarters of wax,') aftet the value of 40 s. the hundred or quintal, • J Whereof the cuftom is - - - - One thoofahd eight hundred and twenty -nine tons and a half of ") wine, after 40 »• value /xr too, - r • J Whereof the cuftom is - - - - Linen cloth, mercery, and grocery wares, and all other manner 7 of merchandize, " - w - - J Whereof the cuftom is - » •? » - d. 9 £' '■ 10,99* o 91 J% TS9 16 19 17 3.Ci» ° %Sx o »i,943 < !• »8s 18 3 Imports 38,970 13 t ^ ' Balance a55,xi4 13 8 A\ B. The totals do not anfwer the particulars exaOiy } but, at this diftancc of time, it is impofllble to aim at correfting them with any degree of certainty. t This foreign nobleman had ferved the king in his wars, and pretended fo much money was due to him ; he had alfo (hips in our ports, wi.h goods on board, which the citizens thus injured defircd might be fciaed. Bur JSftH ing it. In the iained, that 9 r wool, which the king, and, that country > that the aid thim 400,000 s. III. M (aid to be \ 189,909 '^ orts, wi.h goods on ■A. Bux» THIS Period OP NAVAL HISTORY. 19! But we muft not part with this account, without drawing from it feme other obfervations. We find the whole imports of that year computed at fomethinglefs than 39,000 pounds, wher&k as the exports amounted to above 294,000 pounds } fo that the clear balance, in favour of this nation, was above 295,000 pounds. Yet this is not all : we muft conGder, that in this ac- count there is no notice taken of lead and tin, probably becaufe the accounts relating to them might not be brought into the ex-, chequer, that is, not into the exchequer at Weftminftcr; which will raife the account very confiderably ; infomuch, that there feems very good reafon to believe, the intrinfic value of the coin in thofe days, being compared with ours, the whole balance of trade fell very little, if at all, ihort of 900,000 pounds, as our money is now reckoned; which is indeed a very large fum, and much beyond what thofe, who had never looked into thefe mat« ters, could poflibly have imagined. Yet the probability at leaft, if not the truth, of this computation, might be (hewn in another way, that is, from the coniidecation of the immenfe fums that were confu^med by this monarch in foreign wars and alliances, which it is impoflible this nation could ever have furni(hed, if the balance of trade had fallen any thing fliort of what it ap- pears to be from the foregoing computation. That commerce was very much the objeft of King Edward's attention, and his parliaments, very fully appears from the many a^s made within the compafs of his reign for its regulation. It IS indeed true, that feveral of thefe laws are contradictory ; that what was eftabliflied in one year was fometimes overturned in the next ; that frequent alterations were made in the ftaple ; that the cuftofns were fometimes high, fometimes low ; and that the ftandard of money was twice varied. But, notwithftanding all this, the former alTertion will ftill remain unimpeached, fined there can be nothing clearer, than that even thefe variations arofe from the regard that was paid to commerce : and per- haps the alteration in the coin was made neceiTary from the conduft, in that particular, of our neighbours. We likcwifc find, that, towards the latter end of this king's reign, there were great frauds and impofitions committed in obtaining licen- J,* : , i r i^i oLifiCAt Reflections up<3n fcs" for the exportation of goods, and in other refpedVs, -:■' which complaints were made in parliament ;^gain{V the Lbrd Latimer, the king's cliamberlain, and Richard Lyons of Lon- don, merchant, for which they were convid^'ed and puniihed. King Edward III. was the firft of our princes Who coined grofles or groats, fo called from their being the groifeft or great- eft of all money, the filver penny having been till then the lari geft coin in ufe. The purity of the ftandard he never debafed } but, in the twentieth year of his reign, he faw rcafon to make it lighter; fo that, inftead of twenty fliillings, the pound of Hlver was raifed to the value of twenty-two (hillings and fixpence, and^ in the twenty-feventh year of his reign, the value of a pound of filver was raifed to twenty-five fliilHngs. The reader will obi ferve, that the /hilling was imaginary then, as the pound is ftillj or rather it was a denomination of money, and not a coin. He alfo firft coined the noble, half-noble, and quarter-noble, in gold i for, before his time, none of our kings had ftamped any gold. He likewife called in all clipped money, and prohibit ted bafe coin, which ihews, that what he did in altering the weight of his coin was for the conveniency and benefit of his fubjefts, who, by the increafe of their trade, flood in need both of gold coin and of larger pieces of filver, and not with any intention to enrich himfelf at their expence, though the contraa ry is afTcrted by an ancient hiftorian, who charges William Ed- dington, bifhop of Winchefter, and lord-treafurer, with con* fulting the king's profit more than that of the kingdom, by ad- vifing him to coin groats that were not fo heavy as they fhould be. There was ;\iro fome variation in the value of gold in his time, a pound of that metal coined going fometimes for fifteen, then for little more than thirteen, afterwards for fourteen pounds of their money ; but at length the king raifed it again to its old price of fifteen pounds *, which, all things confidered, is pretty " An inquifitive reader may confult Barneses hiAofy of this reign ; but the records are niil fuller and clearer. It would be of infinite fervice to the nation, if the fiAs they contain were digefled into chronological order, and made public. This would efTeQuaily refute many groft miftakei utiiverfally believed, and difclofe many new truths. ^ As one fliilling was nearly equal to three of ouri, an ounce of go'd, then worth twenty-five flililings, was in faA at three pounds fifteen of our money} lb t)iat the proportions between gold and filver have not aliered very mach fincc that time. near •i-H IS PEfeibb 6F NAVAL HISTORY. 193 n digioufly augmented: to which fome writers attribute the broils and dldurbances of this reign, in which, if there be any truth> it muft have been o^Ving to the unequal diftribution of property. This, indeed, is certain, that the commons complained loudly of oppreflion from the lords and from the lawyers, as on the other hind both the nobility and the commons were highly in- cenfed againft the clergy on account, as they alledged, of their Ihaughtinefs and avarice : but the churchmen fuggefted, that the loxury of the age was fo great, that> notwithftanding their vail eftates, 'the expences of the nobility exceeded their income, and was the principal caufe that inclined them to form cabals, for alienating and dividing amongft themfelves the revenues of the church. ''■■ . " Is ■ 1; i{ ff i'vi' •r I ■ ■1 L n .1 > The family of this chancellor had acquired an immenfe ena:e by trade} and other inflances of a lik^ kiod might be given in thefe times. Vot.I. Bb As 1*74 Political Reflections Upon ,mi I'i As to the coinage in this reign, it remained in a great meal'* Aire, at lead, upon the fame foot as in the former, and there^* fore there is no need of dwelling upon it i one thing, however, deferves to he infifled upon, which is this ; the great Uixury of thcfe times had fo viHbiy increafed the importation of foreign commodities, that it was taken notice of in parliament ; and in the lafl year of King Richard's reign a law pnfled, by which it was provided^ that every merchant (hould bring into the Tower of London an ounce of foreign gold coin for every fack of wool exi)orted, or pay thirteen (hillings and fourpence for his default, nA(t to give fecurity for the performance of this, before he was allowed to export the wool into foreign parts. There was alfo a law made in this reign, allowing every perfon to make cloth of what length and breadth he would : fo that in thofe days they thought it very pra£licable to encourage the clothing manufac- tory, without retraining the fabje£t from tranfporung wool, and this upon the plain principle of doing nothing that might fink the price of this ftapic con^modity, which brought in continually fuch vaft fupplies of bullion, and which it is likely they kne\^ not how to obtain, in cafe the exportation of wool had been put under any fevere reftridion ^ Tbefe obfcrvations on a period of fo great extent, in which it may be eaHly conceived, that matters of this nature mud have f ufFered many changes and alterations, cannot but be acceptable, in as much asTthey greatly contribute to the illudration of thtf principal points with which our hidory is eoncerned ; for naval force, and the fovcreignty of the fea, being the refult of exten- flve commerce, whatever contributes to explain the rife and pro- grefs of that muft ihew how thei'e are to be kept^ as well as de- monftrate in what manner they have been obtained. Within this period there happened^ or at leaft there are faid to have happened, fome extraordinary difcoveries, of which, therefore, we ought to fpeak. Fird then it is affirmed, that America was difcovered by the Welch about the year 1 1 'jo. The ftory is thus told, that on the death of Owen Guyneth, dlflen- fions arofe among his fons ; one of them, whofe name was Ma- tlock, refolved to truft the fafety of himfelf, and fuch as were y It may tl^fcrv; the confidrration of an able ftaiefman, whether fomc lire mi^ht nut be (till maiie oftius (n^xim ofonr ancef^ors. ■ wuh THIS Period of NAVAL HISTORY. 195: with him, rather to the mercy of the feas than to the uncertain iiTue of a civil war ; and therefore, embarking with his follow- ers on board a few (hips well vid\ualled, he put to Tea in fearch of new countries. Accordingly he failed due weft, till fuch time as he left Ireland to the north, and then continued his voyage till he came to a large* fruitful, and plea&nt country. After fome time fpent therein he returned home, and reported the hap- py efie£h of his voyage, and the large poiTelTions which every, man might acquire who would go with him. He at length prevailed with as many of both iexes as filled ten (hips ; and with thefe he returned to his new plantation : but neither he, Bor his people were heard of more *. It muft be confeffed, that there is nothing here which abfolutely fixes this difcovery to America ; though it tauH likewife be owned, that the courfe before fet down might very poHibly carry him thither. Th^ great point i$, to know how far the fa6t may be depended up- on : and in relation to this, I will venture to aiTure the reader, that there are authentic records in the Britifh tongue as to this expedition of Madock^s, wherever he went, prior to the difco- very of America by Columbus ; and that many probable argu- ments may be oflered in fupport of this notion, that thefe Britons were the difcoverers of that new world, is alfo true, though at prefent we have i^ot opportunity to intift upon them, Some reports there are concerning great difcoveries in thp north, made by a friar of Oxford, one Nicholas de Linna. Of this man the famous John Dee, who was both a great an- tiquary and a ikilful mathematiciani, informs us, that in the year 1360, being the thirty-fourth of Edward III. he failed, in f ompany wich feveral of his countrymen, to the northern iflands, and there leaving his afTociates, he travelled alone, and drew up an exadt defcription of all the northern countries, with their furrounding feas j which book he intitled, Inventio Fortunata ,- or, A Difcovery of the northern parts, from the latitude of fifty-four degrees, to the pole ; and prefented it at his returiii I& 8 '''.' gv t-f. 4- 1- ^a. m * Haklnyt, vol. iii. p. i. Meredith ap Recce, a Cambrian bard, who died A. D. 1477, cooipofed an ode in his native' language, on this expedition, from which the particulars above-mentioned are taken ; and this was prior to Colum- Vn(*s difcovery : fo that i&(\ could never have encouraged the framing of this fable, even fuppofiiig it To to be. \ '■:: sp^ Political Reflectioks upok to King Edward. However, for the better fettling thefc difcoj yeries, he returned no lefs than five times into thofe northen^ regions. To render this odd ftory fomewhat more probable, Mr. Dec remarks, that from the haven of Lynn, in Norfolk, of which this friar was both a native and an inhabitant, to Ice- land, was not above a fortnight'-s fail, and in thofe days a com- mon thing ; as appears particularly by a charter granted to the town of Blakeney in Norfolk, by King Edward 111. exempting the fifhermen of that port from attending his fervice, on ac- couat of their trade to Iceland^. This is, in fome meafure, confirrat;^ by the tcftimony of that famous geographer Gerard Mcrcator, who confeflcs that he borrowed' his defcription of the northern countries from one who owned his having them from this friar of Oxford, whom he well dcfcribcs, though ho does not name him. Yet it muft be acknowledged, that Le- land fpeaks very largely of this Nicholas of Lynn, who, ac- cording to his account, was a Carmelite, and a great aArolo- ger : but in all his eulogium, there is not a fyllable concerning his travels, though he concludes with faying, that his works fufficiently praifed him P. John Bale tranfcribes this account of Leland's exa£lly, but gives us a much inore copious detail of the friar's writings ; and yet, even in his lift, we meet with nothing as to this Inventto Fortunata: though on the other hand we muft allow, that Bale fays he wrote other things which he had not feen *.' The dlfcovery of the ifhnd of Madeira is likewife attributed to one Macham^ an Englifliman ; which is thus reported by fe- veral of the Portuguefe writers. They fay that this man, ha- ving ilolen a lady with whom he was in love, intended to have carried her into Spain ; but being by a ftorm driven out to fea, utter much tofTing and danger of his life, was forced into this jfland, in which the harbour where he lay at anchor is to this time called Machico. On his going afliore with the lady and fome of his fervants, the fliip's crew took the opportunity of failing, and got fafe into'fpme Spaniih port. In a very fliort tinjc after, the lady, who wao extremely fea-fick, and not a little fatigued by what Ihe was forced to undergo on fliorc. ■ Hakluyt, vol. 5i. p. Jii. *> Commentsr. de Script. Bri an. vol. i. p. 347.. *= Se.-iptor, Britanr vol. j^ p. 468.. diedj THIS Period OF NAVAL HISTORY. 197 ^led ; and her difconfolate lover, having firft erefted and conr fecrated a little chapel to the Holy Jefu$, buried her therein. After paying this duty to the lady, whofe love for him coft her ^he lofs ^f life, Macbam addreiffd himfelf ^o the contrjving his pfcape» which he effefted by hollowing a large tree, and making thereof a canoe ; in wh)c|) himfelf and ^hofe that were with him, pafTed over to the oppoiite Chore of Africa ; where, being taken prifo^ers by the Moors, they were fent by way o( prefent to the king of CaAilc. This accident is by Tome placed in the year 1 344 ; but by others, and I think with reafon, fomewhat later. It is remarkable that we are indebted for this account to foreigners, who can hardly be fuppofed any way prejudiced iti our favour again(t themf^lve^ «'. , We might add here fome accounts of the expeditions made to Jerufalem, Barbary, and Fruflia, by fome famous Englifli- men; as alfo the beginning of our commerce with the Hanfc- towns ; but as to the former, it would fwell our work too ^luch with things already mentioned by others ; and, as to the latter, it may with equal propriety be rcferv d for the clo(^ of (he next chapter, to which therefore we refer it. If i-i^ i* d Hakluy t, vol. ii. p. ii. p. i . from Antonio Ccilvano. i !.■■■■. '81 ,^^- >''''\' ^■y^' LIVES ■!■ -i t'. •II C i9» 3 ra =?=*= I V E S O F T H E A P M I R A ]L S: INpLUPING A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL p I S T O R y. ^"""^TT C H A P. VI, The Naval Hiftory of England, during the reigns of Henry IV. Henry V. and Henry VI. of the houfc of Lancailer. I f ;■■ h Containing the fpace of about 60 years. HENRY IV. called fometimcs Henry of Bolingbrokcj, from the place of his birth, and fometimes Henry of Lancafter, from his father's dukedom, was crowned on the thirteenth* of October 1399, and his title generally ac- knowledged. When he came over againfl King Richard, it was from France ; and moft of our hiftorians affirm, that he received confiderable afliftance from thence ; which, however, French writers deny '*. Certain it is, that after the death of his unfortunate predecefTor, the duke of Orleans, then dire£tor of the public affairs in that kingdom during the lunacy of Charles VI. treated King Henry as a murderer and ufurper, though he had been formerly his friend } yet, in all probability, « Polydor. Virgil, hift. lib. x«i. Hiftgire de France, par Ic P. Daniel, torn. V. p. 3PS. this Naval h i s t o r V, ^c. 199 this was rather out of policy than from any motive of juftice^ for all the ufe the French made of it was, to attempt upon the Englifli poiTeflions on the continent *>. King Richard being bom, and for fome time bred at Bourdeaux, his countrymeu the Gafcons, difcovered a ftrong refcntment of his ill ufage, and feemed difpofed to revolt. To foothe this humour of theiri>, the French afTumed this appearance of indignation, in hopes that they would immediately have put themfelves under their proteftion ^« But Mezeray juftly obferves, that the advantages they drew from the Englifli commerce, hindered them from ha- ilily taking this ilep, and difpofed them to receive the Lord Piercy for their governor, who was fent over with that title by King Henry<'. Not long after. King Richard's young queen was fent back to France, with the whole of her fortune, and all her jewels ; and thereupon the truce between the two naaniel, tome V, p. 3^6. «* A'oregc del'hiftoircdc France, tome iii. *■ l-'roif- fart, c«|5. cjtix. P. Daniel, toine v. J. RoHi, antiquari Warwiccnfi, hinnria regum Angtix, fol. i6S. b. f T. Walfingham, p. 367, 369, W. Wyrceli tcr annal. p. 4J». Cbroti. GodfVovian, p. 131, 131. « T. Walfmg. Ypodigma Neuftriae, p. j6i. Stowe, p.-it?. HoHngflred, vol. ii. p. 524. mean > 200 NAVAL tliSTORY M I >;« ^ ) 1* mean time, attempted to land in the Ifle of Wight • but failing of fiiccefs there, he ftfeered for Devonihire, where aftually land- ing, he brilkly Attacked Dartmouthi but was defeated by the country niilitia, with the lofs of four hundred itien, ahd two hundred t£iken; iimong whom \(rert himfelf, and tifr6 other perfonS of diftinftion t yet his fquadronj ahd the Flemings, ftill infefted the coaft, took mahy (hips, ind tb Ihew their inveterate hatred to the Englifh nation, mt>ft inhumanly hanged all the fcamen who fell into their hands'*. In the mean time the French j without any regard to the treaty fubfiftihg between the tw6 icrowns, invaded the duchy of Guyerine, And fenc an army of twelve thoufand men, with a fleet of a hundred and forty faili to the alTiftahce of Owen Glendour : thefe forces they fafely debarked in Milford haven j but the Lord Berkley and Henrjr Pay, who commanded the fquairon of the cinque-ports, ati tacked them in that port, where they took fourteen^ and btimt fifteen of the French veflels, which fo frighted thofe on board the reft, that foon after they fled hbrhei. Abdiit the fame time, the earl of Keht failed, with a cbnfi- derable fleet, to the cbafl: of Flander^, where he cruized fof feme time lipon the enemyj the Flemings being then fubjef^ to a prince of the houfe of France ; at lafti entering the port of Sluys, they found four fhips lying at iinchor, took three Geno- iefe merchant-men, of a very large fize, tit the entrance of the haven, though liot without i gallant i-eflflance *, after which they fearched all the ports on the Nbrman coSft, and making defcents into fevcral plaCeS, burnt at leaft fix and thirty towns ; and then, with in imniehfe booty, i-eturned in triumph to Rye''. Some mariners, belonging to the port of Gley in Norfolk, fail- ing on the north coaft iri a ftout bark, took, near Flamborough- he.id, a Scots fliip, having on board Prince James, duke of Rotheiay, and heir apparent tb that crown, to which he after- wards fucceeded by the name of JameS^ I. Him, with his at- tendants, an earl, and a bifhop, they fent to King Henry it Windfor, who kept him there as a prifoner indeed j but| during •» T. Walfingham. p. 370. "t. Otterbourne, p. 147, 148. Atgentrc, Hv. x. chap. V. > T. Walfinghami Ypodigma NeuflriaB, p. $66. Stowe, p. 333. Holiiigfhcd, vol. ii. p. J31. k T. Otterbourne, p. 253, 154. Fabian, p. 382. Hail, foL 14. Holingfhed, vol. ii. p. 5918. • 1 Ijifi OF Henry iv. 20 1 his captivity, ufed him in all refpeds as a prince. The Scots ivriters treat this as a plaiii breach of faith ; but the French hiftorians inflrudl us better : they acknowledge they had lately renewed their treaties with Scotland for the ufual purpofe o^ annoying England ; and, in fuch times of public diflurbance, this prince ought to have been fumifhed with letters of fafe conduif):, finice he was going to France^ an enemy's country, ijvhich every day infefted the Englifh coafts by their fleet*. In fupport of Owen Glendour, the Welch malecontent, the French court fent another fquadron on the coaft of Wales, of ^hich only thirty arrived, the reft being taken by the Englifh ; and a Ihort time after, the famous Henry Pay, admiral of the cinque ports, furprifed the Rochelle fleet, confifting of i2o fail of merchantmen, richly laden, and took them all. Thefe ex- ploitSj in veflels belonging to merchants, fliew, that, beyond all contradi^on, trade in thofe days was not altogether fo incon- fiderable a thing as by mofl: of our modern writers we are taught to believe K . The king in 1407 narrowly efcaped the fate of the Scots jprlnce. He had fpent part of the fummer at Leeds-caftle in Kent ; and, his affairs calling him into EfTex, he ventured to fail from the port of Queenborough with only five fliips : in his paf- fage he was attacked by certain French privateers, who, after a Very brilk engagement, took every velTel but that in which the king was, and carried them to their own coafts ". This taught that monarch, by experience, the neceffity of keeping better fieets at fea ; arid therefore he ordered a very ftrong one to be fitted out the next year under the command of the earl of Kent, who efFeiftually fcoured the narrow feas, and, when he had cleared our own coafts, ftood over to Brittany, where he boldly landed in the little ifland of Briehac, and there attacked a town of the fgme name, in which the privateers had taken ftielter, took it by ftorm, and put them all to the fword : but in this ac- $\' ^;i. 1'- .1- I T. Walfinghami Ypodigma NeunHae, p. 5SS. J- Fordun. Scoiichron. con- ttnuado, p. iitf». J. Major de geft« Scotorum, lib, v. fol. iis, 116. H'-ftuc Boeth. hill. Scot. lib. xvi. p. 339. P. Daniel, tome v. p. 404, 410. ra T. Walfingham, p. 376. Scowc, p. 334> Holingllied, vol. ii. p. 5x3* n Hall, fol. a. tii 141 o an Englifh fleet of ten fail, under the command of Sir Robert Umfreville, went againft the Scots, and, failing up the! Forth, fpoiled the coads or both fides, ravaging the country, burning all t'ne^ihips in their harbours^ and amongft the reft the largeft they had, called the Grand Galliot in Blacknefs, carry- ing away fourteen ihips, and fuch a vaft quantity of corn, a» reduced the price of that commodity, which was then very high in England ; whence the admiral obtained the furname of Ro- bert Mend>marketP. Whenever the French affairs were in a tolerable condition, they were coilftantly forming fchemes to the prejudice of the EngUfli, which, generally fpeaking, were defeated by the break-' ing out of their own domefti^ troubles. King Henry, there* fore, wifely held- intellrgence with both the fa£lions in that kingdom, aiding fometimes the one, and fometimes the othen Thus he this year fent a confiderable body of auxiliaries to the afTifbance of the duke of Burgundy, with whom they entered Paris; The fervice they did made it fo evident, that the king of England's afiiftance was the fureft method of turning the balance in favour of any party in France ^ that the oppofite faction, headed by the dukes of Berry and Orleans, fent their agents to London, who entered into a treaty with King Henry> by which they acknawledged his right to the duchy of Guyenne, and promifed their homage to him for the lands and ca(lles> they held therein, and the king^ on the other hand, undertook to fend them a confiderable fuccour, which he performed *'> Thefe troops embarked in the month of July, 1412,, under the command of Thomas duke of Clarence, the king's fon. It appears by our hlftories, that great expeftations were raifed by this expedition v inibmueh that there was feme talk of recover- ing France : but thefe notions quickly appeared to be very ill founded ; for, upon the landing of the duke of Clarence yrith his troops In Normandy, they were informed that the duke of ■* T. Otterlimune, p. 264. fol. 154. Hall, fol. a 3. Holipgt+icd, vol. 'i. p. 5^5. Dupleix, tome ii, p, (5jn». P. Cliron, Goddavian, p. 1^4. Cooper's chronicle, P Hall, fol. x6. Stowe, p. 338'. «J Ryiher's fftdera, vol. viil. |J. iifS. Danid, tome v. p. 5sr», 501. T. OtterboUrue, Orleans^ OF HENRY IV. »»3 Orleans, and tUc reft of the princes to whofe aflidance they came, had made a treaty with the king and the duke of fiur* gundy i fo that nothing was left for them but to go home again. The duke of Clarence, juftly provoked by fuch ufage, firft ra"- jeaged l^ower Normandy, and Anjou, and then, entering th^ ducby of Orleans, lived there at difcretion, till fuch tini,e as the duke came to an agreement of allowing 320,000 crowns of gold for the expences of their voyage, part of which h^e paid down, and fent his brother into England as a hoftage for the reft"^. This treaty was particular with the duke of ■Orleans *, for, as to the war with France, it iljll wen^ on, and Sir John Pendergaft, who commanded the fleet in the narrow fcas, took a great many French (hips laden with proyifion, which, fays my author, got him little reputation with the nobles, but much love from the people, whp by this means enjoyed plenty of French commodities at a very cheap rate. This ad- miral had, fome years before, felt the fevere efFefts of thaj envy which was borne him by the nobility; for having had the command of a fquadron intended to fcour the Teas from pir rates and privateers, which he worthily performed, yet, wheci he returned, a complaint was made that himfelf had taken fuch. extraordpary rewards for his fervices, as rendered him little better than a pirate. Upon this he took fan£hiary at Weft- minfter, where for ^ms time he lay in a tent in the churchr porch i but at lajfjt he had juftice done him: and now when his country required the fervice of a ftout and able feaman, he was called again to command *. Things being in this uncertain ftate. King Henry, worn out by continual labours, and not a little grieved by his late difappointments, deceafed, as is gerjCr rally faid, of a leprofy, on the aoth of March, 141 2, in the 46th year of his age, and the 14th of his reign '. He was a monarch (even his enemies allow) of great courage and wif- dom ; and, if he did not promote trade and naval power fo much as fome of his predeceilbrs, it ought rather to be afcribcd •■ P. Smyle, p. 607. Gagnin, p, 194. Mneray, tome Hi. p. 181. Holinj- Hied, vol. ii. p. 540- Hall, fol. 31, ^i. s T. Walfinghami Ypodigma N^u< ftrisB, p. 571. T. Octerbournc, p. 271. Iloiingfhed, vol, ii. p. 530. t f. Walfingham, p. 38*. Chren. Godftovian, p. ijj. W. \yjrc:ltr.r| Antilles, p. 45». Stuwe, p. j4». C 9 ? t$| lif' iiiiill;. !'■• 204 NAVALHISTORY to the diforder of thefe times, than to any want either of wi^ or capacity in the prince ". Henry V, from his birth-place flyled Henry of Mon^ mouth, fucceeded his father, and, in the beginning of his reign^, (hewed a laudable inclination to do all that could be expected from him for his people's good w. It happened, that the wealtli and (late, as well as the pride and ambition of the clergy, ha4 raifed a flrong fpirit of refcntment againit them throughout the nation ; to divert which it is generally believed, that t^e arch^ blfhop of Canterbury infpired the king with an eagrr defire of fubduing France, to which it was np difficult matter to perfuade him that he had a clear right. .Indeed the condition that king-*- dom was in, might feem to invite fuch an attempt. The kin^ was oftener out than in his fenfes : the whole nation \yas di- vided in two fadiions ; the duke of ip^urgundy at the head of one, and the duke of Orleans at the other ; two Dauphins died, one foon after the other^ by poifon ; and the third was but a child. However, King Henry concealed his, defign for feme time, and even treated of a marriage between himfelf and the Princefs Catharine, daughter to King Charles VI. In 141 5, the French King fent his ambafladors hither, with very advan- tageous propofals, wl^o bad their final audience of the king oh July 6, when, if Father Daniel is to be believed, Henry would have been content to have concluded a truce for fifty years ^ but the archbifhop of Bourges infifted abfolutely on a definite peace, and fo thefe ncgociations were broken*. Some of our writers mention a-firange ftory of the dauphin's provoking the' King, by fending him a prefent of tennis-balls; which, how- ever, is very improbable, confidering the youth of that prince, and the known apprehenfion all France had of the £ngli(h power. The French writers feem to give a better account of this matter : they tell us that the firft fla(h of lightning before this dreadful ftorm, was an angry letter written to the French king, with this addrefs : " To ilic moft fcrene Prince Charles, i» P. DanI-1, torn. v. p. J07. ^ Thom. de Elmham, vita & geft* .Henric'i qiiinti Anglonini regis, cap. xiv. Tit. Liv. in vit. Henry V. p tf. ('hroiiivcn Goilftovian, p. 135. * Hiftoire dc France, torn. v. p. 556. TU. liiv. vie. iltfji. V. p. 6, . , V our , .,A, '^•^1 Qf HEN R T V. «•! if our coufin and advcrfary of France ; Henry, by the grace ♦f of God, king of England and of France, t^c.'* This letter was dated July 28, from Sonthamptcn: and the French king returned an anfwcr in the fame angry ftyle, dated the twenty- third of the next month; fo that, thenceforward, the war, though not a^ually begun, was looked upo^ as declared on both fides '. King Henry aftcd with greater cautioii> and with more mili- tary prudence than moil of his predeceflbrs. The defign he had formed, was not that of ravaging the country, or feizing ibme of the provinces of France, but maiking an entire and abr folute conqueft of the whole realm \ which h;e knew was not to be undertaken without a numerous army, a very great fleet^ and thefe cpnftantly fupported by competent fupplies of money. He therefore drew together fix thoufand men at arms, twenty- four thoufand archers, the reft of his, infantry completing the army to at leaft fifty thoufand m3n. That thefe might be tranfported with the g^'eater conveniency, tfe hired from Hol- land and Zealand abundance of large Ihips, whichj, with thole belonging to his own fubje^Sj rendezvoufed in the month of Auguft at Southampton, where the whole fleet appeared to confift of no lefs than fixteen hundred fail. As to fupplieSj, his parliament being wrought, more efpecially by the arts of the clergy, into a high opinion of this expedition, furnifhed ihim liberally : fo that with all the advantages he could defire, |he king embarked his mighty army, which he landed fafely ia Normandy, without meeting with any refiftance ^. He was at- tended by bis brothers the dukes of Clarence and Gloucefter, his uncle the duke of York, and mod of the nobility of Eng- land ^. It is remarkable, that though the conftable of France had a very numerous army, with which he might well have difputed the landing of the Englifh, yet he chofe to retire ; for which condu6t of his he was afterwards queftioned in a court- martial : but he j^OiHed himfelf by producing his orders from r'' Y Mezeray, vol. Hi. p. ipx. Thorn, de Elmham, p. ap, 30. Fabian, p. 390. Hall, fol. 9. b. Grafton, p. 448, 449. z T. Otterbourne, p. 176. W. Wyrcefler annal. p. 453. Chron. Godftovian, p. 136. T. 'WaKinghami Ypo- digma Neuftriae, p. j8i. ■ Thorn, dc Elmhair, cap. xviii. Tit. Lin p. 7. Polydor. Vicgil. lib. ^.nl Speed, p. f 30. court. »»5 NAVAt HI$TORT II court, dire^Ing him not to hazard a battle on any terms what- ever, but to leave the Engliih, if they tvere fo inclined, to wade their force in long marches, and tedious fieges. Would to God, fays my author, this maxim had been as fteadily pur- fued as it was wifely laid down ^ ! The policy of France, there- fore, is to cheat us whenever they make peace, and to deftroy us when we break with them by means of a dilatory war } which though troublefome to them, becomes foon infupportable to us ; and thus their cunning gives them advantages, which they never could derive from the force of their arms. The firft enterprize of importance undertaken by the king, , was the fiege of Harfleur, a fea-port town of great confe- quence at that junAure, well fortified, and in whiQh the French had a numerous garrifon. It was invefted both by land and fea ; and though it was defended with great refblution, it was at laft taken for want of relief. The French, however, fuo- ceeded in their policy thus far, that by this iiege the £ngli(h army was exceedingly wafted ; infomuch, that by the time the place was taken, one half of it was abfolutely deflroyed. On due coniideration of this it was refolved, in a council of war, to leave a garrifon of Engliih at Harfleur, and to march through Picardy to Calais, with the refl of the army «. This paffage appeared extremely dangerous, (ince the French army was by this time not only in the field, but alio at their heels. The Englifh forces, according to the French writers, confiiled of two thoufand men at arms, and eleven thoufand archers. Our authors fay, there were but nine thoufand in the whole i whereas the French were at leafl three, if not five times their number. To prevent the needlefs efiiifion of blood. King Henry was contented to have made peace on very reafonable terms; but this was refufed by the French, who flattered them« felves, that they fhould be able to make him and all his army prifoners «*. In confequence of this obflinacy of theirs, a deci- five battle was fought on Oclober 25, A. D. 1414, in the b Hiftoire de France, tolne v. p. s^B. c Thorn, de Elmham, op. xsii. ct Teq. Tit. Liv. p. xi — 15. T. "Walfingham, p. jpi, 391. Stowe, p. ,348, 345). Holingfhcd, vol. ii. p. jj». Speed, p. (. In 14171 the earl of Huntingdon being fent to fea with a flrong fquadron, met with the united fleets of France and Genoa, which he fought and defeated, though they were much fuperior to him, not on- ly in number, but in the flrength and iize of their (hips ; taking the baftard of Bourbon, who was the French admiral, prifoner, with four large Genoefe fhips, and on board them a quarterns pay for the whole navy: fo great in thofe days, and fo well di- redled, too, was the Englifh power at fea' ! There being now fufBcient fecurity for the fafe landing of troops in France, the king, in the fpring of the year^ began to !!", k Thom, de Elmham, cap. xxr. Tit. Liv. p. 15—31. T. W»Ifingh«m, p. 394. S. Dupleix, torn. ti. p. 719. Mezeray, ton. iii. p. 19$. P. D mid, tome V. p. S51, 5S2. 1 Thom. de Elmham, cap. xxuvi. T- Ottfrbouroe, i>. 27S. Stuwe, p. 353. Holingfted, voK iii p. 55 8> ^" . . ■■ - , ■ * = .; make very coiU raordinary atfo drew laving thu9 attempted :ce(9 9 sifter cr blockade the earl of :re ; but a,c ;lief it was ■y direftedi rawn toge- if four hun^ of Bedford^ >rmed witl> ktage of tho :hat after a t } taking ot f thofe large d whichj by the Englifh , Not long ear, suid the ' reinforcedj ^17, the earl uadroH) met :h he fought bim, not on- [hips ; taking ral, prifoner, m a quarterns id fo well diL- Fe landing of ear* began to \V»Ifingh«m, p. P. DinUI, tome "X, Oitfrbourne, make b jp H E N R Y .'. 299 |hake mighty preparations for pafling the ea, with i h an ar i^f as might fpeedily and effeftually decide the fate 01 iiiis difpi ', by giving him the pofleffion of that country, as well a? ii i. tie. As he was a more prudent undertaker in tbefe nui era than any of his predecefTors, and bid infinitely fairer for both getting and keeping the French croWn than they ever did, it will be proper to give a fuccinft detail of this grand expedition ; the rather becaufe it has a near connexion with our fubje£t, the dominion of the fea. His army confided in part of troops in his bwn immediate pay, and in puxc of forces railed by his barons. Of the firft there were 16,400 men; of the latter 9»i27 > and iO,f this army about a fourth part was horfe. To tranfport them from t)overj a navy was prepared of 1500 fhips, of which two vrcrp very remarkable. They feem to have been both admiral?, and were equally adorned with purple fails, embroidered with 'the arms of England and France : one was (lyled the King's Chamber^ the other his Hall ; from whence it plainly appears, that he affected to keep his court upon the fea, and to make no diff^^rence between his palace and his fhips royal. They embark- ed on July 28, and landed in Normandy Augud i ™. As foon is the army was fafely debarked, he difmi^ed the fleet, keeping tonly a few fmall vefTels for tranfporting his artillery, which fhew- td, that he did not intend to return haflily, and before his bu- finefs was half.finiihed, into England. Before the end of the fj'earj he totally fubdued Normandy and a great part of the ad- jacent countries. As fafl as he reduced the great cities, he put garriions into them : fuch of the French as fubmitted he received into his protection ; but j where he became mailer of countries by force) be beflowed the lands in them, as he thought fit, for the encouragement of Englifh adventurers ; and, in the fpace of two years more, he by a flow and regular war reduced the great- er part of France to his obedience, and at length forced the un- fortunate monarch Charles VI. to beg a peace almod upon any terms" ; a thing that none of his anceflors had been able to ac- complifh, and which this king chiefly performed by awing his enemies with fleets on their coafls, at the fame time that he in- •n Thorn, de Elmbatn, cap. xxxviii. Tit. Liv. p. 31—33. T. Otterhournr, p. 279. Fabian, p. 39(7. Hall, fot. 13. b. Grafton, p. 404. " P. .£inyle, p. 6tj, 61S. Oaguin, p. zoo. Duplei^t, torn. ii. p. 735< Vol. I. . Dd vaded Sill fe: it6 NAVAL HISTORY ▼aded their countries l>7 land } as appears in the larger hidoriet of his life, by us often quoted, and in the Englifh collections from them, publifhed by Godwin in his hiftory of the life and reign of this vi^orious king. By this treaty, dated May 2i, 1420, King Henry's title to the crown of France was acknowledged by general confent) and, on account of his efpoufing the Pirincefs Catharine, daughter to Charles VI. it was (tipulated, that he fliould be declared heir of France after the deceaie of King Charles, and, on account of his weaknefaand infirmity of mind, fhould govern the kingdom, during his life-time, with the title of Regent**. As for the dau- phin, he was declared incapable of fucceeding to the crown, and afterwards, on a civil profecution, he was attainted and con- ▼iCted for the murder of the duke of Burgundy (upon the prece« dent fet in attainting King John), rendered incapable of ail fuc- cefCons, particularly that of the kingdom of France, and was alfo adjudged to perpetual banifhment^. The two kings, Hen- ry and Charles, with their two queens and a fpiendid court, con- tinued, for fbuie time after thefe regulations were made, at Pa- #is : from thence King Henry went into Normandy, where he held an aifembly of the dates ; and then pafling through Picardy to Calais, he came to Dover, with his new queen, on Feb. 2% 142 1 '. The intent of this jourpcy is very truly ftated by the French hiftorians, who fay, that it was purely to obtain a freifa fupply of treafure and men, his wars having already exhaufted all that before this time had been tranfported thither': a cir> Cumfliance worthy of attention f As foon as the king's defign was anfwered, and he had ob- tained, notwithdanding the extreme poverty of the kingdom, a very large Turn of money, he immediately recruited his arniy^ and, having ordered a confiderable fleet to be drawn together, paflTed over into France, leaving queen Catharine behind big with chiM. The Dauphin Charles had ftlH a confrderabie party. o Tbom. de F.Imham, cap. xc— xpii. Th, Liv. p. 8j. & req^ Wtieray, toI, iii. p. 201). Le Oendre, torn. iii. p. 629, Rymer's foedera, torn. it. p. 394. Stowe, p. 360. - Hulingftied, vol. ii. p. 573. Speed, p. 641. P See remarks Ati this treaty, and on King Henry's oaufing coin to be (Truck, on which he is flyled Rex Francorutn. Hiftoirede France par Pere Daniel, torn. v. p. 583, 585. 4 Thom. de Elmham, cap, cviii. cix< Tit. Liv, p. 91. Chron, God- ilovlan, p. 143. ' Mezeray, torn, iii, p. xir, ' ■ 1 many >■•■ %i • F HENRY V. Ill Biany flrong towns, as well as fome large provinces, under his obedience, and, during King Henry's ftay in England, had ac* quired both power and reputation, by defeating a great part of the Engliih army, killing the duke of Clarence, and feveral other perfons of great diftin£kion, on the fpoc ; which moved King Henry at his return to ufe his utmoft diligence in the pro- fecution of the war, that the kingdom might be intirely redu- ced, and the dauphin compelled to withdraw for his perfonal fafety into Italy V While he was thus employed, the queen, who remained at Windfor, Inrought him a Ton, and, as foon as (he was able to travel, followed him into France, where flie had an interview with her father at Paris, in which city both courts continued for fome time : but the king, ever vigilant and a^ive, in the month of June took the field in order to raife the fiege of Cofne on the Loire, before which the dauphin lay. In this ex?* pedition he haraiTed himfelf fo much, that he found a greut al- teration in his health, which hitherto had been, apparently at leaft, almoft unprejudiced by his fatigues. Through his want of reft, -and ftill continuing an afliduous application to buiinefs, an inflammatory fever followed, which proved fatal to him at Vin^ cennes, the French writers fay, on the twenty-eighth, our au«- thors, on the laft of Auguft, 1422 ^ He enjoyed his fenfes to the very laft, and died with as much glory as he lived, employ- ing his laft breath in giving fuch dired^ions as were neceftary for the fafety of both his kingdoms ; and experience (hewed, that if his rules had been ftri£lly and fteadily purfued, his family might have been as much indebted for the prefervation of France CO his wifdom, as they were for the pofteillon thereof to his cou- rage, and conduA. He was indifputably one of the beft and greateft, as well as braveft princes that ever fat on the Engliih throne, and would in all probability have provided effectually for the peace and profperity of his Engliih fubjedts, if he had lived to finiih his wars. As it was, he performed a great deal in fo ihort a reign as nine years and a halfj confidering sdfo^ • Thorn, de Elmham, cap. cxvii. & feq. Tit. Liv. p. 9** T. Walfingham, p. 404. P. Mmy\e, p. 618. Gaguin, p. xoi. Mezeray, torn. iii. p. xij. P. Da* alelt to.::>. v. p. 593, 594. < T. Waifingham, p. 407, Thorn, de £Im> iuffl, cap. cxxvH- Tit. Liv. p. 95. W. Wyrcefter. annal. p. ^s$. Dupleix, foro, il p. 754. Mezeray, torn. iii. p. X14. Stowe, p. lOt,. Speed, p. 648. PUz iU% 212 NAVAL HISTORY *•; i that he was but in the thirty-fourth year of his age when h^ died. It may be fuppofed, that the dominion of the fea wa^ full^ maintained under fo enterprizing a prince, and qne who was fq Remarkably jealous of his rights ; I fay, this might have been well fuppofed, though there had been no exprefs evidence of it } >vhich, however} is far from being wanting. He took pccafion to have his title and authority in this refpe^ mentioned in the preambles to a£ts of parliament " ; he maintained ftrong r^U<^drQns at fea and on the coafts, humbled all the maritime |>owers of Europe in his time on account of the fuccQurs the^ gave the French, and thereby drew great advantages to his fub'r je£ts, efpecially from the trade of Flanders, which, by a clofe alliance with the du*.^ of Burgundy, he in a manner abfolutely iecured to them. Yet, for all this, the nation was exceffivcl^ diflreiTed, as well thrgugh the interruption of foreign commercej^ as by the immenfe (axes levied upon them for the fupport of his wars ; infomuch that, in the eight! year of his reign, his chan- cellor bewailed to him in parliament the feeblenefs and povert^r of the people, as himfelf exprefled it, aiVd befought him to applj the only remedy which could preferve them from ruin, afpeedy peace, and putting a flop to his expences, which the king pro- inifed ; and indeed, he could not but be fenfible of the truth of what the chancellor faid, lince he had been obliged to pawn hilt own imperial crown of gold to Henry, bifhop of "Winchefter, fo^ what in thcfe days would be thought a;very inconflderable fuih uf money ^. Ail this he did to obtain his French dominions^ which, in his Ton's -time, the wifell men in England thought more expedient to lofe than keep, time and experience, having always juflified this fundamental maxim of Euglifh policy, tha^, the fubjefls wealth can hay^ no other fource than trade, and the majefty of the crown no better fupport than a firm truft in the people's love, and in confequence of their extenfive commerce, a conftant as well as a fuperior power at fea. This is the yoice of nature in making our country an ifland, the dictates of found reafon, which fhews, that all force is leflened by an Un- neceflary extenfion, and the Uffon taught us not only by our hif- " Sclden'i marc clanfum, lib. ii. cap. xxiii. fwers 10 rcdibns for foreign w^rr, p. 55. "> Sir Robert Cotton's an- ^ory dp HENRY VI. ^r^ tory in general, but by the occurrences under every reign j the reader, therefore, mull not be furprifed to find me frequently inculcating what ought always to be remembered, and what at fsvery tqrn^ notwuhftanding, we are, alas ! but too, too apt t& forget. Henry VI. from the place of his birth, ftyled Henry of Windfor, fucceeded his father before he was a year old, under tbe tuition of his uncles, all men of great experience and abi* litics ^. Of thefe, Humphrey duke of Gloucefter was protec- tor of England, Thomas duke of Exeter had the cuftody of the king's perfon, and John duke of Bedford was regent of France. It was not long before Henry became king of France as well as of England ; for the French king Charles VI. dying on Oftobpr 21, 1422, he was proclaimed at Paris, though the French immediately owned the dauphin, who was now calle4 (Charles VII. y. In the beginning of his reign, things went betT ter than could well have been e3^pe 78j. Mrzrriiy, torn. Sii. p. 13c, 137. Le Gen- <|rf, (sm. ivv p. 6. * Chron. Godiiovian, p. 145. W. Wyrcefter. annaU p. 4JS~457. Cooper** chronic!?, p. 158, ijp. b P. ^myle, p. 6*^, «if. G»guitt, p. 3.11, xtt, Dupleix, tgm. iU p. 810— 812. Pulydor. Virgil* lib. xmii, p. «iv, Aid. ble dF HENRY ifl. iii [enry was 1430, he lained for r declined ath of his tppened in laily worfe d regent of 1 England) lould have rival, Paris gundy alfoy is with very nk of relie- >tent army, id, landing The Fle- retired into em with his rfometime, rend of the ) France, in remarkable, e made hi$ ts fent again the Englifh cc was con- i conditions, argaret, the afure of the onfequences ice, had de- ccept Calais, »n was fenfi- U7. Le Gen- ^yrcefter. annaU ^myle, p. tf»4, uiydor. VirgiU ble of tht mighty expence which attended the keeping them, yet they faw with grief the lofs of cities and provinces pur- " chafed, and fo dearly ! with the blood and the treafure alfo of their anceftors '^. The French were not content with this ; but, having ftill in view the reduftion of the £ngli(h power, they meditated, even in a time of peace, a defcent upon this kingdom, which they af- terwards executed. As this is a matter chiefly refpef^ing the naval hiftory of England, I think myfelf not only at liberty, but even obliged, to fet it in the cleared light. The reigning French king,. Charles VII. was without queftion one of the wifeft men, and one of the ableft princes of his age : he faw with terror the Englifh power at fea, and with ihame his own incapacity to dil^ pute therewith. In order to remedy this, he made a treaty, of- fenfive and defenfive, with Chriftiem I. king of Denmark, by virtue of which that prince was obliged to furnifh him, on cer- tain conditions, with at leaft forty good fhips, and between fix and feven thoufand men, to be employed againd England : yet, by another article in this treaty, this, for which alone it was made, was entirely defeated. The French king had engaged, that the then king of Scots fhould give fatisfaftion to the Danes, with whom he had long had a difference ; and, not being able to bring this to bear, the Danes refufed to furnifli any auxilia- ries. In the mean time the queen of England, like a true French woman, had entered into a fecret negociation with the king of Scots ; and, finding that he was like to be too hard preiied by the Englifh, fhe thought a French invafion might at once ferve her purpofes, and fave her friends. With this view fhe applied herfelf to her relations in France, who eafily prevailed upon the court to enter into this meafure. A fleet accordingly was fitted out in Normandy, and in the month of Augufl 1557, they made a defcent on the coafl; of Kent, and debarked 1800 men about two leagues from Sandwich, to wi^ich place they had orders to march by land, while the fleet attacked it by fea. We have a very circumflantial relation of this whole aflair in Fa- ther Daniel's hiflory, and indeed I think a more difltndt ac- count than any I have met with of the like nature in our hifto- flans. He owns, however, that the Englifh, notwithflanding c Rymer't fuedera, vol. xi. p. ; 9< Stowe, p. 383. Holtngfhed, vo!. il. p. 6%^, Speed, p. 661. their !&■ « ii6 NAVAL tflStd^t their being furprife(jl, defended themfelves with inComparabic Valour, and that, though the town was burnt and pillaged at laftj yet it coil a great deal of bloody which might perhaps balance the booty acquired by it. The refledlion he makes upon it is a little partial. «* Thus," fays he, " a prince, whom the Englifli «* thirty years before called in contempt king of Bourges^ wa? «« now powerful enough to infult them in their own iflartd, and <* to menace their country with the fame mifchiefs which they «« had heretofore brought upon France ''.'* As if there had bccq po difference between furprifing the town of Sandwich, that waf quitted the next day, and the gaining pofTeflion of Paris, and keeping it for many yearsi However, his zeal for his country may well excufe a greatel* error than this; The French made alfo fome other attempts upon the coa{V> and the Scots entered and plundered the borders * : but thefe acr cidents, far from producing the effects which the queen and her partizans expeded, ferved only to heighten that general difaffec- tion which now^began to difcover itfelf, and from whence it was but top vifible, that the councils of this French queen \vould un- do the pious, innocent, well-meaning prince her hufband. The favourers of the houfe of York had with infinite pains cultivat- ed an intereft with the fea-faripg people, and amongd the inha- bitants of Ireland. The former they perfuaded that all atten- tion to the coaAs was neglected, and into the latter they infuf<;(l the ftrongefl: refentment of their prefent opprefTions and appre- henfions of final deftruftion. The famous earl of Warwick^ the then great fupport of the houfe of York, had procured himfeif to be made admiral ; and to (hew his diligence in that office, and his concern for the Englidi honour, caufed feveral fquadrons to put to fea, tathe officers of which he gave fuch in*- ftrudlions as he thought proper. One of thefe fquadronsj oil Tri- nity Sunday 1458, fell in with the Spanifh fleet, who treating them as enemies, they quickly and warmly returned their hofti- lities, and after a long and {harp difpute took fix of their fhips^ laden with iron and other merchandize, and either funk or drove on fhorc twenty-fix moref. This exploit many of our hiflori^i d P. Daniel, tnmc vi. p. ipt. Fabiart, p. 4tf». Hall, fol. #8. a. Grafton, p. 6jQ. c Dupleix, tome H. Buchanan, lib. xi. Hall, fol. 89. b. f Fa* ban, p. 404. Stowe, p. 404. Spred, p, 66S. . ans 6t it E N R ir VI; iij &ns Icoftfound with that which follows, and which was fubfc" quent thereto in point of time. Though we cannot exaf^ly fix its date, yet by a certain circumftance, it unquefi^onably appears Ihey were diflinft enterprizes, the former being performed only by (hips of the earl of Warwick^ whereas the latter was by him atchieved in perfon k. This great nobleman had, by authoi-ity of parliament, been appointed captain of Calais ; but the queen havings with much artifice and flattery, drawn him to court, thought to have pre- vented his going back to hi3 charge, by procuring him to be fuddenly murdered. An attempt of this fort was adkually made in the palace, from which the earl narrowly efcaped, and fiying immediately to a little vefTel he had in the river, he therein tranfported himfelf to Calais, where he had a very ftrong fqua- dron of ftout Ihips. With fourfeen fail of thefe^ he {hortly af* ter put to fea, in order to fcour the coafts, and to hinder the queen from receiving any fuccours from France, as alfo to aid^ if occafion fliould fo require, the duke of York and his party. It fo fell out, that, failing through the channel, he met with five very large fhips, richly laden: three of thefe were Genoefej^ and two Spanifh : he attacked them, though they were exceed- ingly well provided both with men and ammunition^ as appear- • ed by their defending themfelves two days ; at length, however, they were beaten, two efcaping by flight, and the other three falling into his hands were carried into Calais, where their car* goes, valued at upwards of ten thoufand pounds, were convert-* ed into money to the great profit of the inhabitants of that place. In this engagement the earl lofl about fifty men, and the enemy nerr a thoufand ••. Thenceforward there were fcarce any meafures kept: the duke of York retiring into Ireland, and many of the pr' : jipal nobility to Calais, where the earl of Warwick ftill kept a great fleet, and had befides fuch an intereft in all the fea-faring peo- ple of England, that the king found it impofBble to make ufe even of the little naval power that remained, againft this formi- dable lord. Tlje queen, however, fent dov;n the Lord Rivers 8 Compare the accounts given by Mr. Burthcf and Echard with that of Rapii), and wUh the relation of the Aicceeding Oory in Holingfhed. h Stowc, p. 404. Holingflicd, vol. ii. p. ff^S. Speed, p. C6i, Vol. I. E e to r 2I» NAVAL HISTORY, t2f> c. to Sandwich, with dire£tions to equip as ftrong a fquadron as he poflVbly could, in order to dejMrive the carl of Warwick of his government of Calais: but when thefe fhips were almoft ready y the earl fent Sir John Dineham^ an officer of his, who furprifed this fquadron in port, and not only carried away all their {hips, but alfo their commander, Richard Lord Rivers, and Anthony Woodville his ion, who remained long prifoners at Ca^ lais i. After this, one Sir Baldwin Fulford undertook to burn the earl's fleet in the haven of Calais, which quickly appeared to be but a vain enterprize. At laft, the duke of £xeter being made admiral, and having information that the earl of War- wick was failed with his fieet into Ireland, ftood to fea with the royal navy to intercept him ; but when the earl of Warwick's fleet appeared, the Tailors on board the king's fliewed fo much coldnefs, that it vras not judged farfe to flght : and the earl of Warwick, on the other hand, being tender of the lives of his countrymen, and unwilling to deflroy any of the king's fleet,, pafled by without molefHng them. But he did not afterwards iliew the fame moderation, when, on an invitation from the Kentifl) men, he refolved to make a defcent in their country : for Sir Simoa^ Mountford, being then warden of the cinque- ports, and tying with a very flrong fquadron at Sandwich, ta oppoie his landing, h& attacked, defeated, and deflroyed the greatefl: part of them ; and amongft the reft Sir Simon himfelf perifhed ^. After this, little remarkable happened, in naval af- fairs, during the remainder of this long, but unfortunate reign, which ended ftrangely ; for, after the duke of York had been defeated and killed in battle, his fon Edward, earl of March, by the aOiflance of the earl of Warwick, made himfelf mailer of ^he city of London, where, by the general confent of the na- tion, he was acknowledged for their lawful prince, and King Henry depofed, after holding, though very undeadily, the £ng- liih crown near thirty-nine years '. i Fjbian, p. ^tfj— 4(yr. Hall, foi. 91. Grafton, p. C^is, 639. h Stow«, p. 407. Hoiin^flied, vol. ii. p. 05a. Speed, fltfg. ' Hall, fol. loi-. b. Cirat'tuii^ p. 65(5, 657. CiMipct '» clu'oniclc. Polydor, Yr^^il lib. xxiii. I.E T iron as vick of almoft i, who way all Ts, and atCa*' to burn )peared r being War- vith the trwick's b much earl of ; of his j's fleet, ;erwards rom the ountry ; cinque- irvich) to ayed the \ hinifelf naval a&> te reign, lad been arch) by nafter of the Ha- nd King he Eng- h Stowft, Fol. 10I-. b. who was abroad with a (lout navy, fcoured all the coafl y and,^ landing in Bretagne with ten thoufand men, tooic and burnt the town of Conquer, ravaged the ifland of Rhe, and carried off a great booty •=. This early care of the fea, fhews the temper and genius of this prince, and how fit he was to fway the Engliih fceptre : yet he treated his predeceflTor Henry but indifferently ; cauHng him to be brought prifoner to the Tower, and there kept very ftri£tly, though he was' of a blamelefs life, and generally re- Tered as a kind of faint by the people «•• The defe£lion of the earl of Warwick, whofe power had greatly contributed to gain him the crown, was very near taking it from Edward again ; yet whence that defeftion grew is not eafily known. I muft confefs this is not properly my bufinefs ; but inafmuch as the great power of this earl of Warwick fprung from his being ad- miral and captain of Calais ; it may not be amifs to remark the errors that are crept into almofl: all our hiftories concerning him *, the rather becaufe the matter is new, and not only affe£ts our own, but fome alfo of the moft accurate among foreign hif- torians. The ftory we are told is, that the earl of Warwick was fent into France to treat of a marriage between King Edward and the Lady Bona of Savoy, fifter to the . queen of France ; and that while he was abfent on this cmbafTy, the king married the Lady Grey, daughter to the Lord Rivers by Jaquelina, duchefs of Bedford '. But Mr. Hearne has publ^lhed fome memoirs of this reign, written by a perfon who not only lived therein, but * Fabian, p. 473, 493. HoHngnied, vol. ii. p. 666. SpfCil, p. 675. c Grafton, p. fljp. Stowc, p. 4x6. Rapin qiicnions this fa£^, becaurc not laken notice of by the French hidurians; which feetns no jud cxceptior, while Bretagne was fubjeft to its own duke, d Stowe. and alt our ibbf j- chruniclcs. • Polyd. Virgil, lib, nxiv. Was S'' 324 NAVAL HISTORY ^ was alfo well acquainted with the king, and the principal t)er' fons in his court f . , He vouches the thing to be quite other* wife i and that this ftory was devifed in after times to hide the truth. According to him the earl of Warwick had not been In France before the king's marriage, which was on the firft of May 1463; but four years afterwards, viz. in 1467, he was fent to treat with King Lewis, with whom he began to hold privately fome intelligence for the reftoring King Henry, to whofe party the French had always been inclined «. Indeed this feems to be the truth, and accords much better with fafts and dates than the other Itory ; fince it is not cafy to conceive, how a man of the earl of Warwick's violent temper, fhould dif- fcmble his refentment fo many years together''. The .true caufe, therefore, of his quitting the king, was his immeafurable ambition, and the apprehenfions he was under, that the new queen's kindred would fupplant him and his friends; and this notwithftanding the great offices of which he was pof- fcfled, and which, as my author fays, brought him twenty thoufand marks per annum ^. The means he ufed to diftrefs the king was, drawing off his brother the duke of Clarence,' whom he married to his own daughter, and then retired with him to Calais. On this occaflon, the fleet iluck to the earl againft the king, having been long under his command. This cir- cumilance enabled him to return fpeedily into England, where he and his fon- in-law, the duke of Clarence, foon raifed a powerful army, and marching to Warwick furprifed the king's forces, beat them and took him prifoner ^. Edward, however, cfcaped fliortly after, and drove the earl and duke to fuch diftrefTes, that they were forced to join their party to that of the depofcd King Henry ; and even this helped them very little : for, after feveral difputes, in which the king had the better, the duke retired into France, and the earl went on board his fleet, with which he failed to Calais ; and being there refufed entrance, put into feveral harbours in Normandy, where he met with all the favour and affiftance he could dcfirc, f I'linted at the end ef Thoma Sprottt Chronica, 8vo. Oxford, 1719. B Anonymous chronicle, juft mentioned, p, 197— zpp. •• i497. " Ib'd. p, 300. k Memoires de Philip dc Comincs, !iv. iii. chap, iv, P. Da* nicl, tern. vi. p, 414. Polydor. Virgil, lib. xxiv. Scowe, p. 411, from OF EDWARD IV. 225 : others ide (he )t been firft of he was to hold nry, to Indeed th fa£t8 onceivc, >uld dif. was his i under, friends; was pof- twenty flrefs the e; whom h him to 1 againfl: rhis cir- i, where raifed a he king's s the earl join their is helped the king earl went nd being ormandy, lid defire, ford, i7i9« i Ibid. P. Da- IV. from from the French king '. While an army was providing to be, by the earl of Warwick, tranfported into England, part of his fleet cruized upon the Flemings, and took many of their (hips, becaufe the Duke of Burgundy, their fovereign, fided with King Edward, whofe fider he had married. The duke, to revenge this ill ufage, drew together a great fleet ; and therewith fail- ing to the mouth of the Seine, blocked up the earl of War- wick's (hips in their harbour. Towards the beginning of the month of September 14711 ^^^ French king furniflied the earl of Warwick, the duke of Clarence, and Queen Margaret, all now of one party, with great fuccours, not only of men, but of (hips, which enabled them to force their paiTage : fo that, landing on the thirteenth of September, fome at Plymouth, others at Dartmouth, they quickly drew together fo great :^ {h-ength, and withal brought fo many of tl^e king's court to defert him,- that Edward, fearing his perfon might be betrayed, fled with fuch of his friends as he could bed truft, to Lynn in Norfolk; and in getting thither ran very great hazards'". There, on the third of 0£tober, he embarked on board aa Englifh fhip, and his friends on board two Dutch hulks, in^ tending to have pafled over into Flanders ; but fome (hips, be** longing to the Hanfe-towns, attacked him t nor was it without great di(ficulty that his fmall fquadron got clear, and at la(| landed him fafe in Zealand. His queen, whom he left big with child, and in the utmofl: diftrefs, took (belter in the fancf tuary at Weftminfter, where (he brought forth her ejdeft fon| afterwards the unfortunate Edward V ". As foon as the king's flight was known, Henry VI. was re^ leafed from his imprifonment, and again feated on the throne \ Edward proclaimed an ufurper, and many of his favourites put to death as traitors ; his own brother, the duke of Clarenccy concurring in all thefe meafures; for which the crown was en? tailed upon him and his heirs, in cafe the maleJine of King Henry (hould fail*. Edward, however, f^iUkept up his fpirits, 1 Philip de Comine!t, Hv. iii. chap. v. Dupleix, torn. iii. p. 6*, 6^. Mezeray, torn. iii. p. 314. Holingfhed, vol. ii. p. 074. >° Fabian, p. 500. Hall, lal, 17 — 19. Speed, p. tfSi. Philip de Comines, torn, i. p. 154 » Grafton* p. tfS8, 690. Scowc, p. 4a». Cooper's chronicle, fol. «fi7. ^ Fabian, p. 501, itiolinglhed, vol. ii. p, in. Speed, p. 6St, Vol. I. f $ , > «n4 I ill m w %26 NAVAt HISTORY and though he found himfelf difappointed in the only friend tf( iirhom he trufted, his brother-inJa^, Charley dvke of Bur- gundy, who durft not provoke both England and France by openly aififling him ^ yet he refolved to venture, vrith the fmaU[ train he had abput him, and in a few ihips which were lent him, to return into his own country p. This was certainly acting like an Englifh king ; who ought rather to die in the field aflerting his^ right, than difgrace himfelf and his fubjeds. \>j living long as aii exile in foreign parts. ' His whole force confifted but in four (hips of war, and four- teen tranfports, on board of which were embarked about two thoufand men ''. He intended to have landed in Norfolk, but a ftorm prevented him, and obliged him, after fome days tof- ilng at fea, to run with a fmall fquadron into the port of Ra- venfpur in Yorkfhire, from whence he marched dire£tly to- wards York, declaring, at this time, as the firft monarch of the Lancaftrian line had done in the like cafe, that he fought no more than his inhe^tance as duke of York, and that he was content King Henry fhould wear the crown : but, as foon as he found himfelf at the iiead of a confiderable army, he laid aflde this pretence, refumed his royal title, and in the famous battle of Barnet '., defeated and killed the potent and ambitious earl of Warwick, who from his fuccefs acquired the furname of Make King*. Shortly after he defeated Queen Margaret, and her fon the priapce of Wales, at Tewklbury *, where the latter loft his life H. In the mean time the fleet was f^ill in very bad hands. The Baflard Fayconbridge, who commanded under the earl of Warwick, hejd it in the name of King Henry, but in reality to his own ufe. His firft project was, the taking and plundering of the ci^y of Loiidon in the king's abfence } in order to which, he brought his fliips into the mouth pf the river Thames, and landed himfelf with feventeen thoufand men, with whom he J I. ■ ' • ' ■ I . - ■ » • ' ' f Philip de Coipines, torn. i. p. 1(3. P. ^myle, p. 666. Habington'i hid. of Edw. IV^ in Kennet, Vol. i. p. 447. *> Hall, ful. a4. h. Stowe, p. 41Z. Gaguin, lib. x. p. x6o, 26i. ' April 14, 1471. * Fabian, ft 5oJ» S°4' ^*'* *ol. »8, sj). Griftoti, p. 703— tdj. Polydor. Virgil hid. lib. xxiv. t May 4, 147 1< ** Stowc, p. 4^4. ilolingOied, Vol. ii. p.tfSS. ' Speed, p. (84. liabing^oii| p. 453. boldly OF E D W A R D IV. ' aif boldly attacked the place, and was as gallantly rccived ; the. citiizens defending themfeiVes with fuch refolution, that he was forced to retreat with great lofs *'. Soon after he gave up the. fleet, and fubmitted himfelf to the king, who knighted him, land made him vice-admiral ; whichj honour, however, he did not long enjoy ; for entering into fome new intrigues^ he was detedled, and loft very defervedly his head *. King Edward had no fooner fettled affairs at home, and re. « Jlored the peace and naval power of Englaildj than he thought of revenging himfelf on the French for the trouble they had given him j for which a fair occaiion offered, by the breaking out of a war between Lewis XI. and Charles duke of Bur- igundy ^. To the afliftance of the latter he pafled over with a knighty army, attended by a fleet of five hundred fail, with which^ in the month bf July 147S» he entered the road of Calaisi where lie debarked his forces; This fufficiently ihews the great ma- ritime ftrength of England in thefe tiines} when the king, af- ter fuch an unfettled ftate, and fo many revolutions as had late- ly happened, was able in a year's fpace to undertake fuch an expedition as this, and that too with fo great a force ^. When he came to take the field, however, he did hot find that afiiftance from his allies which he expected ; and tlierefore, though at the beginnings he pretended to no lefs than the en- tire conqueft of France, yet, on King Lewis's defiring to treat of peace, he Was content to enter into a negociation, which end- ied much to his fatisfa£tion ; and, all things confidered, to the ho- nour of the Englifti nation j for the French king gave v\.:y large fums by way of prefent to the Englifh foldiers j and difcovered, by various other adls> fuch a tert-or at the Engliih name, as might ierve inftead of many viftories '. This peace is generally ftyled the peace of Amiens, from the [ihce vrhete it wds treated } and the curious reader may find it at large in Rymer*& colledion ^, w This man's name was Thomai tJeii), (on to Lord Fauconbrtdgti created by this king Edward IV. barl of Ksnt. Hall, foi. 33, Speed, p. 685. ^ Stowe, p. 4»4. y Philip de Comine?, IIt. iv. chip. v. P. iCmyle, p. 66p. G«> giiin, lib. x. p. i6y. « Fabian, p. 508. Grafton, p. 719. Cooper'i chronicle, fol. 167. b. Polydor. Virfjil. lib. xxiv. * Dupleix, torn. iii. ^. 87. Mezeray, torn. iii. p. 32^. P. Daniel, totnc n, p. 461—463. ^> Fee* dpra, tom. xii. p. 17. I 11 Ff a u ii9 NAVAL Hl&tORt asDvdlts fbme remarkable tircum{l|nces relating theretd, in Philip de Comines, and in the moft authentic of the French trnters*. In confequence of this treaty, the king receired an annual penfion from France^ of fifty thoufand crowns, which he looked upon, not without reafbn, as a kind of tribute^ and ap- plied a great part t>£ it to the repair of his navy, for which he always ihewed a great concern ; and by keeping fquadrons con-* finually at lea, held the timorous Lewis XI. king of France, In continual terrors $ who> to fecure his own quiet, diftributed annually vaft Aims amongfli the privy council of England <>. A war with Scotland gave the king an opportunity of difplay.>ng tris force, by fending a great army, under the command of his brother the duke of GIoucefter% into that country, and apow-' «rful fleet upon its coafis, which fo terrified the Scots, that^ they obliged their prince to accept of fuch propofals as wertf made to lum f. After the coming back again of the duke of Gloucefter, the king's affairs began to take a lefs fortunate turn. He had created great troubles at home, by removing his bro ther, the duke of Clarence, not without ftrong fufpicions o injuilice *. He had crofied the humour of the nation, in refu-* fing fuccour to the Flemings, who were the natural allies of the EngUfh, and from whom they annually gained large fums by the balance of trade. Add to all this, that it became every day more and more apparent, that the French king never ih-i^ tended to perform the moft efTential points of the laft peace^ particularly that relating to the marriage of the Dauphin with the princefs Elizabeth, which perplexed the king exceedingly, and at laft determined him fo break with this perfidiqus mo" narch. In this war be refolved to rely chiefly on his own ftrength at fea, and not at all on the promifes of his allies, by whom himx felf and his predecefibrs had been fo often deceived, and of which he had a recent example in the condufl of the Emperor <= Philip de Cxiniaci, Ht. iv. Gaguin, lib. X. Mezerayy torn. iii. p. ^iy^ yi. * Fabian, p. 509. Hall, io\. 46, 47. Grafton, Hulingihed. • A. D. 148a. f Scowr, p. 43». Speed, p. 689. LefTiji de ttbut grfVit S.ototum, lib. Tiii, p. 311, 2^%. Buchanan, lib. lii. p. 399, 400. K H%il, tu\, 50, b. h'uiin^fticdj vol. ii. p, 703, Hubington, p, 475. ^ , , " Maxirailianj 6F EDWARD iV. ii^ Maximiilan, who, notwit^ftanding the king had lately fent a fquadron of ftout (hips under Sir John Middleton to his aflif- tancci had not only made a peace, but entered into a clofe union with France, which highly provoked the king \ The pains King Edward took in difpofing all things for a French war, and efpecially in drawing together a numerous fleet, was fo highly agreeable to bis people, that they Teemed heartily inclined to bear the expence which fuch an expedition muft have brought upon them. The care, however, of fo important an enterprize, joined to his unufual fatigue in providing every thing for under- taking it, threw that monarch into a I'udden illnefs, when his fleet and army were almoft ready, which brought him unexpectedly to his end on the ninth of April 1483, after he had reigned fomewhat more than twenty-two, and had lived very little above forty>one years i. The French writers will have it, that he died of chagrin at the dauphin's marriage, becaufe, from the treaty of Amiens, he had always ftyled his eldeft daughter E-^ lifabeth, dauphinefs ^ : but Mezeray, very hofieftly owns, that his death was a great deliverance to France, and freed her from the terror of beholding once again an Englifh army, under a vi£lorious king, at the gates of Paris '. He was, though too much addi^ed to his pleafures, a very wife, as well as a very fortunate prince ; had true notions of naval power, and of theconfequences of an extenfive commerce. The former he maintained throughout his whole reign, and the! latter he encouraged, as much as his domeftic troubles gave him leave to do. He made feveral treaties with foreign powersj Denmark, Burgundy, the Hanfe-towns, very ferviceable to the merchants, and one with Henry king of Caftile^ A. D. 1^66^ and another in A. D. 1467, which proved very beneficial to hi$ people. He reformed many abufes that had crept in during the civil wars* He prevailed on the feveral companies to be at the txpence of rebuilding London-wall ; and the emulation of iinilh' h Grafton* p. 743. Stewe, p. 431. Speed, p. 689. C«orpi diplomatique du droit del gent, torn. iii. p. xi.p. loo. Rapin, vol, it p. 6*5. i Hill, fol, 19—^1. Grafton, p. 755, Cooper's chronicle, fol. 168. b. Polydor, Virgil. Kb. iiiv. k Dupleiv^ Com. ili^ p« 130. P Daniel, torn. «i. p. 55 r, 551. Le dendre, tem. W< p. io#, 107. 1 Abri^e de I'biftoire de France, torn* iii. p. 34<. m ago NAVAL HISTORY ing the parts afligned them, in the fpeedieft and ftrongeft maii^ ner, cauied the whole to be very quickly finifhed. At this time Bifhopfgate was fumptuoufly rebuilt by the Efterlings. Indeed his principal maxim was maintaining a good correfpondence with tlie city of London, to which he conftantly adhered, and of which he found the good eiFedts in, his adverfity, as well as pro- fperity, as is well obferved by Philip de Cdmines •", who attri- butes to this his reft oration J after the potent earl of Warwick Iiad driven him out of his dominions ; and one of the laft a£ts of his life was an extraordinary compliment to that city, of which we have a long account in our old chronicles ". In one thing he was Angularly happy, that he died in full pofTeffion of the heahs and afFedioiis of his fubjefls. Edward V. fucceeded, oi: rather feemed to fucceed^ his fa- ther; for he never had any thing more than the fliadow of royalty } and even this did not continue above the fpace of ten weeks, through the ambition of his uncle Richard duke of Glou- cefter. My fubjedl does not lead me to fay muth of this mat- ter, which, I muft own, appears to me one of the darkefl: parts of our hiftory ; for though I am far from thinking that Buck iri his panegyric, rather than hiftory of King Richard, hath writ- ten all things according to truth, yet I muft own, that I do not believe he errs more on one hand, thati Sir iThomas Moore, iri his hiftory of Edward V. on the other : which hiftoryj howcvei*i has been the ground-work of all fucceeding ftories. Thus much of certainty, undoubtedly, there is, that, imme- diately after the death of Edward IV. Richard duke of Gloucef- ter aflumed the office of proteftor, and caufed the young prince to be proclaimed ; after which, on various pretences, he cut ofF feveral great perfons, who were the princip^.1 friends of his de- ccafed brother's queen ; and, having thus paved the way for his own promotion, he next infufed into the people's minds a bad opinion of the late monarch's adminiftration, and fome doubts a$ to the legitimacy of his children, vtrhich, by the help of the duke of Buckingham's management of the lord-mayor und citizens o^ London, was improved into a popular demand, that the young »> Mcmoires, toiil. i. lib. Hi. chap, ft f, 757. Ujlingflted, *ol. ii. p. 705. • TibUn, p. 5f ». Onftonj prince ( ■ 1*1 OF RICHARD III. 231 prince (hould be laid afide, and Richard, inftead of proteftor, (ieclared king •, which at firft he refufed, but was quickly pre- vailed upon to change his mind, and accept •. Richard III. was proclaimed the twenty-fecond of June ^483, and crowned upon the fixth of July following, together with Anpe his queen, and his title efFeftually confirmed by a parliament called in January following p. This aft is perhaps the beft drawn piece, confidering the dcfign it was to cover, that is CJ^tant in any language j and many of our modern hiftorians might have avoided (he grofs miftakes into which they have fal- len about this prince, if they had carefully conildered it. But Sir Thomas Moore's rhetoric had fo much warmed them, that, generally fpeaking, they confound the duke of Clarence's trea- " fon with the duke of Glouccfter's pretenfions, which, though they might be as bad, yet certainly they were not the lame '. Clarence, in framing his title to the crown, was obliged to fct afidc that of his elder brother King Edward, which put him upon alledging, that the king was not in reality the fon of Richard duke of York ^ : but as Richard duke of Gloucefter vras under no neceffity of doing this, fb he was much too wife a man to attack his mother's honour without caufe. We find, therefore, nothing of this in the before-mentioned aft of parliament, but a title of quite another kind. The right of King Edward is clearly acknowledged, but his marriage with Queen Elifabeth is declared to be null, not, as Sir Thomas Moore faysj^ becaufe of the king's marriage before God to Lady Elifabeth Lucy, a matter which had been long before cleared up, but, in refpeft to a pre-contraft, or rather marriage, between the king and Lady Eleanor Butler, daughter to the earl of Shrewfhury, which was proved by a bifliop % in confequence of ^hich all his pofterity were illegitimate. Then again, as to the ° Stowe, Holingflied, Speed. Sir Thomas Moore is tranfcribed in thcf: three billories; and as for Buck's laboured apology, it is to be met with in the firft volunne of the complete hillory of England by Bifhop Kennet. P Fabian, p. jt6. Hall, fol. I. Cotron's abridgment of the records, p. 7C9. 1 Cm* l^are Buci&'s lilftory with the reft, and confider the authorities produced on both fides. after efcaping fo great a danger, he meant to invite a greater ; at kaft fo it pro«^ ved, and might liave been eafUy foreseen. But let us now re« turn to the earl of Richmond. He found things on his coming back much altered in the court of Bretagne ; fbr events will ever change the meafures of thofe who fuffer their councils to be governed by expectations of profit, rather than regard to principle. Peter Landois, who bad been his warmefl: friextd> was now become his bitterefl; ene- my ; for perceiving that the earl^s defigns were fruftrated, the Duke of Buckingham dead, the countefs of Richmond confin- ed, and England quietly fubmitting ta Richard, he fuddenly changed his politics ; and fince he could not reduce the confe- derate lords by the help of an Englifh king of his own making, he refolved to have recourfe to an £nglifl\ king then reigning,, and therefore entered into a treaty with Richard, for putting the earl of Richmond into his hands ^. But dodtor Richard Mor- ton, bifhop of Ely, a firm friend to the houfe of Lancaflier^ then in exile in Flanders, having difcQvered this deHgn, gave timely notice of it to the earl of Richmond, adviiing him to fly immediately into France, which he did, and yet very narrowly efcaped, a troop of horfe, fent to retake him, mifllng him biit an hour. He was well received by the French kin ', Charles VIII. ■who promifed him his protection and alliitance : nor had he been long at this court, before the earl of Oxford, who was a prifoner at Calais, prevailed upon the governor of that ftrong place to- embrace his intereft, and to go with him into France in order to concert meafures for a new inva- flon of England". Some of the French hiftorians fay pofi- tively, that King Charles furniftied Henry of Richmond with four thoufand men : Father Daniel hjs, they were choline * Hal!, fol. ir, ji. Grafton„ p. 83*. Rapin, yol. i. p. tf43. Argentrr, liv. xH. a Su.wf, p. 467. Speed, p. 711. P. Mmylc, p. <53». Gagnio. Clwlon hiftoirc dc Frauccj tome ii. p. Jio. troops J § Politi<:al Reflections, ^c. ^35 f- »:■ troops t> i but our Englifli writers fpeak of no more than two thoiifand^ nay, and infift, that tbefe were hired with money, which the carl borrowed ^, However it was, with this infigni- £cant force, embarked on board a very fcurvy fleet, the earl ventured to put to fea, on the firft of Auguft 1485, from the port of Havre de Grace, and landed at Milford-haven on the 8th of the fame month. He was quickly joined by great bodies of the Welch, and palling the Severn at Shrewlbury, met with many of his Englidi friends, and then marched diredUj into Leiceftcrfliire, where he knew King Richard lay with his army «*. Upon this followed a decifive battle, fought near the town of Bofworthj on the twenty-fecond of Auguft, wherein King Ri- chard, fighting gallantly, was flain with his iWord in his hand, after a fhort reign of two years and two months, wherein he fheweH himfelf a better king than mod of our hiflorians are willing to reprefent him. An exemplary inftance of this was, his fufFering his nephew Edward Plantagenet, earl of Warwick, fon and heir to his brother, George duke of Clarence, to live quietly and freely in Yorkfliire, though one of the firft adls of his fucceffor was, to Ihut up this unhappy youth in the Tower, where he was aftefwafds behead sd^ for no greater crime than dfifiring freedom. In the reign of thefe monarchs of the houfe of York, there were no grievous taxes drawn from the fubjeft : when Edward IV. wanted money, he had recourfe to an expedient, which, whatever it might be in law, was certainly not amifs in politics, of fending for perfons in eafy circumflances, and having opened to them his occasions for money, and his reafons for fuppoHng they could fupply him, defired they would give what they plea- fed ; by which he raifed money without aid of parliament, by a new kind of prerogative; ftyling fuch a voluntary contribution BENEVOLENCE. As hc was a debonair prince, this method, odd as it was, brought him in very confiderable fupplies. A- mongft others that in this manner he once fummoned, was a t> Philip de ComSnes, indeed, very modeniy acknowledges this ai'l to have confined but in three thou.'and Normans, and thofc the very refufe of the peo- ple, liv. vi. chap. ix. x . Daniel, tome vi. p. C02. ^ Hall, fol. 27. a. Stowe, p. 468. Speed, p. 7 zi. d Fabian, fol. 5i9- Orafton. p. 849, 850. H«> lingflied, vol. ii. p. 759. G g 9 gentle- N 23 Edward !br J..,. V ^Ht8 Period OP NAVAL HISTORY. 13^ Bclward IV. who firft introduced a difference between the Eng-' li(h and the Irifh coin, fo that the former was worth a fourth part more than the latter. Upon whatever motives he did this, and whether Xhe doing it was laudable, or otherwifc) we dare not decide j but, however, there is no doubt at all, that the cuflom was purfued by his fucceffors ; fo that in fucceeding times an Iriih (hilling was wprth no morp than ninepence it) England, and the fame proportion held in all their other coins. * In che Ihort reign of King Richard III. there was but one parliament called, and but one tax granted, which was a tenth upon the clergy. At the fame time the king, of his own ac- cord, gave life, as one of our antiquaries exprefies it, to ano- ther law, by vyhich the fubje£l was for ever freed from QENEr f OLBNCES, which is faid to have flowed from an evil intention in that prince, to captivate the minds of the people, by this exr traordinary (hew of felf-denial. It is very poflible it might be fo, but perhaps it would be very difBcuU to find any evidence to prove it. It is a dangerous thing to'put bad conftrudlions upon fuch aflions as are vifibly good, either in kings or in private men. If this monarch was really guilty of one haU of the crimes with which fpmc of our hillovians have been pleafed toi charge him, there was no need of mifreprefenting what had the appearance of right in his condu^, in order to render him 3, rnonfler. All that I incline to add fatther upon this fubjedl is, that fuch as are determined to believe the worft of him mull be contented with what is faid in our chronicles, public hiftories, and memoirs : for as to the ftatute-books and records, they bear no teftimonies of his being either an oppreflbr or a tyrant ; yet I readily allow, what vindicates his public, cannot be extended to juftify his private charafter, becaufe both hiftory and experi.. ';nce fufliciently teach us, that a .very bad man may be a very good king 5 but then it is neceflary that he Ihould reign long^ in order to be fo efteemed. As to the hiftory of our trade during this period, it is better prcferved than in any other, becaufe, perhaps, it now began to grow more confiderable. A great variety of laws we have re- lating thereto, and a long charter prcferved in Hakluyt, where- by King Edward IV. grants large privileges to the Englifh mer- chants fettled in the Netherlands. Some of our hiftorians, it is true, blame that prince for fuffering certain ihcep, out of Herc- forJfiiirc, !ii I! 138 Political Reflections upon fordfliirc, to be tranfported into Spain j whence they would have us believe, arofe that plenty of fine wool, for whrch that country hath been fince renowned. But this perhaps is in fome degree vanity in us, fince nothing is more certain than that the Spanifli wool was, long before, in fome requefl; } fo that, in the thirty-firfl year of Henry II. the weavers of London had it granted to them, upon their petition, that wherever they could difcover cloth entirely fabricated of Spaniili wool, or even with a mixture of Spanifh woc^, they were authorifed to carry it be- fore the Mayor of London, who was to caufe it to be burnt *. At this time, however, the prevailing notion was here, that without our wool the beft cloths could not be made ; and in- deed, if there had been no excellence in their fleece, a few of our (heep had been no fit prefent for one king to make, or the other to receive. The hiftory I mention is contained in a little treatife, prefer- ved in Hakluyt f, intitled, De politia cofifervativa marisy written in verfe, and, as it feems from his preface, never before printed, though written copies were pretty common. We know not by whom, or exatlly when, it was compofed, and yet we may come pretty near the time, for it is faid, in the clofc, to have been examined and approved by the wife baron of Hungerford ; tvhich nobleman loft his head at Salifbury, in 1466, he'mg the fixth of Edward IV « : confequently this book muft hare been written fome time before, probably about the beginning of that king's reign. There is a particular title to every chapter ; that to the general introduction runs thus i ** Here beginneth the prologue of the procelTe of the libel of <* English policie, exhorting all England to keep the ** SEA, and namely the narrow e sea: fhewing what profile " conimeth thereof, and alfo what worfhip and falvation to <' England, and to all Englishmen." In this introdu6lion the author fhews both the utility and the n/^ceflity of England's preferving the dominion of the fea ; and tells us, that the Emperor Sigifmund, who came over hither in . 14 1 6, and went into France with Henry V. advifed him to keep the two towns of Dover and Calais, as carefully as he would * Hall's chronicle in the reign of Edward IV. f>I. vii. a, edit. ijjo. Grafton, p. 668. f CoilcAion of voyages, vol. > p. 187. C Stowe's annali, his THIS Perxod ot NAVAL HISTORY. 239 his two eyes. The author next explains to us the device on our nobles, a gold coin £r(l ftruck in i8th of Edward Hi. introdu- cing his remarks thus : ** For foure things our noble fheweth unto me, «« King, fliip, and fword, and power of the fea.'* In his firft chapter this writer gives us a very clear and exadt account of the commodities of Spain and Flanders, and of the commerce between thofe countries; wherein he remarks, that neither country could live without the other ; that the Spaniftx wool cannot be wrought by the Flemings, without a mixture of Englidi ; and, beddes this, that, from their fituations, the trade between thefe two countries mud be altogether precarious, if both were not at peace with England. This is the author's main point, and he urges Ii very fenfibly. The Low Countries were then, what the United Provinces were in the laft century, viz. the centre of the commerce of Europe : and therefore while Calais, as well as Dover, was in our hands, tK:tt com^^^nerce could cot be carried on but by our permilfion, vluch was expreireU by King Edward's gold noble. The fecond chapter treats of the c«>mmoditieS and trade of Portugal } wherein he obferves, that the inhabitants of Portnga' were always our friends, and that a very advantageous trade had ever fubfifted between the two nations, the ftream of which, he complains, began now to be turned into Flanders. He fpeaks of the commerce, and of the piracies carried on by the inhabitants of the duchy of Bretagne ; and exclaims grie- voufly at the outrages they were wont to commit on the EnglilU coads, particularly on the maritime towns of Norfolk, and then tells us a remarkable fl:ory of what happened in the time of Edward III. The i:.C'\.hants, he fays, reprefented to that prince, that notwithdanding the peace between him and the duke of Bretagne, the privateers of that duchy took their vef- ielsi of whirb ti.e king, by his ambadadors, complained to the duke, who, in anfwer, faid, that thefe privateers belonged ta the ports of St. Michael and St. Malo, which, though in hh dominions, he could not fay were under his obedience, beiti;; inhabited by a fort of people who would do what they plenfed : npon which the king directed Dartmouth, Plyraouthanci rowcy» . . -. -^._. . . . . v-t^ i4«> PoLiTiCAt R-EPLlCTioks ui»e» to be fortified, and gave the inhabitants leave to fit out pira- teers, to cruize upon the cbafts of Bretagne. This expedient foon anfwercd his piirpofe, by bringing the fubjefts of the duke into fuch diftrefsj that he was glad to uridertake for the future good behaviour of his two lawlcfs townSi that he might be rid tof the troublefomic vifitants IVhich daily diftirelTed his cbaft* from our three; The commodities of Scotland, hidesj felts and Wool, and her (commerce with Flanders, make the fubjc pence in the maintenance of French wars were einployed in th^ scdu^ion of Ireland, it would anCver the pw^ppfe ef e^uaUy» aiid produce a very confiderable pro^ annually to the Englifh nation. Yet this, as the writer complains, was flighted, from views of private profit, to the great detriment of tlie public. The old trade carried on to Iceland from Scarborough, and of late years from Briftol to the lame place, is defcribed in the tenth chapter ; at the clofe of which, the author d^courfes of the importance of Calais. In the eleventh chapter he defcants on the naval power of King Edgar, and the mighty fleets of King Edward III. and Henry V. who, he fays, built larger and ftronger (hips than any of their predecefTors. The twelfth and laft chapter is a concife recapitulation of the principal matters fpoken to before, with a pathetic exhortation to Englifh Oiatefo men, thoroughly to confider the importance of thefe points, and cfpecially the great one of msiniaining our power or fovereignty at fea, on which, he fays, the peace, plenty, and profperity of |his ifland eiTentially depend. One cannot help wondering, on the perufal of this piece, that no pains has ever been taken to make it more ufeful, by re-pub- liihing it, either in modern verfe, or as it now (lands, with notes, fince it is evidently written yrith equal fcience and fpirit ; fo that it is not eafy to fay, whether it gives us a better idea of the author's head or heart. Befides, it is a full proof that trade was then a very extenfive and important concern, which wiH appear more clearly to the reader, if he confiders the different value of money then and now. It likewife fhews, that the reafons and grounds of our naval dominion were then as thoroughly iniderflood, and as clearly and plainly afferted, as ever they have been fince; which Is the reafon that Mr. Selden cites this book as a remarkable Vof.. I. U h authority! 242 Political Reflections, ^«» authority, both in point of argument and antiquity *>. But yrti are now coming into brighter times, wherein that fpirit of com- merce, which (his author fo earnellly wilhed for, began really to appear ^ and when there feemed to be a conteft between pri- vate men, and thofe in the adminiftration, who ihould ferve the public moft} a fpirit to which we owe our prefent correfpon- dence with sill parts of the world, our potent and ftately fleet, and, above all, our numerous plantations, the chief fupport o^ pur maritime ftrength, as well as the moft coniiderable branct^ of our trade ft ill remaining. k I4we CUafun, lib. ii. c. x^v. I.IVBS K ' .'■■ ( ,- ri- hQ in-' ct, 4 I 243 3 T ■ i V E OF THE D M I k A L S , INCLUDING A NEW AND ACCURATB NAVAL HISTORY. t: H A P. VIII. The Naval Hiftory 6F Etiglani, vihder ttic reign of Henry VII. thcluding the memoirs 6i fuch (eminent jfeaaieh as flouriihed in his time. ES I ■■ HENRY Vtl. 'rtras crowned king bri the field of bat- tle, the diadem of King Richard being ifound among the fpoils '. By what title he held the regal dignity^ 1^ difficult to deterniine. In his own days he Would not fuffer it to be drawn into queftion ; ahd pofterity h'ave not much con- fidered it (iiice^. As to defcent, he tould fdarce be accounted bf the royal family ', for hid father was 6f Wales, his mother , *■ h Wat pUbed upon his head by Sfr WHllani Stanley, afterwards i.- See what the celebrated Lord Bacon hath thooght fit to deliver upon this head in his admirablt hiftory of this prince )a his worlis, vol. ii. p. a£8<— >7i. edit. 1753. Hh 2 «f U4 NAVAL HISTORY of the houfe of Beanfort, deicended indeed of John of Gatmtt duke of Lancafter } but lb as to l>e legitimate only by an 9 :'c ^ parliament, with an exprefs exception in that very zSt, as to the crown'. By conqiieft he could not be king; for. no people conquer themfelves ; and his army at Bofworth were Engliih- men, as well as King Richard's. His cleared, and therefore his beft title then muft be mar- riage, which he had not till fome time after : lor though he was folemhly crowned on the thirtieth of 0£lober, yet he did not marry the princefs Elizabeth till the eighteenth of January I486<». He wis generally eftfienicd the w5fefl monarch of his time, and was without all doubt an accompIiOied prince ; to t^bicii the diflkultits he wdnt through iniiis ybuth, muft have contributed not a little ; for he was an exile before he was a man, md nt the h»d 6f his patty by that time he was at years of difcretion. He had great obftacles to furmount, even after his acceflion to the throne } for thef cemmoh people were ge- nerally fond of the houfe of York, and the duchefs of Bur- gundy took care to furnifli them with variety of pretenders of that line ; yet fuch was the care King Henry took of his coaftsy and fo wifely did he provide for the fecurity of the fea, that his enemies could fcarce ever fet foot dire£lly in this kingdom ; which was the reafon that Simnel went iirfl: to Ireland, and Perkin Warbeck into Scotland, where having procured aiUT- tance, he thence invaded England ^. Another ftrain of his policy was, his keeping up a ihartial fpirit amo«ig his own fubje£ts, at the expence of his neighbours $ repaying thereby the French in their own coin. Thus he pri- vately aflifted the duke .of Bretagne with a conitderaUe body of troops, under ihe command of the Lord Woodtrille, uncle to the queen ; and v/hen the French king expoftutated on this head, he excufed himfelf by faying; that Lord tranfported forces into Bretagne without bis confent or permiffion f* Soon <^ T. Walfingham. bid. Angl. p. 3$ 3. Cotton's •bndgment of the recordc, p. 7(Tj. Tyrrd's hii^ory of England, vol. iii. p. 959. Speed, p. fii. Dng- A*\e'f Baronage, vol. ii. p. 1x3, x^j. d Fabian, p. sty. Speed, p. tip. Cooper, fol. %69.h. ' Stowe, HolingOied, Speed, kapin; biit^ .'^hovc aif, Lord Bacon's hiftory of hit reign, and his fioiihed charaAer of Ktnry VJl. i A. D. 1488.- after OP HENRY VII. '245 after he openly affifted the Britons againft the French, hecaufe he faw that thefe expeditions were plcafing to his own people, and ferved his ptirpofes at the fame time. On the fame princi- ples he threatened an open rupture with France, for which he provided a very formidable army, and a numerous fleet ; and yet his real view was not fo much attacking the French king, M drawing aids from his own parliament; which oh this ex- pe^adoti, and upon this only they were inclined to give. He tranfported, however, his forces to Calais, took the field, and hating terrifisd the French, made fuch a peace as fatisfied him, aiid €o returned home ; keeping however his fquadrons at fea : for though he loved peace, yet it was his fixed maxim, that he might keep it, to be in conflant readinefs for war; which was the reafon that during his reign, the marine was in better con- dition than under any of his predecefTors. The cares of go* vernment took up his whole time, and left no room either for thoughts or expences of pleafure *. The French hiftorians fay, that of all our Englifh kings, this wife monarch was beft inclined to them, and moil obfervant •f his treaties ; which they afcribe to his gratitude for the fuc- 'cours afforded him in France, when he came over againft King Richard''* I will not deny that fome truth there may be in this; and yet I am inclined to believe, that the chief motive which fo flrongly bound him to afieO: peace abroad, was the almoft continual intefline divifions among his fubjedts at home, which might have created him even more uneafinefs than they did, in cafb the malcontents had been fupported by fo powerful a prince as the French king. Befides, it was the policy of Henry VII. to divert the fpirits of his fubje£b from war to trade, which he both underflood and encouraged. His long refidence in Bretagne had given him an opportunity of acquiring a much greater fkill in maritime af- fairs than moil; of his predecefibrs ; and this was fo well known, that eminent feamen, even in foreign countries, frequently on that account, addreiled themfelves to him for his favour and protection. Amongft the reft, the famous Chriftopher Coluni- f Hall, foi. IS— 18. Grafton, Stowe, Rymer's Fosdera, tome xti. p. 407. )• Oagnio, lib. xi. P. Daniel, tome vii. p. 19. Du Tillet, Recuetl des Traitec, Oodcfro]r Sopplement au Mcitioirei dc Philip de GomineSi chap. vii. bus. 146 NAVAL HISTORY tr bus, who rendered his name immortal by the difcbvery of Ame- rica, and who fent his brother Bartholomew hither, in order tb have profecutcd that glorious expedition for the benefit of this nation ; nor was it anjr fault in this wife king that he did nOt4 though fome modern writers, not brily without^ but againft all authority, aifert that King Henry rejeded hh pfopofals. I fhall here give a concife account of that afFaiir of which I Ihall have occafion to fpeak again in the memoirs of John Cabot ; who, though he did not undertakie to make diJTcoveriei till after the return of Columbus, yet faw the continent of thie neW* world earlier than he j as Will be fully proved in its propel: place. 0^ Experience fhews tis, that there are certain feafons remark- ably favourable to particular arts. This age bf which we are fpeaking, had been fo to navigation, Which then profpered ex- ceedingly uhder different ftatesj but principally tinder the Por- tuguefe : they had difcoveredj or ratheir were difcoveringj a new route to the Eaft Indict, by going entirely round the great con- tinent of Africa, which) from the confequences even of thofe endeavours, rendered them fo mtich richer, iand more powerful than their neighbours, that, by an emulation natural amongft great men, the thoughts of all the active wits iii Europe were turned towards undertakings of this kind '. ,'4 / Christopher Columbus, by birth a Genoefe, but of what family is very uncertain, and I think very immaterial, had a head excellently turned for fuch enterprizes : by nature he was fagacious, penetratingj and refolute ; he derived from edu- cation fuch knowledge, as enabled him to make the beft iife of his experience } and his ardent paflion for the fcience bf navi- gation had infpired him, from his early youthi with a deiire of engaging in diftant and dangerous voyages. Abundance of lucky circumftances concurred in giving him ftill greater advan- tages than any of his cbntemporarie^ ; but^ as to the ftorj of his having the firft hint of an undifcoVe' .u continent in the weft, from the papers of an old pilot who died in his houfe^i while he refided in the ifland of Madeira, I entirely agree with ■(■ • See this matter largely difcufled in • book pnbliihed fome years ago, iDtUlc^l, A compleat hiftory tf Spanifb Ame^iet. * f OP HENRY VII. 347 Sir William MonfonS that it is mere calumny } and for this reafon, that if Columbus had really received any fuch informa- tion, he would fcarce have embraced fome opinions which ex- pofed his proje£ls to many plaufible objections, and which, neverthelefs, he retained to the lail. It is by no means clear, though we have a life of him written by ^is Ton, and coUe^ed pardy from his own writings, when he firft entertained thoughts of finding out countries hitherto undifcovered. It feems, how< ever, to have been pretty early in his life; becaufe it appears, firom notes of his own, that he had undertaken feveral voyages with a view of filling, from the lights of experience, his fpecu- lative notions on this fubjed. When he had thoroughly methodized his fcheme, and ren- dered it, as he thought, probable and pradlicable, he firft pro- pounded it to the (late of Genoa in the year 1482 ; but it wa:; not accepted, becaufe they were then engaged in fuch an exten- fiVe commerce, as they fcarce knew how to manage, and were therefore afraid of lauhching out into new projc(^s. Colum- bus offered it next to the king of Portugal, who "was much too wife a prince not to difcern the benefits which might arife from- fuch a difcovery, or the ftrengtk of thofe reafons which were urged by Columbus, to fhew that the defign was feafible : he therefore appointed commiflioners to treat with him about this undertaking, who dealt with that worthy man very bafely : for having, as they thought, drawn out of him his whole fecret, they advifed the king, while they entertained Columbus with pbje£tions, to fit out a (hip, which, under colour of going to the Cape de Verd iflands, might attempt the execution of what he had propofed : but the iffue of this contrivance was as un^ lucky, as that in itfelf was difhonourable. For the fraud com* ing to the ears of Columbus, he was To difgufted thereby, that he determined to quit Portugal, and to leek protection in fome more generous court '. It was towards the clofe of the year 1484, that he came to a refolution of going hrmfelf into Spain ; and it was the next year, that after meeting with fome difficulties there, he fent his k Nfaval TraOf, p. 403. 1 Seethe life of Chriflopher Columbus, by bis fon, in Churchill'* coile^ion of V'^yagss, vol. ii. p. 557, 688. ' . brother 24» N A V A L HISTORY brother Bartholomew into England, where Henry VII. had but juft afcended the throne. A man could icarce be more unfortunate than Bartholomew Columbus was in this voyage. He was firft taken by pirates, who dripped him to the (kinj, and obliged him for fome time to earn a forry living, by la^i bouring at the oar. When he had made his efcape from them, he found means to get into England, and to come to London | but in fo poor a condition, and fo worn by a lingering s^ue, that he wanted both opportunity and fpirits to purfue the de» iign he came about ™. As foon as he had recovered a little, he applied himfelf to the making maps and globes, and difcovering thereby a mora than ordinary ikill in cofmography, he came to be known: fo that at laft he brought his defign to bear, and was a£tually in- troduced to the king; to whom, on the thirteenth day of Fe- bruary 1488, he prefented a map of the world of his own pro- jefting, and afterwards entered into a negociation on the behalf of his brother. The king liked the fcheme fo well, that they came fooner to an agreement than Chriftopher had brought things to a point in Spain ; though, by a new feries of crofs ac- cidents, Bartholomew was not able to carry any accounts of this to his brother, before he had actually difcovered the American iilands in the fervice, and for the benefit of the crown of Spain *>, which he did in 1492. As we have thefe fa£ts from the fon of don Chriftopher Co* himbus, and the nephew of Bartholomew, who publifhed his father's life in Spain } I think the authority cannot be doubted, according to all the rules of evj'':ence laid down, either by law- yers or critics. Add to this, that the map made by Bartholo- mew Columbus was actually in being in the reign of queen Eli- zabeth } which is fuch a corroborative proof, as puts the matter out of difpute**; and fhews that we have at lead as good a title as the Spaniards, from our agreement with the firft difco- ▼rrer of a paffagc to this pew world. If they plead the fuc- ceis of their expedition, we may alledge our prior contraft ; » Lord Bacon's hiftory of Herrjr VII. vol. ii. p. 33«. •» Hakluyt's voyages, vo.'. ili. p. a, j, fdtciias's Pilgrims, vot. i. b^ok ii. p. 9. Harris's Voyages vol. i. j*. 3. • Set tbc life of Chrfftophcr Cohinibus, as before and or HENRY VH. 949 %nd if this (hoiild fail usi and their title be approved; we have tben» as I hinted before, a better title than they (even accord- ing to their own ihethod oiF arguliig), to the contiiiieht of Ame- rica, in regard to which, our fucceft in diibovering was prior to kheirs. I know; ^$ was hinted before, certain % iteki hiyt made JToma iioarfe and bitter reilefVions Qpon King H ry jfpr his dilatorihcfs in thip flatter, by w^icb they think we have fuflPered fo niuch : but, when aU things aire more maturely weighed; perhaps we jp^all meet iiifith ho jud gi-puiids for tbofe cenfuires t for iiril, it jdoes not appear that the king delayed this affair at all; though it be true, that fiartholonlew Colunibus fpent a long time in nego- iciating it } and the reafoh was^ becaufe the king had then many iirdupus aSairs lip^itu his hsknds, fiich as the attem^pt of Perkiii Warbeck, -an expedition ihto Scotland, his breach with Francci iind voyage thitheir, all which jFell out within th^tfpace : and, Ifecondly, it does not feem fd manifeft, as thefe people imagine, khiH we are realljr fuch mighty fufferers by the Spaniards having ^he ftart of lis in this expedition ; for which many reafons might be offered} biit there is one lb obviousj and withal fo dear and fp conclttJdve, that it feems to fupei-fede the ireft. Spain, iat the lime i[He ukidiertopk this diifcovery, was one of the greateft mari- time powers iii i£urop^, though ifince her pofleffibn of the In- ches, (he is bjccptne otie of the mdft incbniiderable. 3ut it inay b^ faid^ that, if wie had firft feized and fettled ^heJle countries; We fhotild have a€ted btherwife : yet this is not (only a bare ruppolifipn; but iat the fame time a very improbable JDne. Thie heat ojf the climate, the luxuriancy of the foil, the ^ribfit of mines; t!fc. wotild have affefted us, or indeed any bther people, as much as it did them t fo that, upon the whole, we have but little reafon either to blame King Henry's condu^, «r to repitie at that of Providence. The Spaniards have pur- chaJTed Mekico and ^eru too dearly, at the expence of their haval power: we arc reaUy richer in virtue of our northern co- lonies, which have fo prodigiouHy increafed our induftry, our ^bmmeirce, and biir {hipping. The great care the king had of maritime affairs induced him to make, in the eleventh year of his reign, a treaty with the king of Denmark, whereby he fecured to his fubj. There i^ the i|efs wonder to he made at this, becaufe the king himfelf ^as not only very well acquainted with the advantages ariiing from foreign traffic fpeculatively as a ftatefman, but knew them experimentally likewife, being a very extenfiye trader himfelff ; |nd that in more ways than one °. As he found it rcquifite for him to have a certaiii number of (hips of his own, fo, when thefe were npc employed, or likely to be employed, he was content to let them out tq merchants for hire. He was very ready, on the fame principle, to affiifc with confiderable fums of money fuch as undertook any new trade, or fet up any new manufadhire, provided he had a ihare in the profit proportionable to the rifk he run. He alfo fold Ucenfes for dealing in prohibited commodities either by import- ing or escorting ; for the managing qf which extraordinary and new-dcvifod tranches of his revenue <*, hi^ principal inftrument z The king forefaw nn increafe of commerce would make larger veflels aeeeC' fary, and therefore began to build, tnd let out fuch to hire for the advantage of, and by way of exaqiple to, bis fubjcAs. An inftance of royal attention that me- rits re fltOion ] * This wai ihe fim^ous Cardinal Morton. Qodwini de PrXful. AngHzcom. mentar. Cantab. t)43> ^1* p- \)i. Bacon's h^ftory of Henry yil. p. 389. Par., liamentary hiftory, t-I. U. p. ^17—419. b Rymet's fadera, torn. xii« p- 3:4, 378, 389,, J71, 7o». . c In this, at iii building large thipt, hf was willing to (hew his fubje^s the way. i Sir I^ichard Empfon's book of accompts had been feen by Lord Bacon } that between the king and Dudlry, both of theqi moft CKiCiiy kcft, came into the hands of Sir R. CjCtOti. ' ' '''...- ■ vas «54 N A V A L HISTORY was Edmund Dudley, Efq; a man o£ quick parts, and whofe genius was wonderfully exteniive. He was nobly defcended i a lawyer, no doubt, and a ferjeant at law;1>ut no judge, as fome of our hiftorians make him. He was of the king's privy <:ouncil, and fpeaker of the Houfe of Commons in this king*dt lad parliament ; which fhews his general intereft was gi^eat, a8 well as his power. He fuffered, in the next reign, astheking*^ advifer and inftrument, which was hard, for the king governed by his own lights, and faw not with others eyes. Minifters he bad, and very able minifters too, who ferved hini well ;- and he never difgraced them ; but ftill they were his minifters, and not his'mafters. ' Whatever diftafte might be taken to fome of the(e practices, it is very certain that the king ingratiated himfelf by others, and that till within the four lalt years of his reign, he was ve- ry popular in London ; to which, perhaps, it might not a little contribute, that he not Only accepted the freedom of the mer- chant-taylors company, but dined alfo publicly in their hall } wearing the drefs, taking the feat, and doing the honours of die table, as if he had been their mafter ^. This condefcen- lion was acceptable to numbers : and the laws he paiTed from time to time, for promoting manufactures, encouraging manu- fa£birers, giving eafe to mechanics, prohibiting the importation of foreign goods for luxury, exciting merchants of all nations to frequent England, and purchafe its commodities with his complaifance and fair language, abated the fenfe of his.ftri£i>- nefe in other refpcdts. Befides, it was his manner to- intermix fmiles with his feveritiest, and to reward oftener, and with more alacrity, than he punilhed. Thus he knighted many of the citizens in the field, received them kindly at court, and communicated all good news to them with much familiarity and confidence. In refpeft to the taxes impofed in hhs reign, they were not very large or burdenfome. It is true, that having repealed th« bws of his predeceflbr, he thought himfelf at liberty to de- mand an aid of hit; fubjc£ls, by way of benevolence j foit which he affigned this rcafun, that it would be a means of ex- . « Spwd, p. 7 3tf. frbm tlic recorii in thr company's hall. cmpti.ig d F HENRY Vir. *5S cmpting the poorer fort of people from feeling the weight of a burden they were kaft able to bear. It is not at all impro* bable, that he was induced to take this ftep from that experv* ence he learned in the beginning of his reign, that nothing fo foon difpofed the populace to infurreAions, as the levying new taxes, how moderate foever f . But his new method, likewiiey had its inconveniencies^ though he was far enough from pushing it to a degree of opprellion } lince the money which was raifed under this title in the whole city of London, did not amount to quite ten thoufand pounds. In one thing he (hewed his mercantile principle extremely. He demanded a loan of the city of London for a certain time^ and with fome difficulty obtained (ix thoufand pounds ; but paying it very exadly, when he had occafionrfor a greater fum, it w as raifed with eafe ; and this, too, being pun£lually paid, he there refted his credit, referving the confidence he had efta* blilhed for < any real neceflity that might require it, the former loans being rather out of policy than for reliefs. The wealth of the nation certainly increafed extremely during his pacific reign: it was the large cftates of the merchants that expofed theiti to be pillaged by his inflruments of iniquity ; and as for the nobility, he was not without fome reafon jealous of their great power, and their great fortunes. When he feized upon Sir William Stanley's effeds, who was younger brother only to the Earl of Derby, he found they amounted to forty thou- fand marks in ready money and jewels, befides an eilate in land of three thoufand pounds a-year. At the marriage of Arthur, prince of Wales, with the in- fanta Catharine, all who aflifted at it were mod magnificently dreffed ; Sir Thomas Brandon, an officer of the king's houfe* hold, wearmg a gold chain of the value of fifteen hundred pounds : yet the fortune he gave the princefs Margaret, his daughter, when (he married the king of Scots, was no more. than thirty thoufand nobles, or ten tiioufand pounds : and the f His colour was, that by this meani the tax was fet by afFeQioti upoit fub> Ajmce } whi c thofe in mean condition, cf which themlelves were left to judge, were exem^ited from the I urden. s Some authors I'ly, that, vnhis ^rft vfplicatior't he could bcrrow but three thoufand po'inJE. allowance *J* kAVAL iiiSTORt I nUowance ftipulated for tbe Lady Anne, his wife's fifter, irheii ihe married Lord Thbosas Howard, did adt much exceed one hundred and twenty pounds a-year*. He was tfaeBri): of bar monarchs who coined ftiUifigs; atvd ihcj were very hxgc and fair, there being but forty in a pound weight of filTer. His eoia in genera}^ both gold and ftiverj was of dae weight and finenefs ; bttt iH^en he made bis expe- dition to Bologne) he either coined, or tolerated a bafe kind ol money, called daodipiats'^ which perhaps was a right piece of policy ; but it proved a bad precedent, and afforded his fon a cobqr for linking 'thd value of his moneys beyond all example. The treafure left by this prince in his coffers, at the time of his deceafe, not only exceeded what had ever been amaffed by his predeceflbrs, but furpa0ed beyond comparifon wh;\t any of bis fucceffors have ever feen jn their exchequers : for the Lord Chief Juilice Coke tells us, it amounted to five miiiions three hundred thoufand pounds, moft in foreign coin, and too mucH of it acquired by methods unworthy of a king, and more ef- pecially fo wife a king as he wasi^. The judicious and curioiil Lord Bacon, who wrote this monarch's life with much care^ and had great opportunities of being informed^ reduces thiit fum to much lefs t for he fays, there Was a traditidn of hil leaving eighteen hundred thoufand pounds hid in iecret places) tinder his own lock and key, in his palace at Richmond, where he deceafed \ and this he accounts, and very juftlyj to be (for thofe times efpecially) a vaft wealth U But we can fettle thii point with more certainty, and on ftill better authority. The great and accurate antiquary, Sir Robert Cotton aflerts, he left behind him foUr millions and a half ito bullion, excludve of wrought plate, jewels, and rich furniture. Thefe fuiiis arc not fet down in Bgures, from which miflakes often arifej but id words at length : and as Sir Robert affirms nothing without a voucher j fo, in Jrcfpeft to this, he has giten the beft that couldi h Stowe's annals, p. 483. where many (>articnlari may be found of a like nature. i Sir Robert Cotton's difiourfo of foreitjn wars, p. 53. Ntmmt hritannici hiftotia, p. 4.7. Flcttvvoo !'■ Chrun. Preciofum, p. 4^. k fourtli iiiftituti", chap. kxxv. where be cites t it dole rcll, anno 3 H. VllI, I LUi of Henry Vil. in th fccotid voUimi 0*^ bis works, f . 35). Of HENRY VII. 257 be defired, viz. the book of accompts kept between the king and Mr. Dudley "•. It is poffiblc this wide difference may be, with probability, reconciled, by fuppofing eight hundred thou- fand pounds to (land on Sir Richard Etnpfon's account, as Sir Robert Cotton fpeaks only of Mr. Dudley } and then the fum will agree with the record cited by Sir Edward Coke. The fixing this fa£t is very material ; as it ihews how much more wealthy the nation then was, than it has been ever efleemed to be. Our hiftorians tell us, that King Henry intended to have made a thorough change in his meafures, and to have relieve4 bis people from all the grievances of which they complained, when he was taken off by death on the twenty-fccond of April 1509, in the twenty-third year of his reign ". He was allow- ed, by his contemporaries, to have been one of the wifed princes of the age in which he lived ° \ and his niemory hath been commended to the reverence of pofterity, by the inimita^? ble pen of the great Lord Chancellor Bacon ; who, in doing juftice to this king's abilities, has (hewn his own j as by freely cenfuring his errors, he has fet a noble example to Englifh hif- torians, to be more folicitous about truth, than the repututiot) of themfelves as writers, or the glory of thofe whofe aftions they record. An example which fucceeding ages have render- ed the more difficult to follow, fince, as corruption increafes^i It not only enervates the will, but alfo both weakens and mif- leads the judgment ; whence, as good hiflories become rarej, they become confcquently more valuable. ;4' n> Anfvitv la the • safons for foreign wars, p. 53. Sec alfo Dr. Davenant's grant; and refumptio i, p. jjo. " Hall, fol. Vol.. I. ^k HIS- C 258 3 I DH » l ' l| » HISTORICAL MEMOIRS OF Sir JOHN CABOT. THE Venetians, throughout this whole century, and lA^ deed for fome ages before, were by far the moft gene- ral traders in Europe ; and had their fa£lories in moft of thq northern kingdoms and ftates, for the better, managing (heir affairs P. In England, efpecially, many of them fettled> at London and Briftol particularly ; arid in this laft place dwelt John Gabota, Gabot, or as our writers ufually call h|m, John Cabot, of whom we are to fpeak. Re had been long in Eng- land, fince his fon Sebaftian, who was born at Briftol, was old enough tp accompany him in his firft voyage? : he was itfeema| a man perfeftly fl^illed in all the fciences requifite to form an accompliflied feaman, or a general trader ; and having hear^ much of Columbus's expedition, he addrefled himfelf to the; king, with propofals for makiiig like difcoveries, in cafe he met with due encouragement. His offer was readily accepted \ and the king by letters pa- tent, dated March the fifth, in the elevench year of his reign, granted to him, by the name of John Cabot, citizen of Venice, 'uid to his three fons, Lewis, Sebaflian, and Sandius, leave to difcover unknown lands, and co conquer and fettle them, with *nany privileges j referving only to himfelf one fifth part of the M P Libel of Englifh polity in keeping '.he narrow U.i, cliap. vll — ix. Sir Wil- lium Monfon's naval trails, p. 44a, 443. iP. C'.iarlcvoix hiAoire f that city and of London added three or four fmall vefTels, freighted with proper commodities, which fleet (ailed in the fpring of the year I4(>7 *. Our old chronicle- writers, particu- larly Fabian ", tell us of a very rich iflarid which John Cabot promifed to difcover •, but in this they feem to miftake the mat- ier, for Want of thoroughly underftanding the fubjeft of which they were writing. John Cabot was too wife a man to pretend to know, before he faw it, what country he fhould difcover, whether ifland or continent ; but what he propofed was, to find a north-weft paflage to the Indies ; fo that he appears to have re&foned in the fame manner that Columbus did, who imagined that, as the Portuguefe by failing eaft, came to the weft coaft tf the Indies ; fo he by failing weft, might reach their oppofite flxore. This, with his difcovering the ifland of Baccaloes, or Newfoundland, was certainly the fource of this ftory. John Cabot having his fon Sebaftian with him, failed happily on their north-weft courfei till the twenty-fourth of June 1497, about five in the morning, when they firft difcovered land, which John Cabot for that reafon called Prima Vijiay that is, firft feen. Another ifland, lefs than the firft, he ftylcd the ifland of St. John, becaufe it was found on the feaft of St. John Baptift. He afterwards failed down to Cape Florida, and then returned with a good cargo and three favages on beard, into England, where, Jt feems, he was knighted for this exploit : fince on the map of his difcoveries, drawn by his fo. Seba> •■ Rymer's feeders, tome xii. p. 59 j. Hakluyt'i colIeAion of voyages, tome iii. p. 4, s Xbid, p. ;. ^ FabUn't chronkle, at \ . eafier cited, M Ibid, Stowc. t • • « ! Kka ftia-i, 36d HISTORICAL MEMOIRS I'^f it I i ftian) and cut by Clement Adams, which hung in the privy gal« lery at Whitehall, there was this infcription under the author's picture ; EfHgies Seb. Caboti, Angli, Filii Jo. Caboti, Vene* tiani, Militis, Aurati,^ ^tr". This was a very important difcovery; fince, in truth, it waa the firfl: time the continent of America had been feen } Colum- bus bemg unacquainted therewith till his laft voyage, which ivas the year following, when he coafted along a part of the ^ \ ifthmus of Darien. It is fomewhat ftrange, that our Engliih Writers have delivered thefe matters fo confufedly, efpecially fuch as lived under the reigns of Queen Elizabeth, and King James I. and confequently in and near the time of his fon ; yet, fo inaccurate are their relations, that fome have been in- duced from thence to doubt, whether John Cabot made any difcoveries at all^. The reverend Mr. Samuel Purchas, \o "Whofe labours the world is fo much indebted, difcovcrs a good deal of diftallie that America Ihould be fo called, from Americua Vefputius ; and afferts, that it ought rather to be called Cabo- tiana, or Sebaftiana : becaufe, fays he, Sebaftian Cabot difco- vcred more of it than Amcricus, or Columbus himfelf !!• la Stowe =*, atid Speed", we find this very difcovery afcribed -H holly to Sebadian without any mention of his&ther; and yet in Fabian's chronicle, who lived in thofe days, we have thefe two remarkable pafTages : «* In the thirteenth year of King Htnry VIL (by mean? o£ ** one John Cabot a Venetian, which made himfelf very ex- *' pert and cunning in the knowledge of the circuit of the «« world, and ifland ; of the fame, as by a fea-card, and other demon ftrations reafonable, he fliewed), the king caufed to man and vi£lual a. (hip at Bridol, to fearch for an iflandy which he fiid he knew well was rich, and repleniflied with great commodities ; which fliip, thus manned and vi£l:ualled at the king's cod, diverfe merchants of London ventured in her finall Aocks, being in her as chief patror the faid Venetlau. And in the company of the faid fhip, failed alfo out fC f( «( i( C( (( J ^ Ilakhiyt's Voyages, vol. iii. p. ff. Parchai'f pilgrims, vol. 155. p. 4tf»> 807. « LeJiiird's naval hiftery, vjI. i. p. 8tf. i Pilgrimage, p. fiox. ^ Aunais, p. 43j. « Chronicle, p. 744» . " <« of Of Sir JOHN CABOt. i6i privy gal- e author's li> Vcnc- fc» it Wat 9 Colum- c, which rt of th9 • Englifli :lpecially nd King his Ton; been in- lade any chas, tQ i a good .mericua i Cabo- >t difco- f^ la afcribedr 'r; and ic have leanp o£ ery ex- of the i other ■ ifed to iilandy d with balled ntured: le faid [fo out * fi, 807. p. 6oi. « of « of Briftol three or four fmall (hips, freighted with flight and ** grois merchandizes, as coarfe cloth, caps, laces, points, and «(^ other trifles; and fo departed from Briftol in the beginning *( of May, of whom in this mayor's time returned no tid<* i* ings." Under the fourteenth year of the lame king's reign, he tells us, «• There were brought unto him," 1. e- Henry VII. «< three •* men taken in the new-found iftand •, thefe, fays he, were (( clothed in beads fkins, and did eat raw flf:(h, and fpake fuch « fpeech that no man could underftand them, and in their <« demeanor like brute-beafts, whom the king kept a time after, «« of the which, about two years after, I faw two apparrelled •* after the manner of Englifhmen in Weftminfter palace, «* which at that time I could not difcem from Englifiimen- till «* I was learned what they were ; but as for fpeech, I heard none ** of them utter one word." Thus it appears, from the beft authority that can be defired, that of a contemporary writer, this difcovery was made by Sir John Cabot, the father of Sebaflian ; and indeed fo much we might have gathered, if we had wanted this authority: for Sebaftian Cabot being, as we fhall fee hereafter, alive in 1557, it is plain, that at the time this voyage was made, he could not be above twenty years old ; when, though he might accompany his father, yet certainly he was too young to undertake fuch an expedition himfelf >>. It is probable that John Cabot died in England ; but when or where is uncertain, at leaft for any thing I have read. Ther*; is, indeed, another account of this affair, which fup- pofes, thar Sir John Cabot, with his fon Sebaftian, failed for the difcovery of a north-weft paflage before this expedition, by the royal authority, and that in this voyage tliey had fight of the ifland which waS afterwards called New-found-iand. To •this opinion I ftiould alfo incline, if it could be clearly recon- ciled to the authorities which have been produced, and confi- fc This tletail has been collefl:d from Mr. Thome of Bridol's letter to E>r. Leigh, which Mr, Thorne vas the fon of the merchant of Biifto', who, in coii- junftion with Mr. Elliot, fitted cut the Cabctj : as alio from Ssbatlian Cabot's own Hi'C(/Untt| and ftoitt the rcmarlcs of Haklntt, Eden, (nJ rtinhA!). ■ . . ' V dcrsd a "' "'"O'^^CAt MEMOIRS * *-d with *eg^..ft ,„„,.,„ ^'''^•*- ^ the h^e account, thi, man, Sir rohnViT""'' """'di'W «V I", fon, of whom wc ihaU^f,- "" " "* ''<*'M fven P«*«- P'x*. At preftnt. we ^^ *'" ?""' '"«°'«'" ■« 'heir •h.t the offer of dn^X7c^Zr''''t' "'* «»"C t»l«»therB,rthoIomewf ,L^i"^' *« *"«"* ««"» S John Cabot and hi, hmLioA^'^l'^' «'™° "> Sir to his reign. ' ""'™ of our commercial fpirit o '.. _• ■ i' .* ••-■.> -■ ^^c:) '-•i^ J I :;*'•■!( »^:J. |i ! ^ ,A, tlV£s ; i :< Xtttn l m I"' E a<3 3 V pF TH E APMIRALS: iNCLUOIN'^r A KEW AKD ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. C H A p. IX. 81 f hf Naval Hiftory of the reign of Henry VIII. including^ the Memoirs of fuch epi^nent fea-officers as floufifhe^ therein. m THERE never was* in any period, a prince who afcended the Englifli throne, of whom his fubjedts formed greater hopes, than thofe that were entertained of Henry VIII. at his accelGon. lie was theq about eighteen years old, of ftrong natural parts, heightened by an exce^ent education: and thoughi he afterwards difcovered a good deal of obftluacy in his temper, yet in the dawn of his reign, he fhewed himfelf very inclinable ^o liften to good advice ; and his father left him as able coun- cilors as perhaps any monarch ever had about him. His firft afts were conformable to his fubje£ts hopes : he delivered fucbi ^s his father unjuftly kept In, confinement, and, in their ftead, Empfoni Dudley, and their creatures, were iinprifoned ". Yet • Fabian, p. 538. Hdl, fol. i. Grafton, p. 951. Stowe, p. 487. Holingfhed, vol. ii. p. 799. Cooper. Godwin's annals, p. i — 5. Life of this prince by Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury in the complete biftory of England, vol. ii. 9p. Burner in his hiftory of the Reformation, vol. i. and the red of our celebrated hiftorians. even ?64 NAVAL HISTORY. V. 1 I- i even tbcfe were not deftroyed, as fotnc have fuggefted, by a hafty and rigorou^ proiecution, but were left to the ordinary courfc, and after that, as they dcfcrved, to the due fcverity of the law, their great knowledge in which they had fo flagrantly abufcd to the ruin of others t>. Dudlc)), during his confinement in the Tower, compofed a very extrawdinary book, intitled The Tree of the Commonwealth, wherein he iliewed a prodigious capacity as a ftatefman^ and from which (though for aught I know it was never publifhed) many pe(Viferous fchemes have taken their rife, his family having held the reins of government there for near half a century. In other refpefls the king (hewed himfelf a very gracious prince, having a like fenfe of his own dignity, an J of his duty towards his people. In the year 151 1 the king of Arragon and CaAile demanded aiTiftance againft the Moors ; whereupon King Henry, who was defirous of maintaining to the utmoft the glory of the Engliih nation, fent him 1 500 archers under the command of Sir Tho- mas Darcy, with whom went abundance of gentlemen, of the bell families of the kingdom, volunteers. They failed from Ply- mouth, efcorted by a fquadron of four royal fhips, and landed happily on the firft of June in the fouth of Spain : but the poli- tic king, who wanted nothing more than their appearance to bring his enemies to terms, inftead of employing, difmifled them with a few prefents, and fo they returned into England, without encountering any other hazards than thofe of the fea'^. The fame year the king fent a like aid to the duchefs of Burgundy under the command of Sir Edward Poynings, which met with better fuccefsj for, after having anfwcred efFe^yally the ends for which they were fent, they returned with fmall Iflfs, an4 much honour, to their native country <^. Notwithftanding what had fo lately happeiied in Spain, the artful Ferdinand, by the affiftance of the Fope, who cijoled *> Sec a rcry fenfible and pathetic fpcech of Sir Richard Empfon to the lordjj of the coHticil, on hit being called before them on April 23, 1509, in Lord Hcr- Itert of Cherbury's lif^ of Henry VI IT. p. 3. not wrote for him by that noble- man, as fone imagine, the fubitance of it having long before appeared in our old chronicles, fuch as Graf.on, p. 951. Holinp.lhed, vol. ii. p. 803. See this cafe «r large in Andcrfon'* reports, p. i. p. 151—158. « Hall, fol. 11. HoHng- fheti, vol. ii. p. 808. Ferrera's hift. de F.pftn. p. xii. § itf. <• Grafton's ci rouicJc, p. yj8. StOAC, p. 488, Cooper, fol. »74i . King iftecl, by z e ordinary fcverity of flagrantly >nfinement titled The prodigious r aught I :mes have jvcmmcnt ng (hewed f his own demanded , who was le Engliih FSirTho- ^f of the from Ply- id landed ; the polir arance to iTed them , without a«=. The burgundy met with the ends lafs, an4 pain, the cijoled o the lord^ Lord Her- that noble- in our old ee this cafe Holing- J Grafton's OF i^I E N R Y Vlli, 26c '^ K ing Iting Henry with fair words and fine promifcs, drew him to niake war in France, in hopes of recovering the dominions of his anceftors; With this view. King Henry was pcrfuaded to fend a numerous army, under the command of the marquis of Dor- fet, by fea into Bifcay, in order to penetrate that way into the duchy of Guyenne i this expedition had worfe confequences than the former, Ferdinand never intending that thefe troops ihould aft againft the French, but, by their remaining for fome time in his country, fought an opportunity of over-running Navafre, to which he had no title, while the French, awed by the Eng- liih array, durfl not move to its afliflance. But, during the time he made this conqueft, (icknefs deftroyed numbers of ;h' Tng- lifli, fo that ..ortly after they Were conftrained to reruju -. la Auguft, *'' ^ivne yearj there happened a bloody engagement between t. 'lilh and French fleets, of which wc: ftiail give the reader . oatcer a diflinft account ; and ihe Sovereign, the largeft fhip in the Engliih navy, being burnt therein, the king built another of ftill greater burden, called Henry Grace de Dieu f . tn the month of March 1 5 1 3 , another royal fleet put to Tea, which engaging the French on the twenty-fifth of April, the admiral was killed } which lofs Was foon repaired, and the iFrench driven to take flielter in their ports 8. In Auguft the king went in perfon with a great army into France, where he made fome conquefts, while his admiral fpoiled the French coafts, as he alfo did the next year } fo that the French king was glad to (obtain peace j upon the conclufion of which he married Mary, who was fifter to our King Henry, but did not long outlive hi«, tnarriage •». Francis I. fucceeded hlmj between whom and the Emperot Maximilian Iting Henry kept as even as he could, fometimes af- fifting the emperor, and fometimes feeming to favour the French king, who pi'evailed on him in 1520, to pafs'over to Calais, in drder to have an interview with him ; and it followed according- *B Gabriel Chapptiy hidoire du royanme de Navarre, p. 6io. Marians hifloria de rebus Hifpaniz, lib. xxz. p. 583. Hall, tol. 17. ( Crafton, p. ^)o. 6t«we, p. 490. Herbert. 8 Hat), fol. ij. Holingfhed, Vol. ii. p. 9t6. God- win'* annals, p. ix. h H. VcMeii in Gaguini appendix, p. 3»i— 313. Da« pleix. torn. lit. p. xSi^-iC^. Rymei*s fccdera, torn. siii. p. ^tj^m-^%y Gt-af- ton. Stowc, p. 495, 49(1. Vol. I. r^^''' "'1 .LI ' ■- ' ' ■''■ ' Ijy m f Mil IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) A 1.0 I.I I^|2j8 |2.5 «£ Uii 12.2 1^ U£ 12.0 Ii4 l'-2^ 1 '-^ i<^- " 6" ► *V^ / ^'J"/ > '' Fhotogiaphic Sciences Corporation ^^ r. In the midft of the fummer, the duke of Suffolk enter- ed the French dominions with a great army, and laid iiege to Bologne, which was aifo blocked up at Tea by the admiral Vi& count Lifle, who, after the jplace was taken, was conftituted governor thereof, the king and bis forces pacing from thence iato England ^ The next year the French fleet made feveral at* tempts on the Englifh coaft with indifferent fuccd's ; to revenge which, the ¥ifcount Lifle landed in Normandy^ aod burnt all the adjacent country o. In 1546 the French made an unfnccefsful attempt upon Bo"* logne, the earl of Hertford, and Vifcount Lifle, having obliged them either to come to a battle, or to railfe the flege : they chofe the latter ; and after fome other attempts at fea, which were un- fnccefsful, a peace enfiied, which laded as long as the king Iw ved P, he deccafing in the night of the twenty-eighth of January following S I546-47, in the fifty-flxth year of his age, and the thirty-eighth of his reign', exceedingly regreted by the bulk of his fubje£ts, many of wlK>m celebrated his {Mraifes afterwards in their learned writings ; fuch as our famous antiquary John Le- land, Sir Richard Morrifon, Sir Thomas Chaloner, Becon in his preface to his Policy of war, Udal in his preface to Erafmus's Paraphrafe on the New Teflament, and many others. Neither are foreigners wanting in paying a proper tribute of refpedt to the memory of this prince, a few of whom we fliall remark at the bottom of the page *. > The principal events only of this monarch's adminiflration, and thofe, too, but very fuccin£ily, have been touched here, to avoid repeating again the fame things, in the memoirs of thofe eminent fea-officers who flouriflied in his reign ; but before we come to thefe, it may not be ami^ to fpeak fomewhat as to the merit of this prince, in having a fpecial and very commendable regard to the grandeur, fecurity and profperity of his domio "> Stowt, p. 58;. Speed, p. 781. Leilei de rebut geHis Scotorum, lib. x. f. 47s. u Hall, fol. 258. b. Holingfhed, vol. ii. p. 964. Godwiii't annals, p, ii;o. • Dnpleix, torn. iii. Mezeray, torn. iv. p. 6^. Crrafton, p. t%T6. * Commentairet de Montluc, torn. i. p. 137. Memoirci du Bcllay, \iv. x. H^ull, fol. »(So. Corps diplomatique, torn. iv. p. ii. p. 30;. 4 Hall, fol. atf3. Grafton, p. 1181. Stowe, p, 593. Speed, p. 784. Godwin, p. 107. Burnet Ia his hiOory of the reformation, vol. ii. p. 350. "" Holingftied, vol. ii. p. 97r» • ThpaD. hift. lib. iii. § i. Dm Chefne, hift. Angl. liv. xix. P. Jcviuriii clog. I. vi. hi z nions I ! s«t!!!5Sffinaaii£i, .r.i..fi.:: I'ii;..-.', jf-.i_' ^68 NAVAL HISTORY nions ; his attention to merchants, difcoTerers, and others, wh^ aimed at public utility, in different manners } as alfo, to make fome (hort remarks upon thofe z£ks of his government, for whicli he has been both generally and ieverely cenfured. What i (haU pffer on thefe heads, | have coUe^ed, by a dili- gent perufal of the ftatutes pafTed in^ and the public a£|s of hist time, which are ftill remaining ; charters of cities, towns, and corporations j the folemn aiTertions of intelligent contemporary writers, and other authentic eviden(:es Qn which the irpader may depend in regard to the fafts. It was to this great monarch we owed the delivorence of thift realm, from the temporal as well as fpiritual dominion of the papal fee, which> at this time* drew half a million per annum from hence. He added the titles of Defender of the Faith, and King of Ireland, to the crown, wl^ch he n:iade fupreme in ^11 caufes, ecclefiaftical as well as civil, Scotland he humbled to the duft, and built the ftrong citadel of Carlide, to keep the Jjcots in awe. Other kings had poileflcd Wales ; l^e reduced i% ^nto order, civilized the people, apd with the appellation gave them all the privileges of Englifh fubjei^s. He improved on the act which his father pbtained, for giving a fandtion to the Star-chamber, by caufmg its decrees to be inferted into f^atutes^ He, by authority of parliament, framed a court of wards, and a court of augmentations. He re>iuced into a conHftent regUr larity almofi every branch of our domeftic policy. By an a^ of parliament the pay and puni(hipeqt of foldiers was fettled, which-in eiFeft was ^he firft a£); agai»>ft mutiny and defertionf By his prerogative, and at his own expei:ce, he laid the foun- dation, and fettled the conllitution of the prefent rpyal navy. But, notwithftanding thelc additional forces, he ''—"■♦ up a mar- tial fpirit ampngft, by putting a^Jiis, into the. )\ of all hi? iubje^s, es^afting alfp the legal fervices of the lea-towns aijid cinque-ports. He was at great pains to reprefs the humour of preferring grazing to tillage,| which fpread as well as continued that depopulation, by which it was introduced. He took care that proviHons fhould be both plentiful and 7 a diU- (tsofhis wns, and emporarjr adcr may ce of this )n of the er annum be Faith, prerae in humbled keep the educed it: tion gave -oved on >n to the > f^atutes^ trdsj and Ent regur 3y an a^ s fettled, lefertion, he foun- ^al navy, p a mar- )f all hi? wns a^d imour of intinued ook care ie made :^ufed fa lied and r procu- ring and maint»ning a breed of found, well fized, and fervice* able horfes. The poor bad a legal maintenance afligned them. $*ower was given to magiftrates to fet idle people to work, and vagabonds, efpecially gypfies, were feverely punilhed. Moft of the defe£|s, which were many* in refpeA to laws againft mur-» der, were removed. The manner of proceeding againft pirates was fettled. For the common benefit of the fubje£^, the making and the maintaining highways and bridges was adjufted by ftai tute. Watermen were regulated ; deeds of bargain and fale were directed to be enrolled ; the fecurity of property was en- larged by the a£ls refpef^ing wills and teflaments ; ufury was reftrained, and legal intereft fi^ed at ten^rr cent., which, though a high rate to us, was far below what the Jews in former, and the Italians in thefe times e^a£l:ed. The lawaf made in his time, for the facilitating and fupport of inland navigation, clearly demondrate, that the importance of large rivers began to be underftood, and eflieemed more than during the civil wars, when public welfare gave way to private intereft. The Thames, the Oufe, the £xe, the rivers of South- ampton, the Severn, ire. were freed from wears, and other obftrudkions i on the fame principle an aA paiTed for rendering the river of Canterbury deeper, in order to its becoming navi- gable. The illegal tolls, and other jpprefiive duties on the Se- vern, were fupprefted, that the great communication, by that poble river, might be as free as poflfible. The making of cables, and other hempen manufaffcures, which had been the principal ftay of Bridport in Porfetftxire, was fecured to that place, by ftatute. More thaix one law was pafTed to prevent the harbours in Devonftiire and Cornwall from being injured and choaked up by the ftream-works of the tin-mines. An a£t was alfo pafted in favour of the port of Scarborough } and with regard to Do« ver, the haven being in a manner fpoiled, the king expended be- tween fixty and fcvcnty thoufand pounds, out of his own cof- fers, in building a new pier, and other neceftary works. Some favours he likewife granted, out of confideration to their har- bour, unto the inhabitants of Pool. But not to dwell upon a fub- jtO: that might employ a volume, let us barely mention his founding the two royal yards of Woolwich and Deptford, the {:radles of Britain's naval power ; and h^s founding at the latter rr l«fiUMBaSiU(U»Mlt 17^ NAVAL HI ST O R Y I Hi- ! his ndale marine guild} or fraternity of the Trinity, denomina- ted from thence of I>eptfor4 ftrond. Tbefe were manifefl: proofs of his acquaintance with, and attention to, the real and efTential interefls of his fubje£ls. It may indeed be faid, that many of thefe, being a£ts of the legiflaturc, ought not there^ fore to be afcribed fingly to this prince ; which, in regard t* any other reign, would be a good objection. But though, in fuch matters, parliaments in other timei did what they pleared9 almoft without the king, yet Henry did what he pleafed with, and parliament (ludied to pleafe him. Other hiftories wilt ihew, and very truly too, what evils flowed from this fource. It is my felicity to have no concern, but to prove, that fome good things came likewife through this channel, which is cer- tainly a point of judice to do, if I had abilities to perform it. He was likewife very folicitous in providing for the fecurity of his dominions, that whatever (hare he thought fit to take in the affairs of the continent) his crown might be at all times fafe, and the public tranquillity in no danger. His militia and his navy were always ready for fervice ; but to give them leifure to arrive he covered all his havens with fortreifes. Guines, for the protedion of Calais, he rendered impregnable, and made BuUogne ftrong enough to refift all the force of France. Ht conftruAed a ftrong caflle on the i£le of Portland, and built another at Hurft,to guard Southampton and the adjacent coafts, the two forts called Cowes for the guard of the Ifle of Wight ; Camber caftle to defend Winchelfca and Rye, as South- fea caftle was crefted to fecurc Portfmouth, Sandgate, Walmer, Deal, and Sandown callles, were all raifed by him to preferve the cinque-ports ; as was that of Queenborough to cover the other fide of Kent. Nor did he overlook or neg]e£t the more diftant parts of this ifland, as the ftrong and coftly caftles of Fendennis and St. Maws in Cornwall clearly witnefs. We may think the lefs of thefe fortifications, by feeing moft of them finking into ruins, being fuffered, through neglefl, to moulder and decay ; but they were once works of wonder, for all that, coft Henry immcnfe fums, and in his own days were both ufeful and honourable, whatever, through a change of ciicumftances^ they may be now. He was magniHcent in his palaces, fuch as DriJewcU and Whitehall, herein his capital j Bcaulieu inEflcx, Noncfuch i lij- oV HEN R T VIII. I denomina* sre manifefl the real and « fatd, that t not tfaerew n regard t* though, in hey pleafed, leafed with, iftories wilt this fource. that fome S»ich is ccr- perform it. he fecurity t to take in t all times militia and hem kifurc juines, for and made ■ance. He and built :ent coafts, if Wight; tSouth-fea 1 Walmer, to prefcrvc cover the the more caftles of We may t of them > moulder •r all that, oth ufeful mftanccsi !, fuch as : in EfTex, ^^oncfuch 27 i I .1 Monefuck in Sftfry, €helfca and Hampton-court in Middlefex> Daitford and Greenwich in Kent, and Windfor caflle in BerkS) which he much ttopfroved. Thefe buildings were cxpenfivc> Mcouraged artifts, gave employment to multitudes, and, by th6 king's example, fpread a fpirtt of this fort over all £ngland^ as Ldand, and othdr contemporary writers remark, and praife him for it exceedinfgly ; and of what pafTed in their own times» we cannot be ,fo good judges as they, in refpedl; to the fafety thofe fortrefl^ procured, or the good effeifts which the king's tafte in building and other polite arts produced. ) I Though dreaded by his clergy, and little beloved by the old nobility, Henry was rdvcred by the gentry, whom be employed and advanced, and had the afTe^ions of the commons, to whodi h^ Vras t^ind. He n\ade laws for regulating nieafures, for improving th6 'woollen and worfted manufactures, and for preventing frauds in pewtter, by which Exportation was prevent- ed. He was an enemy to monopolies, and to the o>ppref!ion of mcorporated companies, whom he retrained from making bye- laws, but with the aflTent of tht dhief juftices. He caufed the hts of apprentices, at being bound and made free, to be fixed by- a ftatute ; and alfo declared bonds taken by mafters from their apprentices, that when they had ferred their times, they would not fet up their refpeftive craftSj to be void. In refpedt to foreigners exercifing trades, of which, in thofe days, there were in London many thoufands, which occafioned much heart-burning, many tumults, and bne great infiirreCtion ; he dire£led a ftri£); inquiry in the Star-chamber, and then converted the decree made there into a law, by. authority of parliapient. As this has been liable to mifinterpretation, as a meafure de- ftruftive to indiiftry, it may be proper to fet it in a true light. Thefe ftrnngers took no Engllfli apprentices or fervants, they itnderfold by debafing wares, they did not bear a Ihare in taxes tr public fervices, they affe^ned to live in communities, and to hold meetings for fnpporting their intereds againft the natives ; and when they were grown lich by thefe and fuch like arts, they went home with their wealth, and left their nephews or fervants here, in poffeffion of their tr.tdes. All the hardihips put upon them by the king's law was, to fet them on a level, in all thefe refprds, with his own fubjedts. He was alfo a lover of learned iji.umr.1 ^~.. ration, lies buried in the Temple church". In 1530 Mr. William Hawkins of Plymouth, father of .tlitf famous Sir John Hawkins, Knt. and himfelf efteemed one of t Hakloyt's voyages, vol. i. p. »i%. u Hall, foh 158. b« Herbert's Hiftt of Hen. VIII. in Kennet, vol. ii. p. 85. Haktuyt, vol. i. p. isp, »i>. Pur- chas's pilgrims, vol. iii. p. 806— 809. Wcever's funeral monamenti, p. 4431 Though Fuller in his worthies, under Briftol, p. %6, fpeaking of the great benefia cence of this troiy eminent and worthy perron, intimates, that he lies buried la St. Chridopher's, near the Eiichange, Lou«ioR. the 5 OF HfiNR T Vllf. em extenfiv(< fl-2tu?e J and on juries, oi* nental to fa* ngeniotis f6* 1 all new in- ! a confider- ifpice, or at thirty>eight be it a^ually : and condi* c year 1 5 271 rcprefented of Portugal ain, exhort- concerning ilereafons'* reat experi- ;d to his re-k d vidualled had the di^- r uncertain- e fhips em* rned home certainty no rned. Mr* ards mayor f fair repu" thcr of .th« aed one of erbm's Hifti •» ai». Por- enti, p. 44 J, I great benefin lies buried 3a •71 j the bhe abled feameh of his tithe, fitted out a ftout tall (hip^ fyf% iftiy Author, at bis own expence, called the Paul of Flymouthi iof the burden of t«ro bniidred and fifty tons, in which he vtmii ^hree voyages to the coaft of Brafil, touching alfo on the coail 6f Qvmti, where he traded in flaves, gold, and elephants teeth, ibpenitlg thereby the channel of that rich and extiehfit-e com<* inerce, which has been fmce carried on in thoJTe parts ^, Lefs iuccefsfulj thiough undertaken with grieater hopes, was ithe famotis voyage of Mr. Hore of London, a worthy merchant, Sfid one df the mod remarkable men of his time. His perfon Wai tall atid graceful, his knowledge folid and extenfive, his behaviour infinuating and polite j all which is necefiary to b^ obfetred ; &Tite, by bis difcourfes on the honour and pi^ofit of 'difcoveries^ in North America, he infpired no lefs than thirty jgehtlen^en, of family and fortune^ with a defire of (baring in the fatigues of his intended voyage*. They equipped two fhips, one called the Trinity, of one hundred and forty tons, com* knanded by Mr. Hore, the bther the Minion, of lefs burden ; jahd on board tliefe thete embarked, in all, one hundred and Iwrettty pek-fons; They fal«l from Gravefend on the thirtieth of April, 1536, and, without any remarkable accident^ arrived on the coafts of Newfoundland, where, while they were intent on diifcoVeries, ifiey wet e reduced to fuch diflrefs for want of foodj that fome bf them when on (hore killed and iate their compaiiions. At lad:, when they were on the point of being all (larved, a French Ithip arrived'^ well fiirnilhed with provifions, of which they Made themfelves mailers, and returned therein to England, but lU fiich a ihiferablie condition^ though they were not out above: iTeveti ihohth^ that Sir William Butts and his lady did not know their own fon, who was one of the company, but by an extra- brdinary wart on his knee. Some months after arrived the rrenchmen whom they had jfpoiledj and made a great clamour ^t court about the wrongs they had received ; into which King Henry having made a ftrift inquiry, he was fo much moved at khie miferies thefe brave men had fufiered, that he generoufly re-« jpaid the French to their fatisfadlon out of the treafury, and pro- ihoted feveral of thofe who returned from this difaftrous voyage } , w Hakluyt'i voyages, vol. iii. p, 700- * Ibid- P- 7«>4' Vol. I. Mm amongft r ! ! ftri'^ i! ' i I 1 ■Mk -rp l.U *74 NAVAL HISTORY amongft the reft Mr. Armigal Wade, who was many years after clerk of the council to himfelf and his Ton Edward VI. '. One thing more I muft remark before I quit this fubjeA, and that isy that the reverend Mr. Hakluyt, from whom we have thefe par- ticulars, rode two hundred miles, in order to take them from the mouth of Mr. Butts, the only furviving perfon of thofe who had made this voyage'. The Englifh commerce, during the reign of this prince, ex* tended itfelf very much, efpeciaUy towards the new-difcovered lands in the north, to which by degrees a regular trade was fix- ed, and in the Levant encouraged by the great intercourfe be- tween the king and the two maritime flates of Italy, Venice, and Genoa. In proof of this I will give the title of a patent granted by this monarch to a Genoefe, to execute the office of a conful of the Englifh nation in the iile of Chio, the original of which iff ftill preferved in the library of the fociety for propagating Chriftian knowledge. It runs thus: " Exemplar: literarum pat. ** Henrici regis o£tayi, in quibus conceffit Benedi£to Juftiniaili *( mercatorj genuenfi, officium five locum magiftri prote£torisy *' five confulis i infra infulam five civitatem de Scio. Tefte *( rege apud Chelfehith, quinto die 0£tobris reg. xxizi'** It feems, indeed, to have been the king's maxim, as may be |;athered from the (hte papers of his reign which have reached our times, to have made ufe of all his foreign negociations for the furtherance of trade, to which his agents Ley and Pace, the former employed in Spain, and the latter to Venice and the Swifs cantons, had a ftrong inclination. As to Pace, he had formed! a plan for enlarging our foreign trade into the Turkifh domi- nions, which was hindered from coming to the king's notice ' by the arts of Cardinal Wolfey, who firft decried him as a mad- ~ man, and then by his ill ufage made him really fuch *. After doing, as indeed it was our duty to do, juftice to this monarch s intentions, which, with refpefl to foreign affairs, were always what they ought to be; that is, he meant to preferve the independency of the fovereigns of Europe, and make himfelf the umpire of their differences -, we muft next, in jufticC to our fub- y Hakluyt's ♦oy«gei', v6l. iii. p. 130. * Ibid. p. « 31. • Strji^*i emorials, vol. i. in the appendix. Herbert, Buroet, Wood's Atben. Oxonkolti, >J. i. col. 19. jca. jr years aftnr VI. y. One > and that is, re thefe par- • them from >fthorewho prince, ex- ^•difcoyercd ade was &x- ircourfe be- Venicc, and ent granted of a conful J of which >ropagating rrarum pat, > Juftiniani protcftoris, :io. Tcftc as may be ve reached nations for i Pace, the dtheSwifs ad formed ^i^ doihi!. »g*s notice as a mad^ ^ • ice to this ^irs, were eferve the irofclf the !> our fub. Oxonknli$t OF HENRY Vni. 275 i ' ycEt, fay fomewhat of the confequences that attended his intier* fering fo much as he did with the affairs of the continent, and of the high price he paid for that reputation which he attained* But, previous to this, let it be obferved, that fuch as have cen- fured him for changing fides, as the hiftory of his reign plainly ihews he did, are in the wrong to afcribe it to the inconftancy of his temper, fince* as that learned antiquary Sir Robert Cot- ton ^ truly obferves, it ought rather to be placed to the account of his allies. When the Emperor Maximilian entered into a league vitl| thiff monarch, he promifed to aflift in perfon, to recover for him the crown of France, and to repel the tyrannical king who then wore that crown ; he promifed him likewife the duchy of Milan to him and his heirs>male, to be held as a fief of the empire ; and, as if <:his had not been enough, he likewife aflured him the reverfion of the imperial crown, and the Roman empire. But, when he had ferved his turn, he left King Henry to ferve him^ ielf how he could. Yet this ufage did not hinder him from enr tering into a confederacy with Charles V. who fed him with the hopes, that, when by their joint fupport, the conilable of Bourbon ihould be put into poffeflion of the kingdom of Francei he (hould do homage for it to King Henry, yet afterwards, through his afllftance, their affairs being in a profperous con- dition, and the French king in the greateft diftrefs, when Mr« Pace, the king of England's ambaffador, deiired farther affii- ranees, they were plainly refufed ; fo that, to break with fuch allies as thefe, ought not to draw any imputation upon hif charaAer. The times in which he lived, and the temper of thofe princes with whom he had to deal, may furnifh Tome excufe for his con* duOi } and perhaps the fecret engagements of his minifters, by the means of penfions or promises from foreign powers, might, if they could be thoroughly expofed, juflify the king (lill farther, by proving, that he was mifled in thofe meafures, which indur ced him to take fuch (leps for maintaining his intereft and gran- deur abroad, as deeply diflreiTed and imppveriflied hU fubje^ti^ here at home. ! ^ In hif difcourfe of foreign war, London) i6o»t 8vo. p. 90. TP«t ti9 NAVAL HISTORY ; ;! I: That immenfe ^eafure his father left behind him was qulclljr coiirumed in the great expeditions he undertookf in the traof* porting ^aft armies to the continent) the maintaining them in thq £eld, and in garrifons, and the high fubfidies granted to his al« ^ies, while he was fighting all the time in other men's <^arrels» and got little or nothing, at lead that was worth keeping, fof^ faimfelf. When all that mafs of money was gone, he dinmandcd and received fuck alGflance from his parliament as none of hit predeceiTors had obtained. To all this they added that prodi- |;ious grant of the eftates of all the religious houfes in this realm, which at that time amounted to 150,000 povukdspir annum, and which were vefted in the crown for eirer. Befidet ihefe legal impofitions, this king acquired no fmall ftim hy me*> thods which had no better fupport than the ftretch of his prc^ rogative ; to mehtion only a few : ' In the fourteenth year of his reign, he had a loan of taipfif cent, out of the perfonal eftate of fuch of his fubje^s as were: worth from twenty to 300 pounds, and twenty marks fron| fuch as were worth more. This, indeed, was only borrowed, and they had privy feals for their money; but the parliament kindly interpofed four years after, and releafed his I\fajefty fromi the obligation of paying fo much as a farthing of thofe idebts. Neither muft it be forgot, that, in coUefting this loan, the value of every man's eftate was put upon his oath ; fo that every fnb* jeft was in jeopardy either of poverty or perjury. In the feventeenth year of his reign he had another great loan^ in which an oath of fecrecy was adminiflered to the commiffion- ers, and they were impowereU to tender the like oath to fuch as came before them : though this was ftyled an amicable grant, yet the commiflioners, to quicken men in their offers, threaten- ed tiiem with imprifonment of their perfons, and confifcation o£ their ellates. In the thirty-fixth year of his reign, he demanded and received a loan of eightpehce in the pound of fuch perfons as were worth from forty fliillings to twenty pounds, and one. ihilUng in the pound fi-om fuch as were worth more. By which it appears, that as he fell early into necefllty, notwithftanding the rich exchequer that he came to, fo he was not long out of necefljty, after that prodigious acceffion to the royal revenue made by the confifcation, before-mentioned, of the abbey-lands. '•— ^ ■ ' ■ • The M ^jf HEURT VI^. ?7I 3 was quicll|r mthetraof. I them in thiq tedtohisal* keeping, fo^ le demanded I none of hit 1 that prodiJ •uTes ia this ' pouadsptr er. Befidet fym by me- (i of hit pv^ » of ten /y^ :As as irer<| narks fron| r borrowed, parliament [ajeft^ froii( hofe debts. 3, the value : every fub- great loan, ommiffiono' 1 to fuch at able grant, , threaten- (ifcation of. demanded ch peribns I and one By which hftanding >ng out o^ »1 revenue iey-lands. The The worft of all WMf that, when he found himlelf prefled for money, he took the moft detrimental way of raifing it, whicl^ yn» that of praCUfiiig vppn hi« coin. It may, however, ieeni {foiibt&lf whether the alteration he ro^ m the firft year of hit f^Ugn wai With thi« Yi«w. If e didi indeed, coin forty-five (hillings put of a pound of filvcr, by which he railed that metal to thre« OuUSngt a^ i^ciepence an onnce ^ but, as the ftandard was not altered, at ia not at all improbable that the motives, upon which \k9 nv^de this alteration, mig^^ be honourable enough, ^ut, 'm |be latter end of bl« ^eign, his condu^ in this refpe(Sk became inexcufable, btecaufe highly detriment^ to his people. The %ft i^oke of this bad policy was in the thirty-fpurth year ^ bis reign, whcii he not only divided the pound into forty-eigh( ihillifigs, by whicbi if the coip had remaiped in its former purity, j^lver iirottld haye been raifed to four (hillings an ounce, but added alfo two ounces of bafe metal in the pound, inilead of eightpea pennyweight, which raifed U nlnepence halfpenny aq punce more. llTot contented with this, in the thirty-fixth year of his reignj he coined money that was but half filvcr ; and though fome qf the chronicles of thofe times fay, that by this he riuiied i% to foi|r ibiUings an punce, yet in fa£^ he brought it up to eight (hillings. In the next year he gave the finifbing ftroke, by coining mc|ney that had but fo^r ounces of filver in the pound iveight ; fo that filver lyas then at twelve (hillings an ounce ; the confeqiience pf which was, that, after his death, hb (hilling fell |o ninepencci and afterwards to fispence ; that is, people would take tbem fot no mpre. It is to be obferved, that the greateft part of this money wa$ coined into teAons, which, though they were neyer called (hil- lings, yet pa(][cd in his time for twelvepence ; they are faid to have been of lurafs covered with filver ; and thefe were the piecea that fell fir(^ to, ninepence, and then to fixpence ; and a piece of that value being found very co^nvenient in change, they were coined of good filver at that rate in fucceeding times, and from hence canpie the word teller. He made likewife fome alterations in his gold coins i all which was occafioned by his foreign wars, ^d other expenfive meafures, which forced him upon thefe ^lethods, unknown to any of his royal predeceflbrs even in the times pf their greateft necefiitie$. \ ■ • ■ ■ .-, . . ** ii It ! ! '*iS"!i|!MM|*MIMBIArW^^ tffi NAVAL HISTORY It is inconceivable what ftrdnge, as well as what bad tfPsQa this debafement of the coin produced, and which, as the conif mon people for want of difcernment were unable to afcribe to its proper caufe, they were led from thence into a variety of errors, which naturally rendered them defirous of very improper mea- fures* which they vainly hopped would prove remedies. All things of a fudden grew extravagantly dear; as indeed,' how iliould it be otherwife ? for, let a prince be ever fo powerful, he cannot change the natute, or even the value of things, nor will his debafing his coin fink the worth of the commodities or ma- nufaflures that are to be purchafed with it. At firft fuch alterations will create great confufion, which can- not but be detrimental to private property, yet by degrees men will be taught to fet up their natural againft the regal preroga- tive, and when they find money of lefs value than it fiiould be, they will infift upon having more money. But, notwithflanding experience points them to this remedy in their private dealings, yet, as all men are buyers as well as fellers, it is eafy to perceive, that, in fuch a fituation of things, a general ^clamour will arife about the dearnefs of necefl*ary commodities, which may be, as it then was, attributed to falfe caufes, which occafioned not only ineffectual remedies to be applied, but fuch as were alfb injurious, heightening old, and beiiig alfo productive of frefh inconveniencies. To this may be afcribed many of the complaints that are to be met with in the hiftorians of thofe times, and many of the laws too, that were founded on popular conceit, and which, though they were enadted to give public fatisfaCtion, were re- pealed again in fucceeding reigns, when they were felt to be pub- lic grievances. If, as the Roman poet obferves, there is a pl«a- fure in beholding ftorms and tempefts when we are fafe, and out of their reach, there is certainly much greater fatisfaJtion in con- templating the political foul weather of former times, which we are not only exempt from feeling, but which our prefent happy conflJtution fecures us from any apprehenfion that we or our po- fterity fhall ever feel. But this fatisfa£lion may be ftill heigh- tened, by a rational refieftion upon what pafled in thofe times, on the connection between miftakes in policy, the mifchiefji created 6P, H ENR Y Vlli. ^79 bat bad effeO^ hf as the comn toafcribetoits riety of errors, improper mea*- emedies. All ; indeed,' how b powerful, he lings, nor will lodities or ma- >n, which can- f degrees men regal preroga- n it (hould be, ^twithftanding ivate dealings, fy to perceive, lour will arife ch may be, as ccafioned not as were alfb 6live of frefh ts that are to many of the and which, on, were re- ek to be pub- ere is a plea- fafe, and out iflion in con- ss, which we Tcfent happy ve or our po- e (lill heigh- thofe times, he mifchieftf created created by them, an^ the mifcon(bu£lions that were fometimes put on thefe by thofe who fufFered them. It is the power of making thefe remarks, and of fetting things even of the niceft nature in their true light, that is one of the greateft advantages attending freedom. In times pail, no doubt^ there might be many who had heads clear enough to make thefey or perhaps better refle£tions, but they were obliged to conceal them), becaufe reafons of Aate would have made that a crimcy which was commendable in itfelf, but which, notwithflanding that, will never be commended but amongfl: a free people. The meafures that we have cenfured and expofed were cqtainly marks of the power, the exceiUve power of the prince J[>y whom they were taken, and who, it is very probable, did not forcfee the confequences that would attend them : they ferved fome immediate purpofe ; and he who is urged by an ambitious wiUg when he is poflefled of abfolute power, willfeldom look farther. But thofe who live under milder princes, and in better times, will difcern from fuch hiftories the dangers to which a people muft be always expofed, who want the fafeguard of a legal con- fiitution, v/hich may defend them from having thofe privileges, bellowed upon them by God, torn from them at the will of one of their fellow-creatures. But it is time to pafs from thefe matters to the glorious fea- men, to whofe memories we have undertaken to do right, and of whom feveral flourifhcd in this martial reign, that are but very (lightly mentioned in thofe hiftories where we might rea- fonably have expeded the beft accounts of them. As far as tl>e narrownefs of our limits will permit, we will endeavour to fup^ ply that defedt here, beginning with Sift EDWARD HOWARD, Lord High Admiral of Engkhd, and Kiiight of the mod noble order of th^ Garter. , IF the advantage of an illuftrious defcent addsj as we com- monly fuppcre it does, to the reputation of great atchieve- ftientSj then the memory of this very gallant and worthy mau tvill have a double right to our refpeil. He was a fccond fon of I { I i! il ! I H iko tiis^6kiCAi kiikoiki tithe tnoft hoble boufis of Norfolk, aild deirhred; from tti(^ dE^* airple of his father, thofe qtialhies vfhkh. ibbft idbrn the higheit titles, untainted loyalty, ahd invincible touriige. H« bejgah ^rly to teiftify his mctihatton to tht fei>ie^ice) ilklte we fiiiitl kirn employed in the Flanders expediiibii in iJl^2i Hrhefi Kih^ Henry VII. thought fit to afllft the dUke df BiSrgttiidy igain^ bis rebellious fubje^ls* As we purpofely omitted an acediiht of that expedition ih his reign^ let uS', as irii 6viSt itttehtiOii then, infert it here; The Flemings, naturally a brave peoplei iittd fbhd oJF ftccf^ demy grew oneafy under the yoke of the houfc df A^ri*^ an4 under the command of the Baron de Raveiiifteid« htgah id throw it off. In order to this, they feized the tow^ itid har-> bour of Sluys, from whence they fitted out abundaiice of ▼efui:i(iiu kig their enemies, took and plundered veflek of all Aatidns^ without diftinftion; and as the Englifii trade to Flfthder^' i¥^ fhen very exteuiive, their fliips fuffered at lead as much aS an^ other ; which was the'true reafon why King Henry, upoti- ih^ £rft application of the duke of Burgundy, feht a fquedi^dfl o# twelve fail, under the command of Sir Edward POyningSit irUh whom went out Sir Edward Howard, then a very young ifaitij to learn the art of war. The duke of Saxony^ in coniequehce of his alliance with the duke of Burgundy, marched with ati army into Flanders, and befieged Sluys by land : and Sir Ed^i ward Poynings thereupon blocked it up with hi* fleet by fea. The port was defended by two ftrong caftles, which the Fle- mings, who had nothing to truft to but force, defended with unparalleled obAinacy *, infomuch, that though Poynings attack- ed them conftantly every day, for twenty days fucceflively, yet he made no great imprefTion ; till at laft, through accident, the bridge of boats, by Which the communication between the caC* tics was preferved took fire : Whereupon the bedeged wdre glad to furrendcr their city to the duke of Saxony, and their port and caftles to the Engliih*^. In this eipeditioh Sir Edward was made a knight, for his extraordinary bravery, of l^hith he « Fall, foJ. 17, XI. b. Polyd. Vir. p. 584. Lord fiacon'* hirtorjr of Henr^ Iril. vol. ij. p. 304, 30f, gave &F Stft fibWAftD HOWARD. 281 ^avs ITreqlieht ihllahces during thdt long reign ; and fb tho* k-oughl^ eftablifhed his itputaticir that King Henry VIII. on his acceflion) made choice \)i \ for his ftandard-bearer *, . iithich in thofe days ^as coniidctcd not only as a mark of par- ticular faTour>l>ttt as a teftimony alfoof the higheft confidence land greateil rcfpcft-. In the fourth year of the fame reign^ he Vras created Lord High Admiral of England *, and in that ftation convoyed the marquis of Dorfet into Spain, of whofe expedition we have al- ready fpokehi as alfo of the manner in which it endedw The Lord Admiral) after the landing of the forces^ put to fea again, and arriving on the coafts of Bretagne, landed fome of his men about Conquet and Bred j who ravaged the country, and burnt feveral of the little towns. This roufed the French^ who be- gan imniediately to fit out a great fleet) in order to drive, if. pofllble, the Englifh from their coafts : and as this armament was very extraordinary, King Henry fent a fquadron of five and twenty tall ihips, which he caufed to be fitted out under his own eye, at Portfmouthi to the affiftance of the admiral f. Among thefe were two capital (hips t one called the Regent^ commanded by Sir Thomas Knevet, mafter of the horfe to the king ; and the other, which was the Sovereign, by Sir Charles Brandon, afterwards duke of Sufifolkk When thefe veflels had joined the admiral, his fleet confifted of no lefs than forty-five &il, with which he immediatelf refolved to attack the enemy,, who were by this time ready to come out of the harbour of Bred*. Authors difier much as to their number, though they agree pretty well as to the name of the admiral, whom the/ call Frimauget ) yet it feems they agree in a miftake { for the hiilorians of Bret^ne aiTure us, they have no fuch name in that province ) and that, undoubtedlyi it ought to be ^orfmo* guer K d Pat. U H. Vlir. p, u m. J4. e Pat. W, H. VIII. p. ». f H»tf. JTol. ii, HolingQied, vol. ii. p. Sij. Herbert, p. iz. k Hiftoire da l^rance, par P. Daniel, tome vii.'p. 311. b We have this from the lad cited iHthor, who certainly judges right : for from the Sieur Poifmoguer, our old chfopklei took Sir Pierce Morgan, which |« the name they haVe thought fit to bedow on the French adfflir<}} ai the readfr may fee in Hail, fol. tt. a» and Qrafton, p. 970, Vol. L N n Whatcvip ! il itt If IL i 11 HISTORICAL MKB^OIRS WhatcTer h{9r name wa$» or whatever the force of his fleet might be, which our writers S^f c. It ieems this accident firuck both iSeets with amazement y fo th;^ they- fcparated without fighting, each claiming the victory, ttv which probably, neither had a. very- good title. In the beginning- o( the- next April,, the admiral put to fea: again, with a fleet of fortyt-twa men of war^*, befides fmall veiled, and Ibrced the French ioto; the liarbour of Breft'^ where they forti^d themfelves^ in order to wait the arrival of z fquadron of gaVKes from the Mediterranean. Sir Edward Howard having confldered their pofture, rcfolved^ fiac(; it was. HnpoffiMe to attach them,, to hwa the country roun4 about ^ which he^aeeovdingly performed^ in fpke of all the care they eottid talfe to prevent it : and yet the French lay (UJl und^ the cover of their fortifications^ and of a line of twenty-feur large Hulks lafhed together^ which they propofed to. have fee on fire^ 10 cafe the EngiHh attempted to force them to. a battle '*. While the adhurat was thus emp]»yed,. he had intelligence that Mr. Fregent, with the fix gaUies feom the Mediterranean, were ar- ifived on the coafl^ andi had takenr ihtslter in the bay of Goii-. quet. This accident induced him to change his meafures; £o that he now refolved firft to dcftroy the gallics, if poflible,,and then to return to the fleet. Upon his advancing to reconnoitre Pre-t gent's fquadron,i he found them at anchdr between two rocksj i Godwin'i annalt, p. lo. H. Velleii in Qfaguini appendtr, p. 318^ 319: Duplcix, tome iii. p. xtfj. k Grafton, p. gji: Stowe, p. 491. Cooper, fA. 175. ' A. D. ijii, » Hall, fol. s*. b. HclingfheJ, vol. ii. {>. til 6. R ) e of his fleet ty-ninc, and a very brave deliep, wfaiciv Jred fighting Tc nine bun* officer^ they the Regent,, them. The both Ci4est ler, whoreia fixteeo hun- both fleets ighting, each ' had a xny put to fe» >eiides fmaU ir of BreftV he amval of Sir Edward fioce it was. >uo4 about ; ic care they lU under the y-four large 1 fet on fircm Ie« While ce that Mr. m, were ar- ay, of eon- ires; (bthat !e,,and then inoitre Pre* two rocksj P- 3*8* 3»9.i ♦91. Cooper, igfheJ, vol. ii. on. ■> k OF Sin EDWARD HOWAI^D. a«3 On each of trhich iftood a ftrong fbft) and} which was like to give him ftill ntore trouUe, they hy fo far Uj) in the bay, th^ he coi^d bring fione of his ihips of fotce to engnge them. The only method, therefore, of wbjch he could think, war to put the braveH; of his faik>rs on board two gallies, which were in hit fleet, and widi thefe to venture tat and try what iTHght be he done agiinft all fix". ' This being tefolted on, he went himfelf, attended by 3lr Thomas Cheyne^ and Sir John Wallop on board otae of them; and feat Lord Ferrers, Sir Henry Sherburn, and Sir WiUtam Sidney on board the other 4 and hftving a briik ^ale of wind, failed dire£tly into the bay; inhere, with his own galley* he at- tacked the French admitah As foon as they were grappled, Sir Edward Howard^ followed hy feVtoteen of the braved of his failors, boarded the enemy, and Were very gallantly receiv- ed ; but it fo hs^ened, that in the mtdft. «>f (be Engagement the gallies fheered afunder^ and the French, takifig that ad- vantage, forced all the Engliih vpon their decks overboard, except one feaman, from whom they quickly learned, that the admiral was of that number". Lord Ferrers, in the other galley,- did all that Was pebble for a very brave man to do ; but having fpent all his {hat, and perceivingi as hb thought, the admiral retire, he liktmSs made the befl of his iray out of the harbour*. •'•* We have. In a certain m^ble wrltrt-'s aceurate hith>ry, fome very fingular circUmftances relating to this unlucky adventure. He fays, that Sir Edward Howard having ceniidered the pof- ture of the French fleet in the haven of Breft, and the cobfei* qilences which #0uld attend either defeating or burning it, gave notice thereof to the king, inviting hiiii to be prefent at To glorious an acUon; deflring rather that the tang ihould have n Herbert, p. 13, Mamoiret da BeU*y,4lv.i. Dapleiz, tomf iii. Lofing his life thus unhappily, as obferved by Mr. Anftis, before he could have notice that his mader had honoured him with his drdcar. Regiftcr of the garter^ vol. ii, ° Oodwin, Stowe, Speed, Father Daniel fitit ht died of « womd he received in the former engagement, which is a plain mi(>ake. P This Lord was Sir Walter Devereux, knight of the garth*, anceflor of tho «!d earli of EHex, and of the prefent vifcounts of Hereford* :\ :i a«4 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS the honpur of deftroying the French naval force than himfelf^s • loyal) generous pro|>ofition : fuppofing the honour, not tl^e danger, too great for a fubjeit ; and meafuring (no doubt very juftly) bis mafter-s courage by his own ; the only ftandard mei^ of his rank and temper of mind ever ufe. But his letter being laid before the council, they -v^ere alto? cether of another opinion j conceiving it was much too great a ^a:fard for his Majefty to expofe his perfon in fuch an enter- prize } and therefore they wrote Iharply to (he admiral, com-, xnanding him not to fend excufes, but do his duty. This, as it well might, piqued him tq the utipoft, and as it was his avowed maxim. That a Teaman never did good, who was not refolute-to a degrep of mac^nefs^ fo he took a fudden refoJution of acting in the manner he did. Whe;) he found his galley flide awa^, and faw the danger to which he was expofed, he took bis chain of gold npbles which hung about his neck, and his great gold whiftle, the eniign of his office, and threw them into the fea, to, prevent the enemy from pofleffing the fpoils of an Englifh admi- ral. Thus fell the great Sir Edward Howrard, on the twenty- fifth of April X5I3> ^ facri£ce to bis too quick fenfe of honour ; in the fervice, and yet to the manifeft and acknowledged detri- . ment of his country ; for his death fo deje£led the ijpirits of his . failorsj that the fleet was obliged to return home i which, had^ 3ie lived, would not have happened. r T|ie^e never certainly was a braver man of his, or confe- quently of any family, than thi^ Sir Edward Howard *, and yet we are ^ured, that he was very far from being either a mere - ibidier, or a n^ere feaman, thopgh fq eminent in both charac- ters : but he was what it became an Engliih gentleman of fo, high qua^ty tq bej an able ftatefman, a faithful counfellor, . and a Iree fpeaker. He was ready at all times to hazard his life and fortune in his country's quarrels; and yet he was againft her quarrelling on every flight occaflon, pr againflr her interefls. He particularly difluaded a breach v(i\h the Flemings, for thefe ^ife and flrong reafons : that fuch a war was prejudicial to. commerce abroad } that it dimini(hed the cuiloms, while it in- cteafed the public expences } that it ferved the French, by Gon- dii Iiord Ilcrbcri's life •nd reign of Henry VlII, A. D. 1513, flralning OF Sir THOMAS HOWARD. 28; flirainlng the inhabitants pf Flanders to deal with them againO: their will } and that it tended to the prejudice of our manufac- tures, by interrupting our intercourfe with thofe by whom they V^ere principally improved '. Thus^ qualified, we need not wonder he attained fuch high honours, though he died in the flower of his age. Henry gra- tified his ardour with titles, and fuch like rewards; xnaking him Admiral of England, Wales* Ireland, Norn[iandy> Gaf- coignci and Aquitain, for life ; and caufing hiin to be chofen knight of the garter*: believing th^t he H^onld thereby con^- mand, as indeed he did, not only the utmoft fervice Sir Edward (:ould do, but alfo all the force and intereft of his potent Xamj- }y : which, however, that prince iU requited, as we ihall fee in the next life. This Sir Edward I^oward married Alice^ widow to Sir William Parker, I^nt. and daughter of William ]!i6vel, IfOrd Morley } by whom he had no iffue % He was, as foon as the news of his unfortunate death re;(ched the ears pf his roy^l n^aAier^i fqcceeded in his higl^ office by his elder ])rqthef '-'.■'. Sir THOMAS HOWARD, afterwards carl of Surrey, and duke pf Norfolk, &c. IF we fpoke firft of the younger brother, it was in refpeft to his dignity, and to its date ; for though the junior fon, he was the elder adrniral : in point of merit they were equal. Thomas earl of Surrey, reflored afterwards to the title of dulfe pf Norfolk, treafurcr to Henry VIII. and the father of both thefe brave men, fpared not either himfelf, or his fens, when the fervice of the crown and his country required it. In the third year of this king's reign, a Scots feaman, Sir Andrew Breton* or Barton, with two flput vefTels, one named the Lion. r Lloyd's State Worthiei, p. 141. ■ Afhmole's Order of the Garter, p. 713. The king of Scots, in a letter to ^ing Henry VIII. May 24, 1513. fpeakt thui: " And furely, deared brother, V we think more lofi is to you of the late Admirti, who deceafed to his great ** honour, than the advantage might have been in winning all the French gaU f Baronagipba Angliar, fol. %, 17. MS, in my pofliflion. the rumim A%6 HISTORlCAt MEMOIRS the oth€r Jenny Perwin, ranged on the Englifli coifts, and iii- terrupted all navigation. His pretence vras^ letters of reprifils granted him againft the Portuguefe, by J^met HI. late king of Scots (whom his rebellious fubjeds mnrdercd) ; and under co- Jour of this, he took fhips o^ all nations, alledging they had Portuguefe goods on board *. On complaint of thefc grievan. ces to the privy-council of England, the father of our admiral, then earl of Surrey, faid, « The narrow feas ihould not be fo '( infeded, while he had efbtc enough to furnitli a fliioj or a «< fon capable of commanding it**,** Upon this, two (hips 'were immediately fitted o«t by the t#<> brothers, as I conceive at their own^ or at their father's ex- pence " : and my reafon for it is, becaufe had they gone with the king*s commiffion, they would probably have had a fqua- dron, Befides, they needed no commiffion ; for prates being io/les humani ^encriSf enemies to mankind, every man is at li- berty to aft againft them; and on this very principle King Henry juftified this adiion^- Indeed moft of our hiflorians overturn thefe arguments, by ftyling Sir Edward Howard Lord Admiral, and faying his brother ferved under him on this occa- -iion. The latter may be true, on account of Sir Edward's ex- perience ; but as to the former it is plainly erroneous ; as ap- pears by the date of his patent in the fucceeding year *, On the whole, I think it moft likely, this was a private expedition, with the knowledge and confent of the king, but not by his fpecial commiffion, or immediate authority ; as will quickly ap- pear by ftill ftronger teftimony. The Lords having been fome days at lea, were feparated by a ftorm, which gave Sir Thomas Howard an opportunity of coming up with Sir Andrew Barton in the Lion, whom he im- mediately engaged*. The fight was long and doubtful; for ^nrton, who was an experienced feaman, and who had under him a determined crew, made a moft defperate defence; him- felf chearing them with a boatfwain's whittle to his laft breath. « Hall, fol. IS. Leflci de rebus geftis Scotonim, lib. vui. p. 355. Buchanan, lib. xiii. p. 4x4, 4iS» * Lloyo's State Worthies, p. 143. " draf- ton, p. 9tfo. Holtngthed, vol. ii. p. 8n. f See his anfwer to the Scats kin;;'s rcmonftrances. 2 4 Henry VII. p. *. * Godwin's afuulf, p. 8. Cooper's chronicle, fol. 275. b. The OP Sir T«0MAS HOWARD. aS^ The lofs of their ctptauii va& the only thing that could induce them to fubmit, Mihich at laft they did} aod were received to quarter and fair ufagc K In the meaa time Sir Edward fougUt>^ and took the confort of the Lion, which was likewife a ilrong Tcilel, and exceedingly well manned. Both thefe (hips, witli ss many men as were left aUve> being in number one hundred aiud fifty, they brought, the fecond of Auguft 151 ii into the river Thames as trophies of their vi^ory. The men were ient to the archbifliop of York's palace, now called Whitehall v where for fome time they remained prifoners, but afterwards were difmiiTed, and fent into Scotland*^. King James IV. who then governed the Scots, exceedingly refented this a£tion> and inftantly ient ambaifadors to Henry, to> deoiand fatisfaflion ;, on which the king gave this memorable anfwer : ** That punifhing pirates was never held a breach of " peace among princes.'^ King James, however, remained fliU difTatisfled y and from that time to his unfortunate death, was iiever tboroogbly reconciled to the king or Englilh nation. 1 reCerved this remarkable event for the life of Sir Thomas, be- caiife the fbip of Sir Andrew Barton became his prize, and I thought it by no means proper to repeat the ftory in both lives ; ^ to Sir Edward's being made admiral, in preference to his el- der brother, it muft have arifen from his greater acquaintance with naval affairs, or from the family's defiring to have the eldefl fon always at hand, to aflift his father,, who, belides hia many high employments of lord-treafurer, earl-marfhal, and lieutenanft of the north, had the jealoufy of the potent Cardinal Wolfey to contend with •*. Sir Thomas Howard accompanied the marquis of Dorfct Ii* his expedition againft Guyenne, which ended in King Ferdr* Hand's conquering Navarre ; and the commaiuler in chief falling Tick, Sir Thomas fucceeded him, and managed with great pru- dence, in bringing home the remains of the Englifli- army f. He was fcarce returned before the ill news arrived of his brother the lord admiral's death ;, whereupon the kiug indaiuly appointed l> Stowe'i annals, p. 489W « Herbert's IKc of Henry VriT. p. 7. *' Hviil, fol. 15. b. Sir William Drummond's hiftory of the five Jamefts, j»'. 139. e Lloyd's State Worthies, p. 131. Bur.ut'. i. .Iviv jt :hc K.^tl.i- nuatiouy vol. i. h. i. i- Grufton, p 'j«i. ! ! Ill « !f ' ^ its Historical Memoius him his fucceilbr. Sir Thomas returned his mafter Hiicitt thanks, as well for this mark of his confidence, as for a^ording him an opportunity of revenging his brother's death. Thd French fhips were at that time hovering over the Englifli coaftsi but Sir Thomas quickly fcoured the feas fo, that not a bark of that nation durft appear } and on the firft of July^ 1513* land-^ ing in Whitfand bay, he pillaged the country adjacent, and burnt a confiderable town *. The king was then engaged in Picardy, having the emperor in his fervice ; and this induced James IV. to invade England with a mighty army, fuppofmg hllogs epift« a variis Angl. priniip. fcript. p. ic6. i A. D. 1514. k tn, 5 HcA, Vlll. p. X. m. II. Jour&al of parliament eod. anno. very T*i ifter fincdi^c or affording leath. Jhi •glifli coafts, ^ a bark of 513* land- jaccnt, and engaged in his induced Jppofing be nas earl of ng towards it moved* s invafion* I his father. Scots king time, that ir Andrevr » perfonal Flodden- «ard, and that glo* vcr of hi* of Eng. t time to riiament -y to the Surrey, ^e*s fon, torn the duke of fe of a »« Cut 1 letter of fi of Sep* >ge epift« t. J Hert, OF Sir THOMAS HOWARD. 2^9 very few years he was glad to refign tkat ^igh charge to lus fon. The war being ended with France) the admiral's martial ta- lent lay fome time unemployed i bnt certain dtilurbances in Ireland calling for redrefs, the a^ive earl of Sarrey was fent thither, with acommiffion, as l0rd>deputy^, where he fupprcfled I}efmond*s rebellion, humbled the O'Neals and O'Carrols, and without 9ffo€t.mg feverity or popularity, brought all things into good order, leaving, when he quitted the ifland, peace and a parliament behind him">, and carrying with him the aSeCiiom of the people, though he performed not all he intended, the cardinal grudging the honour he had already acquired, and re^ iblving to hinder, at all events, his gaining more ", The pretence for recalling him was, the breaking out again of a French war. Before it was declared the French (hips of war interrupted (according to cuftom) the Engliih trade, fo that we fufiered as their enemies, while their ambalTadors here treated us as friends. The lord admiral, on his arrival, reme^ died this inconvenience } heimmediately fitted out aimall fqua« dron of clean (hips, under a vigilant comitiander, wlio foon drove the French privateers from their beloved occupation, thieving, to their cdd trade of ftarving^. In the fpring. Sir William Fitz-Williams, as vice-admiral, put to iea, with a fleet of twenty-eight men of war, to guard the nanww feas 9 ^ and it being apprehended, that the Scots might add to the number of the king's enemies by fea as well as land, a fmall fquadroii of feven frigates failed up the Frith of Forth, and burned all • fuch vefTels as lay there, and were in a conditio^ of going to iea *>. In the mean time the admiral prepared a royal navy, with which that of the Emperor Charles V. was to join ; and as it was evident that many inconveniencies might arife from the fleets having ieveral commanders in chief, the earl of Surrey, by fpecial commiflion from Henry VIII. received the emperor's 4:ommiflrion to be admiral alio of the navy, which confined of one hundred and eighty tall (hips. This commj(]aon is dated at » A. D. 1519, "» A. D. xjii. •» Hall, fol. 70, 490. b. Herbert, ■p. 40, 41. Cox's kiftory of Ireland, p. ao8. Speed, p. 76*. * Grafton, f. 1C52, 1053. Siowf, p. 514. Speed. P A. D. 151a. « HatI, fel. !«)£. b. 94. a. flolingfliei), vol, ii. p. 873. Stowc, p, 515, Vojt,. If 9 39'; 3?3' , ^ was -% ■gggHB— B bt Sik W. iFITZ WILLIAMS. 2pl ^a« wrought itito a perfuafioiii that this duke of Norfolk, and hn fon Henry earl of Surrey, were in a plot to feize upon hi:i perfon, and to engrofs the government into their own handi, vith many other things devifed by their enemies}, but altogt •> Iher deftitut6 of proof. For thefe fuppofed ctimes he nnd his fon vr^re imprifoned, and, as was but too frcquoiit in that reign, attainted almOfl: on fufpicion *. Henry cart of Surrey, the moft accotnplilhed nobleman of his time, loft his head in his father's Jprefence; nor would the duke have furvived him long (a war- rant being once granted for his iexecution) if the king had not died at that critical jnn£turej nnd thereby opened a door of hope artd liberty. i After an thefe fufFeirings he furvived King Edward VI. and died in the firft year of Queen Mary, at the age of fixty-fi^, when his Attainder was repealed, and the aft thereof takeh frorfi amongii the records »»«. He Was uniqueftionabiy as able an admiral, as great a ftatefman, as fortunate a general, and as true a patriot as any in that age. But it is now time to come to his fucceflb]^ in the command of the nary, Sir WILLIAM FITZ- WILLIAMS, afterwards carl of Southampton, and knight of the garter. HE was defcended, not only of an ancient and honourable, but alio of a famous and noble family i his anceftors ha- ving been fummoned to parliament, as barons, to the time of Edward III. Sir Thomas Fitzo- Williams, the father of our ad>> miral, • married Lucia, daughter and co-heir to John Nevil, Marquis Montacute, by whom he had two Tons, Thomas, who was (lain at the battle of Flodden^fieldj and this William'. Being the younger fon, he, from his nonage, addicted himfelf to arms, and particularly to the fea-fervice, which in thofe days became a diftinft and regular profeffion. King Henry having a navy-office, commiiRoners, ^c. which bis predeceflbrs had ' Hetben'slife of Hen. yill. p. SS5. Hi» raisfortar.es were owing chkfljr to the refen:incntof his duchefs, the daughter of Edward duke of Buckingham, and the falfehoodof his female favourite, the former accnfing, and the latter betray- ing him. b See the a€t of repeal nao Maris, and the charaAer of both the duke and his fon, in Sir Walter Raleigh's preface to the hlftory of the world- c A. D. 1554. d From the cnlleflions of R. Clover^ SoAierfet, r O 21 . ^ not. BiBliiiiriWgi \'i . \ ; It ' ' I' \i . 't 292 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS. not. He alfo fixed fettled falaries for his admirals, vice-admi- rals, captains, and ieamen ; fo>thaL under him naval affairs un*- derwent a very great change, and we have had a conftant feries* of officers in the royal navy ever fince» How foon Mr. Fitz- Williams went to fea, does not appear from any memoirs now extant, but mod certainly it was in the. reign of Henry VII. for in the fecond of Henry VIII. he was appointed one of the cfquires of the king's body. In 1513 he had a command in the fleet which fought the French off Brcft,, and behaving very bravely there received a clangerous. wound in the breaft by a broad arrow. This did not hinder his being prefent at the fiege of Tournay the fame year, where, diftinguifliing himfclf in an extraordinary manner, in the fight of his. prince, he was honoured with knighthood', and thenceforward conftantly employed at fea, where he made him- fclf equally ufeful to his prince, and grateful to the feamen. Of thcfe wc arc aiTured he knew and called every one by name, never taking, a prize but what he fliared amnftant ferie» )n Mr. Fitz- acmoirs now Henry VIL t one of the fought the received a ^his did not '■ fame year, manner, in hood % and made him?- lie feamen. « byname, mi or fuf„ were fully ' friends to concerns} Liality with pedition ia abfence of 1520, and n order to he break- h a good »e enemy, 1 in 1523, )m pafling cc difper- I'ps, with >g prince, i toaban- e fliips to 4« Stowc, . be CF Sir W. FITZ.WILLIAM9. 093 ^i be laid up; but, as foon as he underftood the Englifti admical was returned to his own coafts, he inftantly reimbarked his troops, and continuing his voyage, notwilhftanding it was the winter feafon, arrived fafely in his own country f. In the fix- teenth of Henry VIII. we find Sir William preferred to be cap- tain of Guines caftle in Picardy ; in the next year he was fent ambaiTador into France, and executed his commiflion with fuck fuccefe, that he was fron* that time more and more in the king's favour K. After the fall of Cardinal Wolfey, to whom our admiral was no great friend> we find him an aftive man la parliament, and made ufe of by the king to excufe Bilhop Fifl>er to the Houfe of Commons'*. In the twemy-feventh of the fame reign he wa« again employed in an embafly to France, and in the fucceeding year, being already treafurer of the houfehold, chancellor of the duchy of Lancafter, and knight of the garter, the king by let- ters-patent raifed him to the dignity of admiral of Englani, Ire- land, Wales, Normandy, Gafcoine, and Aquitain >, and, by other letters-patent, foon after created him earl of Southampton j all whichhe is faid to have merited by his fteady loyalty, and by his great (kill and indefatigable application in maritime af- fairs, to which he from his youth had been addided ^. Shortly after the king raifed him ilill higher, to the pod of lord privy feal, in which quality we find that, with John Lord RniTel, who fucceeded him as high admiral, he pafiiedover in^ ko France, where the war was again broke out, with two troops of horfe ; which fliews his martial fpirit, and how loth he was to quit the fervice of his country in a military way '. It feems his conftitution was by this time much broken through continual fatigues, and therefore he made a will, whereby, among other legacies, he bequeathed the king his mafter his beft collar of the garter, and his rich George fet with diamonds ■". Yet, on the breaking out of a war with Scotland, to which hi.s friend and old companion in arms, Thomas duke of Norfuik was immediately ordered, with a numerous army, our hravt; r Btichanan, lib. xiv. p. 448. LtOx\ i\e rebui grflis Scotorum, lib. ix. p. 406, 407. Drummund, p. 180. 8 Grafton, p. 1109. H/iingiheJ, vol, ii. p. Sy:. * Hall, f)l. 189 a. i Pat. a8 H, Vlll. ;>. a. k MS colUfliou* ol .i.j Th 'P.ai Wfioihtdfv. I HAl f':. b. m I Pi m "^ .*;;>-r, 0,1. T^ cr.Dtcs'u Iff , I ■ t m it 2^4 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS, life. captain would not remain behind, but, with a brifk body of horfd and foot, joined him, and led the van ; yet this proved but the laft flafliings of his heroic flame, fince at Newcaftle, overcome by his difeafe and with fatigue, he breathed his laft, to the great regret of his royal mailer, as well as of his general, who comi* manded his banner to be borne, as it had hitherto been, in the front of the army, all the refl: of the expedition, as a mark of the refpedl due to his memory ". By his countefs Mabel, daugh- ter to Henry Lord Clifibrd, he had no ifTue to inherit his virtues or his honours ; but he left behind him a nvitoral Ton, Thomas Fitz-Williams, alias Fiflxer ", As to his age at the time of his deceafe, we find no note thereof either in books or in records; but it is probable, that he did not exceed flxty, according to the courfe of his preferments. He feems to have been one of the lirfl feamen railed to the honour of peerage in this kingdom. " As to the remaining admirals in King Henry's reign, they were John Lord RulTel and the Vifcount Lifle, fo well known to pofterity by the title of duke of Northumberland, as the fu- preme dire^or of all things in the reign of Edward VL and as a fatal example of th -' ilTue of boundlefs ambition in the begin- ning of the fucceeding reign. But the reader will find fuch ample accounts of them elfewhereP, and their naval atchievc* ments contain fo little worthy of notice, that I rather proceed to the tranfaftions junder the next king, than detain my readers with a jejune detail of things of little confequence, efpecially confidering the narrow bounds into which wc arc to bring fuch an infinite variety of important matter. D Grafton,^ p. 1268. ° Dugdalc's baronage, vol. ii. p. 105. P In Dugdale, Collinf, and other peerages of England, a$ well at in the jenc- ral hiftories, and particular memoirs of tbefe reigns, and in Strype't and other col* icAioAS of original papers relating to thofc timet. n. X;'-' ...■ ■k> ^.'r>v-<^ LIVES I «95 3 gOBB E ■rr OF TH E ADMIRALS INCLUDING A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. CHAP. X. I'll ■11 m The Naval Hiftory of England, under the reign of Ed-. \irard VI. with an account pf fuch eqiin^nt fcamei^ as fiouriihed in his time, THIS yQung prince, at the deceafe of his father, was but in the tenth year of hb age ; however, on the twentieth of February following^, he was crowned, to the great joy and fatisfadlion of the nation, who were in hopes a milder government would fucceed under the ^ufpices of an infant prince, aflifted by minifters whofe chief, indeed, whofe only fupport muft be the aflfeftions of the people *>. The fcheme of admini. ftration, laid down by the will of |Cing Henry VIII. was held to be impracticable *=, becaufe it made fuch a diviHon of power, as rendered the copdudt of public affairs extremely difficult, if " A. D, 1546. b Fdbian, p. 535. Grafton, p. 1183. Stowe, p. jpj. Holingfhtd, vol. U. p. <)79. Spted. Godwin's annalt, p. 11 1. JourDal of this ^nonarch's reign, written by himrelf, p. 3. printed by Bifhop Burnet at the end of the fecond volume of hit hiftory of the Reformation. Strype's memorialt, vol. V'P- t2, c The reader may fee his teftament at large in Rymcr's foedera tome XV. p. 1 10. the authenticity of which haa been however queftioned. .»3 '• ' : 1 I not hi ( l< ! 1 I '■ m ilii i:. «96 NAVAL KISTORY not impofTible : and therefore, to remedy tliefe inconveniendes, th« earl of Hertford, uncle to the young king, created foon after duke of Sotncrfet, was declared Protector, or chief gover- nor, that the nation might have fome vifible head ; after which, as a manifeftation of his authority, followed various promotions : amongft the reft, Sir Thomas Seymour, the proteftor's brother, was created baron of Sudley, and raifed to the great truilof lord high admiral ^. One would have thought, that, in the dawn of fuch a government, peace had been more advifeable than war ; but we find the great counfellors in thofe days thought other- wife i for one of the firft things they rcfolved was to commence war againft Scotland, to which probably they might be provo- ked by the paifage of a ftrong fquadron of French gallics through the narrow feas, which were going to block up the caf- tle of St. Andrews *, and to which they were certainly encou- raged by the diftrafted ftate of the Scots affairs, the governmenc being weakened by a minority, and the nation divided and dif- tra£led by faftions f . The preparations madeby th-c proteftor for his expedition into Scotland, looked as if he intended rather an abfolute conquefl: of that country, than to compel the marriage of Mary queen of Scots to the young King Edward «. Both the brothers took a (l\are in this expedition : the prote£tor commanded in perfon the land-army, which conHfted of ten thoufand foot, fix thou- fand horfe, and a fine train of artillery, it being allowed iC be in all refpc£ls the beft ecfulpped force that for many years had befen fet on foot in this kingdom ••. With this alfo the fleet, fit- ted out by his brother's care, correfponded, confifting in all of fixty-five fail, of which thirty-five were (hips of force, the reft were ftorefliips and tenders, the whole commanded by the Lord Clinton as admiral of the North fea, and Sir William Wood- houfc as vice-admiral ; which arrived before Leith about the time the Englifli army penetrated Scotland by land '. d Grifrop, p. 1x^3. Life of King EHwnd VI. by Sir J-hn Tfayward, in Ken- ret, Vol. ij, p. 175, et feq. Sriype, vol. ii. book i. « Stowe, p. 594. Thn- an. hift. lib. iii. § 5. Buchinjn, lib. xv. f Ledaii rie rebus gc!>is Sccfo. rum, Hi. X, Keith's hif'ory of the church and ftate of Sco.land, p. 51, 8 GraT- ton, p, 1184. Gcdwin's annila, p. 114. ^ Hjjingfhed, vol. ii, p. 980. fipi-e-', p. S04. « Hayward. Buchananj lib. xv. K-.irh, p. 53, ^..i . , . . The bi kivr AR D VI. ^97 I'he prote£lor, who was by no means a cruel man, endea- voured to have prevented bloodfhed^ by fehding very amicable letters to the Scotb governors^ wherein he fhewed how much it would be for the intereft of both nations^ that this match ihould takie place, and hbw little it was for the benefit of Scot- land to remain in that dependency on France, in which (he had continued for a long trad of time. The governor or proteflor of Scotland, |ames Hamilton earl of Arran, who was entirely in the French intereftj (hewed this letter to none but his own (creatures, who advifed him j iince he had a very numerous army. With the flower of the nobility in the fields not to liften to any Conditions of peace* but to force the Engliih to a battk ) which very bad advice he complied with, and told the reft of the lords about himi that the prote£lor*s letter contained only threaten- ings and reproaches *i iliis ftrange conduct brought on a decifiveiehgagenieht oh the tenth of September 1547^ which* in the Englifh hiftories, is ftyied the battle of MuiTelburgh^) but the Scots wk-iters call it the battle of Pinky ". It was fatal to the Scots* notwithftand^^ ing their fuperiority in numbers, their army confiding of upwards of thirty thQufand men ) but they Were fo eager to fight, that they defpifed all the precautions ufually taken as to ground and other circumftancesi. Nay, they were fo fool*hardy as tt> ex^ pofe themfelves to the fire of the Englifh fleet* which galled them extremely j and therefore We need not wonde^ that they were totally defeated* leaving fourteen thoufand dead on the phctt and eight hUndted hdblemen and gentlenien prifbners ( After which vi£tory* the protestor burnt Leith* and fo returned ia triumph \ The Lord Clinton> with his fleet, cohtibued lotiger in thofd parts, with a defign, as it appeared, to extirpate eritirely the naval force of the Scots^ li^ had before* in the reign of Htn- ry VIIL been employed for the fame purpofe, ahd had executed his commifTion with great diligence, ciirrying off* the i^alamander k Holiiigflied, Vol. ii. p. 890. Speed, p. (104 Keith, p. 55. t &rafton, f, kaBtf. Stowe, p. 954. Ciopet-, fol. 338. b. See tiling EdwArd't journal of hit ti\gn, p. 5. ffl Buchanan, lib. xv. Ledey, Keith, p. 54. and the reft gf the Scoti hlftorUnik * aUingflied» v«l.a. p.w«. Speed, p. 8o(. Hay. ward* m iK\ ill J m G Mi I M Mi "I1 Vol. I. Pp and »p9 NAVAL HISTORY ii !>!:k '' M ^ii>. and the Unicorn,, two very fine fhlpsy and all other vefTela that were worth taking*. He now perfected this fcheme of deilroy- >ng> by burning all the {ea-port9> with the imall craft that hy in their harbourS} and fearching every creek» and all th«- mouths of rivers, with fuch diligence, that, it is faid, he did not leave one ihip of force or burden in all that kingdom K In 1 548^ the lord high admiral, with 3 very ftout fleet,, iatled hence upon the Scots coafts, to prevent their lepairing their harbours, and to do what farther mifcbief he was able. But he was lefs fuccefs* f ul ; for, though he made two defcents upon confiderable forces, yet he was repullfed in both *» The great hardOups the people fufiercd had made them defperate ; fo that, notvvithftanding the vafl; expence England had been at, and the complete viAory the prote£lor had gained,, the Scottifh queen being e&aped inta France, and great fuccours coming, from thence into Scotland, the Englifli were obUged after two years to make peace, both nations having fuiFered exceedingly by the war } which proved, however, advantageous enough to France, who, as ufual, made ker ufes of each, and performed her agreements with neither '» The unnatural quarret between the protestor and his brother file lord high admiral was the chief caufe of the nation^s misfor* tunes ;; for, while they endeavoured with all their force to deftroy each othery public affairs were neglected, thoie who might have prevented thefe difbrders, from the fame principle of felfifli am«.. bition Aiudying rather to increafe(hem, with a view to ruin bothS ° Stowc's annalf, p. $96^ 587V P HoHngflied, vol. ii. p. 99^. Lcflxuf, lib. z. Buchanan, lib. xv. *I ITayward, Godwin, Keith. >' Grafton^ pk ijrol I3'i4. €rodwin, p. szo, 140. Thuan, lib. v. $ 15. *' Hayward, p. 301. Godwin, p. xitf. hmunierable inHuices of this fort occur i»the eollcfkioD of fUte-paper* pubiilhed by Di>. H»ynes. No perfon, how great focver thcit qnaiity, Teems to have been exempt from the peiplesities atteuding tfhis unhappy bufitieft ; eVen the king fubmitted to be examined 'r and hi< C0Rfef« ' fiun^ as. it is flyiedi wit-h thtt of the Lady Elifabeth, the marquiiTes of Dorftt and Northampton^ Sir Rubere Tyrwhyt and hit lady, the e&rt of Rutland, and otiier perfons of diftinQion, are there co be met with, printed from the origiiials.'f l^he marriage of the lord admiral with the dowag«r-queen, and the difguft it gave the pjrottApr, or rather the dUthefs hi» conforr, appears to have been the original caufe of thefe difputes: and perhaps the reader will incline to my opihion, when he has penifcd two letters fruiA that piincefs to her lord, both without date, and the confefTion of Wyghtnnn fcrvant to that nobleman, which he will find in p. dit Ci, 68, 69. gf that woilu S«e the king's jouraal in Burner, p. 4, WKat « n,' • f EDWARD VI. iSfP What the crimes of the admiral really Urcre, mod of our hifto- rians feem to think very uncertain 4 we only know, that he wa* charged) among other things^ with a deiign of feizing the king's perTon^ of marrying the Princefs Elifabech, and forming thereby ibme tide to the crown. On this accufation, whether well or ill foondedy he was attainted, without a trial, by a£t of parlia« ment': a proceeding altogether inekcufable, becaufe thereby pofterity ftand deprived of feeing the evidence on which public juftice is faid to be founded. The prote£tor fet an edge on the ientence pafTed by this law, 1^ Hgning the warrant, in conjunc- tion with the red of the lords of the council^ for the admiral's execution, though his Majefty's uncle, and his own brother** ; and this, we are told, he did to gratify his wife*'. ^ The truth feems to be, that the lord prote£lor Socnerfet wasT an honed but weak man, meant well, yet feldom knew his own n^aning, and, as fi^ men generally are, was therefore gpvernm ed in mod cafes by other people*s coun&ls ; whereas the admiral is allowed to have bad ^uick parts, great courage, and a much better capacity for governing: but his turbulent fpirit gave the •common enemies of his family, and the nation's quiet, an op- portunity of detaching hkn from hie brother^ sintered, and there- by creating thofe misfortunes which were not only fatal to him and the prote£tor, but to the kingdom alio \ I cannot forbea/ remarking, that the events of this diort rei^n afford the mod ufeful ledbns to Englidi minideis: private views governed all the great men in thefe times ; and to this they facriiiced the welfare of the king and kingdom. For this, one, not out of regard to judice, but for the fame dirty purpofes* brought the other to dc<> ferved punifliment j and by degrees they all became vidims to na- tional vengeance^ though their fucce^ors were not at aU wame4 ' (I hi I < Grafton, p. i»9i. Stowe, p. 996. The aharg^ containing thirly^threc arr tides, with the anfwer of the lord-admiral to the three firft, (for he wo.u)4 anfwer to no more, neither wonid he fign thofc), are printed in the coUcAion of tecords in the ad volume of Burnet's hinory of the Reformation, p. jsS'-'isf. " March ao, 15*9. " HaywarJ, p. 307, 30a. Cooper's chronicle, oney, which they faid, had been tendered }iim niore thap once by their late ^ing Frapcis I, and confe- quently they had an equity of redemption, which, they thought]) might juAify them in any meafpres that ihopki appear neceflar^ for the p^i|king themfelves maft^rs of the place. In faying this» X am npt goyerped hy ^ngliih authorities, pipch lels by Englifh prejudice^, but fbllo\v the accpunts £;iyen by their be(i hidoriansy :(nd whp relate the fequ^ of thp matter thus : The French king^ under pretepce of addling to the magnificence of his publijC entry^ Ipto. Paris, and the queep's cpropatipp, drew a confiderable body <^ forces into the peighbourhood of that city, and into Picardy i then, departing fuddeply frpm h>$ capital, he papie to Abbeyille where his forces rende^yopfed, and piarched from thence with all expedition to Boulogne, where he attached and carried fome of the forts, and diftreifgi the plac^ fo ipucb, that it was fpun^ impracticable tP l^eep it'. Qur writers fay, that thefe forts were taken by treachery ^ an4 it appears by the rep/efeptatipns made pi King !^d\yard's name to the emperor, that the whole of this tranfa£fciop was coptrary to (he hyr of patipps, there being, at the time it happened, no war declared h Anpther a^tepipt the French likewife made upon the ifland$ pf Jerfey and Guernfey, which they invaded with a ftrongj fquadron pf pien of war, and two thoufand land forces. The Engliih court having notice of this attenipt, and knowing thofe iflands to be but indifferently provided, fpnt thither a fmall fquac^ron under the con^mand of Commodore Winter, with y J, >. In this treaty the Scots were included ; and for the managing thereof Edward Lord Clinton, who had been governor of the terri- tory now yielded to France, was made Lord High Admiral for life, anc| had large' grants made him pf lands, from the It |:r iilll nm » Holingflied, vol. ii. p. lojj. Godwin's annalt, p. 133. Speed, p. 8ii, Fpx's afti and monuments, vol. ii. p. 671. b E. Leonard, tome ii. p. 47*, Rymer, tome xv. p. 211. Thuan. hift. lib. vi. fefl. vi. c Grafton, p. 314. Strype's memorials, vol. ii. p. 130. Leflxus, lib. x. p. 50C. Hay ward. Kinj; Edward's journal, p. 13. Among others, as the king's journal, p. ti. and Strype, vol. ii. p. 194. informs ns, who w«re re> \^arded for accompl|(hing this bufinefs, was Anthony Guidotti, an Italian mer. chant, who l\ved at Southampton. He had a prefent of one thoufand crowns, a yearly penfion of one thoufand crowns, and a penfion of two hundred and fifty crowns was beftowed 9n John Guidotti, his fon. He had the honour of knighthood coi.ferred on him, and about a year after was appointed the king's merchant, had » lifencc %o export woollen cloths, kerfies, le^d» tirt, &c. under ceruia km m i'=*tff If •II ! ifi li B i \ ;► I urn ii ifi' in I m i II U' 1 1 30a NAVAL HISTORY It 18 not to be wondered, that a treaty (6 far from being ho* nourable to the nation, was very ill received at home ; and yet it muft be acknowledged, that it was not near (b inexcufable as fome would reprefent it. We have already (hewn, with what injuftice the French made war upon King Edward : and it is but reafonable to add, that when his ambaiTador applied to the emperor for ailiilance, and reprefented the great things that his father had done for the houfe of Auflria, the pains he had taken to folicit the eleflors to fet the imperial crown on the head of Charles V. and how much the Englifh nation had been impoverifhed by the wars againft France, purely on his behalf; a very uncourteous and rude anfwer was given. The emperor took notice of the great change that had been made in religion, which, he pretended, put it out of hb power to yield Che aid that was deAred ; and therefore iniifted,. that as the price of his friendfhip, all things ihould be reftored again to their former ftate. After this, when matters were come to extremity, it was propofed, on the part of King Edward, that the emperor fhould take the town of Boulogne into his handsi, to remain as a depofite till the king was of age } but that was likewife rejected, unlefs the old religion was rcftored «*. Wc may from hence perceive the integrity of thofe miniftecs who chofe rather to (acrifice their interefts wiih the nation, than in- jure the Froteftant religion ; and at the fame time we may difl cern, how little the friendftiip of foreign and of Popifh powers is to be depended upon, when the interefts of England alone are at (lake. After this peace, there grew a clofer and more confiderabic intcrcourfe between the French and Englifli courts, which gave fuch offence to the emperor, that he fuflfered his fubjcfts in Flanders to cruife in the Englifh feas, which afforded the French a pretence for a£ling in the fame manner j but, upon complaint that the navigation of the narrow feas was exc^sed- certain rcftriAtons, and to import velvet, doth of gold, wine and oil ; paying only the fame duties as the merchants of England. See likewife Rymer's foe* dcra, tome xv. p. 117, 218. d Hayward's life of Edward VI. in Kennet, vo!. ii. p. 310, 31I. Bilhop Durnet's hiftory of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. 131, 139, 140. Strype's me- fnoriali, vol. ii. b. i. chap, xxiii. Of EDWARD VI. 303 ingly dlfturbed» the king ordered Lord Henry Dudley, with I four men of war and two light ihips» to put to Tea, in order to protect our merchants ( which, however, be performed but in- differently'. On the twenty-feccmd of May, in the preceding year, the Lord Marquis of Northampton, accompanied by the earls of Rutland, Worcefter, and Ormond ; the Lords Lifle» Fitzwater, Bray, Abergavenny, and many gentlemen of rank ; carrying with him the collar, and other habiliments of the moft noble order of the garter ; with which he afterwards inveftcd Henry IL went over to France as the king's ambaflador, and there concluded a treaty for the marriage of his mafter to the princefs Elizabeth, daughter of that monarch ; who, in the month of July following, difpatched Monfieur le Marefchal de St. Andre with a very great retinue into England, to prefent the enfigns of the order of St. Michael to the kingv as alfo toi treat of various affairs : though it is highly probable the French were not very fincere in thefe negociations. Some time after they began to raife jealoufies in England^ (^ the emperoi^s proceedings, becaufe he had fitted out a great fleet, without afiigning any particular caufe for it'; but the next year things took a new turn : for the French continuing their piratical pra£lices, under one pretence or other, feized many Englifli fhips } fo that loud complaints were made to the king : and upon examination it appeared, that the merchants had fufiered by their depredations, in the fpace of twenty months, to the full amount of fifty thoufiand pounds. Upon thiK, his miniflers at the court of France had orders to make very iharp reprefentations, which they did, but with little cf" teQ.^', fo that things remained pretty much in this fituation; that is, tending to a rupture, to the time of the king's deaths which happened on the fixth of July 1553; but whether * King Edward's diary, March i6, 1551. Hayward's life of that prince in Kennet. Strype's memouah, vol. ti. b. ii. chap. x. f King Edward's diary, p. x6, 27, 30. Hayward, p. 318. Strype's memorials, vol. ii. p. i(S*, atft. *&>, »!)0. Burnet, vol. ii. p. 177. Rymcr, tome xv. p. zoj. 8 The reader will find varioiu inftances iti the king's joiinul, p, 6i—C6. vol. ii. p. jji, H->yw^v-t], anil other wr;C£t 5. rirypr. hj 51 '(I ii 'I" I rr lI i\ ^\i 'i l^i n ] •'ti i 304 NAVAL HISTORY by polfon <>, as fome have pretended ; or by a cohfumi^tibn ^, Hi is generally thought, I pretend not to determine. He had theii reigned near fix years and a half, and was not quite fiitteen. He was certainly, for his years, a very accompliihed prince } of which he has left us manyi and thofe unqueftionabie pi oofs in his writings. This reign plainly (hews^ that the perfonal chara£ler of a prince, however amiablci as much governed by his minifters as his fubjedbs, is to them of no great importance. The forms of government were kept up, parliaments were called and fatj no* thing was heard but the higheft pretendons to purity in reli- ligion, and zeal for the public good ; while thofe who made them, fhewed very little regard to either, in what is the fureft tell of men's principles, their actions. Under colour of refor-^ niation, feveral ufeful charities were given to the crown, as if they had been fuperftitious foundations, that the crown mighl give them away again to fuch, as for that very purpofe, had branded them with fo ofienfive an appellation. Agaiufl; this archbiihop Cranmer ftruggled, but in vain; thofe who had their interefts in view prevailed ; the crown had the fcandal and they the benefit. All bifhops had not the fandlity, nor the Sincerity of Cranmer. There were amongfl them fome who accepted rich fees, in order to grant away their revenues. AH this time the Commons were grievoujfly taxed, the exchequer was like a fieve, which received all, and retained nothing* Errors in adminiflration at home produced misfortunes abroad | thefe created expences, and which is worfe, unavailing expen* ces ; fo that, by an authentic account prefervcd amongft the Cecil papers, it appeared, that from the thirtieth of the laft) to the clofe of this reign, which is not quite fifteen years, there had been fpent in foreign wars, and about foreign concerns, upwards of three niillions ilerling. Boulogne was the great prize we got i and this watching their opportunity, the true I* See an extraA of a journal kept by one in thofe times, in StrypCt Vol. ii. |1* 421. Hayward^ p. 310, ja?. Buinet, p. axt. Heylin'a hidory of tbeRefornta* tion, p. 138, 139. t Grafton, p. 13x4. Holingflled, Vol. ii. p. 1083. Godwin, p. 153. Cooper, fol. 3s8.tliougI) he fayS) and he lired in thofe ttmes^ that many were puni(hed for reporting this prince was J>oiA>ncd ; and that the rumour thereof was fprcad throughout the kingdom. chara£leriftic hfiimptlbn', ii He had thai >t quite fljttceii. iihcd prince j of »abie proofs in character of a his minifters as The forms of id and fatj no^ purity in rcli- >fe who made at is the fureft olour of refor- ! crown, as if crown might purpofc, had Agaiuft this ofe who had ^c fcandal and <^«y» nor the n» fomc who venu«s. All he exchequer ncd nothing. :unes abroad | "iJng expen* amongft the fthe laft, to i years, there jn concerns, as the great it7f the true YPet Vol li. p, >f theReforma. '»'• H. p. 1083. In thofe (imest ' I and that tht or EDWARD VI. 305 tharaftcrrftic of French policy, we were forced to rcftorc for ifour hundred thoufand crowns i and the poor young king, who was not fo much as indulged with the trifles necefTory for his childifli occafons, died in debt. The great power, and imnienfe fortunes which thcfe afpiring courtiers facrificcd the public welfare to fecure, were, as fuch jacquidtions commonly are, of fhort duration. The Seymours ideftroyed each other \ thofe who afTifted the prote^or to remove the admiral, took advantage of the weaknefs this occaHoned, to deprefs firft, and then utterly to ruin him, under the fpe- icious pretence of concern for the commonwealth, for which in truth they had far Icfs regard than he. The two great dukes of Sullblk and Northumberland, who rofeupon his fall, as they built upon the fame fandy foundation of mere human policy, had the fame unfortunate ends upoii a fcafFold ; and the prac- tices they entployed fbr aggrandizing, became the caufe of the overthrow of their refpeft've families, in their own times j and confequeiitly they had the unpleafant fpc£tacle of the fubverfion of their ambitions fchemes', to embitter their laft moments be> fore their own eyes. So dangerous and fo deftrudkive a thing it is for the grandees, in any nation, to abufe their elevated tank, and employ that power with which they are entrufted for the comrhon good, to ferve their private views, at the expence of a great people, who with fome juftice, though perhaps with too indecent a violence, teftify a pleafure in their misfortunes, ^nd behold with fatisfaftion the defolation of thofe houfes (how noble or ancient Ibever) that were cemented with blood, and ifounded on opprefHon. If thofe whom their own abilities, the ifavour of their prince, or the confidence of the people, lift into high places, would read the hiftory of their own countries, and irefleft ferioufly on the melancholy cataftrophes of fuch, who, by an abufe of their talents, prefumption on their power^ or abandoning their patriotifm when it had raifed them to pla< ces, have fallen headlong from the pinnacle of preferment, without fo much as pity attending their miferable dejections ; it would infallibly keep them in the fafe path, and exempt tbeni from (haring the like fate. But even in this reign, though they were but ftiort, there were however fome gleams of funflilne. In fuch jifFalrs as in- VoL- I. Qji terefted L m I 1' ) 'if fl n 4 11 ■ tl I < •I'il t ' 'I, ' '1 ,1 i>L / 3o6 NAVAL HIST^ORY f!" ■ : I" I tercfted no fa^Hon, and more efpeclally in fuch as came before the king in council, and were of a nature fit for him to exa- mine, or to be explained to him ; things took another^ and a better turn : it may be, thofe refined politicians who were about him, as towards the clofe of his reign he had fome who might have read lectures to Machiavel, there might have been fome- what of art in this. For if in things difcufied in his hearing, all is thoroughly canvafTed, and the right judgment given ; how fhould a very young king fufpedl, that in other cafes, even be* fore the fame men, different, and it may be oppofitc notions, were adopted ? The beft minds are eafieft deceived. But let us return to the hiftory, and clofe it with fome of thofe pleafing profpefts, which may relieve us after our late fad, but at the fame time ufeful and necefliary meditations* As to his care of trade, we have as many inftancet of it, in every kind, as can be defired. In 1548, he pafied an a£); for laying the Newfoundland trade entirely open, and for removing various obftacles by which it had been hitherto cramped ■*. The very fame year, the merchants at Antwerp complaining of cer- tain hardfliips under which they fuffered, the king's ambafili- dors interpofed \ and when the regency of that city fuggefted to them, that it was ftrange the king of England fliould more i*egard a company of merchants, than the fricndfhip of a great emperor, King Edward's agent, whofe name was Smith, an- fwered roundly, that his mafter would fupport the commerce of his fubje£ts, at the hazard of any monarch's Iriendfliip upon earth'* '■'■"■ ~--^g of cer- ambaila- fuggefted 'uld more >f a great nith, an- ommerce flip upon e advan* e of the £lion, as and di- etary of iry, and . p. ic8, vlleces « privileges the town of Antwerp confirmed the fixth of Au- «« guft in the fame ye^r ; giving to them befides a large houfe, *f which is now called the Old Burfe ; and afterwards, by ex- <* change, another more goodly, fpacious and fumptuous houfe, " called the Court of Lier, which the company enjoyed till « the faid town was yielded up to the duke of Farma) in the »« year 1585. ff At the abovefaid firft concordate and conclufion of privi- *< leges with the town of Antwerp, or not long before, there *« were not, in all the town, above four merchants, and thofe « alfo no adventurers to the fea : the reft of the inhabitants or ** townfmen were but mean people; and neither able nor Ikil- M ful to ufe the feat or trade of merchandize ; but did let out «* the beft of their houfes to EngUflimen and ether ftrangers, <* for chambers and pack-houfes ; contenting themfelves with « fome corner for their profits fake ; but withip thefe late years, *< the concourfe and refort of foreign merf:h»nts to that town ** was fo great, that houfe-room wa^^ed fcant, rents were << raifed, tolls, excifes, and all other duties to thie prince and «* town wonderfully increafcd j and the Antwerp men theni- f* felves, who a few years before were but mean artificers, or f* lived by hufbandry and keeping of cattle, whereof one gate " of that city to th;s day beareth the name, and had but fix, «« (hips belonging to their town, and thofe for the river only^ *« that never went to fea, began to grow exceeding rich } fo ** that fome fell to the trade of merch^pdi?:e, afld others em- f* ployed their fubftancc in building. .' ' • ■• ,. «* Then their old rotten houfes covered with thatch wcr<^ '» pulled down i their wafte ground, whereof there was ftorc ^« within the town, was turned into goodly buddings, and fair f* ftreets j apd their (hipping iqcreafed accordingly. Thusi «* profpered not only thofe at Antwerp, but all other towns <* and places thereabouts ; fo that in our memory thqt «ow live, ♦* the faid town was grown to fuch wealth, ftreng^h ?\ntl beauty, «* as never was known the like in fo fliort a time j and no mar- «* vel : for, within the compafs of fifty years, an houfe that wai *« worth but forty dollars a-year, grew to be worth three « hundred dollars a-year j and an houfe that was let out foip ** fixty dollars, came afterwards to be let for four hundred Q^o 2 dollars ; m m m ■II 11 ..*■ it '.■a1 k :i|, III hi! i: / 3o8f NAVAL HISTORY «« dollars } yea, fome houfes in Antwerp were let for fix hun- «< dred, fome for eight hundred dollai-s a-year rent, befidcs ** their havens for fliips to come and lade and difcharge within f* the town. Their public ftately buildings and edifices, erefted f< partly for ornament, and partly for the eafe and accommo- <» dating of the merchant, were fo coftly and fumptuous, as he *' that hath not feen and marked them well would not believe." This fliews abundantly how great a right King Edward had ta infift upon all his fubjefts privileges in that city, where their refideiice Was a thing of fuch prodigious confequence. We muft not imagine, however, that fo wife a prince as the Emperor Charles V. was not very well acquainted with this, of whicl^ we have an inftance, within the compafs of King Ed\yard*s reign, anno dotn. 1550. For when, after all the fupplications of the citizens of Antwerp, and the interceflion of fevera^ great princes oh their behalf, he remained fixed in his purpofe 6i introducing the inquifitiori into that city ; yet, upon the bare inention that this would infallibly drive the Englifh not only dut of Antwerp, but out of the Low Countries, he very pru- dently defifted "J w^ ;f . ,iv.,, -/.^ ' • With like care the king profecuted the wrongs done to his trading fubjefts by the French, and very gracipufly received z, mcmoHal, wherein certain methods were laid dpwn for encou- raging and incresling the number of feamen in his dominions, and for preventing the carrying on a trade here in foreign bottoms ". Some notice there are of other projefts, of a like nature, in his own diary, which fhew, that if he had lived to have had a fuiRcient experience, he would have been extremely careful of maritime affairs, and very ready to have contributed to the eafe and advantage of his fubje* Eden't hidory of travel, p. z%^. i Orafcon, p. 1313. fayi, he wu born at Brldol, and that he wai the Ton of a Genoefe. Strype's mrmorials, v-l. xi. p. 4o». t Remarks on Hakluyt, MS. u In the life of John Cabor, p. 337. I nnd ot SEBASTIAN CABOf. iii i find fuch incongruous relations of this voyage in different authors ^. For inftance, the celebrated Peter Martyr, who was intimately acquainted with Sebailian, and wrote in a manner from his own mouth, fays, that the voyage wherein he made his great dilcovery towards the north, was performed in twof fhips fitted out at his own expence ^ } which by no means agrees with his father's expedition, wherein were employed one ftout ihip of the king's, and four belonging to the merchants of Briflol ^. Beiides this, a very intelligent Spanifh writer, who is very cxtlO: in-hls chronology, tells us, that when Cabot failed! at the expencc of King Henry Vll. in order to make difcoveries towards the north, he pafTed beyond Cape Labrador, fomewhat more than fifty-eight degrees north latitude, then, turning to- wards the weft, he failed along the coaft to thirty-eight dep^iees j which agrees very well with our accounts of John Cabot's voy- age ' : but Ramufio, the Italian coUeOor, who had the letter of Sebaftian Cabot before him when he wrote, fpeaks of a voy- age wherein he failed north dnd by weft to fixty-feven degrees and an half, and would have proceeded farther, if he had not been hindered by a mutiny among his failors ^. The writers in thofe days had no pre^ifioti ; they fet down fa£ls very Confufedly, without much attending to circumftances, and were ftill lefs folicitous about dates, which gives thofe who come after them much trouble, and yet feldom attaining any certainty j which, I muft acknowledge, is the cafe here. It is, however, probable, that Sebaftian made more than one, perhaps more than two voyages into thefe parts, by virtue of King Henry VII.'s commifRon ; and if fo, he well dcferved the cha- racter Sir William Monfon has given of him'', and of his im- portant difcoveries, which the reader will be pleafed to fee ia his own words, the authority of the writer, from his perfeft knowledge of the fubje^, being of as much weight as the faCb he mentions. v ■I ^-m Mi ^ As appears, by comparing the accounts In Hakliiyt with thofe in Purrhis, and in the hiftoty of travel, by Eden. * Decad. iii. cap. 6. >' Fabian'* MS. chronicle, A. D. 1497. * LopeJi, de Gomara hift. des Ind. Occident, lib. ii. cap. iv, '^ In his preface ts the third voiumr of his excellent cellcAion. b In the larpe coUcflion culled Churthil'.'* voyages, vjl, iii. p. 396. and his charaflfr, p. 4'^i. • .;,,- .,','. ,^''' "' '« To HISTORICAL MEMOIRS ■\l M€\ 4" , . . . ,• ** To come to the particulars, (fays he), of augmentation of «» our trade, of our plantations, and bUr diJTcoveries, becaufe •* every man fhall have his due therein, I will begin with New* ** foiindland, lying upon the main continent of America^ which •* the king of Spain challenges as firfl: difcoverer ; but as wc <* acknowledge the king of Spain the firft light of the weft and •* fouth-weft parts oJF America, fo we, and all the world muft ** confefsj that we were the firft who took pbfleflion, for the *« crown of Enigland, of the north part thereof, and not above «* two years difference betwixt the one and the other. And as ** the Spaniards have^ from that day and year, held their pof^ ** feffion in the weft, fo have we done the like in the north t •* and though there is no refpcft, in comparifon bf the wealth ** betwixt the countries, yet England may boaft, that the dif- *• covery, from the year aforefaid to this very day, hath afford- ** cd the fubjeft annually, one hundred and twenty thoufand ** pounds, and increafed the number of many a good fliip, ami ** maririersj as our wcftern pairts can witnefs, by their fiihin^ «* in Newfoundland. Neither can Spain challenge a more na- ** tural right than We lb its difcbvery; for in that cafe wc are « both 2like; " If we denl truly with others, iatid not deprive them of their *< right, it k Italy that muft afTume the difcovcry to itfelf as well ** in the one part of America as in the othei*. Genoa, and *' Chrirtophcr Columbus by namcj. muft carry away the piraife «* of it from Spain; for Spain had not that Voyage In agitation i " or thought of itj till Columbus not only piropofedibufaccom- <« plilhed it. The like may be faid bf Sebaftian Cabot <= a Ve- «* netian, who by his earneft interceffion to Henry VII. dretv «< him to the difcovery of Newfoundland, and called it by the <* name of BacallaOf an Indian name for fifli, from the abun- •* dance bf filh he found upon that cbaft." Ihh ftiews plainly the great fagacity and uhbiafted inipanlallt^ of this ingenious author, who points very juftly tb thofeadvan^ tages[and thefe not inconllderablej whiich had, even itihis time^ e This afr»rd$ a faMhier and more dirfft proof of my conjeflute, that Sebaftun Cabot made more than one voyage in the fetvice of Henry Vlt. flnce, from what oUr author fays, it looks as if he h«d not only found the counuy, bat eAabliflicd the filhery of Newfoundland. accrued :U, ot SEBASTIAN CABOT. Vi accrued to this nation from thefe difcorcrics, and fairly afcribc* lo Italy the honour of producing thofc incomparable perfons by whom they were made : for, though he is a little miftaken in the name^ afcribing to Sebaflian >^hat was due to Sir John Ca- ' hot, yet hie is right as to the £z6k j for Sir John was a citizen ^nd native of Venice ; which fully juftifies his compliment to ItALY, the Mother of SfctENCE, and the Nurse of the Fine AAts. ^■'^■<:':^— ^ ■'"-'■'<*'"'**.v'" '■ ' " if this trorthy man Kid performed hothing tnore^ his name Ought furcly to have been tranfmitted to future times with ho- inour, Hnce it clearly appears^ that Newfoundland hath been a fource of riches and naval power to this nation, from the time it was difcdvered, as well as the firftof bur plantations } fo that, with ilrifl jui(lice^ it may be faid of SebaHiian Cabot, that he was 'the author of our maritime iflrength, and opened the way to thofe improvements Which have rendered us fo great, fo eminent, fo flouriftiirig a people. Yet have we no diftinft accounts of what he advifed, or What he perforttied for upwards of twenty years together^ wheteih certainly fo able a man could never have been idle. The next news we hear of him is in the eighth of King Henry VIII. and our accounts then are none of the cleareft''. It feems' that Cabot had entered into a fl:ri£l correfpondence with Sir Thomas Pert, at this time vice>admiral of England, who had a houfe at Poplar^ and procured him a good fliip of the king's, in order tb mafcc difcoveries * : but it looks as if he had now changed his route, and intended to have pafled by the fouth to the Eaft Indies : for he failed firft to Brafil, and, m'lC- fing there of hfs purpofe, Ihaped his courfe for the iflands of Hifpaniola and Porto-Rico, where he carried on fome traffic, and then returned, faiUng abfblutely in the defign upon which he wenr, not through any want either of courage or conduct in himfdf, but from the fear and faint-heartednefs of Sir Tho- mas Pert his coadjutor, of which we have abundant tcftimony from the wrhings of a perfon who lived in thofe times f, d See Wheeler's ^ifcourfe of trade, and Ciiptain Luke Fox'l account of the north'.weft pafTagr. • Hakluyt't voyagei, p. iii. p. 498. f See the dedication of a piece, cilled, A tteatife of New India, publithed in 15$$ by Mr. Richard Edon, and addre'Ied to the grrac duke of Nottbumberlasd. Oonfitlvo de Ov edo hift. Ini. Occid. Kb xix. cap. 13. Vol. I. R r " This '■*n ■m i:' iM n M m %lf :1 m Am mi m\ m .'M8 1 H •-■f I ! ' ti I; il', 314 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS This difappointment, in all probability, might difpofe Sebaf' tian Cabot to leave England, and to go over to Spain, where lie was treated with very great refpef^, and raifed as high as his profeflion would admit, being declared pilot major or chief pilot of Spain, and by his oiSce intruded with the reviewing all pro^ je£ts for difcovery, which in thofe days were many and impor- tant. His great capacity and improved integrity induced many rich merchants to treat with him, in the year 1524, in relation to a voyage to be undertaken at their expence, by the new-found pafl*age of Magellan, to the Moluccos ; which at length he ac* cepted, ar...< of which we have a clear account in the writings of the Spaniih hiftorian Herrera '. tie failed, fays he, about the beginning of April 1525 firft to the Canaries, then to the illands of cape Verde, thence to cape St. Augufline, and the iiland of Patos or Geefe } and n«ar bahia de Todos los Santosy or the bay of All Saints, he met a French fiiip. He was faid to have managed but indifcreetly, as wanting providons when he came to the faid ifland } but there the Indians were very kind, and fupplied him with proviiions for all his fliips : but he requited them very indifferently, carrying away -with him by force four fons of the principal men. Thence he proceeded to the river of Plate, having left afliore on a defart ifland Martin Mendez, his vice-admiral. Captain Francis de Ro- jas, and Michael de Rodas, becaufe they cenfured his manage- ment \ and, in concluGon, he went not to the Spice Iflands, as well becaufe he had not provifions, as by reafon the men would not fail under him, fearing his conduct of the veflel .in the Straits. He failed up the river of Plate, and, about thirty leagues above the mouth, found an ifland, which he called St* Gabriel, about a league in^ompafs, and half a league from the continent towards Braiil. There hq anchored, and, rowing with the boats three leagues higher, difcovered a river he called San Salvador ^ •or St. Saviour, very deep, and a fafe harbour for the fliips on the fame fide, whither he brought up his veiTels, and unloaded them, becaufe at the mouth of the river there was not much water. Having built a fort, and left fome nien in it, he refblved to proceed up that river with boats and a flat-bottom caravel;, in s Decad. iii. lib. iii. C3p. %, i-.fi i I i- i order OF SEBASTIAN CABOT. 3»5 25 firfl to cc to cape a Frwch s wanting le Indians >r all his ing away "hence he a deiait is de Ro- manage* lands, as Jn would i in the r leagues Gabriel, >ntinent he boats hips on iloaded t much efblved ivel, in order to make difcoveries, thinking that, although he did not pa{s through the Straits to the Spice iflands, his voyage would not be altogether fruitlefs. Having advanced thirty leagues, he came to a river called Zarcarana ; and, finding the natives there- abouts a good-natured rational people, he ere£led another fort, calling it Satttl Spiritus, u e. of the Holy Ghofl, ' ..^ ;iis follow- ers by another name, v«. Cabot's Fort, '"* He thence difcovered the (hores of the river Parana, which is that of Plate, where he found many iilands and rivers, and, keeping along the greateft ftream, at the end of two hundred leagues came to another river, to which the Indians gave the name of Paraguay, and left the great river on the right, thinking it bent towards the coaft of Braill, and, running up thirty-four leagues, found people tilling the ground ; a thing which, in thofe parts, he had not feen before. There he met with fo much oppofition, that he advanced no farther, but killed many Indians, and they flew twenty-five of his Spaniards, and took three that were gone out to gather palmctos to eat. At the fame time Ca- bot was thus employed, James Garcia, with the fame view of making difcoveries, had entered the river of Plate, without knowing that the other was there before him. He entered the faid river about the beginning of the year 1527, having fent away his own which was a large fhip, alledging, that it was of much too great burden for that difcovery, and with the reft came to an anchor in the fame place where Cabot's fhip lay, directing his courfe, with two brigantines and iixty men, to- wards the river Parana which lies north and north-weft, arri- ved at the fort built by Cabot, About one hundred and ten leagues above this fort, he found Sebaftian Cabot himfelf in the port of St. Anne, fb named by the. latter \ and, after a fhort ihiy there, they returned together to. the fort of the Holy Ghoft, and thence fent meflengers into Spain. Thofe who were difpatch'^d by Sebaftian Cabot were Francis Calderon and George Barlow, who gave a very fair account of the fine countries bordering on the river La Plata, fhewing how large a tra£t of land he had not only difcovered, hut fubdued, and producing gold, filver, and other rich com- modities, as evidences in favour of their general's condu£b. The demands they made were, that a fupply fhould bi fent of provi- H r 2 iion,^ .:!I1 ' J?, I ■ ' ' '-I i! '|hJ t'v!;l iV: 4 m 3»<^ HISTORICAL MEMOIRS iion, ^ipmunition, goods proper to carry on a trade, an4 a cpn)* petent recruit of feanaen and foldiers : to thi^ th^ n^erchants, b^^ Whom Cabot's fquadron was Htted out, would not agree, but chofc to let their rights efcheat to ihe crown of Caftile : the king then took the whole upon himfelf, but was fo dilatory in his pre- paratiqns, that Sebafliaii Cabot, quite tired put, as having beei^ £ve years in America, refplved to return home } which he did, embarking the remainder of his men, and all his effects, on ))oard the bigge(l of his (hips, and leaving the refl behind him i>. It was the fpring of the year 1 5 3 1 when Cabot arrived at the Spanifh court, and gave an account of his expedition. It is evi-^ :a Voyages, d. iii. p. 7*6. 1 Seep 355. ' . . 9^ 8 E B A S T I A N C A B OT. 31? In the very beginning of King Edward's reign, this eminent feaman was introduced to the duke of Somerfet, then lord-pro- tcftor, with whom he was in great favour, and by whom he was made known to the king, who took a great deal of pleafurc in his cOnvcrfatiop, being much better verfed in the ftudies to \)>hich Cabot had applied himfelf than, his tender years confider- cd, coiild have been expelled j for he knew not only all the ports and havens in this ifland and in Ireland, but alfo thole ia France, their (hape, method of entering, commodities and in- pommoditics, and in (hort could anfwer almpft any queftion ^bout them that a failor could afk^. We need not wonder, ^hereFore, that with fuc^i a prince Cabot yras in high efteem, or (hat in his favour a new office fliould be erected, equivalent to that whi<;h he had enjoyed in Spain, together with a penfioh of pne hundred fixty-fix poinds, thirteen ^hillings, and fourpence, y^hich we find granted to him by Ietters«patent, dated January 6, 1549, in the fecond year of that king's reign, by a fpecial claufe in which patent this annpity is made to cpmniencc from the Mi- chaelmas preceding". It was in this year th«\t ^he emperor's minifter d' Arras, in the name of his mafter, fignified to Sit Thomas Cheyne and Sir Phirip Hoby, the lilnglifli a(nbaflador$ (hen at the court of Bruflels, his Imperial Majefty's rcqueft, that the king would fend over thither our famous feaman, as he could be of no great fervice to the Engliih nation, who had little to do with the Indian feas, and more, efpecially as he was a very ne- Ceflary perfon to the emperor, wa? his fervant in the capacity of grand pilot of the Indies, and to whom he had granted a pen- sion, and that in fuch a way as the emperor (hould at fome con* venient opportunity declare unto the king's council. But we have no accounts that this application was in any {liape complied Vith». He continued thenceforward highly in the king's favour, and was confulted upon aH matters relating to trade, paiticularly in the great cafe of the merchants of the Steel-yard in 1551 5 of which it will be fit to infert a Ihort fuccinfl account here, fince it has efcaped the notice of moft of our hiftorians, though it gavel in fome meafure a new turn to the whole ftate of our commerce. "> Burnet hid. of the Reformation, vul. ii. p. tt^, ■> Hakluyt'i voyagef^ p. iii. p. 10. ^ymcr^t federa, ioa>> xr. p, i8i, * Sfypc'i memorials, vol. U. B. too. ■ ' Thcfe h\ Iii '!i' II! m M iiii^ 3i« HISTORICAL MEMOIRS ft* J h: f ^iMi i'il'r Thefc merchants are fometimes called of the Hanfe, beeaufe they came from the Hanfe-towns, or free cjties in Germany i fometimes Almains, from their country : they fettled here in or before the reign of Henry III. and imported grain, cordagCi flax, hemp, linen cloth, wax, and fteel, whence the place in Dowgate-ward, where they dwelt, was called the Steel-yard ; which name it ftiU retains. The kings of England encouraged them at firft, and granted them large piivileges } amongft others, that of exporting our woollen cloths : they had likewife an al- derman, who was their chief magiftrate; and in confideration of various grants from the city, they ftood bound to repair BiHiopfgate, and were likewife under other obligations. By degrees, however, the Engliih coming to trade themfelves, and importing many of the commodities in which thefe Ger* mans dealt, great controverfies grew between them ; the fo- reigners, on all occaiions, pleading their charter, which the Engliih merchants treated as a monopoly not well warranted by law. At laft the company of merchant-adventurers, at the head <^ which was our Sebaftian Cabot, on the twenty-ninth of De«- cember 155 1> exhibited to the council an information againft thefe me|r<:hants of the Steel-yard, to which they were directed to put in their anfwer. They did fo ; and after feveral hear^ ings, and a reference to the king's folicitor-general, his counfel learned in the law, and the recorder of London ; a decree paf- fed on the twenty-fourth of February, whereby thefe mer« chants of the Steel-yard were declared to be no legal corpora^ tion ) yet licences were afterwards granted them, from time to time, for ti^e exportation and importation of goods, notwith- fianding this dpcre^, whi(:h remained ilill in full force and vir- tue p. The great o^ence objected to them was, that whereas, by their charter, they wepe allowed to export goods at one and a quarter per cent, cuftom, which gave them a great advan- tage, they, not content with this, in direA violation of that charter, covered other foreign merchants fo, that in one year they exported forty- four thoufand cloths, and all other ftrahgers r> M!nu'«s of thefe proceedings are to be found in King Edward's diarj ; and •i.f dcc7?; y. )i'gt in Mr. Wbechr's treatife of coffimcne, p. 94, buli ■■■' •"»■' ■;■ OF SEBASTIAN CABOt. 319 but one thoufand one hundred. Thefe merchants of the Steel- yard being immenfely rich, ventured now and then upon fuch tricks as thefe } and then by paying a round fum, procured a renewal of their charter. In the month of May 1552, the king granted a licence, to- gether with letters of fafe condu£l, to fuch perfons as (houli embark on board three (hips, to be employed for the difcovery of a paiTage, by the north, to the Eaft Indies. Sebaftian Cabot was at that time governor of the company of merchant-adven- turers, on whofc advice this enterprize was undertaken, and by whofe intereft this countenance from the court was procu- red ^. The accounts we have of this matter differ widely $ bat as I obferve there is a variation in the dates of a whole year} fo I am apt to believe, that there muft have been two diftinA undertakings ; one under the immediate protection of the court* which did not take effeik ; and the other by a joint (lock of the merchants, which did. Of the firft, becaufe it is little taken notice of, I will fpeak particularly here} for the other will come in properly in my account of Sir Hugh Willoughl^. When, therefore, this matter was firft propofed, the king lent two fhips, the Primrofe and the Moon, to Barnes, Lord-mayor of London } Mr. Garret, one of the (heriffs, and Mr. York and Mr. Wyndham, two of the adventurers, giving bond to the king to deliver two fhips of like burden, and in as good condition, at Midfummer 1554* In confideration alfo of the expence and trouble of Sebaftian Cabot, his Majefly made him a prefent of two hundred pounds '. A year afterwards, this grand undertaking was brought to bear ; and^ thereupon Sebaftian Cabot delivered to the com^ mander in chief thofe diredtions, by which he was to regulate his condu^ ; the title of which ran thus : ** Ordinances, in- " (lru£lions, and advertifements, of and for the direction of « the intended voyage for Cathay; compiled, made, and deli- «« vered by the right worfhipful Sebaftian Cabot, Efq; gover- « nor of the myftery and company of the merchant-adventurers •* Strype'« memorfals, vo!. ii. p. 504. but Mr. Strype's rematk, that thefe were the (hips which weat with Sir Hu^h Willou^bbjr, it wrong. ' Stripe's tne* fAurial'i vol. ii« p. 401. .;•■!* .'jf .>? .vjt jr.':; ,--l.' /■.. " for M ■■J.i Ml it ' :! I '(uk\ ■ iH ' 5a4 HISTORICAL MEMOIRS I' ji «» for the difcovcry of regions, dominions; iflands, and places " unknown ; the ninth of May; in the year of our Lord God *« 1^53 ».** This fliews how great a tt-iift was i-cpofed in this gentleman by the government, and by the merchants of Eng- land : and the in{lru£lions themfelves, which we flill have en- tire*, are the cleared proofs of his fagacity and pehetration* and the fiilleft jui):ification of fuch as did repofe their trUfl iii him. Many have furmifed, that he Was a knight ; whence iirie oi^ ten find him ftyled Sir Sebaftian j bbt the very title of thofe in. ilruftions I hiave cited, provies the contrary ; as alfo the charter granted by King Philip and Queen Mary, in the firrt: yeir of their reign, to the merchants of Ruflia, fihce (lyled the RulTld company ; whereby Sebadian Cabotii ii made governor for life; on account of his being principally cbhceriied in fitting out the firft fhips employed in that trade** ; but fo far from being ftyled knight, that he is called only, one Sebaftian Gabot^, withoiil any diftindtion at ill "*. Indeed he i^ ftyled Sebaftian Cabot; Efqj in the letters patent bearing date at St. James's, Novembeir 27, 1555* in the fecond and third years of Philip and Mary j trherein their Majefties aire pleafed to grant hiixi an annuity of one hundred fixty-fix pounds, thirteen (hiUing^j and fourpente; durihg his natural life } as he alfo Is in the letters patent dzted at Weftminfter, May 29, 1557) the third and fourth of the fame reign ; tre' yet io the bands of tbe Ruflta company. I In Hal;' luyt's voyage*, vol. i. p. a»6. u Ibid. p. iSj. where thie. charter is it large. ^ Tbe wordi in the charter are, ** And in conflderaifon that one Sebaftian *• Cabota haih been the Ichief fetter*ror^h of this voyAge, therefore," &c. which authentic declar&tioA of his merit; does him more honour than any titles could have dore. * « Rjmcr's foedera, tome xr. p. 4*7, 465, ■ : - . April, 111 07 SEBASTIAN CABOTii 321 I 'li April, that year, he went down to Gravefend, and there went oa isoard the Serch-thrift, a fmall vefTel fitted out under the command of the faid Burroughs for Ruflla, where he gave ge- neroufly to the failors: and, on his return to Gravefend, he extended his alms very liberally to the poor ; deflring them to pray for the fuccefs of this voyage. We find it alfo remarked, (which fliews the chearful temper of the man), that, upon his coming back to Gravefend, he caufed a grand entertainment to be made at the fign of the Chriftopherj where, fays Mr. Bur- roughs, for the very joy he had to fee the towardnels of our intended difcovery, he entered into the dance himfclf i^. This, except the renewing his patent, is the laft circumilance relating to Cabot that I can meet with any where : and as it is certain, that a pcrfon of his temper could not have been idle, or his actions remain in obfcurity ; fo I look upon it as certain, that he died fome time in the next year ; when, if not fourfcore, he was at leaft much upwards of feventy. He was unqueftionably one of the moil extraordinary men of the age in which he lived ; and who, by his capacity and in- duflry, contributed not a little to the fervice of mankind ip ge« neral, as well as of this kingdom : for he it was who firil took notice of the variation of the compafs, which is of fuch mighty confequence in navigation, and concerning which the learned have bufied themfelves in their inquiries ever fince ^. An Ita-* lian writer, famous for making the moft judicious collection of voyages which has hitherto appeared, celebrates Sebaflian Cabot- as his countryman * ; yet as he was, if we believe himfelf, ours both by nature and afie^ion >>, and as we owe fo much to his ikill and labours, I thought it but juft to give his memoirs a place here, amongfl: thofe of the moft eminent Britifh fea- men ; the rather becaufe he has been hitherto iVrangely ne« gle£ted by our biographers, as well as by our general hifio- riansS y Hak!«yfs voyages, vol. J. p. ^J^, 17$. « Stowe** ann«1t, p. Sij. • Varenius's geography, p. 837. * Gio. B'ttifta Ramufio, in the preface to hit third volume. b Strype's memorials, voK iii. p. 319. c One might have wondered at his being omitted in the general diAiunary, if there had been an article of Drake. Vol. I. Sf It . « 3« HISTOItlCAL MEMOIRS U It islikewifefittofay fomewhatof Sir Hugh WiLtQy Git* 9T, admiral of that expedition into the northern ftas, vhioh Reduced the important difcovery of the trade to Archangel, I have before obferved, that the original of this undertaking fprung from Sebaftian Cabot, ^hofe fettled opinion H had al« ways been, that there were ftreights near the north pole, an* ^er^ble to thofe of Magellan, It was by him propofed to King Edward VI. fo early as the year 155 1 ; in the month of February the ne^t year, h? obtained two fhips from the king, the Primrofe and the Moon i and the terms on which, he was to hare theib, leading him to confer with fome principal meivi <^ants, the refult of their conferences was, the changing^hls ieheme \ in(bmuch, that it was agreed to build three new fhips^ ^nd tqi fit thefe out by a joint ft6ck } to which, fuch as had a"^ good opinion of the voyage might contribute, at twenty-five pounds a (hare, This once fettled, the (hips were built with wonderful celerity; and that which was called the Admiral, was fhcathed with lead, to preserve her from the worms. The whole of this joint ftock amounted but to fix thoufiind pounds \ ?nd yet this n^oney was (b well employed, tk^t, by th^ beginning 0f May 1553, they were ready to fail «•. Thp A^n^iral ^^^^ called the Bona Ei^rana^a, of the burden ef one hundred and twenty tons, ^onjmanded by Sir Hugh Willoughby, knight ; the Edward Qonaventure, of one bun* dred and Hxty tons, commanded by Captain Bichard Ckan« cellor ) the third, the Bona Confidentia, of ninety tons, Cort iselius Durfurth mafter. May 10, 1553* they failed from iRatcliff*; and, on the eighteenth of the fame month, cleare4 from Gravefend, The admiral, Sir Hugh Willoughby, had all the qualities that could be deHred in a commander i he was de<« fcended of an honourable family, was a man of great partS| much experience, and unconquerable courage ; yet unCortunatc in this undertaking. In the beginning of the month of Auguf^ he loA the company of Captain Chancellor s and about the fame time firft dlfcovered Greenland, though the Dutch endeavour to deprive us of that honour. His utmoft progrefs was to fe- 4 See the accouot of this voyage in Latiii, by Clement Adami. Hakluyt, ; v^Bty^ met* t>» Stu «. WltLOUGttBt. m vehty-two degrees of north latitude ; and then finding the weti- ther intolerably cold} the year far fpent, and his (hips unable to bear the fea, he put into the haven of Arsina, in Lapland, oa the eighteenth of September, and there provided the beft he could to have pafied the winter. It appears by a Will, which was found in his (hip, that Sir Hugh and mod of his company were alive in January 1554* but foon after they were all frozen to death; their bodies being found the next fummer by Ruffian fi(hermen, who repaired to that coaft; as alfo the original journal of Sir Hugh, from whence thefe particulars are taken <^. As for Captain Chancellor, he was fo fortunate as to enter the river of St. Nicholas, where he was well received, and had, foon after, accefs to John Bafilowitz, then great duke of Mufcovy, whidt gave us an entrance into that country* MVM ;!. rf;rfi Wh f- .*iW''«o- Sfa htyta ll C 324 1 1 1 •!: n -i II L V E O F TH E DMIRALS: INCLUDING A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. CHAP. XI. 15 -i^' \}\ ^[ The Naval Hiftory of England, daring the reign of Queen Mary ; together with fuch tranfaflions as re- late to foreign commerce, or remarkable difcoveries. T >HOSE who were about, and in the confidence of King Edward at th« time of his deceafe, prevailed upon, him to fet afide his fifters, Mary and Elizabeth ; and to call to the poffefRon of his throne hi» coudn, the Lady Jane Grey^ who was married a little before to the Lord Guilford Dudley, ion to the great duke of Northumberland : but notwithftand- ing the time they had during the Kings's iicknefs to concert their proje£l, and to provide for the fupport of their deHgns, they were io much at a lofs, that they did not immediately publifh bis death; but on the eighth of July 1553, they lent for the lord mayor of London, and directed him to bring with him ilx aldermen, fix merchants of the ftaple, and as many of the merchant-adventurers, whom they acquainted with the king's death, and the manner in which he had difpofed of the crown, requiring them to keep it fecret \ which they did for two days, and NAVAL HISTORY, (sV. 325 V',: and then proclaimed Lady Jane" queen of England, ^c. I mention this circumftance, to Ihew in what eftimation traders then were. Among the reft of the precautions taken by the duke of Northumberland and his party, one of the principal was, his fending a fquadron of fix fhips, with orders to ly before the port of Yarmouth, to prevent the Lady Mary, as he ftyled her, from making her efcape beyond the feas } which, however, proved the ruin of his defign ; for thefe fhips were no fooner feen before the town of Yarmouth, than Sir Harry Jemegan went off in an open boat, and exhorted the Teamen to declare themfelves for Queen Mary, which they immediately did. This^ with the lord warden of the cinque-ports proclaiming the queen in Kent, contributed chiefly to put an end to the ilruggle, fo that on the nineteenth (he was proclaimed at London, and the unfortunate lady Jane became a prifoher in the very fame place where, a little before, fhe had kept her court >>. In the beginning of her reign Queen Mary a£led with great temper and moderation, releafmg the duke of Norfolk, who had remained a prifoner all this time in the Tower, from his confinement, imprifoning indeed fuch as had taken arms againft her, but proceeding to no greater feverities till after Wyat's re- bellion, when falling into the hands of Hifpaniolized counfel- lors, ihe began to aft with that cruelty which is {o defcrvedly efteemed the blemifh of her reign., That flie was naturally a woman of better temper appears by remitting part of a tax granted to her brother King Edward, by his laft parliament ; and that (he had a juft refpefl: to the honour of the Englifli na- • Life of Queen Mary, written by George Ferrar«, Efq; in Grafton's chro* aidf, p. 1314, 13x5. Stowe, p. €09, 610, Speed, p itii, 815. See the pro* clitmation, as drawn by the airious pen of the learned Sir John Throckmorton, that fervice having been declined by Sir William Cwcil, afterwards the great lord treafurer Burleigh,- in the colleAion of records to Burnet's hiftory of the Reformation, vol. ii. p. Z39. b Stowe, p. tfit,«ii. Hulingflied, vol. ii. p. 1087. Speed, p. 817, Godwin, p. a68, Z7t. See alfo the journal of the privy council of this quecn't reign, ia Haynes's colleflion, p. ijff. in which, among oiher things, that princfft is faid to have publilhcd a proclamation of defiance againft the duke of Northumbcr< land, with the promife of a thoufand pounds a year iu land to any nobleman who (honid apprehend him, and lefl^r tewaids ia propyiiiuu to tije quality of thf perfbn who performed that fervice. tlon ,1 m f '« ^i HI' id if' M 4 ! 1 1 W^M , IH ■ (' i\ ''J i) i« 1 i / ;. ■ ' ii 1 i 1 II :ip{- y Hi I -IS iiii! I II Ii ill'" '■" jafi K AV AL HISTORY tion is clear, from the great palm (he took to re£ltfy all tht daforders which bad crept into the government during the duke of Northumberland's defpotic adminiftration '» But all her good qualities tvere blalted by her pcriifting obftinatcl j in her refolu* tion to marry Philip, prince of Spain, contrary to the general inclination of her people. In purfuance of this unhappy meafure, the coniequence alfd of her bigotry, Commodore Winter was fent with a ftrong fqnadron to fetch the ambaiTadors fent by Charles V. to conclude the match '^, On the arrival of Mr. Winter at Oftend, tho emperor fent nim a very fine gold chain, which, at his return to England, he (hewed to Sir Nicholas Throckmorton, who» after looking at it for Ibme time, faid, For this gold chain you have fold your country ; which exprefTion had like to have co(t them their lives <'. It was the coming of thefe ambaffadors which induced Sir Thomas Wyat to take up arms, and begin that rebellion which firft endangered the queen's fafety, and at lad brought him to the block f . Notwithftanding this, (he caufed a fleet of twenty-eight fail to be equipped, the command of which (he gave to the Lord William Howard, created baron ol Effingham, in the firft year of i\sf reign >, and lord high admi* ral, who was now, by fpecial commilfion \ conftituted lieute* xiant- general, and commander in chief of her royal army. He was fent to fea under pretence of guarding the coafi, but in reality his fquadron was defigned to efcort prince Philip, which was, however, a needlefs care, (ince his own fleet coufifted of a hundred and fixty fail } with this naval force he entered the narrow Teas, his admiral carrying the Spani(h flag in his main top, a thing which gave fuch oflence to the gallant admiral of England, that he faluted him with a (hot, and obliged him to take in his colours before he would make his compliments to the prince} a circumftance worthy of imniortal REMEMBRANCE) and one would think, too, of imitation!. c Strype*s memotiali, vol. iii. p. jt, it, 33. i Holingihed, vol« H. p. iiotf. Strypc*« memoriaU, vol. iii. p. 59. Burnet» vol. ii. « See his trial preferred in Holinglhed. f Itowe, Burnet, Strype. t Pat* i. M. p. 7' ^ Ryraer't fadera, tome xv. p. 38X. i Sir W. Moufott's naTal traAs, p. 243. Holingflied, vol. ii. p. 11 18. Speed, p. 124. The • F Qjj B B N MART. 327 The queen was at this time about thirty-eight years old, en« tirely at her owr difpofal'*, and if we may judge from her con* dvL&f fomewhat in a hurry for a hufband, which will appear the more excufable, if we confider that (he had been difap- pointed nine or ten times, if not more *. She feems, befides, to have had a natural inclination towards this marriage, as being herfelf a Spaniard by her mother's iide, and always remaricably afie^ed to that nation } and yet, by the care of her councilf very reafonable articles were drawn for preventing the evils ap» prehtoded there from this match". Prince Philip landed at Southampton the nineteenth of July, anH ffing on to Win* chefter, there cfpoufed the queen tht ^nty-fifth of thd (ame month, being the feaft of the SpaniOi patron St. James *• As the nation was difpleafed at the celebration of their nuptials^ fo their difcontents grew higher and higher, inibniuch that the queen never had a pleaiant hour, or her fubje^s a quiet minutCf from her wedding-day, though many proje^ were fet on foo( to pacify them. To this end the Spaniih artifans were forbid to Open Hiops here, fevere juftice was done on feveral, who, in re* fentment of infblts, had killed fome of the EngliHi, and a great many carts laden, as it was faid, with gold and illver, wero driven through the flreets to the Tower <', All thefe arts, however, could not diflipate the jealoufie9 which the Englifh had conceived, nor were they or their queen at all fatisHed when the Emperor Charles V. ' reiigned tho crown of Spain to King Philip, They eafily forefaw that this would occafion his remaining almoft conftantly abroad, which would be attended with the moil fatal confequences to their aflPairs, (ince, without communicating and receiving dire^ion from him, the council could, or at leafl would, do little or no« thing here at home 1, After the emperor's refignation, in hif k A. D. i$;4. I Strype's memoriali, vol. iii. p. 149. "> Thefe are bat imperfcAly publiftied in HoUngfhed } but the original was copied by a careful hand, and is ia the Cotton library, Julius, f. vi. and are iikewife pnb* lilhedio Rymer's fopdera, tomexv. p. 377. » Gr:(fbn, p. 1 3^3. Haling, vol. ii. p. 1 1 18. Cooper, fol. 36f. Ferreras, hift. de Efpana, p. 13. ^ itf, M. Turquet, liv. 1,6. p. 1340, 1341. ° Stowe's annals, p. 6xS' Burnet, vol. it. p. iS6, P A. D. tis6. 1 See this grievance ftrongly ftated in the minute of an order made by Queen Elizabeth in council, on her accelllon, in the (Uitry of Sir >V> Cecil (Lord Glurleigh) C^koq library, Titus, c. jo. palTa ge \] 'I II t '5* t « n 3 If J m 1 1 1 I > V k il, h' 1 328 NAVAL HISTORY I I V >i '*!. .V if i pafl*age from Flanders to Spain, he put into an Engliih port, where he was received with great refpeft by the lord high ad- miral, who could not, however, prevail upon him to vifit the queen his daughter i but, to excufe it, he wrote her a very long letter, perplexed and ambiguous, very evidently fpeaking that diforder of mind under which he laboured. This letter is dated the twentieth of September, 1556, and feems to have beea chiefly intended to palliate the abfcnc^ of his Ton '. About this time, the court had information of fome treache- rous defigns in refpeA to the queen's dominions in France. Thefe places were equally obje£ls of both nations attention. The government of Calais, and its dependencies, was the mod profitable employment the crown had to give. It was of great Utility as a ftaple to which foreign merchants reforted to pur- chafe Englifh commodities, which were there vended annually to a very large amount. It was held of ftill greater confequence as one of the keys of the channel, Pover being the other *. The French again confidered this fortrefs and the forts belong- ing to it as a bridle in their mouths, an inlet into their kingdom, by which the Englifh could enter their country at pleafure, and as a {landing monument of their being once maflers of the realm. On all thefe accounts they were, in peace as well as war, plotting [how Calais and its difl;ri£): might be recovered K For this reafon every overture on that fubje£t was well received, come from whom it would. The principal inflrument in this bufinefs, and who wrought for them mofl e&e£lually, has efcaped the notice of 2^11 our writers. His name was John de Fontenay, Sieur de Briteville, a gentleman of Normandy, who having in 1 545 murdered the king's advocate, took refuge in Calais ; this man, as a proper return for the protection fhewn to fucb a criminal, began ' Strype's memomis, vol, iiu p. 307. s Calais, whileiii our hands, was entirely inhabited by Englifh. Had a mayor and aldermjn, with other franchifes. A mayor of the (laple. Children born there were not reputed aliens. Its inhabitants grew fo rich as to excite envy at h'ome, though being Englifh, all the wealth they acquired there of courfe cen^ tered here. See Cotton's records, p, 140, 171, 309, <£fc. t I. da Tillet Chroniques abbregde des roys de France, p. iqtf, 107. A. du Chefne antiquitez du Villes de tout la France, p. a6t, Scipio du Pkix hifioire de France, tome tii« p. 577. quickly [liflj port, high ad- vifit the very long king that '' is dated lave beea treache- n France, ittention. the moft i of great i to pur- annually fequence other ». i belong- ingdom, ure, and 5 of the well as 3vered ^ eceived. b F QjJ E E N MARY. 329 a mayor ren born envy at rfe cen> a TilJce tiquitez ome iii. quickly to contrive a plan for furprifing the place. He commu- nicated this to, and recieived encouragement from Francis I. and upon his memoir, and the fubfequent information.; he gave, the French took their meafures till it fell into their hands } when tienry 11. rewarded this John de Fontenay with letters of abo* lition^ and gave hinl alfo three thoni^nd crowns, to pay the in- teret civil, which is in thie nature of our appeal, brought by the (Children of thb pet-fon whom he afTaifinated. The truth of this fai£l ftahds therefore upon indifputable teftimony ". But the court of France did not folely rely On himi they, on the contlrUry> liflened alfo, as has been before l-emarked, to the informations, and gladly received thie piropofitions of Englifh traitors, dnd ambngfl thefe to one for betraying this place. Ring Philip made this knotirn to his queen, and her miniflers, bfiet-ing at the fame time any aififtance that might be requifite for their defence^ it being too well known that the garrifons in Calais and the forts were but weak ^. The council a6led very tinluckily upon this tender point. They refufed the king's fuc- cburs from ah^apprehenfion they might feize thefe places for him) and confiderittg theffe treacherous negociations in a time of full peace, as fo injurious and fo infulting to the nation, that they advifed the queen to make war upon France. Accordingly an herald was fent to Henry^ as the cuftom was then, to defy him in the queen's namcj which was mod folemnly performed at Rheims. The reafons publicly aifigned for this, that it might appear entirely an Englilh quarrel, were thefe, that he had af« fifted the late duke of Northumberland and his adherents; that r dley and Aflubn^ traitors, had been by him received, and Were gratified with pendons} and that Stafford had been coun- tenanced by him in attacking the caftle of Scarborough ^. But notwithflianding all thefe points were notorioufly true, it was believed that the queen would not have declared war j but from the folicitations of her confort Philip, which made it exceeding- ly difagreeable to the common people, and the parliament dif- covered a backwardnefs in fupporting it. " Antiquitez de Cam. p. pj. The projcft of recovering this place was con- certed by the conHable Montmorency, but he being taken at the bat»h ct St. Quintin, it wasexecuttd (as will appear hereafter) by his rival thednke o» Guife. w Grafton'schronicle, p. 1351. x Godwin's annals, p. 316. Strypv's memorials, vol. iii. chnp. xliv. p. 358. Vol. I. T t It ' & Iv'H H n i •' :ri m If ' i- W 35« NAVAL HISTORY M : It was ftipulatcd hj the articles of marriage, that the quccn'^s dominions fhould not be engaged in any war, particularly with the crown of France, on account of any difputes that might arife between the French and King Philip •, and yet, when the Spaniards thought it adviieable to break with the French king» Henry II. the queen and her council were prevailed upon to forget that article, and the intercfts of England, and to enter Jnto a war both with Scotland and France. To bring this to pafs, King Philip himfelf came over, and remained the beft part of the fpring in England, where he concerted fuch mea- fures, us he thought would infallibly ruin the French. On his rtturn into Flanders, and drawing his forces to the frontiers, the carl of Pembroke pafled from hence with a gallant body of troops, condfting of between ten and eleven thoufand men» •and had the honour to contribute greatly to the total defeat of the French forces, before the tcwn of St. Quintin, in the fa- mous battle fought there on the feventh of July, 1557* and aiTiiled foon after in taking of the town by ftorm y. But while thefe brave men gained honour abroad, their coun- try fufFcred feverely at home j for the Scots not only haraiTed the borders, but alfo, by the advice and afliftance of tlw Firench,, fitted out abundance of privateers, which dlfturbed the com- merce, and partrcularly alarmed all fuch as were concerned in the Iceland trade, then of very great confequence. To quiet the apprehenfions of the merchants. Sir John Clere, vice-ad- miral of England, was fent with a fleet of twelve fail to annoy the Scots, and to preferve the Iceland fleet : with this view he made a d'efcent on the ifland of Pbmona, one of the Orkneys, on the fwelftll of Auguft, 1557 ; but the next day the Scots, to the number of three thouland men^ fell upon him, defeated the forces he had landed, killed three of his captains, took all his artillery, and to comptefe the misfortune, the boat in which he fled overfet, fo that himlelf, with feveral others, were drowned'. The reft of the fl'eet, difcouraged by this unlucky accident, abandoned their deiign, and returned home, which encouraged the Scots to raife a great army, and to threaten a y Grafton, p. ti$i, »3J3' HoIingHjed, vol. ii. p. 1134. Speed, p. 819^ 'I'hiian. hifl. lil>. I9. § 4. Mtzer.iy, tome iv. p. 705. P. DaivicI, tome vtii, ' dangerous. Of QjJ E E H MARY. 331 •langerous invafion ; but their own domeAic difrenHons, as was commonly the cafe with that people, rendered their projcdls abortive, and prefei ved the nation from receiving any further damage on chat fide'. The fucceeding winter proved fatal to the Englifli pofTeflions in France, thofe fmall remains of the great conquers which her Henrys and Edwards had made. The duke of Guife at this time governed all in France, who being well informed of the ilrange policy of the Englifh, trufting in the winter, tb* defence of Calais, rather to its lituation than to its garrifon, refolved to make ufe of that feafon to furprife it. The war with Spain gave a colour for his drawing together a great army on the frontiers, and under pretence of difturbing the Englifh navigation, he di- re£kd abundance of ihips to be fitted out from all the ports of France, with fecret diredlions to join before Calais in the begin- ning of the month of January. On the firll of that month he threw himfeJf« with a choice body of troops, before tlie place, or rather behind it, towards the fea, where attacking the forts of Nieulay, and the Ryfbank, he, after a vigorous defence, made himfelf mafter of them ; after which he aflaulted the town, and in a week's time forced it to capitulate ; the Lord Wentworth, who commanded therfin, having no Ilrong^r garv rifon than five hundred men^< Thus, in eight days, the Englifli loft a place which they had held two hundred and ten years, and which had coft Edward III. eleven months fiege before he became mafter of it. Some of our hiftorians, and eipecially the memoir- writers of thofe times, attribute this misfortune to treachery, and ftab feveral noble charafters with imputations of this fort, according as their prejudices led them ; but there does not appear the leaft ground for thefe reports, any more than for fuggefting that the Lord Gray, who was governor of the caftle of Guifnes, betrayed it^'j fince the French writers very candidly acknowledge, that he made not only a good but a defperate defence, fo that if he had cither commanded a numerous garrifon, or had entertained any z Sttype'i memorials, vol. Hi. p. 419. Leflaeus, Hb. x. Buchanan, lib. xvi. • Grafton, p. 1354, 1355. Stowe, p.6ii,6jt. Godwin, p. 330, 331. Lord Burleigh's diary in Murdin's colleftion of ftate papirs, p. 747. Thuan. hift. lib. XX. § Hi, Diipleix, tome iii. p. 575, 577. P. Daniel, tome viii, p. jio, » Crafton, p. i357-*i35.0" (Stowe, p. tfs*. Godwin, p. 331, 331. Tt2 hope3 Mi m -im '^■:i ML ■A 33* NAVAL HISTORY hopes of relief he would have infallibly preferred the place. As it was, he furrendered upon honourable terms *=, which 19 more than can be faid for the governor Qf the fortrefs of Hames^ who, feized with a fudden panic, yielded it up before the French had attacked it <>. The news of thefe difaders ftruck the queei^ Vrith defpair, which is not wonderful } but that they fhould fo ^ifpirit tlxe nation, as to engage the council to write iii fuch i deje£led ilrain as they did to King Philip, pn his moving then^ to attempt the re-takiiig the place, is really Arange, and I tliink it can be accounted for no other way than by fuppofing, that^ on the one hand, they were weary of the mighty expence \yhich thefe pofTefllons annually coft England, and were, on the other^^ willing to lay hold of fo favourable an opportunity, to demon- (Irate to the king the mifchief this war had done them, and how utterly incapable they were of profecuting his proje^ an]f longer'. In order to /hew the probability of what I have fuggefted, and to give n* readers the cleareH: idea of the real innportancq of this place, it may npt be amifs to obferve, that at fuch time as the French king Francis I. was prifoner in Spain, there want- ed not fome, who advifcd King Henry VIII. to lay hold of this opportunity of parting with this fortrefs, and all he held in France, fuppofing, that by fuch a ftep he might add to his pro- fit, without diminidiiiig his honour : but, upon a debate in his privy couiacil, it was refolyed to keep it f. This is certain, that the expence of preferving Calais was very great, not amounting to lefs, during the time we held it, than three millions. Hovy to conipute the advantages we derived from it, | confefs, is no^ eafy to fay ; but furely the indifference with which Queen Elifa- beth and her-niinifters treated it, and the little inclination we have fmce fhcwn to get it into our own poffeirion, may rende;: m-^ c Thuan. hift. lib. xx. § iii. Dup]eii, tome iii. p. 577, J78. P. Danirl* JitUoire de France, tome viii. p. ai6. << Grafion, p. 1360. Holing(hedt vol ii. p. 1140. ' See the copy of the conncil't letter, dated February i,'' !5S7. Cotton library, Titus, b. a. f This hCt is taken from a letter of the archbiHiop of Canterbury to Cardinal ^Vtflfcy. what mgi ' iiT'i t ^hich ov QjJEBM MART, 333 what I have adyanced credible*. Add to this, that in thofe dayv the houfe of Aufbr^a was a^moi^ as formidable as the boufe of Bourbon is now s which made the greateft part of Europe afraid of it, and ot it only. How well this apprehenfion was condu£l- ed, and with what addrefs the Englifh minlAry managed thiti general inclination, fo as to render the weaknefs of other (late? the eaufe of weakening Spain to fuch a degree as (he has never recovered, I (hall hereafter have occafion to (bew. In the mean time, let as return to the laft, indeed the only naval expedition |n this reign. The war (till continued between the French and Spaniards with the utqioft animoflty, and the former, being earlier in the field, in 1558 beg^n to gain great advantages in the Ix)w Coun- tries} but growing upon this too warm, as is common with thef French, they attacked Count ^gmont near Gravelin, whofe ar<4 iny made a gallant refiftance till fuch time as the ^ngli(h fqua- dron, then crui(ing in the narrow feas, hearing the inceifant noife of their artillery, and having the advantage of the wind, ap** proached the field of battle^ which was clofe to the fea-(ide, and bringing their guns to bear upon the left wing of the French, they did fuch terrible execution as quickly decided the fate of the day, and forced two hundred of the enemy to fly to the £ng- li(h (hip^ for quarter. This battle was fought on the 3d of July^ and was of infinite confequence to King Philip. In the mean time the queen caufed a cpnfiderable navy to be drawn together^, in order to make a defcent upon France. The (hips wcr.. not fewer thafi tiyo hundred and forty fail ; but there were great uncertainties abotit the time, place, and manner of acting, oc* cafioned by the king's feeding Queen Mary with hopes of hi$ coming over tp ^ngland, whiph it is more than probable he pever intended. At length the Lord Clinton, then lord high admiral, put to lea with a (lout deet in the month of July, and landed feven C See Strype's annals, vol. i. p. x6. The French made an ofTcr of Cahii to (^een Elifabetbt by their amhaHadors at Londow, in i;5o, prior t* the treaty of Edinburgh, after having; fird tried hoiw far threats would operate, in cafe the would recal her forces out of Scotland, vhicb fye had fent to the afliftance of thofe of the reformed religion in that kingdom ; but her Majedy, as we are told, which (hews in what cftimation fhe held it, (krewdly replied, that for the fdke of a paltry fifliing-town (he would never defert thofe (he had taken under her pro. tcQioo. Camden| annal. ElUabcth^e^ edit. T. Ilearne, vol. i. p. 64. thoufan^ i.l Mr ^ . I< 'li' i li In i 1 II !i M fl m I '■^ S34 NAVAL HISTORY thoufand men in Lower Bretagne, where they took the town of Conquer, and foon after reimbarked. Before they reached the Kngliih coaft, they were joined by a fquadrop of thirty fail of Spanifli (hips, which induced the admiral to think of taking Bred ; but, arriving on the coaft of Bretagne a fecond time> they found the whole country in arms, fo that they were con- firained to abandon their enterprize, and to lay afide all thoughts of action for this year*". This difappointment joined to the coldnefs of her hufband, the calamities which the war had brought upon her native coun- try, and the general difcontent of her fubje^lsj greatly afiedted the queen's tender conflitution, now in a manner worn out by a dropfy : yet this diflemper was not the immediate caufe of her death, but rather a kind of infe£lious fever, which raged cxcef- fively in the autumn of this year, efpecially among the better fort. According to the accounts in fome of our old chronicles it dif- fered little from a plague «. While fhe laboured under her laft ficknsfs, King Philip entered into a treaty with the French king, wherein at firft he pretended to infift flrenuoufly on the reftitu* tion of Calais; but it afterwards appeared, that this was only for form's fake, and in order to obtain better terms for himfelf ; the poor queen was wont to fay in her languidiing condition, that as yet they knew not her didemper, but that, if after (he was dead they opened her, they would find Calais written in her heart''. Worn with her difcafe, and excruciated by her griefs, (he ex- pired the 17th of November 1558, the parliament then fitting. We have faid fomewhat as to her chara£ler before, but it may not be amifs to obferve, that in the latter part of her reign, and efpecially after the death of Stephen Gardiner bilhop of Win- chefter, lord-chancellor, and her prime minifter, things went but indifferently in parliament, where, but a few weeks before; her death, one of the members for the city of London made r long fpeech in the Houfe of Commons^ wherein he fully an4; * Grafton, p. 1353, i3nying for Aich admiffion five pounds ; fo that this fociety ftands on a broad bottom, and cannot be cliarged with any of thofe inconveniencies which may be juftly imputed td other companies °. The firft V ullian ambafiTador fent hither was "> See hi* charsffer drawn by the inimitable pen of the learred Camaen, vol. III. p. 773— 77S« Sir Robert Nauniun't fragmenU regalia. Life of Will'am, Lord Burleigh. Lloyd's ftate-wnrcliief, p. 47;. <> The iettcrs patent foe this purpofc bear date at WeflminOer, January the 15th, i $$4. Ryt-ner'a fsedera, torn. XV. p. 3*4. A trcattfe of commerce, &c. by John Wheeler, ttJtidon, itfo«. (juarto. •' See their cafe on their late petition, in • F Qj7 E B N MARY. 53«7 in this reigtij and was received with great' rcfpe£l> having his iirft public audience of King Philip and Queen Mary ^ W " 1 ' i , 1 ^E i p! ■■; 1 1 1 1 flii' ■1 i Iii Hi '' 'ii inlr i nEll .iliS 1 33i NAVAL HISTORY, Va mho had fo hapinlj begun an intercourfe between us and Kuffiai and procured fuch ample prjvUegev fcuP our merchants from the Czar, made two other voyages into his dominions, which were Tory fucceisful j but, in returning firom the laft, he was unfori #1 L I V E OF TH E A D M I R A L INCLU&ING a 1<£W AKl) ACCURATE S: NAVAL HISTORY. li ' t ■ M ■I 5 I s !i 11 1P^ 11 [ III 1*11 CHAP. XII. Comaining the Naval Hiftory of England, under the aufpicious reign of Queen EUfabeth, an account of the many difcovenes made, and plantations fettled during that fpace of time, with the meafures purfued for the advancement of trade ; including alfo me- moirs of the famous admirals, and eminent feamen, who floUriftied in that glorious period. OK the demiCc of Queen Mary, one would have thought there needed no mighty confideration in order to fettk the fuccefiion, Hnce, according to the will of King Henry, which had been hitherto obeyed, as well as the laws of nature and of the land, the Lady EUfabeth became imme^ diately queen. The minifliry in the late reign, however, feem to have been in fome doubt about taking this ftep, and very probably, if the parliament had not been fitting, they nught have made fome attempt to have fecured their own power, a( the expcnce of the public peace : but it fell «ut more happHy U u 2 for ill 11 iihl 'M 340 NAVAt HISTORY •I'O ! II for the nation, fo that after a (hort confultatlon, they refolved fo give noticeto theHoufe of Lords of their mifb-efs*s demifc} and upon this orders were immediately given for proclaiming Queen Elifabeth •. There never was perhaps a kingdom In a more diftrefled condition than England at the acceifion of this princefs. It was engaged in a ^ar abroad for the intereft of a foreign prince ; at home the people were divided and diflrafted about ^heir religious and civil concerns. Thofe of the reformed reli- gion had been lately expofed to the flames, and thofe of the Roman communion found themfelves now in a declining ilate. On the continent we had no allies j in this very ifland the Scots were enemies, and their queen claimed the Englifh crown. The exchequer was exhaufted, moft of the forts and caftles throughout ihc kingdom mouldering into ruins ; at fea we had lofl much of our ancient reputation, and a too (harp fenfe of thcu* misfortunes, had deje£ted the wfiole nation to the lad de- gree ^ Elisabeth was about twenty-five years of age, had quick parts, an excellent education, much prudence, and withal, what ilie inherited from her father, a high and haughty fpirit, quali- fied by a warm and tender affe«^ion for her people, and an ab- fblute contempt of thofe pleafures, by the indulging which princes are too commonly mifled. Her wifdom confided in good fenfe, rather than refined maxims, and her policy feems to have rofe no higher than to this plain rule, of fteadily mind- ing her bufinefs. From the moment fhe became a queen,, flie never fuffered herfelf to forget the ftation in which God had placed her. Slie received the compliments on her acceflion witli tnajerty, and fhe fupportcd her dignity even in her dying mo- ments. The fubfequent part of this hiilory will Ihew, that this chara£ler Is drawn from her aftions, and that I have been no more inclined ,tft flatter her, than to afperfe ibme of her roval T ■ ' ' • Addition! to {"abinfr, p. 5(>5. Grafton, p. 13(^7. Cooper's chronicle, fol. 377. The celebrated ^ord Bnrlcigh's diaiy of the reign of this princ^fji, rn Murdin's coUeAraUi p. 747. Srowe, Holtngftied, vol. ii. Speed, and other hittorians. b Gul. Can>den, <«nnal. vol. i. p. a7> Strype*& aaoaU« vol. !. p. a, 3, and the fpscch ot Lord iticper B^con, is Sir Siaimonds d'Ewes's juarntl, p. Ji; - ' I* predectflbr'^ ; dp QjjEEN ELISABETH. 341 ^redcceflbrsj though, if authorities could fupport fcandal, I might have cited not a few to countenance both. But let us fee by what fteps this great queen and her able minifters extricated their country from the mifery in which it was involved, and reftored this realm not only to a fettled and flourifhing condition, but raifed her glory higher than in her moft happy times fhe ever ftood, laying the foundation of that cxtenHve power, which (he has fince enjoyed, and which fhe may always enjoy, if there be not wanting honeft men at the helm, or if the fpirit of the nation co-operates conAantly with that of her rulers. The firft aft of the queen's government was afierting her in- dependency. She made an order in council, in the preamble of which it was recited, that the diftreiTes of the kingdom were chiefly owing to the influence of foreign counfels in the late reign, and therefore the queen thought fit to declare, that fhe was a free princefs, and meant fo to a£);, without any further applications to Spain, than the concerns of her people abfolute- ly required •=. On the twenty-firft of November, when fhe had worn the crown but three days, fhe fent orders to vice-admiral Malyn, to draw together as many fhips as he could for the de- fence of. the narrow feas, and for preventing likewife all per- fons from entering into, or pafTmg out of the kingdom without licence, which he performed fo flriftly, that in a fhort time the council v/ere forced to re'ax their orders, and to fignify to the warden of the cinque-ports, that the queen meant not to im- prifon her fubje£ls, but that perfous might pafs and repafs about their lawful concerns '^. With like diligence proviflon was made for the fecurhy of Dover, Portfmouth, and the Ifle of Wight*, fo that by the end of the year the kingdom was out of all danger from any fudden infult, and the queen at leifurc to confider how (he might further ftrengthen it, fo as to render all the projefts of Ixer enemies abortive. Her entrance on government had the ( < ' m ii ' iii « Cotton library, Titn$, c, lo. Sec the queen'i innruAions to Guido C,%^> vrhom Of QjjEBN ELISABETH. 343 ^hom many afperilons had fallen, was fairly tried and honour* ably acquitted by his peers ; but the captains Chamberlain and llarlefton were condemned, though the queen thought fit to pardon them **. As for Lord Grey, his gallant defence of the fortrefs, wherein he was governor, exempted hitn from any profecution ;. inftead of which, he was appointed commander in chief of the forces that were to march into Scotland. The fleet was commanded by Admiral Winter, which failed up the Frith of Forth, blocked up Leith by fea, while the army of the Scots Lords, and the Engli(h auxiliaries under Lord Grey, befieged it by land, and in a yery fhort fpace forced the French garrifon to capitulate ; whereby all the deHgns of France on that fide were intirely broken >], and the queen left to look to her own cQncerns> which ihe did with fuch diligence, that in two years fpace religion was reftored, the principal grievances felt under the former government redrefied, bafe money taken away, the forts throughout the kingdon^ repaired, and trade brought into a flourifhmg condition. But above all, the navy was the queen's peculiar care } (lie dire£%ed a moft exa£t furvey of it to be made, a very flri£l in* quiry into the caufes of its decay, and the fureft means by which it might be recovered. She iiTued orders for preferving timber fit for building, direded many pieces of brafs cannon to be caft, and encouraged the making gun-powder here at home, which had been hitherto brought from abroad at a vaft expence. For the fecuHty of her fleet, which generally lay in the river Medway, flie built a flrong fortrefs called Upnore-Caftle. The wages of the feamen ihe raifed, enlarged the number, and augmented the falaries of lier naval officers ; drew over foreign- ers fkilled in the arts relating to navigation, to inflru£fc her peo- ple, and by the pains fhe took in ^hefe affairs, excited a fpirlt of emulation among her fubjeds, who began every where to exert themfelves in like manner, by repairing of ports, and building vefibls of all fizes, efpecially large and ftout fhips, fit for war as well as commerce. From all whichj as Mr. Camden * Stowff. p. «39. Gamden, vol. i. p. 43. Strype, vol. i. p. atf. I Bu- chanan, lib. xvii. HoUn£(hed, vol. ii. p. 1187. Thuan. hift. iib, xsiv. § iv« l^Qtd Burleigh's diary in Murdia's (ollrOion, p. 950. tells ! in ,11 'I! L i^j m f4n ■■mm Mill. : ■ f \ m 344 NAVAL HISTORY 1 1' t«lls us, the queen juftly acquired the glorious title of the Rkstorea of naval power, and Sovereign of thk NORTHERri seas; infomuch that foreign nations were ftruck with awe at the queen's proceedings, and were now willing refpeftfully to court a power, which had been fo lately the ob- js. The main khotive to this condu£t was, to revive a naval enterprizing fpirit amongft her fubje^ls, the promoting (hip-building, and prevent- ing her neighly tirs from gaining an afcendency at fea, as they Would certainly have done, if, iii order to redreis the nation's vnrohgs, (he had had recourfe to negociation. A maritime power Injured) inf^ead of expoftulating, immediately makes reprifals, and thereby extorts apologies from the aggreflbrs made fenflbli: ipf their pad miilake. ^ut by degrees this fpirit of privateering grew to fuch a heightj tha( the queen, for her own fafety, and the honour of the nation, was obliged to reftrain it p j thofe who had fitted put ihips of force, froih a difpofition natural enough to priva- teers, plundering indifcriminately all vefTels that came in their ixray. In the month of July, alfo in this year, the queen di- k'edled a fmall Iquadron of fliips to be fittei out, viz, the Lyon, the Hoopej the Hart, Swallow, and a bark, named the Hare, bf which Sir William Woodhous, knight, was appointed vice- admiral, under a pretence of guarding the narrow feas, which Sutre then faid to be greatly infefted with pirates, but in reality, as appeari^ from his inidru^tions, to lend what aOiftance he poi- jGbly could to the malecontents in France ; which none of our hiilorians, at lead that we can difcover, have remarked. Some bf thefe veflels were in the November following, fuch as the Hart, Swallow, Hare, itc. judged requifite by the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Pembroke, and the Lord Admiral CUn- ton^ to remain at Portfmouth, not only for the fecurity of the coaft, and keeping the channel clear during the winter, but for the conveniency of tranfporting troops, money, provifions, and ammunition, as alfo for the conveying to, and nxeiving letters from Newhaveh ^. And, as we are told, the Hare having on *? Stowe'c annals, p, tfjj. P She was under the neceflit/ of fending an extraordinary ambaflidor to his Catholic Majefty, to excufc thifc piracies, and to reflraia them for :he fiuurc hy a proc'ama In. Camdeni annates Eiif. »ol. i. p. 98. Strype't annalt, vol. j. p. 36^. s Can»e Cl«ic's hiOoire d<» Pt(f vincet Unics, come i. liv, i. " ' ' '"•'•.;■ ' . '' ' ■ ■ thef ac- • V QjjEBM ELISABETH. 347 the province of Bifcay. Thefe (hips were chaced in their paHage by fome French privateers, and were forced to take fhelter in the ports of Plymouth, Falmouth, and Southampton, where, by the queen's orders, their veiTels were protefled, and thofe on board them well treated, till, a! the requeft of the Spanifh ambaflador, the money was brought afliore. Cardinal de Chatillon, who was at the fame time here as 9 refugee, informed the queen ihat this money did not belong, as was pretended, to the king of Spain, but to private merchants, and that in cafe fhe gave leave for tranfporting it into the Ne- therlands, the duke of Alva would certainly felze it, in order to carry on fome of his dark defigns. The queen, by the ad- vice of her very wife and able miniller Cecil, refolved to defea; this fcheme, by taking the money to her own ufe, promifing to re-pay it immediately, if it fhould appear to be the king of Spain's treafure, and to compepfate the Genoefe merchants for the time ihe kept it with jufl iiiterelik, if it w^a theiri$\ This was highly refeuted by King Philip and the duke pf Alva, the former by his ambaiTaddr, endeavoured to get fecretary Cecil aiTaflinated, tampering alfo with the dyke of Norfolk, and the earl of Ormond, to raife difturbances both ii> England and Ire- land; in which, however, he failed; but the duke of AWa, according to the violence of his temper, feized all the Engliih effe^ in Flanders, and permitted his frigates and privateers to cruize on the Englifli coail ^ The queen made reprifals in her turn, and allowing her fubje£ls to fit out fhips, they purfue^ this trade of privateering with fo much eagernefs and fuccei^» that at length they began not to diftinguifh friends from foes ', upon which her majeity was compelled to ijSue a proclamation, forbidding the purchaie of any ihip, or effeOis taken by thefe privateer^ Soon after which thefe difputes were coa^promifed*, and peace reftored, though it did not laft long, both the Spa? Iiiards and the Eugliili being geneprally inclined to break h^. ■ * Stow^, p. 66x. Camden, vol. i. p. 17J. Beniivoglio, part i. lib. v. Thuan. lib. xiir. ^ xi. M. Turquet, tome ii. p. i43x. V Lord Burleigh's diary ii| Murdin'c coUeOion, p. 760, 7(7. Bentivoglio, p. 1. lib. v. » Murdm's ftite papert, p. aj7, 174. • A. D. i J73. b Meteren, hiftoire dcs Pays bas, iiv. iti. F. Strada. lib. vii. Grimftonc's hiftory of the Ncthcrlatidf, bi. it. p. 4tfo. Xx 2 ic^ ( ' = \ 1 '. 1 ii » ':■ m ! '■!•« . ■ ,i ■ m ;.p| ■:f-r MilKiUA^BH^^^^ 34? N A\^ A L HlSTO R T In thq nxldd of all thefe di(^c^lties^ the quec;n took every Q\nf portunity to entourage her people in profecutlng new fc^eme$ of triide abroad, or pttrfuing what might be an improvenkeilt oi- their lands at home. With this view The fpmetimes contributed (hips, fometimes gave money, at others entered into partnerlhip; in ihort, (he negle£)-ed nothing which mig)it IheVir her mateirnM tendemefs for all her fubje£ts. 3he likewife affbrded, in a very: delicate cipnjufK^ure, a (hining proof of her generofityt in di'f re£ting a ilrong fquadron of her fhips to efcort Anne of Au* ftria, in her voyage from Flanders into 3paiq) notwithftdriding the bad terms whereon fhe then ftood with Iting Iphilip ^. "Ret. ireaties with Frarice, which Teemed to exclude all fear of dan-^ ger, did not hinder her from fprtifying Portfmouth thoroughly* in T 'hich it quickly appeared, that her precaution was far froni being tbe efFefts of a rieedleTs timidity j for the Fr<:nch ](b. The growth of this kingdom's power and commerce being fo confpicuous, left King Philip of Spain, the moft penetrating prince of his time, no room to doubt, that his projects for af- fuming the fupreme dominion of Europe, or at lead the abfolute direction of it, would be rendered intirely abortive, unlefs fome method could be contrived for ruining England at once. While he meditated this deflgn, and took various fleps towards it, he found himfelf daily more and more irritated, by the pains the queen took to fruftrate his fchemes, and to diminifli the power which had been derived to him from his father the Emperor Charles V. ' We have Ihewn how, during the adminiftration of the duke of Alva in the Netherlands, differences had arifen between the court of England and the king of Spain's fubje£ts there, and how, after much warmth fliewn on both fides, thefe matters were in feme meafure accommodated in 1573. That accommodation was lb far from being the efFedls of any cordial difpofition in either of thefe powers, that it was a mere aft of policy on both fides, neither having as yet brought thofe things J i> Mczeny, StraJa, Camden, Sfrype, Sfowe, Holingfhed, Speed, and, in general, all the writers of chufe rime* , p The reader may find a more copious tiletuil of the polkical motives to the invafion in 1588, in Scrypc's annals, vol. iii. p. $11, "> There are in the collcfltons piiblifhed by Strype, Haynes, and Murdin, WUt of the names of perfant of quality and others, to whom the kittg of Spain pffigned pcnficni on that jccount, fee p. 242,144. in the latter. Dr. Bii«lic'f m(m< and at all points. But ftill, the great fecrct, by which the queen defeated all King Philip's political inventions, feems to hj^vc been fcarce known to moft of the writers who have undertaken to acquaint Ii9 with the tranfaftions of her reign. It was in reality this : (lie difcovered the principal inftruments he intended to make ufe of for her deftruftion ^ but, inftead of expoGng or deftroying them^ fhe contrived fo to manage them by her creatures, as to make them aflually fulfil her purpofes, though they remained all the tinie tools and penfioners to Spun. Thus llie caufed the anibaf^ fador Mendoza, whofe arts might have been otherwife dangerous «» C^amden. Stowe, Speed, Strypc, Bentivoglio, p. *\. lib. 4. GrimQone's h\{\. of the Nctheihnds, lib. xiii. M. tdria y Souft, lib. v. cap. 3. • Str^-pe's annalt, vol. iij. p. 414. as alfo inch letters in the cabala as reUce to the years 1487 B.')d is38, P S.owe, Holinglhed, Speed, Ilakliiyr, I'lif-hai. had b P QjJ E E N E L I S A B E T H. 353 itad he remained here, to be fo Wrought on as to forfeit his tharailer, by fiiborning perfons to inurder Secretary Cecil, and to fpread libels in the night through the ftreefs, reflefting on ^crielf *». The Spanifl^ emiflarics employed to feduce her people, in order to form a ftrong party on any invafion, (he took care to engage in plots again ft her pcrfon, whereby they became fpeedily t)bnoxious to a legal conviction, and fo were brought to an ig- nominious death, equally terrible and fhameful to the Popifli fadlibm This appears clearfy from the cafe of Parry and other confpirators, svhh whom her letrctaries played till their trcafons were ripe^ and then feized andconvi^ed them ; and thus at laft, after all- the plains the king had taken, fhe cfcaped an invafion by procuring fuch notions to be infufcd into the prince of Parma's head, as inclined him rather to feck his own than his matter's advantage, hy which (he reaped a double benefit, that prince being foon after, poifdned, and fo his particular fchemes were iikewife cut flibrt '. But it is time to return to our more imme- diate fubjed, the pains and precautions taken by the queen and her minifters to put the nation into fuch aftate of defence, both by land and fea, as might give the people courage, and fl:rike the enemy with a ftftng fenfeof danger ; the rather, becaufe thefe fads feem hitherto not to have been extremely well under- ftood. The queen's apprehenfions of the Spaniards Jefigns were cer* tainly conceived much earlier than moft ofourhiftorians imagine, as appears from the ftate-papers in her reign, among which, from the year 1 574, we meet with nothing more frequent than inftruc- tions for viewing fortifications, examining the condition of our forts, inquiring into the ftrength and pofture of our militia, taking frequent mufters, and, in fine, forming from all thcfc '^ Camden, Stowe, Speed, and more particularly in tl^o life of Lord Burleigh, ra. Bilhop Carlecon's remembrances, chap, vli. p. 73. Strypc's annals, vol. iii. book i. chap. 14. The queen's declaration upon fending him away is in the appendix, N° xxtv. p. 4|. Mendoza is Taid to have fell ijito extreme difgrace after his return to Spain, living retited like an hermit, ab.irdoned by all the world. Dr. Birch's memoirs of the reign of Q^cen £l:fa- bcth, vol. ii. p. 13,9. ' Carleton's rememhrai cfej, cl^ap. viii. p. 90. Stowe'>- annals, p. 745. H'>- litignicd, Speed, Gtiniftor.e's hirtory of the Netherlands, lib. xiii. p. loio, io(Ji. Vol. I. Y y inquiries i ■■■Hi m '•' ''■■,, m \ I- !: m ^M ■'['y.4 m ; iU ^^i "i'^f-fi r,-|L ^'.'M j0 mm>«n,m-r .- BBBBH $54 NAVAL HISTORY inquiries a brief ftate of the military and naval power of her do minions, of frhich I have feen many in ancient MSS. amongft them one in 15751 whereby ic appears, that the able men throughout jElngland were computed to be 182,929, by which were intended ferviceable men ; and of fuch as were armed, and in a continual capacity of a^ing, there were 62,462; and of light-horfe 2,566. I have likewife an account of the royal navy in 1578, by which it appears, that it conGfted of no more than twenty-four fhips of all fizes*. The largeft was called the Triumph, of the burden of a thoi^and tons ; the fmalleft was the George, which was under £xty tons. At the fame time all the fhips throughout England, of an hundred tons and upwards, were but one hundred thirty-five, and all under an hundred, and upward- of forty tons, were fix hundred and fifty-fix. It is, thci ; fore, Angularly ftrange to find a late writer, who ougbt rertauii/ to be as well acquainted with the ftate of the navy 3 vvf i. m, give us the following lift^ under ft) amazing a title as, ( W.v' vr OUR NAVY Guns. No. Of — 100, i"p From -— 80 to 6d, 9 > From — 58 to 40, 49 J From — 38 to 20, J 8 From — 1 8 to 6, 29 WAS IN '573- 59 of the line of battle, 39 they might be reckoned in thofe davs. I!. 11'*. 146 ''■ Tliough nothing is cafier than to difcern at firfl: fight, that this account is abfiird and improbable, yet another writer has copied it implicitly, and no doubt, by degrees, it would gain credit, though I dare fay there is a ; "^rro! of an hundred years at leaft in the title of this ftate of the navy. That it 1^ abfolutely falfe, may appear from hence, that^ ;n an cftimate iu the office of ordnance, the guns on board the queen's ihips in 1578 are computed to, be five hundred and four", whereas, according to the foregoing fiate, they muft have been five years before, as » E codicc antiq. MS. penes Sam. Knight, S. T. P. « Mr, Bnrclielin his preface to hit naval hifbry. See aifo Lciliard** naval hiftcry, vol. i. p. 169. " E codice antiq. ante cltat. we OF QjJEEN ELISABETH. 355 we fee, no lefs than five thoufand ninety-nine, \vhich, if we compare with the number of cannon in the Spanifh armada, being but two thoufand fix hundred and thirty, as appears by a lift printed by authority of the Spanifh court, we (hall have a proper idea of the accuracy of this computation, which I have been forced to treat in this manner, to prevent fo ftrange a fa£k from being longer impofed even on the moft inattentive perufer^. As I find' authority has fo great weight with fome people, that they will not be brought to believe that the naval ftrength of ^ , England was fo inconfiderable at this time, I have thought it ncr* ceflary to infert verbatim the lift before-mentioned in this edi- tion, and to add fome remarks, which will, | think, put th(» " matter beyond all difpute. The Names of her Majesty's Ships, with the Number of Men and Furniture re<^uifite for the felting forth of the fame^ '^ /i. A 1578. ."Si, 1 I, Triumph, • 2r Furniture ; I. Men 780, whereof Harquebus, r r 20O Mariners, * * 450 Bows, fro Gunners, - •• SO Arrows, fheaves of, - 100 Soldiers, ▼ <^ 209 Pikes, - - 280 Z, Furniture : Bills,- - -" 170 Harquebus, ^ • 250 Mariners, 200 JSows, 50 3. Burden, - 900 Arrows, (heaves of, - loo Pikes, f- 1' 200 III. "White Beat L. Corflets, 100 Men| Furniture, and Burden, Mariners, r 200 as the laft. 3. Burden, - r idpQ IV. Victory, II. Elisabeth, I. Men 500, whereof 1. Men 600, whereof Mariners, - 330 Mariners, 300 Gunners, - «> 40 Gunners, 50 Soldiers, ^ * 169 Soldiers, 200 2. Furniture : .hh'f :: i :M IM;: '■:.m Scrype'i annah, vol, in. p. %it. in the appendix. ' y y 2 Harqiicb 1$, !*''tf'l i n mjtumm. I.' 3S6 NAVALHISTORY Harquebus, •> 200 Pike?, Bows, 40 Bills, - Arrows, flicavcs of, - ^0 Corflets, Corflcts, - - 80 Mariners, Mariners, - - 160 3. Burden, ^.Burden, - - 803 '' V. Primrose. Men, Furniture, and Burden, as the lad. 99 loq 59 lOQ- 600 IX. Philip and Mart. Men, Furniture, and Burden, as the laft. X. Lyon. VI. Ma?ix Rose • I. Men 29Q, whereof I, Men 350, whereof Mariners, - - 150 Mariners, - - . 200 Gunners, - - 30 Gunners, SO Soldiers* - - nq Soldiers, - 120 2. Furniture and Burden as .2. Furniture: the two laft. Harquebus, « 125 Bows, 39 XI. DREADNqUGHT. ArroAYS, (hwves of, - 60 I. Men 250, whereof ' Pikes, - - 100 Mariners, - - i4q Bills, 120 Gunners, - - 20 Corflets, SO l3oldiers, . . ^q Mariners^ 1^0 2. Furniture : ^. Burdei), - - (5co Harquebus, 7 - ^q *' Bows, - • 5^5 VII. Hope. Arrows, (heaves pf, - 50 Pikes, - - - j;o Men, Furniture, and Burde% Pills, - - 6p as fhe la(l. Corflets, - - 40 Mariners, - - 80, VIII. BONAVENTyRE. 3. Burden, - - 400 1. Men 300, whereof Mariners, 160 XII. SwiFTURE. Gunners, 30 Men, Furniture, and Burden, S9ldiei:s, no as the lafl;. ;;. Furniture : Harquebus, - no XIIT. Swallow. Bows, 30 I. Men 2oOj whereof Arrows, fheavcs of, - 60, Mariners, - - 120 Gunner?, 9Q loq 59 lOQ- »59. 3P :n as OK QUBLN E LISABETH. 3S7 gunners. 20 XVIII. Bull, Soldiers, • r (Ho I. Men 120, whereof a. Furniture 3 Mariners, - - 10 Harquebus, 75 Guns, 10 pows, r 25 Soldiers, 40 Arrows, fheaves of, - 50 a. Furniture: BiUs, r 60 Harquebus, 35 Corflets, - • 30 Bows, »5 Mariners - 70 Arrows, fheaves of. 30 3. Burden, - 350 Pikes, 3<^ # Bills, 40 XIV. Antelope. Corflets, 20 Men, Furniture, and Burden, Mariners, 4« as the laft. 3. Burden, 160 XV. Jennet. XIX. Tyger. > Men, Furniture, and Burden, Men, Furniture, and Burden, as the two laft. as the laft. ■ XVI. Foresight. XX. Faulcon. 140. ■ Men and Furniture as the three 1. Men 80, whereof 0«^ ^^H laft. Mariners, 69 Burden, - - - ^00 Guns, Soldiers, 10 ao ^Q ■ XVII. Aid. 2. Furniture : ^ 1 I. Men 160, whereof Harquebus, 24 5^ 1 Mariners, 90 Bows, 10 ^ ^^B Guns, 20 Arrows, fheaves of. 20 Soldiers, 50 Pikes, 20 ^^^B 2. Furniture : Bills, 30 Harquebus, - 50 Corflets, 12 400 ■ Bows, 20 Mariners, « 24 ■ Arrows, flieaves of, - 40 3. Burden, 1 ^^1 Pikes, - - - 40 BUls, 5° XXI. Aibates. I Corflets, 20 I. Men 60, whereof ■ Mariners, so Mariners, 3« ■ 3. Burden, 240 Gunners, ro « M rf^ ^^H Soldiers, > ■ ( V Iff - ; i 1 f 'p ■■'Ml ii ; f i i'hi'3 W I!.: h' 1i'ii i i: ats ill Rl! i' «'!. ; ' 1' }■!>■ )l .1 'ii ! rf^ 358 NAVAL . HISTORY Soldiersi 10 XXIV. George. ?. Furniture : 1. Men 50, whereoC Harquebus, 16 Mariners, 4^ Bows, 10 Guns, - • 10 Arrows, fheaves of, - 70 Soldiers, none. Fikes, 20 2. Furniture: Bills, - - 30 Harquebus, 12 Corflcts, 12 Bows, 10 Mariners, • - 24 , Arrows, flieaves of, - 20 3. Burden, 80 Pikes, 15 Bills, 20 XXII* Handmaid. m Mariners, 20 Men, Furniti '^e, and Burden, as the lail. 'XXIII. Bark of Bullen, 1. Men 50, whereof . Mariners, - •• 30 Gunners, <- - i© Soldiers, none. ps. Furniture; Harquebnsj • -12 Bows, - . 10 Arrows, fheaves oi'^. - 2c Pikes, - - I J ' Bills, - - io Mariners, - - 3 c' - . Burden, - - - 6c The fum of all other, as well merchant (hips as others in all places of England, of 100 tons and upwards, - 135 The fum of all bnrks and (hips of 40 tons and upwards, to' 100 tons, - - 656 There are beiides, by eflima- tion, loo fail of hoyes. AKo of fmall burks and fifhermen an infinite num^ ber. So as the number - - » through tlie realm cannot be lefs than 6qo, beiides Lon<» don. ^ There cannot be fuller evid'ence expe^ed for the authenti-- city of this lift, than the vifihle conformity between it and all the lifts of the queen's (hips of war, publilhed in the relations by authority during that reign, and by Sir William Monfon in his naval memoirs, with one of which, containing the ftate of the navy at the queen's demife, the reader will find an oppor- tunity of comparing it hereafter. On the other hand, that there could be no fuch fleet at the time the before-mentioned abftradl is dated, will ftill farther appear from the following coiifidcrations : That the building and maintaining it was utterly incoiidftent ov QjJEfeN ELISABETH. 3J9 inconfiflent with the ftatc of the public revenue at that time. That there is n- t the leaft mention of any fuch force in any of the hift jries of thofe times. That all the lifts of fliips pub- liftied by authority diredlly contracii£l it j fo that unlcfs we can believe the wifcfl; and mod adlive men in that age were totally ignorant of what it moft imported them to know, we muft conclude that this abflra£t certainly belongs to another period, or that it is a downright chimera ; but the former appears to me infinitely more probable than the latter. It muft give every candid and attentive reader a very high idea of the wifdom and fortitude of Queen Elifabeth, and ' cr minifters, when he is told, that during the whole time ' r>ain was providing fo formidable an invafion, they were afli Hy employed in cherifhing the commerce and naval power oi gm land, without fufTering themfelves to be at all intimidated, either by the enemy's boafts, or by the intelligence they had of their great ftrength, and vaft preparations *. To diftrefs King Philip in bringing home his treafures from the Weft Indies, many ad- venturers were licenfed to cruize in thofe feas, and the queen herfelf lent fome (hips for this purpofe '. To delay the inva- ilon as much as poffible, or if it had been practicable to defeat it, the queen fent a ftout fleet under Sir Francis Drake, in 15871 to Cadiz, where that admiral performed rather more than could be expe£l:ed; for he forced (ix gallics which were defigned to have guarded the port, to Ihelter themfelves under the cannon of their caftles, and then burnt a hundred fliips aud upwards in the bay, all of which were laden with ammunition and providons. From thence he failed to Cape St. Vincent, where he furprized fome forts, and entirely deftroyed the fifli- ing craft in the neighbourhood. Arriving at the mouth of the Tayo, and underftanding that the Marquis de Santa Cruz lay hard by with a fquadron of good (hips, he challenged him to come out and fight ; but the Marquis, who was one of the beft feamen in Spain, adhering * Stowc, Speed, Bohiin, Loril Bacon's chnrafter cf Queen F.lifabfth. y sir William Moi.fon's naval traih, p. 169, 170. Sir Frands Drake reviv.d, London iflsj» qHarto, p, t. rnnct's worfhies of Devon, p, i-jp. Hr.kluyt, Purchas, Camden. Lord Burleigh's diary at' this rci:«i>, in Mordir/s coUe€ii «d in Latin, and mod; of -the languages fpoken in Europe^ ex^ cept Englifli ■. This piece was dated May iDth, 1588, and according to it, the mofl: happy Armada (for fo it was ftyled therein) confifted of one hundred and thirty &ips, making in all fifty-feven thoufand, eight hundred fixty-eight tOn 5 6n board of which there were nineteen thoufand^ two hundred ninety^ five foldiers, eight thoufand four hundred fifty mariners, twd thoufand eighty-eight flaves, with two thoufand fix hutldred and thirty pieces of cannon. BeHdes, there was a large fleet of tenders, with a prodigious quantity of arms on board, in- tended for fuch as fliould join them. There were alfo oil board this fleet, one hundred and twenty-four volunteers of quality, -and about one hundred and eighty monks of feveral orders. The command of the whole was originally defigned to have been vefted in the above-mentioned marquis de Santa Cruz, a nobleman of known valour and great experience, of which he a Stowe, p. 808. Sir William Monfon'» naval trsfts, p. i?e. M. Tinr- quet hiftoire d'Efpagne, lir. xxxi i. p. 113, 114. Lord T irlcigh't. juurnal of the reign of F.lifabeth, in Murdin's cnile^ion of rtate papers, p. 785, « The title in Spanifli runs thus: ** La felicetlima Armada qne el Rejr Felipe neuflro *' Senior matido Jiinlaren el puerto de la Civcdad de Li(b a en el Rcyno de " Portugal! en anno de mille i)uinicntoi y ocenta y oclut iircha per Pedio de •• Pm Salas." had OP QjJEEN ELISABETH. 361 hzd given high proofs in the famous battle of Lepanto ; but he ■dying, the duke of Medina Sidonia, Don Alphonfo de Gufman^ was appointed in bis ftead, rather on account of his fuperior quality than his difUngdifhed merit, under whom ferved Don Martinez de Ricalde, an old experienced fiifcaneer, who had the dire^ion of all things, and by whofe advice the general was en>> tirely led. Thefe great ofiicers repaired to Lifbon in the latter «nd of the month of May, and, in a few days after, their navy was in a condition to fail >>. But it is now time to return to the difpoiitions made in England for warding off fo dangerous a blow. In the firft place, the queen took care to give proper infer* mation to all foreign ftates of the nature and intent of this pro- jt{k of the king of Spain, pointing out to them not her own, but their danger, in cafe that monarch ihould prevail ; which method being as prudently carried into pra^lice, as it was wife- ly contrived, the king of Denmark, at the requeft of her am- bailador, laid an embargo on a very ftrong fquadron of (hips hired for the ufe of King Philip in his dominions'^. The Hanfe- towns, determined enemies at that time to England, retarded, however, the (hips they were to have fent to Spain, which, though a Tery feafonable a£i of prudence then, proved fatal to them afterwards. King James VI. of Scotland, buried all his refentments for his motheif s death, and fteadily adhered to his own, by following the queen's interefts. The French were tdo wife to afford the Spaniards any help, and the Dutch fitted out a confiderable navy for the fervice of the queen, under the com- maiid of Count Juftin of NaiTau *, % Stowe, p. 745. Caiaclen, vol. Ji. p. 571. Speed, 7. 858. Ferreras hiftoria dc Efpin*, P« i5- S xv>« M, Fatia y Soufa, lib. v. cap. vii. Dupleix, tome iv. p. J73. Bentivoglio, p. U.'lib. tv. <= Camden, vol. ii. p. 586. Strype's an- nals, vol. iii, p. 514. Stowe. ' Camden, vol. ii. p. 566. See an origi- nal letter from that prince to the queen, dated Ediaburgh, Auguft the 4tb, 1588, full of the warmeft cxprsiTtoii of friendfhip, refpedt and efteem, offering to march at the liead of ail the forces of his kingdom, to her afliftance, againft the enemiea of her country, in Rymer's fsdera, tome xvi. p* i8< It is alfo to be met with in Dr. Birch's memoirs of that princefs, vol. i. p. 55. Mezeray, tome v. p. 320. p, Daniel, io>T)e ix. p, 197. Le Clerc binoire des provinces unies, toiqe i, p. 140* Vol. I. Zjs Th« 3«a llfAVAL filSTOHY M The Englifh fie6t t^as pomtnahded hy piarl^ |iOrd HoU^te^ 6f EffingbaiH, then hig;h-admtf al, n^ho had Mndat him fel* his yice-admiral Sir Francis Dra^e \ fqr his rear-*admira} Sir Johh llawkins, ihd ^bundan^e of experienced officer^, who had fig«> tiali^ed their courage and conduct : th^if orders were to lie o:i'uized on the coaft of Flanders, the better to prevent the ptiAce 6f F^rniia from making any defiienti dd it was expe^ed he ^ould attempt to do with the army under his command. In regard to a land-forcej, the queen had three armies } tht firA: coDfifted of twenty thoufand meri, cantoned along the fduth-coaft; another of two and twenty thoufand footi and 9, thduf^Ad hdrfe, which was eticamped near Tilbury, under the cdmftiand of the earl of Leicefter ; the thi^d, which ^fas madt tip of thirty-four thpufand foot, and two thoufand horfe, all chofeii tntii, w$s ibr the guard of the queen's perfon, thelt' iblute nobleman, the queen's near relation *. The Spaniih fleet failed from the river of Lifhon, on ^he firft pi j^ufie, N. S. with as great pomp, and a^ fanguine hopes ^ ftAy flett ever did. The king^s inftru^ions to thp duke of Mt* 4iAa Sidoni^ were, to repair to the road of Calais, in order tot ^ joined there by the prince of Parma, and then to pnrfu« fuch further orders as he ihould find in a fealed letter delivered to the general With his inftruftions. It Was futrther recom<' tended to him tp keep as dofe as pollible to the French fhorc^ In order to prevent the Engli^ from having any intelligence of his approach; and in cafe * met pur fleet, he was to avoid fighting, to the utmolt .:? power, atid to endeavour only to defend hitnfelf. But in doubling the Morth-cape, the fleet wa^ fcpar^ted by foul weather, which obliged the general to fail to ' the Groyne, where he re-aflembled his fljips, and had intelli'^ gence that the Englifh fleet, believing their expedition laid afide^^ was put into Plymouth. e S>n.we, p. 744. Speed, p. S59. Camden, vol. ii. p, 564. Bentivoglio, p. ;i. )lb. Jv. ypon 6V tijiEiiii Ef^ipABETH. .3(^3 Upplt this he h^ld a cpuncil of waf, to <:onitder whether ihey 0iomI4 p4bjere ftrjifUy to the lying's ord^r^ or embrace this jfaypvr^l^lf ppport|iaity of ^ornuig the EngUOi j^et in their har*> |)p^. After 4L !ppg deb^te^ whereUi many were pf a contrary ippinion^ It ^^ reib^ved to attempt the llnglilh :&eet| an i this Iphiffly ^ the io|ft^g?tjop of Don Piego Florcs ^e Valdes, ad- jaVFfil pf tl;ie An^alufian fqii^ron. The pretence indeed was Very pla^^biei and^ but ipr an vnforeieen accident, they ha4 certainly carried their point. The firfl: land they fell in with ^gs the j[iizardi which they miftook for the Ram's-head near l^iymouth, and b^ing towards night flood off to fea till the next morningf |n this fpace of time they were defcried by a Scot^ '^ |)irat|Si on^ Q^ptj^ia Flemings who bore away immediately for ^ymWiih, m4 g^ve the lord admiral noticej which proved th^ jjitter m\a i4 their defign, as well as the fole caufe of the pre- lerv^tion of the ]SingUfh fleet **• : . The feafon w^s fo far advanced^ and the Englifh had fo Ijlt* tie intelligence of the Spaniards departure^ that their fleet was iiot pnly returned into poirt, but feveral of their fhips alfo were jaliready laid up, and their feamen difcfaarged^ The admiral, hoiatftCi failed Pn the firfl notice, and though the wind blew hard ihto Plymouth-found, gpt out to fea, but not without great difficulty '. The next day, being the 29th of July, \h^j S^Yf the Sp^ifh n^yy drawn up in a half-moon, failing flovly - through the channel, its wings being near feten miles afunder. The admiral fuffered them to pafs by <}uietly, that havin^g thp 9dvantage of the wind^ he might the better attack them In tbp irefir, which he performed with equal courage and fuccefa, an4 IJ^ugh Don Martinez de Ricalde, did ^ that it was jpo^hle jEbr a brave officer to do, yet they were put into the utmofl: 4if- order, dnd many of them received cpnfiderable damage. More - had been dpne^ but t^t a great part of the jEn^Ufh fleet lay at too great a difti^nce* fo that the adoiiral was (breed to wai^ iof themi 'U \k' m ML 'M\i hi ^''■, M . 1: it StoWCi P* 747* Sir William Monfon's naVal traAs, p. 17a. Speed, p. iltfo. « Camden, val. ii. p. 571. Phoenix Bricannicus« quarto, 1731. p4-> i4tf. Strype, vol. iii. Mctercn, itv. zv. ful. 3o». Gratii ijifler. Belg. lib. i. pt 118. Z a 3! The i ml i If ••^^-^UtMiift^, "^^^^•^■^,^. M hf '\ Wi 6 3'54 N A V AL HISTORY The night following a Dutch gunner, who had been illtre^f' ed by fome Spanifh officers, fet fire to the ihip on board which was their treafure; nor was it without great difficulty that the flames were extinguifhed. The greateft part of the money was put on board a galteon commanded by Don Pedro de Valdez» which foon after fprung her foremaft, and being thus difabled, and the night very dark, fell into the hands of Sir Francis Drake, who fent her captain to Dartmouth, and left the money on board to be plund^ered by his men f. The next day was fpent by the Spanifli general in difpofing his fleet, ifluing orders to his officers, and difpatchmg an advice-boat to haftea the duke of Parma, by giving him an account of the great lofs he had already fuffered, and the extreme danger he was in. On the- twenty-third they fought again, with variety of fuccefs, which, however, demonftrated to the Spaniards, that the mighty bulk of their (hips was a difadvaiitage to them, their fliot flying over the heads of the Engliflt, white every bullet of theirs took place. -^ On the twenty-fourth the Englifh were able to do little for want of ammunition ; but a fupply arriving in the evening, the admiral made all necefTary difpofitions for attacking the Spani- ards in the midft of the night, dividing his fleet into four fquai- drons, the firfl; commanded by himfelf, the fecond by Sir Francis Drake, the third by Admiral Hawkins, and the fourth by Cap^ tain Martin Forbiflier, but a dead cahn prevented the execution of this defign. On the twenty-fifth one of the Spanifh fliips was taken, and' on the twenty-fixth the admiral refolved to make no further attempts upon them, till they fliould enter the flireights of Dover, where he knew Lord Henry Seymour and Sir William Winter waited fw them with a frelh fquadron. He alfo took this opportunity of knighting Lord Thomas Howard, Lord Shefliield, Roger Townfend, Admiral Hawkins, and Cap- tain Fofbifher, for their gaUanc behaviour throughout the en- gagement >. f Stowe's annali, an4 Sir William Monfiin't naval traAt. Grlmftone't biftory of the Nethcrlandi, book xiii. p. looa. Bentiroglio, p. x\. lib. iv. S Cam- den, vol. ii. p. iic Stowe, p. 744. Speed, p. 8tfi, Reidanus, I. viiik p. >73- Memotra of the eiirl of Moomokithy p« j(i. The o F Qjr E E N E L I S A B E T H. 36$ The wind favouring tue Spanifh fleet, they continued their courfe up the channel, with the Englifh ihips clofe in their rear. The firength of the Spaniards had not only alarmed, but excit- ed the courage of the whole nation, infomuch that every man of quality and fortune was ambitious of diftinguifhing himfelf by appearing, upon this occafion, againfl the common eneipy. With this public-ipirited view, the earls of Oxford, Northumberland and Cumberland, Sir Thomas Cecil, Sir Robert Cecil, Sir Wal- ter Raleigh, Sir Thomas Vavalbr, and many others, fitted out ihips at their own expence, and went, moik of them in per- fon, to attend the admiral. Men of lower rank fhewed their zeal and loyalty, by fending ammunition and proviiions ', and fo unanimous were all men againft thefe foreigners, that even the Papifts, whom the Spaniards expefted to have found in arms, were glad to wipe away the afperfions which had been thrown upon them, by ferving as common foldiers. When, therefore, the Spanifh fleet anchored on the twenty- feventh of July before Calais, the Englifh admiral had with him near a hundred and forty (hips, which enabled him to gall the enemy extremely. But perceiving on the twenty-eighth, that the Spaniards had fo difpofed their larger ihips, that it would be a very difficult matter to put them again into d border, he refol- ved to pradife an expedient long before in contemplation, in cafe the enemy (hould have come up the river Thames, which was converting fomc of their worft vefl!els into flre-fliips. This me- thod he accordingly purfued, filling eight large barks with all forts of combufliible matter, and fending them under the com- mand of the Captains Young and Frowfe, about midnight, in- to the thickeft part of the Spanifh fleet, where they fpecdiiy began to blaze, and, as the admiral had forefeen, obliged the navy to feparate, and each ihip by fleering a feparate courfe to feek its own fafety. The next day a large galeafs ran afhore on the fands of Ca- lais, where flie was plundered by the Englifli. Defirous, how- ever, of attempting fomewhat,the Spaniards again rcndezvoufed near Graveling, where they waited fome time, in hopes the prince of Parma would have come out ; but in this they were dif- appointed, whether through the want of power or of will in thut great general, is uncertain. At kil, finding thetTifclves hard iii. 1 I , I i ;!f% ;|? •it ,i ■^: m m ill ' Ml I H M "irffiiniiirttKttiiiiniiiijr; ■^i^.ivlkitsn,. i^ NAvAt Histdftif 1^' I hard prefled by the Engliflx fleets which continued to make i terrible fire upon them, they made a bold attempt, to have ro^ treated through the ftreights of Dover ; but the wind coming about with hard gales at north-weft^ drove them on the coaft of Zealand, but foon after veering to the fouth^wed, they tacked and got out of danger. The duke de Medina Sidoni^i took this opportunity of calling a council of war^ wherein* iiXPi mature deliberation, it was refolved, that there were now to4 hopes left of fucceeding, and therefore the rooft prudent thing they could do was to drop their defign> and to fave a9 mwf ihips as poffible **. This refolution being once fixed, ^as immediately earried into execution, and the whole Spanifh navy made all the fail they could for their own coaft, going north- about, which exf pofed them to a variety of unforefeen dangers. The Engjiflii admiral very prudently fent Lord Henry Seymour with a ftrong fquadron to cruize on the coaft of 21ealand, to prevent any danger from their joining with the prince of Parma, and aftes> wards left them to purfue their cmirfe. When the Spanifli fleet: arrived on the Scots coafl, and found that care was every where taken they fliould meet with no fupply, they threw their horfes and mules overboard, and fuch of them as had a proper ilore of water, bore away diredly for the bay of Bifcay with the duke of Medina Sidonia, making in all about twenty-five ihipSi The reft, about forty fail, under the command of the vice** admiral, flood over for the coaft of Ireland, intending to have watered at Cape Clear. On the fecond of September, however^ a tempeft arofe, and drove moft of them aftiore, (6 that up^ wards of thirty ftiips, and many thoufand men> perilhed on tht Irilh coaft. Some likewife were forced a fecond time into jthe Englifh chan- nel, where they were taken, fome by the Englifh, and fome hy the Rochellers. Several very large vefTels were loft among tht weftern iiles, and upon the coaft of Argyleftiire. Out of theiib about five hundred perfons were faved, who came into Edinburgh in a manner naked, and, out of mere charity. Were clothed by h Camden, Stowe, Monfon, SType, Speed, p. 96%. Difcourfe tonterning the Spanifh fleet invading England in the year 1588, &c. originally written in Italittn^ by fetruccio Vbaidinoef Florence, Londgn, itfpe, quaito, p. if, the «F Qj7EfiK ELISABETH. 369 the inhabitants of that city) who alfo attetnped to fend them liome to Spain : but, as if miefortunes were always to attend thetni they were foreed in their pa^ge upon the coaft of Nor- folli, and obliged to put into Yarmouth, where they ftayed till ifdVice was given to the queen and council* who confiderin^ the miferies they had already felt, and not willing to appear lefs Compaflionate than the Scots, fuffered them to continue their Voyage'. Thus, in the (hort fpace of a month, tl^is mighty fleet, which had been no lefs than three years preparing, was deftroyed an4 1>roUght to nothing. Of one hundred and thirty (liips there re- fumed but fifty-three or four, and. of the people embarked there perifhed twenty thoufand men at leaft. We may beft form an idea of their lofs, from the precaution taken by King Philip to hide it, which was, publifhing a proclamation to prohibit mourn<* ing. As to the courage and conftancy he expreifed upon this Occafion, I fhould be \qx^ to contradift many great authorities } yet this is certain, that the Lord-treafurer Burleigh received in- telligence of another kind, viz. << That the king fliould fay after << mafs, that he would fpend the wealth of Spain, to one of <( thofe candlefticks upon the alter, rather than not revenge f( himfelf upon the Englifh*'/' His future condu£b agreed fo ^xzG\y with this threatening, that we may well conclude, if he did not fay, he thought fp, and was therefore far from being fo finmoyed at this difafter as is commonly reported. What might in feme meafure juf^ify his refentment, was the f Jling out of this mifchief through the breach of his orders, whicL >i well remark- ed by a writer of our own } fpr, if the king's in(lru£lions had been purfued, it is more than probable, that Queen Eiifabeth's government had run the utmoft hazard of being overturned. The duke of Medina Sidonia efcaped punifiiment through the intereft of his wife ; but as for Don Piego Flores de Valdez, Whofe perfuafions induced the general to take that ralh ilep, he was arreiled as foon as he fet foot on Ihore, and conducted to i Stowe'* annalli p. 749. Scrype's annalf, vol. iii. p. tt6. in the appendix. Meteren, liv. xv. fol. 305, 30$. Bentivoglio, p. xi. lib. iv. Certain advertife- tnents oat of Ireland concerning the lofles and diftreflei which happened to the Spanifl) navy, London, is88, quarto. Lord Burleigh's journal of the reign of Elifabeth in Murdin's colleAion of ftate-papers, p. 788. k Strypc's annalt, voL Iii. p. 5a5. Camdeni annal. vol. ii. p. $80. Speed, p. 8tf». the i % '•'■I tin !'■'" R 'if 5 ■ i i' ■Itf : mi ivi ll isMamimism:is..'i i; fi B^9 NAVAL HISTORY the caftle of St. Andero, after which he was never heard of more. The fame writer, from whom we have this particular, remarks alfo an error in the conduct of the Englifh, viz, that they did not attack the Spanifh fleet after it arrived before Graveling, whiph however, he affures us, was not through any fault in the admiral, but was occafioned through the negligence of fome under-officers, who had the dire£lion of the military ftores, and had been too fparing of powder and ammunition ; otherwife he tells us, it was thought the duke de Medina Sido- nia, at the perfuafion of his confefTor, would have yielded both himfelf and his (hips, which, it feems, were in that particular not at all better provided. This would have been a conqueft indeed, a conqueft equally glorious and important, the lofs of which ought to teach pofterity not to be too hafty in cenfuring great ofilcers, or too remifs in punifhing little ones. In the pre- fent cafe, this mifchance feems to have been covered by the many favours beftowed by Providence, and the offenders to have efcaped through that general joy which their deliverance from fo great an evil difftifed through the whole nation >. It feems to be injurious to the reputation of thofe brave men, who on this occafion atchieved fuch great things, to give no ac- count of the force of the Englifh fleet, which, however, I find not in any of our general hiftorians } a deficiency which I ihall endeavour to fupply, by adding a lid colle£ted at that time, and which, for any thing I know, has not hitherto been publilhed ' m A LIST of the En gl ish Fleet in the year 1588. Men of war belonging to her Majefty, - - 17 Other (hips hired by her Majefty for this fervicc, - 12 Tenders and ftore-fliips, - - - - .5 Furnifhed by the city of London, being double the num--^ ber the queen demanded, all well manned, and tho- > 16 roughly provided with ammunition and provifion, - j Tenders and ftorefhips, - - - - - 4 Carried over 55 1 Str WJlIiam Manfon's naval tra^«, p. i^x, 173. Stowe, p. 748. Camden, *ol. ii. Mtteien, lib. xv. fol. 308. Bentivoglio, p. xi. lib. iv. p. 115 — 118. »j L'ommunkated to mc by the R:v. D. Ki:ipc, cjnoa of Chrift c!)«rcb, Oxon. ti^ Qj[» ^Bti BLtSABETri; 369 i . Brought dver 55 rUrniihed by the city of Briftolj large and ftrong (hips, 7 . and which did excellent ferVice^ - . ;. 5 A tender, - - - i ^ x From Barnflaple, merchant (hips converted into frigates^ - 3 From Exeter, ^ - • - - A (lout pinnace-, - • • • ' From Plymouth^ ftout fhips every Way, equal to the queen's men of war, m m :. m A fly-boatj • - - • - ' tinder the command of Lord Henry Seymdur, in the narrow feas^ of the queen's ihips and vefleis in her fervice, - - - Ships fitted out at the expence of the Mobility, gentry, "i and commons of England^ a . . ^ By the merchant-adventurers, prime (hips, and excel- 1 lently well furnifhed^ - ^ . . . ^ Sir William Winter's pinnace, - • * • In all 4 I 1 t x6 43 16 t M3 ¥h t qilieeh having mtelligencie that the Spaniards, which was to evident mark of refentment, meditated a fecond attempt upon her dominions, reJTolved like a wife prince(s to find them work at home, in order to which, in the Ipring of the year I58(;> (he iexprefied her royal intention of alfifting I)on Antonio to recover his kingdom of Portugal °i The expedition was undertaken partly at the queen's charge, and partly at the expence of pri- vate perfons^ Her Majefty ^urni(hed fix men of war, and Gxtj thoufand pounds : Sir Francis Drake iand Sir John Norris were joint commanders, who with their friends adventured fifty thou^ (and pounds : the reft was defrayed by London, the Cinque- ports, jpfwich, ilarwich, Newcaftle, dfc. and the whole navy confiftedof a hundred and forty-fix fail°: to which alfo the Dutch, as much iiiterefted as v^e, joined a fmall fquadron >>. . ^ Sbwi;, p. 75i. Camden, vol. iii. p« tfoo, 6oi. M. Faria 7 Soafa, lib. v,\ tokp, 3. ° Stowe, Speed, p. ^63. Strype, vol. iii. p. 538. P Camden, Vo). lit. p. 6di. Le Cler.c, toine i. liv. iv.; Vol. L 3 A. The * It'll m ! JH tm I i4n *•'••■»«*«.., 370 rrAVAL HISTORY The flrft exploit this armament performed was landing near Corunna, commonly called the Groyne i which place they attacked, burnt the adjacent country, together with many ma- gazines of naval ftores, defeated a great body of Spaniards, and then re-embarked their forces, and failed, as they had at firft defigned, for the river of Lifbon*. On their arrival before Pe- liiche, the troops were landed, the place quickly furrendered to Pon Antonio, and from thence Sir John Norris with the earl of Eilex, and the whole army, marched immediately by land to- wards Lifbon, where they expe£led to have met the fleet under the command of Sir Francis Drake; but he, finding it impofTible l» proceed up the river with fafety to her Majefty's (hips, ftaid at the caflle of Cafcais, which place he took, and alfo feized fixty fail of (hips belonging to the Hanfe-towns, laden with corn and ammunition, which, with about one hundred and fifty pieces of cannon, were the principal fruits of this voyage '. It was indeed intended to have gone to the Canaries } but by this time the fol- diers and failors were fb weakened with ficknefs, that it was thought more expedient to return. In their paiTage home they landed at Vigo, took and plundered it, and, having made fome addition to their booty, reached England, Sir Francis Drake ar- riving at Plymouth on the twe^ty.firft of June, and Sir John Norris with the refl of the fleet on the third of July, after having been about ten weeks abroad*. This expedition was inexpreflfibly deftruAive to the Spaniards, difappointed all their defigns, weakened tKbir naval force, and fpread a mighty terror of the Englifh arms through their whole dominions. But, as to any advantages which the proprietors reaped, they were but very inconflderable, and the generals met with a cold reception in England ; Sir John Norris charged Sir Francis Drake with breach of his promife, and Sir Francis ac- cufed him of expe^ing from a fleet fervices that were impra^i- h 4 Sir William Moiiren*s naval traAt, p. 1 74. Birch's memoirs of ElUabetb, vol. i. p. 59. r See all the before cited authors, who write copioufly of this atTair, and yet memoir-writers aferibe this mifcairiage to the variance between our generals. See alfo Sfr Francis Drake's letter to the Lord treafurcr Burleigh, dated thezdof June, 1589, in Strype's annals, Tol. iv. p. 8. • Stowe's Minals, p. 757. Speed, Camden. Birch's memoiri, vol. i. p. tfo, 61. Fcnera'f hift. dc Efpana, p% xy. $ %6. , cable. OF Q^OEEN ELISABETH. 371 cable. The chief grounds of their mlfcarriage were in thofe days* when men could beft judge, held to be thefe : Flrft, they were but indifferently manned and Ti^ualled, of which misfortune they were very fenfiWc before they were out of the channel. Secondly, their landing at the Groyne was contrary to their in- Aru£tions, gave the men an opportunity of drinking new wines, and expofed them to a great and unneceflary lofs. Thirdly, the difagr cement of the generals before Lilbon defeated the remain- ing part of their deiign, and obliged them to think of comin{( home fooner than they intended, or was necefltiry } whereas, if, in purfuance of theu: inftru^ions, they had failed dircAly to the coafts of Portugal, and landed their forces there, it is more than probable they had efFe^ually placed Don Antonio upon the throne of Portugal, which would have given a deadly liroke to the power of Spain, and mu(t have greatly promoted the inte* reft and extended the commerce of England*. The difappointments which happened in this voyage did not difcourage either the queen or her fubje£ts from purfuing the war by Tea, and endeavouring as much as poflible to ruin the maritime force of Spain, and augment their own. In order to this, her Majefty fettled a part of her revenue for the ordinary fupply of the navy, amounting to about nine thoufand pounds a-year, and by exprefling a very high efteem for fuch young lords, and other perfons of diftin^ion, as had {hewn an inclina- tion to the fea-fervice, fhe encouraged others to undertake ytt greater things ••. Amongft thefe the earl of Cumberland parti* cularly diftinguiihed himfelf by fitting out a flout fquadron in the fummer of the year 1589, with which he failed to the Ter» cera iflands, where he did the Spaniards incredible mifchief^ and obtained confiderable advantages for himfelf and for his friends. The ifland of Fayall he reduced, took the city and caflle there* on, from whence he carried forty-five pieces of cannon, forced the ifland of Graciofa to a compoHtion, and feized feveral rich (hips, amongd: the reft one, the cargo of which wa^ valued at •m 1': . III m '■'i wv Mm' u ■ifl " !i f |i' i h I' III (li H'i 1 mi < sir William Monfon** naval traAi, p. 174, 175. Stowe'? »nnaU, p. 757. io which we find that, on their return, the folder* and Tailors thought of making them- fdves amends for their difappointments by plundering Bartholomew fair. ** Cam- den. Sir R. Naunton in his Fragmenta regalia. Lord Bacon In hit charaAct ^ <;^een EjKabetb. 3 A 3 upwards m ■!|li wmK^aamimi 3n UAVAL HISTORY I (C; vpwards of an hundred thoufand pounds, which in his returoj however, was loft in MountVBay on thc Cpaft of Qornwall ^, In 1590 Sir John Hawkins and Sir Marti^ Forbilher were at fea with two fquadron?, and by ioipcding the ret^^^of the Spa- nifh plate-fjeets from America, and other fervices, kept King Philip entirely employed at home, though his thoughts werp ftill bufy in cotntriving another es^pedition againft £nglanc|* The fucceeding year Lord Thomas Howard, fecond fon to the iiuke of Norfolk, failed with a fquadron to the iilands, in hope^ flf intercepting the Spanifli fleet from the WeiV Indies, which now was forced to return home* In this he had probably fuci: ceeded, if his force had been greater ; but having no more than fcven of the queen's Ihips, and about as many fitted out by prir iiate adventurers, he ve?y narrowly efcaped being totally de? ilroyed by the Spaniards : for King Phijip, knowing the difmal confequences that mufl: have followed, in cafe hi$ plate-fleet •was intercepted, refolved to employ that force, which was in- tended againft England, for its relief, and accordingly fent Don Antonio BafTaii, an es^perience^ feamaq and an excellent o.fficer.i with a f^ect qf forty- five fail, to attack Lord Thomas Howard, yrho, rery narrowly efcaped them. His vice-admiral Sir Richard Gren-; viUe, in the Revepge, wa$ ta|:en through his own obftinacy ; for, when the enemy was in fight, ^e would not be perfqaded that it was the armada, but infifted that it was the American fleft, and fo was furrounded. He fold his life an4 his fhip, which was the only one of the queen*^ taken in the war, dearly ; for a man of war called the Afcenlion, of Seville, apd a double fly- boat full of m^ri, furik by his fide. The Revenge was fo battered, that fhe could not be carried to Spain, but foundered at fea wit^ t\fq hqndred Spaniards on board ; and, as for Sir Richard Grenyille, he died two days after of his wounds. The next day after the fight the plate-fleet arrived, which fliews the uncer- tainty of expeditions of this kind ; for, had it come but one day foouer, o^i" had the armada been one day later, the Englifli had poflefled themfelvesof an immenfe treafure. The Spaniards, how- ever, gaiqcd very Hittlc by their dear-bought fucce(s j for, in their return home, near 1 00 vefl^els were wrecked, :>nd the greateft part T* Haklyyt's voyages, voj. ii. p. 143. Pnrcl as's pj'gnni*, vol. i«. p. 114%. Sif, ""^'ill^im Monfoa's naval tnfts, p. 176. ■■■ ' ■' • •■■ ;■ . . • of OP QjiBEN ELISABETH. 373 pf the wealth on board them was lofi, while Lord Thomas How<» ard with his little fleet ftillkept the fea, and,by pickmg up ftragf glers, faved a great part of the expences of his expedition '. In 1 59 1 the earl of Cumberland made another expedition, and in 1592 Sir Martin Forbifher and Sir John Burroughs infefted the Spanilh coaft, and did much mifchief. In 1594 the queen fent a fmall fquadron to fea under the command of Sir Martin Forbifher, to reduce the port of Bred in Bretagne, which the Icing of Spain had taken, by the afTiAance of the leaguers in France, from King Henry IV, A place that, if it had been long kept, muft have been very troublefome to that monarch, and would have given the Spaniards great advantages againfl us. It was ftrong as well by fituation as by the art and expence em- ployed in fortifying it, and had befides a numerous garrifon of 2>pani{h troops, Sir John Norrisi with ^ fmall Englifli army, formed the fiege by land ; Sir Martin Forbiflier, with only four men of war, forced an entrance into the harbour, and baying thus blocked up the place by fea> landed his Tailors, and, in conjunftion with Sir John Norris, ftormed the fort, wliich, though gallantly defended, was taken, hut with the lofs of abundance of brave men, and amongft them may he reckoned Sir Martin himfelf, who died of the wounds he received in that fervice. The fame year Sir Francis Drake and Sir John Haw- kins f;vled on their laft expedition into the Weil Indies y. The Spaniards, who feldom abandon any deOgn they once undertake, were all this time employed in aifembling and equip- ping another fleet for England, and, as an earned of their in- tentions, in the year 1595* I)on Diego Brochero, with four gallies, arrived in Mount's-bay in Cornwall, and, landing with all his men, burnt three little places, viz Moufe-hole, Newlin, and Penzance, with ^ neighbouring church, but without killing qr taking fo much as a fingle man ^. This, however, alarmed the nation, and engaged the queen to undertake an invafion of the Spanilh dominions, to prevent any fuch future viHts to her « Camden, vol. ii. p. tf37i «38. Sir William Monfon, p. 178, 179. Carew's fiirvey of Cornwall, fol. 62. Sir Walter Raleigh's true report in Hakluyt, vol. H. p. iffp. Linfchotten^s voyages, book i. chap. 99. Sir Richard Hawkins's ob« fervations, p. 10. y Camden, vol. iii. Stowe, p. 809. Hakluyt, vol. iil. Ful- ler's worthies in YorkChire, p. 133. Sir William Monfon's naval traAs. 2 Cam* den, vtfl. iii, p. <5p7, C«rfw'» fuifvey of Cornwall, fol, 115. Him .1 ■ I'; '. -I"' ' ! m I': \h I 1 1 flPSP'^^PWISP'^^ hi! :i 374 NAVAL HISTORY own ; in order to which, a ftout fleet and^ numerous army were provided under the moil experienced officers of thofe times. The true defign of this expedition was to deftroy the Spanifh fleet in the port of Cadi2, and to make themfelves maders of that rich city. The force employed was very great, not lefc in all than one hundred and fifty fail, of which one hundred twen- ty-fix were men of war } but of thefe only feventeen were the queen's fhips, the reft were hired from traders, and fitted for this voyage. On board this mighty fleet were embarked upwards of feven thoufand men *. The joint commanders of the expedi- tion were the earl of Efiex and the lord high admiral (Howard), aflided by a council of war, compofed of the following honou- rable perfons, viz. Lord Thomas Howard, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir Francis Vere, Sir George Carew, and Sir Conyers Clifibrd. There was beGdes a Dutch fquadron under the command of Admiral Van Duvenvoord, confifting of twenty-four ftiips, well manned and viduallcd. This navy lay for fome time at Ply- molith, till all things could be got ready, and then, on the firfl: of June 1 596, failed for the coall of Spain with a fair wind, and the good wiflies of all their countrymen •>. In their paflage they were divided into five fquadrons j and, whereas in former expeditions great inconveniencies had happen- ed by the enemy's having early intelligence, in this they were Co happy as to arrive in fight of Cadiz on the twentieth of the fame month, before they were either looked for, or fo much as ap- prehended. They found the town indifferently well fortified, and defended by a ftrong caftle. In the port were forty-nine Spaniftx fliips, amoKigft them many laden with treafure, and nineteen or twenty gallies. It was refolved the fame day in a council of war to have landed all their forces at St. Seba- ftian's; but, when they came to attempt it, that was found im* practicable. After this, fome time was loft before their coming to another refolution, which was owing to the joint command; for the earl of Eflex, who was young and warm, affefted to dictate, and, on the other hand, the admiral, who had as much • Stowe, p. 771. Speed, p. 8<58. Sir William M^nfon's acBoimt of the wars with Spain in the reign of Queen Eliftbeth, p. 18. Vere's commentariei, p. 14. t> Camden, vol. iii. p. 710, 7x1. Sir William Monfon's naval trades, p. 184. li.tkliiyr, vol. i. p. 607. Metcren, liv. xviii. fol. 390. fiei)tivo<>lio, p. iii. Uv. iii. U^D courage, OF QjjKEN ELISAfiEtH. 37^ coumgCj !%nd a greal deal more experience, could not brook being tr- :d in fuch a manner. At Id> ik was determined to attack the (hips in the haven, be- fore any attempt was made upon the town ; whereupon a new difficulty arofe, which was, who (hould command this attack, firft demanded by the earl of EiTex, then given to Sir Walter Raleigh, laftiy challenged and enjoyed by the vice-admiral lord Thomas Howard. In the execution of it fome errors were com- mitted by the Englifh through the too great heat and emulation of their commanders, but others much more grofs and fatal by the Spaniards, who, when they found themfelves compelled to fly, did it without any of thufe precautions whereby they might have provided for their fafety j for, indead of running their fliips afhore under the town, where they would have been covered by their own artillery, and where at lead their men might have gone afhore in fafety, they ran them up the bay as far from the enemy as pofTible, by which means part fell into the hands of the Engliih, and the reft were burnt <=. In the mean time the earl of EiTex landed his men quietly, the enemy deferting a ftrong fort, from which they might have done him much mifchief ; three regiments alfo were fent to make themfelves mafters of the caufeway which unites the ifland to the xnain. This they performed with very fmall lols, but afterwards quitted it again, which gave the gallies an opportunity of efca- ping J another ovcrfight, for whicli no account can be given. The lord admiral, hearing the earl was landed, landed alfo with the remainder of the forces, doubting much whether his lord- fhip could have kept the place ; and, while the two generals were employed in reducing the city. Sir Walter Raleigh was fent to feize the fliips in the harbour of Port-real, to prevent which the duke of Medina Sidonia caufed them to be fet on fire and burnt, whereby twenty millions were buried in the (ea^. ^ <^ c See the relation at the end of the firft volume of Hakluyt's voyigcs, faid to be written by a perfon who was in the expedition, as alfo a better copy of the fame relation in Stowe'i annals, p. 771. See iikewife Sir \VtUiarn Monfon's ac- count and obfervationi on this voyage in his tra^s, p, 184. Ferrera's hi^l. de Efpana, p. xv. § itf. Mayeriie. Turquet hift. d'Efpagne, Hv. xxKvi. p. 281. d Camden, vol. jii. p. 715, Stowe, p. 774. Speed, p. 870. fir Waltrr Ra- leigh's relation of the a£Uoa at Cadii, in his genuine i:'m.ii:u publilL'^J by his graiidfon, p. 15. Wrc's commentaries, p ^i. The "ill Mi "I' ' It ,\ ,'M J. lis c 1* p I I i!i ■• Mil :i I!: ,i,; |l!!' 8^6 N A t- A L HISTORY The city and its forts they pofleflcd for a fortnight, and the earl of Eflcx was verj defirous of being left there with a gar- rifon, however fmall } which was, notwithftanding, over-ruled by the council of war, and then it was agreed to fail to FarO) in the kingdom of Algarve,^ where they found the place deferts- ed by its inhabitants, and void of any thing that could be made plunder. To repair this difappointment, the earl of EiTex was for failing to the Azores^ and there waiting for the £afl India fliips } but in this, toO) he was over-ruled, becaufe there was a great complaint of the want of provifion and ammunition on board their fleet. In their return they looked into the ports of the Groyne, St. Andero, and St. Sebailian's> where they expelled to find (liips, but met with none j and after thisi no- thing remarkable happened till their arrival in England^ which was on the eighth of Auguft the fame yean They brought with them two galleons, one hundred brafs guns, and an im- xnenfe booty, the defire of keeping vfh'ich is conceived to havs hindered them from performing mor*;. But with refpe£fc to ths damage done the Spaniards, it is not eafy to form any com- putation. However, this we know, that they burnt eleven men of war, forty ftiips from the Indies, four large merehant-meni end many magazines of ammunition and provifion ', fo thai notwithllanding the people might murmur here at home about the mifcarriage of this voyage, as from the writings in thofe times it manifeflly appears they did, yet taking all things toge» ther. It anfwered very well, and dillrefTed the enemy excefi* Cvely *. In the fpring of the year 15971 the kiiig of Spain fitted Out a frefli armada from Lifbon, compofed not only of his own (hips and gallies, but alfo of all that he could take up and hire in Italy, or elfewhere. On board of thefe he embarked a: great •' ^ ■•» « Compare Sir William Monfon's remarki with the apology of the earl of EC* fcx, as alfo witk the account given of this bufmefs by Mr. Oldys, in his excellent life of Sir Walter Raleigh. See likewife the difTetent relations of this expeditioil by the earl of Eflex, Sir Anthony Standen, Sir Chriftopher Biunt, and the lord admiral floward, in Dr. Birch's memoirs of Etifabeth, vol. ii. p. 45-^ii' Letters •f thanks were written to the lord admiral, on his arrival at Plymouth, and to thfe carl of EfTex, and Mynheer Van Duvenvoord at Portfmouth, by order of tht queen, for their great fervicei on this oCcafioo« See Lord fiHrleigh's diary la Murdin's collection, p. 809. body O QjjfiEN ELISABETli. 377 bbdjr of troops, efpecially of the Irifh, intending to have in- Vaded both England and Ireland i but the winds difappointed him> fcattered his fleet, and thirty-fix fail were caft away. In the mean time the queen refolved to fit out another fleet under the command of the earl of EfTex, with an intent to intercept the plate-fleet near the Azores, after burning fuch vefTels as were in the harbours of the Groyne and Ferrol. This fleet conflfted of forty men of war, and feventy other fliips, to lirhich the Dutch added ten men of war, under Sir John Van Duvenwoord, who was knighted in the former expedi- tion fk They failed from Flymduth the ninth of July } but a ftorm arifing, they were forced back thither again, and did not fail the fecond time till the feventh of Auguft; They ufed their befl; endeavours to perform the firft part of their inftruftionsj but finding it impracticable^ they thought it expedient to flieer for the iflands) which accordingly they didi In this voyage Sir Walter Raleigh's (hip fprung her maftj which however did not hinder him^ wheii he had repaired his lofs, from proceeding to the place of rendezvous, which was the ifland of Flores. He had fcarce begun to wood and water thercj before the earl of Eifex fent him orders to follow him to Fayal^ ^hich ifland the general himfelf intehded to attempti Raleigh obeyed him } but not finding Efllex on his arrival, and perceiving that the peopid were fecuring their goods, throwing up retrenchments, and making every other preparation necefliary for their defence, he> with the advice of his oflicers, refolved, in cafe EfTex did noc arrive in four days, to attempt the reduction of the ifland^ which accordingly he performed } bi|t though he got reputation by this exploit, yet he loft the general's friendfliip, fo that a coldnefs thenceforward prevailed, which afterwards increafed to open oppofition and the moft rancorous hatred «• After Eflex's arrival they failed together to Graciofa, which immediately fubmittcd. Here the general intended to havd flayed ; and if he had done fo, utldoubtedly it had anfwered his f Ferrera's h\(i. 66 Efpanij p. tj. § xvi. Metferen, Hv. xix. fol. 403. Cam- deo, Vol. iii. p. 737. 738. S See Sir William M«nfon't refleOioni upoa this expedition, the life of Sir Walter Raleigh before cic«d| and Stowe'a annalf«. p. 1^3. Vol. i. , 3 B purpofe, 4 ^■l •■'lir 'm , ^:if •in' i>i 'li m\ 'i'U h: \' frerc terribly beaten ; however, their (hips be* iug light and ftrong, and manned by able featnen, they with much difficulty reached our weAern coaft, in the latter end of the month of Odober''. The compafs of this work, I confefs, ought to deter me from digreffionsj but as the principal intention of it is to givt the reader a juf^ and impartial hotion of the conduct of our fiaval aji'airs under every reign, fo I think myfelf obliged to make a few (hort reflections on the fa6ts before fet down, in order to fliew how little we flood indebted for fafcty to the management of our own commahders, or to the faults of our enemies, and how much we owe to the care of divine Provi* dence, which a heathen would have called the fortune of Queen Elifabeth. This expedition to the Azores might have proved, if well managed by us^ the ruin of the i^panifli |X)wer, and as it was managed, had very near been fatal to our oWil ; fo much de* petids on the condtuft of commanders, and fo little regard ought there to be had to high titles and great quality, where the fafety of a nation i$ at ftake. The earl of ECex was chofen for this command frorn court-motives, fuch as his birfh, intereflr, and perfonal accomplinimems, though be wanted almoft all thft qualities requifite for a commander in chief. His courage was hot and fierce, but not refolute or lafling •, his wit was quick, but his judgment flow and unfettled ; and beGdes all this, de<- ficient in experience. Sir William Monfon, who went the voy- age with him, and who appears enough inclined to favour him, owns that their mifcarriage was entirely owing to his Lordfhip's incapacity, who was unable to form any right refolution him<» K C.miden, Stowe, Spc-d, Rapin. 3 ^ i> i'll K 1 1 ;i ■ni it -■■;f m. !i;,n I ,'i h 'I' lu't i ,'H , I 3U NAVAL HISTORY ielf, or pnrfue (Readily any meafures recommended to him by thofe who were more knowing than he >. Sir Walter Raleigh fell into difgrace with him, and, a« Sir William Monfon fays^^ had fmarte^ feyerely, \£ the e^l bad not been afraid of being galled to an account for it in England, and all this for doing his duty, for performing the oply important fervice done in the whole e^^pedition^ This demonftr^tes, that the e^rl h^d no yiew but to his pwq particular glory, and that the public fervice was to be poftponed wheneveip it came in co^ipetition thercr with. By this management that plate*fleet efcaped, which, if it ha4 heen taken, wqu14 h^ve ^uined the Spanis^rd?, and made us. His fubfequent attempts to repair hi^ own honour, and to niake a (hew of that refolution which he really had not, de? |ayed the return of the fleet, and gaye the Spanifh admiral an opportunity of invading England, which an accidental ftorm prevented. So much is due to truth, and to the intereft of th^ nation; nor would I have this looked on as flowing from any pique to the memory of the earl of Eflex, who was certainly a popular nobleman, endowed with many virtues : but where the public fuffers, an hiftorian ought to fpare no man, however fupported by the favour pf his prince, or magnified by the fo^ ly of the people ", , In 1598, the earl of Cumberland fitted out a fquadron of eleven fail a^ his o^n expence, with which he firft attempted tp intercep.t the Liibon fleet in its paiTage to the Bad Indies. Be? ing 4ifappointe4 in that, he failed to the Canaries, where he made a defcent on the iflan4 of Lancerota, plundered it, and then proceeded tp >\merica, where he promifed himfelf great things. The place he fixe4 npon was th? iflan4 of Puerto Ripo, where he landed, and took the capital with fmall lofs. This city he determined to keep, therefore refufed a very large ranfom oflfered him by the inhabitants, whom he turned out^ and then (hpught pf fortifying the place, with an intent to have 1 Sir WtllUm Monfon'-s nav^l traAs, p. 191. ' tt> The reader may be convinced of the truth of what i? above aflerted, by comparini; the relation of Sir Arthur Gorget, before cited, witli Sir Wiliiani Moni'on's account in hii naval tra£b, and wliat is faid on the fame lubjeA by Mr. Oldvs.in hit life of Sir Walter Raleigh. J"- . '-■> ■'■■■ ' .. ' ' , ' f ■' cruizc4 or QjJESN ELISABETH. sai eruiced from thence upon the Spaniih coafts*, hut he was quickly convinced that the defign was imprafticable, difeafes fpreading amongft his foldiers and feamen to fuch a degree, that he was obliged to abandon his conqueft, and to return ^ome with very great reputation, rather than any confiderable reward ■. In I599> there was a great 0eet fitted out by the queen's command ; but it fecms rather with an intent to watch the Spa.* niards, than to undertake any other enterprize of importance; ^nce after remaining about three weeks in the Downs, it wa^ again laid up* Yet the equipping this fleet had a great effect Upon Spain, and all the powers of Europe, for it was drawa together in twelve days time, well vi£tualled, and thoroughly manned, which ihewed the ilrength of our maritime power, and how much it was improved fince 1588 °. The next year, being 1600, Sir Hichard Levifop was fent to intercept the plate-fleet, which defign, though it was well contrived, and wifely executed, yet failed P. In 1601, the fame admiral was ^inp]|oyed in Ireland, where he did good fervice, in obliging ^e Spaniards, who had landed a confiderable body of forces, (0 relinquifh their deflgn, and withdraw out of that ifland<>. In 1602, the fame admiral i|i conjun^ion with Sir William Monfon, was employed in an expedition for interceptino; the galleons, which had infallibly taken effe^, if the Dutch had fent their fc^uadron, agreeable to their engagements with the queen '. Not^trithf^anding this difappointment, they continued on the coaft of iPorti^gal, and at length refolved to attack a galleon, which lay with elieven gallies in the road ct Cerim^ bra, which, as it was one of the mo(l gallant exploits per- formed in the whole war, deferves to be circumftantially related. The town of Cerimbra was large and well built with free- fione, defended by a good citadel well furniihed with artillery. Above the town, on the top of a mountain, flood an abbey, " Camden, vol. Ui. p. 778. Stowe, p. 788. Purchases pilgrimt, vol. iv. p. 115c— >i 157. o Sf.r 'William Monfon'* naval tnCtt, p. 195, Stowe, p. 788. Speed, p. 877. P Sir William Monfon't naval traAs, p. >9tf. 9 Stowe, p. 798. Itinerary of Fyaes Moryfon, b. it. p. 134. Camden, p. 887^ f Sir William Monfon's naval traAs, p. 198. Cam« den, p. 893* ' •v'P" ifti. w :. ! '■'.'I'M f il I'll il m ! 1"' ' !1 i;i;i ly ■1: it mi- 3«* Naval histoat fb foitified as to command the place, the citadel, and the road. The galleon was mooted clofe to the (hore, fo as to defiend by its fire, part of the citadel and part of the town t the gallies had fo flanked and fortified themfelves, that they were able to make a great fire upon the Englilh deet, without receiving any damage themfelves, till fuch time as our fhips were juft before the town. Yet, in fpite of thefe and many other advantages, the Englifh admirals refolved to attack them, which they did on the third of June. A gale of wind blowing frefh about two in the morning, the admiral weighed, and made the fignal for an attack. The vice-4tdmiral did the like, and foon after they fell upon the enemy with great fury; and though the Spaniards defended themfelves with much refolution, yet in the end feve- ral of the gallies were burnt, the garrifon driven from the caflle, and the rich galleon, for which all this flruggle was made, taken, with about a million of pieces of eight on board '. The fourth, taking the benefit of a fair wind, thev returned to £ng« land. Frederic Spinola, in the St^ Lewis, failed from Cerimbra| with the reft of the gallies riiat had efcaped, viz The St. John Baptift, the Lucera, the Fadilla, the Philip, and the St. John^ for the coafl of Flanders, and on the twenty-third of Septem* ber entered the BritiHi channel. Sir Robert Manfel was cruizing there with two or three men of war, and four Dutch fhips, to intercept them. The enemy firft difcovered two of the Duteh ihipsj and refolved to engage them. But before they could put thi^ deHgn into execution, perceiving one of the queen's, they ftood off the remainder of the day, hoping by advantage of the night to gain their intended port. The ad- miral, and the other flilps, with the two Dutch men of war, chafed them from eight in the morning tiH fun-fet, when the gallies altered their courfe for the Englifh fhore, and came Co near it, that fome of the flaves got off their chains, leaped overboard, and fwam to land. They then very unhappily ran into * Sir WilHim Mnnron't naval traAn, p. 199 — aei . Camden, p. 893—895. Fuller'f worthies in Lincolnfhire, p. 153. t JohnHoni, rcrum Britan- nicarum hid. lib. ix. p. 309. Winwond*! memorials, vol. i. p. 401, 412, 413* 'tis, 43<>> 4j8, 439. Sir William Monfon's naval traAi, p. 203. .VJI ■Il 0* QjissN £LISAB£TH. 38j ■ \'r the place, where one of her MajeAy*s ihipSi and the Hollanders laj at anchor. Sir Robert foreiecing that the gallies muft fail in with thofe (hips, in order to make them ftill keep that courfe, fleered a little out of the way, to get between them and the coaft of Flanders. The fliip which they thus fell in with, was the Anfwer, Capt. Broadgate, who fired upon them very briikly, as the Dutch did likewife. The enemy however did not fire fo much as a fingle gun, but made the beft ufe they could of their oars, and fteering at random, one of them in the night came direfUy upon the admiral, who difcharging all his guns, brought down her main-mail, when, hearing a moft lamentable cry, ht offered thofe who were in her quarter. The other five gallies came to her afTiftance, at whom he dif^ charged a broadfide, but what execution it did could not be difcovered. One of the Dutch fhips falling foul of the galley called the Lucera, carried away her rudder, and fo difabled her that fhe funk immediately, with all that were on board By a like accident the Padilla fplit in pieces, and the Dutch vefTel, who was the occafion of the difafter, narrowly efcaped fharing the fame fate. A third was caft away through carelefihefs of the failors, in her endeavouring to reach Calais. Two put into Newport. Spinola in the Admiral, with a very valuable cargo, got fate, though with difficulty, into Dunkirk, and after refit- ting the three gallies, carried them to Sluys ". The year fol- lowing he was killed in an engagement with the Dutch, leaving behind him the charafber of a very brave and gallant com- mander*. This was the laid great exploit performed by fea in this reign ; for the queen, now far in years, and worn out with the cares and fatigues of government, died on the twenty-fourth of March following, in the forty-fifth year of her reign, and in the feventieth of her life, when fhe had fettled the Proteftant religion throughout her kingdom, had reftored the crown to its -tl 'tl m if? u Camdeni annal. Eliz. p. 895. Hugon. Grotii hi(l. Belgic. Aib anno 1601. He g.vei all the honour to hif countrymen, but with how little reafun will appear hereafter, from a very curious and authentic paper written by Sir Robert Manfel. w Card. Bcntivoglio Guerra dc Fiandra, p. 531. H, GrotH aiiiul. & bifl. A» D. kSuj. Metcren NiJtrJaiid. hift. foi. soo. ancient t .; i.'f 1' i!'ii'( 'ill 384 waval history ancient reputation, fupported her allies with the greateft £rni^ \ nefs, and humbled her enemieS| fo as to compel them to think of foliciting for peace '. « Camden. Lord 811160 ia hif ehtuQet of Queen Elifabeth, and in hit ' difcourftof peace and war. Stowe, Speed. See alfo a very curioui letter t6 ^ Mr. afterwards Sir Ralph Wiowood, and fteretary of (late to the Dike de "ttt- nouille, acquainting him with the. demife, and fome other extraordinary parti* culari of this illnftriout piiocefi. In Winwood'a racmoriali, vol. ii. p. 400, 401. Dr. Birch's memoiri of that reign, vol. ii. p. so8. Moyfer'a menoira of the affkiri of Scotland, p. 309. See a very particular and accurate relation of the lad fickneft and death of this great queen, left ni by hel- near relatlott^ Sir Robert Cary, after wardi earl of Monmouthi in bit aicnoirsi p* i7a« thi n 6^ Qjr BkH i^e hames of fuch fhips Karnes of fhips; Elifabeth Jonas^ * Triumph, - • ^VhitcBca^» Viftorj, Mer-Honcur, Ark Royal, • Saint Matthew^ * Saint Andrew, Due Repulfe, Garland, - - Warfpight, i i Mary Rofc^ ji i The Hope* i i Bonaventurei The Lyont - Nonpareil, i s i Defiance^ - - B.ainbot(r, - - Dreadnblight^ ^^ - Antelope, - - Swiftfurei « - Swallow, « - ^orefight, - i iThe Tide, * s. The Crandi ^ - Adventure^ a • Quittance^ - '• Anfwer, ' - . •• - Advantage) * - 'Tyger, - , * Tramdiitain) - * The Scout, - - The Catis, b ^ The Charles* The Moon, - The Advice, - - The Spy, The Merlin, The Sun, - Synrtet, - - - George Hoy, - - P^^nnyrofc Hoy, Vol. 1. ELISABETH. 385 as her Majefty left at her death. Ton- nage. tMeii) Men in Utfu: har-jwherc- botir. of 900 1000 900 800 8co 800 1 000 900 700 700 6c o 600 600 600 500 500 500 400 350 400 330 300 250 200 250 SCO 200 200 200 120 100 70 60 5° 50 45 4d 20 100 80 30 3*^ 30 '7 3^ 17 30 I? 16 16 12 12 12 12 12 \^ \2 10 10 10 10 10 7 7 7 7 7 7 7 6 6 5 5 5 5 S 5 S 2 10 8 ners. 500 500 50c 400 400 40c 500 40Q 350 300 300 256 250 250 250 250 256 25b JlOO 160 200 160 i5o 120 160 120 100 100 160 1 00 70 66 60 45 40 40 40 35 30 Gun- neri. 340 340 340 Jt68 268 268 340 268 230 190 i9« 150 150 150 150 150 150 450 130 114 130 114 ti4 88 ^o 88 70 70 70 ^6 5a 48 42 32 30 30 30 26 24 40 40 49 34 32 32 40 32 30 3° 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 20 16 20 16 16 t2 10 12 10 10 10 10 8 8 8 6 5 5 5 5 4 3^^ Sol- dUri* 120 120 120 100 too 100 X20 100 90 80 80 70 70 7® 70 70 70 70 5<» 3<* SO 30 30 20 20 20 20 20 20 2d 10 10 19 7 5 ir 4 2 Her I « !l 1^1 ■■ ■Hi . .,11 .^1 m fiJ - i" ■ « ill \'m il iliii r- 2^6 NAVAL HlfStai^Y Herattentim to trade appears in m^ny inftances, of fomco^ which it may not be amifs to treat more particularly. The met* chants of the Hanfe-'towns complained loudly in the beginning, of her reign, of the ill treatment they had received in the days df Edward and Queen Mary; to which fli&very prudently an- fwercd, <*' That as (he would not innovate any thing, Jb flic « would prote£t them flill in the immunities and condition (he «* found them ;"" which not contenting them,, their commerce "Was foon after fulpended for a time, to the great advantage of the Engliih merchants} for they trying what they could do themfelves dierein, their adventures and returns proving fuccefs-* fnl, they took the whole trade into their hands, and fo divided themfelves into ftaplersand merchant-adventurers, the one re- ading conftantly at fome one place,, the other keeping their courfe and adventuring to other towns and ftates abroad, with cloth and other manufaAures. This fo nettled the Hanfe, that they devifed all the ways tbait a difcontented people- could, to draw upon our n«w ilaplers or adventurers the ill opinion of other nations and ftates; but that proving of too fmall force to- ilop the current of fo ftrong a trade as they were now run into, they reforted to fome other practices.- - ' They applied themfelves to the emperor, as being a- lociet J> incorporated into the empire j and upoo- complaint,, obtained ambafladors to the que«n, to mediate the bufinefs, but thefe re- tJurned ri hifeifa. Hereupon tlie queen caufed a proclamatiorr to be publifhed, that the merchants of the Hanfe fhould be freatedy and ufed a«- all other ftranger^ in her dominions, ia pcrint of commerce, without any mark of diftindbon. At hift> the Hanfe-toWns prevaited fo far in virtue of their German con- nedtions as to gain an imperial cdi£l,. whereby the Dnglifli mer- chants were prohibited all commerce ia the empire ; this was anfwered by a proclamation ^, in confequence of which, fixty fail of rlaeir (hips were taken in the river of Lifbon, laden with contraband goods for the ufe of the Spaniards. Thefe fhips the queen intended to have reftorcd, as fmcercly defirlng to have y Th« imperial edift of t)ie Emperor Rodolph IT. bears date the firft of Au. gad, 1597 J which^. together with her majefty's proclamation of the thirteenth of January, following, may tie met with at large in Whcdcr'a trcatife uf cum* mciee, p. 80, pj..,^,^^^^^ , ,( ^ ^ compromifcd > h •^ » \-9 I OF QuEBM ELISABETH. 387 conapromired all differences with thofe trading cities ; but when {he was informed that a general aifembly was held at the city of Lubeck in order to concert meafures for diftreffing the EngliOi trade, Oie caufsd the fhips and their cargoes to be coniifcated; only two of them were releafed to carry home this news, and >, whence the prefent £aft India Company is derived, as wUl be hereafter (hewn. Befides thcfe numerous marks of her royal favour, and ftrift attention to the commerce of her fubje£ls, the queen afforded Others continually, by fending envoys and agents to the Gzar, to the Shah of Perfia, to feveral great princes in the £a(l Indies,, and, in fhort, wherever her interpofition could be of any ufe to open, to promote, or to recover any branch of traffic, as appears by all the hiftories that are extant of her reign K It may be faid, and which is more, may be faid with truth and juftice, that in the inidil of thefe great things done for induflry and trade, the prerogative was carried very high, many monopolies eredtedj^ and feveral cxclufive privileges granted, which have been found injurious to trade. But the difcuffing thefe points belong to ge- neral hiftory. The queen levied taxes fparingly, and helped out her revenues, by what were then ftyled rights of the crown. Monopolies were the invention, at lead had the countenance, and tvrncd to the profit of her minillers, '.vho for a time dct ceivcd their miftrefs into the fupport of them ; but when flic underftood the nature and extent of them, fhe gave them up. As to ftatutes prejudicial to trade, there were fome founded in popular error, from which no age is exempt : or things them- felveshave changed their cii"cum{iances, if not their nature, that ■what was pr might be judged right then, ;nay be plainly wrong now. " f Ar. li Elif, cap. v5i. ^ Hakluyt'* voyages, vol. il. p. n4. * Dated at Wctlrniiiltei, peccmber 31. A. R. 43. and recited at large in Purchas, vol. i. Vh. v'l. p. J44. i Camden, Bacon, Oftuirnc, Stowe, Holingfhcd, Speed, Riipin. See the letters additned to tliofr princes by the queen, on that head, at loigil), ifi Hikluyt, vol. i. p. 338, J39, 375, 418. vo!. li. p. 138, 203. vol. iii. ' - :.,. ' .''''' ' t'''^ ^ '--'■ .-, ' " \.- But OF qjjEEN ELISABETH. 389 But the peculiar glory of Queen Elifabeth's reign in this re* fpe£t) was the great care (he took of the coin, which, as we have (hewn, was fliamcfully debafed in the reigns of Henry VIII. and Edward VI^ and though her fifter had put an entire ftop to this bad practice, yet the circumftances of her affairs were very far from being fuch as to admit her taking any meafures towards an effe^ual amendment, the bafe coin continuing to have a currency, though it began to fink in its value ; which, however, did not hinder foreigners from pouring in vaft quanti- ties of that mixed money, to the great detriment of the nation, and this, notwithilanding that princefs expoftulated with her neighbours upon that fubje£):, and her doing all (he could to hinder it''. But immediately after the acceflion of Queen Eli- fabeth, the Lord Burleigh and Sir Thomas Smith, whofe papers upon that head are yet extant, interpofed with the queen, and (hewed her clearly the bad confequences of a debafed coinage, and fhewed her farther, that it was not the (hort ends of wit, or fome flight and temporary devices that could fuftain the ex- pence of a great monarchy, but found and folid courfes. I mnke ufe of their expreffions, •which though not elegant, are very emphatic. They therefore exhorted her to purfue the fteps of her great-grandfather Edward IV. and rejecting all expedients as ineffe£lual in themfelves, and unworthy of her, to ftrike at the root of the evil. Admirable and folid counfels ! She took their advice, and by a proclamation in the fecond year of her reign, called in all the debafed money, dire€ting it to be marked with a greyhound, portcullice, lion, harp, rofe, or fleur-de-lys, to diftinguifli the feveral intrinlic values of the pieces, it being her defign to refine the coin, hot according to the legal, but natural eftiraation of money ; and therefore (he dired^ed, that foreign coin and bullion fhould be brought to her mint, as there was from eight thoufand to twenty-two thoufand pounds every week, and the like quantity of gold in Spanifh piftoles, for the fpace of about fix months, when (lie repaid her fubje£ls the full value of the filver, in new money of that ftandard, which has fince continued, and which was fixed after ii > ii7ii k Camden, annal. Elif. vol, i. p. 75, 76, Stowe, p. «4«, «J47. Strype'i an. vol. i. chap. ixii. p. 164, i(S{. Lord Burlrigh'; diary in Murdin's collcflion, p. mature '■ I il! Siiii Mrf^ ill';:;! J jj ,'■5'* I'! . I 390 NAVAL HISTORY mature deliberation, and with a juft regard to the value lltver and gold had obtained in foreign countries at that time. In the very next year the majority of her council were for undoing all again, by introducing a frefh debarment, but the Lord Burleigh* then Sir William Cecil, and fccretary of ftate, withftood thi?, as he did every other proje£); of that kind, fo long as he lived, with fuch vehemence of fpeech, and with fuch flrength of ar- gument, as kept the queen fteady to her firft meafure. When this great undertaking was thoroughly perfe^^ed, the queen took occaHon to tell her people in a proclamation, that . His mother'^ name was Margaret, the daughter of Sir Thomas Gamage of Glamorganfliire. Lord William being raifed to the title of bsl* ron of Effingham, and adniiral, his fon ferved under him in fe* veral expeditions till the acceffion of Queen Elifabeth, when he was about twenty- two years of age*". His father coming into great favour with that princefs, he enjoyed a fhare of itj and in 1559 was fent over into France to compliment King Charles IX. who had juft alcended that throne •» Nine years afterwards he was general of horfe in the expedition made by the earl of Warwick againft the earls of Northumberland and Weftmore- n Camden, vol. !i. p. 300, i6t. ^ See a I'liU account of this matter in Sir George Peachman's relation, who was concerned therein. t> See in a former chapter the lives of Sir £dward, and Sir Thomas Howard, aftefwardi* duke of Norfolk, and uncle to this noble lord. '*l Baronagium AngliZk p. 34* MS. ' Dugdalc's baronage, tome ii. p. x^9. * Camden, uiual. p. 54. . ''^''\ ;: •■■■/",- ■'•.''■■" -' land, CHARLES HOWARD. 393 land, who had taken arms in the north, and In crufhing whofe i-ebcUion he was very a£bive *. In the following year he commanded a fquadron of meti of war, which, as we before obferved, the queen was pleafed Ihould efcort Anne of Auftria, daughter of the emperor Maxi- milian, to the coaft of iSpain ". Upon this occafion the SpaniHi iBeet wer6 obliged to take iii their flags, while they continued in the firitifh Teas, haying been fufficiently in(lrui£ted in that ceremonial in their palTage to Flanders by Sir John Hawkins^ as the reader will find at large related in our menioirs of that gallant Ifeaman. tn 1571 he wa$ chofen to parliament as knight of the (hire for the county oiF Surry, and very foon after fucceeded his father in his title and eftate; who died January the tith, 1572, in the gt'eat office of lord privy feal, and very highly in the . CathJen, p. 451, « Stowe, p. 74?, 746. Speed, p. 860. Camden, vol. ii. p. 571. b See the account otthia viAoiy printed in the firft volume of Uaklujt's coUedlion. Fuller's worthies in Sutry, p. 84, c Stowc's auiials, p. 747. CHARLES HOWARD. zjs midA of the Spanifli fleet, and retiring, as foon as he had light enough to difcover his own, without lofs <*. It was owing to his magnanimity and prudence thr ^e vi£lory was fo great } and fuch as have faggeded that it might, have been ilill greater, readily acknowledge, that this did not happen through any fault of the admiral, who always difc'overed the utmoil alacrity in bis country's fervice '. The queen acknow- ledged his merit in the moft expreflive and glorious terms, and, though extremely frugal, rewarded him with a penfion for life f, and at his requeil granted a pardon and a penfion to Captain Fleming the pirate, who iirfl brought the news of the Spanifh fleet's being on our coafts } which I mention to Ihew how care- ful this great man was, a thing uncommon even among the greateft men, that the merits of meaner perfons fliould not paf» unrewarded, or be fupercilioufly overlooked s. Sir Richard Hawkins in his obfervations has a very remark-* able pafTage in relation to this noble perfon, which the reader will no doubt be very well pleafed to fee in his own words, " Worthy of perpetual memory,'' fay he, ** was the prudent <« policy and government of our Englifh navy in anno 1588 by «* the worthy earl of Nottingham, lord high-admiral of England, « who in tlie like cafe, with mature and experimented know^ « ledge, patiently withAood the inftigations of many courageous ?* and noble captains who would have perfuaded him to have ** laid them aboard ; but when he forefaw, that the enemy had ** an army aboard, he none ; that they exceeded him in number <♦ of Ihipping, and thofe greater in bulk, ftronger built, and ** higher moulded, (6 that they, who with fuch advantage fought ** from above, might eafily dif^refs all oppofition below, the <* flaughter peradventure proving more fatal than the victory « profitable, by being overthrown he might have hazarded the <* kingdom, whereas by the conqueft (at moft) he could have ** boafted of nothing but glory and an enemy defeated. But by <* fufferance he always advantaged himfelf of wind and tide, ** which was the freedom of our country, and fecurity of our *f navy, with the deflru^ion of theirs, which in the eye of the 5 Jib:, |!#.l i^' •I m ,.:i d Hakluyt, vol. i. p. 597. « See the reflcftions made by Sir William Monfon on this moft imp«>rtant a£lion in his naval tra f'M :l.*'-!^ CHARtBS HOWARD. 3^ l^pufe qI peerst wa9 received vith unufual msrks oi joy, fdR - ^iently declaring Hqv worthy the beft judges eftcemed him of \M new dignity, to which the ()ueen added alfo another, making hJmlord }«ftice itinerant p£ all the foreft foutb of Trent for life «. Xhc next great (iervice in which the earl of l^ottingham was employed was ^n 1599, when the ftate was again in tery great danger. On the one (ide the Spaniards Teemed to meditate 9 new inyai^on, and. fome conceived they were on the very point oCea^ecuting it, haying aifemMed a great fleet at the Groyne, on board which, many Englilh fugitives were dlre£led to^ repair. Pn the other the earl of Eflex, who was then lord^lieutenant of Ir^and, a£led in a ftrange manner, treating with, the rebels he was Cent to reduce, and forming, as it was believed, fomedefigns of employing the tropps. With the command of which he was intruded by the queen, to the didurbance of her government. Her majefly, who always placed her fafety in being too quick for her enemies, iflued her orders to the city of London to fur- niih immediately fixteen ihips for the reinforcemer^t of the navy, ^nd fix thousand men for her fervice by bnd. The like direc- tions being fent into other parts of ^he kingdom, fucH a ^eet and iuch an army were drawn together in a fortnight's fpace^ as took away all hopes, indeed all (hadQ^T of fuccefs from foreign an4 domeftlc enemies y and, to Oiew the confidence (he had in the admiral's fidelity and capaci,ty» ihe was phafed to repofe in him the fule and fupreme command both of fleet and army, with tho high and very unufual title of LqrD'Lieutek^n.t-gbneraLi QB ALL Enolai^d, an office fqarce known to former, never revived in fucceeding times, and which he held with almof^ re- gal authority for the fpacc of fix weeks, being fometimes with, the fleet in the I^owns, and fometimes on fliore with the forces^k The unfortunate earl of EfTex, having taken a fudden rcfolu-. tion to leave his command in Ireland, and return to England, the queen thought fit to punifb this dangerous contempt with a fhort reflraint, and afterwards feemed inclined to have received him again into favour. But he, either hurried on by his own. raih difpoiition, or infligatei thereto by fome defperate perfons. about himj attempted to raife a force fufhcient to have compelled • Pat 39 Elif. p. t. " Camden, annal. p. 7^4, Stove's «im«ls, p. 778. 9peed. Sir Willwm Moofon'c laval whOji. ' •■ the -11 :] ,• ; i 3 h'iS 1. : ! ■ I- rh I 398 ^ r ^•MEMOIRS Of ml ■: fl Pi m. the queen to do what he thought expedient. Upon his failing in this wild and ilUconcerted proje£t> he retired with Aich as were about him to Eflex-houfe in the Strand, where he fortified himfelf, and confined the chancellor, the chief juftice of Eng* land, and other privy counfellors fent by the queen to inquire into the grievances which had driven him to this rebellious vio. lence, as he pretended. This was on the 8th of February, i6oOf when the queen faw herfelf (in the decline of her life, and after ihe had triumphed over all her foreign foes, in the utmoft peril from an afTuming favourite, who owed all his credit to her kind-r nefs, and who had thus excited a dangerous fedition in her ca* pital) on the point of being imprifoned or depofed. In this pe^* rilous fituation (he had recourfe to the loyalty of her people, and to the courage and conduct of her nobility, giving the command of all to the lord-admiral, who, (he often faid, was born to SERVE AND TO SAVE HIS COUNTRY. • He performed on this occafion, as on all others, the utmod the queen could expert } for he in a few hours reduced the earl of EfTeX) after a romantic Tally into the city, to fuch difbrefs, that he was content to yield himfelf a prifoner; and, when he had fo done, the lord high-admiral treated him with all the lenity and kindnefs poflible"'. The fame year the admiral was appoint^ ed one of the commifTioners for executing the office of earlt marfhal of llngland'; gnd to him, upon her death.-bed, the queen was pleafed to declare her royal intention, as to the fuc- ceflion, in favour of the King of Scots^. Upon the acceiTion of King James, he not only retained his great office, and was honoured with a large (hare of that prince's confidence, but was likewife the perfon of whom he made choice to officiate as lord htgh-fleward at the ceremony of the corona- tion'. Soon after this he was named ambafTador to {he court of Spain, for the conclufion of a ilrift intercourfe of friendfliip with that crown, in purfuance of the treaty made at London the i8th of Auguft, 1604, wherein alfo his lordfhip had been an a£ting commifTioner. It was very requifite, that much flate Aiould be kept up in this embafly, and therefore the earl of *» Stowe, Speed, Camden, Oldys's life of Sir Walter Raleigh. « Pat. 44 Elif. p. 14. in dorfo. T Camden, vol. iii. p- 9ix. Dr. Birch'i memoirs of Qneen Elifabeth, vol, ii. p. 507, 508. 2 p^t. i. Jac. I. p. 18. Nottingham CHARLES HOWARl!). 399 Nottingham was appointed with general approbation) not as a man of very great fortune) but from the known generofity of his temper, and the number of his dependents, who at their own charge were content to accompany him in this voynge. Accor- dingly he fet out for Spain with a retinue wherein were fix peers and fifty knights, and for the fupport of this great train he had an appointment of fifteen thoufaiid pounds, which fell, however, very far Ihort of his expences. During the time that he rcfided at the court of King Philip III. he was treated with the utmod deference and refpeft, maintained, with the univerfal applaufe, and to the admiration of the Spaniards, his dignity, and did the higheft honour to the nation. At his departure the king of Spain made him prefents which amounted to twenty thoufand pounds'. On his return he was not fo well received at court as he had reafon to expert, which was by no means owing to his ill con- du£l, or the mutable temper of the king himfelf, being injured, and his mafier abufed, by falfe reports, that the admiral, while in Spain, had afiumed more ftate, and a£led with lefs precau* tion, than became him <>. However, be quickly recovered his ma{ler*s good graces, attended on the Lady Elifabeth when (lie was married to the Eledlor Palatine, and afterwards efcorted her with a fquadron of the royal navy to Fluftiing*^. This was the lafl fervice he did his country in that capacity ; for, being now grown very old and infirm, it was thought expedient that he Ihould refign his ofiice to the new favourite Villiers, at that time earl, and afterwards duke of Buckingham. Some of the memoir-writers of thofe days treat this matter in a way exceedingly injurious to the king's memory, difgraceful to the duke of Buckingham, and not much for the reputation of the earl of Nottingham. The fum of their accounts amount to this: The good old earl after fo many and fo great fervices, when in a manner bedrid, was forced, through the ambition of Bucking- ham, to refign his office of admiral, which he did very unwilling- ly. At the fame time it coft the king dear, who was obliged to make that earl a recompence. But that, after all, he infifted upon his creature Sir Robert Manfel, being made vice-admirat » See tlie id volume of Winwood's memorials, p. 69. b Ibid. p. 91, 91. = Wiifon's life of King Jumes in Kcimei'i con»;ilctc hilbry of F.ngUfid, vol. ii. p. Ci>o, Jpi. :. .. lot It 1.^ <■: .!,(: ■ is t r ''1 '■ ill '-H?f % it i ^^^^^^IRSS^r' 1 >«!»>fe*l««s«r.sto;vt« I ill ; . :!' iiin koo MEMOIRS©^ ' . for life, before he would reCgu ; and thus, Tay tliey, ah fexjifcl rienced and wife officer w&s removed frdrti a poft of the higheft importance^ to make tiraj fof a high-fpiirhed y<^lith unfit for fuch U charge «*. It appears, however, tipbh thfe fti'ideft in^quiryi ihd due con* is deration bf all circuiiijftancesi that thefe ftories are very fll founded, and that in reality the titl bt Nottingham':} hying down his poft, aftet- he Had enjoyed it iirith grtat honour thirtyi two years, Was not either iineafy tbhimfclfj or capable of fixing any difgrace on hiis maftcr. The propofition Catnt firft froiri himfelf, without any participation of Buckinghdm, ot-fo mtiich i» his knowledge, and Was, on account of his age and infirmities^ very eafily agreed to. His eftatfe was not great, and he had lately married a young wife, the daughter of the earl of Murray^ for whom he was dtfirous of providiiigj as w'cll as fdr hci" children. The terms^ therefore, on which he confented to re- Cgn, were theJTe j that a debt of eighteen hundred pounds dud from him to the crown fliouldbe remitted S that hfe fhould have an annual penfion of a thoufand pounds^, and that^ as earl o( Nottingham, he (hoiild take placfe in the hbufe according to the defcent of his anceftors, fo created by Richard II; arid not as i new- made peer*. Thefe points were quickly adjufttd; Thfe duke went ih p'er- foh to fee him, and to return him thanks fot refigning in his fa- vour, at the fame time that he mide the yoiing cbtmtefs a pre- ient of three thoufand pounds: He cartied alfo his refpe^ to this venerable old man, ever aftei* is far as it was potfible, cal- ling him always FAtSibk, and bending his knee whenever he approached him. Befide^ all this^ Sit Robert Manfel> who had been ever a dependent on, and was onte the earl of Notting- ham's menial fervanr, but then vice-admiral during pleafUre, by the intereft of the duke, had that bfRce cdnfirihed to him for life d The coui-t and charaAer of Ring Jamei by Sir A. W. t. e. Sir Anthonf Wtldon; Lood3n, liSse, ixmo. p. 123, xi4. ' Camden's annali pf kin^r Jamc* in Biftiop Kennet'i romplete hiftory, v«l. if. p. «5i, 653. Sir ^^^llialn lliigdale't baronage, Vol. ii. p. 179. Crawfurd't peerage of Scotland, p. 3^0. f AuliciU Coquinarix in anfwer to the court and chara2ler of King James ; Lon- don, t6%Oy iinio. p. i6i), Thii by Tome it arcribei to Dr. Goodman, bifbop of G.'ouceltcr. C Camden's itioAi of King Jamcf, p. £53. • by CHARLES HOWARD. 401 i. e. 3ir Anthony; •f anoali of RinfJ iy patent, whicli his old mafteir took fo kindly; that, aged and in^rm as he was, he made Buckingham a vifit to return him thanks K In reference to the public, the king was ifo much aware of what might be faid upon this change, that he appoint- ed the marquis of Buckingham in quality of lord high-admiral, a council compofed of perfons of rank, and who were perfeAly Verfed in naval a^airs, without whofe advice he was to do no- thing material, and by whbfe advice and afliftance he a^ually mzde a great reform, bringing the ordinary expence of the fleet from fifty-foiir thoufand to thirty thoufand pounds per an- ttutitf chiefly by his intereH; in procuring effectual funds to be affigned for this lervicc '. On the whole, therefore, there feems to be ilothing ill the leail: dilhonourable in this tranfa£tion, for iall parties were ferved, and all feem to have been content. What is faid to the contrary flows evidently from a defire of prejudicing the World againfl: the memories of men, from fur- imifes and conjectures, a method of all others the mofl deflruc- tive of the true end and fruit of hiflory, which ought to difco- Ver the truth, and in{lru6l; thereby fuch as perufe it. The remaining years of his life were fpent by the carl of Nottingham in honourable eafe and retirement, to the time of his deceaife, which happened on the 14th of December, 1624, when be was eighty-eight years old ". He was a perfon ex- tremely graceful in his appearance, of a jufl: and honefl difpo- iBtion; incapable either of doing bad things, or feeing them done without expbfing them. His fteady loyalty to the crown j^referVed his reputation unflalned, and his fortune unhurt, when the reft of his family were in the utmoft danger*. Queen Eli- fabeth knew and valued his integrity, and preferred his candour to the policy of fome of her greateft favourites. She had a particular felicity in fuiting men's employments to their capaci- ties i and this never appeared more clearly than on thofe occa* ifions, wherein fhe made choice of this nobleman, whole cou- b Aulicuic Coquinarix, p. 170. i Roberti JohnftonJ, remm Britannica- rum Hiftorix, lib, xviii. p. Sanderfon's hiftoiy of King James I. p. 489. Rulhwurth's colle^ions, vol. i. p. 307, 378, 379, •* From a MS. catalogue of nobility deceafed, in the reign of King Jamet I. [^ Camden. Sir Rub. Kaunton in hit ftagmentit regalia, Lloyd's flate worchies, p. TSi. Vol. I. 3E ra. '^^ ! m in m m m m^ ■ ,1,. ^m ■ ; ,1 .■ 'I S*"W,»«>-#r'5a<-., n;! 401 MEMOIRS Of m€ i] r r (■■., rage no danger could daunt, wbofe fidelity no temptation could impeach, much lefs corrupt. In public employments he afFe£);ed magnificence, as much as he did hofpitality in private life, keeping feven ftanding houfes, as Dr. Fuller phrafes it, at once •". It is true, we meet with oppoiite accounts of this lord, his chara£ler and condu£t, efpe- cially in the latter part of his life ; but as thefe are only in pri- vate letters, written by one apparently prejudiced againfl: him of whom he fpeaks ; and as the rough foldier-Iike behaviour of Elifabeth's a£live times, fuited little with the fiiffand folemn air of the ftatefmeii in King James's court, we need not wonder^ that among thefe the earl of Nottingham met with fome detrac- tors'. His a£lions are fufficient to filence envy, and to deftroy the credit of malicious cenfures. He who beat the Spanifh ar- xnada, equipped a fleet fufiicient to afiert the fovereignty of the Tea in a fortnight's time, and by his prefence alone difpirited the earl of Efiex's adherents, muft have been a very extraordinary man ; though we fliould grant his enemies, that he was not very learned, exprefied himfelf a little bluntly, and, though a perfon of fo high quality, had little or no tindlure of thofe arts which, though they are peculiar, do no great honour to a court. I have inferted his hiftory here, becaufe, though he died in the reign of King James, he fpent his life in the fervice of Queen Elifabeth. He was, indeed, the king's ambafiTador in Spain, but as he is celebrated for being an able admiral, rather than a great ftatefman, I thought it but jufi: to infert his me- moirs where they might do his memory mod honour. For the fame reafon I refer thofe of Sir Walter Raleigh to the fucceed- ing reign, becaufe the lafl; afkion of his life, and that which led to his unfortunate death, fell out under King James. But it is time to refume the thread of our difciourfc, and to proceed to an account of ,. . , , ^ EnjjHfb worthies, Surrey, p. 84. *" The reader will find enough of this in a letter of the earl of ^IotthAmpton to Sir Charlet CornwaUis, amlMiftii' dor in Spain. Winwood's memorials, vol. ii. p. f. Sir Sir HUMPHRY GILBERT. 403 ' Ml l- Sir HUMPHRY GILBERT, knight, an eminent feaman, and great difcovercr. THIS gentleman was defcended from a very ancient and ho« nourable family in Devonfliire, feated there at lead as early, and, if fomc writers are to be credited, even before the conqucft*. His father's name was Otho Gilbert, of Greenway, Efq; his mother, Catherine daughter of Sir Philip Champernon, of Modbury, in the fame county, who aiftcrwards married Walter Raleigh of Fardel, Efq; and by him was mother to the famous Sir Walter Raleigh, half-brother to the gentleman of whom we are now writing <*. He wa;s but a fecond fon, though his father, having a good eftate, left him a confiderable fortune. It was to his mother's care that he owed an excellent educ;;- tion, firft at Eaton, afterwards at Oxford, which enabled him to make the figure he did in the world, and to diftinguiih him- felf in an age fjruitful of great men <>. He was as fortunate in an aunt as in a mother, Mrs. Catherine Afhly, who attended on the perfon, and was much in the favour of Queen Elifabeth. She introduced him to that princefs while a boy, and the queen being much pleafed with his courtly behaviour, love of learne ing, and generous difpoGtion, recommended him to Sir Henry Sidney as a youth of merit. His genius naturally led him to the iludy of cofmography, navigation, and the art of war, which he improved by a diligent application, as well as by continu^ practice ; for he with great courage expofed his perfon early in the fervice of his country, and acquired a very ju(l reputation from his ailions, before he entered upon any of his great pro*^ jeas'. '" '• The firft place wherein he was diftingullhed for his ripe judg* ment, as well as for his daring fpirit, was in the expedition to Newhaven, wherein he behaved with fo much prudence, and his various attempts were attended with ib great fuceefs, tliat ^ CollcAion of arms, &c, of the ancient familiei \o Oevonlliire, by Sir J. Northcote, Bart. MS. P Sir William Pole's defcription of Dcvonfhirc. ^ Rifdon't furvey of I]|evon(hire, voJ, !. p. 152, t^%. Vullei'i worthies, De-' voR. p. j^So. r Supply of Irtlh chroniciei by Hooker, p. 131. Fuller '« worthies in Devon, p. »6o. . 3E 2 thPUfiH Jh, ^ M 1:11 ' . l.M)lll ¥ fj ^j i ; / j f i vi 1 i :'9I1 B li •y i^ Mil 1 B "I II I. jWll>|l]|,^ SDBBBsa A94 MEMOIRS Q s 'I.; ;i! . i i ' l-'hi- .,; : ' I 1 il'> ! though then but a young man, he was much conHdered, 9^4 raifed high expe6lations in all who knew him. In Teveral cxp peditions undertaken in thofe troublcfomc times, he added to his fortune as well as to his fame ; and being always ready, both in difcourfi; aiid with his pen, to render a reafon for his ow^ condu6^, and to apologize for others, he came to be confide^pd, by fome of the moft eminent perfons in the court of QaecQ Elifabeth, as one capable of doing his country great feryicc;, particularly in Ireland, where men of true abilities were raucK wanted*. Their conceptions concurring with Mr. Gilbert^^ views, and with that ambition of making himfelf I^nown b^ great atchievements, which was the ruling paffion of his noble mind) he accepted the offers that were made him, apd pafling over into that iiland, became pref^dent of Muni^er, where he; performed great things v^ith a handful of men, and became more dreaded by the Irifli, than any Engliihman em|>io^e4 il^ that fervice. By his induflry and addrefs, he compofed the ftirs raifed bf the Mac-Carthies, and by his valour and adtivity droye the; Butlers out of his province, when they fwerved from their duty* He likewife forced James Fitz-Morrice, the greateft captaic^ amongft the Irifh, to abandon his country S and feek for fafety abroad, and performed many other things in conjundlion with his brother Sir Walter Raleigh, which would well deferve tp^ be recorded here, if the limits of this work would permit, or. if they fell in with my defign : but as we mention him only 98 a feaman, it will be unnecefTary to dwell on fuch afliioqs of his life as have no relation to that characSter ; and therefore let us haften to the propofals he made for difcoyering a paiTage by the, north to the Indies, in which he laboured as rationally and as rtffiUuoufly, though at the fame time as unfuccefsfully, as titij, man in the age in which he lived. It 19 not very clear, whether this gentleman had acquired the honour of knighthood before his return out of Ireland or not : * 9'.r,wf, p. 8ri. Sidney pspers, vol. i. p. a8. « Ctmien, vol. I. p. ipS, ipj). Sidney papers, voj, i, p. 35, ?•*, 3 J. Cox'i hiftory of Ireland, p. 33V /'■ -?■ ^^^^-w rr^ ■'>■ ■ ■• ~ ^ -V ' ■■■ *';■*=* • . , . there Sir HUMPHiiy OH-B,ERT. 4<*S iberc arc apthoertties o» both fides ^ ; but I incliae to think, that j(kc r«ceivi:d that honour from Sir Henry Sidney, deputy jf ireiand* aliout thcy^ar 1570* and chat he did not come oy&c JO ^gland till ionve years afterwards *'. The firft difcovery he DOftd^ both of his knowledge and of hi$ intentions^ was in his 4ir<{Qur(e to prove that there is a north-weft pafiTage to the £all Indiet!* which was iirfl printed iii the year 15764 though I con- fQiyf if. was writtw fome time before >?. It ifi 9, very phln, methodicalt and judicious 'pi«ce; and at f he ^lofe of it there is an account of another treatiie of naviga^ tion which he bad written and intended to publilh, snd which U now probably loH:-. The defign of this difcourfe w^s, to eX" pit^ ^ fpitit of For the prqfept, however, he adhered to his defxgn of planting;, and with that view procured from the queen an ample patent, dated at Weftroinfter, June u, 1578, wherein he had full powers given him to undertake the weftern difcovery of Ame- rica, and tp inhabit and poiTefs any l;^nd$ hitherto unfettled bf Phriftian princes or their fubje£^s^ Immediately on the procuring thefe letters-patent. Sir Hum- phry applied himielf to the procurii^ aHbciates in fo great aa undertaking, wherqiii at firfl he feemed to be highly fuccefsful, his reputatioii for kiiowledge being very great, and his credit zf a commander thoroughly eftabliilied ; yet, when the proje^ came to be executed, many departed from their agreements^ and others, even after the fleet was prepared, feparated them^ felves, and[ chofe to run their own fortunes in their own way'. TheCe misfortunes^ however, did not deter Sir Humphry * Prince's wortlues of Devonfhiir, wherein he fird placet his knighthood^ A. D. 1570, afterwards 1577 ; but in both alferts from Sir William Pole's MS. that it was conferred by Queen Elifaheth, p. iif. ^ Supply of Irilh chronicles by ^ookcr, p. 131. ^ This treatife is (till preferred in Hakluyt's voyages, vol. iii. p. it. > This patent is alfo extant in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 13$. * See Mr. Hayes's account in Hakluyt, rol. iii, p. 145. Holingflicd, vol, ii. p. isfp. Rifdon's fMrvey of Devon, vol. ii. p. 105. " '''"^- ' " ' from ill 't' 1 - ' ' !■'/ ti ^ ■ xi MM 'I'll I m * i) .*'Mfi,'M/- ■vMHiiMu.ti, m \ '! n m t 406 A ^MEMOIRS OF from profecuting his icheme, in which alfo he was fcconded by his brother Sir Walter Raleigh, and a few other friends, of unfliaken refolution. With thcfe he failed to Newfoundland, where he continued but a (hort time, and being then compelled to return, he in his paiTage home met with fome Spanilh vef> fels, from whom he cleared himfelf with great difficulty. This feems to have been in the fummer of 1578 ; but we have a very dark account of it, without dates or circumftances, further than thofe which have been already given •. Yet his mifcar- rlage in this iirft undertaking, was far from difcouraging him ; for after his return he went on as chearfiilly as he had done before, in procuring frefli alHftance for compleating what he intended, and for promoting Chriflian knowledge, by the means of Englifh fettlements in undifcovered lands. This con> du£t fufikiently (hewed, not only the fteadinefs of bis cou* rage, but the extent of his credit, fince after fuch a difap. pointment, another commander would fcarce have found any adventurers to join with him ; which, however, was not his cafe*. • "- One thing which haftened his fecond expedition was this, that though the grant in his patent was perpetual, yet there was a claufe in it by which it was declared void, in cafe no pof. feiTion was actually taken within the fpace of fix years. This term drawing to a clofe. Sir Humphry in the fpring of the year 1583, haftened his friends in their preparations, fo as by the firft of June his little fleet was in readinefs to fail. It con- fined of five (hips. I. The Delight, of the burden of 120 tons, admiral, in which went the general Sir Humphry Gilbert, and under him captain William Winter. II. The bark Raleigh, a flout new (hip of 200 tons, vice-admiral, built, manned, and \iftualled at the expence of Sir Walter, then Mr. Raleigh, under the command of captain Butler. III. The Golden Hind, of 40 tons, rear-admiral, commanded by captain Ed- ward Hayes, who was alfo her owner. IV. The Swallow, of the like burden, commanded by captain Maurice Brown. V. The • Sec the life of Sir Wjlter Raleigh, by Mr. Oldyf, p. 13. '' As ippcars by Sir George Peckbatn'i relation of Sir Humphry'* voyage. Hakluyt, vui. iii. p. i6i. SquilT CI, Sir HUMPHRY GILBERT. 407 Squirrel, of the burden only of 10 tons, under the command of captain William Andrews '. ; They failed from Plymouth oh the eleventh of June^ and on' the thirteenth the bark Raleigh returned, the captain and moll of thofe on board her falling iick of a contagious dii^emper. On the 30th of the fame month, the reft of the fleet had fight of Newfoundland. On the third of Auguft they landed, the general read his cornminion, which was fubmitted to by all the Englifli ve0els upon the coaft ; and on the fifth he took poiTei- fion of the harbour of St. John, in the name of the queen of England, and granted, as her patentee, pertain leafes unto fuch as were willing to take them. At the fame time a difcovery was made of a very rich filver mine, by one Daniel, a Saxon, an able miner, brought by the general for that purpofe <*. Sir Humphry now inclined to put to fea again, in order to make the heft ufe of his time in difcovering as far as pofllble ; and having fent home the Swallow, with fuch as were fick, or difcouraged with the hardihips they had already undergone, he left the harbour of St. John's in 47 degrees 40 minutes, N. L. on the 20th of Auguft, himfelf in the fmall floop called the Squirrel, becaufe being light, fhe was the fitter for entering all creeks and harbours ; captain Brown in the Delight, and cap- tain Hayes in the Golden Hind. On the 27th, they found themfelves in latitude of 45 degrees ; and though the weather was fair, and in all appearance like to continue fo, yet on the 29th of Auguft, in the evening a fudden ftorm arofe, where- in the Delight was loft, twelve men only efcaping in her boat. This was a fatal blow to Sir Humphry Gilbert, not only with refpe^ to the value of the ihip, and the lives of the men, but alfo in regard to his future hopes, for in her he loft his Saxon miner, and with him the filver ore which had been dug in New- f3undland, and of which he was fo confident, as to tell Tome of his friends, that upon the credit of that mine, he doubted not to borrow ten thoufand pounds of the queen for his next voyage % • « Rifdon't furvey of Devon, vol. ii. p. xog, xo6. Narborough'f voyages, edit. 1711. p. 13. Dr. Birch's memoirs of Queen Elifabcth, vol. i. p. 34. "* Mr. Hayek's account of Sir Humphry's voyage in Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 154. Mhfd. p. ij-5. . . ' '■* ■" ^ ■"'" On I i f'i Ii ': : ,1 } -ill, If- :: u m m t j 4oa uk M d I i^ s OF ( r liJMli!.. On the fecoiuf of September he went on board the GoIdeS Hind, in order to have bis foot dreifed, which by accident he had hurt in treading on a nail. He remained on board all dayj and thofe who were in chat vefTcl did all that was in theilr 'power to perfuade hiin to make his voyage home in. her, which be cbfoktely refufed to doy affirmingi that he would never defert his bark and his Kttte crew^ with whom he had efcaped fo many dangers. A generous but fatal resolution 1 for the veffel, being too fmall to refift the fwell of thofe tempcftuoui fcas, about midnight on the ninth of September, was fikrallowed up, and never feen mUts f. Ih the evening, when they were in great danger, Sir Humphry was feen fitting in the ftern of the bark, with a book in his lirand, and was olten heard to fay with a loud voice, " Courage, my lads! we are as near heaven at fea «* as at land." Thus he died like a Chriftian hero, fail of Lope, as having the teftimony of a good confciehce. Mr. Ed- ward Hayes, who accompanied Sir Humphry in hie voyage^ and who hath left us an account of it, ^rms, that h^ wae prin- cipally determined tp his fatal rcfolution of failing in the Squir- rel, by a malicious report that had been fpread of his being timorous at fea ^. If fo, it appears that death was leis dread- ful to him than (hame ; but it is hard to belieVe that fo wife a man could be wrought upon by fo weak and infignlBcant i re- fleflion. Such was the fate of Sir HawpHRT Gilbbrt! one of the worthieft men of that age, whether we regard the ftrength of his underilanding, or his heroic courage; Some further par- ticulars relating to him I might have added from Prince's wor- thies of Devonfhirej but that t am fufpxcious of their credit^ and the more fo, becaufe they do iliot agree well together ) be- fides they are but trivial, and my deCgn leads me to take notice of fuch only as concern his character \ The teafon I have given f Camdeni annates, vol, ii. p. 40X. kirdon't AirVey, vol. it. p. Xoj. Siowe, p. Six. Fuller's worthies in Devon, p. »6i. K Hakluyt's Vuyaget, vol. iii. p. tip. •> He tells us, amongft other thing.., that the queen of her particular gracf, gave to Sir Ilumpliry Gilbcu a golden anchor, with a large pearl at the peak. Jf this were true, it is (Irange that in the prolix accounts we have of his vey- agesj and in the Latia poem written exprefsiy to do him honour by Stephen Paroienius, Sir HUMPHRY GILBERT. 409 j^tveh his memoirs a place here is this* that he was in a manner the parent of all our plantations) being the fitfk who intro- duced a legal and regular method of fettling, without which JTuch lindetftakitigs mu(t necefTarily prove unfuccefsful. Befides, his treatife of the no: .^-f^eft palTage was the ground of all the iexpe^atioBSy which the befir feamen had foir many yeatr9« of ac* tually finding fuch a route to the £aft Indies } and though ac prefent we know many things advanced therein to be falfe, yet we likewife find many of his conjeflures true, and all of them founded in res^fon, and the phildibphy then cdmmohly received. i (hall conclude liiy account of him by tranfcribing a paflage which he afiirms of his own knowledge, and which I judge worthy of confideration, becaufe fome later accounts of the Spanifh miiSonaries in California affirm the fame thing. ^ <* Theirc was," fays he, « one Salvaterra, a gentleman of << Vifioria in Spain, that camie by chance but of the Wefl In- <( dies into trelaiid, anno 1568, who affirmed the north-weft <( pafTage from us to Cataia, cbuilantly to be believed in Ame- <( rica navigable; and further faid, in the prefence of Sir Henry <( Sidney (theii lord«deputy of Ireland) in my hearing, that a " frier of Mexico, called Andrew Urdaneta, more than eight <( years before, bis then coming into Ireland, told him, that he <( came from Mer del Sur into (Germany through this north- << weft paffage, and fhewed Salvaterra (at that time being then . <( with hini.in Mexico) a fea-card made by his- own experience <* and travel in that voyage, wherein was plainly fet down and ^ defcribe;! this horth-wefl paflage, agreeing in all points with <( Ortelius's map. And further, this frier told the king of " Portiigal, as he returned by that country homeward, that " there was (of certainty) fuch a paffage north-weft from Eng- <( land, and that he meant to publifh the fame ; which done, << the king moft earneftly deiired him not in any wife to difclofe « or make the paffiige known to any nation ; for that (faid the I .^'J f. ! ■' 'i' i'li v;:ll m i: ' Ml Parmeniui, an Hungarian, who accompanied him in hit lad voyage, there fbou;4 be no mention of it. Perhaps he'had thit circnmftance from fome fuch autbo* rity at that from whence he took Sir Humphry's motto, which he fays was, Mallem mor'i, quam mutart ; whereas Sir Humphry himfelf gives it thus, Mutart vtl timere fperno. But that the former was the family motto of the Gilberts of Gompton, and alfo of the Gilberts of Greenway, I have been fincc informed. Wotthies of Devon, p. 3»tf~^3Z9. Hakloyt, vol. iii. p. »4' Vol. I. 3 F «' kin^) 'tM 1 X] 410 ^ n MEMOIRS OF t* ! I ':m ■.'h' <' king) if England had knowledge and experience thereof^ it •< v^ould greatly hinder both the king of Spain and me. This ** frier (as Salvaterra reported) was the greatefl difcoverer by <* Tea that hath been in our age. Alfo Salvaterra, being per- " fuaded of this paflage by the frier Urdaneta, and by the ** comiAOn opinion of the Spaniards inhabiting America, offer- •• ed moft wiHirrgly to accompany me in this difcovery, which ** it is like he would not have done, if he had ftood in doubt •• thereof!." It is true, that Sir William Monfon difcredits this relation, as he endeavours to refute all the reafons that have been offered to fupport the opinion of a pafl*age to the north-weft''^ yet I meddle not with, the difpute but with the fa£t, which, as I have faid, is confirmed by later teftimonies to the fame purpofe. Let lis now proceed to Sir JOHN HAWKINS, a famous admiral, and one who performed many great fcrviccs agamft the Spa- niards. '1:5;! THIS gentleman was a native of Devonfliire as well as the former, and defcended alfo of a good family j his father was William Hawkins, Efq; a gentleman of a coniUderable ^ftate; his mother's name was Joan Trelawny, daughter of William Tr6lawny of the county of Cornwall, Efq. Our John Hawkins was their fecond fon, born at Plymouth ', but in what year, I have not been able to find : however, from circumftances we may gather that it could not be later than 1520. He was from his youth aiddi£ted to navigation and the fludy of the ma- thematics, as indeed ivere all his family, and began very early to carry his fkill into practice, by making fevcral voyages to Spain, Portugal, and the Canaries, which were in thofe days extraor* dinafy undertakings, and mud have given him much more ex- perience than almoft any of his contemporaries ". > Haklnjrt, voI< iii. p. X9* ^ Naval traAf» p. 4*8. I Stowe's aunalf, p. 807. Princc*« worthie* of Oevon. p. 389< "> I have feen a catalogue of the aneicnt families in Devon » amongR; whom his hat a place ; a«d we may colIcA front circumnanccs, that bis father was a gentletr-an of confiderable fortane, as is fakl above. i-:^ * • '? & • ' \ . Of Sir JOHN HAWKINS. 4U Of thefe voyages we have no particular account, any mors than of thofe of his father Mr. Wiliiam Hawkins, who was likei^ wife a very great Teaman, and the firfl of our nation who made a voyage to Brazil". His Ton, probably, reaped the benefit of his obfervations } for he came early into the world with a great reputation, and was employed by Queen Elifabeth as an officer at fea, when fome who were afterwards her chief commanders were but boys, and learned the ikill, by which they rofe, from him. In the fpring of the year 1562, he formed the defign of his firft famous voyage, advantageous to himfelf and moil of his proprietors } but much more fo in its confequences to his coun^ try. In feveral trips to the Canaries, where hy his tendernefs and humanity he had made himfelf much beloved, he acquired a knowledge of the flave-trade, and of the mighty profit ob- tained by the fale of negroes in the Weft ladies. After due con(ider9.tion he refolved to attempt fomewhat in this way, and to raife a fubfcription amongft his friends (the greateft traders in the city of London) for opening a new trade, firfl to Guinea ior flaves, and then to Hifpaniola, 8t. John, de Porto Rico, and other Spanish iflands, for fugars, hides, filver, ^£» Upon his reprefentation of the affair, Sir Lionel Ducket, Sir Thorny. Lodge, Sir William Winter, Mr. Bromfield, and Mr. Gunfon, whofe daughter Mr. Hawkins married, readily joined in the undertaking*. At their expence a little fleet was prepared, compofed of the following fhips: the Solomon, of the burden of 120 tons, in which went Mr. Hawkins himfelf} the Swallow, of 100 tons» commanded by Captain Thomas Hampton, and a bark of 40 tons, called the Jonas ; on board of which there were about 100 men in all. Such were the beginnings of Britain's naval power ! ■ With this fquadron he failed from the coaft of England in the month of October, 1 562, and in his courfe firfi touched at TenerifFc, failed thence to the coafl of Guinra, where having, by force or purchafe, acquired three hundred negroe flaves, he failed dire£tly to Hifpaniola, and making there a large pro* ^ iffklMyC, Tol. ii. p. s»o. 3^^ ^ Purch«s*s pilgrimSj vol. it, p, 1179. I'l t^ -U'' x\ '::f ■ . 'It , 1 ; ''1 :| : t ■ [■',, J .; It i ' «■■■ , 1 1 1 ll i i »^-tmt»rt>mmm- 11 I' I I ■•• III ■ I]'! I "l- 4»> MEMOIRS OF fit, he returned fafe into England in the month of September 1563P. The next year he made another voyage with a much greator force, himfelf being in the Jefus of I^ubeck, a (hip of fevea nundred tons, accompanied by the Solomon, and two bark^ the Tiger and the Swallow. He raile4 from FlynM>ttth th4 eighteenth of OAober, 1564, proceeded to the coa(l of Gi«U nea, and thenoe to the Spanifli Weft Indies, inhere he forc«^ « trade much to his profit •, and, after vifiting the port of the Ha* , they traded together in a friendly manner tilLmoft cf the negroes were fold. Thence he failed to Carthagena, where he , difpofed of the reft } but, in returning home, being furprifed , with ftorms on the coaft of Florida, he was forced to fteer for P Ilakluyt'i voyages, vo\. iii. p. 500. 9 Stowe*s annals, p. 807. ' Prince's worthies of Devon, p. 389. Hakluyi's voyages, vol. lil." p. '501. . ■ t Prince, in the page before cited, telU u!;, he took this from the original patent. s Srypt'saniialt, vol. ii. Prince, p. 385. '■■■■■■■ .. . ,,. w. jIjj It- Sir JOHN HAWKINS. ^ij Xhc port cf St. John de UUoa, in the bottom of the bay of i^fiXKO. He enCerf4 the port the i6th of September, 1568, f hen the $p«aicir4« (mne qn bov4^ fuppoCug him to have come from %ain« and were excefdio^ly /righted when they ifound tbeir miftake* Mr. If awkins treated thPm very civilly, ^uriqg them, that all he came for vas proviilons } neither did he attafk tweWc oterchant-ihips th^t were in the port, the car* goes of which j themie^es, the ofiicers and Tailors on both fides ufing reciprocal civilities, and profefling a great deal of friendfhip. But the Spaniards h^tended nothing lefs } for they had by this time flonlQ^ed 1900 men on landj and deiigned on Thurfday t Camdeni annales, p. 158. Sir John Hawkini's account of this voyage io Ilakiuyt. vol. iii. p. n>» ^3< 1 . ... ^ ^ • '*'^^ the I 'r' '. ^ .^;il; .:( ffl li'Ji ■;♦, I if ; 4P, I 4M MEMOIRS OF^^ . o: , jiiiiM ' I i^ 4 the 24th, at dinner-time, to fet on the Englifli on euery (ide. On the day appointed, in the morning, the Englifli perceived the Spaniards (hifting their weapons from fliip to (hipt pointing their ordnance towards them ; they likewife obferved a greater number of men pafllng to and fro than the bufinefs on bo^d the fhips required, which, with other circumftances, giving grounds of fufpicion, Captain Hawkins fent to the viceroy to know the meaning of fuch unufual motions $ whereupon the ^viceroy fent orders to have every thing removed thatjmight give the Englifli umbrage, with a promife, on the faith of a viceroy, to be their defence againft any clandefliine attempts of the Spaniards* The captain, however, not being fatisfied with this anfwer, beeaufe he fufpedVed a great number of men to be hidden in a fliip of 900 tons, which was moored next the Mi- nion, fent the mafter of the Jefus, who underftood Spanifii, to know of the viceroy whether it was fo or not. The viceroy, finding he could conceal his mean and villainous deflgn no long- er, detained the mafter, and eaufing the trumpet to be founded, the Spaniards on this flgnal, of which they were apprized, be- gan the attack upon the Englifli on. all fides. Thofe who were upon the Ifland being ftruck with fear at this^fudden alarm, fled, thinking to recover their fliips { but the Spaniards, debarking in •great numbers at feveral places at once (which they might do without boats, the fliips lying clofe to the fliore), flew them all without mercy, excepting a few who efcaped on board the Jefus^ The great fliip, wherein 300 men were concealed, im- mediately fell on board the Minion ; but flie, having put all hands to work the moment their fufpicions commenced, had in that fliort fpace, which was but a bare half-hpur, weighed all her anchors. Having thus gotten clear, and avoided! the firft brunt of the great fliip, the latter clapped the Jefus aboard, which was at the fame time attacked by two other fliips. How- ever, with much ado, and the lofs of many men, flie kept them oflf till flie cut her cable, and got clear alfo. As foon as the Jefus and the Minion were got two fliips length from the Spanifli fleet, they began the fight, which was fo furious, that in one hour the admiral of the Spaniards and another fliip u Purchat's pilgriaif, Tol. ir. p. (177. Sir Walter Raleigh** workf, vol. ii. p. 171, a7», were Sir JOHN liAWKINS. 415 Trere fuppofed to be funk, and their vice-admiral bnrned, fo that they had little to fear from the enemy's Ihips ; but they fuffered exceedingly from the ordnance on the ifland, which funk their fmall Ihips, and mangled all the mafts and rigging of the Jefus in fuch a manner, that there was no hopes gf bring- ing her offl ' *» ^^ This being the cafe, they determined to place her for a fhel< ter to the Minion till night, and then taking out of her what victuals and other necefTaries they could, to leave her behind. But prefently after, perceiving two large (hip's, fired by the Spaniards, bearing down dire£tly upon them, the men on board the Minion, in great confternation, without confent of either the captain or mafter, fet fail and made off from the Jefus in fuch hafte, that Captain Hawkins had fcarce time to reach her. As for the men, moft of them followed in a fmall boat, the reft were left to the mercy of the Spaniards, which, fays the captain, I doubt was very little ^* The Minion and the Judith were the only two £ngli(h ihips ' that efcaped ; and in the night the Judith, which was a bark only of fifty tons, feparated herfelf from the Minion, on board which was Captain Hawkins and the beft part of his men. In this diftrefs having little to eat, lefs water, in unknown feas, and many of his men wounded, he continued till the eighth of Oftober, and then entered a creek in the bay of Mexico, in order to obtain fome refreihment. This was about the mouth of the river Tampico, in the latitude of 23 degrees 36 minutes N. where his company dividing, one hundred defired to be put on ihore, and the reft, who were about the fame number, refolved at all events to endeavour to get home. Accordingly, on the 16th, they weighed and ftood through the Gulf of Florida, making the beft of their way for Europe. In their paifage, they were forced to put into Ponte Vedra, in Spain, where the Spaniards coming to know their weaknefs, thought by treachery to feize them a fecond time ; but they fufpeding this, failed forthwith to Vigo, not far off. They there met wkh fome Englifli fliips, which fuppUed their wants, and departing on the 20th of January 1586, amved in 'L y JIftkluyt, vol. i'li. p. 514. ,;■ ,«: ,v'''i.^ Mount'j :]: •f lis, n il 'M I. M II 1- f Si u*-t*j*f**«>«#,va.'teto,i„ V«i ■':<\l 1 i'liq I '•■■". l;l !i,i' f 416 J^tLMOtkS OF Mouht*3 Bay in CorRwall the 25th of Jabiuti^y followihgC As to the hard(hips endured iil this unfortunate expedition^ thejr cannot be more ftrongly or exaflljr pi£iuredj than in the foU lowing lines, with wbidi cajptatn Hawkins boncludds his owii relation *'» *' If all the miferies and troublefonie afFairs^*' fayi hei « of this forrowful Voyage (hoiild be {iei-feflltr aild the- *( roughly written, there ihould need a painful man with his ** pen, and as great a time as he had that wrote the lives and •« deaths of the ihdrtyrs ".'* In reward bf his famous a£iibn at Rio de la Hacha, Mr; Cook, then Clarenchieuxj added to hii arms, on an efeutcheon of preterice. Or, an efcallop betweeii two palmer's ftates Bable } and his patent fdt this augmeiitatiori IS iliil extant ^. When the Spahifh fleet ^erit to fetch Anne of Auftria, the lafl wife of Philip the fecond, out of Flanders, Sir John Hawkins with a fmall fquadrbn of her Majefty's fhips was riding in Cat- water, which the Spanilh admiral perceiving^ he endeavdured to run between the ifland and the place without paying the ufilal falutes. Sir John ordered the gunner of his own ihip to fire at the rigging of the Spanilh admiral, who takihg ho notice oi itj the gunner fired next at the hiill, and fhot through and through. The Spaniards^ upon this^ took in their flags and topfails, and run to an anchor. The Spanifh admiral theh feni; ui officer of diftin£li6n in a boat, to carry iit once his compli- ments and complaints to Sir John Hawkins. He (landing upon deck, would not either admit tlie officer oir hear his meifage i but bid him tell his admiral, that having negle£led the refped due to the queen of England, in her Teas and port, and having fo large a fiect under his command, he mull hot expeft to lie there ; but in twelve hours weigh his anchor and be gone, otherwife he fhould regard him as an enemy declared, his con- duct having already irendered him iufpeftod. X Camdbtii annates, p. 3}a. Haklnyt, vol. iii. p. 5x4, 51$. Purchai's pil. grims, vol. iv. p. 1177. r Thefeare the lad v.j'rdsof Captain •Hawkins'i relation j but the inquifitive reader may find fome further circumthn- cet relating to this unfortunate voyage, in the travels of Miles Philips, and nf Job Hiirtop, two of the men fet on (iiore by Sir John Hawkins, in the Bay oi Mexico, in Hakltiyt's coile£lion, vol. iii p. 4^9, 487. * " Prince's wcrrtlics of Dcvt^n. p. 369, from ihc copy of this patent. , '.,:..,'.' - •■ . ^ Yj^^ ' Siti JOHN HAWKINS: 417 Thp Spaniih admiral upon receiving this meflage came off in perfon, s^fld went in h;s bpat to the Jefus of Lubeck, on board which Sir John Hawkins's flag was flying, defirihg to fpeak with him i which at, firft was refilled, but at length granted. The Spaniard then e:tppi[):ulated the matter, infifted that there y/f^ peace biptween the two crowns, and that he knew not what to makf ojf the treatnient he had received: Sir John Hawkins told hjida, tliat his own arrogance had brought it upon him, and that He coi^id not but know what refpeft was due to the queen's fliipsj that fie hid difpatched an exprefs to heir majefty with bdvice of his behaviour, and that in the mean time he woiild do well to depart; llie Spianiard flill pleaded ignorance, and that he was ready to give fatisfaftion. Upon this Sir John Hawkins told him mildly, thiat he coiild hot be a (Irangcr to what was pra£i:ired by the French and Spa- niards in their bwii feas and ports ; adding, Put the cafe. Sir, that an Englifli fleet came intb any of the king your mafler's ports, his majefly's fliips beiiig there, and thofe Engliih (hips fltould carry their flags in their tops; would you not llioot iliem downj and beat the (hips out of your port ? The Spaniard owned he would, tpnfelTed he was in the wrongj fubmitted to the penalty Sir John impofedi was then very kindly entertain- ed, and they parted very good friends. This account we have JFrom hi^ fon Sir Richard JHtawkinsj who was eye-witnefs of all that paiied. The next gi-eat a£liori oif this worthy feaman, was his fervlce Under the lord high-admiral, in 1588, againfl the Spaniih ar- madaj wherein he a£led as rear-adhiiral on board her majefly's hiip the Victory, and had as large a jfhare of the danger and honour of that day as any man in the fleet, for which he moft defervedly received the honour of knighthood • j and in purfuit of the flying Spaniards he did extraordinary fervice, infomuch that, on his return from the fleet, he was particularly com- mended by the queen. in 1596, he was fent, in conjunftion with Sir Martin For- bilher, each having a fquadron of five men of war, to infeft the coasts of Spain, and intercept, if poITible, the plate-fleet. At * Stowe'i aiinilij p> 748. Speed, p. 8di. Strype't annals. Vol. I. 3 G • firft, ^i! l'l[ ' ' it Kir if ! it '•i 1 1 >e| t w 1 If i'. I'i 4i8 MEMOIRS OF f ; I'Wi • r'" firlt, his Catholic majefty thought of oppofing thefe famous commanders, with a fuperior fleet of twenty fail, under the command of Don Alonto de BaiTan ; but, upon more mature deliberation, he abandoned this deHgn, directed his fhips to keep clofe in port, and fent inftru^ions into the Indies, that the fleet, inftead of returning, fhould winter there. Sir John Hawkins and bis colleague fpent feven months in this ftation, without performing any thing of note, or fo much as taking a Angle fliip. They afterwards attempted the ifland of Fayal, which had fubniitted the year before to the earl of Cumberland ; but the citadel being re-fortified, and the inhabitants well furnifhed with artillery and ammunition. Sir John and his aflbciates were forced to retreat. It muft be owned, that with the populace very fmall reputa- tion iiras gained by the admirals in this expedition ; and yet they loft no credit at court, where the iflue of the bufinefs was better underflood. By compelling the Spanifli navy to fly into fortified pores, they deftroyed their reputation as a maritime power ; and the wintering of their plate-ihips in the Indies, proved fo great a detriment to the merchants of Spain, that many broke, in Seville and other places; befides, it was fo great a prejudice to their veflels to winter in the Indies, that the damage could not be repaired in many years. Thus, though no iilimediate profit accrued, the end of this expedition was fully nnfwered, and the nation gained a very fignal advantage, by jjrievoufly diflreffing her enemies t>. The xvar with Spain continuing, and it being evident that nothing galled the enemy fo much as the lofTes they met with in the Indies, a propofition was made to the queen by Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake, the moft experienced feamen in her kingdom, for undertaking a more ciFedual expedition into thofe parts, than had been hitherto made through the whole courfe of the war j and at the fame time they offered to be at a great part of the expence themfelves, and td engage their friends to bear a cohiiderable proportion of the reft. There were many motives which induced our admiral, though then far in years, tb hazard his fortune, his reputation, and his b Omdeni annales, p. ($)o. Linftiboltciri voyagct, chip. 99. Sir William Monfon's r.avil trsfts, p. 177. perfon Sir JOHN HAWKINS. 419 perfon in this dangerous fervice ; amongft vtrhich, this was not the laft or the lead, that his Ton Richard, who was afterward^ Sir Richard Hawkins, was at this time a prifoner in the hands of the Spaniards, and fome hope there was, that in the courfc of fuch an enterprize, an opportunity might offer of redeenv ing him *. The queen readily gave ear to this motion, and furnifhed, on her part, a ftout fquadron of men of war, on board one of which, the Garland, Sir John Hawkins embarked. Their fquadron conflfted of twenty-feven ihips and barks, and their whole force amounted to about two thoufand five hundred men. Of all the enterprizes throughout the war, there was none Qf which fp great hope was conceived as this, and yet none fucceeded worfe. The fleet was detained for fome time after it was ready on the £ngli(h coaft by the arts of the Spaniards, who, having Intellir gence of its ftrength, and of the eijids for which it was equipped, conceived, that the only means by which it could be defeated, was pra^tiilng fome contrivances that might difappoint the firft exploits intended, by procuring delay j in order to which, they gave out, that they were ready themfelves to Ipvade England ; and, to render this the more probable, they adiually fent four gallies to make a fudden defcent on Cornwall. By thefe fteps they carried their point; for, the queen and the nation being alarmed, it was held by no means proper to fend fo great a num- ber of ftout ihips on fo long a voyage at {o critical a juncture. At laft, this ftorm blowing r ver, the fleet failed from Ply- mouth on the 28th of Augull, in order to execute their grand defign of burning Nombre de Dios, marching thence by land to Panama, and there feizing the treafure which they knew was arr rived at that place from Peru. A few days before their depar- ture, the queen fent them advice, that the plate-fleet was fafely arrived in Spain, excepting only a Angle galleon, which, having lofl: a mafl^ nad been obliged to return to Vorto-]R.icp^ the taking of this vcflTel fhe recommended to them as a thing very practica- ble, and which could prove no great hinderance to their other affair. When they were at fea, the generals differed, as is ufual In conjunct expeditions. Sir John Hawkins was for executing ,jf Sir Richird Hawkins'ii obrcrvatJons on his Voyage to the fouth feas, p, i^j. 2, Cy 2 ^ immediately :i 111 111 I i :■ I 'S :.l ■m :,'iij *=i m ■I ' ■ ■ V i ■I.- li liWl'IRilBBiKfl'' g . If!'!) \\':V- ! i-r !■:«»' t^lil ' '42p MEMOIRS Qf immediately what the queen had commanded} Whereas SirFrinr cis Drake inclined to go firft to the Canaries, in vrkich he pre- vailed ; but the attempt they made was unfucceisful, 9nd khtt^ they failed for Dominica, where they fpent too much time •!& refrediing themfelves, and fetting up their pinnaces. In the mean ^ime the Spaniards had ient five ilout frigates to bring away th^^ galleon from Porto-Rico, having exa£l intelligence of the inten- tion of the Englilh admirals to attempt that place. On the 30th of Oftobef $ir John Hawkins weighed from Dominica, and, it^ the evening of fhe fame day, the Francis, a bark of about thirs- ty-five tons, and fhe fternmofj: of Sir John's Ihips, fell in with the five fail of Spaniih frigates before-mentioned, and was taken' ^ the confequences of which being forefeen by Sir John, it threw him into a fit of ficknefs, of which, or rather of a broken heart, he died on the twenty-firft of November, 1595, wh<;n they wcfc in fight of the ifland of Porto-Rico, and not, as Sir Willian^ Monfon fuggefts, of chagrin on the mifcarriage in attempting the; city of the fame name, which in truth he never lived to fee'. At fo great a diflance of time it may feem ftrange tp enter in- to, or at leaft to enter minutely into (he character of this famous Teaman } but as we haye good authorities, and fuch reflections may be of ufe to poflerity, we think it not amifs to undertake this talk, in performing which, we (hall ufe ^11 the care and im- partiality that can be expected*. Sir John had njlturally ftrong parts, which he improved by conflant application. He was apt in council to differ from other men's opinions, and yet v^as re- ferved in difcoverlng his ownf. He was ilow, jealous, and fomewhat irrefolute, yet in a£tion he was merciful, apt to for- give, and a ftridl obferver of his wgrd. As he had palTed a great part of his life at Tea, he had too great a di^ike of land-foldiers<. •i Camdeni annates, p. ^98, 609, 700. Sir William Monfon's naval rraAs^ p. iHz, i3j. There is an accurate and copious account of this voyage in ^akiayt, vol. iii. p. 583. as alfo in Purclus's piigrimt, vol. iv. p. 11O3. See alfo the fol* jf)'*iiig trais ' ft brother William were owners at once of thirty fail *,- goqi jps*, and it was g -lally owned, that Sit John iHswkins was the author of more ufeful inventions, and in- -trdduce4 itito the nayy better regulations, than any officer who 'had borfctommand'therein befpre his tjme. One inftance of this amongil many, was the inAitUtion of that noble fund (for I will not eall it charity, becaufe that term iipplies, in common accepta- tion,'alni8), theGHpsT at Chath/^m, which was the humane and wife -contrivance of this gentleman and Sir Francis Drake; andtfaeirfcheme, that feamen fafe ^nd fucqefsfiil fhould, by a vo-^ luntary deduction from their pay, give relief to the wants, and reward to thofe who are maimecl in the fervice of their coun- try, was approved by the queen, and has been adopted bypofte- rity. Sir John Hawkins built alfo a noble hofpital, which he plaitifoUy ep^owed at' the fame place K Memoirs of Sir FRANCIS DRAKE, a moft (kilful feaman, the firft who made a voyage round the world, and yice-^dmirs^l of the Englifli fleet in 1588. • l{ ' I p. IT fe^ms in fome meafurcj to detraft from the common notion^ about nobility of birth, and the advantages of blood, that icveral of the moft illuftrious perfons in our nation have rifen from very obfcure beginnings, and have left their hiftorians dif- k I take chit from the faid letter, and froah fome MS. remarks on Hakluyt. i Camdeni annates, p. 700. Stowe's annals, p. 807. Sir William Monfon's naval trails, p. 371. k Stowe's annals, p. 807. I Lambardc's peram* bulation of Keai. Kiiburu's furyey of .^ept, p. 53. MSS. of Samuel Pepys, Efq; , , i^cultics V.V I ;' I ; I i ■ ;■■ V I I *i It I NMb I'iiU mi- :,*li Hi: I :tii> ■:-.f ill ^ It; 4U MEMOIRS OP £culties enough to ftruggle with in deriving their defcents. This is particularly true of Sir Francis Drake^ concerning whofe fa. mily I muft confefs I can fay nothing with certainty. That he was born in Devonfhire, occaiioned his being taken notice of by the reverend Mr. Prince, who has left us a life of him not much to be depended on " ; and as to earlier writers, who might have been better Informed, many of them are filent. According to the account given by Mr. Camden, who pro- feiles to have taken it from his own mouth, we are told that he was fon of a perfon in ordinary circumdances, who lived at a fmall village in Devonfhire, and that Sir Francis RuITel, after, wards earl of Bedford, was his godfather. His father, having embraced the Proteftant religion, was obliged to quit his coun- try, and retire to Kent, where he firft read prayers on board the fleet, was afterwards ordained deacon, ard in procefs of time became vicar of the church of Upnore. As for our Fran- cis Drake, he was bound apprentice to the mafter of a coafting vei!el, whom he ferved fo faithfully, that, dying unmarried, he bequeathed his (hip to Drake^ which laid the primary founda- tion of his fortunes ". I do not doubt but many or indeed moft of the circumftances in this flory may be true, if brought into their right order ; but, as they ftand in C^jnden, they cannot be fo j for, firft, this aC' count makes our hero ten years older than he was ; next, if his father fled about the (ix articles, and he was born fome time before. Sir Francis RufTel could have been but a child, and therefore not likely to be his godfather ". At iher ftory there is, as. circumftantial, and written as early, which perhaps fome judicious reader will be able to reconcile with this : but whether that can be done or not, I think it better deferves credit. Ac- cording to this relation I find that he was the fon of one Edmund Drake an honeft failor, and born near Tayiftock in the year 1545, being the eldeft of twelve brethren, and brought up at •a Worthies of Devon, p. ijtf. n Camdcni annales, p. 3J1. Yet in hit Britannia, p. I4J. he m^kes him a i^ative of Plymouth. ILnglifti hero, p. r. and Fuller's holy (late, p. nj. ° It appears by die monumental infcription on tiie tomb of thi* ncble perfon, rhat he was born A. D. i5£7, and was therefore hot ten years old itt Drakes i tjrirtcniiig, according to this iiccottnt, but might well be hii godfather, if bom * ' : ' the Si^R FRANCIS bRAKE. 423 the expence, and under the care, of his kinfman Sir John Haw- kins. I Hkewife find, that, at the age of eighteen, he was pur- fer of a (hip trading to Bifcay, that at twenty he made a voyage to Guinea, and at the age of twenty-two had the honour to be appointed captain of the Judith in the harbour of St. John de UUoa in the Gulf of Mexico, where he behaved moft gallantly in that glorious afbion under Sir John Hawkins, and returned with him into England with a very great reputation, but not worth a ilngle groat <>. Upon this he conceived a defign of making reprifals on the king of Spain, which, fome fay, was put into his head by the minifter of his ihip ; and to be fure in fea-divinity the cafe was clear, the king of Spain's fubjedts had undone Mr. Drake, and therefore Mr. Drake was at liberty to take the beft fatisfa£Uon he could on the fubje^s of the king of Spain *i. This dodrine, how rudely foever preached, was very taking in England, and therefore, he no fooner publifhed his defign, than he had num- bers of volunteers ready to accompany him, though they had no fuch pretence even as he had to colour their proceedings ^» In 1570 he made his firfi: expedition with two fliips, the Dragon and the Swan, and the next year in the Swan alone, wherein he returned fafe with competent advantages, if not rich ; and ha- ving now means fufficient to perform greater matters, as well as ikill to conduct them, he laid the plan of a more important de- fign with refpeA to himfelf and to his enemies '. This he put in execution on the 24th of March 1572, on which day he failed from Plymouth, himfelf in a ihip called the Pafcha, of the burden of feventy tons, and his brother John Drake in the Swan, of twenty-five tons burden, their whole firength confiding of no more than twenty-three men and boys ; and with this inconfiderable force, on the 2 2d of JulyS he at- tacked the town of Nombre de Dios, which then ferved the Spaniards for the fame purpofes (though not fo conveniently) as P Stowe'i annali, p. 807. 1 Prince's worthies of Devon, p. 135. '' Stowe's annals, p. 807. Camdeni anna'es, p. jji. s Sir Francis Drake revived by Phili, .ichols, preacher, a 4(0 of 94 pages in Mack letter, publifhed by Sir Francis Drake, baronet, his nrphew. ' I'his is one of thofe faAs which prove, that things really happen, whidh are altof>ether improbable, and which, but for the weight of evidence ^hich attend cticmt would not only ti^ cfteetnsd lidion but abfurditif >. • thofe ;f^ ;m m ■I 1, ' 1 . y ,1 •!. , ■ ■ ■ 1: ■■' ..liiiii M ■'.1 . 1 Wi t M 4*4 MEMOIRS oi h IliiHii thofe for whick they now ufe Porto^Bello. He took it ia a fe^if hours by ftorm, hotwlth^landing a Vjerjr dangerous wound he received in the aflion j yet upoi^ the vrbole they were no great gainers, but after a very briik a^ioii were, obligbd to betake them&lves to their fliips with very little booty. His next attempt was to plunder the mules laden with, (ilver, wHch paiTed from Vera Cruz to Nombre de Dios ', but in this fcheme, too, he wad difappointed. However, he ittacked the town of Vera Cru.^i carried it, and got fome littlie booty. In their return they met unexpectedly with a (bring of fifty mules Ir^den ivith plate, of which they carried off as much as they could, and buried the reft". In thefe expeditions he was greatly alTided by the Sime- rons, a nation of Indians who are engaged in a perpetual war with tlie Spaniards. The prince or captain of thefc people, whofe hame was PedrOj, was prefented by Captain Drake with a Hue cut' lafs which he at that time wore, and to which he faw the Indiait had a mind. Pedro in return gave him fouir large wedges of gold, which Captain Drake threw into the common flock, with this remarkable exprefTionj ** That he thought it but jufl, that fucb ** as bore the charge of fo uncertain a voyage on bis credit, «« fiiould fhare the utmoft advantages that voyage produced." Then embarking his m^n with all the wealth he had obtained, which was very conliderable, he bore away for England *', and was fo fortunate as to fail in twehty<4hree days from Cape Flu" rida to the iHes of Scilly, and thence without dny accident to iPlymouth, where he arrived the ninth of Auguft 1573 *. His fuccefs ip this expedition, joined to his honourable beha- viour towards his owners, gained him a high reputation, and the \ife he made of his riches dill a greater ; forj fitting out three ftout frigates at his own expence, he failed with them to Ireland, Vrhere, under Walter earl of EfTex (the father of that unfortu- nate earl who was beheaded), he ferved as a iioliinteer^ and dui u Captain Drake's co;tclu£t was in hll refpefts equal to bis courage ; be propofci coming into thele feas on the fame errand again $ and to this Uefign, and the nieahs that mi;;ht accomplifh it; all his a£iioos point. w At the diftancc of a century Sir William Davenant, poct-laaredt in the reign of King Charlies It. made this expedition the bafis of a dramatic performance, called "tuti HisTorV of Sia IFrancis Drake. ' See that reiatiun, as alfo Camden; annalcs, p. 351. ^ many SiK rkANCIS DRAKE. 4*5 foany jglonous a£lions ^. After the death of his noble patron he k-eturned into England, where Sir Chriflopher Hatton, who was then vice-chamberlain to Queen Elifabeth, privy counfcllor, af- terwards lord- chancellor, and a great favourite, took him under his prOte<^ion, introduced him to her majefty, and procured him her countenance ^. By this means he acquired a capacity of un« dertaking that glorious expedition, which will render his name immortal. The thing he firft propofcd was a voyage into the iSouth-feas through the Streights of Magellan, which was what hitherto no Engliihman ever attempted. This projeft was well ireceived at court, and in a fliort time Captain Drake faw himfelf at the height of his wifhesj for in his former Voyage, having had a diftant profpeft of the South-feas, he framed an ardent prayer to God, that jie might fail an Englifh fhip in them^ which he found now an opportunity of attempting, the queen's permiliion furnimiiig him with the means, and his own fame quickly drawing to him a force fufficient "> The fquadron with which he failed on thi^ extraordinary un- dertakings c&nfifted of the following fhips *, the Pelicati, com- tnanded by himfelf, of the burden of one hundred tons ; the Elifabeth, vice-admiral, eighty tons, under Captain John Win' ter } the Marygold, a bark of thirty tons, commanded by Cap- tain jdhn Thomas ; the Swan, a dy-boat of fifty tons, under Captain John Cheflier ; and the Chriftopher^ a pinnace of £fteeh tons, Under Captain Thomas Moon>>i In this fleet were embark- ed no more than one hundred fixty-four able meti, and all the fteceiiary proviHons for fo long and dangerous a voyage } the in- tent of which^ however, was not openly declared, but given out to be for Alexandria, though all meh fufpe£ted) and many knew he intended for America, l^hiis equipped, on the 15th of No^ Vember 15^7, about three in the afternoon, he failed from lPly« thouth ; hut a heavy dorm taking him as foon as he wa^ oUt of ))ort, forced him in a very bad condition into Falmouth, to reJit^ Which having expeditioufly performed, he again put to fea the i Stowe's annals, p. 807; ^ Icf; ibid. * Camdeni ahnalei, p. ist. ^towe's annals, p. 089. Prince's woTchie» of Devon, p, ^37. ^ Camdeni •hnaiet^ p. ^{4. Kaktityt'c voyages, p. 730, 748. Purcbaf^s pii|riiBS, voUi, p. 3. <1 Sec the relation in Hikluyt, vol. iii. p. 755. ; 'ii i| i i i ii: » All MEMOIRS OB ■'li' i' 1 « ^'! and but three caiks of water. On the twelfth of July he paf« fed the line, reached the coaft of Guinea on the fifteenth, ant} there watered. On the eleventh of September he made the ifland of ^crcera, and on the twenty-fifth of the fame month entered the harbour of Plymouth. It is not a little ftrange there ^Qui4 be fuch variation a^s lye find amongft the beft writers^, and thofe, too, his contemporaries, as to the day of hi^ arrival. Sir William Monfon fixes the twenty-fifth of September. Ho- lingfiied fays the twenly-fixth. In Mr. Hakluyt's relation it is ^he third of November, which is followe4 by Camden an4 many others. But Stowe, and feveral that might be men- tioned, content themfelves with faying, he returned towards the clofe of the year ; by which it is evident, that, at this dif- tance, the e3(a£^ time of ^is coming cannot be certainly deter- mined. In this voyage he completely fiirrounded the globe, which ^o commander in chief had ever done before \ His fuccefs in this enterprize^ and the immenfe mafs of wealth he brought home, raifed ^luch difcourfe throughout the kingdom, fom^ highly commending, and fbme as loudly decrying him^ The former alledged, that his exploit was not only honourable to himfelf, and to his country ; that it would eftablifh our reputa- tion for maritime ikill amongft foreign nations, and raife a ufe< ful fpirit of emulation at home i and that as to the money, our merchants having fuffbred deeply from the faithlefs pra£tices of the Spaniards, there t?as nothing more juft than that the na- tion ihould receive th^ benefit of Drake^s reprifals. The other party alledged, that in h£k he was no better than a pirate j that, of all others, it lead became a trading nation to encourage fuch praflices ; that it was not only a dire£fc breach of all our late treaties with Spain, but likewife of our old leagues with the houfe of Burgundy ; and that the confequences of owning his proceedings, would be much more fatal than the benefits reaped from it could be advantageous. Things continued in this uncertainty during the remainder of (hat, and the fpring of the f^cceeding year. 4> h H^klHyr, vol. ill. p. 741. Purcliai, vol. J. p. 4tf-r-JT> The world encom; sailed, &c. p. 1 08. Speed, p. 95a • Sir 7RANCIS DRAKE. be wprldencom; 4^P At length they took a better turn; for on the fourth of ^pril 158 1, her majefty dining at Deptford in Kent, went on hoard Captain Drake's fhip, where fhe conferred on him the honour of knighthood^ and declared her abfolute approbation of all that he had done, to the confuilon of his enemies, and to the great joy of his friends'. She likewife gave dire£lions for the prefervation of his ihlp, that it might remain a monu- ment of his own and his country's glory. In procefs of time the vefiel decaying, it was broken up ; but a chair made of the planks was prefented to the Univerfity of Oitford, and is ftiU prefcrved''. In 1585, he concerted a fcheme of a Weft Indian expedi* tion with the celebrated Sir Philip Sidney. It was to be partly maritime, and partly in the ftyle of invafion. The fea force was to be commanded abfolutely by Sir Francis, the land troops by Sir Philip Sidney. The queen having re-p quired the latter to deiift from his fcheme, he failed notwith« ftanding to the Weft Indies, having under his command Cap- tain Chriftopher Carlifle, Captain Martin Frobiftier, Captain Francis KnoUys, and many other officers of grf %t reputation. In that expedition he took the cities of St. Jngo, St. DomingOy Carthagena, and St. Auguftine, exceeding even the expectation of his friends, and the hopes of the common people, though both were fanguine to the laft degree '. Yet the profits of this expedition were but moderate, the defign of Sir •Francis being rather to weaken the enemy, than to enrich himfelf ■". It waSf to do him juftir'?> a maxim from which he never varied, to re- gard the fervice of his country firft, next the profit of his pro- prietors, and his own intereft (of which, however, he was far from being carelefs) he regarded laft. Hence, though rich in vrealth, he was ncher ftill in reputation. i Camdeni annalet, p. 359. Sir William Monfon*! naral traAs, p. 400. Stowe's annals, p. 689. Holingflied, Speed. ^ See ^lr. Cowley's poems, edit. 1680, p. 8, ^x, A certain knight propofed to place it ipon the top of St. Paul's. i A fummary and true difcourfe of Sir Francis Drake's Weft Indian voyage, accoippanied with Chriftopher Carlifle, Martin Forbifher, Francii KnoUys, with many other captains and gentlcmeq, wherein were taken the towns of St. J«go, St. Domingo, Carthagena, and St. Auguftine; London* ^65», 4to. n> Hakluyt, vol. tii. p. J54. Sir W. Monfen's naval iraAs, p. 1C9. Cindea, p. 353, Stoyrc* p. tog. In -I i.|i.V If.;': m w ■'< ; 'I' ■ rm .iill ■:l iiJ I |. I i ( li i"i' A «f m ill ''.-.: , In 1578, lie proppc4e4 tp i^Kbpii ^i^h a ^^t of th'^fty fail, tM b^^iqg intelligppce of % Bv\mef(H>8 flcf t afl*^ mble4 ^n t|}e ba^y of ^a4i?, which w?« to Jxaw^ ro^4? pa^ qf tl^^ Vm^d^, ji^, Wi^^ grc9$ couf^ge, entei^ed tl^^t pprtji ^n^ l^^fnt th^rp upw^ds of ^qj t^»oufan4 tpn^ pf fliipp\fig, ^ ^fter t^^yjng pfrfo;rm«d all t^p, fervjpp, tl>at t^e fl;)te eo^ld expe£l^ he rafolved tp 4p his |i^|:|^p^ to content tke fpeccf^ants pf ^ndpn, who ha4 con. tri^ut^4* hy ^ yo^vtntarye fub^priptipii tp tl^e £t^pg opt of his Sect. 'V^ith ^s view, h^v^ng j^t^Iigencp of ^ lar.g« canr^ck 4[^pe^ed a^ IVrcera from the ^^|l Ipdies, thither he failed} ^nd though his men were feverely pinched through want of visuals, yet by fi^r wprds ^nd large prpmlfef^ hp prevailed upon tl^em tp end^re ^hefe hard£hjps for a fc^r days ; within this fp«^ce the K^fl; India (hip arrived, which he took and carried home ip liplumph ; (o that throughout the whole vr^Xf there was |io ex- pedition fo happily cppdu^ted z^ this, vflth refpeift to reputation or profit "i ^nd therefore wp nee4 not won4er> that upon his return the mighty appl^ufe be received might render him fomewhat elate, as his enemies repqrt it di4 > hut certain it is, that ti9 mvifCs, pride had ever a h^^^ier turn, fince it always yentc4 itfelf in feryice tp the public. ; Thus at tht9 time he iipdertpp]^ tp bring water into the town «f Flymquth, through t^e w«int qf which t jll then it had been grievouily difirdled ; an4 he perfprnied It by condu<^ing thither 9 ftrpam from Springs at eight rnile^ d| fiance, that is to (ay, in 9 ftraight line ; for in the manner by whlcl^ he brought it, the courfe it runs is upwards of twenty ifiiles ?. It was in confe* qucnce pf the journals, charts and papers taken on board his ti^ik Ipdi^ prize, th^t it ^as judged practicable for us to enter into that trade ; for prompting which, the queen by letters pa- tent, in the forty-third year of her feign, erected our firft India Company. To this we may alfo add, he firH: brought in to. bacco, the ufe of which was much promoted by the praftice of Sir Walter Raleigh. How much this nation has gained by & See an vriginal Utter of Sir Francii Dra|ce, flated the a 7th of April 1587, t} ^e Lord Treafurer Burlej^h, acquainting hitn with his fuccefs at Cadiz, in Strypc's ann^a, vol. iii. p. 451, Camdep> p. 551. Sir W. Monfon's naval trails, p. i7o< Hifdon's furvry of Devon, vol. iii. p. 261. o Weflcot's furvey of Devonfliire, MS. Stowe'i annah, p« 808. Rifdon's fur. f ^ of I^evon. vol. i« p. 69^ 70. thtfc p. 8o8. Rifdon's fur- Sir iP'RAi^CrtS bRAKE. 4^1 thefe branches of commerce, of which he was properly the author, I leave to the ihtelllg'ent reader's confideration '. In 155S, ^if Francis Drake was appointed vice-admiral, itndek- Charles Lord Howard of Effingham, high-admiral of England ; here his fortune favoured him as remarkably as ever ; for he made prize oJF a large galleon, commanded by Don Pe* dro de Vaidez, who yielded on the bare miention of bis name. th this v^flel fifty thbufand ducats W^re difbributed among the feamen ahd foldiers, Which preferved iihat love thiey had always borh^ to this their valiant commander. It muft not, however^ be diflembled, that through an oVerfight of his, the admiral ran the utmoft haSsard of being taken by the enemy ; for ,/ake being appointed, the firft night of the engagement, to carry lights for the direftion of the Eaglilh fleet, he being in full purfuit of fome hulks, betbnging to the Hanfe-towns, ne> gle£led it \ which occafioned the admiral's following the Spa- hifli lights, and remaining almoft in the centre of their fleet till morning. Hbwever, his fucceeding fervices fufficiently effaced the memory of this miftake, the greateft exificution done on the flying Spaniards being performed by that fquadron under his command '. Tiie next year he wa« employed as admiral at fea, over the fleet fent to reflore Don Atltonio, king of Portugal ; the com- mand of the land-force» being given to Sir John Norris. They xrttt hardly got out to fea before tbcfe commanders dif> fered \ though it is val (wftj, p. 1 7 J. Stowr, p. "4^. .Speed, p. 85o. Strype'i fnnals, vol. iii. }oha ' mi ?1 r I ii 1 <■■ , i 43 » MEMOIRS dF ii John Norrls indeed marched hj land to Lifbon, and Sir FrariJij Drake very imprudently promifed to fail up the river with his vrhole fleet ; but, when he faw the confequenc^s which would have attended the keeping of his word, he chofe rather to break his promife than to hazard the queen's navy } for which he was grievoufly reproached by Norris, and the mifcarriage of the whole aflair was imputed to his failure in performing what he had undertaken* Yet Sir Francis fully juftified himfelf on his return; for he made it manifefl: to the queen and council, that all the fervice that was done was performed by him^ and that his failing up the river of Liibon would have lignified no<> thing to the taking the caftle, which was two miles off; and| without reducing that, there was no taking the town % His next fervice was the fatal undertaking in conjundlion with Sir John Hawkins, in 1594, for the deftroying Nombre de Dios, of which I have already given an account^ to the death of the laft-mentioned commander, which, as we havd ihewn, was the day before Sir Francis made his defperate at- tack on the (hipping in the harbour of PortO'^Rico. This was performed, with all the courage imaginable, on the 13th of November, 1595, and attended with great lofs to the Spaniards^ yet with very little advantage to the Englifli, who, meeting with a more reiblute refiflance and much better fortifications than they expected, were obliged to fheer off^ The admiral then fleered for the main, where he took the town of Rio de la Hacha, which he burnt to the ground, a church and a fingl^ Loufe belonging to a lady only excepted^ After this he de> ftroyed fome other villages, and then proceeded to Santa Martha, which he likewife burned. The like fate had the fa- mous town of Nombre de Dios, the Spaniards refufmg to ran^* fom any of thefe places, and the booty taken in them being very inconCderable. On the 2yth of December Sir Thomas Bafkerville marched with feven hundred and fifty men towards Panama, but returned on the fecond of January, finding the deiign of reducing that place to be wholly impraflicable. This r Camdeni annalci, p. 601— —606. Sir 'WilHam Monfon's ilaval tn&Si p. 174. Stowe'f annaU, p. 755. Sec Captain William t'enner's relation o^ tb!< MXSERABLt ACTION, (as be (iylcs it), pieferyed in Dr. Birclt'i memoil's of that rqlsRi vol. i. pt 58. difappolnt- ^iR FRANCIS DRAKE. 43-3 difappointment made fuch an imix-einon on the admiral's mind, that it threw him into a Engering fever, attended with a flux, of which ive died on the twenty-eighth, about four in the morn- ing, though Sir William Monfon hints, that there were great doubts wiiether it i^as barely his ficknefs that killed him. Such was the end ^ this great man, wheii he had lived about fifty years * ; hut his memory will furvive as long as that world lails which he flrfl: furrouiided. Hitherto we have fpoken of his public a£tions $ let us now, as we have ample and excellent ma^ terials, difcourfe fdmewhat of his perfon and chara£ber. He was low of ftature, biit well fet ; had a broad open cheft^ a very round head, his hair of a fine brown, his beard full and comelyj his eyes large and clear, of a fair complexion. With a frefli, chearJFui, and very engaging countenance *. As navigation had been his whole ftudy, fo he underftood it tho- ipoughly, and was a perfect mailer in every branch, efpecially in aftrononiy, and in the application thereof to the nautic art. As all men have enemies, and all eminent men abundance of themj we need hot wonder that Sir Francis Drake, who per- formed fb many great things, fhould have as much ill fpoken of him, as there Was of any man of the age in \diich he lived. Thofe who difliked him, alledged that he was a man of low birthi haughty in his temper, oftentatious, felf-fufEcient, an immoderate fpeaker^ and though indifputably a good Teaman, no great general $ in proof of which they took notice of his neglecting to furnifh his fleet thoroughly in 1585 ; his not keep- ing either St. Domingo or Carthagena after he had taken them ; the {lender provifion he made in his expedition to Portugal } his breaking his word to Sir John Norris, and the errors he committed in his lafl undertaking ". . \ \ -i f 4:« :^1-^ ;fc I ■ :f:' I'll :|1 if,''i ii * Relation of k voyage into the Weft Indies, made by Sir Francis Drakr, accompanied with Sir John Hawkins, Sir Thomas Bafkerville, Sir Niclioiaa ClifTord and others, who fet forth from Plymouth on the twenty-eighth of Aii' gadlSSSi London, 1652, 4to. Haklayt, vol. iii, p. 583. Camden, p. 700. Roberti johnfloai rerum Britannicarum hiflorix, lib. viii. p. a 08. £n^!)(h hero, p. i.06. t Stowe, p. 808. Fuller's holy Hate, p. 1 30. See the re- lation, &c. jud cited, p. 58. u sir William Monfon's naval trafti, p. 399. Purchas's pilgrims, vol. vi. p. 11S5. Stowe, p. 8o3. See his cha- racter, and a brief relation of fome of the memorable a£liuns of this worthy prrfon, publiHied in his lifetime, in iijliiigfhed, vol. ii. p. xjfir, :08, Vol. I. 3 I In ' 'ir I'll {'•i tiJt ( 1^ 434 MEMOIRS dp In excufe of thefe it is faid, that the glory of what he did, might very well remove the imputation of his mean defcent ; vrhat was thought haughtinefs in him, might be no more than 9 juft concern for the fupport of his authority ; his difplay of his great fervices, a thing incident to his profeffion ; jind his love of fpeaking, qualified by his wifdom and eloquence, which hindered him from ever dropping a weak or an ungraceful ex- predion. In equipping his fleet, he was not fo much in fault as thofe whom he trufted ; ficknefs hindered his keeping the places he took in the Weft Indies ; his councils were continu- ally crofied by the land officers in his voyage to Portugal ; and as to his kft attempt, the Spaniards were certainly well ac- quainted with his deilgn, at leaft as Toon as he left England, if not before. His voyage round the world, however, remains an inconteftible proof of his courage, capacity, patience, quick- fightednefs, and public fpirit, fince therein be did every thing that could be expedled from a man, who preferred the honour and profit of his country to bis own reputation or private gain *'. The only zQ: of his whole life that laid him open to juft cenfure, was his feverity towards Mr. John Doughty, which I have touched before, and which many reafons incline me to mention again. The caufe, he alledged, was Doughty's at- tempting to raife fome difturbnnce in the fleet, which, they fay, was partly proved from his own confeflion, and partly from papers found in his cuilody ". But in thofe days it was flirewd- ly fufpe^ted, that Doughty was fent abroad for no other pur- pofe than to meet with his end ; and this, becaufe he had •charged the great earl of Leicefter with p<»foning the earl of EfTex y. A fa£t; generally believed at that time, on account of the Earl's marrying in a fliort fpace Lettice, countefs of Eflex, w Camdeni annates, p. jji. Thrf wo#1d eiMomptrted, p. loB". Sir Wil- lii^m Monfon's naT 49> ,,j.,,w *« t I'i t 1! JiJ r ■m 'I'v; '■ ■!; i ;!! ■ •i j' • 4J^ MEMOIRS pv and Johnfon mention the h^ and the report ", biit in fucb a manner as feenis to juftify Drake ; and indeed, on the ftriiilefi; review of fhe evidence, I can fee no probable ground to con- demn him. It was (he felicity of pur admirdi to live under the reign pf (^ princefs, who never failed tp diftinguiih merit, or to beftow her favours where ihe faw defert. Sir Francis l)rake was always her favourite, and Ihe gave a very lucky proof of it: in refpeft to a quarrel he had with his countryman, afterwards Sir Bernard Drake, wliofe arms l^ir Francis had afTumed \ which (b provo- Iced th^ other, who was a feaman, and ap enterprising feaman likewife, that he gave him a box on the ear. The queen took up the quarrel} and gave Sir Francis a new coat ; which is thu^ blazoned : Sable a fefs wavy between two pole* flat's argent ; for his crefl, A £bip on a globe under ruff, held by a cable with a hand out of the clouds ^ over it this motto, Au;y:iLip DiyiNO^ underneath, Sic parvis magna ; in the rigging whereof is hung up by the heels a wivern, gules, which was the arms of Sir Bernard Drake >>. Her majefliy's kindnefs, however, did no^ extend beyond (be grave; for flie fuffered his brother Thomas Drake, the companion of his dangers, whom he made his heir, to be profecuted for a pretended debt to the crown, which no^ a little diminifhed thfe advantages he would otherwife have reap> ed from his brother's fucccflion *=. It would fwell this work beyond its intended bulk, if wt iliouid enter particularly into the hiftory of all the remarkable commanders who flourifhed in the reign of Queen Elifabetb, and therefore we fhall be more conciic in our accounts of fucli heroes as are yet to mention, and whofe a£lions it would b«^ liowever injurious to the reader to pafs oyer in ablblutc iilence. 1 'iil«,.r Si*MARTiNFROBisHER,or,asin many writers he is called, f ORBisBER, was a native of Yorkftiire, born near Doncafter, • Camdeni~^nalff, vol, u. p. 3jj. Johnttoni rerum Britannicbrum hift. lih, n. p. rni, notwithflasid- ing which he had the good fortune to arrive in fafety at Briflol. In 1578 he commanded the Judith, one of the fifteen fail of which Sir Martin's fquadron was compofed, in a third expedi- tion », fct on foot for the like purpofe, whh the title of rear-ad- miral; failing from Harwich on the thirty-firfl of May, and returning to England the firfl of O^ber following. This^ like the two former attempts, proved wholly unfuccefsful : Capt, Fenton, however, remained firmly pcrfuaded that fuch a defigti was certainly prafticable, and was continually fuggcfting of what prodigious importance the diicovery of a paflage to the north-wefl mufl be, to the commerce and navigation of this kingdom) and which might, notwithflandiilg the repeated dif- appointments it had been hitherto attended with, be again re- fumed with the higheft probability of fuccefs. His frequent fe- licitations on this head, joined to the poweirful intereft of the carl of Leicefter, at length procured him another opportunity of trying his fortune, and that in a way, and with fuch a force, as could not fail of gratifying his ambition to the utmofl. < Thoroton's liHlory of Nottin};ham(hirr, p. 41$. Fuller's wortliiei in that county, p. 318. f See (he ii.riruAions given him on unclertakiog his M voyagt?, in I-Ukiuyt, vol. i.!. p. 75;. f Stowe's aftaali, p. 661, s I^o- lin^(iie(l'« c!>iC'iiick, vd. ii. p. tz?!. , ,; . Of EDWARD FENtbN 441 ; Of thij voyngc, which was chiefly fct forth at the expcncc of the earl of Cumberland, we haye feveral authentic accounts, and yet it iis not eafy to apprehend the true dedgn of it. The ixiftrud^ions given by the privy-council to Mr. Fenton, and Which are ftill prefervedj fay exprefsly^ that he (hould endeavour the difcovery of a north*we(l paiTage, but by a new route, which Is laid down to him, viz, he was to go by the Cape of Good Hope to the £aft Indies, and being arrived at the Moluccas, he wai to go from thence to the South-feas, and to attempt his return by the fo'long- fought north-weft paiTage, and not by any hieans to think of pafling the ftreights of Magellan, except in cafe of abifoiute neceflity ^ Notwithilanding thefe inftru^lions, (Sir Williath Monfon tells us plainly, that Mr. Fenton was fcnt to itj his fortune in the South-feas"; and fo, moft certainly, himfelf Uhdeirftood it. In the month of May, 1582, Mr. Fen- ton left the Engtifh coaft, with three ftout fliips and a bark. With thefe he failed, (irft to the coaft of Africa, and then for that of Brazil direftly, from Whence he intended to have failed for th^ ftreights of Magellan ; but hearing there that the king of Spainj irho had betrer intelligence, it feems, of his proje / MEMOIRS 09 as fome * wt'itc, though others ^ make him captain of the Mary Rofe i whichever (hip it was, he is allowed on all hands to have behaved with a becoming fpirit *, and to have given very fingular marks of courage, in that famous a£bion. He paiTed the latter part of his life, at or near Deptford, deceafing in the ipring of the year 1603, and lies buried in the parifh-church of that place, where a handfome monument was created to his memory by the great earl of Corke, who married his niece, with a very elegant infcription thereon *. Notwithftanding the difappointment which this gentleman met with, frcfh attempts were made for the difcovery of this fo-much- defired paflage to the north-wefl, in which Captain John Davis, a moft knowing and active feaman, was employed. The firft 'tras in 1585; a fecond time he failed in 1586 ; but in both voy- ages atchieved nothing beyond raifing of his own reputation, which continued to be very great for upwards of thirty years to. Sir William Monfon tells us, that he conferred with this Mr. Davis, as well as Sir Martin Frobiftier, on this fubjeft, and that they were able to give him no more afTurance, than thofe who had never gone fo far j though he confeffes, they did offer him (which was all he could expe£l) fome very plaufible reafons to prove, that fuch a paiTage there was. In his difcourfe on this fubjeft, he labours hard to reprefent the undertaking as, in its nature, impra£ticable ; bur, admitting it were not fo, he pretends to fliew, that no fuch mighty advantages as are expe£):- rd could be reaped from this difcovery. He concludes his dif- courfe with hinting, that a more profitable, and at the fame ?ime a more probable attempt, might be made by failing due north direftly under the pole, which he fuppofes would render the paiTage between us and China, no more than fifteen hun- dred leagues *. « Stowe, Strype. V Sir WilHam Monfon's tiaral trafti, p. i:fi, ^ Carrxien, to/nc ii. p. ^^4. Ubaldltio's difcourfe of the Spanifh fleet invadtRi; Knglaiid, p. x6, »7> Biftiop Carleion*! remembrancer, p. 154. » See the infcription at large in Fuller; in which he is faid to have been efquire of the body to Queen EliObeth. b We hare an accoont of all the ▼nyagei in Hakliiyf, ai alfo of a voyage of hi* to the Eaft Indies, in 1604. Pu«chai*» pil- jiims, vol. i. p. i3». <^ NaVjI trafts, p. 4itf. * // m Amongst GEORGE CLIFFORD, tsfc. 443 Am OK GST the naval heroes of this glorious reign, we muA: not forget Georgb Clifford, eail of Cumberland, whoun«* dertook many expeditions, both in Europe and the Weft Indies, at his own expence, and in feveral hazarded his perfon, merely - to ferve his queen and country, and thereby acquire a juft right to fame. In fome of thofe voyages Sir William Monfon affifted, and has left us accounts of them, and of the reft we have many relations extant. It does not appear, however, that the earl added any thing to his private fortune, by thefe tefti- monies of his public fpirit ; and therefore the queen, to (hew ' how juft a fenfe (he had of his zeal and refolution, honoured him, in the year 1592, with a garter, which, in her reign, was never beftowed till it had been deferved by fignal fervices to the public. This noble peer furvived the queen, and was in great favour, and in very high efteem with her fucceflbr. He deceafed in 1605, and was the laft hcir-m;»le of his noble family <». Sir Robert Dudley, fon to the great earl of Leicefter, by the Lady Douglas Sheffield, daughter of William, Lord How- ard of Effingham, diftinguiihed himfelf by his application to maritime affairs, by his great Ikill in them, and by his known encouragement to eminent Teamen, as well as by his perfonal exploits, which were fuch as deferve to be remembered. He was born at Sheen in Surry, in 1573*1 and having received the firic tinCfcure of letters from one Mr. Owen Jones, at Offington in SufTex, to whofe care and diligence, in that refpeft, he had been committed by his^ father f, he was fent to Oxford in 1587, and entered of Chrift-Church, being recommended to the in- fpedlion of Mr. Chaloner, afterwards the learned Sir Thomas Chaloner, and tutor to Prince Henry, under whom he profited fo well in his ftudies, as to raife the higheft expe£lations, and which he lived abundantly to fulfil. By the demife of his father, who breathed his laft September the 4th, 1588 ^, at his houfe at Cornbury, in Oxfordfliire, Sir Robert became intitled, on the d Camden, Stowe, Speed, Holingflied. « Hid. antiq. univerf. Oxon. lib. ii. p. 27 S> f Diigdiilc's antiquities of Warwickihire, edit. t6s6. p. 167. 8 The celebrated liOrd Burleigh's diary of the queen's reign, i^ Murdin'* colIeQion of Ihtc papers, p. 788. Stowc't annaU, p. 750. 7 K 2 4eatU »« : 4 1 ■■: 1 ■ I \,.it''M m rj s% ^ ;S !''! -:!• ! I ■|';;r ,i:vHi: 'I ■ ;■■ 1 M-.'i Ii. i^^^WI^Sfvi ^i. A •m.i .!!■ 1 i;i i' "II M ¥li:- 444 V M ^ H O I R S; of .j death of his uncle Ambrofe, carl of Warwick, to the priflcelj^ caftle of Kenilworth in Warwickfhlre, and other large eftates f. ^e was conddered, at this time, as one of the mo(V accomplifh- ed young gentlemen in the kingdom, haying a very agreeable; perfon, tall, finely (haped, an admirable complexion, his haic inclining to red *, a very graceful air, and learned beyond hi^ years, particularly in the mathematics; very e:|^pert in his exer- cifes, fuch as tiltipg, ridjng the great hprfe, and other manl]^ feats, in which he is reported to have e:^celled moft of his ranki. Haying, from his earljeft youth, a particular turn to navigation, he took a refolution, when he was fcarce two and twenty years of age, of making a voyage into the South-feas, for which great preparations were made ; but, before he could put it in execution, the queen and her miniilers interpoflng, the project was dropped ■*. In 1 594 he fitted out a fquadron of four fail, at bis own ex- pence, and leaving Southampton on the fixth of November^ proceeded for the coaft of Spain, where he loft the company of the other three (hips. This, however, did not hinder him from continuing his voyage to the Weft Indies ; and, in doing this, he took two large (hips, though of no great value. After re- maining fome time about the iftand of Trinidada, he found him- fclf under a neceffity of returning home, in a much worfe con- dition than he went out ; and yet, coming up, in his pafliige, with a Spanifli ftiip of 6oo tons, his own vciTel being of no greater burden thati 200, he engaged her, fought two* whole days, till his powder was quite exhaufted, and then left her, but in fo torn and fluttered a condition, that fhe afterwards liiiik. This made the ninth fliip which he had cither taken, funk, or burnt, in his voyage '. He accompanied the earl of EITex and the lord high-admiral Reward in the beginning of June 1596 in the famous expedition to Cidi/, and received the honour of knighthood on the 8th of Auguft following for the fignal ferviccs he there performed ". h See the laft will of Robert earl of Lcicefter, in Mr. Collins'i memoirs of the Sidneys prefixed to the firft volume of f.hc Siilncy papers, p. 70. 1 WooJ'i Hthen. Oxen. vol. ii. col. 117. k See the introduftion to his voyage to the iibnd of Trinidada, written by himfelf ai the rcqiicfi of Mr. Rirhard Ildkiuyt. '■ ll;k!j>r, vol, ili. p. 574. " Stowe'i awnals, p. 771. Speed, p. 869. ''i I',ndeavouring f. ]\ Sri ROBERT DUDLEY. 44i ^ude^vQuring Ume years after to prove the legitimacy of b\^ birth, he met with fo many obdacles in his attempt, that, con* ceiving himfelf highly injured thereby, he determined to quit: England f!, and embarking for Italy, fixed upon Florence fo» ^e place of his retreat, where he met with a moft diilinguifhed reception from the then reigning gravid dulce of Tufcany, an4 the Archduchefs Magdalen of Aui^ria, £{le^ to the Emperos Ferdinand II. <> - In this his delightful retirement he became ib much adm|red| 9nd gave fuch fhining proofs of his great abilities» particularly in devifing feveral methods for the improvement of ihipping, intro^ ducing various manv^a£tures, inftru£king the natives how to en^ large their foreign commerce, and other affairs of like confer guence, that the en^peror, at the requefl: of the archduchefs, tQ whom Sir Robert had fon^e time before been appointed great chamberlain, was pleafed, by letters-ppatent bearing date at ¥ienna, March 9, 1620, to create him a duke and count of th« empire, by the title of duke of Northun^berland and earl of War- wick?; and in 1630 he was by his Holiriefs Pope Urban VIII. eiU'oUed an^ong the nobility of Rome ''. Itj was during his reli- dence in this country that he formed his great deHgn of making Leghorn a free port, which has been of fuch prodigious impor- tance to the dukes of Tufcany ever fincer. In acknowledgment of fuch infinite merit the grand duke affigned him a very liberal pen» fion, made him a prefent of the caftle of CarbcUo, a moft magnifi- cent villa three miles from Florence, which he fp adorned and beau- tified as to render it one of the faired and fineft palaces in Italy, and in which he paid his lail de!' lo nature in the month of September, 1649, in the 76th ye?i of his age, having acquired a very extenfive reputation in the republic of letters by his learn- ed writings, more efpccially *"rom the following curious work, " Dugd.iU's antiquities of Warwickfhtrf, p. i66. '' Wood's athen. Oxon. vol. ii. col. IZ7. PThe letteri patent at large, undef the golden feal of the empire, are prefixed to the firft velume of that elab irate petibrmance mentioned in the text. 1 Athen. Oxon. vol. ii. col. 117. * ' Fuller's worthies in .<«urrej', p. 84. Bifhop Burnet's travels through Switrerland, letter v. Lloyd's Hdte-worchie«, p 761. which *( ■I I I \l % *; if I: M ■.( IMJ m \' i \ •*B«^r^Sfti ii'5ife«WM*;>^15&'«if»-': ^4dltiin library. « Tnerc ii a cup/ (prctcnied by SU R. Moray) in the library of the royal focicty, . ■;::^': ' Sir Sir RICHARD HAWKINS. 447 Sir Richard Hawkins, fon to the famous Sir John Haw*, kins of whom we have before briefly fpoken, was born at Ply- mouth in Devohfhire } and, as he was little Inferior to his father in ikill or courage, he refembled him alfo but too much in his mis- fortunes*. In 1593 he fitted out two large (hips and a pinnace at his own expcnce, and had the queen's commiffion empower- ing him to infeft the Spaniards in South- America. His expeditioa was unlucky from his very firft fetting out ; and yet, notwlth- ftandlng a number of untoward accidents, he refolutely perfifted in his defign of paiTmg the flraits of Magelhm, and furrounding the globe, as Drake and Cavendifh had done. He fhared, how- ever, in none of their fuccefs, though he met with moft of their difRcultles. One Captain Tharlton, who had been very culpable in diftrefling Mr. Cavendifli in his laft voyage, was guilty of the like bafenefs towards Sir Richard Hawkins ; for, though he knew his pinnace was burnt, he defcrted him at the river of Plate, and returned home, leaving Sir Richard to purfue his voyage through the ftralts of Magellan with one Ihip only, which, with equal prudence and refolutlon, he performed in the fpring of the year 1 594, and, entering Into the South-feas, took feveral prizes, one of which was of condderable value. On the coafts of Peru he v/as attacked by Don Bertrand de Caftro, who had with him a fquadron of eight fail, and two thoufand choice men on board ; yet Hawkins made a fhift to difengage himfelf, after he had done the Spaniards Incredible damage : but flaying too long in the South-feas, in order to take more prizes, he was attacked a fecond time by Admiral de Caflro, who was now ftronger than before ; yet Hawkins defended -himfelf gallantly for three days and three nights; and then, moft of his men being killed, his (hip In a manner finking under him, and hiia- felf dangeroufly wounded, he was prevailed on to furrende*' upon very honourable terms, viz. that himfelf and all on board fliould have a free paflage to England as foon as might be. After he was in the enemies hands, Don Bertrand de Caftro (hewed him a letter from the king of Spain to the viceroy of Peru, wherein was contained a very exaft account of Hawkins's expedition, the number of his fhlps, their burden, men, guns. )■ ' I ■ \n (! ;'; »« k I'l! i t ' Princf's worthirt of Derop. d. tsi. ammunition. :;ii T''-4v¥ ••J'*'.'**!*, *«*»dM»WM^^„,^. 448 M £ M O I ii S oir Ammunition, &c. which demonftrated how dofe a corrci*pbni dence his Catholic Majcfty entertained with fonic who were too vrell acquainted with Queeti Elifabeth's councils ". He continued fli long time prifoner in Anierica, where he Was treated with great humanity by Admiral ide CaflrO ; biit in the end, by oirder • of the court of Spain, he was fent thither, infbad of returning to England, and Remained for ieveral years a prifoner iii Seville and Madrid. At length he was releafed, and returned to his native country, where he fpent the latter part of his life in peace^ leaving behind him a large account of his adventures to the time of his being taken by the Spaniards'*, and intended to have writ- ten a fecond part, in which he was prevented by a fudden death j for, having fome bufinefs which called hinl to attend the privy, council, he was ftruck with an apoplexy in one of the buter rooms. Mr. Wcftcot, fpe:iking of this accidentj fays Very juftly of this gentleman and his father *, ** That if fortune had been *< as propitious to them both, as they were eminent for Virtuei <* valour, and knowledge, they might have vied with the heroes <« of any ag^." Some of his defcendents are ftill remaining in Devonshire, but in an oblcure condition y; Captain James (by many called John) LANCASTJEk was fitted out by fome merchants of London to cruize on the coaft of Brazil, then in the hands of the Spaniards. He failed from Dartmouth the 30th of November, 1 594^ with three ihips^ one of 140, another of 170, and the third of 60 tons: on board thcfe were 275 men and boyc. In the fpace of a few weeks they took thirty-nine Spanilh fliips, four of which they kept, and iplundered the reft } and then, joining With Captain Venner at the ifle of May, they fleered for the coaft of Brazil, where they ?aok the city of Fernambuco on the aoth of March, 1595, in a nianncL- fcarce to be paralleled in hiflory ) for Captain Lancalrei: u Obfervaiiont of Sir Richard Hawkini, p. ilx, 14:3, tS4, 169. ^ This book was put to the prefs In his llrctime, but Was publifhed by 't friend, after his deceafe, in xfSi, in folio, under the title of " The obfervationt of Sir Richard " Hawkins, knight, in his voyage to the South-fea, A. D. 159}. printed for *' John Jaggard at the hand and ftar in Ficet-ftrcct." See aIA> Purchas's pilj^rimi, vol. W. p. 1367. and Captain Ellis's acc( unt, p. 1415. * Defcripiion of DcToniliirc, Art. Plymouth, M. S. T Prince's worthies of Devon. p. 3<)i. ordcr'ul i' ,;»M'^\«.-iP JOHN LANCASTER. 445^ ordered his fine new pinnace, in which he landed his men, to be beat to pieces on the (bore, and funk his boats, that his men Qiight fee, they muft either die or conquer ; the iight of which fo frighted the Spaniards and Portuguefe, that, after a very poor defence, they abandoned the lower town. This the |£nglifli held for thirty days, in which fpace they were attacked eleven times by the enemy *. The fpoil was exceeding rich, and amounted to fo great, a quantity, that Captain Lancafter hired three fail of large Dutch (hips, and four Frenchmen to carry it home ; and, having thus increafed his fleet to fifteen (hips, he brought them fafely into the Downs in the month of July, 1595* This was the moft lucrative r.d venture, on a private account, throughout the whole war ; and the courage and conduct of the commander appears fo confpicuoufly therein, that he deferves to be ever re->^ membered with honour •, even fuppofing he had performed no- thing more. But it appears from feveral circumftances in the relations, that be was the fame who opened the trade to th*:,i '."■\ I * Camdeni annalei, p 683. Vol, I, • Hakluyt, vol. iii- p. 7c8. 2h l^^' ' t 450 MEMOIRS OF ■■>..■ He had, however, the good fortune to get into the port of St. Helena, where he repaired his weather-beaten (hip as weU as he could, brought her fafely into the Downs the iitb of September, 1603, and lived near thirty years afterwards in an honouraj^le affluencq, acqui{;e4 chiefly by this fuccefsful voyage i>. Captain Wilham Pajiker of Plymouth was fiued out by certain merchants to cruize on the Spaniards in the Weft In- 4ies in 1601. His whole ib'ength confifted in two fhifis, one of 1^30, and the other of 6q tons, with about 220 men<^. He failed in the month of November, reduced St. Vincent, ojie of the cape de Verd iflands ; then, fteering for the coaft of America, he took the town of la Rancheria in the ^fland of Cubagua, ■where the pearl-fifhery is, and plundered it. He proceeded next; to Porto- bello, which was then a very Arotig, well-built town : entering the port by moon-light, he; pafTed without re(iftance, and attacked the place by furprize?. The governor Don Pedro Meiendez made a gallant defence in the king's treafury, to which he retreated ; but at: kngth that too was carried by aflault, and the governor taken. The booty was far from being confiderable, and the beft part of it Captain Parker diftribvited amongft his men. Nptwithilanding this difappointment, our hero behaved moft generoufly towards the enemy ; he fet Don Pedrp at liberty, out of refpe£t to his courage } l^e fpared the place, becaufe it was well built, and burning it could dp hi™ no good ; he fet his pri- foners at large, becaufe the mqney was really gone, and they had not wherewith to pay their ranfom. Having done all this, he paiTed the forts at the mouth of the harbour, by the fire of which the Spaniards fuppofed they (hould infallibly have funk his veflels, and returned with immortal glory to Plymouth found the 6th of May 1602 '^. The Spaniards themielves mention his behaviour with honour and applaufe. b Camden, annal. p. tf jj). Purchas's pilgrims, vol. i. p. 147. ^ Harris'j collcOion of voyages, vol. i, p. 747. d See the captain'?teIation in Pur- chas's pilgrims, vol. iv, p. T143. c Lifg ^f Captain Parker in a iupplemen: .0 Prince's worthies of Devoii- »'■ -#< ■II ,1: ' ,1'., WILLIAM PARKER. 45 « THESE are the principal naval heroes who ilourlihed In that glorious reign, tvherein the foundation was ftrongl^ laid of the pirodigious maritime power, andextenfive commerce, which the Englifli toation have ilnce enjoyed. I fhall conclude with wifh- ing, that the fame generous fpirit may again arife with a force that may excite us to emulate the wifdom, courage, induflry, and zeal for the public gdodi which animated our anceftors> and enabled them to furmount all difficulties, and to fpread the repu« tatioh of their arnis ahd vllrtues through the whole habitable World. 11 , |: ' 'I *'i .1 n-,'i ! .¥.]''<. ; ■ I, •Jl* !*»«-«>•►»■ »•• wr'^ '4ift.. 3 L A LIVES ('II I .< ■4 c Harrii'i ■elation in Pur- n a fuppleaien: k> *\ ■ "■^ ^ff:r^ "r :->'^ 'K>> ': m ^:\a ''^wmm' 1 »' ( d'-^ ' ; 'li i . ■' a ( fir." pi] Mi : I I ...i...;.. i :; I* ill'?') ''''!■ :i S\M ^.; t 452 1 \i\ 111? > I ' gg I V E OF THE ADMIRALS: INCLUDING A KEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. .
  • r * I - c H A P. xm. The Naval Hiftory of Great Britain, under the reign of King James I. including alfo an account of the progreTs of our trade, and the growth of our plan- tations ) together with memoirs of the moil eminent fcamen who Hourifhed in that fpace of time. THERE were many accidents that contributed to the peaceable acceffion of the king of Scots to the Englilh' throne, notwithftanding what had happened to his mbtherj and tht known atetfion of the nation to the dominion of flrangers *. On the one hand, the famous fecretary Cecil and all his friends, who were in the principal pofts of the govern- ment, had been for- a long time fecretly in King James's IntereH, though, to avoid the fufpicion of their miftrefs, they had fome- > Johnffoni hiftoriaratn rerum Britannicarum, lib. s. p. 358. Spotfwood's hidury of the church of Scotland, b. v'u p. 471. Stowe'i chronicle contiitued, by Hjwes. p. 8ts, 817 Earl of Monmomh'i metnoirs, p. 175, 1S5. Cam* den! annal. E!if. p. pt%. „ time NAVAL HISTORY, life. 453 times pretended an inclination to the Infanta's title ^ j which I fufpcft to have been the caufe, why fome perfons of great qua- lity, who fidcd with the Cecils againft EiTex, came afterwards to fall into intrigues with the court of Spain. On the other hand, the potent fiamily of the Howards, with all fuch of the nobility and gentry as were inclined to the old religion, had an unfeigned affe£Uon for the king of Scots. The bulk of the people, too, were inclined to wifti him for their king, out of re- fpe^ for the memory of EfTex, who was held to be his martyr, as well as out of diflike to fome of Queen Elifabeth's minidry, who they believed would be inftantly difcarded, when he fhould be once fcated on the throne. Yei there wanted not many powerful, though few open .mies to this fucceilion, botU abroad and at home. The ; rd^ had views for themfelves % the French king had an averli xed with contempt for King James, and the Pope had man^ projc£\s for reftoring his power here, by bringing in fome prince of his own religion «». There were, beiides, fome Englilh pretenders, viz. fuch as claimed under the houfe of Suffolk, and had been competitors againd Queen Mary * ; and fome again, as the BafTets, who aiFeded to derive themfelves from the houfe of Flantagenet f ; io that no m. b State trialii vol. i. p. 105. The ejirl of Eflcx on 'nis tilsl affirmed, that Sir Robert Cecil (afterwards carl of Saliibury) had 4e:Ured, no body but the Infanta had a title to the crown of England. ' Camdeni apnai. ElifabethK, p. 673. Winwood'a memorial', vol. t. p. 5». Ofborne's traditional memoirs of Queen Elifabeth in his works, vol. ii. p. 59. d Letters da Cardinal d'0(r«t, torn. V. p. 51, 55, 59. Memoirs de Sully, torn. iv. liv. xiv. Birch < memoirs of the rrign of Elifabeth, vol. ii. p. 506, 507. c In order to have a juft notion of tkefe jarring claims, the mitr may cnn- fultthe famous treatife on fucceflions, or, ai the title runs in many editions;' a conference about the next fucceflion to the crown of England. This was pub- liihed in 1594, by father Robert Parfons, a Jefuit, the mofl peflilent and per* tiiciuut ^ook that was ever penned. His dcHgn was to weaken the title of King James, to expnfc the earls of Huntingdon, Derby, Hertford, 4tc. to the jea- loufy both of Q,>ieen Elifabeth and King James, and to cry up the title of the Infanta. He mod infidioufly dedicated it to the Earl of EfTcx to draw fufpicioA npon him, and afiumed the name of R. Doleman, an inoffcnfive Acuiar prie(>, whom he hated, and whom he would gladly have feen hanged for thia produr. tion of hit own, which it was made treafon in Qticen Elifabtth's reign for any one to have in his cuftody. f Rifdon's dcfcription of Devonthire, vol. i. p. g9, loi. Prince's worthies of Ocvonfbtrr, p. 213, ai4« Wood'a Athcn. Oiion. vol. i. col. 366. fmall •' i ' -ii iil ir iXl IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^/ /^ d i/.. 1.0 I.I 1.25 1^ ■ 50 ■ 22 US 110 ^1^ Photographic Sciences Corporation # v <^ 23 WIST MAIN STRUT WHSTIt.N.Y. MSM (716)l72-4303 ^ <^.^^ '^A^ o^ 454 NAVAL HISTORY ftriall precaution was neceflary to prevent any difturbance on tRe death of Elifabeth, or oppofition to the defign the miniflry ha'H f«rmed, of immediately proclaiming King James^ and bringing him with all convenient fpeed to London. - In the methods made ufe df for this purpofe^ the wlfddm of the great men by whom they were concerted was very confpi- cuous. For, in the firft place, care was taken that the lieute- nants in the northern counties^ and all who had any authority in thofe parts, were fuch as were cither well affefted to King James, or abfolute dependents on the then admini(lration>; As to the fleet, which was of mighty confequencc at filch a junc- ture, provifion was made for its fecurity without the leafl jea- loufy given that this was the council's intention. For, It having been found of great benefit to the nation to have a flrong fqua- dron of ihips on the SpaniQi coaft from February to Novemberj there could be no umbrage taken at the increaiing of thefe in the fpring of the year 1602, becaufe the war with Spain ftill continued i and though the lords had little confidence in Sir Kichard Levefon, who for fome years had been entrufted with this fquadron, yet they would not remove him, but contented themfelves with appointing Sir Willfam Monfon^ on whom they could depend, his vice-admiral, giving him, however, the corn* mand of a better iliip than the admiral bimfelf had. They like- wife intimated to Sir "William, when he went to this fervice (the queen being then fo low that her recovery was not expect- ed), that, in cafe of any ftir. Lord Thomas Howard (hould immediately come and take charge of the fleet, by entering Sir William Monfon's (hip, and Sir William go on board Sir Ri- chard Levefon's, with a fuperfedeas to his commifTion^ Butj as it fell out, there was no occafion for executing this projed '. the queen died, King James came ih peaceably, was proclaimed the twenty-fourth of March 1 6«2, and crowned on the twenty- fifth of July following $ the fleet in the mean time keeping fometimes on the Englifh^ fometimes on the French coafi;, and K Howes* coniinniitton of Stowe't chroliicle, p. 817. I^pecdi p. 844. Mr. Camdvrt's annali of the reign of Jamet t. See the letter at length of the lords of the council, on whom the adminiftration devolved by the death of the qneen tn that monarch, ddted London, the twenty.fomth of March, 1^03, in Spotfwooil. p. 473—475. h Sir William Muiifun's naval traf!', p. v 10. tljerel>y OP King J A M E S I. 45 j thereby preventing any trouble from abroad, if any fuch had ^lly been intended K King James, at his acceffion to the Englifli throne, was about thirty-fix years of age, and, if he had been a private perfon, would not have rendered himfelf very remarkable either by his virtues or his vices. Sober and religious he certainly was j and as to learning, he had enough, if he had known better how to ufe it. The greateft of his failings were timidity, diffimulation, and a high opinion of his own wifdom j which, however, were more excufable than niodern writers are willing to allow* if wc fonfider the accident that happened to his mother before his birth, the ftrange treatment he met with in Scotland from the JFeveral faftions prevailing in that kingdom during his junior years, and the ejLcefllve flatteries that were heaped on him after he came hhher by all ranks; of people. The nature of this work does not lead me to fpeak of any part of his adminiftration, except that which relates to maritime concerns, and therefore I ihzW content myfelf with obferving, that, though it was impof- iible for him to have made himfelf much acquainted with fuch matters while he continued in Scotland, yet it docs not at all appear that he was negligent of naval concerns, after he was price feated on the Engliih throne, unlefs his hafty conclufion of a peace with Spain (which, however, was done by the advice of his council) may he reckoned an error in this refpcil j or his too great fear of engaging in any war afterwards, fliould be thought liable to the like cenfure^ The acceffion pf King James gave a fair opportunity to the houfe of Auftria to make an end of the long quarrel which had fubfifted with England ; becaufe, during all that time, they had been in peace and amity with King James as king of Scots'^. Immediately on h|s arrival at London, the arch-duke fent over a minifter to the Englifh court, and, in confequence of his ne- gociations, a peace was foon after concluded with Spain '. Some < ' ' ' . \U.\ ii i f^ ' 1^. . ul S Memoirs of the earl of Monmouth. Moyfei'i memoirs uf the affiiirs of Scotland, p. 310. Dr. Birch's memoirt of Elifab. vol. ii. p. 507. k Sir William Monfon's naval tra^s, p. 129. The duke de Sully, in his admirable memoirs, torn. iv. liv. xiv. and xv. where h^ difcourfes very copioufly of the po» litiral afiairs «C England at this period. Wilfon, p. 073. 1 Stowe, ^. 81 J. Speed, p. 8.94. Win wood's memorials, vol. ii, p. 3. "-of ,'ii. iy y \' I. ii 45 ^ and, among othen fiif> peAed as to this particular, there are thofe who infinuate, that the lord high-admiral Nottingham came in for hb (hare on this occafion. It feems, however, more reaibnable to conclude, that this peace was in reality the eff€& of the king's inclination, fup- ported by the advice of his moft eminent ftatefmeu, fome o{ whom were known to have been for this meafurein the queen's time"* There wer^ two treaties, one of peace and alliance, the other of commerce, both figned at London, the eighteenth of Auguft 1604 "t the conftable of Caftile, the greateft fubje£): in Spain, being fent for that purpofe. All the trading part of tikC nation were very well pleafed with this proceeding, and would have been much more fo, if the king had not taken a very ilrange ftep upon its conclufion. He ere^ed a company of merchants, who were to carry on the Spaniflj commerce ex. clulively, which gave both' an univerfal and very juft ofience ; for as the whole nation had borne the expence of the war, and trade in general had fufFered thereby, it was but reafonable that the benefits of peace (hould be as diffuiive. This evil, how. ever, was of no long continuance ; the parliament reprefented to the king fo dearly the mifchieCs that would inevitably attend fiich a monopoly, that his Majefty was content to difiblve the new-ere€ked company, and to leave the Spanilh trade entirely open P. « Oftorne's traditional i. jtn of the reign of King James, In hi* woikj>, vol. ii. p. 105. Sir A. W. Court and chara^r of King James, p. ztf, 17. Sec alfo an hiftorical view of the negoctationt between the courts of England, France, and Bruflels, from the MS. ftate-papers of Sir T. Edmohdef, by Dr. Birch, p. aa», >»3, 214. a See the life of Lord fiurleigh, written by one of bit domeftici, in the firft volume of Peck's defiderata curiofli, p. 54. ° Ry. sner't foedera, vol. xvi. p. 519-^^96. Stowe's ann. p. 34S. 1^ DeteAion of th$ court and (late of England, by Roger Coke, Efq; p. tj. edit. t6g6. See Hkewife the ad 3 James I. c. vi. which recites, among other things, that fuch « mtinouuly tended to abjte the prices of uwr woolk and cloths, &c. b I feijid J A MES ti" 457 \\ thtift, however, be acknowledged, that there was i very JRrong party againft makiilg this peace, and who did not ceafe to publilh their diflike and apprehenfions .concerning it, even ^ftcr it was concluded 'i The point was certainly of high im- portance, othcrwife it would not have been fo warmly canvaffed in thofe days ; and it muft alfo have been pretty difficult, fince theWpUte has reached even to our days, modern writers differ- ing as much about ,the wifdom of King James in this article, as thofe who lived in his time; To difcufs the matter here, would require more room than we have to fpare j to pafs it entirely over would be amifs, confidering the near relation it has to the fubjeA of this worki. I will therefore content myfelf with ftating the bcft reafons that have been offered againft the J)eacei as they were drawn up by the mafterly hand of bir Walter Ra- leigh, and the anfwers given to them ; both which I (hall leave to the reader's confideration, without fatiguing him with any comment of my own '* Sir Walter's reafons were five, turning chiefly on the inability of the king of Spain to continue the war, and the mighty profits he was likely to reap from the conclufioil of the peace. i« He alledged, " That his Catholic majefty had « fo cxhaufted his treafure, that he was no longer able to main** « tain the arch-duke's army in Flanders.** To this it was an* fwered, that the fa£l was very doubtful, efpecially if the king of Spain was in a condition to beftow thofe mighty bribes, that were faid to be diftributed at the time this peace was made» 2. ** The interruption of his trade, and the loffes oi his mer^^ ** chants were fo great, as to break both his banks at Seville.*^ It is granted, that the fubjedb of the king of Spain fuffered ex« ceflively by the continuance of this war^ but it does not follow that we gained in proportion ; neither is it clear, that if hli Catholic majefty had been undone, the king of Great Britain or his fubjeds would have been gainers. 3. « He was afraid that (( the Englifli and Netherlanders would plant in th^ Weft 4 See Winwood's iriemorlais, Vol. !i. p. is, 93, lot. Wilfon, Ofborn, ind ill the memoir* writers of thofe times. ^ Thefe, which w«re poflibiy the Very points of his memorial to the king againft the treaty, are to be found ia Sit Witlter's dhiogue betWren a recufant and a Jcfult, amon;; the genuine remains* publithed at the end of att abiidgmeiif of his hiAory of the world, by Philip Ra> leigb, Efq; 8vo. 1700. Vot. I. . 3M " Iijdiss." H « ■ ' !:•* ■• !'■;»:■! 'in i!r IH 'i I Ml 45« NAVAL HISTORY am « Indies.'' If this fear drove him to grant us better terms, rt Iras our advantage; if not, we could have obtained litt)e by fettling in thofe parts of America which are claimed by Spain ; and it was never pretended, that we made this war to extend the trade or to procure countries for the Dutch. 4. « The « king of Spsun makes this peace to recruit his coffers, and en- •' able himfelf to break into war again/' To judge by what was paft, this could not well be the motive ; £)r it could hardly be fuppofed that Spain would ibon recover as great ftrength as fhe had at the commencement of the ww, when yet ihe was unable to execute her owe proje^s, or to defend herfelf againft ys. 5. « The king o£ Spain took this ftep, that the £ngli(h '* might decline and forget the pafiages and pilotage to the " Weft Indies, and. their fea-officers be worn out; for, except •' a little trade for tobacco, there is not a fhip that fails that *' way ; and feeing the Spaniards may hang up the Englifh, or *< put them to death by torments, as they do, and that the " Englifli dare not offend the Spaniards in thofe parts, a moft *< notable advantage gotten in the conclufion of the peace ! it is *< certain that the Englifh will give over that navigation, to the (( infinite advantage of the Spanifh king, both prefent and fu- •( ture.** Experience (hewed, that, though this was a plaufible, yet it was not a true deduction ; for, in confequence of this peace, many plantations were fettkd by us, and our trade to America in particular, as well as our commerce in general, flou- f iftied beyond the example of former times. Inftead of ob^c- tions, which are eafily framed againft the beft meafures by men of quick parts and much political knowledge, it would have been more to the pnrpofe to have fhewn what advantages we were to reap from the continuance of the war, and how it might have been better ended at laft, than by fuch a peace as was now made. But if this treaty gave fome diflatisfa^ion at home, it raifed no lefs difcontent abroad *. The Hollanders, who were left to < View of the negodalions between England^ France, and BrufTcts, by Di^'. Firch, p. 387. \Vinw«od*s memorialt, vol. il. p. 453, 4Sft Bjr compaVtng thcfe books tbe reader will fee, that' Ring James was not To pufillanimout a prince,' in ttfpe& to foreign aifairs,^ at he it generally reprefentcd, but had fpiiit enou)>b to demand fatitfaftion for an infinuation of thit fort by priuce Maurice to the (idtei, and fteadincfs enough to iofift upon and to obtaio it. ,■'.-,., ihif: •F King JAMES I. 459 (hifc for themfelves, and who had reaped fo great advantages £roiii the favour of Queen Elifabeth) were exceedingly exas- perated at a ftep fo much to their immediate difadvantage. But as they found themfelves ilill Arong enough not only to cope with the Spaniards, but alfo to make a greater figure than moft other nations at fea, they loft that refpe^ which was due to tjie Engliih flag, and began to aiTuoie to themfelves a kind of equality even in the narrow feas. This was quickly reprefent- ed to the king as an indignity not to be borne, and thereupon he directed a fleet to be fitted out, the command of which was given to Sir William Monfon, with inftru^ions to maintain the honour of the Engliih flag, and that fiiperiority which was derived to him from his ancedors in the Britilh feas ^ This fleet put to fea in the fpring of 1604, and was- continued an^- nually under the Came admiral, who appears to have been a man of great fpirit and much experience ; for, as he tells us ia his own memoirs, he ferved in the flrft fhip of war fitted out in the reign of Queeq Elifabeth, and was an admiral in the laft fleet flie ever fent to fea. Yet he found it a very difGcult mat* ter to execute his commiflion ; the Dutch, whenever he con- ferred with any of their chief officers, gave him fine language and fair promifes ; but they minded them very little, taking our ihips on very frivolous pretences, and treating thofe they found on board them with great f'everity, till ftich time as it appeared the admiral would not bear fuch ufage, and began to make re* prifals, threatening to hang as pirates peo{de who fhewed them- felves very little better in their a£kions. There were alfo high contefts about the flag, which began through fome accidental civilities fhewn to the Hollanders in the late reign, when they failed under the command of Englifh admirals, upon joint ex* peditions, and were on that account treated as if they had been her Majcfty*s own fubje^s ; which favours they now pretended to claim as piurogatives d«e to them in quality of an independent ftate". We have no matters of very great importance to treat in this reign, and therefore I think it will not be ami& to give t Winwood's memorialf, fol. ii. p. 27, 34,36,55. Sir Anthony Weldon'i court and charafter ofKing James, p. 48, 49. Sir William Monfon'* naval trafts, p, 137. Rapin, vol. ii. p. 170. " See this matter ftated inSeldeni m»t$ cImjIuh, lib. ii. cap. x6. Molloy dc jure marhimo, tit. ri ao. 3 M J , I il.^:; '11 in ! i: ►■ ,. *l 46p NAVAL HISTORY *:si the reader an account in Sir William Monfon*s own words, of f he fpirit with which he iniifted on fati^fadion from the Dutch on this head, whereby the right of the Englifh flag, which has been fo much ftood upon fince, was eftabliflied with regard to this republic } the rather, becaufe I know there are many who vill fcarce believe, that matters of this nature were carried fo far (^rhaps ^s fax as they ^cre eyer carried^, under fp pacific a prince. • f« In my return from Calais," fays Sir William, " the firft of f< July i6Q$f with the emperor^s ambaifador, as T approached « hear Dover road, I perceived an increafe of (ix fhips to thofe << 1 left there three days before, one of them being the admir f ' ral } their coming in (hew ^as to beleaguer the Spaniards, ?f who were then at Dover. « As I drew near them the admiral (Vruck his flag thrice, f* and advanced it agair^. HU coming from the other coaft at <* fucb a time, c^ufed me to make another conftru£tion than ** he pretended } and indeed it {6 fell out, for I conceived his '* arrival at that tiine vira^ for no other end than to fhew the !' ambaflador, who he knew ^ould fpread it abroad throughr <' out all Europe, as alfo the Spaniards, that they might have « the lefs efteem of his Majefty^ prerogative in the narrow i* feas, that by their wearing their flag, they might be reputed ** kings of the fea, as well as his Majeily. I hafteneid the f< ambaflador afliore, and difpatched a gentleman to the ad- ** miral, to entreat his company the next day to dinner, which i* he willingly promifed. *( The gentleman told him, I required him to take in hi^ !< fliig, as a duty due to his Majefty^ fhips : he anfwered, that f he had flruck it thrice, which he thought to be a very fufH- 1* cient acknowledgment, and it was more than former admi- 5* rals of the narrow feas had required at his hands. «* The gentleman replied, that he expefted fuch an anfwer <* from him, and therefore he was prepared with what to fay f* to that point. He told him, the times were altered •, for *f when np more but ftrikiog the fl.ig was required, Englajid f< and Holland were both of them in hoftility with Spain, 5< which caufed her Majefty to tolerate divers things in them , i* 35, fpr inflance, the adinirars wearing his flag in the expe- tUtipn {( OP King JAMES I. 461 <( dition to Cadiz, and the iflands, where the lord admiral of « England and the lord of Eflex went as generals, and that « courteQr they could not challenge by right, but by permif* « fion \ and the wars being now ceafed, his Majefty did require <( by me, his minifter, fuch rights and duties as have formerly « belonged to his progenitors. « The admiral refufed to obey tny command, faying, he exl « peeled more favour from me than from other admirals, in M refpe£t of our long and loving acquaintance ; but he was <( anfwered that all obligations of private friendihip muft be « laid afide, when the honour of one's king and country is at « ftake. The gentleman advifed him in a friendly manner to (( yield to my demand ; if not, he had commiflion to tell him^ « I meant to weigh anchor, and come near him, and that the « force of our fhips fhould determine the queftion ; for, ra- « ther than I would fufFer his flag to be worn in view of {o ** many nations as were to behold it, I refolved to bury myfelf « in the fea. (( The admiral, it feems, upon better advice, took in his « flag, and flood immediately off to fea, firing a gun for the « refl of the fleet to follow him. And thus I loft my gueft " the next day at dinner, as he had promifed. « This pafTage betwixt the admural and me was obferved ♦* from the fhore, people beholding us to fee the event. . Upon <( my landing I met with Sciriago, the general of the Spaniards, " who in the time of Queen Elifabeth was employed under <* Mcndoza, the ambafTador of Spain. He toH me, that if « the Hollanders had worn their flag, times had btvn flrangely ** altered in England, fince his old mafler King Philip the fe- ** cond was fhot at by the lord admiral of England, for wear- ^* ing his ^ag in the yarrow feas, when he came to marry *< Queen Mary v." Thefe difputes continued for many years ; and though, through the vigilance of admiral Monfon, the Dutch were de- feated in all their pretenfions, and the prerogatives of the Bri- tifh fovereignty at fea were thoroughly maintained ; yet the re- public of Holland flill kept up a fpirit of refentment, which ^ Sir )yilliim MoBfon's naval trafls, p. i^i, i43. broke I ■: If rl 'I i( i\ '^m V ,i; 14; 'i'l n )■: 1 l. 1 1 II 'It ! 11: M: 4tfa NAVAL HISTORY broke out in flieh a^s of violence^ as would not have been f>aft hj in the days of Qiieen Elifabeth ; yet our admiral doeg ii6t feem to charge the Icing or bis miniftry in general, with want of inclination to do tbemfelves juiiice ; but lays it ex* pTefsly at the door of iecr«tary Cecili afrerwards eaii of Salif. bury ; who thought it, he fays, good policy to pafs by fuch kind of offences *, but be does not report any reafons upon Which that kind of policy was f^ounded i yet it did not abfo. Itttely, or conftantly prevail^ even in the councils of King James ; fox upon fome furrnifes that foreigners took unreafon* able liberties in iilhiitg in our Teas, a proclamation was pnblifh* ed in the year 1608, roundly ailerting the king*s fovereignty in that pointy and prohibiting all foreign nations to fifh on the Britiih cOaft } this, though general in appearance, had yet a more particular relation to the Dutch, who found themfelves fo far afiedled thereby, efpecially when tht king appointed com- miffioners at London for gftnting licences to fuch foreigners as would fifli on the Englifh coaft; and at Edinburgh, for granting licences of the like nature to fuch as would fiHi in the northern fea i and to thefe regulations, though with great re» lu£tance, they fubmitted for the prefent ; the reafon of which feems to be, their having then affairs of great moment to ma- nage with the court of Great Britain '. In thefe important concerns, notwithftanding all that had pafled, they fucceededj and two treaties were concluded on the twenty-fixth of June, 1^08, between the crown of Great Britain, and the States- General ; the one of peace and alliance, the other for ftating and fettling the debt due to King James *, One would have X The reader may confii't tlie difpitche* of Ms great m?n5f e-, in Win- wood's memorials. The grand point upon which the Hollanders (lond, w« our old treaties with the honfe of Burgundy, which, they faid, Ihould be nlj- fcrvcd towards them. The reafon, pr>hil)ly, of Saliftwry's countenancing them was this, that his father had sdvifcd Queen Eli(ab.:th to infilt on thofe treaties as fufficient to jiiftlfy her aflllling the provinces, nntwishQanding bet Icague<; with Spain. Sir William Monfon's naval trafts p, 244. y Winwood's msmorials, vol. ii. p. 358, 359. See a> very fcarcc a^'l ri- rious traft, intiiled, Eoj»Iand's way to win wealth, &c. by Tobias Gentle- man, London, 16 14, 4to, dedicated to the earl of Northampton, where the tdjuries the Uiitilli nation fuJfered by the Dutch filliing in our feas arc dcfcrlbed at lif ijc. ^ Rymer'i fucJera, tome xvi. p. <574) f'fi]' '.^ imagined, ov King JAMES I. 4<53 imagined, that the adv^nts^is obtained by thefe treaties fhouli have brought the republic to a better temper in refpeft to other matters; but it did not, for within a (hort time a(ter» they dif- puted paying the afllsie-herring in Scotland, the licence-money in England } and, to proteft their fubje£ls from the penalties which might attend fuch a refufal, they fent (hips of force to efcort their herring buflfes*. Thefe fa6ls, as they are incon* teftible, I think myfelf obliged to relate, though without the leaft prejudice againft the Dutch, who are a people certainly to be commended for all fuch inftances of their public fpirit, as appear to be conUftent with the right of their neighbours, and the law of nations \ But at this time of day, minifters were two much afraid of parliaments to run the hazard of lofing any of the nation's rights, for want of infifting upon them, and therefore they pre- vailed upon the king to repuUifh his proclamation (which fol- Iqws), that a parliament, whenever they met, might fee they had done their duty, and advife the king thereupon as they ihould think fit. The Proclamation concerning Filhing. WHEREAS, we have been contented, (ince our coming to the crown, to tolerate an indiSferent and promifcuous kind of liberty, to all our friends whatfoever, to iiOx within our ilreams, and upon any of our coafts of Great Britain, Ireland* and other adjacent iflands, fo far forth as the permiflion, or ufe thereof, might not redound to the impeachment of our pre- rogative royal, or to the hurt and damage of our loving fub* je^s, whofe prefervation and flouriihing efliate, we hold our- felf principally bound to advance before all worldly refpefls : fo finding, that 6ur continuance therein, hath not only given occafion of over-great encroachments upon our regalities, or rather queftioning of our right, but hath been a means of daily wrongs to our own people, that excrcife the trade of fifhing, « Seldeni miTe clauf. lib. ii. cap. 31. ex Rot. Pa'lUmenf. 4 Jae. tf. c^p. 69. & Rot. Parliament, 6 ejurdem cap. 95. b I hr Viachtfi for thefe f-iv".' may all be found in thepjper-.Jice. : .' ' < ■• , ' ■ ■ : '-"-■■■ .n 4^4 NAVAL HI ST O R t 1 1 ' 1 •J el i 1 If •: 1 1' mi. M« \}: fil lillt '■! M (either by the multitude of ftrangers, which do ^re-octvipf thofe places, or by the injuries which they receive moA com- xnonly at their hands) our fubjedis are conftrained to abandon their fiOiing, or at leaft are become fo difcouraged in the fame, as they hold it better for them to betake themfelves to fome other courfe of living, whereby not only divers of our coaft towns are much decayed, but the number of our mariners daily diminiihed, which is a matter of great confequence to our eftate, confidering how much the ftrength thereof confifteth in the power of (hipping and ufe of navigation } we have thought it now both juft and necefTary, in refpefb that we are now, hj God's favours, lineally and lawfully poflefTed, as well of the ifland of Great Britain, as of Ireland, and the reft of the iflea adjacent; to bethink ourfelves of good and lawful means to prevent thofe inconvcniencies, and many others depending on the fame. In r jnfideration whereof, as we are defirous that the world may take notice, that we have no intention to deny our neighbours and allies thofe fruits and benefits of peace and friendfhip, which may be juftly expelled at our hands, in ho- nour and reafon, or are afforded by other princes mutually in the point of commerce, and exchange of thofe things which may not prove prejudicial to them ; fo becaufe fome fuch con- venient order may be taken in this matter, as may fufficiently provide for all thofe important confideracions which depend thereupon} we have refolved, firft, to give notice to all the world, that our exprefs pleafure is, that from the beginning of the month of Auguft next coming, no perfon, of what nation er quality foever, being not our natural-born fubje^ts, be per- mitted to fifh upon any of our coafts and feas of Great Britain, Ireland, and the reft of the ifles adjacent, where moft ufually heretofore any fi(hlng hath been, until they have orderly de- manded and obtained licences from us, or fuch our commif- (joners as we have authorifed in that behalf, viz. at London for our realms of England and Ireland, and at Edinburgh for our realm of Scotland, which licences our, intention is, (hall be yearly demanded for fo many veflels and (hips, and the tonnage thereof, as (hall intend to filh for that whole year, or any part thereof, upon any of our coafts and feas, as aforefaid, upon paiu b^ kiNC JAMES i. 46s ^ain of fueb chaftifementi as (hall be fie to be infllfted upon fuch as are Vrilfuliy oflfenders. Given at our palace of Weftmihfter^ the 6th day of May, in the. 7th year of our reign of Great Brl» tain, anno Dom. 1609. There were alfo fome Aruggles in this reign with the JFrench, about the fame rights of fiflieryi and the fovereignty of the fea, in whick> through the vigorous meafures taken by Sir William Monfon, the nation prevailed, and the French were obliged to defiA: from their practices of difturbing our fifhermen, and othervtrife injuring our navigation ^ In 1614, the fame admiral v^as fent to fcour the Scots and Iriih fcas, Which were much infcfted with pirates. We need not much wonder at this, if we confider, that, till King Jameses acceflion to the throne of England, there vras little, indeed fcarce any naval ftrength in his own country, and that in Ireland, the Spa- niards, by frequently praftifing this piratical trade during the war, had given the barbarous inhabitants fuch a relifli of itj that they could not forlake it iii time of peace. The noife, liowever, of their depredations far cxjtjeeded the damage ; for Vrhcn, on the firft of June, Sir Williapii Monfon made the coaft of Caithnefs, the moft northern part of Scotland, he found that, inftead of twenty pirates j of whom he expected to have intelligence in thofe parts, there were in faft but two, one of whom immediately furrendered, and the other was afterwards taken by the admiral on the coaft of Ireland \ where* by a pro- J)er mixture of clemency and fcverity, he extiirpated thefe rovers, and reclaimed the inhabitants of the fea^coalt from their fcand^- lous way of living, by affording ftielter and proteftion to pi- rates, furnifhing them with provifions, and taking their plunder in exchange* This lervice Sir WiUiam performed in three knonths^* « Sir WnHtih Alonfdn's nival trafls, p. i4}' Gentleman's Engluid** way to Sum wealthy p. 34. ^ Sir vriliiam Monfon's naval trafti, p. »47, ajx. *rhe Dutch ambaltador, hy order of Mie States, had complained loudly of thefe j^iiatet in 1611, and had even dcfired the king's permiflion to purfue them into the v«ry haVen of that kingdom (helaod). Winwood'i Ofinofiaji, vol. iii. p. 185, xt6. •? f; If ill Tin ( i1 v. ■ ^* Vol. I. 3N l» l,::v: 4M NAVAL HISTORY iiM '^m4 V t h '■'■jjil it In l6i7i Sir Walter Raleigh oras releafed from his imprifbn* ment in the Tower, and bad a commiflion from the king to dif. cover and take polTeflion of any countries in the fouth of Ame- tica» which were inhabited by heathen nations, for the enlarge- ment of commerce and the propagation of religion * ; in the un- Jertaking which expedition, his expences were borne by him- felf, his friends, and fuch merchants as entertained a good opi. nion of the voyage. His deHgn has been variouHy reprefented, Sfnd I (hall be at liberty to examine it hereafter more at large, in its proper place. At prefent, I am to fpeak of it only as a public concern, in which light it was juftiiiable beyond all quef- tion, notwithdanding the outcries tlntt were made againft it by the Spaniards. It is indeed pretty evident, that the complaints of their minifter Don Diego Sarmiento d*Acuna, fo well known afterwards by the title of Count Gondemar, were not fo much grounded on any notions he himfelf had of the injnftrce of this defign, as on a piece of Spanifh policy^ by raidng a clamour on falfe pretences, to difcover the true fcopc and intent of Sir Walter's voyage. In this he was but too fuccefsful j for, upon his reprefentations, that excellent perfon was obliged to give a di{lin£b account, as wel)Vdf his preparations for executing, as of the deHgn he was to cx'Jcute; and this (by what means is not clear) was communicated to the Spaniards, who thereby gained an opportunity; firft of difappointing him in America, and then of taking off his head upon his return, to the lading diflionour of this reign, as well as the great detriment of the nation } for, without all doubt, this projeft of Sir Walter Raleigh's, for fet- tling in Guiana, waanot only well contrived, but well founded ; and, if it had been followed, might have been as beneficial to Britain as Brazil is to PortugaU. The difputes with the ftatea of Holland », in reference to the fight of fifhingy broke out again, in the year 1618, from the « Ryoner's fledera, vol. xvi. p. 789. f S«e 01dy»'s life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. ytf. 8 Mr. Camden, in his annals of the reign of this prince, fays, that the depu' |it» of the flares, at their ^odienee of the king, on the thirty-firft of Dectmber^ i«i8, intreated that nothing might be done in refpeO fo the herring firtiing, ai it was the great fupport of their comnionweahh, and the o,:!y fnccour and relief of H\c tfonunoo peyple, in regard to the troubles t.'icn aniongft th«n. k Olil ii' *i!lifc-' ' ■■,1} ■'9 F King JAMES I. 467 o! J caufes, which were plainly a very h* jh prefumption of their own maritime force, and an opinion they had entertained of the king's being much addidled to peace. It is not at all impoffible, that they had a great opinion hkewife of their minifter's capa- city, and that fooner pr later, if they could but keep up a long negotiation, they might either prevail upon the king to drop his pretcnfions, or repeat their own ill-founded excuies fo often, till in the clofe they gained credit. At this time, thofe wb» hated the Englifh miniftry, treated thefe differences with that republic as rather criminal than honourable ; but the fame men living long enough to get the fupreme power into their owo hands, in the time of the long parliament, caufed the letters of ftate written at that jurofture to be drawn out of the dull an4 rubbifll, and made them, without the fmalleft fcruple, the foun- dation of that quarrel, which they profecuted with force of arms, Jt Is to be hoped, that no occalion of the like nature will ever happen ; but, ncverthclefs, as thofe letters are very curious, and much to the purpofe, a few extrads from thera cannot but be acceptable, and may be ufeful. I 4 ' Ivl i' ■ i Nil Vt u l''< i lUe of Sir Waltrr Extract of a Letter from Secretary Naunton to Sir Dud- ley Carleton, ambaflador to the Sta^es-General, dated the 2ift of December, 1618. « I MUs,T now let your lordfliip know, that the ftates corn* ** miffioners and deputies both, having attended his Majefty at « Newmarket, and there prefented their letters of credence, « returned to London oa Saturday was fc'ennight, and, upon '* Tuefday, had audience in the council-chamber, where, being «« required to communicate the points of their commiifion, they «< delivered their meditated anfwer at length. The lords, upon « perufal of it, appointed my Lord Bining and me to attend his " Majefty for directions, what reply to return to this anfwer ** of theirs, which we rcprefentcd to their lordlhips yefterday " to this effeO ; That his Majefty found it ftrange, that they, " having been lb often required by your lordlhip, his Majefty's « ambaflador, as from himfelf in their public aflcmblies, to " fend over commiflioners fully authorifed to treat and con- •» elude, not only of all differences grown between the fubje(Sls 3 N ? -, of Mr :1.> 4^ NAVAL History It :ily <( of both ftates, touching the trade to the Eaft Indies, and the ft whalexfiihing, and tp regulate and fettle a joint and an even f( traffic in thofe quarters j but withal, to take order for a «« more indifi«rept fpurfe of determining other queftipns, growr ** ing between our merchants and them, about their draperies ** and the tare ; and mpre efpecialJy, to determine his Majefty's ^* right for the fole liihing, upon all the qoafts of his threp «' kingdoms, into which they bad of late times incroached far- «« ther than of right they could j and, laftly, for the rcglement <( and reducing of their coins, to fuch a proportion and cor- « refpondcnce with thofe of his Majeily and other ftates, that « their fubje£lts might make no advantage to tranfport our mo- <* nies by enhancing their valuation there. AH which they con- '< fefled your lord(hip had inftanced them for in his Majeily 'S " name ; that after all this attent on his Maje^ly's part, and {(^ f« long deliberation on theirs, they were come at laft with a M projpofition, to fpeak only to the two iirft points, and in- f< ftrttdlcd thereunto with bare letters of credence only, which « his Majefly cakes for an iqiperious faihion of proceeding in *« them, as if they were come higher to treat of what themfelves ** pleafed, s^nd to give law to his Majefty in his ov^n kingdom^ f< an4 tp pfppofe and admi^ of nothing but w|i^t ibci^ld t^nd f* merely to their own ends. «* To the fecond, whereas they would decline all debate of *< the fifhing upon his Majffty's coafts firft, by allegations of f* their great lofles, and the fear of an efmeute of their people, ** who are all intcrefted in that queftion, and would beliiie <* break out into fome combuftion to the hazard of their ftate, « which hath lately fcaped naufrage, and is not yet altogether f* calmed. What is this, but to raife an advantage to them., ** felves out of their difadvantage ? But afterwards, they pro- *' fefled their lothnefs to call it into doubt or queftion, claiming «* an immemorial poflcflion, feconded by the law of nations ; ** to which his Majefty will have them told, that the kings of " Spain have fought leave to fi(h there by treaty from this ** crown, and that the king of France, a nearer neighbour to " our coafts than they, to this day requefts leave for a few wlt^ing to this ftate, that I prefumed of his permifTion *« to fufFcr them to continue their courie of fifhing, which they ** might ufe thereby with more freedom and lefs appreheniion ** of moleftation and let than before, and likewife fpare the ** coft of fome of their men of war, which they yearly fend ** out to maintain that by force, which they may have of cour- *« tefy* «* The prince anfwered, that for himfelf, at his return from <* Utrecht, he would do his bed endeavours to procure his Ma- «* jefty's contentment ; but he doubted the Hollanders would *< apprehend the fame effeCt in their payment for filhing as ihey ** found in the pafTage of the Sound, where at firi): an eafy mat- «« ter was demanded by the king of Denmark, but now more «« exafted than they can pofllbly bear ; and touching their men «« of war he faid, they muft ftill be at the fame charge with «« them, becaufe of the pirates. Withal he cail out a queftion «« to me, whether this freedom of fifhing might not be redeem- <« ed with a fum of money ? To which I anfwered, it was a <* matter of royalty more than of utility, though princes were " not to negleft their profit"." Extract h Ycf, that we may perceive, whenever our court proceeded with due fpirit, 51 had its cir«il, and brought even thcfe Cubiile negociators to make fioncedjuns. \*i.ich in mlity dcftrayed all thtir prctcnfioni at other timei, will appear from OF King JAMES I. 47« .r Extract of a Letter from Secretary Naunton to the Lord Ambaffador Carletoa, dated the twenty-firft of January, 1 6i 8. « As I had dilated thus far, I received dire£lion from his « Majefty to fignify to the ftates commiilieners here, That albeit « their earneft intreaty, and his gracious confideration of the « prefent trouble of their church and Hate, had moved his Ma- <( jefty to confent to delay the treaty of the great fifhing till the <( time craved by the commiffioners, yet underAanding by new « and frefh complaints of his mariners and iilhers upon the « coafts of Scotland, that, within thefe four or five laft years, « the Low'coujitry fi(hers have taken fo great advantages of his M Majefty*s toleration, that they have grown nearer and nearer «« upon his Majefty's coafts year by year, than they did in pre- (( ceding times, without leaving any bounds for the country- « people and natives to fifh upon their prince's coafts, and op> (< preiTed fomeof his fubje^s of intent tocontinue their pretended «« pofleflion, and driven fome of their great veffels through their « nets, to deter others by fear of the like violence from fifliing « near them, ^c. His Majefty cannot forbear to tell them, « that be is fo well perfuaded of the equhy of the ftates, and « of the honourable refpe£t they bear unto him, and to his fub- " jedls for his fake> that they will never allow fo unjuft and in- « tolerable opprefSons \ for reftraint whereof, and to prevent < the inconveniencies which muft eufue upon the continuance of " the fame, his Majefty hath by me defired them to write to " their fuperiors to caufe proclamation to be made, prohibiting <( any of their fubjedls to fiOi within fourteen miles of his Ma- <( jefty's coafts this year, or in any time hereafter, until orders <( be taken by commiflioners to be authorifed on both fides for an Extract of a Letter dated January 14th, i5i8, from the fame am1)af- fador to Secretary Naiiitton, in which he gives-him to underhand, " That having '* been expodulated with, but in a friendly manner, by certain of the (Va(e» " about his late propoHtioa a« umejlonable and (harp, thry faid, they acknow " Icdged their commiiTioners went bcyund their limits in their termt of itmhc- " moria! pofTcfnon, immutable droit des getn, for which they bad no order j " that he then dcflred ihem to confider what a wrong it wat to ohallcnqe that " upon right, which thofe provinces had hitherto enjoyed either by coniiiv^ni-e " or couiiefy, and yet never uiihout claim un hi» M^'rAv'. f.-J:." '^ a final 'i- i ^':l ,'ri: rita ill' I.L 'i li'i 47» NAVAL HISTORY : ;■ (1 ii i"', '1 l!il ft Ii'' W *< a final fettling of the main buGnefs. His Majefty hath lilcci « wife direfled me to command you from him to make the like ** declaration and inftance to the dates there^ and to certify hU « Majefty of their anfwers with what cdnverfient fpeed you «« may." What effcA the ambaifaddr's ncgociation had with the ftates^ appears by a letter of his frbm the Hague of the 6th of February,' i6i8, to King James himfelf. « I find lilcewife in the manner of proceeding) that« treating «« by way of propofition here, nothing can be expedited but their « wonted dilatory and evafive anfwersi their manner being to « refer fuch propofitions from the States-general to the ftates of " Holland. The ilates of Holland taice advice of a certain (( council refiding at D' !| J" n 474 NAVAL HISTORY * ^ays be infifled upon. This dodrlne the reader has before fees^ >va8 particularly urged and applied by Sir William Monfon in the cafe of the flag, lyhen the Dutch were defirous of availing them- (elves of Queen Elifabeth's waving her right iii a cafe where in- deed it could not well be inflfted upon* that is, where a Dutch fquadron feryed as auxiliaries in a fleet commanded by an Eng> lifh admiral, and confequently during that time were treated as Engliih fubje£t9. We conie now to the only naval expedition of confe^uence^^ lyhich was undertajcen during the time this king fat upon the throne, I mean the attempt upon Algiers. -What the real grounds were of this romantic undertaking, feems not eafy to bedifcovered. The common (lory is, that Count Qoi^demar, having gained an afcendency oyer hisMajefty's underilanding, perfuaded iiim, con> trary to his natural inclination} which feldom permitted him to zG: vigproufly againil his own enemies, to fit out a formidable fleet, in order to humble the foes of the king of Spain'. But we have it from othe^- hands, that this was a project of much older (landing ; that the earl of Nottingham had folicited the king to fuch an expedition, before he laid doyvn his fljarge of lord high-admiral ; and that Sir Robert Manfel infufed it intq the head of his fucceflbr Buckingham, that it would give a great reputation to his management of naval aSairs, if fuch a thing was entered upon in the dawn of his adminidration. As Buckingham eafily brought the king to confent to whatever himfplf approved, there is the utmoft probability, that it was by his influence thi^ dclign was carried into execution; notwithflanding that. Sir "William Monfon, who has been confulted upon it, gave his judgment, fupported by ftron^j and clear arguments, that it was rafli and ill-founded, and that, inflead of raifin^ the reputation of the Britifli arms, it would only contribute to render them ri- diculous, becaufe the whole world would take notice of the dif- uppointment, whereas only a few could judge of its real caufes, and of the little reafon there was to meafure the naval flrength of Britain thereby ". ' i RuQiworth's colleAions, vol. i. p. 34. Mr. Camden's annals of the reign of King James under the year i6zo, Wilfon's hiliery of King Jdinei, p. jxS. k N^yal trafts, p. a;?. .- .^ '. .• ' . , ^ , , •' . ; U b t K 1 1* G J A M E S I; 475 in the month of October 1620; this fleet failed from Ply- boutbo It confifted of fijt men of war, and twelve flout (hips hired from the merchants. Of thefe Sir Robert Manfel, then Vice-admiril of England, had the, command in chief. Sir Ri- chard Hawkins was vice, and Sir Thomas Button rear-admiral. Sir Henry Palnier, Arthur Manwaring, Thomas Love, and Samuel Argall, Efqrs; were appointed to be members of the council of Warj and Edward Clarke, Efq; was fecretary. - On the twerity-feventh of N'ovember, they came to an anchor in Algier-road, and ifaluted the town, but without receiving a (in- gle gun in anfwer. On the twenty-eighthj the admiral fent a gentleman with a white flag to let the Turkifh viceroy know the caufe of his comings who returned him an anfwer by four commifBonerS) that he had orders from the Grand Seignior to ttfe the Englifh whh the utmofl refpe£t, to fuffer their men to come on fhore^ and to furnifh them with what proviHons thej wanted. Upon this a negociation enfued, in which it is hard to fay, whether the Turks or the admiral afted with greater chicanery. The former refufed to difmifs the gentleman firfl: fent) unlefs an Englifh conful was left at Algiers ; and the lat- ter, to rid himfelf of this difficulty, prevailed upon a feaman to jput on a fuit of good clothes, and to pafs for a conful ; this cheat not being difcovered by the Turks, they fent forty Eng- lifh flaves on board the admiral, and promifed to give him fa- tisfa^lion as to his other demands ; upon which, he failed again for the Spanifh coafl, attended by fix French men of war, the admiral of which fquadron had flruck to the Englifli fleet on his firft joining it, which feems to have been the greateft ho- nour, and perhaps the greatefl advantage, too, that at: ended this whole expedition >. It had been well if this enterprize had ended thus *, but after receiving a fupply of provifions from England, it was refolved to make another attempt upon Algiers in the fpring, and, if poffible, to burn the fhips in the mole"'. Accordingly, in the I Pufcbas's pilgrims, p. 83 1. See alfo an account of thic expedition, pub'- liOied by authuiity, in iSzi. n> See the relation of this expedition before referred to, which is almoft the only authentic account we have of it ; and yet it is an account only oo one fide, and was certainly written to jiiflify the undertaliing. 3 O 2 month < H u: 11 416 NAVAL HISTORY m r: month of May the Heet left the coaft of Majorca, and opon the twenty-firft of the fame month, anchored before Algiers, and began to prepare for the execution of this defign. Two fhips taken from the Turks, one of an hundred, the other of fixty tons, were fitted up for this purpofe. They were filled with dry wood, oakam, pitch, rofin, tar, brimftone, and other eombuilible matter, and provided with chains, grappling-irons, and boats to bring off the men } next followed the three bri- gantines, which the admiral bought at Alicant, with fire-balls, buckets of wilil-fire, and fire-pikes to faften their fire-works to Ihe enemy's fhips. They had alfo a gunbd, fitted sp with fire- works, chains, and grappling-irons } the gunlod was to be fired in the midft of the fhips in the mole, having likewife a boat to bring off her men. Seven armed boats followed to fuflain thofe of the fire-fhips, in cafe they were purfued at their coming off. Thefe were likewife fumifhcd with fire-works to deffaroy the fhips withotit the mole. The wind not bei^g favonfabTe, the attempt was put off tilt fhe twenty-fourth, and blowing then at S. S. W. the fhips ad- vanced with a brift gale towards the mole i but when they Were within lefs than a mufket-fhot of the mole's head, the trind died away, and it grew fo ealm they could not enter. However, the boats and brigantines finding they were difco- tcte^f by the brightnefs of the moony which was then at full, and being informed by a Chriftian flave, who fwam froth the town, that the Turks had left their fhips unguarded, with only d man or t^a in each of them, they refolved to proceed ; which they did, but performed little or nothing, and then re- tired with the lofs of fjx men. After a day or two's flay they put to Tea, and in the month of June returned to England. This ill-concerted enterprise had no other eSe^, than that of expoHng our own commerce to the mfults of the Algerines, who did a great deal of mifchicf, white we did them little or none } though two other fieets were afterwards fent againfl them, one under the command of the Lord WiUoughby, and the other under that of the earl of Denbigh ; but both did fa fmall fervicc, that very few of our hif\ories take an^y notice of ther». tp KiMC JAMES h 477 them". Sir William Monfon has made fome fevere butjuft obfenrations upon thcfe undertaking* •, and particularly remarks, that notwithftanding the whole nation was grievoufly offended, as they will always be at fuch mifcarriages, yet they never had any fatisfa^tion given them; which irritated them exceedingly, and contributed not a little to raife that fpirit which vented it- felf afterwards in a civil war. In 1623, happened the bloody affair of Amboyna, of which I fhall give a (hort and fair account} becaufe it gave birth to our national hatred of the Dutch, which fubfifled fo long, and had fuch fatal efFefls. By a treaty concluded between Great Britain and the United Provinces in 16 19, it was ftipulated amongft other things, that, to prevent farther difputes, the Dutch fliould enjoy two-thirds of the trade at Amboyna, and the Englifh one. In purfuance of this, a factory was ereded in that ifland as well as other places ; yet, in the fhort fpace of two years, the Dutch grew weary of their company, and, un- der pretence of a plot, feized the principal perfons in the fac- tory, tortured them, and having extorted from them fome con- feifions, put at many of then>*as they thought fit to death, and under a fpecious (hew of clemency difcharged the reft; feizing, however, not only on this, but all the other factories likewiie, which at that time the Englifh had in the Spice-Iflands, and thereby engroffing that roofl valuable trade to themfelves. That this was really a contrivance, feems to be pretty plain, not to make ufe of a ftronger word, from the following circum- fhnces, which are inconteflible. The Englifh had only a houfe wherein their h&orj refided, whereas the Dutch were poffef- fed of a very flrong fort } the number of the former did not exceed twenty, the latter had above two hundred garrifon fol- diets in the caftle, and eight flout fhips riding in the port. The prifoners all denied it mofl folemnly at their deaths, and ■> In the continiMtlon of Stowe'i chronicle by Howen^ there it not a word of It, and ill many other books of the fame kind, we are barely told when this fleet failed, and when it came back. " There are three difcoorfes of his npon this fubjcA, one addrefTed to the firivy -council, on the propereft method for attempting the ruin of Algicrt; ano- ther dl^uading from that enterprixe ; and the third on the miftakcs in this ekpedi- tlon, wherein he obt'erves, that daring all the time they were ont, they were but twenty dayt oat at fea. ' would t A\ -:[ !'ir t .!>! v^ i 47« NAVAL HISTORT vrould have taken the facrament on the truth of what they falj^ but that it was refufed them by the Dutch ^ That I may not be however fufpefted of injuflice towards them) I will tran- fcribc their own account of this matter. " This ifland,** fays a writer who addrefTed his work to the ftates of Holland i^ " was a long time the fubje£t of di(]pute between the Dutch « and Englifti. The Eafl India Company^ who had made (* themfelves mafters of it| entered into a treaty with the £ng. « lifli, for driving out the Portuguefc and Spaniards; and by (( one of the articles of this treaty it was agreed) that they «« (hould furnilh ten men of war for thi.« purpofe. They ncgle^- " ing this armament) the Indians of Ternate taking advantage " of the weaknefs which this omifllon of theirs had occafion- '( ed) agreed to a fufpenfion of arms with the Spaniards^ and <* having maJe an alliance with the king of TidorC) wlio was " an enemy to the Dutch) attacked feveral iflands dependent on " Amboyna» and having made themfelves mailers of them) « refolved to attack the citadel ; and the Englifh are faid to « have been concerned with them in this defigO) which was «* difcovered by a Japanefe. The governor heard from all <( fides, that the Englifli had taken his citadel. Aftoniilied at *< thefe reports, though falfc) he put himielf on his guard, and « feized the JapauefC) whom he fufpe£led. This man eon- «« feiled) that the Englifli were engaged in a confpiracy againft «* the governor; that) taking advantage of his abfencC) the " citadel was to be feized, and that the Japanefe in the ifland «< had engaged to execute this projeft. The governor without « heHtation) acrefted all who were accufed of having any hand ** in this defign. The Englifti confefled) that their fa£tor had «* fworn them upon the gofpel never to reveal the fecret ; which, « however, they did, and figned their confeflionS) fome freely, *« and the reft conftrained thereto by the violence of the tor- ** ture. They were ail executed ; and this is what is com* « monly called the maflacre of Amboyna The Englifli have h' If'"* e P See a pamphlet intitled, ** A (rue relation of the unjud, cruel, and bar- " barout proceedings againfl the Englifh at Amboyna, publifhed by authority, " itf 24, 4to," and feveral other tra^^s. ^ M. Bafnage in his aAnal^i del provinces un'es, vol. i. p. 129. Ccke's dcteAim of the court and (late of England, p. 96, 07' .r ■ ■ , ' ' ." - " always V Of 'he Englifli have Kino JAMES I. 479 M always maintained, that this crime was purely imaginary, and f< only made ufe of as a pretext to facrifice their nation to the f* vengeance of a governor j and therefore they continued to f( demand fatisfadlion for this lofs from 1623 to 1672, when, «« thrqpgh the indifferent (late of their affairs, they were glad «» to depart from il." This Dutch account, and indeed all the accounts } haye ever feen of their drawing up, fufficiently prove, that there was more of policy than of any thing elfe in this whole proceeding, and that what the Dutch in this black bufi. nefs chiefly aimed at, was the excluding us from the fpice- (rade, in which they efeut, in the midft of the preparations that were making for it, the king ended his days at Theobald's, on the 27th of March, 1625, in the 59th year of his age, and io the 23d of his reign ^ His pa- cific temper occafloned our having but little to fay in this part of our work ; but, before we proceed to mention the eminent fea- men who flourifhed in his time, it will be proper to give the reader a concife view of the improvement of trade and naviga- tion within this period, as well as a brief account of the colo- ^ nics fettled, while this prince fat upon the throne. It has been already fhewn, that, under thepublic-fpirited ad- xniniflration of Queen £Iifabeth> this nation firfl came to have any thing like a competent notion of the benefits of an extenfive commerce, and began to think of managing their own trade themfelves, which down to that period had been almofl entirely in the hands of foreigners. So long as the war continued with Spain, cur merchants went on in a right way ; by which I mean, that they profecute^. their private advantage in fuch a manner, as that it proved likewlfe of public utility, by increafing the num- ber of feamen ind of ftout fliips belonging to this kingdom : but after King James's accelRon, and the taking place of that peace, which they had fo long and fo earneflly expedled, things took a new and flrange turn. Our traders faw the manifeft advantage of ufing large and ftout (hips, but, inftead of building them, were content to freight thofc of their nei^Oibours, becaufe a little mo- •• Riiftwonh's eolleflions, voJ. i. p. ij;. Siowe's chronicle continued by Stowe, p. 10^6. WiiioB and uthcr hiftoriim, r.ev c continued by Stowe, bi^ King J A M E S j. 48 |r hty was tb be faved by this method. In confeqiichce of this notionj our fhipping decayed in proportion as our trade increafed, till, in the year 1615, things were tome to fo ftrange a pafs, that there were not ten (hips of 200 tond belonging to the port; of Lbndoni Upon this the Trinity-houfe petitioned the king, fetting forth the matter of faftj and the dreadful confequencea it would have, with refpe£t to our naVal power, through the de- cay of feameni anJ praying, that the king would put in execu- tion fome good old laws, which were calculated for the redrefs of this evil, fuggefting alfo the example of the ftatc tif Venice* who on a like occalion had prohibited their fubjc6ls to tranfport any goods in foreign bottomsi The merchants unanimoufly op- pofed the mariners in this difpute, and, having at this jundure better ihtcrcft at coui-t, prevailedi Yet in a year's time the ta- bles were turned, and the merchants, convinced of their own miftake, joined with the mariners in a like application. An ex* traordinary accident produced this happy efFeft. Two fhipsj each of the burdeh of 300 tons, came into the river of Thames, laden with currants and cotton, the property of fome Dutch merchants redding here^ This immediately opened the eyes Ckf all our traders ; they fiiw now, that through theif own error they were come back to the very point from which they fet out, and that, if fome bold and effeOual remedy was not immediately applied, our commerce would be gradually driven again by fo« reigners on foreign bottoms. They inftantly drew up a repre- fentation of this, and laid it before the king and his council } upon which a proclamation was iffued, forbidding any Englifh fubje£l to export or import goods in any but Engliflx bottoms *. When once people have entered into a courfe of induflry, the benefits accruing from it will generally keep them in that road, and even the diHiculties they meet with turn to their advantage. Thus, after the Engliili merchants had built a few large fl^ips in their own ports, and furniflied them with artillery and other ne- ceiiaries, they found themfelves in a condition to launch into tnany trades that were unthought of before j and, though for fome time they fuffered not a little by the Algerines and other pirates of Barbafy, yet in the end they got more than thev loft !• ■■! '»(. *.. * Sir WilU-iin Monfon'i nnral ir.-flj, p. 318, TOL. I. -! P by It MM n t ■■ : if I 4 1 ;! 'm ■ ' 1 m 482 NfAVAt HISTORY 1 t i 1>i < f '^ti I ; I 'jt ii ijj i. f «' 'I %y tbefe accidents; for it put them upon building ftill larger {hips, as well a» taking more care in providing jtnd manning fmallones; wliich had fuch an efFe£i in the fpace of feven years, that whereas fliip* of a hundred tons had been be- fore efVdemed very large vef&ls^ and were generally built and l>rought from beyond the feasj, now there were many merchant- men of three, four, and five hundred tons belonging to feveral ports, and upvrards of a hundred Teiiels,.ea6h of above 200 tons burden,- belonging to Newcaftle alone, aU! built at home, and better built than? elfewhere; and,, before the death of King James, our trade was fo far increafed, that, in the opinion of Sir Wil- ^am Monfont we were Httle,. if at all inferior in maritime force «o the Dutch '. In refpe£k to the encouragements given by the crowafor pro- moting comraerceand plantations in the £aft Indies and America, they were as great under this reign as under any Succeeding one. Several voyages were made oii account of the £aft India Compa- ny, and the king did not fpare fending an ambaiTador into thofe parts for their fervice. Virginia and New England were in a jgreat meaAire planted', Sarbadoes pofieiTed and fettled, and Ber- mudas difcovered in his time ^ I do not know whether the at- tempts made for fixing colonies in Newfoundland, and Acadia, tiit New Seothnd, deferve any commendation, becaufe,. as they were managed at that time, they could turn :o little account ^ yet it muft be allowed, that the government meant well by the encouragement given to theie undertakings, which went fo far as directing propofais for iiettling Newfoandland to be read in churches^ that aK who had any mind to be concerned in fucH attempts might have doe notice ". Some benefits certainly ac- ^ued even from thefe ab^tive projefts ; they occafioned build- ing a great maiiy good (hips, increafed the Newfou Jifbovcrin'! OP King JAMES I. 483 idiTcovering which is cffential to a beneficial cpmmerce, fince ^whenever a nation comes to think it has trade enough, their trade will quickly decline, fiefides, it engaged abundance «f knowing and experienced perfons to write upon all branches of traflic 5 and their books, which yet remain, fufficiently prove, that |h«re were immbers in thofe days, who thoroughly under- wood all the arts neceifary to promote manufadures, naviga- tion, and ufeful commerce *^ As to the navy, which was more particularly the care of the crown, we 'find that it frequently engaged the attention of the king hinvfelf, as wdl as of his minifters. ^ mod f»f pur naval hiflories we hfve a Vtk of nine (Hips added to the rpyal navy of England by this prince, which lift is taken froa* Sir WllUafl> l^onfon, aqdftsndsthus'^: > ' »i Men in iiarbour. Men at re«. .T V n S«ips. Keformation, Happy Entrance* Garland, St. George, * Mary Rofcj Triumph, Swiftfiire, jBonaventure, St. Andrew, But that tliis Irft is very defeftive, we maycondude from hence, that there is no mention therein of the greatcft Ihip built in this king's reign, and built, too, by his cxprefs diredion, of which we have fo exa£l, and at the fame time fo authentic ao account, that it may not be amifs to tranfcribe it. '^ ,'_ - . 7 7 *6o 460 - 9 6 250 ^:/. ."..lii 300 7 250 'i6x> - p ..1^.1. 250 ; .('i. ,1'i; 1: ! I ft^i m ' T M ■iS ^ Such at, An eflfay of the means to make travel ufeful, prnfirabje, and ho- nourable, by rhomas Palmer, London, 1606, A^o, Virginia richly valued, by Kichard H^kluyt, LonJon, r6o9, 4to. The planter's plea, or the gr«undi of plantations examined, and objcAion* anfwered, London, 16^0, 410. Adifcourfe on the trade 10 the Eaft Indies, by Thomas Mun. The maintenance of fr^• trade, by George Maiynes, merchanr, London, 1622, 8vo. The centre of the ci'cle of commerce, by the fame hand, london, 1623, 4*0. * Sir WiUiam Monfun's navat triAs, p. 277. 3 Pz - : *« Tbi« !i I , I,, JWWS^* m NAVAL HISTORY It , !'t ! \ \ t Si t ** This year, 1610, the king built a moft goodly (liip for «rwir, the keel whereof was 114 feet long, and the crofsi ^'H beam was fortyrfour feet in length j (lie will carry fixty- ^< four pieces of 9r;st ordnance, and is of the burden of , f * 1 400 tons, This royal (hip is double-built, and is rtoft fump- *^ tuoufly adorned, within and without, with all manner of cu- <^ rious carving, painting, and rich gilding, being in all refpcdk « the greateil and goodliefl (hip that ever was built in England || '^* and this glorious (hip the king gave unto his Ton Hehry prince «* of Wales. The 24th of September the king, the queen, the f » prince of Wales, the duke of York, and the Lady Elifabeth, <* witj^ many great lords, went unto' Woolwich to fee it launch- -♦' cd } but, becaufe of the narrownefs of the dock, it could not ** then be launched } whereupon the prince came the next f* morning by three o'clock, and then, at the launching thereof^, ** the prince named it after his own dignity, and called it The <* Prince. The great workmaftcr in building this fhip was ** Mr. Phineas Pet, gentleman, fome time iP3(ler of arts of *' Emmanuel college in Cambridge V* '; . In the fame author we have an account of the king's going onboard the great £a(l India (hip pf 1 200 tons, which was built liere, an4 feems to have be^n the firft of that Hze launched in this kingdom^ The king called it The Traders Increafe, and 9 pinnace of 250 tons, which was built at the fame time, he called The Pppper-com ?. This (hews thit he was a favourer pf navi- gation J and, though I cannot pretend to fay exactly what ad- fjitions he made tp the £ngli(h fleet, yet, from fome authentic , f alcuUtions I hayc feen^ \ thinlj: I niay venture tp affirm, th^t Queen ^lifabeth's (hips of war, at the time of her death, might contain fqinewhat more than i(i;,op.o toi^s, and that, in the days pf King Jamc§, |hey amounted to upward? of 20,000 tons ». The king alfo granted a comi^filfTion of inquiry for reforming the abufes ip the nayy, the proceedings upon \vrhich are ftill prefcrved In the Cotton library ''. He was liberal Ukewife to feamen, an^ ■»jnaturally inclined to do them honour; but as in other things, fo in this he was top much governed by his favourites <=. Bucking- y S^owc's onnals continued by Hpifes, p. 996. Mr. Capidcn's annals of th? rfjjjn of King James under ihe yesr 1610. z Ihid. p. 994. ^ From (bme notes on Hakluyt, MS. b Vitellius, E. 8. c WUron, Baker, .'Ke^Refj Echnrti, and Kapin. , ^ .,, - ': ham OP Kino JAMES I. aBs ham managed the admiralty very indifferently, and, before his time, Gondomar had perfuaded King James, againft rcafon, law, the inclinations of his people, nay, againft his own fenfe of things, to take off the head of the greateft man who flouriftied in his reign, and of whom J am now particularly to fpeak. MEMOIRS^of Sir WALTER RALEIGH, Knt. AS the fame of this gentleman's adlions was fufEcient to have eftablifhcd and given luftre to any family, fo his defcent was honourable enough to exempt him from envy, even in the high pofts which he by his merit obtained. There were fcvcral families of «the name of Raleigh in the weft, and three particularly, which were feated in feveral parts of the country, and bore different arms. That from which this gentleman fprung, may be, and indeed is, traced to the reign of King John, as the Raleighs in general are beyond the conqueft «'. His father was Walter Raleigh, Efqj of Fardel in the county of Devon. This gentleman had three wives, and children by them all. The laft was Catherine the daughter of Sir Philip Champemon of Modbury, and relidl of Otho Gilbert of Comp- ton in Devonfliire, Efqj by this lady Mr. Raleigh had two fons, Carew, who was afterwards knighted, and Walter, of whom we are treating, as alfo a daughter, Margaret, who was twice married. Thus it appears, that this gentleman was brother by the mother's fide to thofe famous knights. Sir John, Sir Hum- phry, and Sir Adrian Gilbert*. He was born in the year 1552, at a pleafant farm called Hayes, feated in that part of Devonfliire which borders on the fea, and after laying the foundations of literature in his own country, was fent to Oxford while a very young man ; iince, according to the beft authority, he was therein 1568, and foon 4iftinguilhed himfelf by a proficiency in learning far beyond his ?ge f. When he came to, and how long he ftaid in Oriel col- li See thefe points judicioufly cleared by Mr. Oldys, in his life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 4, j, tf. * VifiJation of Dsvonftiire, by 'Williain Hervcy, Efq; i:larencicux, MS. in the herald's office. f Wood's Atben. Oxon. vol. }. ■ ' y i ' : lege iii' . h •- ill; ■' ' :! 'r> I i M !■ If i i ' 'I ; ni: .ii,' ■M ■ w !{.i \''i at, ■ 4^ MEMOIRS o» V; 1 I'l i'fl m 11; lege is not very clear ; neither is it well made out, though often and verf confidently aiTcited, that he was afterwards of the iMiddle-Tetnple. This we may consider as fure« that, about 1569, het in company with many young gentlemen of good families and martial difpofitions, went ov^ into France, as well to inftruft themfelvcs in the art of war, as t^) aflift the Protcf- tants in that kingdom, then grievouily opprcflcd *. He ferved there fome confidcrable time, and acquired both fk^l and repu- tation. The former is evident from many judicious obfervations on thofe wars whkb we meet with fcattered thrQutgh his worlcs ; .and the latter is atteiled by contemporary and credible authors. It appears (rota a compariibn of fa€U and dates, that he was ibmewhat more than £ve years thus employed, and having Aill an earnest defire to improve his military il^ill,, mvX an eager third for glory, he paiTed next into the Netherlands, where he ferved likewife fome time againft the Spaniards \ In thefe tranf^dion^ he followed, as k was natural for a young man to do, the fa- Ihion of the times. France and the Netherlands were in thofe «lays the fclmols of Mars i to which all were obliged to refort iwho addidled thcmfelves to the fword, and were willing to find a way to reputation, by ejcpofing their perfons in the icrvice of -their country. Cut whereas numbers were ruined by this eoyrfe, fufiering their minds to be cprrupted by the licence of camps, and tlieir behaviour to be infeded with that fierce and boider- ous humour, which fome take for a fQldier'Iike freedom } Ra- ieigh, on the contrary, made the true ufe of his fervice in a foreign country, increafed his {lock of knowledge in all kinds, improved his ikill as a foldier by experience, and fo completely ipoliilied his manner of addrefp^ that at his return he was con- ildered as one of the heft bred and moft accompliihed gentle- jmen in England, at a period when this w^ no lingular cha- xufter. On Mr. Raleigh's coming back to his native foil, in 1578, he /ound his brother Sir Humphry Gilbert engaged in a defign of making difcoveries in North- America, for when he had obtain- ed a patent ; and for the furtherance of which he had procured B Camden's annals, A. D. isCp. J«c, Aiiguft. Thiiant h'iftoriarum hn tern- k Nmmcon't fragmenta regilu, potts, ton), ii. fol. stfafi. lib. 4,5. p. 601, p. 18. ^'^r. the Sir WALTER RALEIGH. 487 the afliftafjcc of many friends. Raleigh was much taken with the defign, and embarked in it cordially. When it came to be executed, many who had been warmly concerned drew back; Mr. Raleigh, however, not only continued firm to his engage- ments, but refolved to accompany his brother in perfon '. This after all proved an unfortunate undertaking, and would have frighted a man of lefs refolution than Raleigh from venturing to fea again j for they not only miffed the great difcoveries ihey thought to have made, but were attacked by the Spaniards in their return ; and though they made a very gallant defence, had no rcafon to boaft of fuccefs, lofing one of thcbeft (hips in their fmall fleet, and in it a very gallant young gentleman, whole name was Miles Morgan ". From this unlucky adventure Mr. Raleigh arrived fafe in England, in the fpring of the year 1 579, and had foon after thoughts of ferving his queeo and country in Ireland, where his holinefs Pope Gregory VIII. and the Spa- niards had fent men, money, and bleffings, to comfort and af- fift fuch as, in breach of their oaths, would take arms againll their lawful fovereign, and cut the throats of the innocent Englifh'. It is not very clear at what time our hero croflcd the fcas ; but it appears from indubitable authority, that in 1580, he had a captain's commifCon under the prefident of Munrter, which was then a more honourable commifTion than now, becaufe there were fewer fbldiers, and confcquently more care was ta- ken in diftributihg commiflions "". The next year Captain Ra- leigh ferved under the noble Earl of Ormonde, t^ien governor of Uifter, a perfon confpicuous by his illuftrious birth and near relation to Queen Elifabeth ; but ftill more,fo by his virtues and lleady adherence to his duty, in fpite of greater temptations than any other man met with, and by whofe diredlions Kaleioh per- formed many llgnal ferviccs. The Spanifli fucconrs, under the command of an officer of their own, aflilled ])y a choice body of their Irilh confederates, had railVd and fonifi^jj a cillle, I Hakluyt, vol. Hi. p. 173. Hiilingllu'J, v-.I. ii. p. I'tCy. ILXikci's dullc;.- t?'>n of" liis trdnrtition and contmua:i( n (it the Irilh chrctiicii . k ij^ Cuptain H C-..'^ I-."..:; c: Irji.r.J, p. ^6^. n ■\ 1 If It H !'lt rl' '!.r.:i'^ ^'^Il:i!l which" 488 MEMOIRS dp ^, , I Sijl/ /'I '! ■ ail "; i >vhich they called dci Ore, and which they intended ftiotilci lerve them for a place of retreat whenever they found them- felves diftreiTed, and prove alfo a key to admit frefli fuccours from abroad, which they daily expected, and for which it was mighty well fituated, as (landing upon the bay of Smerwick, or St. Mary Wick, in the county of Kerry. The then deputy of Ireland, Lord Grey, was a perfon of great courage and indefati- gable induftry, but withal of a very fevere temper, and particu- larly prejudiced againft the' Irifli, and who refolved at all ha- 7ards to difpoiTefs them of this fort j which he accordingly be- ileged with his imall army for Ibme time. In this dangerous enterprize Captain Raleigh had his fharc, commanding often in the trenches, and contributing greatly to the rcduilion of the place, which was at lafl forced to furrender at difcretion) and the lord-deputy dire«5ted the gfeateft part of the garrifqn to be put to the fword. This was accordingly executed, though with great regret, by the captains Raleigh and Mackworth ". Many other ferviccs he performed in Ireland, of a nature not neceflary for me to relate, and thefe veryjuftly recommended him to the notice of the government, who, in 1581, honoured him with a joint-commiflion to be governor of Munfler. In this cha- radler he continued to do the flate many important fervices, which were amply rewarded by the grant of a large eftate in the county he had fubdued *'. Yet all his care, and all his fervices, did not hinder his ha^ ving many enemies, and among ft them the Lord-deputy Greyj fo that he feems to have been recalled in the latter end of the fame year to England, where he was quickly introduced to the queen's notice, and by his own merits attained a large Iharc in her favour p j and as he was forward to diftinguifli himfelf in all public iervices of reputation, fo on the return of the duke of Anjou into the Netherlands, he was one of thofe who ac» companied him out of England, by the exprefs command of Queen Elifabcthj and on his coming to England in 1582, he n Stowe, p. 683. Csmden, p. 334—33?. Hooker's fapplement to the Irilh chronicle, fol. 171. Spcnfer's ftate of Ireland in hii works, vol. vh p. is8. where, howcver» he vindicates the lorddepiUy warmly, and fpetks as an eye and ear witnefs of all that pifTed. ° Naiinton'c fragmenta legalia, p. x8, %% P Lcicedcr's commojiweahli, p. 37, Aulic, coquin. p. 90. brought \,^<: ffe''! Sir WALTER RALEIGH. 489 trought over the prince of Orange's letters to the queen «. Some months after this he refided at court, and was honoured with the favour and proteftion even of contending ft> '.nen, who were proiid of (hewiiig the true judgment they made of incrit, by becoming patrons to Raleigh-. In 1583, he was concerned in his brother Gilbert's fecond attempt, and though he went not in pcrTon, yet He built a new (hip, called the bark Raleigh; and fiirniftied it completely for the voyage ; the unfuc- icefsfiil end of which it Teemed to predii£t, by its untimely re- turn ih lefs than a week to Plymouth, through a contagious dif- temper which feized on the fliip's crew ». iTet did not either this accident, or the unfortunate lofs of his brother Sir Hum- jphry, which lias beeii heretofore related, drive from Raleigh's thoughts a fcheme fb beneficial to his country, as theJTe northern difcoveries Teemed to be. He therefore digefted into writing an Account of the advantages which he TuppoTed might attend the profeciitioh of Tuch a defign ; and having laid his paper before the cduncii, obtained her Majcfty's letters patent in favour of hisprojeft, dated the twenty-fifth of March 1584 ^ By this (eaTonable ihterpoTitionj he kept alive that generous Tpirit of Tearchlng out, and plantmg diftant countries, which has Seen iever fince of Tuch iiifinite fervice to the ttzdc and navigation of England. it was riot lortg before Mr. Raleigh carried his patent into execution \ for having made choice of two worthy commanders, ^Captain Philip Amadas, arid Captain Arthur Barlow, he fitted out their veflels with Tuch expedition, though intirely at his bWn elcperice, thdt on the tWenty-feventh of April following, they Tet Tail from the weft of England for the coaft of North Am] ■• ]\ !M 49^ MEMOIRS or i^ •'! '■»i " About this time he was chofen knight of the (hire for th'e tounty of Devon **} and making a conilderable figure in parlia- ment, he, upon fome occafion, entering the royal prefence, in his capacity as a member of the Houfe of Commons, received the honour of knighthood ; but at what time is not exa^ly known. In 1585, Sir Waher Raleigh fitted out a fecond fleet for Virginia, in which he had very good fuccefs, his fhips in their return taking a Spanifh prize, worth fifty thoufand pounds ''. Ho was hkewife concerned m Captain Davis's under- faking, for the diftovery of the north-weft pafi^ge v for which reafon a promontory in Davis's ftreights was called Mount Ra. Jeigh ^ In refpeft to thefe public-^irited, and very expenfivc |>roje£b> the queen was pleafed t« make him fome profitable grants ; p^articukrly two, the firfk of wine-licences '^f and the other of a feigniory in Ireland, confifting of twelve thoufand acres, which he planted at his own expence^ and many years after fold to Richard Boyle, the firft earl of C'orkc •. Encou- raged by thefe favours, he fitted out a third iket for Virginia, and two barks, to cruize on the Spaniards newc the Azores, tvhich had fuch fucceis, that they were obliged to^ leave many of their prizes behind them \ This good fortune of his abroad, Was fo improved by his own prudent behaviour at home, that ihe queen, in the latter part Ok the year 1586, made him fenefchal of the duchies cf Cornwall and Exeter, and lord- warden of the ftanneries in Devonfhire and Cornwall, which preferments, though no more than his merit defcrved, yet ex- pofed him to the malice of fuch as, having no deferts of their own, defpaired of attaining by their intrigues, the like advan- tages •=. In the year 1587^ Sh- Walter Raleigh fitted out a fourth fleet for Virginia, at his own expence; and in 1588 a fifth} but neither had any great fuccefs, notwithftandingaU imaginable care was taken to provide them thoroughly in all refpefts, and to employ none in this fervice but men of refoltition and repu- w Willis's noiitia parliamentaria, vol. ii. p. *SA' * Hafcluyt, vol. iii. p. as«. » Ibid. p. loi. « Oldys'a life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. a5. ' Cox's hiftory of Ireland, p. 389— 3s>i. b Hakluyt, vol. it, part ii. p. :so. C See Hooker's dedication of his Supplement to the Irifh chronfclcs to Sir Walter Raleigh. ;/' -,...•... taticn. 15iR WALTER RALEIGH. 49* ttttion*. Thcfc difappoiiitmcnts, however, ferved only to (hew the conftancy of our hero's temper, and the firmnefs with which he purfued whatever appeared to him conducive to the public good, how little foev«r it turned to his private advan- tage. With juAice, therefore, was the wife Queen Elifabeth liberal to fucb a man, who, whatever he received from her bounty with ope hand, bedowed it immediately in a£ls glorious to the nation with the other. The fertile field thus refunds the fun's golden beams, in a beautiful and copious harvei^ of gol- den ears. When the nation was alarmed with the news of the fcnig of Spain's famous armada. Sir Walter Raleigh was one of the council appointed to confider of ways and means for repulfing thofe invaders } and his application of his thoughts to this im- portant queftion* at that time, produced fuch a fcheme for de* fence, as may be of the greatcit ufe to this ifland, while it rCf^ mains fuch*'. He did not, however, confine himfelf to this province of giving advice } but as he had often fitted out (hips for his country's honour, and his own, fo he now did the like for its defence i and 4iot fatisfied even with that, he expofed 9lfo his perfon, among the many noble volunteers, who went to fea upon that occafion, and performed fuch fignal fervices m the attack and deftrudion of that formidable fleet, as recom- mended hkn further to the queen's favour, who granted him feme additional advantages in his wine-of^ce, which he enjoyed throughout her whole reign, and was the principal fource of that wealth, which he employed fo much to his honour in all public fervices ^. ^ About this time he made an afilgnment of all his right, title, and interell in the icolony of Virginia, to certain gentlemen and merchants of Loodon, in hopes they might be able to carry oi^ % fettlement there, more fucceisfully than he h^id done. He had already fpent upwards of forty thoufand pounds in his fe- yeral attempts for that purpofe ; and yet it does not appear that he parted with his property, either ouc of n profjpeft of gain, If •V>r' i I : II ■m H ': J . d Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. ao8. .'ife of Sir Waller Raleigh, p. 39. '.ions. ?' »44> ^ See an extrafV of this piece in 01dys'« f Towa(l}«nd'i historical coilec- 3Q.^ . Many accidents happened, Vbich detained thefe ihips on the Engliih coaft for twelve weeks } but at lai^ % Walter Raleigh failed on the fixth of May* ^SV^* '^^* ^^^ ^**' ***y ^''^ Martin Frobllher follow- fdy and overtook him yrith the queen's letter to recal him ; but he, thinking hi$ honour too deeply engaged, continued at Tea, (ill all hopes of fuccefs, according to their intended fcheme, was loft; and then returned, leaving the command of the fleet to Sir Martin Frobilher, and Sir John Burgh (or Burrough), with orders to cruize on the coaft of Spain, and the iflands. |n purfuance qf thefe orders, Sir John Burgh happily made himfelf mafter of th^ Madre de Dios, or Mother of God, one of the grcateft (hips belonging to the crown of Portugal, which he brought fafely into Dartmouth, on the 7th of September, in (he fame year*^* This i^ faid to have been the mod confider- able prize, till then, talcen iii this war, and therefore it may not be nmifs to give a particular account of it. This carrack was; in burden no lefs than iixteen hundred tons, ^hereof pine hundred were merchandize ; (he carried thirty. (WO pieces of brafs ordnance, and between fix and feven hun- dred paiTengers y was built with decks, feven ftorey, one maini orlope, three clofe decks, one fore-caftle, and a fpare deck, of two iloors a^pieee. According to the obfcrvations of Mr. Ro<4 bert Adams, ati excellent geometrician, (he was in length, from k Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, by Oldys, p. 50. 1 Haklnyt, vol. ii. part ii. p. 194. ra Sir William Monfon's naval tra^s^, p. j8o. o See a true report of the hononrable fervice by Sir John Bnrrongh, iitute> nant-genetal of ^he fleet, prepared by Sir Walter Ralciglt, in hakluyt, as be- fore cited. >' the % 1?. r ' ■t. k" I ■i\ ■ ' I'. «-i^ ■■«i!M|H|i|KM^,, If 494 MEMOIRS op the beak-head to the ftern, 165 fcetj in breadth, near 47 feet; the length of her keel, 100 feet; of the main-maft, 121 feet; its circuit at the partners, near eleven feet ; and her main- yard, 106 feet°. As to her lading, according to the catalogue taken at Leadenhall, the 15th of September this year, the principal wares conilflied of fpices, drugs, filks, callicoes, car. pets, quilts, cloth of the rind of trees, ivory, porcelane, or china-ware, ebony ; befides pearl, mulk, civet, and ambergris, with many other commodities of inferior value. The caragi- fon freighted ten of our fliips for London, and was, by mode- rate computation, valued at a hundred and fifty thoufand pounds SterhngP. When this vcflel was firft taken, both Sir Walter Raleigh and Sir John Hawkins judged it to be worth four times that fum^j and f. in all probability flie was : but in fpite of all the care Sir John Burgh could take, the feamen embezzled a vaft quantity of valuable effeds j neither were the proprietors in a much better fituation, when Ihe was brought home. Sir Willian^ Monfon tells us the reafon, and I chufe to give it in his own words. <* The queen's adventure," fays he, *< in this voyage, was only two fhips, one of which, and the «* lead of them too, was at the taking the carrack j which title «« joined to her royal authority, flie made fuch ufe of, that the « reft of the adventurers were forced to fubmit themfelves to *« her pleafure, with whom Ihe dealt but indifterently '".'* Thus it appears, from unexceptionable authority, that the queen, and not Sir Walter, was moft benefited by this capture j and there is reafon to believe the like happened upon other occafions, though Sir Walter was generally left to bear the blame. . While Sir Walter remained at. home, his great genius dif- f)layed itfelf in all the employments worthy of a citizen, in a free ftate. He flione in the icnate as a patriot, and the remains we have of his fpeeches, leave us in doubt which we ought iiioft to admire, the beauty of his eloquence or the ftrength of his underllanding '. He was, belides, the patron and protec- Ibid- P AfTrmed In the clofc of the faid account. ^ This ariouial is CJll prelerved in the Harlcian collcftiun, Oldys't fife of Sir Walter Ralcjgh, p. Ci- ' Naval trafts, p. 181. s Sir Simonds d'Ewtf ■onmal of Qussn F.liAab<:M)'< parliaments, p. 478, 484, 48^, 490, &c. llaywarJ JTownlacnd'* uidorkal colk^ioiis, fol. oj. tor Sir WALTER RALEIGH. 49'5 tor of learned men, the great eneourager of all public underta- kings, and one of the queen's declared favourites at court f. It was here that Sir Walter Raleigh found himfelf at a lofs. In fpite of all his wifdom and prudence he became enamoured of Mrs. '^Throckmorton, one of the queen*s ladies of honour, and the cowfequences of this amour proved fuch as could not be con- cealed. ' The queen, though fl>e had pafled by errors of a like nature in Leicefter and EfTex, yet puiilfhed this miAake of Ra- leigh very feverely ; but whether led thereto by the infinuations of his enemies, or from a notion, that the greater a man's abi- lities the lefs his offences dcferved pardon, I pretend not to de- termine *. However, the queen*s frowns wrought, in this re- fpeft, a proper reformation. Sir Walter meditated in his re- tirement a greater defign* than hitherto he had undertaken while in the queen's favour, and that was the difeovery of the rich and fpacious empire of Guiana, a noble country in South America, which the Spaniards had then only vifited, and to this day have never conquered. From the time he firft entertained this notion, he made it his bufinefs to collet whatever informations might be had relating to this place» and the means of entering it. When he thought himfelf as much mafter of the fubjedt as books could make him, he drew up inlfaruf^ions for Captain Whiddon, an old experien- ced officer, whom he fcnt to take a view of the coaft, and who returned with a fair report of the riches of the country, the pnf- fibility of difcovering and fubduing it, and the treachery and cruelty of the Spaniards fettled in its neighbourhood. This flx-^ ed Sir Walter in his refolution ; and therefore, having provided a fquadron of (hips at his own expence, and thofe of his nobk friends the Lord- high-admiral Howard and Sir Robert Cecil, he prepared for this adventure^, which he alio accoviipllHied. On the 6th of February^ 1595, he failed from Plymouth, and arrived at the ifle of Trinidado on the 2 2d of March. He there made himfelf eafiiy mailer of St. Jofeph's, a fmall city, and took t Naunton's fragmenta regalia. Lloyd's (late worthies. ^ Camdrri, p. <$97. Dr. Birch's memoirs of Queen Ellfabeth, vol. i. p. 79. Naunton's fragmenta regalia. Lloyd's ftaic worthies. x See the dedication pret^xcd Co his own difcourfe hereafter mcntJOBcd. T Life of Sir Walter Raleigh ky 01dy«, p. y;. the H I li; i \k:A i H !.. i^^ m. : ^9(J M i M o i n S ot the Spanifh governor Antonio Boreo prifoner, who gaVc h\\n i full and exaft defcription of the neighbouring continent^ and the trade in thofc parts, unknown before to the Englifh. On this information he left the fhip at Trinidado, ahd with k hundred men, in feveral little barks^ proceeded up the rivei* Oronoquc 400 miles in fearch of Guiana. Carrapanaj one of the petty kings of the country, and feveral others of them, refigning their fovereignties into his hand for the queen's ufe. But the weather was fo hot, and the rains (6 violent, that he Was forced to re- tire in as much danger of being borne down by the irapid torrents of water, as crufhed by the rage and power of his enemies. The inhabitants of Cumana refufing to bring in the contribution he afligned them to pay to fave the town, he fired it, as alfoSt. Ma- ry's and Rio de la Hachaj which doile, he returned' home with glory and riches. Of the whole of his proceedings, the manner of his entering this hidden country, and making a farther pro- grefs there in a month, than the Spaniards had done in half a century } of the nature of the foil, and the certainty of finding many and rich mines of gold, Sir Walter has left us fo fair, fo copious, and fo well written a relation *i that, if his fubfequent unfortunate voyage had nOt thrown a (hade over fo bright a profpe£^, we could fcarce render a reafon why Guiaha fhould not at this time have been as thoroughly known, and as com* pletely fettled by the Englifh as Virginia. Whatever might be pretended by the deep and cunning ftatef- tnen of that age^ as that many things fabulous, and more un- certain, were related in Sir Walter's account, and thit it was hazarding too muth tb fend a large fleet, well mahned, ihto fo ilckly a climate) whatever, I fay, of this kind was pretended (as wife men will never want pretence^, even when their pafTionJ incline them to do weak things), yet envy was certainly the true caufe why his prbpofals were poftponed at firft, and afterwnrds) notwithilauding all his prefting folicitations, abfolutely rejected'. Sir Walter, however, to fliew his 6wn chtii-e confidence in this 1. ■■ ?■ . .:'.! * ii ■ 1 il 1 ''■ A}1 1' { i" M 1 ^ 1 1 1 ' •"' ■'■ 'V 1 .A 1 il *^'i:L if t a Under the title of •• fhe difcovery of the lirge, ?ich, and beautiful empire *' of Guiana, with B relation of the great and golden city Manao, called by the " Spanitfrdi EI Dorado, and performed in the yea? t J95 by Sir Walter Raleigh, <' impiiiUcd at London l>y Robert Rubiofon, 4to, 1196." a See Capuin Kcmcj »s deh'i relation of the aflion at Cadiz, publifhcd by his grand' foH Philip Raleigh, .Efqj at ihe end of an abridgmet^t of Sir Walter Raleigh'$ hirtory of the world, 1700, Svo.. Tiiiimphi of Nafidii, and Piircha>'s pilgiinis, before citedi ' ■•'■' .. ' ' . ' '' ' 8°^^^' Sir WALTER RALEIGH. 499 gofies, very ftrong in artillery, the admiral, vice-admiral, and rear-admiral of Nueva Efpanna, with forty other great fliips bound for Mexico and other places. Of thefe the St. Philip, the St. Matthew, the St. Andrew, and the St. Thomas, four capital fhips came again to anchor under the fort of Punta!, in the ftreight of the harbour which leads to Puerto-Real. On the ftarboard-fide they placed the three frigates, behind them the two galleafTes of Lifbon. The argofics, and the feventeen gallies, they pofted to play on the Englilh as they entered the harbour ; and behind thefe the admiral, vice-admiral, and rear., admiral of New Spain, with the body of the fleet, hoping by this great ftrength to defend the entrance j their line reaching like a bridge over the ftreight from point to point, and was guarded by the fort of Puntal. Sir Walter, in the van of the Englifli was faluted by Fort-Philip, by the cannon on the cur- tain, and by all the gallies in good order. Raleigh fcorned their fire, and anfwered with a flouriflji of trumpets, without difcharging a gun. The fhips that followed him beat fo thick on the galUes, that they prefently betook them to their oars, apd got up to join the galleons in the ftreights. Sir Walter gave them feveral broadlides as they drove by him, and bgie down on the St. Philip and St. Andrew, as more worthy of his fire. The Lord Thomas Howard came to an anchor by him ; Sir Robert Southwell in the Lion did the ^ime on the one fide, and the Dreadnought and the Mary Rofe on the pther ; the Rainbow lay on Puntal fide ; and thus they cannonaded each other for three hours. About ten o'clock the Earl of EiTex, impatient to hear the noife of the guns and to be himfelf out of aftion, made through the fleet, headed the iliips on the lar- board-fide of the Warfpight, and anchored as near Sir Walter as poflible. Raleigh kept always clofeft to the enemy, and flood iingle in the head of all, After they had played fo long on the capital Ihips, Sir Walter went in his (kiff to the admiral, deii- rjng that the fly-boats which were promifed him might come up, and then he would board the enemy ; if not, he would board them with the queen's fliip, it being the fame to him whether he fvink or burnt, and one of them would certainly be his fate. 3 R a . '.. : The If *» ii !-:.i:^^^ m I. ' ii ! ■ i 0- ,:> t ^■;:' I '■ (• il ■«^t If? , < 'mm ' :f" (1. ;'^ .1111 /:- 509 MEMOIRS 0? The ]^arl of E0ex and the Lord Thomas Howard had aiTured him they would fecond him f. After a long and defperate fight. Sir Walter dcfpairing of the By-boats, and depending on Lord EfTex and Lord Thomas Howard's promifes to afliil him, prepared to board the Spanifh admiral ; which the latter no fooner perceived, than ilie, and the other capital (hips following her example, ran afhore. The admiral and the St. Thomas they burnt ; the St. Matthew and the St. Andrew were faved by the EngliQi boats before they took fire. The Englifli were merciful after their viftory •, but the Dutch, who did little or npthing in the fight, put all to the -fword, till they were checked by the lord-admiral, and their cruelty reftrained by Sir Walter Raleigh. The mod remark- able circumdance in this whole affair feems to be the difpropot' tion between the Englifh and Spanifh force, there being but fe- yen fbips of the former againfl feventy-one of the latter. This great blow rendered the taking of the city, which followed it, the more eafy, which, however, was performed rather by dint of valour thah conduct, and with fuch an impetuofity, as did lefs honour to the officers than to the foldiers. Sir Walter Raleigh, to whom undoubtedly the chief honour of the naval viflory was due, went afhore, though he was wounded, to have fome fhare of this ; but when he faw that all things were in confufion, he very wifely returned on board the fleet *. The next morning Sir Walter fent to the lord-admiraj for or- ders to follow the Spanifli Weft India fleet outward bound, lying then in Puerto-Real, where they could not tfcape him; but in th^ flurry and confufion every one was in on the taking of the town, this opportunity was flipt, and no anfvsfer. returned to his de- mand, lu the afternoon the merchants of Seville and Cadiz offered two millions to fave thofe fhips ; and while the bargain hung, the Duke of Medina Sidonia caufed all that rich fleet to be burnt ♦, and thus were all the galleons, gallies, frigates, ar- gufies, and the fleets of New-Spain, royal and trading, confu- med, except the St. Matthew and the St. Andrew, which were f See the foregoing relations, «nd the voyage to Cadiz, in Hakluyt's collfc- .** In their return home they took Faro in the kingdom of AU garve } and EfTex propofed fome other ^nterprizes, in which he was oppofed, and the point carried againft him by the concur- ^ng opinions of the chief land and fea-ofl^ccrs. Yet on his tct turn, Eflcx publif^ied fome remarks, or, as he calls them, ob- jcflions in relation to this voyage, wherein (as Mr. Oldys well pbferves, and therein juftly cenfures Sir Henry Wotton) the earl queftions every body's conduct but his own. The queen, how- ever, taking time to inform herfelf, made a right judgment of the whole affair; in confequence of which, fhe paid a due re- ipeft to every man's merit, and greater to none than to that o^ Sir Walter Raleigh '. Immediately after his return, our hero bethought himfelf of his favourite projefl, the fettling Quiana. In order to further difcoveries which might effedlually lead thereto, he fent a ftout pinnace, well freighted with every thing neceflary, under the command of Captain Leonard Berrie, which fafely arrived there in the month of lylarch 1 597 ; and having entered into a friend-' ly commerce with the inhabitants of the coaft, and learned from them very particular accounts of the prefent ftate and riches of the higher country, they returned again to the port of Plymouth the 28th of June following. This expedition feems to be art indubitable proof of two things : firft, that Sir Walter himfelC was in earneft in this difcovery, otherwife there can be no caufe affigned, why, having fo many matters of importance upon his hands, he Ihould yet bufy himfelf in an undertaking of this kind. k Camden, Vtre'i commentaries, p. 4a. and Sir Walter's relation, i J.ifeof SirWaltpr Ralcijih, p, 10(5. ■ . .' ■ Secondly, i w V 1 ''' ■f t i; .* ,_ m t t; I ! ■iWfcW^-^Mtt' iim 502 MEMOIRS F V .1! i^-^^ ■;''ji; V'% Wm ' Secondly, that Sir Walter's hopes were as well founded as It •was poffible for a man's to be, in a thing of this nature, fince the account given us of this voyage is fuch an one as is liable to no juft objedlions K . The next public fervicc wherein we meet with Sir Walter Kaleigh, is that called The Ifland-Voyage, of which we have alfo given a copious account formerly. In this undertaking, of which we have as full and clear memorials as of any in the glo- rious reign of Queen Elifabeth, it very plainly appears, that EfTex had the command, and Raleigh the abilities; which was the true reafon why the former acquired fo little honour, and the latter fo much i though with a lefs jealous commander he had certainly attained more. Their difputes began early. A misfortune fell out in Raleigh's fliip in the bay of Bifcay, which obliged him to lie behind the fleet ; and afterwards, when this accident was repaired, and he came to the rock of Lifbon, he met with a large number of ihips and tenders, which were by him conducted to the Azores, This fignal fcrvice the creatures of EfTex, by a fort of logic in which tlicy were well praftifed, con- ilrued into a high offence ; for they pretended, that thefe veflels had quitted the general, to wait on the rear*admiral-, but Sir Walter having convinced the carl, that thefe ihips came to the rock of Lifbon as the rendezvous appointed by himfelf, and that he finding them there, had brought them, as became him, to attend upon his Lordfliip, EfTex had fenfe enough to be pacified for that time ': but foon after things went wrong again. It was agreed in a council of war, that the general and Sir Walter Raleigh fhould land jointly on the ifland of Fayall, where Ra- leigh waited four days for his lord (hip, and hearing nothing of him, held a council of war, wherein it was refolved, by fuch as were lefs concerned for Eflex's honour than the nation's glo- ry, that Sir Walter (hould attempt by himfelf, what it was fet- tled tliey Hiould jointly have performed. This refolution he executed, and fliewed therein as much perfonal courage as any private foldier, and all the conduit that could be expeded from a very wife and experienced commander j fo that wc need not k Sfc the relation of this voyage by Mr. Thomas Mafham, in tiakluyt, vol, iii, p. opt. I See the «c:;irate rcl^t'on of all that paflcd in this voyage, by Sir Arthur Gjrgc*, in Purcha»'s pilgrims, vol. if. p. ii>38« ; \ wonder ■f, '. Sir WALTER RALEIGH. S«^3 wonder he met with fuccefs, and did all that he dcfigned. Ef- fex, on his arrival, forgot the public fervice, and thought ot* nothing but his own private difgrace, which vexed him Co much, that he broke fome of the officers who had behaved gallantly under Raleigh ; and fon^- :\k there was of trying him, and taking off his head •, out at laft, by the mediation of Lord Thomas Howard, who was vice-admiral, and Sir Walter's con- defcending to excufe his having done fo much, before his lord- fliip did any thing, matters were made up once again. The ca- (hiered officers were reftored, Raleigh returned to his care of the public fervice, and Effex proceeded in his miftakes ™. In confequence of thefe, they miffed the Weft India fleet, though Raleigh had the good luck to take fome prizes, the produce of which paid his men, fo that he loft neither credit nor money by the voyage. On his return, though Effex is faid to have found means to throw the mifcarriage of all his pompous promifes on inevitable accidents, with the mob, and fome of his creatures imputed them to Sir WaUer-, yet thefe accufations would not pais with the queen, who ftiewed Raleigh more favour than ever ; even though he took lefs pains to vindicate himfelf, and teftified more refpe£t for the great earl than perhaps any other man would have done". The next year we find him again in parliament, where he dlf- tinguiftied himfelf, by uniting what of late have been thought oppofite chara£lers, the patriot and the fervant of the crown, but which he ftiewed to be very confiftent. By his intereft with the queen, he procured fome griping projects to be difcounte- nanced ; by his weight in the houfe, he promoted fupplies ; he alfo obtained fome indulgences for the tinners in Cornwall, and (hewed himfelf, upon all occafions, a ready and a rational ad- vocate for the poor. In 1599, when the queen was pleafed to fit out, in the fpace of a fortnight, fo great a navy as ftruck her neighbours with awe, Sir Walter was appointed vice-admiral ; which honour, though he enjoyed it but for a fingle month, yet was a high mark of the queen's confidence, fince at that time ra Sfc an excellent acc-urxt of this alfair by Sir Walter himfelf, in his hiftoiy of the woild, b. v. c. i. § 9. and in the before mcntiotiec'. rclition. " Sec Sir Arthur Gorges'* account Ucfoie referred to. Veic's cunvmcutaries, p. 65, C6, 67. .u ■!tl ■ r! * ii H 'r '■' / rl' I I m '■4 !\ =-*-'!««»^*^„.,.,,^ !:o4 MEMOIRS ov ■:f- t: Iff I ■PM WBf* ') ': (he was no lefs apprehehfive of ftirs at home, than of an inva-. fion from abroad. In i 6go, the queen was pleafcd to fend Lord Ccbham and Sir Walter Raleigh to the Dutch, and aftet conferring with Prince Maurice of Naflau, Sir Walter returned again about the middle of the jrear, and, a little after, he was by the queen made governor of the ifland of jerfey; but (he referved three hundred poilhds a- year out bf that government to be difpofed of as (he thought fit*'. His next great fervice was againft Eflex, in his ihfurrcftioh in the February following. It would be a great dedl befide our purpofe to enter into a long detail of that perplexed affair. Let ^ it fuffice then that we dbferve, after a due compariron of what contemporary writers have left us of this mattery that Lord EiTex was his own enemy, and that he brought Sir Walter's name upon the carpet to fcreen his own deHgnSi He gave out, that the caufe of his arming was to defend himfelf againft his perfonal enemies, pretending that Cobham and Raleigh had contrived a fcheme to aflaffinate him : whereas Sir Chriftopher Blunt had in truth made a propofal of this fort to Eflex, with M , refpeft to Raleigh ; and when this was judged impradicable, advifed the propagating the other ftory to colour their proceed- ings, as himfelf confeffed. When the mifchief broke out. Sir Walter did his duty, and no more than his duty. Some, in- deed, have reported, that after the earl of Eflex was condem- ned, he prefled the queen to fign a warrant for his execution, and that he fhewed a particular pleafure in beholding his death ; which, however, is not ftridlly true ; for though he had placed himfelf near the fcafFold before the earl appeared, yet he re- moved from thence before his deaths becaufe the people fcem- ed to take his appearance there in a wrong light : but this he afterwards repented j becaufe, when the earl came to die, he ex- prefled a great defire to have feen and fpoke to him, from a forelight of which Sir Walter Raleigh had taken that poft. The point of facl, as to his fentiments upon this fubjcft, has been eftedually cleared fince the publifhing this work, by the appearance of the following letter, from Sir Walter Raleigh's original, now in the collection of manufcripts belonging to the right honourable the eail of Sallibury, and printed by Dr. « Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. iitf— ijo. Murdin. iSik WALTER RALEIGii. 505 Murdin. It makes no great alteration, in refpeft to what was before aflerted, fince Sir Walter, though he avowed a very high perfonal friendlhip for Sir Robert Cecil, yet at the fame time elUblifhed his advice on his concern for the queen's fafety. In this, which is a little ftrange, he had the earl of Effex's concurrence, who declared to the preacher, fent to at- tend, and to worm out his fecrcts, in prifon, that the queen could never be fafe while he liv«d. But to come to the letter^ thus it runs : (( sik^ «« I AM not wife endugh to give you advice, but if you take I" it for a good counfel to relent towards this tyrant, you will »< repent it when it fliiall be too late. His malice is fixt, and «« will not evaporate by any of your mild courfes, for he will «« afcribe the alteration to her Majcfty's pufiUanimity, and not ** to your good-nature, khowing that you work but upon her «* humour, and not but of any love towards him. The lefs k< you make him, the lefs he fhall be able to harm you and »* yours; Arid if her Majefty's favour faile him, he will againe *« decline to a commort perfon. For after-revenged fear them «* not; For your own father, that was efteemcd to be the til contriver of Norfolk^s ruin, yet his fon foUoweth your fa- «■ ther's fon, and loveth him. Humours of men fucceed not, (( but grow by occafions, and accidents of time and power. " Somrrfet made no revenge on the duke of Northumberland's ^* hearers. Northumberland that now is, thinks not of Hat- ** ton's ilTue. Kelloway lives that murdered the brother of " Horfey, and Horfey let him go by all his lifetime. I could " name you a thoufand of thofe, and therefore after-fears are *< but prophefies, or rather conjedlures from caufes remote. " Look to the prefent, and you do wifely. His fon fliall be ** the youngeft earl of England but one, and if his father be " now kept down, Will Cecil (hall be able to keep as many ** men at his heels as he, and more too. He may alfo matche " in a better houfe than his, and fo that fear is not worth the *« fearing. But if the father continue, he will be able to break *' the branches, and pull up the tree root and all. Lofe not «' your advantage ; if you do I note your deftiny. Vot. L 3 S « Let 'I 1 1 1 ,1''!' r ' V- .! 'i t . i ;' ' il ■*■ 5otf ^ MEMOIRS 09 " Let the queen hold Bothwell while fhe hath him. He •« will ever be the canker of her eftatc and faufty. Princes «* arc loft by fecurity^ and preferved by prevention. I have ** feen the laft of her good days, and all cur's, after his li- bcrtye. «« Yours, fa*r. W. R p:*» SirW. R. toSirR. C. 1601.. «« W I. '^' ■)! „r. 1-v There is nothing more flirewd and fvnflble in this letter, than the giving Eflex the name of Bothwell. This lingular pcrfon was, in a baftard line, the grandfon of James V. king of .Scots. He came to the court of King James then reigning, by the name of Captain Francis Stuart, grew into favour, was created earl of Bothwell, and made lord high-admiral of Scot- land. He was not only a perfon of boundlefs arrogance and ambition, bat of fb reftlefs and unruly afpirit,. that he kept the king and kingdom in continual confufion. He was forfeit- ed over and over, but by his faftious connexion with fome of the nobility, was as often recalled and pardoned. He furprifed and forced the royal palace of Holy-Rood-Houfe, he had in- Tcfted the cadle of Fawkland, he had entered fword in hand Into the king's bed-chamber, and took him out in his (hirt, but eight years before,, and all this purely from a fpirit of domi- nion, ami contempt oi his mafter's minifters, which fa^s, then recent and notorious, muft occur to Cecil's remembrance on leading his name 1. It is evident, that Sir Walter, by this admonition, meant to confirm Sir Robert Cecil in his defign to crufh Eflex abfolute- ly ; but whether it clearly difTuades the fparing his life, the reader may judge. Raleigh's own life had been in great dan- ger, which was the reaibn when Sir Chriftopher Blunt came to die, he a^ually begged Sir Walter's pardon, and confeiTeJ the wrong that had been done him, in the reports fpread to in- flame the populace.. Yet it is certain^ thai even this confefllon 9 Murdin's Aate papers, p. Sir. 4 Spntfwood's h|(lory of the church of Scot!and, p. 394, 3(^5, 401, 407, 409. Moyfes's ineinoirs of the «f- fairiof Scotland, p. 139, IJ4, 155, I79, 18S, »o6^ 137. Winwood's memo* rwls, vol. ii. p. 95, 440, 487. ^h'? mm *i ^M Sir WALTER RALEIGH. ;h him. He Fty. Princes ion. I have after his li- •)» . W.RP? lis letter, than ngular perfon cs V. king oi n reigning, by :o favour, was miral of Scot- arrogance and y that he kept He was forfeit- n with fomc of He fuFprifed ife, he had in- i fword in hand in his (hirt, but pirit of domi- hich fa^s» then mcmbrance on lition, meant to Effex abfolute- ng his life, the ;n in great dan- her Blunt came «nd coafeiTed rts fpread to in- this confeflion ood's hjftory of the _, memoirs of the sf- Winwood's nwmo' • di4 SO? did not qua(h fuch reports i but from this time forward Raleigh had more enemies than ever; and, which was worfe, the queen's fucceflbr was prejudiced againft him, by fuch account* as were tranfmitted to him m Scotland'. It is not at all impoflible, that thofe artful ftatcfmcn, who had fo much addrefs as to make the populace then, and, by employing the pen of a learned hiftorian, the world in general now believe, they were feconds only in thefe quarrels, and Effex and Raleigh principals, hated both alike, and contrived to make them ruin each other; by inflaming Effex againft Ra- leigh firft, which induced him to write in his prejudice to King James, with whom, by the hands of Mr. Anthony Bacon, he kept a conftant correfpondence, and after bringing him to tht? block, allowing the truth of thofe informations, that they might run no hazard (in a new reign) from Sir Waher Ra-. leigh's abilities. The conjefture is rendered probable enough from the whole thread of the relation, nor would it be a very hard talk to prove it was really fo from inconteftible authorities, 80 eafy it is in courts, for malice and cunning to get the bettor of courage and fenfe. In the fummerof the year 1601, he attended the queen in her progrcfs, and on the arrival of the duke de Biron, as am- baffador from France, he received him, by her Majefty's ap- pointment, and conferred with him on the fubjed of his eni- baffy. In the laft parliament of the queen, Sir Walter was 4 very aQive member, and diftinguiflied himfelf upon all occa- fions, by oppofing fuch bills as, under colour of deep policy, were cont.-ived for the oppreffion of the meaner fort of peo- ple*, fuch as that for compelling every man to till a third part of his ground, and others of a like nature. Nor was he lefs ready to c f Life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 133—139* *wn T i m li i f I 1 i' 1 •«■ n '•-'H*iav4mH^t.'.it. y See Oldys's life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 151, 153. « Ar- raignment of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. 97. Popifb hfk rl/i) :;?•' iii\f ■n*^:- I mi p.m- It. 510 MEMOIRS &P Popifli priefts, and other diflaffeftcd and defigning pcrfons, had framed a plot againft the king and royal family, which was to be executed by feizlng, if not deftroying, his Majefty and his children, and with fome of thefe people Cobham alfo had an intercourfe, by the means of his brother Mr. Brooke. This lail treafon being difcovered, and traced to the perfons we have jufl mentioned, there grew a fufpicioh of Cobham, and in con< fequence of his intimacy with Raleigh, there arofe fome doubts alfo as to him. Upon this they were all apprehended, and Cobham, who was a timorous man, was drawn in to charge Sir Walter with fevcral things in his confedion*. The enemies of Raleigh contrived to blend thefe treafons together, though they, or at lead Cecil, knew them to bediftindl things ; and fo he ftates them in a letter to Mr. "Winwood, wherein he fliews his diflike to Sir "Walter Raleigh, and his fenfe at the fame time of the want of any real evidence which might affedt him ; however, what was deficient in proof, was made up in force and fraud. The priefts, Watfon and Clerk, were firft tried and convi£led ; fo was Mr. George Brooke, who had been their af- fociate : and on the feventeenth of November 1603, Sir Walter Raleigh was tried at Winchefter, and convi£ted of high-treafon, by the influence of the court, and the bawling Billingfgate elo- quence of the Attorney-general Coke, without any colour of evidence*'. This is that treafon which was fo juftly flighted in ills days, and which has fo much perplexed ours. That there was really no truth in what was alledged againfl: Sir Walter, may be proved to a demonftration, if we confider, that all the evidence that was ever pretended, in relation to his knowledge of the furprifmg treafon or plot to feize the king and his family, was the hearfay teftimony of George Brooke, that his brother Cobham ihould fay, ** That it would never be well <« till the fox and cubs were taken off ;" and afterwards, fpeak- ing to this Brooke, " That he. Lord Grey, and others, were only on the bye, but Raleigh and himfelf were on the main," «( mm ] • See the whole proceHings in the fi ft volume of ftate-trials. b Lord C-cil's letter to Mr. Winwo rf, in Winwooo's in:injriil«, vol. ii. p. 8. Life ctSir Walter Rileigh, by Oldyi, p. 157, intimating, 'in. Sir WALTER RALEIGH. Sit pcrfons, had hich was to eily and his alio had aa :ooke. This fons wc have , and in con- ; fome doubts :hendcd, and in to charge The enemies ;ther, though hings i and fo •cin he fliews ; the fame time : affeft him-, ap in force and firft tried and I been their af- 03, Sir Walter )fhigh-treafon, Jillingfgate elo- any colour of ftly flighted in s. lUedged againft if we conilder, I relation to his ize the king nnd Brooke, that never be well lerwards, fpeak- d others, were e on the main," intimating, that they were only trufted with lefler matters, but that the capital fcheme, before-mentioned, was concerted be- tween him and Sir Walter <=. Yet when Brooke came to die, as he did defervedly, upon his own confefllon he recalled and re- tracted this circumftance, owning, that he never heard his bro- ther make ufc of that phrafe about the fox and cubs "J, which takes away confequently the credit of that other ftory grounded upon it : and this we have upon the beft authority that can be, that of Lord Cecil (afterwards earl of Salifbury) himfelf, who commends Brooke for fliewing this remorfe in his laft moments «. Thus, out of his capital enemy's mouth, 1 have proved the in> nocence of Sir Walter Raleigh, who conftantly and judicioufly at his trial diftinguiftied between the furprifing treafon auKl the conferences with Aremberg. The former he denied the leaft knowledge of, but, as to the latter, owned, that Cobham had talked to him of a large prefent, in cafe he would be for a peace with Spain, and complained of the hardfliip of dying for having on^e heard a vain man fay a few idle things f , Though the law made no diftinftion between Sir Walter Ra- igi and therefl: who were involved in this treafon, yet ihe King made a great deal-, for he never figned any warrant for his execution*, but on the contrary proje£ted that ftrange tragi-co- mcdy of bringing the two Lords Cobham and Grey, with Sir Griffin Markham, to the block, and then granting them a re- prieve, purely to difcover the truth of what Cobham had alled- ged againft Raleigh, and what might be drawn by the fright of death from the other two ^ As all this brought forth nothing, the king laid afide all thoughts of taking away his life •, and, if Raleigh laboured fome tinje under an uncertainty of this, it ought to be attributed rather to the malice of his potent adverfaries, than to any ill intention in the king, of which 1 difcern no figns, and of the contrary to which Sir Walter himfelf in his letters feems to be pofitive. Neither do I lay this with any view of cxcufmg King James, but purely out of rcfpecl to truth, and ;■ I. i ^ ■ 1 lil i. il ':'♦■ 1 1 , 11, '■' N. trials. b Lo'-'i ii, p. 8. Life otSir intimating, c See Sir Thomas 0»*rbury's copy of S r Walter's arroignmsnt, p, \2. i! VVi.i. wood's tnemoriaU, vol, ii. p. 8. ^- In Xhe bttorc-citcii letter ut l.-t- i Cicil to Mr. VVinwooJ. 1' Arr.\isnmc:it of Sir W.'l cr R .1;^''. f 'oi, Hjo. I Stowe's a-nals, p. 8^f. •• \^ .luvji-'a ;; ii.wnoiiil j vol. ■: u. it. Ka:.-ia;li's v;iiia\!>«, p, ty i. i^MtlUitmK,, . M |ia MEMOIRS b r ')f.l s that it may appear how dangerous a thing it is to live iiiAdt^ at prince who fufFers himfelf to be abfolutely direfted by his mini- Itcrs, fince not only the vices of fuch a monarch arc dcftru^tivei but even his virtues become ufelefst As there feems to be a defire in the prefent age to know the certainty of things, without refting in that fcrupulous report of fa£ts, which cautious hiftorians, from a flri£t regard to truth, are inclined to deliver^ it may not be amifs to acquaint the reader, in few words, with what feems to be the reality of this myfte- rious bulinefs. Lord Gobham in the preceding reign had been connived at in carrying on a correfpondertce with one Lorenzior Laurencic, a Flemifli merchant at Antwerp, who was at this time in England, and through him Gobham correfponded with the duke of Aremberg. It is not my conje£ture> but that of thofc who lived in thefe times^ that it was this man diiclofed the fecret to Sir Robert Cecil, probably by Arcmberg's direflionj who thought this was the fureft way of ruining Raleighj and that the (horteft method of coming at a peacei When Sir Walter was arrefled, he faw his danger, but had no apprehenfiori of his accufer, and therefore, in liopes of diiintangling himfelf, direct ted Sir Robert Cecil by letter where to £nd Lorensi dnd Lord Cobham. It was the (hewing this letter that provoked Gobham to accufe Raleigh fo deeply *, but at the fame time it is a proof of Sir Walter's innocence, of any thing more than that Cobham liad correl'pondcd with Aremberg j for if there had been any ve- racity in Cobham's charge, indead of giving up that lord and Lorenzi, Sir Walter Raleigh would in reality have been furnifh- ing two witnefles againft himfelf. The naked truth then feems to be, that the duke confidered the plot as an idle impradlicable undertaking, but at the fame time judged, that he ftiould render a very acceptable fervice to his court, in thus getting Sir Walter Raleigh involved in it ; and in this light King Janv.^i and his mi- iiifters feem afterwards to have confidered it. There is no great doubt, that this heightened Sir Walter'^ hate to the SpaniardSi which fubfided with the like force in them againil him, till Count Gondomar, puffuing Duke Arembcrg's blow, brought this unfortunate gentleman to the block. On many accounts, therefore, this treafon might be ftyled^ as it was in thofe times, Raleigh's riddle, but in nothing more fo than in this, that by SiK WALtitl ftAL£tGrt. $1^ fey tlie arts of two Spanifli miniftcrs the moft inveterate ehemf bf Spain was brought to an untimely end, for having, as it Wai pretended, entered into a correfpondence with Spain againft ji J)rince, who had feen through the whole contrivance fo many years before he put him to death'. s v .-' In the month of December Raleigh was remanded td thd Tower, and, upon the petition of his wife, was allowed the tonfolation of her company, and by degrees obtained ftill great* er favours ; for the king was pleafed to grant all the goods and chattels, forfeited to him by SirWaher's convidlion, to trufteea of his appointing, for the benefit of his creditors, and of his lady And children ^. In a reafonable fpace his eftate followed hi:) goods }" and now he began to conceive himfelf in a fair way of being reftored to that condition from which he had fallen. In this, howeVerj he was mUch miftaken j for a new court-favon-* rite arifing, who had a mind to enrich himfelf by fuch kind of grants, he difcoveted a flaw in the conveyance of Raleigh's eftate to his fdn, which, being prior to the attainder, gave the crown a title paramount to that which was underftood to be therein, when the forfeiture Vras granted back to Raleigh. Upon an in» formation in the court of exchequer, judgment was given for thtf crown, and the effe£t of that judgment was turned to the bene- fit of the favourite, who in 1609 had a complete grant of all that Sit Walter had forfeited '. This courtier was Sir Robert: Carr, afterwards fo well known to the world by the title of earl bf Somerfet, to whom Sir Walter wrote an excellent letter, wherein he ftated the hardfhip of his own cafe without bitternefs, expoftiikted fi'eely and yet inoffcnfively about the wrong done him, and entreated the favourite's compaffion without any un- becoming condefcenGon ™. All this, however, fignified no* thing ; Sir Walter loft his eftate, but not his hopes. He fpent a great part of his confinement in writing that (hining and immortal monument of his parts and learning, The I Winwood's mcmortaUi p. 8. Sir Anthony WtlJon's court and charafter of king James, p. 31 — 41. Aiilicus coqiiinaristj p. 74— -97. Dr. Heylin's examen. hif}ori«uni, p. itfp — i7x. Ofbjrnc's works, vol. ii. p. 107. Rufliworth's hiOo- rical t-olleftiwtiJ, Vol. i, p. 9. Statctrials, vol, i. p. aix. ^ Rymcr'» foE- dera, tome Jtvi. p. 598. » A brief relation of Sir Walter Raleigh's troubles, p. T. "' rnulcd fr.m a MS. in Oldys's life ef Sir W*ltcr Raleigh, p. 16;. Vol. I. . 3 T History U' ■i .1 S»4 /. II \'i r>fe ,1 11 ' E^ il '1 I' I: itiku M 516 MEMOIRS 09 f^iS^>; i^m niards'. It miy alfo deferve our notice} th»t at th^ time Sir Walter firfl: moved the court upon, this fubje£t, the Spanifli match was not thought of*» but the wants of King James were then very prefTing, and he may reafonably be prefumed to have 7^ this time placed as great hopes in this difcovery» as he did in that match } though, when he came to idolize this proje^ after- wards, he grew fomcwhat out of conceit with Sir Walter's ; f© that, if, he had pleafed, he might, for feven hundred pounds, have had an ample pardon, and leave to rdinquifh his voyage ; but he remaining firm to his purpofe, and the king feeling his neoefhties daily increafing, was yet willing that he ihould proceed in his enterprize, in hopes of profiting thereby, without loiing the profpe^ he then had of concluding the Spanifh match. Such was the iituation of Sir Walter, and fuch the difpofuion of the court, when he obtained le with a great deal of blood under him ; and upon fearch it was difco- yered he had firft {hot himfelf, and the wound not proving mortal, he had thruft a knife after the ball ''. Sir Walter, when |ic heard his fon was flain, laid, that he mattered not the lofing of a hundred men, fo his reputation had been faved. He was afraid of incurring the king's difpleafure, and with grief and ficknefs brought very low in his health. He is blamed for not going up the river himfelf, which his indifpofition would not fuffer him to do. Nine weeks was Keymis fearching the river, all which time his mafter flaid at Punta dc Gallo, nearer death than life: yet the misfortunes and difappointments he met with did not alter his refolution of returning home though feveral of his men were for landing and fettling themleives at Newfound- land } others were for going to Holland ; but the major part of )iis company were of his own opinion, to ccne bac'.. to Eng- land, happen what would *, fo, rather like a prifoner than ge neral, he arrived with his leaky fhips, firil: at l^infale in Irela J, and then at Plymouth % Immediately after his coming to Ireland, a procbmavlon if- fued, fetting forth the king's difapprobation of Sir "Walter's conduct, and Requiring fuch as were acquainted with any par- ticulars, relating either to his fcheme, or to his pradices, ihould give information of them to the council. This procla- mation was dated the eleventh of June f , and though it pre- tends to refer to Sir Walter's commiflion, yet it plainly men- tions things, which are not to be found there. In the begin- ning of the month of July, Sir Walter landed at Plymouth, and hearing of this proclamation, refolvc.i 'o furrender himfelf; but as he was on the road to Londoii ^ he was met by Sir Lewis Stucley, vice-admiral of Devonfliire, and his own kinf- man, whom the couit had made choice of to bring him up as a prifoner". This mari appeas io have adled very deceitfully, d See Raleigh's apology, p. 39. and Howel'i letters. ^ Raleigh's apology, and lining Jame&'s declaration. i Rymev's foedera, tome xvii, ^ p, 91. S Sec Captain King's narrative, a IIS. quoted by Mr. Oldys. b Stuclcy's petition and information tonching his own behaviour in the charge «f bringing up Sir Walter Raleigh, 410, 1618. Caruden's annals of K. Jatnes, A. D. ifiiS. .Vol. L"- ■ 3V ' ^^ 1- "f I ':.;il ;'tl ■•KswataM mm A I Ji' i •M * I'^V'' •r ii .M.l> iu"i Sii MEMOIRS OF for he cither fuggcfted, or at leaft encouraged, a defign Sir Walter had framed for making his efcape, and when he had fo tlone, he bafely betrayed him. It was then objected to Si? Walter, that he meant to convey himfelf to France, and had a£lually entered into fome. unjuftiifiable correfpondcncc with the French king ; but in reality all t'hat Sir Walter intended, was to have gone back again td Guiana, in order to eUace the me- mory of his late mifcarriage, by a happ'^r undertaking'. On his fecond apprehenfion, he was carriid to the Tower, from whence it was already fettled he (hould never be releafed but by death. It was the earneftnefs of the Spanifh court, by their inftrument Count iGondomar, produced this heat in the Englifii councils'' i and yeti if we ftriftly confider the matter, we (hall find that the violence with which the Spanifli court countenanced all fuccceding projefls : but by thus contriving to murder him, they muft, in the opinion of every impartial judge, raile the credit of his projeft, though they might fright people at that time from cafrying it into execution^. In fhort, the Spaniards knew what Sir Walter's friends believed j the latter, confided in him, the former were pofltive as he was 5 becaule they knew by experience, that Guiana was rich in gold, and that, if it was once thoroughly fettled by the Englifli, there would be an end of their empire in the Weft Indies '. But ta return to Sir Walter. ' ... . ., . .,.,,; ,^v ''^^_i 't'Jl' ■ '■ «'■ >'*.| It i See Sir Walter Raleigh's fpecch at his death. ' ' ' k For this the (i-dder may find numerous authorities in Oldys's life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. ilo. ' i This I have great reafon to fay, having confnlted many of the Spanilh wiitert while t was compofinj; the fhorthiftory Of Si'ANis H America. Fran- 'S'S Corwl, one of the bc. XJpori this, it Was refolved to call him down to judgment upon his former fentehce, which W48 accordingly done, with all the circumftahceiJ of iniquity and brutality that can well be conceived. He was taken out of his bed in the hot fit of ah agine, arid fo trought to the bar of tlie court of ICing's Bench, waere Sir Henry Montague, the cliief juftice; ordered the record of his convii^ion to be read, and then demanded what he had to offer why execution fliould hot be awarded? To this Sir Walter pleaded his cortimifnon, which was immediately over-ruled : next he would have jnfti- ^ed his condudl in Guiana, but that the court would not hear ; and Co execution was awarded, arid the king's warrant for it produced, which had been figned and fealed bcfbre-hand". That this judgment was illegal, and that Sir Walter was really murdered, has been often faid, and I believe feldom doubted j but I think it has hot been made ifo plain as it might be, and therelfore, in refpedi to his memory, I will atterhpt it, by {hew- ing that the judgment was abfolutely illegal, as well as it was manifeftly iniquitous. , , country to be very rich ; and in the map printed with his travels, the place i* marked where the lake of Parima, and the city of Manoa are fuppofcd to be ; and in the French tranflation printed at Am(lcrdain in iT%x, Sir Walter Ra- leigh's voyage to Guiana is added as a neceflary fupplement, Alfo in Sanfon'* map, the lake of Pariina, and city of Manoa are both vifible } fo that if what h repotted of them he fabulous, yet the opinion is not hitherto exploded. I«i in fome of I^e Liflc's maps they arc mention;d, for I have confulted fcvevil, and whit is more, there are various mines marked in this country, of which the i^paniards are ftill lufpicioully rarcfu!. '" Howcl's letters, vol. ii. p, 3?t. *» Rymei'i f«dera, tome xvit. p. nj. • . •"I: « i w 3U2 It > I SH V) ■♦>- MEMOIRS OF •t . It- It is a maxim in our law, that the king can do no wrong ; and moft certain it is, that no king can do legal wrong, that is to fay, can employ the law to unjuft purpofes. Sir Walter Ra- leigh, afcer his conviction, was dead in law, and therefore if King James's commifllon to him had not the virtue of a par- don, what was it? Did it impower a dead man to a£l, and not only to aft, but to have a power over the lives and eftates of the living ? It either conveyed authority, or it did not. If it did convey authority, then Sir Walter was capable of receiv- ing it} that is, he was no longer dead in law, or, in other words, he was pardoned. If it conveyed no authority, then this was an aft of legal wrong. I cannot help the blunder; the abfurdity is in the thing, and not in my expreffion. A commiflion under the privy, if not under the great feal, grant- ed by the king, with the advice of his council, to a dead man ; or, to put it otherwifc, a lawful commiffion given to a man dead in law, is nonfenfe not to be endured } and therefore to avoid this, we mufl conceive, as Sir Francis Bacon, and every bther lawyer did, that the commifTion included, or rather con- veyed a pardon. Indeed the fame thing may be made out in much fewer words. Grace is not fo flrong a mark of royal favour as truft ♦, and therefore, where the latter appears, the law ought, and indeed does, prefume the former. This judg- ment, therefore, did not only murder Sir Walter Raleigh, but in this inftance fubverted the conftitution, and ought to be looked upon, not only as an aft of the bafcft proftitution, but as the moft flagrant violation of juftice that ever was commit- ted. As the method of bringing him to his death was violent and uiijud, fo the manner was hafhy and inhuman. The very next <]ay, being Thurfday the 29th of Oftober, and the Lord- n^ayor*s day, Sir Walter was carried by the fheriffs of Middlefex to fuffer in the Old Palace-yard, We have many accounts of Jiis death, and particularly one written by Dr. Robert Tounfon, then dean of Weftminftcr, afterwards bifliop of Salifbury, who afTifbed him in his laft moments <*. He tells us, that he had ^ ' fbch " Tlii* account is contained in a letter from l)ean Tounfon, to Sir John Iflum of Lamport in Nonhaintcnfiufc, elated Wcfimlnllcr-coilfgc, Nov. 0, IfiT', ^ I •> r; 10 wrong : ig, that is Salter Ra- hcrefore if of a par- aft, and and eftates id not. If ; of receiv- r, in other ority, then lc blunder; reffion. A feal, grant- dead man ; :n to a man thc;refore to , and every rather con- made out in ark of royal appears, the This judg- Raleigh, but ought to be ftitution, but was commit' IS violent and The very next d the Lord- ; of Middlefex y accounts of bert Tounfon, )ali(bury, who that he had fuch ifon, to Sir JoJin .college, Nov. o. Sir WALTER RALEIGH. 52J fuch a contempt of death, as furprifed this divine, who expof- tulated with him thereupon. Sir Waher told him plainly, that he never feared death, and much lefs then, for which he blcf- fcd God; that as to the manner of it, though to others it might fccm grievous, yet for himfelf, he had rather die fo, than in a burning fever. That this was the effcft of Chriftian cou- rage, he convinced the doftor himfelf; " and I think," fays he, « all the fpeftators at his death." He faid nothing as to the old plot, but juftificd himfelf fully as to what had been lately objefted againft him. The doftor having put him in mind of the earl of Effex, he faid, that Lord was taken off by a trick ; which he told the doftor privately, but is not fet down by him. Sir Walter eat his breakfaft heartily that morn ^, fmoaked his pipe, and made no more of death, fays my author, than if he had been to take a journey p. On the fcaffold he converfed freely with fome of the nobility, who were there to fee him die; juftified himfelf clearly from all imputations, and, like a man of true honour, vindicated his loyalty, even to that pufiUauimous prince who thus facrificed him to the Spaniards •*. Dean Tounibn obferves, that every body gave credit to what Sir Walter faid at his death, which rendered Sir Lewis Stucley, and the Frenchman who betrayed him, extremely odious. As to the latter, I know not what became of him ; but as to the former, ht was catched in Whitehall, clipping the gold beftow- ed upon him for this infamous aft, tried and condemned for ir, and having dripped himfelf to his fliirt, to raife wherewith to purchafe a pardon, he went to hide himfelf in the ifland of Lundy, where he died, both mad and a beggar, in lefs than two years after Sir Walter Raleigh'. i6i8, which {$ ftill preferved in the family. The Dean fays, a very particular account ' f til that pafTcd at Sir Walter's death, was written by one Mr. Craw- ford, and defigned for the prefs, himielf having read and approved it; but whe- tlicr this ever was publifhcd, I cannot fay. P See an account of his death at the end of Sir Thomas Overbury's arraign- ment of Sir Walter Raleigh, as alfo joined to his remains; but the particulars aboVK mentioned are in Dean Tonnfon's account. '^ The moft ac- curate ropy (^f this fpeech, is in Mr. Oldys's life of Sir Walter Raleigh, p. ii3. •■ Aullcui toqninarix, p. 94. Ftankland's annals of King Jamts and K'v.,'^ Charles I. p. 32. Howcl'i letters, Vvl. ii. p. 37* Csniilta'- snnais of K11.4 Janif, A. 1> i6io. Thi: ^1 ■' ;:';*•( \im 1 m I ■ H 1l M I Si6 MEMOIRS Of when he had lived ^xty^ This end had our illuftrious he fix years *. We have infifted too lon^ upon his Jifc^ to be un- der any neceflfity of dwelling upon his chara£fcer, of which be who would frame a right opinion, muft confider attentively his aflions and his writings. He raifed himfelf to honour while living, and has fecured an endlefs reputation after death, by a feries of noble and generous atchievements ; he a£i:ed in very dii^rent capacities, and excelled in all. He diflinguifhed him- felf as a foldier by his courage, by his condu£l as a comman- der; a bold Tailor, a hearty friend to feamen, and yet no ad- -miral maintained better difcipline ; a wife (latefman, a profound fcholar, a learned, and withal a practical philofopher. In re- gard to his private life^ a beneficent mafter, a kind hufband, an affe^ionate father, and in refpeffc to the world, a warm friend^ a pleafant companion, and a fine gentleman. In a word, he may be truly flyled the Englifh Xenophon; for no man of his age did things more worthy of being recorded, and no mail was more able to record them than himfelf*, infomuch^ that we may fay of him, as Scaliger did of Csefar, « that he fought^ ** and wrote, with the fame inimitable fpirit.*' And thus I take my leave of one, whom it is impofTible to praife enough. As to the other feamen of note in this reign, they are either fuch as have been already fpoken of, or living alfo in the next; may more regularly be mentioned there. I (hall therefore con- clude this chapter with obferving^ that the death of Sir Walter Raleigh was fo difbfteful an a£): to the whole nation, that the court, to wipe off the odium, thought proper to publlfli a de- claration % wherein, as it pretended^ the true motives and real caufes of his death were contained. But this i^'iece was fo far from anfwering the end for which it was fent abroad, that it really ferved to juftify Sir Walter, even beyond his own apolo- gy »i After this, King James granted a new commiffion for fettling Guiana, which fhews his abfolute fenfe of dur having a right to it ^^ and dembnflrates alfo the h\kh6od of that re- • Prince's wofthiei of t)evon. p. 539, &c. Camden's annalf, A. D. itfiB. t A declaration of the demeanour of Sir "Walter Rateigh, knt. 410. t<^i8, " Franc's Ofbornt's traditional memoirs of King James. *'^ About a year after Sir Walter Raleigh's death, King James gnnted a commi^Tioi) to Captain Roger North, to fettle a colony in Guiana, Mr. Oldj s's life of Sir Wal- ter Kaicigli, p. Jij. • - . port, Skr WALTER RALEIGH. 5^7 t be un- rhich he ively his ir while th, by » I in very led him- :omtnai^* et no ad- profound •. In re- {b»nd, an m friend^ wordi he lan of his I no mart hj that we he foughtj thus I take |gh. are cither the next; efore con- ISir Walter ,, that the ^blifli a dc- and real was fo far |aJ, that it »wn apolo- Imifiion for Idur having of that re- portj^ that Sir Walter devifed his fettlement to Guiana only to; repair his lofles through his imprifonment. In other cafes, the king was kind enough to fuch as projed^ed difcoveries and fet- tlemen^i but taking all things in the lights his feveral favour rites fet them, he was fometimes dilatory, and ever unfteady. As to Buckingham's management, within whofe province, a^ iord high-admiral, thefe things principally lay, we (hall be ob- ]|iged to treat of it in the nest chapter, to which it is time wc ihAuld proceed. • * * ■ - " ■ ' • ■. .■ I ■ -■, ' LIVES r 1 I rill il !■ A. D. i(5i8. |t, 410. ioi8, V About IcofnmJrtioii to Ifc of Sir \Val- port, \ «1 ■' K^vt t C 52S 3 V/' .?s T J. ',, , -ij ','1 ,1 E O F T H E D M I R A L S: INCLUDING A NEW AND ACCURATE NAVAL HISTORY. CHAP. XIV. The Naval Hiftory of Great Britain, under the reign of Charles I. comprehending an account of our naval expeditions again ft the French and Spaniards, our differences with the Dutch about the right of fifhing, and our dominion over the Britifh fea; the progrefs of navigation and commerce, fettling colo- nies, and other maritime tranfadions ; together with an account of the eminent feamen who flourifhed within that period. UPON the denoife of King James, hjs only fon Charles prince of Wales fucceeded him, not only quietly, and without difturbance, but with the genera^, ^probation of his fubjedts ". He was in the flower of his age, had fliewn himfelf a perfon of great abilities, and, after the breaking off the Spanifli match, had rendered himfelf for a time very popu- * Frankland'ii annaU, p. 107. Clarendon's hiflory of the rebelUoo, Oxford, 1711, 8vo. vol. i. p. ti, 14, Rufhworth, voli i. p. ttfj. .' ■ ' " ' ''' ■ lar NAVAL HISTORY, istc. 5^9 S = ■ rift <*k s> 5 *- under the [int of our Spaniards, right of 1 fca; the hng colof ether with flourifhed fon Charles quietly, and j: probation had flicwn breaking ofF c very popu- bellioo, Oxford, lar by liis condud •». His father left him in a Gtuatton much in- (jumbered at the time of his deceafe ; for the government was deeply in debt, a war with Spain was juft begun, and his prime minifter, the duke (^ Buckingham, who had been lilcewife his ifather's, was generally hated «. In this fad ftate of public zC /irs, every thing was fubjeft to wrong conftruaions. Eight thoufand men, raifed for the fervice of the Palatinate, were ordered to rendezvous at Plymouth, and, in their paflage thither, coat and condufk money weire demanded of the country to be repaid out of the Exchequer, the behaviour of thefe troops was very li- 'centiotis, and the long continuance of peace made it appear ftiU a greater grievance. The clamour thereupon grew high, and the lang, to remedy this evil, granted a commiflion for cxecu- "ung martial law; which, inftead of being confidered as a remedy, vas taken for a new grievance more heavy than any of the reft «'. The truth waJs, that while Buckingham remained in the king's touncilj all things were attributed to him, and the nation was lb prejudiced againft him, that whatever was reputed to be done by him was held a grievance i and though no man faw this more clearly than the king, yet, by an infatuation not eafily to be ac- counted ifor, he trulled him as much, and loved him much inore than his father had ever done. The king*$ marriage with the Princcfs Henrietta- Maria, daugli- ter to Henry IV. of France, had been concluded in the lifetime of King James, and after his deceafe the king was married to her by proky. In the month of June, 1625, Buckingham went to attend her whh the royal navy, and brought her to Dover 5 from thence fhe came to Canterbury, where the marriage was confummated ; and, on the )6th of the fame month, their Ma^ je{^ies entered London privately, the plague daily increafing in ^ Wilfon's hiftory of King James in Kennet, p. 779, 780. Frankland's annalo, p. 93, Rapin, vol. it. p. 228, 229. Sir P. Warwick's memoirs. See the par'.ia' tnentary htdory of England, vol. vi. where the whole of the bufmefs relating to the Spaniih. match, the (hare the Prince of Wales and the duke of Buckingham tcoh therein in parliament, and the efTefls ii pioduced, are very ably as well as ac- curately treated. ^ Clarendon, vol. i. p. 25. Memoirs of the reign of King Chailet I. by Sir Richard Bulttrode, p. 25. Sir P. Warwick's memoirs, p. 16. d RuHiworth, vol, i. p. i68. Whitlocke's metnotials, p. i. Keanet, vol, iii. p. 4. . *. I i i: ij^ •II 1 '■ ■'-{ MM Vol. r. 3X the 530 NAVAL HISTORY the fuburbs °. It was not long before an unfortunate tranfaflion rendered this marriage difagreeable to the people ; and, as this related to the navy, it falls particularly under our cognizance ; which we (hall therefore handle more at large, becaufe in moft of our general hiftories it is treated very confufedly. The marquis d'Effi at, ambafTador from France to King James, had rcprefented to bis Majefly, that the power of the Catholic king in Italy was dangerous to all Europe; that his mailer was equally inclined with his Britannic Majefty to curtail it, but, wanting a fufficient maritime force, was defirous of borrowing from his Majefty a few ihips to enable him to execute the dedgn he had formed againft Genoa f. To this the king condefceiided, and it was agreed, that the Great Neptune, a man of war, com- manded by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, and Hx merchant (hips, each of between three and four hundred tons burden, ihould be lent to the French *, but, foon after this agreement, the Rochellers made an application here, fignifying, that they had juft grounds to apprehend, that this Englifh fquadron would be employed for deflroying the Proteflant interefl in France, inftead of diminifh- ing the king of Spain's power in Italy, The duke of Buckingham, knowing that this would be little relifiied by Captain Pennington who was to go admiral of the fleet, and the owners of the ihips, he gave them private inflruc- tions, contrary to the public contraft with France^ whereby tliey were dire£led not to ferve againft Rochelle ; but, upon their coming into a French port in the month of May, they were told by the duke of Montmorency, that they were Intended to ferve, and fhould ferve againft Rochelle ; upon which the failors on board the fleet figned what is called by them, a Round Robin, that is, a paper containing their refolution not to engage in that fervice, with their names fubfcribed in a circle, that it might not be difcerned wlio (igned firft. c Stowt'i cnnals continued by Edmund Howes, p. 104 1. Hidory of Charles I. by Hammond L'Eihange, Efq; p. 6. Dupletx, binoire de Louis le Jufte, p. 254, See a relation of the glorious triumphs and order of the ceremonies obferved in the marriage of the high and mighty Charles, king of England, and the Lady Henriet- ta-Maria, fifler to the prefent King of France, on Nlay i, 1625. Londoa, 1625, 4to. f Sir Philip Warwick's memoin, p. xi. Memoirs of the duke of Ro- han, book lit. p. 108. Kennet, vol. iii. p. e. Rufhwortb's colleAion, tome i f' i74> L'EArange's hiftory of Charles I. p. 56, 57. ,,' , -^ Pennington oy King CHARLES I. 53 » Pennington upon this fairly failed away with the whole fqua* dron, and returned into the Downs in the beginning of July» from whence he fent a letter to the duke of Buckingham, defl- ring to be excufed from that fervice. The duke, without ac- quainting the king, or confulting the council, directed Lord Conway, then fecretary of ilate, to write a letter to Captain Pennington, commanding him to put all the (hips into the hands of the French. This, however, not taking effect, the duke fur- reptitioufly, and without the king's knowing any thing of tht* defign upon Rochelle, procured his letter to Captain Pennington to the fame effect. Upon this, in the month of Auguft, he failed a fecond time to Dieppe, where, according to his inftruc- tions, the merchant* fhips were delivered to the French ; but Sir Ferdinando Gorges, who commanded the king's fhip, weighed anchor, and put to fea : and fo honeft were all the feamen on board thefe (hips, that, except one gunner, they all quitted them, and returned to England ; but, as for the fhips, they re- mained with the French, and were actually employed againfl: Rochelle, contrary to the king's intention, and to the very high difhonour of the nation. This affair made a great noife, and came at lafl: to form an article in an impeachment 9gaini]t the duke of Buckingham (. In the mean time the dedgn ftill went on of attacking andin>- vading Spain, and a ftout fleet was provided for that purpofe ^ but as Buckingham, in quality of lord-high'-adm)^a],hadthefu- preme dire^ion of that affair, the natipn looked upon it with an evil eye, and were not fo much difpleafed at its mifcarriage, as glad of an opportunity of railing at the duke, and thofe who by his induence were intruded with the command of the fleet, and the forces on board it *>. The whole of this tranfa£tion has been very differently related, according to the humours of tliofe who penned the accounts ^ however, there are very autlientic memoirs ( FrankUnd's annals, p. 156. Kenneths complete kiflorjr of England, vol. iii« p. 6. See alfo Captain John Pennington's letter to the duke of Buckingham, from 1 board the Vanguard in the Downs, July 27, 1625, in the cabala, p. 350. But the moft diilinft accovnt is to be gathered out of the fevcntb and eighth articles of the impeachment exhibited againft the duke ot Buckingham by the Houfe of Com* mons in t6i6, and the fpeechof Mr. Glanvill on the faid articles. k Frankland's an^ais, p. 114. Rufhwortb, f ** WUHam Mocfon's naval traAj;, jE^ennpt, flapin. I ; ? ^^ remainin^i 533 NAVAL HISTORY ill remaining, and from theie I fhall give as concife and impartial ^ detail of the affair as I can, -which will (hew how dangerous a thing it is for princes to employ perfons difagreeable to the grcateil part of their fubjet^ls, an error by which they almoit neceffarily transfer the refentment attending their mifcarriages upon themfeWcs. This war with Spain was chiefly of the duke of Buckingham's procuring, and feems to have proceeded more from his perfonal diftafte to Count Olivarez, than any folid or honourable motive; however, after the war was begun, it ought certainly to have been proiecuted, becaufe, though he zCttd from private pique, and at a time when it visibly ferved his own partrctilar parpofes^ yet without queilion the nation had been gri»vou{ly injured by the Spaniards, and there were therefore fufficient grounds for taking all the advantages our naval power and our alliance with the Dutch gave us, as well as the weaknefs of the enemy, and their firm perfuafion, that, whatever we might pretend, we ihould not actually proceed to hoftilities. But though it was his own war, though he had engaged the king to profocute it ^ith much heat, to draw together a great fleet, and a confi- derable body of forces which were to embark on board it, ye^ when all things were ready, and the fleet on the point <)f going to fea, the duke declined the command, and refolved to fend another perfon in his flead, which had a very ill efFe£l upon thre whole defign •. Sir Edward Cecil, grandfon to the great Lord Burleigh, was the pcribn of whom the duke made choiee for this command; an old foldier, it is true, but no feaman, and therefore not at all oiialified for the fupremc dire6lion of fuch an undertaking''. The carls of EiTex and Denbigh were appointed his vice and rear ad- mirals i and, that he migh^ be the fitter to command men of fuch quality, he was created baron of Putney, and vil'count Wimble- ton, and had likewife the rank of lord-marfhal '. It was thought llrange, that though there wanted not many able fearnen, fuch 'ds Sir Robert Manfell, Sir William Monfon, and others, yet i Ftankland's annals, p. 114. Rufliworth's roll;(tions, vol. !. p. 196. Kennet'c romplete hifiory o( England, vol. iii, p. 11, I3. Warwick's memoirt, p. ij. V/hitleckc, p. 2. k Clarendon, vol. i. p. 40. Kfnnet, p. u, 13. L'Eflrange's hifiory of Charles I. p. 17. 1 Dugdale's baroiiaj;e, vol. ii. [). 40T, lienOM, p »•{. Frankland's annals. ■. # . «, ■ ■ . w - - • ■ . *' ' ■ • •; * . none \ Qp £iNG CHARLES I. S33 « ipartial ^ igerous a e to the cy almoin fcnrriages :ingham's I perfonal e motive } y to have ate pique, purpofes, nJDred by ■Guilds for iancc with lemy, and etend, we gh it was irofecutc it d a confi- ard it, ye^ It of going id to ien4 1 upon ttre •letgh, was command*, •c not at alt cing''. The id rear ad- nen of fuch It Wimble- as thought irnen, fuch others, yet 196. Kennet's moirs, p. 15* [. L'Ettrange's 407. linnet, none j^twe of tbem were inlruftcd, hot {as if that could confer merit) inerely fuck «s were in the duke*s favour, which was both an un- fvafonabk and ai^ impoiicic thing. The force employed was very confiderable, vix. eighty fhips, Engliib »nd Dutch, and ten good regiments ; neither was it at 9II improbable, that if matters had been well concerted, and pro* ^ly executed, this expedition might have turned to the benefit of the nation, and the honour of the king and his mioifbry. The ^pani(b platc> fleet was then rf turning home with above a mil- lion on board; and, if they had gone to Tercera, they mnft in- iallibly have been mailers of them, r d, by the defhoidion of fifty or fixty galleons, had difabled the n:.arttime power of Spain for at leaft a century. But the fleet did not fail till 06lober, and then they went upon no iettled fcheme, but all was left to the diicretton of men, who in reality were no fit judges of fuch matters, and befides were very foon, in point of opinioni divided »mong themfelves ?. , . The general iaihrd from Plymouth the 7th of Oflober, 1625; but, when the fleet had proceeded fome leagues to fea, tlieir fhips were feparated by a ftorm, fo that they were many days before they came together to their appointed rendezvous ofi'Cape Vincent. On the 19th of QQober 3 council was held, wherein \t was refolved to attack Cadiz, which accordingly they did on the 2 2d of Ofl:ober. The carl of ^&^. ftood into the bay, where he found fevenleen good ihips riding under the town, and ei^t or ten gallies ; thefe he bravely attacked, but, for want of pro- per orders and due afliftance, the Spanifh fhips were fuftered to retire to I*ort-^eal, whither the lord-mar(hal did not think fit to follow them. Then fome thoufands of foldiers were landed, and the fort of Puntal was taken ; after which they proceeded to make fome attempts upon the town. The ibldiers, unfortu- nately becoming mafters of too much wine, got exceffivcly drunk, and became fo carelefs, that if the enemy had known, or been vigilant enough to have taken this advantage, few of them had returned home. The fright irco which this put their officers, engaged them to reimbark their forces } and then it was con- cluded to cruize off Cape St. Vincent for the Flota. "te See a copiou* account of the motives to, and tnifcatriages ia tlii$ voyage, by Sir Wltliam Monfon in his fecond book cf naval trsAs. The i; Vil i's 534 NAVAL HISTORY H 11 The men by this time grew fickly, an J h\ -he %angeft ma- nagement that ever was heard* that is, did: ' •< inf^ 'he fick un- der pretence of taking better care of them, tvm in each ihip, the whole fleet was infe£ted, and that to fuch a degree, as fcarce left them hands enough to bring it home. This, however, they performed in the month of.December, having done little hurt to the enemy, and acquired lefs honour themfelves ■ ; all which was forefeen, nay, and foretold too, before the fleet left England. On their return a charge was exhibited againft the general by the earl of EflTex, and nine other officers of diftindtion : Lord Wimbleton juftified himfelf in a long anfwer to their charge. Both pieces are yet remaining, and ferve only to demonftrate, that want of experience, and, which was worfe, want of una- nimity, proved the ruin of this expedition <>. Thefe proceed- ings increafed the people's difcontents, expofed the duke, if pofllble, to (lill greater odium , and lefiened the reputation of our naval force, which quickly produced, as under like circum- ftances will be always the cafe, numerous inconveniencies. While the clamour fliill fubflfled on the want of fuccefs at- tending the fleet abroad, the duke of Buckingham fell into ano- ther error in the execution of his office, as lord-high-admiral at home. He was vexed at the noife that had been made about the merchant lliips put into the hands of the French, and employed againft Rocbelle p, and therefore took occafion, in the latter end of the year 1626, to caufe a French fliip, called the St. Peter, of Havre de Grace, to be arrefted. The pretence was, that it was laden with Spanish efle£ts ; which, however, the French n See the fever.il accounts of this royage In the authors before cited. ^ Both the officer's charge and Lord Wimbleton'a anfwer are printed !n the ge- nuine works in verfe and profe of the Right Honourable George Lord Lanfdowne, vol. iii. p. i9T« edit. 1736, lamo. The reader, who fliati compare thefe with Sir ^Villiam Monfoo's reflexions on this lord's conduA, will difcern, th. Upon this a commilTion was granted to hear evidence as to that point, and it appearing plainly there was no juft ground of feizure^the fliip was ordered to be, and at laft was releafed, but not before the French king made fome reprifals, which fo irritated the nation, that this alfo was made an article in the duke's impeachment'. The matter, however, was compromifed between the two kings, and tLe good correfpondence between their fubje£ts for a time reftored } but at the bottom there was no cordial reconciliation : and fo this quarrel, like a wound ill cured, broke quickly out again, with worfe fymptoms than before *. The war in which the king was engaged, in order to have procured the reftitution of the Palatinate to his brother-in-law, had drawn him into a league with Denmark, which obliged him to fend a fquadron of (hips to that king's alTiftance ; and this be- ing attended with fmall fuccefs, he was called upon for further fupplies. His parliaments all this time were little inclined to a(rift him, becaufe he would not part with Buckingham ; and this obliged him to have recourfe to fuch methods for fupply as his lawyers a(rured him were juftifiable. Amongft the relt, he obliged all the fea-ports to furni(h him with (liips : of the city of London he demanded twenty, and of other places in proportion. The inhabitants thought this fo hard, that many who had no immediate dependence on trade were for quitting their re(idence in maritime places, and retiring up into the country. This con- duft of theirs made the burden ftill more intolerable upon thole who ftaid behind, and the confequence of their remondrances was a proclamation, requiring fuch as had quitted the fea-coalt to return immediately to their former dwellings :and this it was gave rife to the firft difturbances in this unfortunate reign ^ They were quickly increafed by the raih management of Uuck- r Fia 1 Kennel's complete hiftory of England, vo!. iii. p. 28. » It is the fifth article of the impeachment ; and the duke, in his anfwer drawit by Sir Nicholas Hide, juftifies himfelf very plaufi&.'y. s Rufhworth, Frankland, B.ker, Echard, Rspin. ' Konnft, vol, iii. p. tt. Frankland's annals, p. »o6, 107. WhitWcke, p, 7,8, Rufl»*orth's coi- leflions, vol. i. p> 4i5> 4l6< ' .' ' inghr.n'.. h^ NAVAL HISTORY iiigham) who, though he faw his mailer fo deeply embarraiTed with the wars in which he was already engaged, yet plunged him into another with France^ very precipitately^ azul agaiuft all the rules of true policy. The queen's foreign fervants^ Vrho were all bigcrtted Papifts^ had not only a£led indifcreetly in matters relating to their reli- gion i but bad likewife drawn the queen to take fome very wrong, to fay the truth> fome ridiculous and extravagant (laps ; upon which Buckingham engaged his Majefty to difmifs her French fcrvants, which fhe did the firft of July 1626, and tl^ea fcnt the Lord Carleton to reprefent his reafons for taking fd quick a nieafure to the French king ". That monarch refufed him audience, and, to Oiew his fenfe of the adkion, immediate- ly fcized one hundred and twenty of our {Itips^ which were in his ports, and undertook the (lege of Roclielle ; though our king had a ar.d aclually promifed fo much to the duke of Soubize, whoni « Hammond L* Eftrange's hiftory of Chirlei I. p^ 58, ^9. Dulflro'le's memoiri, p. 31, Memoirs of the duke of Rohan, b. iv. p. li^, tjb. ^ Dupleii hif- tuire ie Louis le Jufte, p. 29S. Le Cendre de hiftoire de France, torn. v. ;«. 174. Aiibre hiftuirc i u Citdiaal due ds RIch'.ieu, I'aiis, 1660, ful. liv. ii. chap. xi, Kun>iM king havingtrorrupt'ed fome by his gold, and terrifying many more by his power, the Rochellers were now afraid to receive the very fuccours they had demanded y. ; ;> v. < The duke landed his troops on the laft of July, not without ftfong oppofirion from Mr. de Toyras, the French governor, whom ht forced to retire, though with fome lofs. Upon this occaflon the Englifti fell into the very fame errors in condudl which they had committed in the Cadiz expedition. The fort of la Pre, which covered the landing-place, they neglefted, though the French themfelves in their fright had flighted it j fo that it might have been taken without any trouble, and was a place of Co great confequcnce, that if it had been iri the hands of the'Englifh it would have prevented the French from intro- ducing any fupplies. At firft, it is certain, the French court was yas yjiljed i^i the begin- ning of 1629, wherein there pafTed nothing but difputes between the king and the commons j fo that at lail it was prorogued without granting fupplics. The king, however, exerted him- lelf to the utmoft, in preparing a naval force to make good what the duke of Buckingham had promifed to the inliabitants of j^ochelle. With this view, a fleet of fifty fail was afiembled at ipiyniouth in the fpring, and a large body of,maripes embarked ; the command of it was given to the earl of Denbigh, who was nor if. a Kennet, vol. iii. p. 38—40. Whitlncke, p. 9. L'Eflrange'» liinory of Charlcj 1. p. 68— 7«. •*>'»■ •i'hilip VV^rwick's memoir*, p. J4~;8. Sir Richard ^ulrtrudtU mcuioiri. brothcr- •*> 5ip King CHARLES I. 539 1 I t)r6tHer-in-law to Buckinghami and who failed from that port i6n the 17th of April, coming to anchor in the road of Rochelle dn the ift of May. On his arrival he found twenty fail of the French king's fliips riding before the harbour, and being much fuperidr ih number and ftrength, he ferit advice iilto the town, that he would (irtk the l^'rench (hips as foon as the wind came weft, and made a higher flood. About the 8th of May the ^ind arid tidft ferved accordingly, and the Rochellers expected and folicited that deliverance. But the earl, without remem- bering his Jjromife or embracing the opportunityi weighed an- <;hor and failed away, fufFering four of the iFrench (hips to pur- fue, as it were, the Englifli fleet; which arrived at Plymouth on the 26th of May. This fecond inglorious expedition was ftill a greater difcou- ragement to the poor Rochellers, arid increafed the fears and JTsaloufies of a Popifh intereft at home. One Le Brun, a French- irtian, but ciaptain in the Englifli fleet, gave in depoliticns before the mayor of Plymouth on the i6th of May, which argued treachery, or apparent cowardice, irt the management of this late expedition. This account was certified by the mayor of Plymouth, and the tw6 burgefles of that town in parliament, by whort it was communicated to the council-table, from whence a letter was directed to the duke of Buckingham as lord high- admiral, dated the 36th of May, 1628, to fignify his Majefty's pleafuire, that the earl of Denbigh fliould return back to relieve the town of Rochelle, with the fleet vnder his charge, and with other fliips prepared at Portfinouth .id Plymouth. Bur, not- withfl:anding this order of council, ao fuch return was made, nor any inquiry into the difobedience of the king's order (or if. Notwithfl:andIng thefe repeated defeats, the cries of the Ro- chellersi and the clamours of the people were fo loud, that a third fleet was prepared for the relief of that city, now, by a tlofe fiege reduced to the laft extremity. The duke of Buck- ingham chofe to-command in perfon, and to that end came to Portfmouth ♦, where, on the twenty-third of Auguft, having iil • Kennef, vi^!. iii. p. 48. Mfmojrs of the Duki; of RoJifin, p. tTi. V/hit- lockr, p. 10. Ffsnkland'5 annals. RudiwoTth's collection*, vo!. i. p. rgij, 587. ^ Y 2 ' bsfcT. S4« NAVAL HISTORY been at breakfaft with Soubize, and the general oflicersi Joha Fehon (late lieutenant of a company in a regiment of foot under Sir John Ramfay) placed himfelf in an entry through which the dake was to pafs, who walking with Sir Thomas Frier, and in- clining his ear to him in a podure of attention, Felton, with a back blow, ftabbed him on the left fide into the very heart, leaving the knife in his body, which the duke pulled out with his own hand, and then fell down, faying only, *< The villain '* hath killed me !" Felton flipped away, and might have gone undifcovered, but that either bis confcience or his infolence be- trayed him ; for while the general rumour was, that the mur- derer muft be a Frenchman, and feme began to fufpe of the grcjt tlitigeiice excited on the occafion. - ; ■ ■, rr ^ ':• fleet. oi King CHARLES I. 54« Heet <'. With this expedition ended the operations of the war with France, though a peace was not made till the fucceeding year ^. From this time, the French began to be ambitious of raifing a maritime power, and to be extremely uneafy at the growth of the Englifli (hipping. This was the eflfe£l: of Richlieu's politics, who beft undcrftood the different interefts of the feveral Euro- pean powers, and how to manage them, fo as to make thetn fubfervient to the ends of France, of any minifter that nation ever had, or, it is to be hoped, for the peace of Chriftendom, will ever have. He brought in the Swedes to deftroy the ^ower of the Houfe of Auftria in Germany, and had addrefs enough to engage us to alHfl in that deiign, upon the plaufible pretence of favouring the Proteftant intercft *, Then his agents in Holland very dextroufly infufed a jealoufy of our dominion over the narrow feas, our claim to the fole right of fifhiug, or permitting to fifli in them, and expelling the honour of the flag, at a confiderable diftance from our own (hores. After thefe notions had been a while the fubjefls of common dif> courfe among the Dutch, the famous Hugo Grotius was in- duced to write a treatife under the title of Mare Liberum, wherein, with great eloquence, 'he endeavoured to fhew the weaknefs of our title to dominion over the iea ', which, accord, ing to his notion, was a gift from God, common to all nations f . This was anfwered by Selden, in his famous treatife, intitled, Mare Clausum } wherein he has efFedlually demcnfb-ated, < Frankland's annals, p. 338. Kennet, vol. iii. p* 49. RuHiworth, vol. I. p. €35. L'Eftrange's hiftory of Charles I, p. 93. Memoirs of ihe petit ad InJ'ci Comrnercia: Lug. Bat. Elauvir. 1609. Svo. rtpiinteJ ab'^ut ihi* time. ' > from II! 4 '4 542 NAVAL HISTORY from the principles of the law of nature and nations, that i dominion over the fea may be acquired ; from the moft authen- tic hiftories, that fuch a dominion has been claimed and enjoyed by feverai nations, and fubmitt^d to by others for their com- mon benefit : that this in fa£t was the cafe of the inhabitants of this idand^ who at all times, and Under every kind df go- vernment, had claimed, exercifcd^ and conftantly enjoyed fuch a dominion; which had been confefTed by their neighbours fre- quently, and in the moft folemn manner*. All this, with learning, induftry, and judgment fuperior to praife, this great roan hath fully and unqueftionably made out for the fatisfac- tion of foreigners, at it is the delign df this work, (if I may be allowed to mention it in the fame page with Mr. Selden's)^ to imprefs the fame fentiment on the minds of all fenfible Bri- tons, viz. ** That they have an hereditary, uninterrupted right •* to the fovereignty of their feas, conveyed to them from their «« earlieft anceftors, in truft for their lateA poflerity." This book of Mr. Selden's was publifhed in 1634, and by the coun- tenance then, and afterwards, iljeWn by King Charles towards this extraordinary performance, we may fairly conclude^ that he had very juft and generous notions of his own and his peo"^ ple*s rights in this refpedl:, though he was very unfortunate in taking fuch methods as he did to fupport them*. The French minifter perfifted fteadiiy in his Machiavellian fcheme, of ufing the power and induftry of the Dutch, to in- terrupt the tlfade, and leflen the i naritime force of Britain. "With this view alfo, a negociation was begun between that crown and the ftates of Holland, for dividing the Spanifh Ne- therlands between them ; and under colour of thus afliftihg themj in fupport of their pretenfions to an equal right over the fea, ami ?n p omoting their trade, to the prejudice of ours, Richlieu carried on fecrctly and fecurely his darling pt-ojeft, of J-aifing -! tiava! force in i ranee; to prorriote which, he fpared not either for pains or expencc, procuring from all parts the ableft perfons in all arts and fciences any way relatiiig to navi- t Fc!c!cn's t!t!e i« (hnrt and plain, Mare CUoruin ; feo, <1e Domino Mari?, Ill), ii. Lotiilini, 163?. fol. ■ h Sec Ruftiwnrth, nnder the year 1636, p. :!ao. Fraiikland's anna!.', p. 476, "Whiciockc, L'FfTarge, gallon, I^Stf OiF King CHARLES I. 543 gation, |(atiop, and fixing them in the French fervice, by giving then^ great encouragement. Our king formed a juft idea of his defign, and faw tho- rpughly into its cojifequences, which he endeavoured to pre- vent, by publiihing proclamations for retraining fhipwrights, and other artificers, from entering into foreign reryice -, for ai- fjsrting his titl? to the fov^reignty of the fea, and for regulating the manner of wesiring flags >, If to theie preca,utiojis he had joined a reafonabile condefcenHon to the temper of \\U fubje^s, in difmifling from his fervice fuch as were obnoxiousi to. them, either thrpugh their arbitrary notions, or bad behaviour, and l}ad thereby fixed them, and their repreientatives, firmly in his i^tered, without doubt he had gained his point, and carried the glory of this nation higher than any of his predeceflbrs. But; ]{is want of fkili in the art of gaining the aftcdion^ of the people, and, to fpeak without referye, that want of true public fpirit in fome who were now efteemed patriots by the people, prevented the good effedls of the king's laudable intentions, an4 turned w|ia(- hp ixie^nt for a cordial, into a corroilve poi- fon. I am far from afFe^lIng an allegorical (ly^e ; but there are fome things of fo nice a nature, and the tempers of men are in fome feafons fo ftrangely turned, tl^at it is not expedient either fpr them to hear, or for the hillori^n to tell, even truth too bluntly. Yet it is equally dangerous, on the other hand, for one who undertakes fuch a taik as this, to be afraid of deliver- ing his feutiments freely, even f^ppoflng his fears to flow from ^n appreheniion of injuring, what he thinks it his duty to re* commend. Under a ftrong fenfe, therefore, of what in one r refpeil it becomes me to fay, for the fervice of my country, and what in regard to the opinions of very ^^reat men, who have thought in another way, it is unfit for me to ftiew myfelf pofitive i I come now to fpeak of Ihip-mon^y, a fubje^l exceed- ingly tender in the laft age, and little le(s fo at prefent K ,, - 5 Kennet's complete hidory of England, vol. iii. p. 74. Wliltlocke's mrmo- riall, p. 14. Frankland's annals, p, 471. Sir fhilip Warwkk's memoirs. }<'E(lrange*$ life of Charles I. p. 130, 131. l( Compare our modera hillorict wUh thofe \rriiun near ihofe cimet. The I :^: .11 ■!?;" ; ii, ;■ • *i^A^^>K 544 NAVAL HIST OR T The apprehenfions which tiie king had cmertained of this new league between the French and Dutch were fo heightefned in the yeat- 1635, by the junt£lion of the fleets of thofe two powers, and the intelligence her had, that France was fhortly to declare war againft Spain, and from thence to dierive that occa^- fion they had been fo long feeking, to divide the Netherlands between themfelves and theirnew allies, all whofepretenfions, in refpcfl to the right of fifliing in, and u(ihg-ah ilnreftrained na-i. Tdgation in the feas, they had undertaketi td fupport, that he refolved to be no longer paflive >. In order to defeat this de- iign, and maintain the fovereignty annexed to the Engiifh crown, as well as the nation's credit as a maritime power, the Idng faw that it was neceflary to equip and put to fea a fupertor naval force. This it feemed exceeding hard to do, without the affiftance of a parliament} and yet the delays in granting aids had been fo great in former parliaments, that his Majefly was very doubt- ful of fucceeding, if for this he truded to a parliamentary fup- piy. His lawyers, knowing both the nature of the cafe, and his deep diftrefs, fuggefted to him, that upon this occafion he might have recourfe to his prerogative j which opinion having been approved by the judges, he thereupon dircfted writs to be ifTued, for the levying of Ihip-money. Thefe writs were, for the prefent, diredted only to fea^ports, and fuch places as were near the coaft, requiring them to furnifh a certain number of (hips, or to ^ant the king an aid equivalent thereto. The city of London was direfted to pTo||ride feven fhips for twenty- fix days, and other places in proportion. To make the nation the more eafy under this tax, the king dire£led that the money raifed thereby, ihould be kept apart in the Exchequer, and that a'diflfmif^ account fliould be given of the fervices to which it was applied. Yet, in fpite of thefe precautions, the people mur- mured grievoufly ; which, however, did not hinder this projeft from being carried into execution •". a 1 sir William Monfon'5 naval irafts, p. 489. Frankhnd's annals, p. 468. K) Kennet's complete htfloryr of EngUod, voK iii. p. 81. Whitlocke, p. xz, 24. Sir Philip Warwick's memoiis, p. $1. Clarendon, vol. i. p. 68. Ru(h- worth, vol. ii. p. 334, 33S' Bulftrode'* memoirs, p. 36, 37. . - ' ' But «( <( U •( «( ft u O P KingCHARLES I. $4S But as our neighbours were likely to be as much alarmecf, from the equipping of fo ftirong a fleet, aS our people were dif- turbed at home by the method taken to defray the expence of it i fecretary Coke, by the king's oirders, wrote a letter to Sir William Bofwell, then charged with his Majefty's affairs at the Hague, in order fully to explain what that fleet was to perform ; which letter, for the honour of thbfe times, fliall be inferted here, and is zt follows : « sik, But <» BV your letters, and otheirwife, I perceive many jealoufies, ** and difcotirfcs larc raifed upon the preparations of his Ma- *« jefty's fleet, which is now in fuch forwardnefs, that we doubt •* not but within this month it will appear at fea. It is there- «* fore expedient! both for your fatisfaftibn and direftion, to «« inform you particularly what was the occafioni and what is « his Majefty*s intention in this work. ** Firfti we hold it a principle not to be denied, that the i" king of Great Britain is a monarch at land and fea, to the ** full extent of his dominions y and that it cohcerneth him, as " much to maintain his fovereignty in all the Britifli feas, as «« within his three kingdoms ; becaufe without that, thefe can- ** not be kept fafe^ nor he preferve his honour, and due refpccl ■* with other nations. But commanding the feas, he may caufe *« hi* neighboursj and all countries, to ftand upon their guard, ** whenfoever he thinks fit. And this cannot be doubted, that «« whofoeVer will encroach upon him by fea, will do it by land " alfo, when they fee their time. To fuch prefumption, ** Marb LiBERUM gave the firfl warning piece, which muft «« be anfwered with a defence of Mare Clausum, not fo *« much by difcourfes, as by the louder language of a powerful «* navy) to be better underftood, when overftrained patienc? «* fceth no hope of preferving her right by other means. 't* The degrees by which his Majcfty's dominion at fea hath ** of later years been firft impeached, and then queftipned, are ** as confiderable as notorious. *« t^'irft, to cherifh, us it were, to nurfe up our unthankful ** neighbours, we gave them leave to gather wealth and ftrength «« upon our coafts, in our ports, by our trade, and by our Vol. I. 3 Z • *' people. W' (',#! f ijil f 54^ NAVAL HISTORY " people. Then they were glad to invite our merchants re{T- " denre, with what privileges they could deflre. Then they « offered to us, even the fovereigiity of their eftates, and kheu <* they Aicd for licence to fiih upon the coalLs, and obtained ii» •* under the great feal of Scotland, which now they fupprcfs. ** And when thus by kave, or by connivance, thev had pof- ** fciied themfelves of our filhing, not only in Scotland, but in ** Ireland and in England, and by our ftaple had raifed a great ** ftock of trade, by thefe means, they fo increafcd their fliip- " ping and power at fea, that now they endure not to be kept ** at any diflance; nay, they are grown to that confidence, to «* keep guards upon our leas^ and then to projeft aif office and " company of affurance, for the advancement of trade, and " withal prohibit us free commerce, even within our feas, and *< take our fliips and goods, if we conform not to their pla- *' carts. "What infolencies and cruelties they have committed " againft us heretofore, in Iceland, in Greenland, and in the " Indies, is too well known to all the world. In all which, '* though our fufFerings, and their wrong, may feem forgotten, «« yet the great intereft of his Majefty's honour is ilill the fame, *• and ^vill refrefli their memories as there fliall be caufe. For though charity mufl: remit wrongs done to private men, yet rhe reflection upon the public, may make it a greater charity <» to do juftice on crying crimes. All this, notwithftanding, you are not to conceive, that the work of this fleet is either revcn.ge, or execution of juftice for thefe great offences paft, •" but chiefiy for the future, to ftop the violent current of that ♦' prefumption, whereby the men of war and free-booters of '« all nations, abufing the fiivour of his Majefty*s peaceable " and gracious government, whereby he hath permitted all his *< friends and allies, to make ufe of bis feas and ports, in a " reafonable manner, and according to his treaties, have taken «' upon them the boidnefs, not only to come confidently, at all *' times, into all his ports and rivers, but to convey their mer- " chant (hips as high as bis chief city, and then to caft an* *' chor,clofe upon his magazines, and to contemn the commands «* of his officers, when they required a farther diftance. But, »' which is more intolerable, have aflaulted and taken one ano* »* ther within his Majeflj^s channels, and within his rivers, to « the i m 1 IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) ^A^. ^ 1.0 ■a; 128 ■2.5 150 ■^" HHi ^^= lU Uii |2.2 |M|< M m til u IM 2.0 I III IL25 i 1.4 1.6 t •):^ Photographic Sciences Corporation ^ ■C <> 33 WBT MAIN STRUT WIUTM.N.Y. 14SM (71*1173-4503 o^ -0 545 NAVAL HISTOR¥ Qne would imagine, that leis care |>ad been taken to fatis^ the minds of the people at home about the genuine intent of this tax, levied for the equipping of a fleet fp^cient for fhefe necef* fary purpofes, fince ptherwife the public welfare feemed fo be fo pearly concerned, that public acquiescence at leaft might hvra been expeded. But the truth of the matter was, his l^Lajefty did in this refpe6l all that was in hif power tp do, by dirediing the Lord-keeper Coventry •* to put the judges in mind, before they went the fummer-circuit, tp fatisfy the tiiinds of the people ii^ relation to the levying of fhip- money, which mpft pf them did, bur, as Whidocke azures us, very ineffe£hially ; though the fame author acknowledges, that the money was a^fied and Icvte^ with great care and equality, much beyond what was obferved in following taxes. * . ' !' With the help of this money, the king ii^ thf month of May, 1635, fitted put a fleet of forty fail under the command of Ro- bert earl of Lindfey, who was admiral, 3>r William Monfon, vice-admiral. Sir John Pennington, rear-admiral, as alfp another of twenty fail under the earl of Effex. The firft of thefc fleets failed from Tilbury-hope on the 26th of May. Their inilru£lion9 were to give no occaOon of hoftility, ^nd to fuffer nothing which migh^ prejudice the rights of the king and kingdom. Tl^e French and Dutch fleets joined oflF Portland the laft of this month, an4 made no fcruple of giving out, th?it they intended tp aflcrt thei^i' own independency, and to quef^ion that prerpgatiye which the Engbfii claimed in the narrow feas j but as foon as they were in- JFormed that the Engliih fleet was at fea, and in fearch of them, ^hey quitted our coaft, and repaired to their own ®. Our admiral fent a bark upon the coaft of ^ritanny tp take a( view of them ; and, from the time of the return of this bark to the ift of Oftobcr, this fleet prote£led our owr> feas and fliores, gave laws to the neighbouring nationsjapd eflFe^tuallyaflierted that fovereignty which the monarchy pf thii kindgdom have ever chimed. The good eflTeft of this armament, and the reputation we gained thereby abroad, in (bme meafure quieted the minds of n Memorials p. 14* The keeper** fpeech to the judges ii ftili extant in San- derfon's hif>oiy of King Charle< T, p. 104, Z05, to6. ° Lettcriand dii* pufhfsof Thoniai, farl of Stafford, vol. i. p. ^itf, 417, 419, 44(5, Sir William iVlcufoa'i naval trusts, book ii. p. xpo. : the "^ OF HtNG CHARLfIS I. S49 ^he people, as it convinced them, that this was not an invention to bring money into the Exchequer, without refpei^ had to tho end for which it was raire4 ^' Th^ \dn^, perfe^Iy fatisfied with what had been done thi? year, and yet well knowing that it would fignify little if another^ jmd t^at at leaft as good a fleet, was not fet out the nei(t, to raife the money necefTary for equipping fuch a force, had recourfc fgzm to hi^ ^rits for Icyying of fhip-money ; but now the aid was made more extenfive. What was before rated as a particular' provi^un, to be raifed by the rtfpeftive ports for their own im- mediate fafety^ vra^ now converted into a fiational tax, and fa ^came the more grievous for want of authority of parliament. The burden indeed in itfelf was far from being prefliLg ; at the ptmoft it did not amount to above 226ipoo\.per (ifinum, which ^as not quite 20,000 1. a month throughput the whole kingdom ; yet the making it an univerfal aid, and the a0*effing and collecr ting it in the parliamentary methods, witl^out parliamentary authority, gave it an air of oppreflion, and made it extremely pdious, though the neceflity was far from being diiTcmblcd, and the benefits refulting from the care taken of the narrow feaii, which had afforded matter of inquiry and expoftulation to eve- ry parliament the king had called, could not be denied 1. In order tp prevent all doubts from his own fubje£ts, and al- fo to prevmt any falfe furmifes gaining ground in foreign na- tions as to the defign ofthis potent armament, the king thought ^t to exprefs I^is royal intenticms to the world in the moft. pub- lic, and in the moit authentic manner, that at one and the fame time it might appear what himfelf demanded, and what had been paid in acknowledgment of the right of his anceftors in regard to thofe things, as to which thefe demands were made. That infti'ument ran thus : ;?■ P We have • clear and full account of this expedition written by Sir Willjani Bflonfon himfelf, who was an eye-witiufi and « competent judge of fuch mattei^, in his naval traAs, p. ^89. Wbitlockej A Pro- the 550 NAVAL HISTORY «( ffC A Proclamation for reftraint of fifhing upon his Majef* ty's fcas and coafts without licence. " Whereas our father of blefled meinory» King James, did, << in the feventh year of his reign of Great Britain, fet forth a <* proclamation touching fi(hing, whereby, for the many impor- tant reafons therein exprefled, all perfons of what nation or quality ibever (being not his natural-born fubje£ts) were re> ** ftrained from filhing upon any the coafts and Teas of Great ** Britain, Ireland, and the reft of the ifles adjacent, where moA; « ufually heretofore fifhing had been, until they had orderly ** demanded and obtained licences from our faid father, 5r his *< commiflioners in that behalf, upon pain of fuch chaftifement <* as fhould be fit to be in£[i£ted u|X)n fuch wilful offenders ; ** fince which time, albeit, neither our faid father nor ourfelf <* have made any confiderable execution of the faid proclama- <( tion, but have with much patience expe£led a voluntary *( conformity of our neighbours and allies to fojuft and reafon- « able propoHtions and dire£lions as are contained in the fame, « And now, finding by experience that all the inconvenien* << cies which occafioned that proclamation are rather increafed « than abated, we, being very fenfible of the premifes, and well ** knowing how far we are obliged in honour to maintain the « rights of our crown, efpecially of fo great confequence, have *^ thought it neceffary, by the advice of our privy council, to *( renew the aforefaid reftraint of fifhing upon our aforefaid « coafls and feas without licence firft obtained from us, and by « thefe prefents to make public declaration, that our refolution ** is, at times convenient, to keep fuch a compete ength of <* fliipping upon our Teas, as may (by God's blefBni^ , fufficient '< both to hinder fuch farther encroachments upon our regali- « ties, and aflift and protect thofe our good friends and allies, " who Ihall henceforth by virtue of our licences (to be firfl ob- ** tained) endeavour to take the benefit of fifhing upon our ** coafls and feas in the places accuflomed. <« Given at our palace of Weflminfler the i oth day of «* May, in the i jth year of our reign of England, Scot- « land, France, and Ireland." In OF Kino CflARLES I. 55" ay of Scot- In In 1636 the king fent a fleet of Hxty fail to fea under tho command of the earl of Northumberland admiral, Sir John Pen- nington vice-admiral, and Sir Henry Marom rear-admiral'. They failed firft to the Downs, and from thence to the norths where the Dutch bufles were fifhing upon our coaft^ The ad*> miral required them to forbear, which they not feeming difpofed to do, he fired upon them; this put them into great confufion, and obliged them to have recourfe to other methodsi The Dutch, therefore, applied themfclves to the earl of Northumberland < deiired him to mediate with the king, that they might have leave to go on with their fifhing this year, for which they were con- tent to pay 30,000 1. and expre^fed alfo a willingnefs to obtain a grant from the king for his permiffion for their vefTels to fifli there for the time to come, paying an annual tribute *. . Such is the bed account that can be collefted of the caufes and confequences of this expedition from our beft hiflorians. But the earl of Northumberland delivered a journal of his whole proceedings, figned with his own hand, which is, or at leafl: was preferved in the paper-office. In that journal there are feve- ral memorable paniculars. The Dutch fifhing-bufTcs, upon the appearance of his lordfhip's fleet, did take licences to the number of 200, though he arrived amongfi: them pretty late in the year. He exa£led from them twelvepence per ton as an acknow- ledgment, and affirms that they went away well fatisfied. It was pretended by the Dutch in Kling Charles the Second's time, that this was an a& of violence, and that nothing could be con- cluded a^ to the right of this crown from that tranfa£tion, fmce the Dutch did not pay becaufe they thought what was infifted upon to be due, but becaufe they were defencelefs. His lord- ihip*s journal fets this pretence intirely afide, fince it appeared from thence, that they had a fquadron of ten men of war for their proteflion, as alfo, that Augufl the 2oth, 1636, the Dutch vice-admiral Dorp came with a fleet of twenty men of war; but, inftead of interrupting the earl in his proceedings, he faluted him by lowering his copfails, ftriking his flag, and firing his guns ; after which he came on board, and was well entertained by the f Lord S;afr>Td's IcttcrJ, vol. \. p. ;i4. • Rennet's complete htftory of Eoftland, vol. HI. p. 84. Whitluc';e, p. 15. Fianklajid, p. 477. Sir Philip Wtrwick'i mcmuiii, p. M?. m4 I ;r. m M r >t tit NAVAL HiSTOfet earl of Northumberland. It is farthei* mentioned in that joUir* nal, that upon his tordfhip's return ftorti the northj and anchor- ing in the Downs, he had notice of a Spanifh fleet of twenty-fix iaili bound for Dunkirk ', to reconnoitre which he fent one of the fhips of his fquadron, called the Happy Entratice, to iirhich fingle (hip that fleet piid the m^rks of refpef);, \»hich tfere dtid to the Englifli flag wJienerer it appeared. The king meant to have continued both this method of raifirig money, and of fitting out fleets annually, and by giving fevefal young noblemen commands at fea, to have rendered them the more capable of fervfng their country in times of greater dan- ger < i bat he quickly found this impra£ticable. The nation grew fo exceedingly diflatisBed with this method of raifing moneys and the great cafe of Mr. Hampden made it fo clear, that a conftant and regular levying of this tax was dangerous to the conilitution^ and to the freedom of the fubjed, that the king was obliged to lay aiide this fcheme, and to content himfelf with uHng all the methods that could be thought of to awake the people's attention in regard to the fovereignty of the fea". With this view hi^ Majefty made an order in council, that a copy of Mr. Selden's book upon that fubjedl (hould be kept in the council-chefl, that another copy fhould be depofited in the court of Exchequer, and a third in the court of admiralty, there to remain as perpetual evidence of our juft claim to the dominion of the feas "* p Happy had it been, if the king had at this time called a pars liament, and, after excufing the hianner in which the money was levied, had (heWn how well it was applied, how eiFe£l:ualiy our navigation had been protected, and all the defigns df th6 French and Dutch defeated ; for it may be then prefumed, that the parliament would have provided in a legal manner for the maintenance of thefe fleets, which muft have been of infinite ad- x'antage in refped^ to the trade of this kingdom^ But it happened otherwife to the great detriment of the comnrtonwealth. Som6 courtiers fpoke of the royal wifdom as infallible, and the regal power as not to be refifted, in order to raife themfelVes, which gave high and jufl: offence to prudent men t others in the meat! t Sir William Monfon'* naVal trjfts, p. ig^. Warwick'* memoirt, p; 53; u Rufhworth's collcAions, Frankiand't annalt, Clarendon's hi(lnlry, Whitlockc't memorials. * See the order oi a^unctl in f ranicliind'; annalt, p. 470. tia^e, OF King CHARLES I. SS3 Pi 53i hitlockc'l time, time) that they might become popular, heightened every little error into a grievons crime, and magnified fuch irregular things as were done through neceflftty into deliberate a£ts of tyranny. By this means thefe nations were plunged in blood, whofe una- nimity had rendered them richj powerful, happy, and arbiters bf the fate of Europe ! Mr. D'Eftrades, as he tells us in his negociation, was fent over in the latter end of the year ihead and the back of the Godwin, twelve large fliips to Dunkirk, and in them four thou- iand men. In excufe of this grofs negle^ of the Dutch admi- rals, in leaving that avenue from the Downs unguarded, they affirmed they were aiTured by the Englifh, that no fhips of any confiderable burden could venture by night to fail that way. The two/fleets had now continued in their ftations near three weeks, when King Charles fent the Earl of Arundel to the ad- miral of Spain, to defire him to retreat upon the firft fair wind ; but by this time the Dutch fleet was, by continual reinforce- ments from Zealand and Holland, increafed to a hundred fail, and feeming difpofed to attack their enemies. Sir John Penning- ton, admiral of his Majefty's fleet, who lay in the Downs with thirty-four men of war, acquainted the Dutch admiral, that he had received orders to a€i in defence of either of the two parties which (hould be firft attacked. This tranfadion fliews plainly how much it imported England to have had a fuperior fleet at fea, which was prevented by the general dlfcontent about ftiip- money, and the religious diflurbnnces in Scotland, fo that pro- bably nothing more than was done could b« done, though fome blame fell upon Sir John Pennington in thofe days. The Spaniards, however, growing too prefumptuous on the protection they enjoyed, a day or two after fired fome (hot at Van Tromp's barge, when himfelf was in her, and killed a maij with a cannon-ball on board of a Dutch lliip, whofe dead body was prefently fent on board Sir John Pennington, as a proof that the Spaniards were the firft aggreflfors, and had violated the neutrality of the king of England's harbour. Sopn after this the Dutch admiral, on receiving frefh orders frpm t|ie flates, came to a refolution of attacking the Spaniards ; but before he put it in execution, he thought fit to write to admiral Penning- ton, telling him, that the Spaniards Having infringed the liber- ties of the king of England's harbours, and being clearly be- come the aggreflbrs, he found himfelf obliged to repel force by force, and attack them, in which, purfuant to the declaratioti l)ie had made to him, he not only hoped for, but depended oft It « A 2 55« NAVAL HISTORY his afliftance •, which, howerer, if he fliouM not ple^fe to grant, he requefted the favour that he would at lead give him leave t6 engage thie enemy, otherwife he fhould have juft caufe of com* plaint to all the world of fo manifed an injury <>. This letter being delivered to tlie £ngli(h admiral, Van Tromp immediately weighed, and ftood to the Spaniards infix divifions, cannonading them furioufly, and vigoroufly preiSng them at the fame time with his fire-ihips, fo that he quickly forced them all to cut their cables, and of fifly-three, which the Spaniards were in number, twenty-three ran a(hore, and ftranded in the Downs, of thefe three were burnt, two funk, and two perifhed on the fhore ; one of which was a great galleon (the vice*admiral of Galicia) commanded by Don Antonio de Caffaro, and mounte4 with fifty-two brafs guns. ' The remainder of the twenty-three, which were ftranded and deferted by the Spaniards, were man- ned by the Engliih, to fave them from falling into the hands ol. the Dutch. ' The other thirty Spaniili (hips, with Don Anto- nio de Oquendo, the commander in chief, and Lopez, admiral of Portugal, got out to fea, and kept in good order, till i thick fog arifing, the Dutch took advantage thereof,- interpofe4 between the admirals and their fleet, and fought them valiantly till the fog cleared up, when the adtniral of Portugal began to flame, being fct on fire by two putch (hips fitted for that pur- pofe. ' Oquendo perceiving this, prefeutly ftood away for Dun* icirk, with the admiral of that place, and fome few (hips more ; for, of thefe thirty-five were funk in the fight, eleven taken andt fent into Holland, three periflied upon the coafk of Jfrance, one near Dover, and only ten efcaped. The firft hoftility having been indifputably committed by the- Spaniards, was a plea of which the Dutch made ufe in their juftification to us ; and at the fame time became a flifiicient argument to defend the con- <)uft of the Engliflj government, which otherwife would have appeared repugnant to the law of nations, in fuiFering one friend to dcftroy another within its chambers ^ ' •I ' ■ • ■ ■ ■ ' ' ' I . . . _ ^ ^ . * Commelyn Leevm van Fred. Hen. fol. $^. Lettrct D'CftraJct, tom. u p. 40. Le CIcrc hilloire At% provinces unsi:», Jiv itii. p. 193, 194. c s^g Sir John Pennington's relatlin of ihis eiigigemcnt in Frankl.-nJ's annals, p. 793, 794. Whirlofkr, p. 31, 33. Sir Philip Warwick's memoirs, p. 119, 120: Pkmoirs Ar nioi.fjc ir Ic Cohitc D'Enradcs, tnm. i. See the couni't letter to the Cardinal de RichlicK, dated Rcrg;nop zoom, Sept. 20, t639) acquainting him w:tl> the defeat ot" the S^anilli Ile«t. *'"'•■ ""• ■■ ■•■ ,• •■ • It I' 0| King CHARL£S I. 5S7 U torn, u c See r. 793# 120; It I' It qnay not be amifs to obferve, that in reality the people o( England were not forry for this misfortune which befel theSpa- siardi, though the court took all the care imaginable to prevent It } and the rcafon of this was, that feme furmifed this to be a pew Spanilli armada, fitted out nominally againfl the Dutch } but, in truth, intended to a£t againft heretics in general. At jlrft fighf this may appear a wild and extravagant fuggeftion ; but, perhaps, tl^e reader will in iome ipeafure cliange his opi- nion, when he is told, that in the next parliament there really appeared fome kind of proof of it, a Popiih book being produ- ced, in which, among other fupcrftitious things, wgrc prayers lor the holy martyrs who perifhed in the fleet fent againrt the b«retics in England^. However it was, the bare report un- doubtedly was more than fufficient tp alarm the populace, and revive their refentments againd the Spaniards. 8ome of our Qwn writers have aiFe^eci to reprefent the condudt of the Dutch as derogatory on this occaiion from our foyereignty at fea, but foreigners, who are the bed judges in fuch cafes, intimate' no- thing of this kind*', though, it mufl: be allowed, our affairs were ^hen in fuch confufion, that it is very doubtful whether his Ma- jefty could have properly refented any iudiguities, in cafe they had offered it. I had like to have flipped oyer, ^s fome of ourhiftorlans have done, the expedition of the Marquis of Hamilton againfl the iicots, which was undertaken this year ; and indeed there is very little in it worth mentioning, except to ihcw how exceed- ing difficult it is to come at truth in relation to thefe affairs. Bifliop Burnet, in his memoirs of the Hamilton family, has gi- ven us a very plaufible account of this matter. He fays, the duke embarked at Yarmouth about the middle of April, 1639 > that he had with him about five thoufand men, among whom there were not above two hundred that knew how to fire a gun : but he does not fay what number of fliips he had, or of what burden ; only that the troops were tranfported in colliers, and arrived in the Frith of Forth the firft of May. There he con- tinued for fome time, treating with the Scots to little or no pur* d Rafhworth, under the year 1639, p. 974. Prynne'» royal favourite, p. 59. Fiery Jefuitt, a 410 pamphlet, printed is 16^7. p. 118. * See Nanis's hif. tDry ot Venice, b. xi. p. 471, 473. . • ■ pofc, h t ^: I'll 558 NAVAL HISTORY pofe* till the ieafon being lo(l,he returned without effe^ingany thing f . Another gentleman, who lived in thofe times, and feems to have known much of them, gives a quite different detail^ which as it is very (hort, may not be unworthy of the reader's notice, in his own words. « Hamilton," fays he, ** Was to be a di- « ftin^t general both by fea and land, and with a good fleet « was to block up the Scots Teas ; nay, to my knowledge, he *< promifed Co to vifit his countrymen on their coafts, as that •< they (hould find little eafe or fecurity in their habitations. ** For he had three good £ngli(h regiments on board him *, but « the very choice of his (hips (hewed he had more mind to « make war upon the king's treafure than on his own country <( or countrymen : for he had chofen Tome of the fecond and ** third rate, whereas the leaft frigates would have done tho « greateft fervice ; thus by the very bulk of his (hips obliginij^ « himfelf to an inaAivity. One might well have expected, that *' he who had fo prodigally, as a commiffioner, laviflied his <* Majefty's honour, and unhinged the government, would have (( vigoroufly employed thofe forces under his command to have « reltored both, and that a man of his importance would have <( found fome party ready to have countenanced and alTifted ** him : but, inftead thereof, when he comes and anchors in " the Frith, his mother (a violent-fpirited lady, and a deep « preffoyterefs) comes on board him ; and furely (he had no « hard tafic to charm him. Afterwards the great (hips (like « the great formidable log let down to be a king) lying ilill, he «* had feveral vifits from many of the great men who were <( moft a£live againfl the king : as if he had been rather re- « turned from an Eaft India voyage than come as a powerful «* enemy «." The fleet was from this time forward fo entirely out of the king's power, that I think the naval hidory of this reign ends properly here : and therefore having already related^ as fairly { Memoirs of James and William dukes of Hamilton, p. lai, 139. RuAworth, under the year 1639. p. 930 — 935. Kennet, vol. iti. p. 99. Lord Clarendon's bif- rory of the rebellion, vol. i. p. 114, lao, 121. Whiiluckc's memoiiaL, p. 3&> D 'Vis's hiAury of the civil wa A true defcriptton of his MajeAy's royal fliip built this yrar 1(37, at Woolwich in Kenr^ to the great glory of the Englifli nation, and not paralleled in the whole Chriftian world : pablifhed by authority, London, 410, ^^37' This little piece is addrelTed to Charles 1. by its author, Thomas Heywood. who appears to have been employed in contriving the emblematical devices or de- figns, and in comp-jftng the mottoes which adorned and embelliihed (bis loyal vef- fei. plii-d 5. The trade to the £aft Indies, which was but beginning in his father's time, be- came now very lucrative, and our fhips gave law in thofe parts to almofl all foreign nations. The trade to Guinea grew like- wife to be of confiderable benefit to the Englifh fubje£ts^ and our intercourfe with Spain, after the ending df the war, {iroved of infinite advantage likewife K It is true, there happened fome confiderable difputes between the government and the merchants, about cuftoms, which ibme of the minifters of the crown thought depended immediately thereupon, and might be taken by virtue of the prerogative only ; whereas others con- ceived, as moft of the merchants themfelves did, that nothing of this kind could be levied but by the confent of parliament t but thefc very difputes (hew that trade Was in a floUrifhing con- dition i for if the cuHioms had not rifen to a conHderable height, beyond what they did in fbrmer times^ ho miniilry would have run the hazard of fnch a centefti. '' But the principal fource of our naval ftrength then, (as it has been ever fince), was our plantations, to the encouragement and augmentation of which even thofe accident^ highly contri- buted, which might have been otherwife fatal to fociety ; fucn as our civil and ecclefiaftical divifions, which inclined numbers of fober, induilrious, and thinking people to prefer fiberty, and whatever they could raife in diftant and hitherto uncultivated \ I Naval traAf, p. 193. ^ Id^m, Ib!d. I M bellion, vol. i. p. 74—76. Sir Philip Wirwick't memoiri, p. 6i— 64. Bulftrode'i memoirsi p. 5. Dr. Ba.cs's elencus motuum, p. 19, 11. Heath's chrnnicle, p. i. Sir William DugdaVs (hort licw of the late troubles in Engtand, p> 63. And for the ftlll farther fitisfaflion of the reader, wc refer him to that admit" able pttiiure of the ftafe of Europe in general, and of this country in particular^ left us by the earl of Clarendon, in his life lately puhlifhed, eJlt. 1759, 8vo. vol. i. ?• 10, 7*' landS) OF fetNG CHARLES i. s6t lands/ to the uneaify fittkation in whkh thley found themfelves iat home «. The colony of Virginia had JSrugghd under gfeat difficulties, fi'om the rime it fell under the direction of a company, till th^ king was pleafed to take it into his own hands*, which he did ^try fbdh zhet his coming to the (brown, and then directed the eonilitutiok of that ccilohy Co be, a governor, council, and af- fembly, conformable to that of this kingdom, and under which the cblbny quickly began to floiirifh. But this happy fitUation of afFaif s did not lal^ long : Sir John Harveyj whom the king had made gbvernorj did fo many illegal and grofs ad^ions, that the colony being at length no longer able to endurC) Caufed him to be fei2ed ^nd ifent home as a prifoner, in i 639. This beha- viour the king exceedingly refehtedi and therefore fent him back to his govefnment without fo much as hearing the complaints ttiat Were altedged againft him. i But this re-e(labli^ment was with a. view only to fupport the dignity of the crown j for, very fooh after. Sir William Berk- ley was fent over to fucceed him, who proved as good a go- vernor ai^ ever this colony had". That of New England had its name beftowed by his majefty when prince, and was better fet- tled in King James's time than any other of our colonies, and throughout the Whole reign of King Charles I. was conftantly fupplied with large draughts of people; fo that by degrees it Was divided into four governments, under which, it is fuppofed, there might be near twenty-rive thoufand inhabitants ; whence it is evident j that the commerce carried on between this colony and its mother-country mud have been very confiderable even in this early period®. The Papilis in England finding themfelves liable to many fe- verities^ and being very apprehenfive of more and greater fal- ling Upon them, were defirous of having an afylum in the new World, as well as other nonconformiilsj and this gave rife to in Mr. Neile, in his lliflory of tht Puritans, obferves, tliat Arctibifhop Laud drove thoufands of familtct to New England by the Severities be excrcifed here. n The Britiffa empire in Americii, vol. i. p. 372. The htdory and prcienc ftatc of Virginia.'by Col. R. Beverley, p. 48, 49. The hlftory of the Britifh plantations in America, by Sir William Keiib, Bart. p. 144, 14J. «» Hiftory of the Btltifh fcflcments in North America hy William Douglas, M. D.vol. i. § 8. Vol. I. : 4 B .the ^l ill ^^. S i i^l MEI^OIRS OP the planting of Maryland, a country which had been hitherto accounted part of Virginia, between 37 and 40 degrees of N. L. granted by King Charles, the 2oth of June, 1632, to the an- ceftor of the prefent Lord Baltimore, and derived its name of Maryland from bis queen Henrietta-Maria. It was more eafily 9nd more fuccefsfuUy planted than any former colony had been» ^nd the honourable Mr. Leonard Calvert, brother to the lord- proprietor, was the firft governor, and continued to exercife his authority till that of the crown grew too feeble to prote£l him, and then the parhament fent over a governor of their •wnP. The Summcr-Ifldnds, which were planted in the laft reign^ ind fettled under a regular government in the year 16 19, flou- rifhed exceedingly, the country being extremely pleafant and fruitful, and the air much more wholefome than in any other part of America ^. As for the ifland of Barbadoes, which hfid been regularly planted about the beginning of the king's reign, it was granted to the earl of Carliile, who gave fuch en- couragement to all who were inclined to go thither, and moft of thofe who went became fo fpeedily rich, that it was quicklly Mirell peopled, and, even within this period, was eflecmed the inofl: populous of all our plantations *, The iflands of St. Chrif^ topher and I^evis were alfo fettled about this time. I am now to take notice of fuch feanien as flouriflied within the compafs of this reign, and have not hitherto been particu> larly mentioned. MEMOIRS of Sir ROBERT MANSEL. SIR Robert ManseL daims the firfl: place amongft thefe, though the memoirs We have of him are far from being fo' full as might be wifhed. He was defcended from a very ancient, a*nd, in ott own tini^, though now extin^, noble family in Gla- morganihire, being the third fon of Sir Edward Manfel, knight, P Bricilh empire in Amcriu, vol. i. p. 3*3. 1 The general hiHory of Virginia, New Engliitd, tnd the Summer-iliiss, bf Capt. John ^mith, liOndon, itf j7, fol. b. v. r A true and exaA hidoty of ihe ifl«nd of Uithtioii, by Richahi Ligon, Lon* don, iSsit fol. p. 43. ■ - • by Sir ROBERT MANSEL. SH by his wife the Lady Jane, daughter to Henry eari of Wor- cefter*. He addidled himfe't 'arly to the fea, and under the patronage of the famous Loru jward of Effingham, lord high- admiral of England, came td be a confiderable officer in the fleet, and in the Cadiz expedition received the honour of knighthood from the earl of Eflex*, who thencefcMrward receiv« ed him into his fpecial favour) and in the iiiand voyage he was captain of the admiral's own ihip**. Upon his return he adhered to his old patron the eari of Nottingham, and fo re- mained in Queen Elifabeth's favour during all her reign, in which he was often employed at fea, efpecially in the defence .ofthecoaft; and in this fervice was remarkably fuccefsful *, particularly in 1602, when, as we have fhewn elfewhere, Sir Robert Maniel attacked fix of the Spanifh gallies going to Flanders, funk three, and di^rfed the reft. This gallant ac- tion the Dutch, and after them the French hiilorians having . very much mifreprefented, Sir Robert in his own joAificatioh drew up a complete relation of this fervice, which he addrefied to his great friend and patron the lord high-admiral, an extra£]b from which curious and authentic paper, agreeable to our pror mife, we here preient the reader, moftly in his own words^ ' « On the 23d of September, being in the Hope, and having << in my company the Advantage only of the queen's (hips, «( which Capt. Jones commanded^ and two Dutch men of war^ « I rid more than half-channel over towards the coaft of France ** upon a north-weft and fouth-eaft line, myfelf being neareft ** that coaft, Capt. Jones next to me, and the Dutch men of <* war a fea-board, and to the weftward of him. The fmall force <( at that time prefent, and with me^- remaining thus difpoied " for the intercepting of the gallies, having difmified the Dutch « men of war, that ferved under me, upon their own intreaty, <( to revi£lual and trim, and having employed the reft of the « queen's (hips upon efpecial fervices, X defcried from my top- f< maft heads fix low fails, which fome made for gallies, others '< affirmed them to be fmall barks that had ftruck their top? • Dugdale'i baronage, vol. H. p. 193. * Dr. Birch's vemoirt of Elifabeth, vol. ti. p. |o. Stowe, p. 77S> ' u Sir William Monfon'f naval tn&i, p. 189. « Caibden, p. 895. ( $04 MEMOIRS Qw *( fails, s^nd bound firoqn Dieppe towards tb^ Pown^. Tp y^bici^ « opimon, though I inclined tno^yjct I directed the maf);ertc| f( weigh and ftand with them* that I might leai:n fome ne^sp^ f( the'gallies, which, by your lordfhip!s advertiienient fent niei f( I knew had either pafTed me that night, pr yieire ^e^r ^( ^9^^« << unlefs the Tea had fwaUowed them up in the ilprrns whicl^ *< had raged three days before. Haying fet myf^lf U|i4er fail, « the weather grew thick, which obliged me to laf]if foroc twuj *« points ifrpm the wind towards th|e fingUih coaft, left the con- f< tinuance of that dark weather might give th^m power to ryq « out a-head of me. About ii p'clpck the weather cleared) « when I difcovered them plainly to be the Sp^njOi gallie$ fq V long time expe£led, at which time with the rtQ. I plied to re- *' ceive them by croffing thejr fore-foot as they (iood along th^ ** channel, which they endeavoured till they perceived that, b]^ •< the continuance of that courfe, they cpuld not efcape th<; «f power oif «ny ordnance. «* All this time thcfe two fly-boats were between them and *< mc} and, as the fl«»yes report that fwam aihore at Dover, <( they determined with three gallies to have hoarded each of « thofe i^ips, and could have executed that refolution but foi; « the fear of her majcfty -s great galleon, (as they termed the « Hope), whofe force that they ihiinned ip that kind, (con(i- ** dcring the difad vantage that twice fix of the beft gallies that ** ever I faw hath by jSghting againft one ftiip of her force), I ** do as much commend, as otherwifc I do deleft their (liame- *< ful working, in that, fyll of cpwardlinefs and weaknefs, they ** rowed back to the weftward, and fpent the day by running " away, in hopes that the darknefs of the night would give ** them liberty fuificient to ihun the only ftiip they feared, or ^« that was indeed in the fea at that time to give them the caufc •* of fear, I mean between them and Dunkirk or Newport. ** This error only of theirs bre Jones having ihaped his courfe according to p^y direc- ff tiohs, I gave orders for hojfting and trimming of my fails by <( the wind to I^eep iight of the gallies : the two fly-boats, f* being ftiU a-weather pf me, did the like. *« Which phace we held till fun-fetting, obferylng this courfe f« follQMriiig all the day^ They, being a-weather of me, kept << their continual boards^, that the gallies were always between f« them n and myfelf, heing to leeward, made fuch fhort turns, f< as I IcjCpt all tiip afternoon, in a manner even in the yeiy eye f« of their courfe, between them and the place of their defign, j* evqr difcharging my beft ordnance to warn the Anfwer of he? f< niajei^'s, that ^id by my diredlions at the Do>vns upon im- «< pprunt fervice, as your lordftiip knoweth ; and the Flemings f< th(at were |hcre, having left the fea, upon unknown grounds «* ^0 f^e, (yet lent from Portfmouth by the moft provident di- f< region of her facred majefty to await the coming pf the gal- f< lies, upon a4vertiremer}ts that her highnefs received of their f( being put to Tea), to fet fail, who elfe ha^l received no un* : f< derijtanding pf the galliesj neither came they within fhpt of f < them till after night, howfoever the reputation of the fervice ** is wholly challenged by them. <( li^aviug given your lordfhip an account how this day was <( thus fpent by me (rorfi 8 o!ciock until the evening, and with <( thefe only helps, I befeech yoqr lordfliip to be pleafed to un« f( derftand, that vyith the fetting of the fun I could both difcem " the (]|iips lad mentioned under fail at the Downs, and the gaU « lies to have fet thei;^ fails, di^efling their courfe clofe abpard << pur fhpre, each pf them being put of (ight of the other, and " my t^utch cppfprts by this time to have been left by the gal- <* lies to a ftern chace. "When I perceived them to hold that <« courfe, which would bring them within (hot of the Anfwer *< and the reft that were in the Downs, I held a clean contrary V courfe from them, towards the coaft of France, to confirm «* the fecure palTage they thought to find on our coaft, which I ' • «« continued ^ I 1 I ! I i III '1 4 \\ S66 MEMOIRS OF *( continued until the report of their battery gave me aiTurance « of the gallies being engaged with them. « How the battery began, who began it, how it was conti- *' nued, how ended, and to whom the reputation of the fervice " is due, I leave to be confidered by your lordfhip by the pe* •« rufal of the true difcourfe following. The Anfwer of the « queen which Capt. Broadgate commanded, as (he rid more <( foutherly at the Downs than the Flemings, fo came (he firft <( to the gallies, and beftowed twenty>eight pieces of ordnance ** on them, before the Flemings came in, who at length fecond- " ed him with very many (hot. « During this battery of ours upon the gallies, which I fo « term, becaufe they never exchanged one Ihot, at the very firft " report of the Anfwer*s ordnance, I directed the mafter of ^ my (hip to bear up with the fouth end of the Goodwin, with « which dire£Uons I delivered my reafons publicly as I ftood on " the poop of my (hip, vix. that, if I ftood dire£Uy into them, " the gallies, before I could recover the place, would either be ** driven afhore or funk, and fo there would pfove no need of « my force, or elfe by their nimble failing they would efcape the «* (hips, of whom (once getting a- head) they could receive no « impediment ; for there was no one (hip but the Advantage in «* the fea that could hinder them to recover any port in Flan- '* ders, or the eaft countries, (Sluys only excepted), unlefs I *♦ ftayed them at that fand-hcad. « Having recovered as near chat place as I defired, I ftayed « at leaft a quarter of an hour before I could either fee the gal- « ley, hear or fee any of thofe (hips, their lights, or report of *( their ordnance, which made me and all my company hold « opinion, that they had outfailed the Anfwer and the reft of the *< Flemings, and (hunned fight of me, by going a-feaboard of «« my (hip, which I fo verily believed, as I once dire£lly detcr- ** mined to fail for Sluys, with hope only, that the preparation " which I know the States had there, would be able to prevent «« their entrance into that place. Whilft I remained thus doubt- ** ful, or rather hopelefs, to hinder their recovery of Dunkirk or " Newport, in cafe they had been a-feaboard of me, Tome of my company defcried a (ingle galley plying from the ihore to get a- head of my (hip. When (he approached within caliver- « (hot. (( •I Sir RbBBRt MANSEL. 5^7 1 1 vith « {hot» I difcharged about thirty pieces of ordnance of my lower *.* and upper tier at her alone } myfelf with many other in my «< fliip faw when her main-yard was (hot afunder, heard the " report of many fhot that hit her hull» heard many their moft « pitiful outcries, which when I perceived to continue, and, in- « ftead of making way from me, to near me what fhe could, I «i forbore (hooting, and commanded one that fpoke the Fortu- *< gueze language to tell them, that I was contented to receive « them to mercy, which I would accordingly have performed, « had not the other five gallies offered to (land a-head of me at *( that very inftant, and thereby would have left me, as they had ** both the firfl two Dutch fliips, and afterwards the Anfwer, « with the reft of the Flemings, had I omitted any fmall time « of executing the advantage I had of their being on my broad- ** fide, which, as appears, was fo efFe£kually employed, (how- " foever the night w;herein this fervice was performed might *< hinder the particular mention of their hurts), as none can de- « ny but that God pleafed thereby only to work their confufion : « for fince that time, none hath faid or can fpeak of any one « (hot made towards them } yet four of them are funk and «* wrecked, the fifth pafl doing the enemy fervice, and the Cijah «* they are forced to new-build at Dunkirk, where (if I be not « much deceived) fhe will prove more chargeable than profita- «< blc, if the default refl not in ourfclves. " The difagreement between the Dutch captains themfelves, « touching the flemming and finking of the gallies, (whereof « one challenged before your lordfhip, and in many other pub- « lie places, to have flemmed and funk two himfelf ), and the *( printed pamphlet, containing the flemming and finking of «« three gallies, gives the reputation thereof to three feveral cap- *( tains, amongfl whom no mention is made of the firfl ; and, ** whereas there are but two in all funk, I leave to be reconci- *< led among themfelves, and to your lordfhip, whether that the «* fame of right appertaineth not to her majefty's fhip the Hope, «* in refpeft of the allegations before mentioned, every par- ** ticular whereof being to be proved by the oaths of my whole *< company, and maintained witl^ the hazard of my life, with *• that which foUoweth : :i I (( I. As Me if di fe s U €t 1. As the fhooting of the iiiigfc gaHcy*s rtiain-yarrf j in jf «« be/lowing above thirty ^iece^ of ordnatice Upon that One «« galley within left than cJilWelr-fhot. <« 2. That they in the galley made nftanylartxcntable outcried «« for itty rtcciving tliem iflto rtiefdy. «* 3. That I would accordingly havfr i^ciiVed them, but foif ** giving them over, to encounter witli the other five ^alHtsi' ** which elfc had left me to a ftern-chace. *• To thefe rcafons I add the aflertiort 6f the -vice admiral' «* himfelf, who told me (whatfoever he fpakc in other places^ «« that one of the gallies which he ftemmed had her ittaini* « yard fhot afunder before his coming aboard her ; by whotn- " foever fhe was then ftemmed, your lordfliJp rttay judge Who" •* ruined' her, confidcring (he made no refiftance by his owA ** report, but by crying to hini for riiercy. «« Touching the other galley ftemmed and fiirtk, I have al- ** ready proved how fhe (as all the reft.), had got aihead the " Anfwer of the queen's not named, and the reft of the States «• men of war with her, who challenge the whole credit of this *« fervice. They, as all other feamen, cannot deny but that « the gallies will outfail all ftilps in fuch a loome gale of Wind ** and fmooth fea ad we had that night. *« The gallies being then quicker of fail than they, ho\V^ could " they by any meandspoflible fetch theni up but by fomc im- «* pediment? Impediment they received none but by my ord- ** nance, which amounted to fifty great ftiot at thofe five «« which came laft froni the ftiore, when all the fiiips were! <« above a mile aftern. " Some, notwith (landing, out of their detra£ling difpofitionsj " may perchance fay, that the two which Were wrecked at «< Newport would have pcrilhed by ftorm, though they had '* not been battered : whereto though I have fufficiently an- «« fwcred, firft, in fticwing that they might have recovered any «« of the places thereabouts before eight o'clock that night, but « for me, and then the fccond time before the morning, had «* they not been encountered by me alone, at the South-fand « head; yet, for further proof that they mifcarried by our bat- <« lery only, 1 fay, that if one of the gallies which received «* leaft damage by our ordnance did outlive Friday's ftorm, ** continuing Sir ROBERT MANSEL. 569 ^' continuing till Saturday noon, being driven among the iflands <* of Zealand, t;p recover Calais^ then furely thofc two (unlefs " they had been exceedingly torn) would have made fhift to «t have recovered the ports of Newport^ Graveling, or Dun- <« kirk s efpecially fince frOm the place where I battered them ** they might have'been at the remoteft of thofe places^ about enforced them «« to keep clofe aboard the Englifh fhore, whereby thofe fliips *« in the Downs had power given them to come to fight, which «« fight was begun by the Anfwer of the queen's. ** And, laftly, fince the gallies efcaped their battery, and «* had gotten a-head thofe fliips above a mile at leaft, and never «< received any impediment after but only by me, who lingered ** them (as you have heard) untiLthe coming up of thofe Ihips *^« that challenge to ftem them ; which being granted, I cannot ** fee how any o^ier credit can rightly be given them (for that «* ftem I mean) than to a lackey for pillaging of that dead body »« which his mafter had flain." There were three motives wliich induced, me to infert this re- lation, long as it is, in this work* Firft, becaufe the paper is very curious in itfcif, and well dn.wn. Next, becaufe it does Vol. I. It C honour '} sp MEMOIRS OF honour to the memory of its author, Sir Robert Manfel, am! comes in with great propriety here. Laftly, as it (hews the cor* reflnefs of thofe times, when every thing was examined into, and (rfted to the very bottom, which made officers fo tender of their characters, that they were ever ready, upon any fuch oc- cafion as this before us, tty render a ftri£t account of their con- duct, ii> fo full and eircumftantial a.manner, as ablblutely iUen* ced calumny, and left no farther room for difpute. On the acceflion of King James he was continued in his poft of vice-admiral, to which he had been raifed by the intereft of the ear^ of Nottingham,, afid remained la favour for feveral years. When the lord bigh-admiral's enemies had fo far alie- nated his Majefty's affections as to procure a commifiion for re- forming abuies in the navy, (which was equally detrimental ta his reputation and authority), Sir Robert Manfel chofe rather to adhere to his friend, than to make court at his expence } and with this view advifed his lordfhip not to fubmit to this com- niiflion,for which Sir Robert was committed prifisner to the Mar* fhalfea, and continued there forae months, in the year 1613''. In confequence of this inquiry, many abufes were however real- ly difcovered and corrected, fo that 25tOCoL a-year were foon after faved to the crown V; from a jud fenfe of which. Sir Ro- bert advifed his patron to refign his high office, perceiving that he began to outlive his abilities,, and that his longer continuance therein might become more and more detrimental both to the jfublic and himfelf. To prevent the navy from receiving any prejudice by the earl ^ VtiOvntoA** nieinrorral», voU iH. p. 460, y This is affirmed by King James in hit fpeech to hit parliament, A. D. itfio^ h) Franklaiid's annals, p. 49. Hit Majefty rewarded ibe fcverdl commrflioners with the honsur of knighthood for the fervices rendered the public Sq this re- tfte&, at well as Cir th« great paios they exerted on the occaiion. The names of thefe gentlemen were -"— Fortercue, John Olborne, — — Gaughton, — — * Sutton, and William Fittt, E*'qrs; Mr. Camden's annals of the reign of Jamfes T. Under the year 161 9. Sir William ffonfon, as the reader will find, fuifercd fe>' vereiy in the opinion of fome, for having devifcd fo right as well a« fo honeft K meafure. A lilie commifliun^ which demondrates that wife prince's early care df and attention to the naVy^ iflbed: in the fecond year of the reign of Charles t, dircAed to James earl of Marlborough, Oeorge duke of. Backingham, Robert eu-1 of Lindfey, and other lords, Ryntet's fcedcra, torn, xviii. p. 7;8. SxK ROBERT MANSEL. 57» •f Nottingham's refignation, Sir Robert Manfel applied himfclf to the duke of Buckingham, whom he advifed to obtain that office \ and when he excufed himfelf on account of his youth and want of experience, told him plainly, why he thought him fitteft for the place. He obfcrved, that in time of peace thebeft fervice that could be done was to look well to the conftant re- pair of the navy, and to rebuild occafionally fuch ihips as want- ed it ; and that by applying himfelf adiduoufly to the duty of his office, he might acquire al) the knowledge that was necei^ iary, before any war (hould call him into a^ion. Thus the duke was brought into the office of h»gh>adiuiral by the perfuaHon of iSir Robert Manfel, and upon very juft motives : neither was it at all to the prejudice of his old maAer^ for the earl of Not« tingham had a penHon of one thoufttnd pounds «-year, and the duke made a prefent to the countefs of Nottingham of three thoufand pounds. This tranfadtion happened In 1616, and, in comfequence thereof. Sir Robert Manfel was, by the duke of Buckingham's intereft, made vice-admiral for life. The duke, by his advice, did another thing which was very commendable. He procured a-commiffion to be granted to fe- veral able and experienced perfons for the managefloent of the navy, which had very good effects; nay, there H ftrong reafoa to believe, confidering the great confuilon into which things af> terwards fell, that the fleet, if it had not been for this commit, fion, would have been abfohitely ruined; whereas, by the help of it, it was fo well preferved, that Buckingham, upon his im* peachment, acquitted himfelf better in what related thereto, than in regard to any other article '. In 1 620, Sir Robert Manfel commanded the fleet fitted out againft the pirates of Algiers, of which we have given an im- partial account in its proper place*. However unfortunate he was in the management of that expedition, yet there feems to be no reafon to conceive he was in any great fault. It is admits ted, that he advifed it from a generous and public fpirited mo- tive, the defire of raifing the Engliih reputation at fea, and free- ing our trade from the infuhs of thefe rovers j but it feems he « See all ihcfe faftj fuHy dated in the duke of Buckingham'* anfwer to the firft article of his iropeachment, in Frankiand's atinals, p. i89. • See before, 4 C J wai S7i MEMOIRS, (£fc. yras fent abroad with fo limited n commiiHon, and had fo manjf raw and unexperienced ofHcers employed in the fleet, through the favour of eminent courtiers, that from thefe and other crofs nccidcnts he was difabled from performing what he intended, though he did all that was in his power, and is on that account commended by the moft knowing writers of thofe times''. This unlucky affair, however, and perhaps his declining in the favour of the duke of Juckingham, hindered him from be- ing employed in the reigp of King Charles ; and the very ne- gleft o^ him is mentioned as one of the errors therein*. He continued, notwithftanding, in pofleffion of his office of vice- admiral, and lived till after the breaking out of the civil wars, when he died with the reputation of being a great feaman, and a perfon of unblemifhed integrity ; leaving, fo far as I have been able to learn, no ilTue ^. In the courfc of this work, Sir William Monfon has frequent- ly been mentioned as an admiral, and full as often cited as ai) Muthor i we ftiall now take occafion to throw together fuch par/^ ticulars as relate to him, and which are ftattercd in a variety of book?, in order to prelcrve, as entire as may be, the memory of fo worthy a perfon, and of the principal adlions by him at- chieved j fo;me of which he has alfb left us recorded by his own pen. b See an accwnt of this expedition, printed by authority in itfji, 4(0. Ritfh- worth's coilc^ions, voJ. i. p. 34. FrankUiid's annals, p. 5;. c Kennct, vnj. iii. p. 13. L^Eftrange's liiflory of Chaclet (. p. 17. Rufliworth't collec- tions, vol. i. p. 19;. d EngliDi baronetage, vol. i. p. 4S9. His knowledge in his profeflion muft liave been yrry extenfive, as well as his charaOer as a gallant officer, (ince we find him recommended by Sir John Pennington to the king, in 1642, as the pro- pereft perfon to feize the fleet for (hat prince's fervice: his authority, as vice- admiral of England, as well as his known and great repiitation with the feamen, being, as was fuggcfled, like to meet with little rePidance from the power of the earl of \>^arwick, who h^d found means the year before to bring it under the dominion of the parliament; but his Majefly was apprehenGve led Sir Robert's advanced age, and the infirmiiics that attended thereon, might render the attempt tiszardous, though he had a great opinion of his courage and integrity. Sir Robeit at this time refided at Greenwich. Lord Clarendon's hiftory of the rebellion, vol, ii. p. <57j. MEMOIR^ [ 573 ] MEMOIRS of Sir WILLIAM MONSON, THE family of Monfon has been long fettled in Lincoln, (hire, of which this gentleman was a native*. He was $he fourth fon of John Monfon, Efq; by Mary, daugliter of Sir Robert Hufley, and was born about the year 1569 f. He went very early to Tea, as himfelf informs us, about the begin- ning of the Spanifh wars, and in the condition only of a pri- vate man } his wages, according to the frugality of that time, being no more than ten (hiljings a month ; from whence he was gradually advanced to the great commands he afterwards bore. His firft voyage was in the year 1585, in which he en- gaged without the knowledge either of his father or motlier, and wherein he faw the fliarpeft fervicc he met with through- put his life. He was on board a privateer, which was but a fmall vefTcl, and in confort with another ftill fmaller. They failed from the Ifie of Wight in the month of September, and foon after came up with a flout Spanifh fhip of three hundred tons, well manned. The crew, however, of the two priva- teers refolved to board her, which they did towards evening ; but the wind growing high, and the night dark, their vefTels fell o£F, and they were left on board the Spaniards. The fight continued all night, with variety of fuccefs ; but at lafl, about feven o'clock in the morning, the Spaniards yielded s. In 1587, he had the comrnand of a fliip, and was employed afterwards throughout the whole reign of the queen. In the year 1589, he ferved as vice-admiral in the earl of Cumberland's fleet, and did excellent fervice ; but in the courfe of that expedition endured fuch hardfhips as brought upon him a fit of ficknefs, which detained him in England a whole year"*. In 159I1 he ferved again under the command of the earl of Cumberland, when he had the misfortune to be taken by the Spaniards, and remained a prifoner near two years'. This did not difcourage him from afting under the earl again, almofl as foon as he had recovered his liberty, in the year 1593 K * Fuller's worlhies in LincoIn(hire, p. 163. Wood's Athen. Oxen. vol. i, col. 33 Ibid. p. 169. " Sec the naval hiftory of Qufcn Elifabeth, vol. i. p. 496, 497. *» Sir William Monfon's navil tras P- '89- P HivA hifl. of King Jarucs, in thii vol. p. 454. ^ Ibid. p. 4J9. ' Ibid. p. 4fij. -. • • had Sir WILLIAM MONSON. 575 111 had the misfortune to fall into difgrace, and to find all that he had done, and all that he had advifed, which perhaps was of no lefs confequence, mifunderftood, and turned to his difad- vantage. Ati this is the moft remarkable part of his perfonal hiftory, fo it feems to deferve our and the reader's attention on another account, I mean the relation it has to the (late of ma- ritime affairs in thofe days ; and, therefore, I ilrall give as clear and concife an account thereof as I can. It is a very dangerous thing either to offend the great, or fall into the diflike of the many. Sir William Monfon was fo unlucky to run into both thefe misfortune^ ; the former he incurred through a defire of ferving his country, and the latter by his zeal in difcharging his duty on a ticklifh occaiion. His great knowledge in maritime affairs, and the confidence which the feamen had in him, brought to hb view mof^ of the grievances in the navy, whicix he honeftly laboured to redrefs. This gave rife to a commifTion for that purpofe, that has been often mentioned, and that com- miflion gave great diftafte to the earl of Nottingham, then lord high-admiral, and to thofe who under him had the chief ma- nagement of the fleet. It went on notwithflanding ; a great reformation was made, and the king faved abundance of money in this article ; which, however, did not lefTen the fpleen con- ceived againfl Sir William Monfon, for having fet this defign on foot*. The other accident which hurt hiq:i with the people was this : the Lady Arbella having made her efcape, orders were fent to Sir William Monfon to prevent, if pofTible, her getting ei- ther into France or Flanders ; and though he did not receive thefe orders till twenty-four hours after her departure, yet he executed them mofl effectually, and retook her in a bark bound for Calais, within four miles of that place'. This was the fame lady, concerning whom fo much noife had been made m had » See naval trafti, p. 370, where our author enmncratei the many abures committed in the navy, with the meanj of reforming them, and which abufe* he fays begin to creep in like ruft into iron, at the latter end of Qnten Elifa- bcth'i reign. ' Winwood's memorials, vol. iii. p aSo. This lady h in m-(l of onr hirtorians called the Lady Arabella; but, in the proclamation piihlilhcd upon her flight, and which is extant in Rymer's fadcra, vol. xvi, p. ft-^, fti.; is liylffi the l.ady Arbcila, and f Jbe wrotP. lior niir.c. the 57<5 MEMOIRS OF I. the bufinefs of Sir "Walter Raleigh's plot j and as fhe vfzs i great tbjefl: of popular pity, fo upon this occaHon, many ftrangc ivories were circulated, which ferved to raife the odium for re- taking her ; though it was his duty, and what the court ought to have looked upon as an important fervice ". The Dutch^ too, who were angry .with him for his condu6l in the narrow feas, found means to do him ill offices ; fo that upon fome very flight pretences he was committed clofe prifoner to the Tower in 1616* : but after he had been examined by the chief -juftice Coke, and fecretary Winwood, he was difcharged ; and he af- terwards wrote a large vindication of his condudt, while ad- miral in the narrow feas. He very foon recovered his credit; for in 161 7, we find hii I called to council, in order to give his opinion how the Al- gerines might be bed reduced ^, In the fucceeding reign, of which we are now fpeaking, he had likewile a great intercft, and his advice was afkcd in all maritime aftairs ; but, as he dif- fered in opinion from thofe who were then in pofleffion of power and favour, ar.d as he cenfured the expedition to Rhe, and that againft Cadiz, we need not wonder that he was not employed y. Yet in 1635, when the king came to have better notions of things, and to be truly concerned for his fovereignty of the feas. Sir William Monfou was appointed vice-admiral of the fleet, commanded by the earl of Liiulfey j which elietro«lu^ion to the id hook of his naval tir.fts. " Cam- den's aiiuali of Kinjj James, in Keniut's complete hirtory of £pg!and> vol. ii. p. 64.5. -'' Sir Vv''illiarn Monroti's naval trafts, p. 150. > Ibid, p. iSS— 177. * Ibid. p. 3po. a lUid. p. I'js, ■■-... ■ prize : Sir WILLIAM MONSON. S11 »e Was n ly ftrangc lim for re- purt ought le Dutch, le narrow Ifome very [he Tower lief-juftice md he af- while ad- , we find w the Al- [ reign, of t intercft, as he dif* ►fleffion of n to Rhe, le was not lave better uvereignty admiral of effectually : nation*, about the we have % 1 think !, and yet s, for the the war ind in the , but the :hc enter* w Cam- ind> vol. ii. y Ibid. prize : fititt : yet the defign is to &ew the reafons, either why they raifcarried, or why ib little advantage was made where they fucceeded. In fome he is more particular than in others ; and« what perhaps may be ftill of ufe, he at laft fets down the abufes in the fleet, an^ the metliods for redrefTing them. His fecond book continues fomewhat of the method of the firft, begin-* ning witk fatherly inAruAions to his fon ; whence he proceeds- to the peace with Spain, which puts an- end to the warlike na-- >Tal anions, yet not to his command, being afterwards employed againil pirates. He inveighs againft the Dutch, (liews the ill management of a defign againft Algier, and makes very curious remarks on the attempt upon Cadiz by King Charles I, diC- cloGng methods how Spain might have been much more endan- gered } tvith other particulars about the fhipping of England^ and fovereignty of the feas. "? >■ The third book only treats of the admiralty ; that is, of alt things relating to the royal navy, frbm the lord high-admirat to themeaneft perfon employed afhore, and to the cabbin-boyt at fea; and from a complete fleet to the fmalkii; veflTel; and the part of it } with indruClions for all odicers, the fize of nil fortd 6f guns, all kinds of allowances on board the king's fliips, and excellent diredions for fighting at fea; an account of all ilie liarbours in thcfe three kinguoais, with many others, and thofe important matters, for thole times, accurately handled. The fourth book Is of a very difl^erent nature from any of the tefl, being a brief colle£lion of Spanifli and Portuguefe difco- yeries, and conqueAs in Africa, Afia, and America ; with fome voyages round the world, and fomewhat of the firfl fettling both of Engliih and French plantations. The fifth book is full of projects and fchemes, for managing aflfairs at fea to the bed: advantage for the nation. The fixth, and laft, treats of filhing, and is intended to fhew the infinite addition of wealth and ilrength it would bring to England ; with fuch inflruftions as are nccefHiry for putting foch a defign in execution \ The writing aftd coUefting thefe pieces, were the lad cffbrtj of his genius ', for he died in the month of February 164211 b Thefe trafls pre piinted In the third volume of Churchill'i ci>lie{lion of vof« 4gei. h is very pi lirt, fom the prefaces and dedication*, tht «utbvr intended then for the pfcft, though he iiid not lire to pobiifli them* j--.; '. Vol. L 4 D ^ being 578 MEMOIRS OF, tsfc being in the 73d year of his age, at Eynncrfley in Surry, the place he had chofen for his retirement, and where he left a nu- inerous pofterlty '. As for Sir John Pennington, Sir Henry Mai om, and fome other feamen who rofe in this reign to be admirals, we meet naval trafts, p, 277. '»,K END OF VOL. I. f I • /, II i » • / y -.'• • '■■ * •. ' ' / 4 * *. s N ' / ' tt '"• "; ■ *^'' ^■"i" » ' V k'' ; - < - ' ^ ito~ • • if s • 4 1 V '■'■-,. " ' ■ - \ \^ ^ i , \ ■ ' / ■ [ X'^