IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) V /. V, // ' S4S' M :A (/a fA 1.0 I.I 1.25 IIIIM lilU It IM 2,0 1.4 im 1.6 'e, •P" 'c^/ c? /A 7 Photographic Sciences Corporation A^ m ^9> V 4t>^ 4* ^S ft \\ ^ ;v^ 6^ .<• % ;3 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER. NY 14580 (716) 872-4503 A ^ from the summer heats within her vales, and so too is it in this Central Canada whose broad plain, through which the rivers run, lies like a huge valley below the southern mountain lands of the United States, from whence the waters take their source. Why wonder that it takes time for such new things as these to be understood ? But of this fair land wc Canadians have the greater share. In mid America, nature has clearly marked three zones of growth. l'"ar to the south, the torrid Cotton Zone; next to it the tepid Corn Zone, wherein the bulky maize or Indian corn attains to its maturity, both of these entirelv within the confin«'s of the United States; IV. INTRODUCTION. n next to the north the tem])erate Wheat Zone in which alternate winter cold and summer heat are needed to bring the wheat staple to its full j)erfection. Of this, the wheat zone of America, the field from which the nations are to be fed, the United States themselves admit, that hut one-third is within their territories and two-thirds is within Canada. Seeing then that men eat wheat and do not live on maize or cotton it is to this Canada of the future that (ireat Britain and luirope must look for future food and not to the United States. 'I'hese facts of the Isothermal warmth and wheat hearing caj)acity of the north are so novel to the stranger that the wonder then is, not that our [)opula- tion has develoj)ed with comparative slowness, hut that it has increased so fast. Here in Central Canada, is the larger wheat zone of the continent, with millions of acres yet untilled waiting to join the jocund chorus so soon as man shall call their latent powers into })lay. As we ourselves have only so lately discovered this fertile belt, locked uj) for centuries l)y the great fur company whose interest it was that it should be kej)! an undeveloped waste, why wonder it takes the people of foreign lands some time to believe in its existence? This wealth of Canadian wheat fields we have so far but barely touched, and only in chief by the migra- tion of our own Canadian farmers and fishermen from their eastern homes, yet already in this land where the length of sunny summer tlaylight gives eight days to INTRODUCTION. V. each week, mid the rolling hills of Manitoba and by the interweaving waters of .Saskatchewan, " The valleys stand so thick with corn That they laugh and sing." As time spreads the good news around, the adverse in- fluence of spiritless croakers ;it home, and of rival touters for adjacent States abroad being overcome, our popu- lation will multiply with increasing bounds. Then the result will arrive with even greater speed, for it must not be forgotten in taking measure of the advance of this portion of our country that with such easy tillage one farmer here in Central C'anada represents in pro- ducing capacity at the very least five farmers in the East. Thus the reality of the Immigration is greater than its statistical number. Hut yet another thing. This central mass of wheat producing lands must some-how send its trade some- where. Why should it be Anti-continental in its move- ments ? Why should it not follow the same rules as the other, l)ut earlier discovered districts, in its neigh- borhood ? 'i'he Trade geography of a (X)untry does not, in modern times depend upon the Natural channels which nature has created but upon the Mechanic al channels which commercial energy has constructed. Take the wheat and corn bearing zones in the United States to the south of this central Canada, the Mississippi and Missouri rivers are their natural chan- nels of exit and ui)on lines running north and south VI. IXTRODUCTIOX. I were conducted their first and natural lines of trade. But railway construction has com{)letely changed all these natural laws and laying tracks athwart these rivers' courses has changed the flow of trade from being north and south to become a movement between east and west. Centering at St. Louis, Chicago, Omaha and St. I\aul are fans of collecting railways spreading westward from each, drawing the western country to their mar- kets and forwarding it thence by the great east and west trunk lines via the Sault, Detroit, or farther south in parallel lines onward to the sea. So, too, with our- selves, Winnipeg, Fort William, 'I'oronto and Montreal are centres of similar fans joined together by our great Trunk routes. If it be Continental for the citizen of Boston or New York to eat flour ground in Min- neai)olis and send in payment for it the merchandise of the east, why should it be Anti-continental for the Canadian citizen in Montreal, St. John or Halifiix to use the flour ground in Winnipeg, or the food pro- ducts of his countrymen of the west and send to them in turn the business products of his enterprise. The geographical contour of Canada in being set out in one long line from east to west, is thus not a detriment but a distinct advantage. It concentrates our forces along the Continental east and west lines of Trade geography and makes the Eastern portion of our people the proper complement of the West. In the United States the east has, in course of years, by Mechanical channels, become the INTRODUCTION. VII. conduit pipe for the products of the centre and west. We have but just entered uj)on the enjoyment of a similar state of affairs, (iive us but time and, judging by the present march of results, in less time than did they we shall build up within ourselves an interchange of trade along the Mechanical lines which our energy, like theirs, has created, but yet more easily along the Natural water lines of our Cireat Lakes and St. Lawrence, whose Water-ways, running parallel to our Mechanical trade channels, fringe our Southern shores, regulate our railway rates and bind us into a more economical Unity. As if to further help our Mechanical channels Nature has given us the only coal beds upon the sea board at either end and plumped another right in the middle to make the motive fuel power complete. Where Na- ture gives us so much aid ought we to repine that she has set some difficulties also to be overcome ?— Let us overcome them. Again, the geographical contour of our Country assists by creating a Unity of Race. Living throughout in a region wherein winter is everywhere a distinct season of the year, enuring the body and stimulating to exertion, we are by nature led to be a provident, a thrifty, and a hardy people ; no weaklings can thrive among us, we must be as vigorous as our climate. Our country has been colonized in large majority from the British Lsles and the balance almost entirely from the northern veins of Europe, the Norman French, North (lermans, Norwegians, Swedes and Icelanders, VIII. INTRODUCTION. 'i while from the southern nations few seek our shores but settle farther south. What then the natural selection of Immigratii)n has effected, nature is welding together into Unity and by this very similarity of climate creating in Canada a homogeneous Race, sturdy in frame, stable in char- acter which will be to America what their forefathers, the Northmen of old, were to the continent of Hurope. 'I'he virility of our breed has been tested on the battle fields of the American Civil War, in the Red River Mxpedition, on the Nile and in our own North- West, in all of which its vigor has been commended and extolled. Our youth are active and excel in all manly out door sports, our girls can walk and row and swim, the bloom of health is seen uj)on their cheeks, while in business i)ursuits throughout this continent our young men are sought out and by some termed the Scotchmen of America. If so much has been effected in so few generations, how much more will arise in the future as Canadians are becoming alive to the duty they individually owe to their Country and their Race. Is a I'Vench-speaking Belgian considered a " Separatist "' because he refuses to be a I'Yenchman, or a Portuguese "Anii-continental" because he declines to be a Sjianiard ? Is a Swiss desi)ised because he defies all Europe? Then why should a Canadian be called "Anti-continental" because he refuses to be a United Stater and determines to be a Canadian? Bystanders who prate in such guise might do well to beware of longer trying the patience is ' INTRODUCTION. IX. and the self-respect of the sons of Canadian soil. Canada has come upon this continent to stay, and Canadians mean to grow into a Nation. Climate and our country have made Canadians what they are, Canadians have joined in Union and made Canada what she is, and now from where on Nova Scotia's shores one brother holds the Atlantic seas to far N'ictoria's rose-wreathed h(jmes we hold hands in firm fraternal line, steadfastly determined to maintain "'i'he Maple Leaf Forever!" It was with a view, not only of spending pleasant evenings in social intercourse, but also to gain infor- mation as to our Country, her History, Constitution, Power, i'rogress. Commerce and [)oints of Union that these " National evenings " were introduced. They were arranyed for and would have been more numer- ous but that the (leneral Election intervened, but the interest created was such that their continuance is recommended. The thanks of the Club are given most cordially to the Press for its assistance in furthering the meet- ings, and to tiie speakers for their ])apers, the perusal of which may lead tt) a larger ai)preciation of our Country and cause others to dwell on similar inspiring themes. August, 1 89 1 F. BARLOW CUMBERLAND, President. r' w % I E ■ * R\:\. I'klNlll'AI, CRAM' |yei»-^.:t„ri ®ur 'l^afionaC ©(^jccfr^ an^ ^img. An address delivered before the National Club^ Toronto^ by Rev. Geo. Grant, D.D., Principal of Queen's University, Kin<;ston. I.LOW me, Mr. President, to thank you for conceiving and carrying out the plan of a series of addresses on Canadian subjects to the members of the National Club and their friends. I consented with j)leasure to give this introductory lecture, if a friendly talk on a subject of common interest may bear so formal a title. It seems to me that those of us who have any leisure time should have sufficient seriousness to give it to the discussion and consideration of j^roblems suggested by the history, the position or the outlook of our country. Different estimates are made of what our immediate future is likely to be, and no wonder, for our political position is perhaps unique in history. As a matter of fact, we are something more than a colony and something less than a nation. A colony is a dependency, and we are practically independent. A nation has full self-govern- ment, not only as regards local questions, but as regards all foreign relations, including peace, war and treaty making. We have not ventured to undertake those supreme responsibilities, either alone or as a part- |!« OUR NATIONAL OBJKCTS AND AIMS. ii ' ner, and therefore we are not a nation. Our actual position is veiled by the kindly courtesy of the mother country. It is the custom to associate a Canadian representative with the British ambassador when nego- tiations affecting our interests are carried on with other states. 'I'his year, too, Lord Salisbury, after submitting since 1886 in our interest as well as in the common interest — to aggressions that would not have been al- lowed to any other power on earth for a week, at last was constrained to inform Secretary Blaine that the country that continued to capture Canadian ships on the high seas must be prepared to take the conse- quences. So far nothing more could be desired, but we cannot forget that Lord Salisbury — nominally re- sponsible to the Queen — is really responsible to the British House of Commons, and that neither in that House nor in the Queen's Privy Council have we any constitutional representation. Few will maintain that the position is satisfactory either to Canada or Britain. In these circumstances men cannot avoid speculating concerning our future, nor is it any wonder that diverse views are entertained concerning what that future is likely to be. Every day speculation is going on. Every- one else takes a hand in it, and why should we keep silent? Only a month or two ago, the most distin- guished student of history in Canada told an audience that political union with the great republic to the south of us was our manifest destiny. The newspaper that published his address did not agree with him, but de- clared editorially that '' Canada's ultimate destiny is to OUR NATIONAL OHJF.CTS AND AIMS. become a great independent nation." How fortunate that the adjective "ultimate" was inserted, for, fancy the alarm from Maine to the (lulf of Mexico, when our Minister of War should declare that if the Bear or the Rush captured any more Canadian vessels the United States must "take the consequences!" While representative individuals differ so widely from each other, our House of Commons last winter unanimously passed a solemn resolution to the Queen emphatically disavowing all who might allege that (!anadians were not loyal i A.'d present connection with Britain. 1 hat resolution is evidently understood in England, and I should suppose it was meant to be understood there, and everywhere else, as the voice of Canada, in oppo- sition to the voices of eminently respectable units ; but in looking behind the resolution we find that some who supported it took care to provide for themselves a safe retreat. Our ultimate destiny, after all, accord- ing to them, was to be separation from the Empire of which we now form a part, but whether ultimate meant next year or the Greek kalends was left unspecified. There is a peculiar fitness in the members of a National Club considering the whole question of the country's • position. They themselves and those who address them can speak without restraint, whereas, the politician is often obliged to be silent or to fence. They can form their convictions calmly and express them modestly, whereas the editorial writer must advo- cate the views of his paper and must advocate them oracularly. (Ireat is the power of the press, especially { OUR NATIONAL OBJECTS AND AIMS, tl I for making mischief l)C'tvvecMi countries filled with in- flammable material, but, as the Bystandei- i)Uts it, " The serious question is, what is behind the press? How many journals are there which are free from clandestine influences alien to the common weal?" When money can buy the most powerful pens, a free people will not surrender its judgment and its destiny to the thun- der of doable-leaded editorials. Their stunning noise repeated day in and day out, fr(v.;i year's end to year's end, is like the sound of many \»aters, but it all comes from half a dozen pens. It sounds effective, but it breaks no bones and changes few votes. An educated country makes up its own mind, and it will never dis- pense with the voice of tlie men it considers thought- ful, unselfish and inde})en(lent. A Club like this affords a platform for calm discussion b\' men who stand in the daylight. Each of us speaks for 'niself, and will have due weight given, not only to what he says, but to what he is. In considering the position of Canada, my first ques- tion is whether ground can be found on which men of different views will consent to stand. There is such ground. Whether we separate from the Em[)ire to form an independent state, or remain in the I'^m[)ire, gradu- ally evolving into a j)osition of closer union and equality of constitutional privilege and responsibility, it 's equally a matter of the first importance that Canada be united and strong. No matter, then, which of the two destmies we believe the future to have in store for us, our duty is to be Canada First men. I ■i OUR NATIONAL OHJF-CTS AND AIMS. liu- ity ity This is ground that hoth unionist and SL'i)aratist can take honestly. It ii nian professes independence with the intention of immediately breaking Canada up and handing it over in pieces to another [)o\ver, he, of course, cannot take this common ground. Hi.t it is ([uite needless to say that there are no such men in Canada. I may pause a little here to |)oint out the dif- ference between the policies of the honest unionist and the honest separatist. The policy of the former preserves our historical continuity and ])romises ])eace- ful development. That of the latter means a revolu- tion to begin with and weakness forever afterwards, (irown up men know that revolutions are not things to be played with, and that national weakness is al- vv'ays next door to national humiliation. There are two parties to the existing union between Britain and Canada, and if one of them represented by our House of Commons has no desire to break the union, the other has just as little. Last month I was in Halifax and took a sail on the harbor. Near the dockvartl six ships of war, each a match for a ik-et of the last generation, slept on the water, lleside them lay two or three modern torpedo boats that had just crossed the Atlantic, and not (ar off was a dr\' dock built at the joint expense of the British and (Canadian (lovern- ments and the city of Halifax. Beyond the harbor at York redoubt, and on the opposite point of McNab's island, Britain is now spending a part of its great special war vote, extending the old forts antl fitting them with i . i^ J OUR NATIONAL OBJECTS AND AIMS. iii new armaments. There is no sign anywhere that se[)ara- tion is thought of l)y responsible persons. And does the separatist fancy that the greatest ]*^mpire in the world will dissolve itself at the es and of British Columbia still call themselves by their old names. But what else could be expected? I'eo|)le instinctively use old names. More than a (piarter of a century ago the I'Vee church of Xova Scotia merged its name' and existence in that of the Presbyterian church, but the other day, when I asked a merchant in the little town where I went to sclu)ol as a boy, for the address of a friend, the answer was, "He lives beside the I'Vee church." Depend upon it, there is no part of the Dominion where a sturdier Canadian senti- i' )l mi i i w w 8 OUR NAIIONAL 015JKCTS AND AIMS. nient is L^rowing than down by the Atlantic, and IJritish Columbia, too, is all right. What, then, is most needed to help us in the great and inspiring work of making a nation in which unionists and sei)aratists alike can engage with all their hearts? At home a better understanding and larger tolerance of each other, and with regard to other countries, such an attitude as shall ensure their respect. Let us con- sider what these two needs involve. I''irsll)-, Canada is a hard country to govern and to unify. It consists of geographical districts separated from each other by unfertile wildernesses. In spite of obstacles the success of Confederation has been re- markable to all who know how long it takes to make a country, and who know anything of the slowness with which the old thirteen North American colonies grew into unity. Cordial co-operation between the Eng- lish and I'Yench speaking Canadians is, of course, our great necessity. 'I'hat must l)e based on justice, and on the limitation as far as possible of hostile and irri- tatmu^ fon es. and of evervthing that would interfere with a good understanding between the two. Admit- tedly, the status re(\Mitly given to the Jesuits has in- trodi uced a nvw •lemenl that (\innot be disregarded. We can afford a <>;ood deal of wholesome neglect, but {•>' we can afford to neglrct neither the unbroken testi- mony of history ;md the testimony of Roman Catholic ations and the RouKin Catholic church to that re- nrkablr order, nor the remarkal)lv fnie field for its n m tactics i)resented by the racial, religious and financial OUR NATIONAL OBJECTS AND AIMS. 9 position in Quebec, in connection witli the present re- lation of the province to the DomiiJon. Whatever else the order may be, it glories in being ihe ini|)lac- able and disciplined foe of I'rotestantism, while, what- ever else Canada needs, she demands jjcace between Protestants and Roman Catholics as a necessary con- dition of strength and unity. Indiviciuals may 'vert to this side or that, but sensible j)eople know that it is hopeless to turn a l^rotestant people back to Roman- ism, and just as hopeless to convert a Roman Catholic people to any of the existing forms of Protestantism. This may sound Laodicean to bigcjts, fanatics and visonaries, that is, to all who identify (Christianity with the organization or church to which thev themselves belong. It is none the less the sim|)le truth, demon- strated by three centuries and a half of history. I'ro- selytism on either side, no matter what the ex])endi- ture (jf money, will detach only individuals, and these, as a rule, not worth much. It tloes so at the expense of checking internal movements. It excites irritation, arrests development and strengthens reaction. It is only since the Protestant churches have ceased to pro- selvtize actively from each other that thev have be- come friendly and are ai)proximating. We must agree to differ, with the prayer and hi)pe that the Head of the church will (Ind a way of unit- ing the two great historic^ confessions of Christianity, that have so long stood face to face as enemies, in a church of the future, grander that any existiiig church. In the meantime peace between them is the attitude lO OUR NATIONAI, OMjKCTS AND AIMS. ;i i:! incumbent on all of us as Patriots and Christians. In the i)ast, tiiou^h we did not understand one another as we ought, there was a general spirit of moder ation, and therefore hoj)e for the future. The progress of material eivili/ation and the leaven of modern ideas might he trusted to do the rest. " He that helieveth doth not make haste." The province of (^)uel)ec could not stand j)ermanentlv aloof from the maritime jiro- vinces on one side and Ontario on the other, when all were united in one i)olitical organism. Not that the responsil)ilit\' for j)ast isolation is to he laid at the door of one race onlv. We were as ignorant of and indifferent U) the good (pialities of the habitants as they could he with regard to us. How much that is excellent in them we are still blind to I As a people tliey are to a great extent an unknown ([uantity. We need some one to reveal them as Charles I'^gbert Crad- dock has interpreted the people of the 'I'ennessee moun- tains, and (!able the Creoles of Louisiana, and Rud- yard Kipling the Anglo-Indian empire, and Tolstoi and his brother-novelists the Russian peasant and Russian societw Who that has once sailed up tlie St. Law- rence from (Quebec, in the daylight, can helj) iiaving it borne in upon him that there is there, in the very centre of our country, a Christian civilization that is not of our tyj)e, l)ut that is altogether beautiful from ■ . u- p(>ints of view? Ivich side of the great river is l',a . vith houses, like a I'ontinuous street, clustering .♦■ ■•'•■anient spt)ts three or four miles apai:: into pic- iuic:)viac little villages, each with its own imjiosing 1 i OUR NATIONAI, OISJKCTS AND AIMS. I I chun^h, the centre of every sacred and secular interest for time and eternity to the whole {)oj)u lati on. Iu)r more th an a lunc Ired miles the eye cannot detect a single unpainted or unwhitewashed building. No tuml)ledo\vn sheds, no ugly and irrelevant lean-to can he seen. Everything is clean, orderly, idyllic. It is Arcadia in the nineteenth century, Arcadia with steam- boats, steam sawmills, the electric light and native ])onies drawing little, rude primitive carts. There are not as many mortgages on the farms as in Ontario, but the homesteads and long barns [)romises comfort. 'I'here is tithe for the priest, courtesy for the stranger, plenty for everyone except the taxpayer. Who wishes to I)ay taxes that he can avoid ? When the irood man of the house sits on his own doorstej), smoki ni tol )ac(X) raised by himself, clad with wool from his own sheep and flax from his own fields, he must have an added sense of haj)])iness when he rellects that no excise man or custom house officer has relieved him of twenty or thirty per cent., it may be with the politeness of Claude Duval, though it is usually with the bruscjue "stand and deliver" of the ordinary highwayman. If his brothers in other provinces choose to pay, well and HKK Thev are within their riiiht. Their money re j)lenishes the national exchefjuer, and is not wholly wasted. Hut they have no right to (juarrel with him for preferring what he considers a more excellent way. Jean I)aj)tiste's view has its limitations, but he is too good a fellow to (juarrel with on that account. In- dustrious, frugal, sober, and therefore generally blessed v ^ 12 OCR NAIIONAL OHJKCTS AND AIMS. with a large family! He does not worry his soul about the necessity of progress, but neither does Hodge nor the average I'^nglish scjuire. 'I'here ought to be no diffuHilty in fraternizing with such a race, children of the soil, heirs of ancient glories, endowed with attrac- tive virtues and graces. Left to themselves, the future was certain. The sons and daughters went to Mon- treal, Kingston, Deseronto, uj) the Ottawa, and in a stream of ampler volume to the factories of New Eng- land. They came in contact with our larger freedom and fuller life and carried back to their homes the good news that we were Christians of a sort, though each found a workable pope in his own Bible and his own breast, i'eaceful development and gradual fusion, disturbed ])ossibly by occasional outbursts of sectarian rancor on both sides, we might have looked for. But now that the Jesuit has come we shall look in vain for such a blessed future, for at least the next few years. The ])ul)lic sanction and endowment given to the order was a challenge to the Protestant churches, and they have too much respect for Loyola to despise the challenge. 'I'he men who love fighting are rather glad, but the men who believe that Christianity means peace on earth, and that the twin roots of the Nation should l)e allowed to grow into one, are sorry. It has been said that it is not possible to distin- guish between the Jesuits and the Roman Catholic church. Logically it may not be possible, but practi- cally it is, and statesmen know that they have to deal with practice. Life is a good deal wider than logic. OUR NATIONAL OBJECTS AND AIMS. 13 If the distinction cannot be made, how came it that the only person to offer anything like effective resist- ance to the incorporation of the Jesuits was the head of the Roman Catholic church in Canada? He was overborne, but he succeeded in withholding legal exist- ence from them in the dioceses round Q)uebec. Other Roman (\atholic ecclesiastics acknowledge frankly in conversation that they dread and dislike the order, that their incorporation was a mistake, and their en- dowment the result of a jx)litical intrigue. How can a bishop who wishes to be master in his own house welcome the Jesuits to his diocese ? But what can be done now ? you ask. Had not Quebec the right to do what it liked with its own money? I, for one, f'^lt ^rnu^ the first that that argument could not be answered. Quebec may throw its millions into the St. Lawrence. But two things it may not do. It must not turn round to ask us to replace the millions, and it must not deny to [)eople anywhere else the free- dom that it claims for itself. If there is any clause or any loophole in the constitution, in virtue of which it can claim either of those wrongs, the constitution must be amended. Justice is the only basis on which there can be a good understanding between individuals or provinces. There must be no hesitation here. When Mr. Mercier gives liberal grants of money to the Jesuits, to the Protestant school board, to universities in and out of Quebec, to municipalities in debt, to coloniza- tion, repatriation and railway schemes, to every Roman Catholic and Protestant church that chooses to apply, . 14 OUR NATIOXAF, OBJECTS AND AIMS. )i > it for each and all of which objects a strong moral claim can he urged, it is entirely his affair. lUit when he has received great ap[)lause and some measure of poli- tical support for a ghjrious concordat between cnurch and state and for openhanded liberality, it will not do to turn round and ask us to pay the bill. Yet that is the j)rogramme which has already been proposed, and which is sure to be pressed. It is a programme more ruinous to (Quebec than to any other province. It means incalculable loss of money to all, for there is no such waste as when one spends and another finds the money, but to Quebec it means moral degradation as well. The game was i)layed to a certain extent before, and it was a bad one for all of us, but now that the Jesuit has taken a hand, it can be played no longer. Every true ('anadian, Protestant and Roman Catholic must unite to make it im[)ossil)le. I could take no |)art in the ecpial rights agitation because I have no faith in the veto i)ower, and the exercise of it — in the case of the bill i)rotested against — would have done incredible harm. Our constitution is essentially a federal one. Fed- eralism means that each province shall be su{)reme within prescribed limits, and also that within the said limits each shall jjay its own way and cheerfully concede to the smallest member of the federation the same justice that it claims for itself. If the men who pressed for their own rights to the extreme point are not willing to accept the corresponding responsibilities, the agita- tion, no matter by what name it may be called, rnus^ 1 ; !'ii ^ OUR NATIONAL OI'.JKCTS AND AIMS. •5 go on aiul widen its basis by accepting I'rovincial autonomy in the frankest j)()ssil)le way. Two objections are urged against tliis j)olicy. It is said that it" we give up the veto (!anada will be not a nation i)ut a mere bundle of j)rovinces. Surely the ex- ami)le of the United States is sufficient to i)rove that a bundle of provinces or states may be a nation. All that is needed is a more careful delinition of the re- spective regions of the Legislatures and the Parliament, with the judicial committee of the Privy ('ouncil or other Supreme Court to decide where the two disagree. It is also said that by the suggested |)olicy we abandon the cause of the Protestant minority in (J'uebec. Yes, and the sooner we do it the better for themselves and the better all round. The French-Canadian majority can be trusted to do no injustice to the minority, when there are no sham buffers interi)osed between the two. So can the I'rotestant majority in the other provinces. It is high time that the minority in (Quebec should trust, not to constitutional buckram, but to a cordial understanding with fellow-citizens who are naturally liberal, just and courteous. This platform of provincial autonomy is one on which all can find room. It means justice for all, and a frank recognition that there are different types of sentiment and thought among us, and that it is right to give room for the free development of these. Who that has faith in the fundamental principles of modern society, or who that has studied the history of France, can have any doubt as to the result in (^)uebec? mwma i6 OUR NATIONAL OBJF.CTS AND AIMS, I I France, both in the eighteenth and nineteenth cen- turies, handled the Jesuits with ease, (live Quebec a free hand, and in (hie time it will, while remaining Roman Catholic, ai)()lish not only the Jesuits but the tithe, and make all the changes in education that may be required. I»ut interference from without will simply strengthen reaction. I'^ery provinc-e must have a liberty to err, a |)rovincial right to do what seems to outsiders ^vrong. Our jjresent system of divided financial respon- sibility and sham veto is a fruitful source of easily aroused j)rejudice and mistrust, and of government by corrui)tion and intrigue, if the coming of the Jesuit has aroused us to the conviction that it is necessary to take our stand firmly on federalism, unless we are prepared to go steadily on from bad to worse, we shall owe him thanks after all. His great merit in Canada shall be that which has been assigned him in every other country, vi/., that in si)ite of his ability he never succeeds. The formation of a |)latform that aims at revision of the constitution re(iuires time, whereas our danger is imminent, and immediate action is recjuired. Of course, neither of the existing parties is nrd enough to pay twenty or thirty millions additional to one pro- vince. Mr. Mercier is too astute to e\[)ect any such sum in one lumj), but he understands the old saw, "Aim at l)eing Pope, and you'll get to be Cardinal," or, more irreverently in Scotch, " Aim at the mune and you'll reach the midden," or i)erhaps better, "Aim at a silk goon, and you'll get a sleeve o't." Party, Sir OUR NATIONAL OHJF.CTS AND AIMS. W Richard (.'artw right has told us, with his customary commendable frankness, is war, and as good men will do things in war thai vvould be crimes in peace, what wonder if either party slujuld be willing to i)ay two or three millions rather than see the country ruined by the triumph of the enemy? The j)ayment of such a comparative trifle could easily be covered up under any one of a variety of j)retty phrases, liut, let us understand that this is a case where the two or three would be just as bad as the twenty or thirty. 'I'he disgrace would be the same, and the first payment would be simply the first instalment. What must we do at once ? We are a free people Let us show that we can act as free men. Let us send to Parliament men who are free, and not the bondmen of party ; men who are i)repared to support either of the existing parties in its general policy, but who can be trusted to draw the line there ; still better, men who will not attend party caucuses, whc will not seek office or ask for favors, but who will be true to their constituents and true to the sacred trust of the country. It is not enough that members of our high court adjudged guilty of " dishonorable, scandalous and corrupt conduct" should be frozen out and kept out. If we call a man thief we can no longer have him as a companion, except by going down to his level. What is true of the individual is true of a court, and the more august it is, the more necessary that it guard its own honor. But we must also have more men in Parliament like outspoken Professor Weldon. i8 OUR NATIONAL OnjKCTS AND AIMS. 1 am i)r()iKl of the present House of Commons. It is the l)est, l)ecause the most independent, that we have had. Hut we can make the next l)etter, and it is time for us to he preparing to do our (hity in this all-im, rtant matter. Of course, it is hard to find liie riglu men, but they are to he found. In the search for them, however, the old adage that "one volunteer is worth two pressed men " must he rigorously reversed. It is harder still to get constituencies to elect the right men, but the day is coming when constituencies will canvass their wisest man to accei)t the nomination instead of exj)ecting him to canvass them, and when all entrusted with votes shall be recjuired by law to go to the polls, on penalty of beiiig disfranchised, 'i'hat is the kind of penalty that nature inflicts for neglect of trust. She gives us limbs, senses, faculties, but we must use them or lose them, whereas the blacksmith's arm gets strong and the artist's percej)tion true, and "drawn wells waste not." What an ins[>i5-.\tion there is in having a share in the making of a Nation, and what a j)osition Canada is in to become a great Nation I I do not refer to greatness in area or wealth or i)opulation. These are the lowest ^andards. It is lunacy for men to talk of Canada ha\..ig a larger area than the United States, if they mean to imply that Canada has anything like the same extraordinarv variety or boundless extent of nat- ural resources. In making the boast, too, they add, "if we exclude Alaska," as if Alaska did not belong to the republic, or as if it were not worth a million or OUR NATIONAl. OI5JKCTS AND AIMS. 19 two of our frozen scjuarc miles between the north pole and Labrador. Canada is never likely to have more than a tenth of the population >jf the United States; but five millions, growing gratlually to ten within the lifetime of some of us, are as many as one can get his arms round and enough certainly to make a nation; as manv as I'^ngland had in the great davs of VA\/:d- beth ; far more than Athens had in the century after Marathon when she bore the statesmen, poets, phil- osophers, historians, mathematicians, men of science, artists and teachers, at whose feet the students of the world have sat for more than two thousand years; far more than Judea had in the golden age of that ))ro- phetic literature which is still so largely our guide and our inspiration to righteousness ; far more than Rome had when her sun was at the zenith ; for the glory of Rome was not when she held the east and west in fee, and Christian emperors like Constantine and Theo- dosius the (ireat luled the world, but when, defeated at 'IVebia, Thrasymene and Cannae, her fields wasted, her veteran legions annihilated, iier young men slain or prisoners, scarcx- freemen enough left in Rome to form one legion more, she still wavered not an inch, but closed her gates, forbade mothers and wives to ransom their captive sons and husbands, and refused to discuss terms of j)eace while Hannibal remained in Italy. Oh, for something of that i)roud consciousness of national dignity and of that stern j)ublic virtue which I! j:?J i I- I 1i il 20 OUR NATION AT, OHJKCTS AND AIMS. ■ \ !^ l! ' ■. is the strength of states I Why should we not have it in Canada to-day ? We come of good stock. It It is not more millions either in men or money that we need most, but more of the old spirit in the men we have ; not a long list of principles, but a clear in- sight into those that are fundamental. To give to each province a free hand within its own sphere, to be tolerant of diversities, to deal ecjual justice to all, to treat minorities considerately and to have faith in our country, this surely is a creed that can be taught at every fireside and in every school as well as on the hustings. These principles, tenaciously adhered to, will be sufficient. These duties, honestly discharged, will shed light on our course from day to day. We are asked sim|)ly to be true to ourselves and faithful to every brotherly covenant. With that spirit in our people, the national j)osition of Canada is full of hope for the future and im])regnable against every attack. Secondly. — Next to our need of a better under- standing of one another, is the need of a right attitude to other countries, esjiecially to our neighbors. In speaking of this, the subject of our National aims comes up. Every great nation has contrii)Uted something to the cause of humanity, 'i'hat is its divine mission and the reason for its existence, 'i'o that ideal it must on no account be false. What does Canada intend to give to the world ? What faitii do wc cany in our iiearts ? l)e|)end ui)on it the future of individuals and of nations is determined by their own hearts and their actual posi- OUR NATIONAL OBJECTS AND AIMS. 21 tions in the world. Dur j)ositi()n is pcruliar. Since the Peare of Paris in 1763, when Canada, with the consent of all parties, became British, she has re- mained British. \Ve i^elieve that this was good for the inhabitants. Otherwise they would have remained under the bondage of the old regime, and when it broke u]), they would have been sold as I>ouisiana was. Bonaparte cared nothing for the west. Clood for van- (|uished and victors in the civil war that followed in the thirteen colonies of the south I Cities of refuge were provided in the forests of Ontario, on the banks of the St. John and the shores of the Atlantic for those true Loyalists, who otherwise would have been deportetl to the West Indies or have been made to fare even worse. 'The ex[)eriment of free government was thenceforward to be tried on this continent under different constitutional forms, and that, too, was gain. Good for the United States I Their chief foes have always been of their own household. Their best think- ers lament that tendency to national brag and bluster, with conseiiuent narrowing of j^ublic life and deteriora- tion of character, which success engendered. It is no pleasant thing for me to say an unkind word concern- ing our neighbors. Thev are our own flesh and blood. They are an e\:imi)le to us in a hundred ways. They liave among ihcm men and women who are the salt of the earth. In no country is it more necessary to distinguish between the froth of the surface and the pure licpior beneath, between the outcries that we hear first and the sober judgment and Christian sentiment »i 22 OUR NATIDNAI, OMfKCTS AM) AIMS. that find L'\|)ressi()n later on, between the selfishness of the j)olitician and the calm wisdom and great heart of the saving remnant. 'I'heir wise men know that it was a good thing for them that their flag was kept on one side of the watershed of the continent. The schism that took i)lace when the thirteen col- onies broke away from the I'^mpire has been a grievous l)ar to tiieir own develoj)ment on the best side, and to the progress of humanity. No greater boon can be conferred on the race than the healing of that schism. 'That is the work that Canada is api)ointed by its posi- tion and history to do, if only it has a great enough heart for the work. How to do it will tax our wisdom as well as our fiith. One thing is clear. We can do nothing if we barter our honor for some hoi)e of im- mediate gain. The man who does not respect himself will never be respected by others. Much more is that true of a nation. The man may have death-bed re- pentance and a future life, but there is no life for the nation in the hereafter. What is the right attitude for us? To guard the indejK'ndence we have gained in the course of succes- sive civil struggles, and to guard our national as care- fully as we would our individual honor. I ,anguage is sometimes used that looks in tlie direction of surren- dering our fiscal inde|)endence to a foreign power, and at the same time of discriminating against our own Kmi)ire and the rest of the world. The first means national extinction, and tlu- second is as unreasonable be for Britain to discrimi- I and impossible as it would be for Britain to discrimi- nate a^^ain^it us. The fewer reslridions on trade tlie better. I'ree trade would he tiood tor us and l)etter for our .neighbors and next to free trade are fair treaties of reciprocity. JUit let us not use ambiguous language. Let us not call that unrestricted trade which means free trade with one foreign nation and pro- hibited trade with our own common-wealth and every- one else. That would ensure for us the contemjjt of the one foreign nation and the righteous indignation of all others with whom we are now trading. 1 need say no more on this, for I l)elie\e that the inde[)endence and honor of (Canada are safe with Cana- dian statesmen of both parties. If, however, any of them should waver, the peo[)le will not. Outside of the two planks named, tariff changes are (juestions of expedi- ency, and must be discussed by experts. T for one, do not profess to be able to see any eternal principle at stake between seventeen and a half i)er cent, and twenty per cent. duty. Nor do I understand how the abolition of the old reciprocity treaty, the rejection of the agreements negotiated l)y Mr. P>rown and Mr. ('hamberlain, or the passing of the McKinley bill can be considered wise. In every case the action was injurious to the pe(Ji)le of the United States, 'I'he last named bill will hurt us and hurt them.selves more, but should it hurt us twice as much as some hope and others fear, we shall not lose our tem|)er. for good or ill the Pres. represents us to a great extent when Parliament is not in session, and 1 trust that it will not misrepresent us now. l,et us wait hopefully for II ■I I If » ihi 24 OUR NATIONAL OHJKCTS AND AIMS. I « I I 1 I 1 the time when our nciuhhors will he awakened to see that relfishness is blinchiess. Let us remenil)er that we ourselves have not been wholly blameleiis in the past, and let us hoi)e that we shall shake hands yet across the line, and letting bygones oe bygones, unite in furthering the good old cause of righteousness and peace over the world. There have been two wars be- tween Britain and the United States. In the lirst the mother and in the second the daui/hter was most to blame. The honors a*-e thus easv between them, and sensible j^eople liavc ulv. up their minds that there shall be no third exhibition of what lias been rightly called the sum of ;v,iiian ft^l'v and villainy. How can there be if the principle of arbitration is accepted? Great Britain and Canada are prei)ared to submit every dis})ute with the United States to im])artial arbitration. The i)ul)lic cannot refuse the offer that the (Jueen has made in the hearing of the world, though every week's delay in acce})ting the offer exhibits the oj)posite of a neighborly si)irit. Kvery day Canada is giving new hostages for peace. 'I'here is a steady migration going on from northern to southern lands, in luirope, Asia and America. We see this even within the boundaries of the same coun- try ; in Russia, in Cicrmany, in the United States. 'I'he movement does not mean that the northern coun- tries are being (lei)opulated. They are incM'casing in population. They remain, too, the homes of obedience to law, of purity, health and manly vigor. I expect that before long we shall have lost all our negro |)opulation. I I OTK NATIONAI, Ol'.IKCrs AND AIMS. 35 and have gained instead Icelanders, Scandinavians, jews and (iermaiis. Already there are a million of Canadians, mostly white, in the United States. They go because of the greater variety of industries, or be- cause of the mildness of the climate, or because cen- tres of j)oi)ulation attract, or because there is no ex- tradition treaty, or for other good reasons. They go to better their condition, but they are at the sa time missionaries of j)eace rnd good-will. me Why should all our voung men stay at home? Their jxirents did not, or we should not be here. n go everywhere, opening up rh e VG Mi; m en of IJritai fresh fields, making new homes in every (|uarter of the globe whence are diffused the virtues of the highest civilization the earth has yet known, and yet the old country increases steadily in wealth, population and intelligen(X', while she retains also the moral leadership of the race. \\ For answer, 1 shall indicate three j)oints that I have thought out, thou|^)i there is barely time now to do more than state them, l-'irst, that to rill the gap made by the McRinley bill in our volume of trade, we must look chiefly to an increased trade with Hritain. In one way, the country that lies along side of us for three or four thousand miles is certainly our natural market, and I have no wish to argue with the peoi)le on either side of the line who refuse to admit that free trade with neighbors is a good thing. iUit it is just as certain that (Ireat ikitain is also our natural market. She is ready t(; take almost everything we produce, and distance by water is of far less conse- (juence than distance by land, it is clear, too, that we must buy more fn^m her as well as sell more to her, if we are to largely increase our dealings. Second- ly, if we are to have commercial union with only one country it would be more natural to form such a union with (Ircal Britain than with the United States. There would, in that case, be less disturbance even of our manufLicturing interests; for the differences between C!anada and Britain have led here to lines of manu- factures in which, under any arrangement with her, we could easily hold our own, or even preserve an un- challenged supremacy. These lines of manufacture would be at once multiplied and strengthened by the introduction of the one article of free iron from (Ireat Britain. On the other hand there is not a single line of manufactures in which the United States are not our keen competitors. With regard, again, to the manu- 1 OUR NATIONAI, OMJIXTS AND AIMS. $1 facturcs ill which Britain excels us, not only would (onsuniers, in the event of free trade, get the henet'it of cheap goods, hut the merchants, esi)ecially along the borders, would find their business increasing l)y leaps and hounds. Besides, in any such union with Britain we could dej)end upon her stable trade |)olicy and hi-r friendliness, both matters of importance, as the history of our relations with the United States for half a tenturv abundantly shows. Thirdly, retaliatioti by us would be ridiculous. 1 do not say that retalia- tion is out of the (|uestio!i in every case. Sometimes it is the best way of bringing (Others to a reasonable frame of mind. Cobden could never have made his celebrated convention with I'Yance if Uri* lin had been previously admitting all French ])roducts free. He had something to offer that it was worth France's while to accept. In the same way Canada and Britain will not ge' any reasonable measure of free trade with the United States till unitedly they can offer something which in the oi)inion of Congress is as good as that which we want from them. If then Canada would agree to abolish its duties on British {)roducts and manufactures, or even keep on them a small revenue tariff for a short time, and if Britain would agree to discriminate against countries refusing any reasonable reciprocity with her and us, that would give us the weapon we need. That course would haye other advantages. In my opinion it would be the best course, not only for Canada but for Britain. Neither of our great parties will take it for obvious rea- 32 OUR NATIONAL OHJKCTS AND AIMS. ; I b sons, hue these parties are certain to hreak up hefore long; and if I were a young man ^;oing into political life I would nail my colors to it, simply because it is right in itself and most certain to lead to the best results. It would certainly teach the j)rimer of free trade to the farmers of the United States. They are now in the fog and will remain in it for an indefinite time, until the lesson is taught them in this way. They could not complain, for even a little imitation is a sincere form of flattery, besides, they have already done their worst. If you agree with me on these points, it follows that we should approach the British dovernment with a reason- able offer and find out whether any, and if so what, arrangement can be made. We have approached Wash- ington time and again. Ought we not to try London now? We are dogmatically told that Britain will never discriminate. It will be time enough for us to believe that when we arc willing to share in the sacrifice that any change retjuires, or when she herself says so. At any rate, that which is worth getting is worth asking. It is clear to iiK,' that our policy should follow henceforth the British rather than the United States system. It is clear that if we are to throw in our lot fiscally with any other nation we should do so with the mother country. It is clear that we van approach her without loss of dignity, and I believe, too, that if we are i)rej)ared to pay the fair |)rice we would get all the advantages from her that existing treaties permit. The jjcople of Britain are free traders by conviction, but they believe that there is something more impor- OUR NATIONAL OBJECTS ANU AIMS. 3^ tant than a rigid adherence to the good rule of i)uying in the cheapest and selhng in the dearest market. It is also clear to me that the trade theory of Britain is right, though it does not follow that no exceptions can ever be allowed or that there are not relative degrees of rightness. It is wrong in princijjle to limit trade to an island or a continent. At any rate, as far as we make changes, let us head in the direction of what is right, and not of what is wrong — not only with regard to the lines on which changes should he made in our tariff, but in other respects also. Our policy must be decided. Since our neighljors will not trade with us, we must do everything in reason to open more wiaely the avenues of trade, not only with Britain but with related countries. Commercial treaties with the West Indies on one side and Australia on the other, a fiist steamshi[) service across the At- lantic, the deepening of the St. Lawrence canals, a cable and a line of steamships to Australia and New Zealand, a railway to Hudson bay, are all moves in the right direction. But, wnile we may not agree on details, let us be at one on fundamental [)rinciples. There are matters uf unsp(.'akably greater importance to a people than the volume of its imports and ex{)orts or anything that can be tabulated in the most roseate-colored and most carefully prepared statistics. Not by these things does a country live. A coun- try lives and lives in history by what its people are. Very little thought did the men who made Canada III . ;IH| li 1 !' li !'^ i li 34 OUR NATIONAL OBJECTS AND AIMS. give to tariff (]uestions. I'hey were men who lived sim])le lives, and whose hearts of oak no })rivations shook. Everything we have we owe to them, and the more firmly we stand on their foundations and get back to their simple manners, robust faith and sincere patriotism, the better for us. We are living in a criti- cal period. We need strong and true men. These will be given us if we are worthy of them. Let us take our stand on what is right, without any fear of consequences. All sorts of bogeys will be used to frighten us, all sorts of temptations to allure us from the path of honor. Against all these stand fast. Re- member how the spirit of our fathers shone out again and again like a pillar of fire when the night was darkest. Oh yes, we come of good stock. Men emi- grated to this new world who knew how to endure. They hoped to found in the forests of the west a state in which there would be justice for all, free scope for all, fair reward for labor, a new home for freedom, freedom from grinding j)overty, freedom from the gall- ing chain of ancient feuds, mutual confidence and righteousness between man and man, flowing from trust in (1(k1. They knew that tliere was no other sure foundation, no other permanent cohesion for the social fabric. These men yearned and prayed for the coun- try. 'I'hey were poor, yet they made rich all who came in contact with them. Some of them are still with us in the llesh, for Canada is only in its infancy. Let the knowledge that suc^h men laid our foundations hallow our aims and give us faith in the country's future. 1 never despair. I I»K. r.ULKI.NtJT I II 1Roi?poni?i6fo ^^ofecimiiiciit in Canada.' ITS HISTORY AND RESULTS. Read before the N^ational Club, Toronto^ by J. Geon^e Bourinot, D.C.L., C.M.G., Cicrk of the House of Commons of Canada. HE political controversies that once agitated Canada, when Responsible (loverniiient was a battle cry in the political arena, have long since passed into the domain of the historian, and politicians of every party have for many years acce[)ted the principle as essentially connected with national pro- gress. If Canadians have now a confederatif)n reach- ing from ocean to ocean; if Canada is now [)ractically an independent portion of the British Empire for all purposes of local government ; if her [)eople have I)een able to assume large responsibilities and have aims and aspirations worthy of a nation, it is because there have been men who fought courageously for many years in the legislative halls, in the i)ul)lic press, aud on the public platform, and succeeded at last in ob- taining for the different conmiunities of the Dominion those principles of responsible or local self government, which have enabled its statesmen i:i these later times to carry on the great work which tliey are now en- I r i' 1 : 1 i t i 36 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. deavoring to accomplish on the northern half of this continent of America. The constitution of Canada is not a purely arti- ficial scheme of government, but like that of England is a systematical balance of social and political forces which is a natural outcome of its history and de- velopment.'^' Responsible government is but another term for Parliamentary government. It has happened in the history of Canada, as in that of the parent state, the principles which lie at the basis of the system were not formed into a code of written or unwritten law in a day or in a week, but were slowly evolved as a natural sequence of representative institu- tions. We do not find in any of the statutes which have emanated from the imperial parliament, as the central legislature of the whole Empire, any express or authoritative enunciation of the principle, or any enact- ment of rules of law which should govern the forma- tion, the continuance in office, or the retirement, of a cabinet. It is true the British North America Act of 1867, which is the fundamental law of the Dominion as a federation, contains a vague statement in the pre- amble that the provinces "expressed their desire to be federally united into one Dominion with a constitution similar in princii)le to that of the United Kingdom." Elsewhere in the act there are provisions for vesting the executive authority and government in the Queen, and for the appointment of a privy council to aid and advise the governor-general of Canada, and also for I. See Green, "History of the English People," iv. 235. responsiblp: government in Canada. 37 the appointment of a lieutenant-governor and an ex ecutive council in the several provinces; but as respects their respective powers and functions, there is nothing more authoritative in our written constitution than in that of the United States *" to confer upon a Cabinet the great resj)onsibilities which it possesses in Canada as the chief executive and administrative body of the Dominion and of each province by virtue of its pos- sessing the confidence of the respective legislatures. In Canada that great body of unwritten conventions, usages and understandings which have in the course of time grown up in tlie practical working of the Eng- lish constitution form as important a part of the politi- cal system of Canada as the fundamental law itself which governs the federation. This system of responsible government preceded the establishment of the Dominion by a quarter of a century, and was adopted or rather continued as indis- pensable to the efficient administradon and harmonious operation of the government, not only of confederation as a whole but of its provincial entities, respectively. Its history must be traced through the various de- spatches of the secretaries of state, the instructions to the governors-general and lieutenant-governors, and in I. In the constitution of the United States, h^nvever, there is a provision which, Hke a clause in the Act of Settlement, ryoo, (Imp. Stat. 12 & 13 Will., c. 2, s. 3), which was afterwards re- pealed, would prevent a Cabinet being responsible to Congress since it is expressly provided that " no person holding any office under the United States, shafll be a member of either Mouse during his continuance in oflfice." See Art i, s. 6, U. S. Const. 1 1 I 38 RKSPONSIliLK C.OVKRNMKNT IN CANADA. : the journals and debates of our legislative bodies for half a century [)ast. Parliamentary institutions in any sha})e were un- known to Canada under the French regime which lasted from 1608 to 1759. Its government during that period was in the hands of a governor, an intendant or minister of finance and i)olice, and a council, which j)ossessed executive and judicial })owers. Its functions were carefully defined and restrained by the decrees and instructions of the French King, in conformity with the principle of centralization and absolutism that was the dominant feature of French government until the revolution. It was a paternal government which regulated all the political, social and even religious affairs of the country, for the Roman Catholic Bishop made himself all influential in council from the very beginning of I'Vench colonial history, and the people were practically mere automatons to be directed and moved according to the King's sovereign will. When New France became a ])ossession of England, and the (question arose how it was to be governed, pro- vision was made in general terms for the establishment of representative institutions as in the old L'.nglish colonies. The proclamation of King (ieorge III., which was issued in 1763, a severely criticised document on ac- count of its want of clearness,'*' gave expression to the English idea that a representative system in some form -or other was a natural consecjuence of British rule. X. Bonrinot, "Manual of the Constitutional History of Canada," p. 9, note. RESPONSIIU-K (;0VERNMP:NT in CANADA. 39 " In the old colonial system " says Professor Seeley, " assemblies were not formally instituted, l)ut grew u{) of themselves because it was the nature of Eng- lishmen to assemble. Thus the old historian of the colonics, Hutchinson, writes under the year 1619 [twelve years after the foundation of Jamestown, and eleven years later than Champlain's arrival at Quebec]. 'This year a house of burgesses broke out in Virginia.' "'^' But the Frenchmen of Canada knew nothing of those in- stitutions, so familiar and natural to Englishmen from the earliest days of their history, and even if they had been disposed to elect a representative house, the fact that all were Roman Catholics, and still subject to certain political disabilities,'^' stood in the way of such a result. Then a few vears later, followed the Quebec Act which removed these disabilities and established a system of government which restored the civil law of French Canada, if indeed it had ever been legally taken away, and gave the ])eoi)le a legislative council, nomi- nated by the Crown. In accordance with his instruc- tions the governor subsequently aj)pointed also a council to assist him in the administration of public afftiirs. Whilst the English settlers of the province of Canada, received with dismay and dissatisfaction a form of government which made French law prevail in civil matters, and prevented the meeting of an assembly, the French Canadians were naturally satisfied with the guarantees given them for the perpetuation of their old 1. " Expansion of En.ijland," p. 67. 2. The Proclamation of 17G3 obliged them to take a test oath. m i hi] ii 40 RKSI'ONSIHLE (lOVKKN'MKNT IN CANADA. institutions, and, ignorant of an English representative system, accejited gratefully one which was far more liberal than that under which they had been so long governed. Fourteen years later the imperial parliament again interfered in Canadian matters, and passed the "Constitutional Act" of 1791, which established the two provinces of Ui)per Canada and Lower Canada, and by se[)arating in this way, as f:ir as possible, the English from the French Canadians, gave l*'rench Canada remarkable op)iortunities for establishing her lan- guage, civil law, and other institutions on a permanent basis. By the beginning of the present century, there were rej)resentative institutions in the five [)rovinces of Upper Canada, Lower Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island. It was asserted authoritatively that the object of the Imperial (lovern- ment was to give the colonial [)eoples a s^'stem as like as possible to that of England. One lieutenant-governor called it "an image and transcript of the British con- stitution."*'' So far as having a permanent head of the executive and a council to advise the governors, and a legislature composed of two houses, there was a simi- larity between the English and the Canadian constitu- tions. The essential differences, however, lay in the absence of any responsibility on the part of the execu- tive councils to the people's assembly, and to the little 1. Lientenant-f^overnor Siincoe, in closing the first session of the Ic^'islature of Upper Canada. Boiirinot, " Manual of Constitutional History," p. 25, note. RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 41 or no control allowed to the latter over the revenues, expenditures and taxation of the country. It wcnild have been more correc^t to state that the C'anatlian system of those early times bore a likeness to the old colonial system in its latest ])hases when the crown- appointed governors were constantly in collision with the representative bodies. '" Up to 1H38, when the constitution of Lower Canada was sus[)ended on account of the political difficulties in the province, the government of the i)r()vinces might be considered under the following authorities, their power being, generally speaking, in the order I give them. The Secretary of State for the colonial and war department, who had the supervision of the colonial governments.'-' I. Writing of the perpetual antagonism between the legisla- tive bodies and the royal governors, Fisk says ("Civil govern- ment in the United States," p. 161,) that it " was an excellent schooling in political liberty, a remark (]uite applicable to Canada." 2. In 1768 there was a secretary of state for the American or colonial department, and the council of trade and planta- tions, created in 1660, continued in existence. On the loss of the old colonies the council and secretary of state were abol- ished, and their powers delegated to a committee of the privy council. Colonial affairs were administered by a branch of the home department until 1784, when a committee for foreign trade and foreign plantations was appointetl. For some years the secretary for war and home affairs was also nominally colonial secretary, but it was not until iHor that the depart- ments of war and the colonies were 'actually united. From 42 KKSl'ONSir.LK GOVLRNMLNT IN CANADA. The (iovcrnor-general of Canada, and Lieutenant- governors of the other j)rovinces, the latter being prac^- tically independent of the former, and acting directly under imi)erial instructions and commissions. The Executive Council ai)j)ointed by the foregoing officials and owing responsibility to them alone. The Legislative Council, composed for the most i)art of executive councillors appointed for life by the crown; that is to say, practically by the governors. Tiie Legislative Assembly, elected by the people on a restricted franchise, claiming but exercising little or no control over the government or finances of the provinces. In the provinces by the sea there was no formal division between the executive and legislative councils as in the up[)er provinces, but the legislative council exercised at once legislative and executive functions.'^' 1794 the committee for trade and foreign plantations gradually ceased to have any connection with colonial affairs. Since 1854 a principal secretary of state has administered colonial affairs. See Colonial Ollice List, 1890, pp. 7, 8. I This system was modelled on that of a numher of the old colonies. "The governor always had a council to advise with him and assist him in his executive duties in imitation of the King's pri\y council in England. But in nearly all the colonies this council took part in the work of legislation, and thus sat as an upper house, with more or less power of re- viewing and amending the acts of the assembly." Fiske, "Civil government in the United States," p. 155. The system was in operation in the Koyal or Provincial colonies, to which class Nova Scotia also belonged. See Scott, " Development of Constitutional Liberty," pp. 35, 36. RKSI»ONSIHI,K COVERNMKN'l IN CANADA. 43 The governing body in all the provinces was virtually the legislative council which was entirely out of sym- pathy with the great body of the people, and with their inunediate re[)resentatives in the assembly, since it held its position by the exercise of the prerogative o^ the crown, and possessed a controlling influence with the governors, not only by virtue of its mode of a^)- pointment, but from the fact that its most influential members were also executive councillors. In the con- test that eventually arose in the working out of this political system between the governors and the as- semblies for the control of the revenues and expendi- tures, and the independence of the judiciary, and other questions virtually affecting the freedom and efficiency of government, the legislative council in every province was arrayed as a unit on the side of prerogative, and at one time or other oi)posed every measure and prin- ciple in the direction of wider political liberty. It is easy then to understand that in all the provinces, and especially in Lower Canada to the very day of Papi- neau's ill-advised outbreak, the efforts of the popular leaders were chiefly directed to break down the power of the legislative council and obtain a change in its constitution from the imperial authorities. The famous ninety-two resolutions of 1834, which embodied in emphatic phrases the grievances of the popular ma- jority of French Canada, do not directly or indirectly refer to the English system of having in parliament a set of ministers responsible to, and dependent on, the majority of the popular house, but make a fierce on- I) 11 I 44 RESPOxN'SIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. slaught on the upper chamber. Even in the provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswic): the opinion of the leaders of the popular body appears to have hesi- tated for a while between a change in the constitution of the legislative council, and the creation of a re- sponsible ministry. A set of resolutions which were passed as late as 1S37 by the assembly of Nova Scotia on the motion of Mr. Howe, confessedly the ablest and most elotjuent exponent of responsil)le government, were aimed- against the legislative council, "combining legislative, judicial and executive powers, holding their seats for life, and tre:tting with contempt or indiffer- ence the wishes of the people, and the representations of the Commons," and concluded with the proposition that "as a remedy for these grievances, his Majesty be implored to take such steps either by granting an elective legislative council, or by such other recon- struction- of the local government as will ensure re sponsibility to the Commons." Of course when we look back at the history of this (juestion we should bear in mind that res[)onsible government, as v.e now j)ossess it, was necessarily a consecjuence of the i)olitical develoi)mcnt of the people. In 1792 the })e()ple of French Canada were certainly not ripe for such a system, and the British govern- ment mig]it well hesitate before entrusting so large a measure of freedom to a l^Yench Canadian majority, without experience of parliamentary government. But it could not have been a (|ucstion at all under con- sideration in those early days. Canadian writers en- RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IX CANADA. 45 tirely ignore the Cavi that the system had been only working itself out in England under many ditifieulties since 1688, and was not even yet well understood in the parent state, and certainly not by the peoi)le at large. Writers like DeLolme and lilackstone, whose books were published a few years before 1791, never devoted even a foot-note to a responsible cabinet or ministry, and no ':onstitutional writers, until the last half of this century, attempted to formulate the rules and conventions which regulate this system of unwritten law.*'^ The framers of the American constitution of 1787 never discussed it, simply because they did not understand it.'-* The system of government established in the provinces was intended to be an improvement from the imperial point of view on the old colonial system, and to give as great a strength as possible to the executive authority. Sir James Craig, and many of his successors until the arrival of Lord (iosford were fitting representatives of an autocratic sovereign like (leorge III., who attempted for years to govern through advisers perfectly willing to be mere cyphers in his hands and acknowledge their real responsibility 1. It is a fact ofwhich Canadians should be proud, that the late Dr. Todd, librarian of the Parliament of Canada, wrote the full- est and ablest exposition of the principles and vorkings of Par- liamentary Government that has yet appeared in any couiiLiy. 2. "In 1787," says Professor Bryce, "when the constitutional convention met at Philadelphia, the cabinet system of govern- ment was in England still immature. It was so immature that its true nature had not been perceived." "The American Com- monwealth," I, p. 273. See also i, 35, 36. 46 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. was to him and not to parliament. It was not until the close of the tighteenth century, a short time be- fore the passage of the Constitutional Act of 1791, when the younger Pitt became the head of adminis- tration, that the autiiority of the king diminished in the councils of the country, and responsible govern- ment was established on its proper basis.*'* Public men in the United States as well as in the colonies of Canada, might well believ*e that the king and the parliament were the supreme authorities, and that the ministry was an entirely subordinate body, apparently under the influence of the Sovereign. As a matter of fact, parliamentary government in England itself was in those days virtually on its trial, and statesmen were from their exjjerience year by year formulating for us in these later times those principles and rules which would bring the executive into entire harmony with the legislative authority. According as the power of the House of Conmions increased ministers acknow- ledged their responsibility to parliament, and personal government, like that of the Stuarts and of George III., became an impossibility. i'he King gained in dignity as soon as his ministers assumed that full mea- sure of responsibility of all affairs of state which i;-, in accordance with the fundamental principles of the Eng- I. See Todd, "Parliamentary Government in England," ii. iGj, 171. And more particularly the iirst chapter of May's Con- stitutional History, vol. i pp. 15-104, where the influence of (ieorge III. over his ministry and in the government of England is clearly stated. 11 Ill RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 47 lish constitution, and the permanency of the liritish system of government became more assured by the agreement between the three branches of the legisla- ture. In the same way in Canada the people had to work the system for themselves out of their own ex- periences. Until, however, the necessity of applying the system of the colonies became obvious even to the dull eyes of English statesmen, the governors of the provinces were, from the very •nature of things, so many autocrats, constantly in collision with the po})u- lar element of the country. In some respects the governors of those days were to be pitied. Little versed as many of them were in political science and more learned as they were in military than constitu- tional law, they might quite naturally at times give expression to a little im})atience under the workiiig of a sj'stem which made them responsible to the imperial authorities who were ever vacillating in their policy, sometimes ill-disposed to sift grievances to the bottom, and too often dilatory in meeting urgent difficulties with i)rompt and effective remedial measures.'" It is quite certain that until the time of Lord Durham, no governor-general or lieutenaiil-governor ever thoroughly appreciated the exact position of affairs in Canada or even suggested in a despatch a remedy that would meet the root of the evil, and satisfy the public mind. The necessary change was brought about with sur prising rapidity when the difficulties of the long strained 1. See Bourinot, "Canadian Studies in Comparative Poli- tics," p. , ( I If 1 M|«ii I 48 RESPONSIRI.K r.OVEKNMENT IN CANADA. situation in the provinces culminated in uprisings of malcontents in two provinces. The people of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick had always pursued a con- stitutional agitation, and by the time of the arrival of Lord Durham in C'anada Mr. Howe and his friends had succeeded in obtaining the redress of not a few grievances. That nobleman, and his chief adviser, Chas. Buller,''' immediately understood that an elective legisla- tive council was not the true panacea that would cure the body j)olitic of its grievous sores, and the result of their incpiiries was a report which, in its clear and impartial statement of the ])oliti(^al difficulties of the country, and in its far-reaching conse(iuences, must take a place among the great charters and state docu- ments that have moulded the li^nglish constitution. If the authors had written no other sentence than the one which I here (juote they would have deserved the gratitude of the i)eople of Canada : " I know not how it is possible to secure harmony J'l any other way than by administering the govern- ment on those princii)les which have been found per- fectly efficacious in Great liritain. I would not imj)air a single prerogative of the crown ; on the contrary, I believe that the interests of the people of these pro- I. No doubt Charles BuUer must share the credit in all respects with Lord Durham for the authorship of this report; and indeed it is claimeil that he wrote it in its entirety. Read Mr. Howe's just euloj^y of that able writer and statesman, too soon lost to English public life. Howe, " Speeches and Public Letters," i. p. 566, 567. RESPONSIBLE (JOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 49 vinces refjuire the protection of prerogatives which have not hitherto been exercised. But the crown must, on the other hand, submit to the neces.sary consequences of representative institutions; and if it has to carry on the government in unison with a representative body, it must consent to carry it on by means of those in whom that representative body has confidence."'" 'I'he history of the concession of responsible gov- ernment has its [)erplexities for the historical writer on account of the hesitation that marked the action of the imi)erial government and of the governors of some of the provinces when it was generally admitted that the time had come for adopting a new and liberal colonial policy. Before the api)earance of Lord Dur- ham's report, it is cjuite clear that the imperial govern- ment had no intention to introduce immediately the English system in its completeness into the provinces. Even in the [)rovinces themselves there was much in- decision in cominu to a definite conclusion on the subject. Josei)h Howe had not hesitated to say in 1837 when moving the resolutions against the legislative council : "You are aware. Sir, that in Upper Canada an attempt was made to convert the executive council into the semblance of an I'Jiglish ministry, having its mem- bers in both branches of the legislature, and holding their positions while they retained the confidence of the country. I am afraid that these colonies, at all events this i)rovince, is scarcely i)rei)ared for the erec- i 1 I. Page 106 of Report. 50 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. tion of such machinery ; I doubt whether it would work well here ; and the only other remedy that pre- sents itself is, to endeavor to make both branches of the legislature elective." But Mr, Howe, like other public men of those days in Canada, was suon brought to demand respon- sible government in the full sense of the term. In fact, it is to him and to the advocates of resi)onsible government in Upi)er Canada that the chief credit must be given for the eventual establishment of the system, as we now possess it.'^' In Lord Russell's de- spatches in 1839 — the sequence of Lord Durham's re- port — we can clearly see the doubt in the minds of the imperial authorities whether it was possible to work the system on the basis of a governor directly re- sponsible to the parent state, and at the same time acting under the advice of ministers who would be responsible to a colonial legislature.''^' But the colonial secretary had obviously come to the opinion that it was necessary to make a radical change which would ensure greater harmony between the executive and the popular bodies of the provinces. Li these same de- 1. Even as early as 1829 Mr. Stanley, afterwards Earl of Derby, father of the present governor-general of Canada, pre- sented a petition from several thousand inhabitants of Toronto, praying that judges might be placed on the same independent tenure that they occupied in England, and expressing the hope " that they might have a local and responsible administration" in Upper Canada. See MacMullen, History of Canada, p. 370. 2. See his despatches of 1839, in the Journals of Leg. Ass, of Canada, 1841, App. BB. RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. SI ' sjiatches, which were forwarded to all the governors, he laid down the principle that thereafter " the tenure of colonial offices held during Her Majesty's pleasure will not be regarded as a tenure during good beha- viour," but that "such officers will be called upon to retire from the public service as often as any sufficient motives of public policy may suggest the expediency of that measure. Her Majesty," he states emi)hatically, " iiad no desire to maintain any system of policy among her North American subjects which opinion condemns," and there was "no surer way of earning the approbation of the Queen than by maintaining the harmony of the executive with the legislative authori- ties. Mr. Poulett Thomson was the governor-general expressly ap[)ointed to carry out this new policy. If he was extremely vain,'" at all events he was also astute, practical, and well able to gauge the public sentiment by which he should be guided at so critical a period of Canadian history. The evidence is clear that he was not individually in favor of responsible government as it was understood by Mr. Baldwin and Mr. Howe when he arrived in Canada. He believed that the council should be one " for the governor to consult and no more," and voicing the doubts that still existed in the minds of imperial statesmen, he added, the governor "cannot be responsible to the government at home " and also to the legislature of the province ; if it were so, " then all colonial government becomes im- I. This was Greville's opinion of him. See his Journal, under date of January joth, lii^O. r » ! fS :'; *iS 1 52 RKSPONSinLK (iOVKRNMENT IN CANADA. possible.'' The governor in his opinion, " must there- fore be the minister, in wiiich case he cannot be under the control of men in the colony." Sir Francis Hincks, whose oj)inion in these matters is worthy of consideration, has expressed his belief that Lord Syden- ham al the outset had hoj)es of "being able to find subordinates who would undertake to defend his policy in the house of assembly," and that his object was "to crush jxirty connection."'"' Be that as it may, Lord Sydenham j)robably soon found after he had been for a while in the country, and had frec]uent opj)ortunities of consulting with the leaders of the ])opular party who well knew the temper of the country at large, that if he wish.ed to accomplish the union successfully — ^the ])iincij)al object of his visit at that time — he would have to tem))0)i/e at the least, and disguise his own conce|)tion of the best way of carrying on the government of the country. AVhen the assembly met it was soon evident that the reformers in the body were determined to have a definite understanding on the all-important ([uestion of responsible government, and the result was that the governor-general, a keen politician, immediately recognized the fact that, unless he yielded to the feeling of the majority, he would lose all his influence, and it is well known that the resolutions whii^h were moved by Mr. Harrison and eventually passed in Hivor of resj)onsible government, in amendment to those moved by Mr. Baldwin, had I. See Hincks, " Reminiscences of his public life," p.p. 41 et seq. - RESPONSIBLE C.OVERNMENT IN C.WADA. 53 ' liis full approval before their introduction.'" The two sets of resolutions practieally differed little from each other, and the inference to he drawn from the i)olitical situation of those times is that the governor's friends in the council thought it advisable to gain all the credit possible with the public for the passage of reso- lutions on the all-absorbing (juestion of the day, since it was obvious that it had to be settled in some definite and satisfactory form. As these resolutions form the first authoritative expression of the almost unanimous opinion of the colonial legislature on the (luestion, I give their text in full : 1. "That the head of the executive government of the province being within the limits of his government the representative of the sovereign is res|)onsil)le to the imperial authority alone, but that, neverthfless, the management of our local affairs can only be conducted by him, by and with the assistance, counsel and infor- mation of subordinate ofiicers in the province. 2. "That in order to preserve between the different branches of the provincial ])arliament that harmony which is essential to the peace, welfare and good gov- ernment of the province, the chief advisers of the representative of the sovereign, constituting a provincial administration under him, ought to be men possessed of the confidence of the representatives of the people; thus affording a guarantee that the well understood I. See Scrope, Life of Lord Sydenham, ist ed, pp. 247, 272, 274. Also Sir Francis Hincks' opinion on the same subject, " Reminiscences of his public life,' p 4::. r 54 RESPONSIHLK G0VP:RNMKNT IN CANADA. I'i li wishes and interests of the people, which our (Iracious Sovereign has declared shall be the rule of the pro- vincial government, will on all occasions be faithfully represented and advocated.'^' 3. "That the people of this [)rovince have more- over a right to expect from such j)rovincial adminis- tration the exertion of their best endeavors that the imperial authority, within its constitutional limits, shall be exercised in the manner most consistent with their well understood wishes and interests." The close of the first session of the first legislature of Canada, after the union of 1841, saw responsible government virtually adopted in that province as the fundamental basis of its political system, although for a few years its development was in a measure retarded by the ill-advised efforts of Lord Metcalfe (who came fresh from India, where English officials were so many mild desi)ots in their respective spheres), to assert the prerogatives of the head of the executive in the spirit of times which had passed away, and to govern accord- ing to the ideas which it appears Lord Sydenham himself privately entertained when he first came to Canada. The critical period of responsible government l^ I. Lord Sydenham, in answer to an address from the as- sembly of Upper Canada, 1839, said that he had "received Her Majesty's commands to administer the government of these pro- vinces in accordance with the well understood wishes and interests of the people." See Christie, " History of Lower Canada," v. 353^ Also Bourinot, " ^Lanual of Constitutional History." p. i'], \ 'I 4- RF.SPONSIP.I,F. GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 55 in the Maritime provinces as well as in (Canada, ex- tended from 1839 to 1848. In New IJriinsvvick Sir John Harvey, the lieutenant-governor, at once recog- nized in Lord John Russell's despatches "a new and improved constitution ;" and by a circular memorandum informed the heads of departments that thenceforward their offices would be held by the tenure of })ublic confidence."* Unfortunately for Nova Scotia there was at that time at the head of the government a brave but obstinate old soldier, Sir Colin Camj)bell, who had petrified ideas on the sanctity of the prerogatives of the crown, and honestly believed that res})onsiUe government was fraught with peril to imperial interests. He steadily ignored the desjjatches which had so much influence on the situation of affairs m the other pro- vinces, until at last such a clamor was raised about his ears that the imperial government cjuietly removed him from a country where he was creating dangerous complications. Nova Scotia, from the time Mr. Howe moved his resolutions on the subject in the assembly, had been making steady headway towards responsible government, as a result of the changes that were made by Lord (llenelg (truly described "as one of the most amiable and well disposed statesmen who ever presided over the colonial department")"' in the position of the 1. See Howe, " Speeches and Public Letters," i. 220. 2. This is a quotation from Howe's "Speeches and l'ul)lic Letters," i. 144, a work having on the title page the name of W. Annand, M.P.I'., as editor, but well understood to have been written word for word by Mr. Howe himself. !:i ; I it 56 RKSI'ONSllil-K (;OVKRNMKNT IN CANADA. legislative council which was al last separated from the executive authority. lUit the executive council was very far from being in accord with |)ui)lic oi)inion, and its members had no jxjlitical sympathy with each other. The governor's friends predominated and acknowledged no responsii)ility to the assembly. When Lord j'alk- land was appointed lieutenant-governor there was every expectation that the [)olitical agitation that had so long disturbed the province would disappear, at least so far as it could in a country wliere every man is a l)orn politician ; and indeed for a while it seemed as if the new governor would exhibit that tact and judgment which were so essential at a time when a new system of government was in course of development, and it was necessary to respect the aspirations of the popular party, without unduly wounding the feelings of the men who had for so long controlled the aff^iirs of gov- ernment, and acted as if they had a monopoly of them for all time. lUit the choice of Lord Falkland was in many respects unfortunate. In the provinces, under the old regime, there were two classes of gov- ernors who did much harm in their way. First of all, there were the military governors, like Sir James Craig and Sir Colin Campbell, well-meaning and honest men, but holding extreme ideas of the importance of the prerogatives of the crown, and too ready to api)ly the rules of the camp to the administration of i)ublic affairs; and then there were the gentlemen who wished to recruit narrow fortunes, had no very high opinion 1 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 57 of "the fellows in the colonies,"'" and in most eases obtained the position not from any high merit of their own hut as a result of family or jjolitical intluenee. Lord Falkland appears to have belonged to the latter class and it did not reflect much on the sagacity of the government, who chose at a critical period of pro- vincial history a man who clearly had no very correct idea of the j)rinciples of the new system he had to administer. He (piarrelled with the leaders of the liberal party in a most offensive way, and even de- scended himself into the field of political controversy. He used every possible effort to oj)pose the develoj)- ment of responsible government, and in doing so threw himself into the arms of the party that had so long ruled in social and political life in Nova Scotia. It is certainly a curious coincidence that at a time when responsible government was understood to be practi- cally conceded, Lord Falkland and Lord Metcalfe should, have been simultaneously sent to preside over the provinces of Canada and Nova Scotia; but it is not at all i)robable that they were sent out with any sinister motives to im})ede the development of the new system.*"' They happened to be the two men whom 1. Lord Sydenham in one of his letters applies this expression to the members of the legislature. See Scrope's Life, p. 234. 2. Mr. Howe in his collection of " Letters and Public Speeches," i. 393, traces "a mysterious connection" between the two governors ; but he quotes in a subsecjuent page an ex- tract from a speech in parliament of Lord Stanley, then secretary of state for the colonies, in which he states tjjat the "principle of responsible government had been fully and frankly conceded on the part of the government " See. i. 427. r Is 'i 5^ RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. i 1 , the colonial office found most convenient at hand, and like other appointiiients of the kind in those days they were despatched without nny sj)ecial inquiry into their qualifications for tlie important responsibilities they had to discharge. Like Sir l''rancis Hond Head, the new lieutenant-governor of Nova Scotia w;is an example of a man wh.t) had greatness thrust ujx)!! him ; U)v there were some people cruel enough to say at the time of the former's appointnient that he received a position that was really intended for his able kinsman, who became in later times governor-general of Canada'" — another apt illustration of the blindness 'vhich colonial secretaries in those davs were wont to show. 'I'he historv of the contest in Nova Scotia became much m.ore interesting in some respects than that of (.'anada, as soon as the governors began to develop their re- actionary ])olicy. Mr. Howe was a ]^oet as well as an orator, and it is curious to note that Nova Scot^i has given birth to the few humorists that Canada (-an claim. "Sam Slick" was a Nova Scotinn, and Mr. Howe, who was the first to j)ublish his writings, had also a deej) sense oi humor which was constant!}' brightening his s})eeches and writings. It must be admitted that his humor was sometimes rather tliat of I'ielding and Smollet than of Hood and I.amb, and was not always suited to these more self-restrained times.' ' Some of the liiost patriotic verses ever written I I. Sir Francis Hincks' ' Reminiscences, &c.," pp. 14, 13. Goldwin Smith doubts this story, "Canadian Question," p. 115. 2. An eminent governor-general has very aptly, in the present writer's hearing, styled Mr. Mowe's liumor as "a Httle robust." 1 \ RESPONSIBLE HOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 59 by a Canadian can hv found in his collection of poems ; hut relatively very few persons now-a-days re- collect those once famous satirical attacks upon Lord Falkland, which gave great amusement to the peoi)le throughout the province, and made the life of that nobleman almost unbearable. These verses contain too many local allusions to be apj^reciated by those who are not thoroughly conversant with the history of those times, and I shall content myself with a (juota- tion from "The Lord of the Bedchamber" — an allusion to one of the positions previously held by the lieuten- ant-governor. The following verses are supposed to show Lord Falkland's opinion of the troublesome House of Assembly, and his way of conciliating some of its unruly elements. 77ie Lieutenant -^07'cnwr /s supposed to he in his hedvooni, ivait- ing for a reply to a message he had sent some time before to the people's house : " No answer ! The scoundrels liow dare they delay ! Do they think that a man who's a peer, Can thus be kept feverish, day after day, In the hope that their speaker '11 appear. " How dare they delay when a I'eer of the Realm, And a Lord of the Bedchamber, too, To govern them all has been placed at the helm, And to order them just what to do. " Go r>-dy ; go D-dy, and tell them from me, That like Oliver Crom. I'll come down, My orderly sergeant mace-bearer shall be. And kick them all out of the town." ;,:il m II !i 60 RKSPONSIRLE GOVF.RNMENT IN CANADA. These retiiarks are supposed to be addressed by the governor in the secrecy of his chamber, to one of his pliant ftienas xvho 7'cn- tured to hint that it tnight not, for hi, 11, be quite safe to repeat what was said: m " They've got some odd notions, the obstinate crew, That we are their servants — and they A serf,'eant have got, and a stout fellow too. Who their orders will strictly obey. " Besides, though the leader and I have averred, That justice they soon shall receive, *Tis rather unlucky that never a word That we say will the fellows believe. " How now, cries his Lordship, deserted by you I hope you don't mean to retire, Sit down, sir, and te-i me at once what to do, For my blood and my brain are on fire." 77ien the governor's pliant fiend suggest'; a method of seiuing matters, quite common in those old times : " Suppose: and his voice half recovered its tone. You ask them to dinner, he cried, And when you can get them aloof and alone, Let threats and persuasion be tried. " If you swear you'll dissolve, you may frighten a few. You may wheedle and coax a few mt)re. If the old ones look knowing, stick close to the new, And we yet opposition may floor." '/'his advice was obviously palatable to his Lordship : I'll do it, my l)-dy- I'll do it this night, F'arty government still I eschew, But if a few parties will set you all il^ht, I'll give them and you may come too. 1 RKSi'ONSir.LE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 6r The Romans of ( .d, when to battle they press'd Consahed the entrails, 'tis said, And arguments, if to the stomach addressed, May do more than when aimed at the head." '•' In this way the political fighters of the maritime ])rovinces diversified the furious contest that they fought with the lieutenant-governors, and it was certainly better that the people should be made to laugh than be hurried into such unfortunate uprisings as occurred in the upper })rovinces. Ha})pily such a style of con- troversy has also passed away with the cause of irrita- tion, and no Lord Falkland could be found now-a- days to step down into the arena, and make a personal issue of i)olitical controversies. Lord Metcalfe left the country a disappointed and dying man, and Lo.d l^dkland was stowed away in the Last, in Bombay, where he could do little harm ; and with the apj)ointment of Lond Elgin to Canada, and of Sir John Harvey to Nova Scotia, and with a clear enunciation on the pnrt of Earl Grey of the rules that should govern the conduct of governors in the administration of colonial affairs, the political atmosphere cleared at last, and responsible government became an accomi)lished fact. Since those days we have had a succession of governors who have endeavored to carry out honestly and discreetly the wise i;olonial policy I. Some one might write a very interesting essay on the infiaence of dinners in politics as well as in domestic life. I have known very important political results to arise from dinners given by governors and political leaders. ; v. -si '11 !) 'I ' - I 'i i 62 RKSPONSIHIJ'-, GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. which was inaugurated at the union of 1841, and the difficulties which I-ord John Russell anticipated have disajjneared, or rather iuive never actually occurred in the practical operation of a system of government which has proved itself the best safeguard of imperial interests. In the history of the past there is much to de- j)lore the blunders of English ministers, the want of judgment on the i)art of governors, the selfishness of "family compacts," the arrogance of office-holders, the recklessness of Canadian politicians. I^ut the very trials of the crisis through which Canada passed l)rought out the fact that, if Ivnglish statesmen had mistaken the spirit of the Canadian people, and had not always taken the l)est methods of removing grievances, it was not from any studied disposition to do these countries an injustice, but rather because they were unable to see until the very last moment that, even in a Colony, a re])resentative system must be worked in accordance with those j)rinciples that oljtained in England, and that it was impossiljle to direct the internal affairs of dependencies many thousand miles distant through a colonial ofhce, generally managed by a few clerks. These very trials j)rove(l that the great body of the people had confidence in i^ngland giving at last due heed to their complaints, and that the sound sentiment of the country was re|)resente(l, not by Mackenzie or Tapineau — who proved at the last that they were not of heroic mould but ralher bv the men of cool judg- ment and rational policy, who, throughout this critical period of Canadian history, believed that constitutional RKSFONSllil.K (lOVKRXMKNT IN CANADA. 63 aLntati(jn would best brinir al)()Ut a solution of the difficulties which had so long agitated the j)rovinces. Of all the conspicuous figures of those memoral)le times, which already seem so far awav from us who possess so many political rights, there are three which stand out more ])rominently than all others and rejjre- sent the two distinct tyi)es of politicians who influenced the public mind during the first })art of this century. These are I^apineau, lialdwin. and Howe. Around the figure of the first there has always been a sort of gla- mour which has helped to conceal his vanity, his rashness, and his want of j)olitical sagacity, which would have, under any circumstances, prevented his success as a safe statesman, (\ipable of guiding a j)eo|)le through a trying ordeal. His elocjuence was fervid and had much influence ov<'r his impulsive countrymen, his sincerity was undoubted, and in all likelihood his very indiscre- tions made more palpable the defect> of tiie pf)litical system against which he so persistently and so often justly declaimed. He lived to see his (Y)untrymen enjoy power and influence under the very union which they resented, and find himself no longer a leader among men, but isolated from a great majority of his own people, and representing a past whose methods were antagonistic to the new regime that had grown uj) since 1838. It would h.ive been well tor his reputation had he remained in obscurity on return from exile, anil never stood un the floor of a united parliament since he could onlv juove in those later times that he had never understood the true working of res[)onsible I ; ■M?»l Hi ,m I 1 I n li^ 11 64 RKSPONSIIiLK r.OVKRNMKNT IN CANADA. government. The days of reckless agitation had passed, and the time for astute and calm statesmanshij) had come. Lafontaine and Morin were now safer political guides for his countrymen. He soon disaj)peared entirely from [)ublic view, and in the solitude of his pictures(jue chateau amid the groves that overhang the Ottawa River, only visited from time to time by a few staunch friends, or by curious tourists who found their way to that qu'wt spot, he passed the remainder of his days with a trancpiility in wondrous contrast to the stormy and eventful drama of his life. I have often seen his noble, dignified figure, — even erect in age — - passing unnoticed on the streets of Ottawa, when per- haps at the same time there were strangers walking through the lobbies of the |>arliament house and asking t(^ see his jjortrait. One of the most admirable figures in the political history of the 1 )ominion was undoubtedly Robert Bald- win. Com})ared with other popular leaders of his generation, he was calm in counsel, unselfish in motive, anci moderate in ()])inion. If there is some significance in the political phrase, "Liberal-Conservative," it could l)e aj)j)lie«l with justice to him. He, too, lived for years after his retirement from political life, almost forgotten l)y the ])eople for whom he worked so fearlessly and sincerely. Josepli Howe, too, died about the same time as Papineau — after the establishment of the federal union; but unlike the m.ijority of his compeers, who .struggled for popular rights, he was a proi ^inent figure in public h ■ RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 65 I L life until the very close of his career. All his days — even when his spirit was sorely tried by the obstinacy and indifference of some English ministers, he loved England, for he knew, after all, it was in her institu- tions his country could best fmd ])rosperity and happi- ness, and it is an interesting fact, that amcHig the many able essays and addresses which the (juestion of Imperial Federation has drawn forth, none in its elocjuence, breadth, and fervor can equal his great speech on the Consolidation of the Emi>ire. 'i'he printer, poet and politician died at last at Halifax the Lieutenant-governor of his native province in the famous old government house, admittance to which had been denied him in the stormy times of Eord Falkland. A logical ending assuredly to the life of a statesman who, with elocjuent pen and voice, in the days when the opinions he held were unpopular in the homes of governors and social leaders, ever urged the claims of his countrymen to exercise that direct control over the government of their country which should be theirs by birth, interest and merit. In the working out of Responsible government for the last half century there stand out, clear and well defined, certain facts and principles which are at once a. guarantee of efficient home government and of a harmonious co-operation between the dependency and the central authority of the Empire. I. The misunderstandings that so constantly oc- curred between the Legislative bodies and the Imi)erial authorities, on account of the latter failing so often to 15 ! t 1 1 If ' !' 66 RESPOxNSlIJLK (GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. ;(■ I' I !;■ i I* appreciate fully the nature of the [)olitical grievances that agitated the public mind, and on account of their constant interference in matters which should have been left exclusively to the control of the people di- rectly interested, have been entirely removed in con- formity with the wise policy of making Canada a self- governing country in the full sense of the phrase. These provinces are, as a consecjuences, no longer a source of irritation and danger to the parent state, but, possessing full independence in all matters of local concern, are now among the c:hief sources of England's pride and greatness. 2. The Governor-general, instead of being constantly brought into conllict NVith the political parties of the country, and made immediately responsible for the continuance of public grievances, has gained in dignity and influence since he has been removed from the arena of public controversy. He now occupies a posi- tion in harmon\- with the principles that have given additional strength and prestige to the Throne itself. As the legally accredited representative of the Soxereign, as the recognized head of society, he rei)resents what Bagehot has aptly styled " the dignified part of our constitution," which has much value in a country like ours where we fortunately retain the permanent form of monarchy in harmony with the democratic machin- ery of our government. It would be a great mistake to sui)pose ^that the Governor-general is a mere roi faineant, a mere orna- mental portion of our political system, to be set to KESPONSIIJLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 67 work and kept in motion by his council. Lord I'>lgin, the ablest of constitutional governors, has left it on record that in Jamaica, where there was no responsible government, he had not " half the [)ower " he had in Canada, " with a constitutional and changing Cabinet."*'' This influence, however, was "wholly uKjral, an influ- ence of suasion, sympathy, and moderation, which softens the temper while it elevat&s the aims of local politics." ■ If the (lovernor-general is a man of parlia- mentary experience and constitutional knowledge, pos- sessing tact and judgment, and imbued with the true spirit of his high vocation— and these high function- aries have been notably so since the commencement of Confederation — he can sensibly influence, in the way Lord Elgin points out, the course of administration and benefit the country at critical periods of its history. Standing above all party, having the unity of the em- pire at heart, a Governor-general can at times soothe the public mind, and give additional confidence to the country, when it is threatened with some national ca- lamity, or there is distrust abroad as to the future. As an imperial officer he has large responsibilities of which the general public have naturally no very clear idea, and if it were possible tn obtain access to the confi- dential and secret despatches which seldom see the light in the colonial office — certainly not in the hfetime of the men who wrote them — it would be seen how much for a quarter of a century past, the colonial de- partment has gained by having had in the Dominion I. Walrond's Letters of Lord Elgin, pp. 125, 126. '-/ ■i HI inl ill I I' V 68 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. Ill men, no longer acting under the influenee of personal feeling through being made j)ersonally responsible for the conduct of public aflairs, l)Ut actuated sim[)ly l)y a desire to benefit the country over which they preside, and to bring Canadian interests into union with those of the Empire itself. 3. The effects on the character of public men and on the body politic have been for the public advan- tage. It has brought out the best (jualities of colonial statesmanship, lessened the influence of mere agitators and demagogues, and taught our })ublic men to rely on themselves in all crises affecting the welfare and integrity of the country. Responsible government means self-reliance, the capacity to govern ourselves, the abil- ity to build up a great Nation on the northern half of America. / The aavantages of the Canadian or English system of parliamentary government compared with the United States system, may be briefly summed up as follows : I. The Governor-general, his cabinet, and the two branches of the legislature are able to work in harmony with one another since the ministry is responsible to parliament for the advice it gives to the Crown, and must leave office should it forfeit the confidence of the majority of the popular house. The Governor-general at any time, acting always under the advice of his council, may grant a dissolution to test the sense of the people on a public question, and bring the legis- lative body immediately into accord with the public mind. RKSPONSini.K GOVERNMF.NT IN CANADA. 69 t • On the other hand, in the United States, the President and his cabinet may be in constant conflict with the two houses of Congress for the four years of his term of office. His cabinet has no direct influence with the legislative bodies, since they have no seats therein, and the political complexion of Congress does not affect their office since they depend on the execu- tive for their continuance therein. Dissolution, which is the safety valve of the Canadian system, is not practicable under the United States constitution, which makes the President irremovable for a fixed term, and prevents the cabinet from sitting in Congress, and being responsible to the people. 2. The Governor-general is not personally brought into collision with either branch of the legislature by the exercise of a veto, since the ministry are responsible for all legislation, and must stand or fall by their own measures. The passage of a measure of which they disapproved would mean in the majority of cases their resignation ; and it is impossible to suppose that they would ask the (lovernor to exercise a prerogative of the Crown which has been in disuse since the estab- lishment of responsible government, and would not be a revolutionary measure even in Canada. In the United States there is danger of constant collision between the President and the two legislative branches, should a very critical exercise of the veto, as in President Johnson's time, occur when the public mind would be deeply agitated. The chief magistrate loses in dignity and influence when the legislature ! ! IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 1.0 I.I ■^IIIM IIM 1.8 MO 1.25 1.4 1.6 -^ 6" — ► v. 6>: em os' ^ o /, ■^r w Photographic Sciences Corporation 33 WEST MAIN STREET WEBSTER, NY. M58'' (716) 872-4503 S. 4? ,\ ■'S^ <> *i> V ^ ^ ^ ^ ,<:■- rv m-' .v- &? ^vT Ua T?' y> i 5 T 1 70 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. overrides his veto, and Congress becomes a despotic master for the time being. 3. The Canadian ministry having control of the finances and taxes, and of all matters of administration, are responsible directly to parliament, and sooner or later to the people, for the manner in which they have discharged their functions. All important measures affecting the public welfare are initiated by them, and one very question of public interest they are bound to have a definite policy if they expect to retain the confidence of the legislature. In case of all private legislation, they are also the guardians of the public interests, and responsible to Parliament: and the people for any neglect in this important particular. On the other hand, in the United States, the finan- cial and other legislation of Congress is left to the control of committees, over which the President and his cabinet can have no direct influence, and the chairman of which may have ambitious objects in direct antagonism to the men in office. No one, for instance, can say that Mr. Blaine approves in all par- ticulars of the famous Tariff Act of which Mr. Speaker Reed and Mr. Chairman McKinley are the fathers. 4. In the Canadian system the Speaker is a function- ary, having certainly his party proclivities, but while in the chair all the political parties can depend on his justice and impartiality. Responsible government makes the premier resp()nsil)le for the character of the com- mitter's, and for the legislation that may emanate from them. A government that would constantly endeavor RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 7' to shift their responsibilities on committees even of their own choosing would soon disappear from the treasury benches. Responsibility in legislation is en- sured, tariff and financial measures are prevented from being the foot-balls of ambitious and irresponsible poli- ticians, and the impartiality of a Speaker is guaranteed by the presence of a Cabinet having the direction of parliamentary business. On the other hand, in the United States, the Speaker of the House of Representatives is forced to become in the very nature of things a political leader, and the spectacle is sometimes presented, so strange to us familiar with English methods, of decisions given by him with obviously party objects, and of commit- tees formed by him with political aims, as likely as not with a view to thwart the ambition either of the President himself or of some prominent member of his cabinet. And all this lowering of the dignity of the chair is due to the absence of a responsible min- ister to lead the house. The very position which the Spea .er is forced to take from time to time — in fact, from the beginning to the end of the last session — is clearly the result of the defects of the constitutional system of the United States, and a j)owerful evidence which goes to show that a responsible party leader is an absolute necessity in Congress. A legislature must be led, and Congress is attempting to get out of a crucial difficulty by all sorts of (juestionable shifts which only show the inherent weakness of the existing system. 7-! RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. The complete success in self-government in Canada can be seen by comparing the present condition of things with what existed fifty years ago when the pro- vinces that now constitute the Dominion were so many small, struggling communities, isolated from one another, having no direct interest in each other's industrial and political development, animated by no common aims and aspirations, and having no tie to bind them except the purely sentimental bond which united them as communities of the same Empire. The total popula- tion of all the British North American countries in 1840 did not exceed one million of souls, of whom the majority were French Canadians, then sullen and dis- contented, believing that the Union was a part of a sinister scheme to destroy their national institutions and place them in a position of inferiority to the Eng- lish speaking people. That " war of races " of which Lord Durham speaks might have been continued in all its former intensity, had the new government been conducted in a spirit of hostility and injustice to the French Canadians. A feeling of unrest was still abroad, and no one was ready to speak confidently of the future. If there was ever in Canada any number of men inclined to favor annexation to the United States, they might have been found at tliat time when they compared the prosperity and enterprise of the neighboring republic, and its then larger measure of self-government with the condition of matters in the struggling communities of British North America. But, then as alway.s, the great body of the RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 73 people were true to themselves and to British connec- tion, and the same spirit of devotion that had carried them through the miseries of war and dangerous political agitation, gained strength when they saw that England at last recognized the errors of procrastination and negligence, which had too long been the features of colonial administration, and was ready to concede to the provinces those rights and privileges which they had every reason to expect as free, self-respecting com- munities animated by the spirit of English institutions. With a recognition of the right of Canada to self-gov- ernment, came a sense of large responsibility. Cana- dians had to prove themselves worthy of the trust at last reposed in them, and they did so in a manner which has frequently in later times evoked the praise of jthe wisest English statesmen and publicists. ,^'}he quarter of .1 century that elapsed from 1842 to 1867, was the crucial period of Canadian political development, for then their principles of self-govrn- ment were finily established and a new industrious population flowed steadily into the country, the original population became more self-reliant and pursued their vocations with renewed energy, and confidence in- creased on all sides in our ability to hold our own against the competition of a wonderfully enterprising neighbor. Cities, towns and villages were built up with a rapidity not exceeded even on the other side of the border, and the ambition of our statesmen, even years before Confederation, began to see in the North West an opportunity for stil! greater expansion for the i 74 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. energy and enterprise of the people. In those days Ontario became the noble province that she is by virtue of the capacity of her people for self-govern- ment, the energy of her industrial classes, and the fertility of her soil, and the moderation of her climate. The maritime industry of the lower provinces was developed nost encouragingly, and Nova Scotia built up a commercial marine not equalled by that of any New England state. The French Canadian learned that he was treated in a spirit of justice, and instead of his influence diminishing under the regime of re- sponsible government he had become a potent factor in political affairs. Montreal, founded more than two centuries before by I^Yenchmen, had by reason of its wonderfully favored position, and the energy of its merchants, become one of the great commercial cities of the continent. Toronto, fed by the enterprise and wealth of a noble agricultural country around and away beyond it, rapidly showed ambitious impulses, and be- came the capital of the west. Then followed another radical change in the politi- cal position of the i)rovinces. The political difficulties between the antagonistic elements in the parliament of old Canada certainly showed its statesmen that the Union of 1840 had done its work, but looking deeper into the cause of the movement that led to the federal union, we can see that the effect of responsible gov- ernment had been to stimulate a higher class of states- manship, and to prepare the public mind for a wider sphere of political action. The time had come for RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 75 placing the long isolated provinces on the broad basis which would give greater expansion to their energies and industries, and afford them that security for self- preservation on this continent which it was too evident was absolutely necessary in the presence of an aggres- sive and not always generous neighbor. The result of this broad statesmanship was the establishment of a Confede'"ation possessing eventually a territory almost equal to that of the United States, and not inferior to them in those resources which form the substantial basis of a nation's greatness, and enjoying rights of self-government which, half a century ago, would have seemed a mere dream to those who were fighting to give Canada the control of her own local affairs, free from the interference of gn-ernors and officials in London. This measure gave to Can.ida many of the attri- butes of a sovereign independent State. England now has only the right to disallow such Acts of the Cana- dian Parliament as may interfere with matters of ex- clusively Imperial jurisdiction. Canada cannot directly enter into and perfect treaties with foreign powers — that being an act of National sovereignty — but her rights to be consulted and represented in the negotia- tion of treaties immediately affecting her interests is now practically almost as much a part of our unwritten constitution as responsible government itself. The days of the weak diplomacy which lost Oregon and Maine to Canada have passed away. The public men of the United States must henceforth — as Mr. Blaine has ! 76 REHI'ON.^IBI.K GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. learned to his surprise — consider the Dominion as an all-important factor in all negotiations affecting her terri- torial or other interests. The Canadian Parliament cannot alter the written constitution known as the British North America Act of 1867 except by the authority of the Legislature which presides over the whole Empire; but the Legislature can only act on the motion of the Dominion Government itself, and the Provincial Legislatures have actually the power to amend their respective constitutions within certain limita- tions. The decisions of the Canadian courts are not final, as there is an appeal to the lords of the judicial committee of the Privy Council, the supreme court of the Empire, but even this reference is not general, since it is not allowed in criminal matters or in cases of mere abstract questions of law. The government of Canada is supreme in all other matters of purely Do- minion import, including the appointment of Lieuten- ant-governors and the administration of territories out of which alone a great Empire could be formed. Nearly five millions of people now inhabit the old provinces of Canaoa alone, against the million of fifty years ago, and there is a cordon of cities, towns and villages, surrounded by wheat fields, stretching to the moun- tains of British Columbia, across those immense terri- tories whose great capabilities for feeding the world were long steadily concealed by the studied policy of a gigantic corporation which valued the profits of the fur-trade more than the blessings of colonization, and whi( h itself was a relic of the old times when Kings ;»^ parceled out vast regions with the same lavishiiess that they gave jewels to their mistresses. As a result of having f'll' control of her own commerce, the trade of Canada which half a century ago was estimated at only twenty-five million dollars has now reached over two hundred and fifteen millions of dollars, in the aggregate, leaving out the calculation that valuable Intercolonial trade which does not appear in the returns. A large system of manufactures, which is one of the most satis- factory features of a self-sustaining, self-dependent com- munity, has been gradually established to give additional employment to our people. Our difficulties are many, and are complicated at times by the conflict of pro- vincial jealousies and rivalries, but these are the inevi- table sequence of the government of country, possessing diverse interests, and having a remarkable aptitude for political controversy. If we compare our condition with that of the United States, — for we naturally turn to our great competitor for such comparisons— we will see that we have made almost larger strides in political develoi)ment, in indus- try, and in all the essential elements of National pro- gress, and have had even less difficulties to contend with than they had during the first quarter of a century after the adoption of their present federal constitution. For many years there were men who doubted the stability of the Union of the States, and had no faith in the development of the west. It was impossible, in their opinion, to connect the east and west, while there was an immense desert between the Pacific and the old settled ii % 78 RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. States. One speaker in the Senate, depreciating the value of beautiful Oregon, said that " for 700 miles this side of the Rocky Mountains is uninhabitable," and "the mountains totally impassable."'"* He ridiculed the idea of a railway through such a territory, " for which he would not give a pinch of snuff." Yet in this country, once described as the desert, there are now the states of Missouri, Kansas, Nebraska, Colorado and Dakota. The " Impassable " Rocky Mountains have been crossed by great lines of railway, and the east and west united by continuous communities of energetic people. We are only repeating in Canada under more favor- able circumstances the history of our neighbours. The rocky country to the north of Lake Superior is no more a barrier to Canadian continuity of development than the once fabulous Sahara of the United States, but will by its mineral wealth add largely to the prosperity of the Dominion. The great nickel deposits of the Sudbury district, are in themselves the source of wealth, — worth many tens of thousands of acres of the richest prairie land. The evidences of National Unity — of confidence in a Canadian federation from the Atlantic to the Pacific — are more encouraging than any afforded by the United States at any time in her history from 1787 to 1865, when the civil war closed, slavery and secession received a deathblow, and the cause of National Unity triumphed. I. See Barrows, "Oregon" (American Commonwealth Series) pp. 194-196. A U k-l-* ~€yr iSi )i^Mr 1 ,', ,. >^. "^^ C N— " ^i RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 79 The people of French Canada and of all the pro- vinces have gained steadily by the adoption of the federal constitution, and I believe under no other system would it be possible to give due scope to the aims and aspirations of the respective nationalities and inter- ests that compose the Dominion. It is a system which, having at its base respect for local and provincial rights, creates at the same time a spirit of conmion and national interest which binds diverse and otherwise isolated communities together in a Union necessary to give them strength against the attacks of foes within and foes without. In countries peopled and governed like Canada, all history tells us, there are three great dangers always to be avoided. First of all, that Sectionalism which is narrow and selfish in its aspirations and is ever under- rating the vital importance of National and Dominion aims ; secondly, that Sectarianism which represents the bigotry of old ages of religious feuds, and would judge all other faiths by its own canons and beliefs ; thirdly, that Nationalism, which Papineau represciited— which wise French Canadians in later times have repudi- ated, and which may be as dangerous in the English West as in the French East should it ever again come to mean a " War of Races," Anglo-Canadian against French Canada. As long as the respective members of the Federa- tion observe faithfully the principles on which it neces- sarily rests — perfect equality among all it« sections, a due consideration for local rights, a deep National d( RKSPONSini.K COVf.RNMKNT IN CANADA. sentiment whenever the interests of the whole federa- tion are at stake — the people of this Dominion need not fear failure in their efforts to accomplish the great work in which they have been so long engaged. Full of that confidence that the history of the past should give them, and of that energy and courage which are their natural heritage, and which have already achieved the most satisfactory results in the face of difficulties which, fifty years ago, would have seemed almost insurmountable ; stimulated by their close neigh- borhood to a nation with whom they have always shown a desire to cultivate such relations as are com- patible with their dignity, their security, and their self- interest as a separate and distinct community ; adhering closely to those principles of government which are best calculated to give them moral as well as political strength, Canadians may tranquilly, patiently, and deter- minately face the problem which the Destiny that " shapest the ends " of communities, " rough hew them how we will " must eventually solve for a Dominion, with such great possibilities before it, if we are but true to ourselves, and are not dismayed by the ill-timed utterances of gloomy thinkers. Be that destiny what it may — and who can doubt that the practical local independence we Canadians have already attained must bring with it, as a natural poli- tical evolution, still greater responsibilities and claims which cannot be resisted, — I am sure that I only voice the heartfelt hope of all true Canadians that it will be found practicable, in the future as in the past, to har- :ii RESPONSIULK GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 8i monize the natural aspirations of a people, full of consciousness of manhood and its obligations with the interests of the parent State to whom Canada owes so much. ,' — But a few words in conclusion. When we review the trials and struggles of the past that we may gain from them lessons of confidence for the future, let us not forget to pay a tribute to the men who have laid the foundations of these communities, still on the thres- hold of their development, and on whom the fmat burden fell. To the French Canadians who, despite the neglect and indifference of their kings, amid toil and privation, amid war and famine, built up a province which they have i.ade their own by their patience and industry, r-^d who should, differ as we may from them, evoke our respect for their fidelity to the institutions of their origin, for their appreciation of the advan- tages of English self-government, and for their co- operation in all great measures essential to the Unity of the federation. To the Loyalists of last century who left their homes for the sake of " king and country," and laid the foundations of prosperous and loyal English communities by the sea and by the great lakes, and whose descendants have ever stood true to the princi- ples of the institutions which have made Britain free and great. To the unknown body of Pioneers some of whose names perhaps still linger on a headland or river or on a neglected gravestone, who let in the sun- light year by year to the dense forests of these coun- tries, and built up by their industry the large and i 1 p.t- ' ;^v- - f .ffLM-< L^^ 82 ,£^ RESPOfJSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. f^^ thrivjjfg provinces of this dominion, iibove all, to the tif^ who laid deep and firm, beneath the political structure of this Confederation, those principles of Self- Government which give harmony to our constitutional system and bring out the best qualities of an intelli- gent people. In the early times in which they struggled they had to bear much obloquy, and their errors of judgment have been often severely arraigned at the bar of public opinion ; many of them lived long enough to see how soon men may pass into oblivion ; but we who enjoy the benefit of their earnest endeavors, now that the voice of the party passion of their cimes is hushed, should never forget that though they are not here to reap the fruit of their labors, their work survives in the energetic and hopeful communities that stretch from Cape Breton to Victoria. To all these workers of the past, no more noble tribute was ever paid than these verses by Joseph Howe : " Not here ? Oh ! yes, our hearts their presence feel ; Viewless, not voiceless, from the deepest shells On memory's shore harmonious echoes steal, And names, which, in the days gone by, were spells. Are blent with that soft music. If there dwells The spirit here our Country's fame to spread, While every breast with joy and triumph swells, And earth reverberates to our measured tread, Banner and wreath will own our reverence for the dead. "The Roman gather'd in a stately urn The dust he honor'd— while the sacred fire, Nouiish'd by vestal hands, was made to burn RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN CANADA. 83 From age to ag:e. If fitly you'd aspire, Honor the dead ; and let the sounding lyre Recount their virtues in your festal hours ; Gather their ashes — higher still, and higher Nourish the patriot flame that history dowers, And o'er the old men's graves, go strew your choicest flowers." Jno. (;eo. Bourinot. / 4 f 'i I t; ■i ^^c CommcrciaF Marine of CanaM. speech delivered by the Hon. C. If. Tupper, Alinister of Marine^ at the dinner to Mr. Plimsoll given by the National Club. HE Minister of Marine and Fisheries said: (ientlemen, I thank you exceedingly for the manner in which you have received the toast of " Her Majesty's Ministers," spoken to so kindly by the worthy Vice-president. I wish I could ade- quately express my appreciation of the manner in which he, as the vice-president of a non-political Club, has alluded to the important fact that to-day is the natal day of a man who, no matter what his political proclivities may be, has served Canada to the best of his ability for an exceedingly long period in the lives of statesmen. I am sure that I am not stcjijiing outside of the bounds of propriety when I say 1 believe your vice-president, or any man belonging to any party in Canada, would be warranted in con- gratulating the people of this country upon the fact that Sir John Macdonald is still serving us, that we have the benefit of his oj)inion in the political arena, and particularly during the present im[)ortant period in the history of Canada. On Sir John Macdonald's behalf, therefore, I must thank you for the manner in T I I THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. 85 which you have received the reference to his natal day. I quite understand and thoroughly agree in the principle that this toast, which has been proposed and so enthusiastically received, commits no man to the particular principles that the present Ministers of Her Majesty in the Dominion of Canada profess. It is a toast which is an appro{)riate honor when pro[iosed in a Club that is recognized in Canada as being not only an important institution, but a thoroughly non- political institution ; a Club which can do, and I believe has done, much in forming the public opinion of this country, and I thank you again for the manner in which you have received this toast. It has given me particular pleasure to come here to-night to join with you in the cordial welcome that, on behalf of the people and the business men of this important centre of Canadian commerce, you have deemed right to extend toward the man who is known throughout the British empire as the "friend of poor Jack." Whether agreeing with him or whether con- sidering that we cannot go all the length that he de- sires us to go in reforms for the betterment — for the improvement — of the shipping interests and the safety of the British seaman, we must recognize the fact certainly that this country has already accomplished an extraordinary amount of good for the British sailor, and means to secure even greater benefits for him than already has been done. It is thoroughly char- acteristic of this great city of Toronto, this welcome i 11 T 86 THE CCMMERCIAL MARlNP: OF CANADA. I I i that you have extended to Mr. Plimsoll, and as I for the time represent the Marine interests of Canada — represent them politically in the government of our country — I must say that it gives me great pleasure to join with you in this welcome. I may tell Mr. Plim- soll that, although we may, as I said before, have opinions different from his in reference to the manner in which the reforms that he desires to see made should be worked out, we all have, whether living in Toronto or in any other part of Canada, been always ready to meet in the most friendly manner and to discuss in the fairest way these questions which so vitally concern, not only the sailors, but this entire country, which has such vast marine interests at stake. We can enter into such a discussion with Mr. Plimsoll, or with any other persons who have the marine interests at heart, with a bold and confident front. Mr. Plimsoll comes before us an advocate for the improvement of the sailors' condition in England with a good record, and to him we can say — we can boast of the fact — that though one of the colonies of the British empire, and not so large in population in com- parison with other nations in the world, we have not lagged far behind the mother country in regard to the reforms that have been worked out in the interests of the sailor. Situated as we are in keen rivalry with a great country lying just beside us, a country i)ossessed of an enormous population and vast resources, we are able to say, and I hope without offending our neigh- bors, that we have beaten them in the race for reform, THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. 87 that we Canadians have to-day upon our statute book reforms which the Congress of the United States has not yet been able to adopt. We can go further — if Mr. PUmsoll will allow me ; I am sure he will have no jealous feeling in that re- gard, for his heart is big enough for the Empire, and his sympathies are not entirely confined to the tight little islands across the sea — and say that we have beaten the mother country with reference to reforms for the safety of seamen. While Mr. Plimsoll was fighting the battle for poor Jack in (jreat Britain ; while he was endeavoring to see that no vessel should leave a British port improperly loaded, overloaded or underloaded, we in this country had dealt with the question in a more drastic, more definite and more satisfactory manner, I will venture to say, and had provided by legislation that not only should what he was fighting for in Clreat Britain be the case here, but that an officer of the Government should see that no vessel should proceed to sea from a Canadian port improperly loaded, overloaded or underloaded. While it was left in the mother country to the owners to see that due provision, was, as 1 have mentioned, made, while there the owners were permit- ted to state to what extent the vessels should be loaded, in Canada that discretion was not given to the owners of the shipping, but it was put in the hands of an im[)artial officer of the Ciovernment. So you will see that not only were we ready to follow the example of the mother country, an example, as we thought, healthy and proper - ' r } I ;i ; ill t 88 THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. for US to follow, but we went further, and not merely placed the sentiment upon our statute book, but we took care in this country to enforce the sentiment in the most practical manner possible. When I say this I in no sense desire to make a vain boast. I say that we have reason in Canada to con- gratulate ourselves upon this further fact. While the shipping interests of some other countries have been retarded, owing to the fact that reasonal)le reforms and reasonable restrictions placed upon the ships have created an outcry on the score of their good service, the shipping interests of this country, taken all round, have had the hearty co-operation of the owners of ships registered in Canada. We know that in Canada, as in the Mother country, the United States, and in fact in all shipping countries, there are some bad and unprincipled men who have placed their means in shipping interests, but ^ve may congratulate ourselves that we have no reason to be ashamed in the comparison of the capitalists of our country, who have invested their means in that direction, with their fellow competitors in the mother country or in any other country in the world. There is here a healthy and reasonable spirit which pervades the men who in Canada have seen fit to put their money in shipping ; and in this regard we can claim and show that when any reasonable scheme has been propounded after care- ful investigation there has not been found a man so reckless of the power of public opinion or the senti- ment of the country as to block or to oppose those reforms. THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. 89 We are glad that Mr. Plinisoll who has taken so lively and so intelligent an interest in this important ques- tion, so directly affecting the marine of the liritish em- pire, has seen fit to come to Canada in person, and not to act merely upon theoretical views and ideas which he has conceived away and apart from us. We cordi- ally greet him when he comes here as he should come, and as any man in his position ought, to ascertain exactly how the facts are in this country, and what the position of affairs really is. We take it that in Canada we can think and speak for our own country in this regard, and we think that it is not necessary to cripple by a sudden blow an interest — this great interest in the exportation of cattle — that has grown in such extraordinary proportions in the last few years. We take it in this country that an interest which has been developed — for a time gradu- ally, but in after years by such wonderful advances — can still be conserved, can still be fostered, and yet that the real wishes, and the real motives of reformers like Mr. Plimsoll can be worked out. We believe that a calm, careful review of the facts will show and will lead to the conclusion that the time has come when this great industry in Canada must not be left merely to those who are directly and pecuniarily interested in it, but that by wise supervision all or mostly all of the irregularities which are com})lained of can be relieved, and yet that no party or no man concerned be very heavily or unduly affected. Therefore, gentlemen, I say that the Government of this country, acting, I am 90 THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. I. 11 sure, with the approval of all political parties, has gone to the bottom of the question, and has, through the means of a Departmental Commission, proceeded to ascertain the opinions of all people in the country who care to give their opinions uj)on the (juestion. We know, and I need only to refer to the fact to remind you of it, that gross cruelties were perpetrated in British ships, whether at home or in the colonies, aforetime towards the men that manned them, (iross cruelties and offences were done against the sailor, and for a time it seemed that he had no friend. Acts leading oftimes to murder were committed ; cruelties of the most atrocious character were perpetrated day in and day out, and not until the spirit arose that Mr. Plimsoll represents — and I say that advisedly — ■ were those cruelties prevented. But, it was not neces- sary to altogether stop navigation. It was not neces- sary to absolutely prohibit the shipping of seamen in order to secure their fair and reasonable treatment. No. Reforms were necessary, and they were provided for by wise laws and the healthy supervision of them, so that now it is thoroughly safe for a freeman born in the British empire to ship and sign articles on any British ship^ and woe be to the captain who allows cruelties to be perpetrated or inhuman acts to be com- mitted upon that man. In such wise, too, is the feel- ing in Canada at the present time, that with intelligence and by careful attention we can grapple with this ques- tion, which directly concerns the shipment of cattle. We can see that proper means are provided ; that proper THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. 9t steps are taken to work out the necessary reforms, and yet at the same time preserve to this country a great industry which promises to grow to an extent that the mind of man can now hardly conceive. All this I repeat, gentlemen, can so be done that the tenderest feelings of the philanthropists, who are around us everywhere within the borders of tliis Empire, may not be rudely shocked. I believe Mr. Plimsoll himself will say that in this important question we are proceeding properly, and I am here ready to admit that the movement which is behind him in Great Britain is one which is entitled to an enormous amount of credit because it has brought the attention of the authorities of this country, as well as the attention of the imperial au- thorities, to some reforms that at any rate are desir- able, and are required at once. I believe that the people of this country are ready not only to aid but to meet that movement in the proper spirit. Kind references have been made to the responsible position which I for the time occupy in the councils of the nation, and I must take advantage of the present opportunity to tell our friend, Mr. Plimsoll, some things with which he may be thoroughly familiar but which it gives pleasure to a Canadian often to repeat. I refer to the importance^ — the growing importance — of the Commercial Marine of this country. We in Canada have a tolerably good oi)inion of ourselves. We think that will be admitted even in the United States of America. Well, I think that we can I 92 THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. say that they are guilty of the same thing, HoweNcr, there is a hot rivalry all the time between the two countries. They have advantages which we have not, but we think we have in many of our resources the ad- vantage over them. However that may be, I think that the rivalry, taking it all round, despite the iMcKinley bill or any other bill, is a healthy one, and we are thriving in the commercial fight that has been waged ever since the few colonies on the North American continent ventured to say that they could live, prosper and be hapi)y and still stick by the old flag that has now waved over us so long. In the province from which I come. Nova Scotia, there is a large shipping interest, an interest that has been affected, no doubt, as all the wooden shipping of the world has also been affected, by the marvellous growth of the steel and iron shipping interests of the mother country. Notwithstanding this enormous com- petition, notwithstanding the great wealth of Great Britain, any one who knows Canada will admit that the shipping interest of this country is one of the most important that belongs to it. You are concerned here more with what is known ns the Inland marine, and that interest is very great, as I will venture to point out a little later on. But if you will allow me now, I will tell you in brief language, and with the confidence in his country that fills the breast of a man as young as myself, something in regard to the future development of the Marine interests of Canada. We have been working for some time, and I am of THE COMMKRCIAL MARINK OF CANADA. 93 that school who believe that we have worked success- fully, to forward the growth and power of British North America. I believe, gentlemen, that I do not trespass upon the bounds of good taste when I say confidently that we have grappled with great (juestions in Canada since ICS67, and that we have graj)pled with them successfully. We have given great attention to the development of a railway system. If we desired to work out a future — an independent and prosperous future for Canada, it was absolutely necessary that Canadians should 'v-^ve had the pluck, enteri)rise, and self-confidence thai nave been displayed. And it does seem gratifying that now all nations and all countries commend us and approve of the ventures that we have undertaken and of the results that have been attained. (Ireat as have been our ventures in connection with the welding together of the provinces by a railway system, I believe that the completion of that develop- ment will be the deepening and widening of the Water ways between the different provinces of this country, and that in the continued extension of that magnificent system still greater results and triumphs are to be achieved and enjoyed by our peo[)le.''' I believe that I. In 1871 the Canadian government determined to increase the canal communication to be available for 12 feet draught instead of 9 feet as previously. In 1875 this was increased to 14 feet with locks of length 275 feet, breadth 45 feet, and draught 14 feet. In 1887 the Welland system was completed and in 1S93 the remaining locks of the St. Lawrence from Montreal to Kingston will be finished, giving continuous navigation to vessels of 1,500 tons from the sea to Lake Superior, 602 feet above sea level. '4 thp: commercial marine of Canada. h I i . r < I !M'. ! I II, Nova Scotians, like myself, will not always (when that development has been accomplished) be the singular characters that for the moment we may appear. It would seem that the spirit and energy of the people of Canada has not to any extent or degree been reduced by the efforts which have been made in the one direction, and I believe that public opinion, which justified the Government of that day in that effort in extending our Railways, will justify the Government of the future day, whatever Government it may be, in imposing further undertakings for our Water ways. The great problem before us now is the development of the idea that the great ships of the ocean shall yet be seen in this magnificent harbor upon which your city of Toronto lies. Why should we not see it ? It is no dream. You know probably that steps are being taken in regard to it, and I believe that the pledges of public men in responsible positions are bein^ given to that end. We have no more right and no more reason to discredit that movement or show a lack cf confidence in it than was shown in regard to the other great and important problems with which this country has successfully grai)pled. Just think of what that development would be. 1 he development of the commercial marine of the great lakes has already been stupendous. Part of the benefits of it have been denied to you, not through any fault of your own. But, with the great expansion of civilization, with the growth of i)oj)ulation in the neighboring country, what have we seen in regard to the commercial marine of the ■■.u_ THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. 95 in great lakes? When I tell you that in the Detroit River in the last season of navigation — or I will take, for instance, the year 1889 — out of the 234 days of navigation mor traffic, as shown by the tonnage of vessels, passed through that river than went from or to the great ports of Liverpool and London in the mother country. Not less than 36,000,000 tons of shipping passed through that river in the 234 days of naviga- tion ; more by several millions of tons than passed through the Suez canal during all the year of naviga- tion, and more, as I have said, by several millions of tons than the tonnage of the shipping which entered at the great ports of Liverpool and London. With facts like these before us, the mind of man can hardly conceive the results which will accrue if we shculd (while we are denied the advantages of the coasting kn\s in connection with the United States' interests on those lakes) have an extension of the advantages of our own coasting, if we were to create a continuous line in our own territory all the way from the shores of the Atlantic up the great inland lakes and back again.''' To show you what they may be, I will mention that from 1873 to 1889 there was an increase of from some 650 vessels engaged in the I. The salt water coast line of Canada' from the boundary between Maine and New Brunswick to Montreal is 2,100 miles, and the fresh water coast from Kingston to Port Arthur 1,600 miles, with a fresh water Lake area of 96,877 s(juare miles. The joining of these two by the completion of the St. Lawrence canals will give a continuous Canadian coast line open to Canadian tonnage of 4,040 miles. 96 THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. i ' I- coasting trade up to 1,300 in the vessels registered in the Inland province of Ontario, and you know better than I do that to this development there must be added an enormous amount of tonnage represented by the ships sailing on the Lakes but registered at Montreal and Quebec. We Canadians in every province have been alive to the great importance of the Commercial Marine of this country. To-day the statistical authorities of the registered ships of the world show what I think Cana- dians must feel proud of. It is true that other nations may be older and more populous than this country, but when it comes down to the enjoyment of pros- perity and to the facts connected with Commercial Marine interests, excluding the mother country, Canada to-day stands fourth on the list. There are only three countries, including the mother country, which are ahead of this comparatively small people in connection with the registered tonnage, as the statistical authorities show. We follow close upon Germany and close upon the United States so far as registered tonnage in the statistical tables is concerned. The tonnage put down there for the United States is only twice that of Canada, while their population is as 65,000,000 to 5,000,000. For some years, as you are aware, we have had a standing offer of reciprocal coast- ing advantages open to the United States, and for the matter of that, open to the world, but the United States has not yet felt able, though possessed of an enormous population aiid enormous resources, ^to meet IHK tOMMKRCIAL MAklNK OK CANADA 97 us ill fair field and no favor in regard to the Com- mercial Marine. I hope, however, for better times in that regard, and I know that when the day comes and we are admitted to a share of that coasting trade that we have done so much to foster, and which the United States so largely enjoy now on liberal terms through the canals they use, but which we have constructed,^" there will be a better condition of affliirs between ii's. But now we have no other alternative than the healthy one of carrying forward our development with con- iidence in ourselves and a firm belief in our great opportunities. \\'hat must be the feelings of a stranger striking the Straits of Belle Isle when he finds that he can travel over 2,000 miles inland upon Canadian waters until he strikes the heart of the finest country in the world, and that all this is within Canadian territory ! What we have to do is to bend our energies so that not only may wc say that a vessel can reach the heart of this continent through Canadian waters, but that a vessel of almost any draught, or at least of ocean-going draught, can do so. We should recognize the duty that now rests upon us, and we should so discharge that duty as to satisfy everyone who will have to betir a share in the burden of its accomplishment. As a young country we are ambitious. I have re- ^^;!!^^'^^^ railway jystem^ and the satisfactory re- I. Canada has expended some ^sS.ooo.oooTiTthe constr7cu7n o her canals which are open under the Washington Treaty to United States tonnage upon the same terms as to Canadians Ir 98 THE COMMERCIAL MARlxNE OF CANADA. suits which followed upon its acconi})lishment. I have mentioned once or twice the development of the great waterways -the deepening and widening of the water communications. We have spent millions already upon that work, and every dollar — every i)article of that ex- penditure — has been, I am glad to believe, in the opinion of both political parties, made tor the best interests of our country. Let me tell you another tiling to which as Cana- dians we can point with some pride. While many countries in the world are older, richer and more poi)ulous than ours, yet these countries, even the mother country, the liberal mother country, have seen fit to continue to impose a tax upon shipping for those silent aids to navigation, the lighthouses, while we in Canada have given these lights freely to the world. We have freely pointed the way up our shores and past our coasts to every flag and country, without chargitig one single sixpence to any vessel. But we have proceeded even further than that. According to the records of the lighthouse board of the United States in 1889, it was estimated that the number of lights in the world was 6,000. If that estimate be correct 1 am able to tell you that Canada, without charging a dollar — while making her lights free to all the ships of the world -supports ikj less than one-sixth of the entire number of the lights of the world to-day. In addition to that, you know what a vast aid the buoys and beacons of the channels and shoals are to navigation, and this our country affords THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. 99 of Ihe lull la, •ce lan .he ;i Ind rds freely to all ships. 'I'his I siioiild have inenlioneil before when s[)eaking of our offer of free coasting I)rivileges to any nation that would reciproeall)" grant us free coasting privileges. From that step we have never receded, and thus we show that we have confi- dence in ourselves, confidence in our resources and confidence in our hardy mariners ; and we l)elieve that this confidence is well placed. I may say, as additional evidence of the enterprise of the people of Canada upon the Atlantic coast that down in the httle province where I come from Nova Scotia — they have shown what Canadian pluck will do in connection with the sealing ''-> lustry on the much talked of Behring sea. Allusion has been made to it to-night, and I would point out that nearly all those so-called Canadian poachers who have given Uncle Sam so much anxiety were built in Nova Scotia, manned in Nova Scotia and sailed from Nova Scotia all the way round Cape Horn to Behring sea. I should hope that Mr. Plimsoll will not undertake to lead a foray against the cai)ture of those seals. Even if it is cruel to kill them, I think wc must recjuire that the mother country shall back us up in our fiiir and legitimate opportunity for their capture. W'e may give way a little upon the cattle, but, as Canadians who are in- terested in the sealing industry, 1 hope he (Mr. Plim- soll) will alhnv us to do a little murder on that score. Now, then, I fear that I have trespassed considerably upon your time, but 1 felt that this was an occasion upon which it would not be in bad taste to put our i:;!:: ir lOO THE COMMERCIAL MARINE OF CANADA. best efforts forward ; and, knowing the interest that Mr. IMimsoll takes in these (iiiestions, and knowing that he is a true hearted Briton and would be glad to hear good news of the colonies of the grand old empire, I believed it would give him as much pleasure to hear, as it has given me to tell, of the efforts that Canada has made in the direction of fostering her Commercial Marine. (Mr. IMimsoll, "Hear, hear"). I thank you again exceedingly for the toast and for the kind manner in which you have listened to me. H V f ■99 II f^pl^^^^^MH^^HH|||^n^^^^^^^^| ^ ^^^^ HON. JA.MKS VULN(i. (iianai^ian It^o.tionatitr A GLANCE AT THE PRESENT AND FUTURE. Read before the National Club, Toro?ito, by Hon. fames Vot/nj^, late Treasurer of the Puwince of Ontario. g'ATRIOTISM is one of the noblest of human impulses. It was described by the brilliant Bolingbroke as something founded on great principles which must be supi)orted by great virtues. I don't know that my fellow C'anadians are deficient in this noble quality. I would be sorry to think that that love of country which produced "The Patriot Tell, the Bruce of Bannockburn,'' did not burn in their breasts, and that some great national emergency would not kindle it into flame. But in this advanced and somewhat vainglorious age, when we hear so much of other countries— not simply those grand old lunpires of the past whose " ruined palaces and [)iles stupen- dous'' are silently crumbling away: not simply the great nations of Europe with their immense commerce, gigantic armies and j)rodigious wealth ; but of those younger and rawer countries which have their history to make, I deem it not unfitting to take as the theme of a few remarks, our own laiid, or " Canadian Na- tionality: a glance at the present and future." This is a familinr theme, and I may say at the outset that I hardly ho{)e to l)e .'ble to advance any- thing ver\ !U'W or startling. Nor do I propose to (lis cuss the Commercial condition of the country. The f I02 CANADIAN NATIONAMTY Dominion is admittedly j)assing through a period of depression, both l^'inanrial and Commereial, at the present tinn.;, hut as this lias become more or less an active part)- (juestion, this is neither the time nor place to discuss it. wSince Confederation we have had our j)arty battles and j)olitiral grievances. We have had (Jonservative and Reform governments. We have luul \ears of Com- mercial ex[)ansion and j)rosj)erit\', and years of con- traction and depression. Ikit however real our |)olitical grievances and however depressed business may occa- sionally have been, it is impossible to glance over our territory from the Atlantic to the J'acific without real- izing that Canada has nevertheless steadily develo[)ed and strengthened since Confederation took place — not so fast, i)Ossibly, as many of us ex{)ecte(l, but yet sufficiently fast to warrant us in looking with ho[)eful- ness and confidence to the future. In looking at the Dominion from this point of view, 1 account myself fortunate, as well as honored, in being invited to address your National Club. T am informed ihat your membership comprises gentlemen of very varying shades of political opinions, but all more or less attached to the grand idea of Canadian Nationalit}', and that, to use a common j)hrase, Canada is on this continent to stay, 1 am also glad to be informed, and I may need your indulgence in this respect before I close, that it may be said of your Club as Teiinxson said of England — " A lantl wht-re girt l)y Iricnds or foes, A man may say the thing he will." CANADIAN NA'IIONAI ITV 103 Stretch a line across North America from ocean to ocean, dij)i)in^^ as low as the 42nd parallel on the Atlantic side, and rising to tht.' 49th on the Pacific slope, and you will have nearly divided the continent in halves. Above that line ' you have over 3,519,000 s(|uare miles of territory. This immense area is 500,000 scjuare miles larger than the whole United States with- out Alaska, and only 84,000 less with that ice-bound region added. It is forty times as large as (ireat Britain - indeed, to use the words of a boastful Cana- dian, we might dunij) the Mother ('ountry into Lake Supericjr without seriously imi)eding navigation. It is a territory only 237,000 s(|uare miles less than the whole Continent of Kurope which nature has betiueathed us to redeem from the wilderness state, and carve and fashion as our mental and physical energies dictate. In j)oint of si/e, then, the Dominion is large enough to bec(jme the seat of several large nations, exceeded in territory only by Russia and_ the United States, and consequently the third largest country in the world. Among other writers, Mr. Wiman of New York, a few months ago jironounced, through the North Ameri- can Review, a glowing eulogy ui)on our natural re- sources. He spoke of our Climate, our inland Seas, our Forests, our Wheat fields, our Msheries, and our Mineral wealth, in terms calculated to make every Canadian proud of his country. But it is well to be- ware of too many sui)erlatives, and it must be admitted that, from a territorial point of view, the Dominion has some serious drawbacks, ;is well as great advantages. f r ' I 'V I 1 ^1 I I "1 i i ^! 104 CANAKI.W \.\ I lONAI.I I V. r. Its configuration is not desirable, being some- thing like the ])r()verbial Irishman's blanket, loo long at the top and too short at the bottom. 2. Many parts of it are mountains, rorky and sterile. 3. Much of it is situated too near the North Pole to yield sufficient crops to induce settlement. On these various grounds we ought probably to deduct one-half from the total area of the Dominion. But after making this liberal reduction, \vc have still left 1,750,000 s(]uare miles of territory. This is larger than thirty-six of the principal States of the neighbor- ing Republic, and larger than Britain, (lermany, i'rance, Austria, Italy, Spain, Norway and Sweden, Belgium, Denmark, Swit/.erland and Turkey in luirope, combined. It is not too much to describe this as a grand Na- tional heritage, blessed with a healthful and invigorat- ing ('limate, and possessed of as rich, varied and in- exhaustible natural resources, with possibly one excep- tion, as any other country on the face of the globe. That this is not too rose-colored a view, I might quote many distinguished foreign witnesses. Let us just take one- the testimony of an eminent man, one who pro- bably did more as the founder of the Republican party to strike the shackles from American slaves than any of his countrymen. I refer to William D. Seward. When Secretary in President Lincoln's administration, Mr. Seward said: "Hitherto in common with most of my country- men, I supi)ose, 1 have thought Canada, or to speak more accurately British America, a mere strip lying CANADIAN NATIONAIJTV. 105 north of the United States, easily detached from the parent State, hut ineaj)ahle of sustaining itself, and therefore ultiniatelv, nay right soon, to be taken on hy the Federal Union, without materially changing or affecting its own development. I have dropped this -pitMon as a national conceit. I sec in British America stretching as it does across the continent from the .\tlanti(" to the Pacific, and occHijjying a belt of the Temperate Zone, a region grand enough for the seat of a great Empire -in its Wheat fields in the west, its invaluable I''isheries and its Mineral wealth. I find its inhabitants vigorous, hardy, energetic and j)erfected by British Constitutional liberty. Southern Political Stars must set, though many times they rise again with diminished beauty, but those which illumine the Pole remain for ever shining, for ever increasing in splendor." 'I'his is a graceful compliment to come from an American statesman, and it should ever be remem- bered that our immense territory, although reaching north to the Pole, to which that kilted Scotchman is po{)ularly su[)posed to be clinging, extends nearly as far south as the City of Rome in Europe, and lies within the Zones which embrace all the great nations of that continent. These are facts, gentlemen, which I fear some of our fellow countrymen have never yet fully realized, and if any who have not be before me to-night, I call upon them to revise their estimate of their country, and to rise to the realization of the fact, that they II' (C 1 06 CANADIAN NATIONALITY. !• r V ; '1! I may give a loose rein to the imagination and vol not exhaust the possiiiilities of empire to this great IJo- minion before another century closes. Let us now in the second })lace consider for a little the progress which the Dominion has made in development. It is nearly 350 years since Jaccjues Cartier erected the cross the symbol of Christianity — at daspe', and amidst the triumphal cheers of his hardy mariners, flung to the breeze the Fleur-de-lis of old France. But it is barely one hundred years since the actual settlement of Western Canada began, and to-day the [)o})ulntion of the Dominion may be estimated at 5,175,000, which is about one-half more than the in- habitants of the United States when, through the wrong- headedness and obstinacy vjf (leorge 111., they asserted and achieved their independence. The Dominion is essentially an agricultural coun- try, and the total value of all its farms, f[irm buildings, live stock and imi)lements must now be exceedingly large. All the provinces have not yet statistical bureaus — which is much to be regretted and so we cannot get complete returns on this interesting point. lUit .some idea may be obtained from the fact that the value thereof in Ontario alone, as computed by our well-managed statistic ' bureau, is not less than $981,- 368,094. Our exports of agricultural products have reached the value of $51,000,000 in a single year, and Mr. (ieo. Johnson, the able and obliging head of tlie sta- tistical i)ureau at Ottawa, has furnished mc with a CANADIAN NATIONALITY 107 sl;i- 1 a calculation in which he estimates the value of the total production of Dominion farms at about $500,- 000,000 per annum. Other calculations are somewhat less than this, but considering that our older provinces are but ])artly developed, and our immense and luxuri- ant Northwest prairies scarcely develoi)ed at all, any of the calculations indicate how immense are our agricultural resources, and how largely production may yet be expected to increase. I need not dwell at length on this occasion, how- ever important, on our gold, silver, co{)per, iron, coal, and I must now add, our ni("kel mines. These are dotted all over the continent, commencing on the sea- washed shores of Cape Ureton, along the pictures(|ue banks of the St. Lawrence, around the ragged and jagged rliffs of Lake Superior, cropping out on the lovely Saskatchewan, and away towards the setting sun, over the Rocky and Cascade Mountains to Columbia and Vancouver Island. Taking our nickel mines and ore ranges in the Sud- bury District alone, recent estimates of [hc'n wealth almost recall the story of Aladdin and otlur fabulous legends of our youth. If we accept tlie reports of the United States Naval experts recently sent from Wash- ington to the Sudbury District, then; are no less than 650,000,000 tons of nickel ore in sight, and an ingeni- ous calculation has beeti made on this basis that, taking copper at 15 cents jK-r lb. and nickel at 50 rents, and allowing 4 per cent, for the copper and 3 per c^ent. for the nickel in the ore, the former wcnild amount to ffp^" i I : I (I i 1 08 CANADIAN NATIONALITY $7,8oo,ooo,oco and the latter no less than $19,500,000,- 000. Tliese enormous figures make the brain grow a little dizzy, and I fear there must be something wrong with the basis. They are only of importance as testi- mony to our great mineral wealth in nickel and copper if it could only be freely developed and utilized. The reports of the Ontario Mining Commission and of the Dominion Geological Survey go to show that our mines generally are richer and more numerous than is commonly supj)osed, and I may point out that two of them, coal and iron, and I should also now add nickel, are the essential factors of manufacturing great- ness, to which I hoi)e to see Canada attain, for it is those nations which combine agricultural and manu- facturing industries which have made, and must con- tinue to make, the broadest and deepest mark on the world's history. There are three of our national resources which deserve particular attention, because in these we may be said to excel all other countries — I refer to our forests, our fisheries and our shii){)ing. The former are unrivalled in extent and value. Besides supplying our own large home demand we have exported timber and lumber to the extent of $28,500,000 in ;i single year. About two years ago the Crown Lands Depart- ment of Ontario laid before the Legislature a calcula- tion setting forth that there were still uncut on un- licensed and licensed timber limits of the j)rovince the immense amount of 60,540,000000 feet, the mere Ciovernment fees on which were estimated to be worth CANADIAN NATIONALITV. 109 $136,000,000. When it is rcmcnihorcd that the timber hmits of Quebec probably et[ual those of Ontario, and that New Brunswick, Nova Scotia and (!ohimbia all possess similar resources, some idea may be had of the vastness and value of our Canadian forests, the con- servation of which has become one of the most im- portant questions which can engage the attention of our legislators. The last year for which we have returns (1889) the value of the registered shipping of Canada was nearly $32,000,000, and there were upwards of 68,000 hardy seamen engaged in our fisheries, not counting the men, women and children employed on shore. The products of the fisheries e.\[)orted and sold amounted to $17,- 655,000, besides an estimated home consumption of $13,000,000. The British Columbia fisheries are rapidly increasing. The latest returns at hand show they had 28 canneries in operation in 1889, which packed over 20,000,000 I lb. tins of salmon. Besides this, their sealing vessels captured 33,570 seals, valued at $349,- 825. The catch of seals is reported to have been still larger last summer, which ])roves how deeply Canada is interested in opposing the extraordinary contention that Behring Sea- which is hundretls of miles wide — can in any sense be held lo be a Marc (!lausum. It is not likely such a new doctrine in International law can be maintained, but whilst courteously agreeing lo any reasonable proposition of the United States for the preservation of the seals, it is most essential to the * ■I ; I: ' r I lO CANADIAN NATIONALITY. Duniinion, and especially to British Columbia, thnt the just rights of our hardy seamen in those waters should be firmly maintained by (Ireat Britain in the negotia- tions still pending at Washington. I know few things of which we have more cause for congratulation than our Merchant Marine. For a Colony it is almost unexampled. Our fellow country- men in the Maritime I'rovinces own more shipping per capita, Great Britain not excepted, than any other people, and the sturdy blue-nose city of St. John, which looks out so defiantly towards the stormy shores of the Bay of Fundy, possesses and navigates more sea-going vessels than ]Joston, Philadelphia or Baltimore. To her honor, be it said, she stands eighth as regards shipping among all the great cities of the British Em- pire, being surpassed but comparatively little by any except Liverpool, London and Clasgow. The Dominion takes a highly creditable position among marine powers in regard to registered sea-going tonnage. The statistical year-book of Canada places the principal countries as follows : Tons. Great Britain '. 7,123,754 Sweden and Norway 2,024,471 Germany 1,240,182 Canada i ,089,642 United States 1,021,595 Counting in vessels engaged in the river and home trade the United States would be entitled to the second place, having 4,307,000 tons. But taking registered sea-going shipping alone, Canada stands before the CANADIAN NATIONALITY III United States, Italy, France, the Netherlantls, Austria, Turkey and Spain in short, has now the fourth, and will in all {)robability soon have the third largest ocean marine which breasts the billows of the deep. Our total shipping, taking both inland and sea-going, steadily increasing, year by year, but of the sea-borne trade of the Dominion in 1889, 48.75 per cent, was carried in British bottoms, 31.01 per cent, in foreign, and 26.24 P^r cent, in Canadian. These figures carry a lesson with them. In 1856 United States vessels carried 75.02 per cent, of all the imports and exports of the Republic, and although their foreign trade had in the meantime more than doubled, in 1888 they only carried 13.48 per cent. The rocks upon which the American Mercantile Marine was wrecked are now pretty clear to view, and the fact that in 1889 for the first time in many years more Canadian sea-going freight was carried in foreign than Canadian bottoms, should be a warning to our rulers to beware of the breakers which have nearly driven American shi})jjing from the ocean. The development of the Dominion in canals, rail- ways, telegraphs, telephones and electricity, can without exaggeration be described as creditable. \\y means of the W't Hand and St. Lawrence Canals we have trium[)hed over the barriers of Nature, and united the sparkling waters of Erie and Ontario. We have sj)ent $54,500,- 000 on our canal system, but much remains to be accomi)lished. For many years it has been my conviction, that it ll 'I' m ' \ \\ I I 2 CANADIAN NATIONALITY will only be when the Welland and St. Lawrence Canals have been so enlarged and deepened that large ocean vessels can be despatched from Duluth, Port Arthur and Chicago, and without breaking bulk proceed to Liverpool, (ilasgow and London, and indeed, to any of the ports of the world — when, in short, Canadian enterprise shall practically have made the great inland cities of America, ocean ports, that we may hope to realize the dream of William Hamilton Merritt and John Young, of Montreal : the great lakes and our majestic St. Lawrence wbiiened ■• 'th sails, carrying on their bosom the boundless picutictions of Western America on their way to in.rket. The latest returns show we pvysse.v;ed 17,489 miles of telephone and 62,000 of telegraph wire, the latter being surpassed only by six of the larger nations. Thirty years ago there were scarcely any railways in what is now the Dominion. Their increase has been as follows : Miles in operation. In 1850 71 In i860 2,081 In 1870 2,497 In 1880 6,891 In 1889 12.628 In 1890 14,000 Our railway development has been nearly all since Confederation, and during the same period the paid- up capital invested therein has increased from $160,- 471,190 to the very handsome sum of $760,576,446. I'rom 1875 to 1889, a period of fourteen years, the CANAIHAN NATIONAMTY. i,^ annual earnings of our railways increased from $10- 000,000 to $42,000,000. In the Canada Pacific and Grand Trunk we possess two of the largest railway systems in the world, and the construction of the main portions of the former from the Atlantic to the ]'acific-the longest continu- ous railway in the world-within the short space of five years, whilst it may have been expensive, was certainly a feat m engineering and railway building of a remark- able character. The first year after Confederation our total imports and exports amounted to $129,500,000. The highest point touched since then was in 1883, when our total commerce amounted to a little over $230,000,000, and It IS not a little singular as showing how commerce expands and contracts in periods of ten years, that in the preceding decade the greatest expansion was in the corresi)onding year 1873, when the figures were $217,- 000,000. For the last fiscal year, ending 30th June, 1890, our total transactions were of the value of $218,607,390. This shows our foreign trade to be about $42' per capita of the population. 'I'he latest returns 1 have seen for the United States do not exceed $22. Our transactions with Great Britain and the United States were as follows : Britain. U. Statks Imports from ^43.390.241 $52,291,973 ^-""^"'^^ ^" 48.353.694 40.522.S10 I ""^"^^ ...;.■.•.•,•. $91,743,935 $92,814 783 1 14 ( ANADIAN NAIIONAMIV, These returns prove that our external trade continues to be almost exclusively with Great IJritain and the United States, our transactions with otl.er countries being comparatively trifling. For reasons already given, this is not the time nor place to discuss this question. But there are three points which I think will very generally be assented to; ist, Our exportable produc- tions almost entirely depend on the British and American markets ; 2nd, It would profit Canada no- thing to improve either one of these markets if it en- tailed a corresponding injury of the other ; and 3rd, That our true fiscal policy manifestly is, to remove as many obstructions as possible out of the way of our trade with both nations, consistent with our National Independence and the reasonable conservation of our own Industries. It is much to be regretted that we have no Official records of the Dominion's Inter-provincial trade. The business carried on between Ontario and Quebec, and between them and the Maritime and North -West Provinces, has grown steadily and is much larger than is generally supposed. For 1889 the Dominion Sta- tistical Bureau roughly estimated the total volume of Inter-provincial trade at $80,000,000, about fifty mil- lions being with the Maritime Provinces, and thirty with Manitoba, Columbia and the North-West Terri- tories. The following returns of Traffic on the Inter- colonial Railway for 1878 and 1889 go to show that trade with our Eastern Provinces continues to increase; — CANADIAN NATIONALITY. I'5 ne nd est an ta- of nil- irty ?rri- ter- Ihat 1878. 1889. Flour, (barrels) 637,778 927,014 Grain, (bushels) 331.170 1,519,862 Lumber, (feet) 56,626,547 197-545.777 Live Stock, (head) 46,498 . 77,661 Other Goods, (tons) 575.025 814,993 There are some difficulties in the way of rapid growth in the trade of the more distant provinces with the heart of the Dominion. These it would be neither wise nor just to deny. But they are probably not greater than those which confronted the American colonies a century ago, and if the above estimate of the extent of our inter-provincial trade be fairly near correct, it is already not far behind the value of our trade with either (ireat Britain or the United States. There is no question more vitally affecting the stability and success of the Dominion, than this inter- provincial trade. It is the weld which, in a large measure, must bind us together, and in view of its great importance, I feel confident you will join me in pressing upon the Dominion government to immedi- ately authorize the statistical bureau to adopt some regular system by which we can correctly ascertain its present extent, and mark its future growth from year to year. We have a considerable public debt which is rather rapidly increasing, the net amount of which on the 30th June, 1890, was $238,048,638. If you are like some of our fellow-countrymen in England of whom I have read, you may add this to the sum of our na- tional blessings, but I may add that I won't. The ■; f in '1 ' ' 1 » ! ii6 CANADIAN NATIONALITY. sul)jcrt of del)t is an important one for nations as for individuals, and Dickens conii)rcsses the philosophy of the matter into a nutshell where he makes the luckless Micawber say : Income /,'4. 19.6, expenditure ^5, result misery; income ^^, expenditure ^4.19.6, result hap- l)iness. Nothing could iK'tter illustrate the development which the Dominion has made than the statistics of our monetary and insurance institutions during the last twenty years. The following figures are chiefly for the years 1868-9 and 1889, and the increase in the prin- cipal items of the business of these institutions during the two decades has l)een as follows: Bank deposits increased from ^ 32,808,103 to ^136,293,978 Bank assets " " 77,872,25710 255,765,631 P, O. Saving Banks increased from. 1,588,848 to 23,011,422 Govt. & P. O. Savings Banks united 4,360,602 to 42,956,357 Loan Co. Assets 16,229,407 to 109,430,158 Life Insurance Risks 35,680,082 to 231,963,702 Fire Insurance Risks 188,359,809 to 684,538,378 The people have on deposit in the chartered banks, loan companies, government and other savings banks, upwards of $207,446,000, being $40 per head of the whole population. It is {possible that Canada might have progressed still faster than this, and it is true that our farming and even our manufacturing industries are suffering at [)resent from somewhat serious de[)ression, but the foregoing statistics clearly attest that not only havti we no reason to despair of our country, but it would indeed be difficult to produce any other country I !!|! CANADIAN NATIONALITY. 117 .631 ,422 ■357 ,702 i.37« nks, nks, the light that are sion, only At it intry which, when its population was only live millions, could point back for two* 'y years to a belter record of pro- gress and prosperity. This hasty glance at our material progress would be incomplete without some reference to the accumu- lated wealth of the Dominion, and the total annual value of all our productions. At Confederation a well-inrormed statistician esti- mated the realized wealth of British America, exclusive of railways, canals, public buildings, tS:c , at $1,136,- ooo,coo. Mughall, the eminent English authority, rates the wealth of (ireat Britain at $1,250, the United States at $790, and ('anada at $650 per head. Cal- culated on this basis the gross value of our farms, buildings, ships, capital and other wealth, cannot to-day be less than $3,363,750,000. In regard to the annual value of our total produc- tions we have already had those of our farms estimated at $500,000,000. According to the census of 1881 the products of our manufactories and workshoj)s dur- ing the year were of the value of $309,676,000. 'I'he secretary of the Manufacturers' Association has since rated them at $500,000,000, and I have been advised they are now still more. This is, of course, the esti- mated value of the finished article, and the cost of the raw material would have to be deducted to ascer- tain the real values produced by our manufLicturing industries. But we have not yet counted the value of the annual products of our forest, our mines and our shipping and fisheries. Assuming that these would '' ! ii8 CANADIAN NATIONALITY. I balance the value of the raw material used in manu- facturing, the value of our total annual [)roduction may be roughly estimated at $1,000,000,000. In view of the foregoing facts, gentlemen, I think it can be justly claimed that our people have not been standing with folded hands in regard to the develop- ment of the great resources of the Dominion, and that although our country is not without some draw- backs, and may not have advanced so rapidly as some think it should and could have done, still after all its growth and progress have seldom been surpassed by other countries, and have served to raise Canada and Canadians to an honored [)lace in the estimation of the nations, and excited a hopeful interest in the destiny which lies before us. In the third place let us glance briefly at our political and mental outfit and social condition. Our system of government may l)e described as a happy blending of the British and United States con- stitutions. We have the Federal system, which is ad- mirably adapted for large States having diverse local interests. Personally, I would like to see a uniform Franchise, based on Manhood Suffrage and ''one man one vote," throughout the Dominion and all the Pro- vinces; but we have gone sufficiently near Universal Suffrage to give almost every man a voice in Dominion or Provincial affairs who deserves or cares for it. These Republican features we nave grafted on to the care- fully matured principles of British Parliamentary Gov- ernment, and I know none under which the people CANADIAN NATIONAl.l I Y. 1 H) enjoy truer libel ty or so directly control the actions of their representatives. There are many matters in which we may wisely learn from our American neighbors, but it may fairly be claimed that our Parliamentary system possesses some decided advantages over theirs. This opens to view a tempting field, but it would lead too far to do more than mention two or three salient points as illustrated in the United States elections last fall. In that exciting contest the Republican party, which had just passed the McKinley bill, was overwhelmingly de- feated at the polls, chiefly on that issue. Their ma- jority in the late House of Representatives was 21 ; in the new hou.se the Democrats number no less than 238 to their 87. 'J'he nation could scarcely have pro- nounced a more decided verdict against the McKinley bill and the Republican party, but, nevertheless, it remains a mere bruteni fiilmen. The 51st Congress continued to legislate until the 4th March last, although most of the members of the House and many of the Senate had been defeated during the November previous. The President and lO.xecutive ( lovernment remain unchanged, although no longer representing the will of the people. When the 52nd Congress meets, the Executive and the Senate will be at political war with the House of Representa- tives, the former Republican and the latter Democratic, and even the McKinley bill, against which the nation so loudly protested, will most likely be kept on the statute book in defiance of the overwhelminti; vote of the people against it. 1 20 CANADIAN N A IKjNAI.riA'. Hi How different all this would he under our system of Responsihle (lovernnient. Here we can also take an illustration. In 1878 the I.iheral party of Canada was defeated at the polls. What almost immediately resulted? 'I'he Premier, Mr. Maekenzie, i)romptly ten- dered the resignation of himself and colleagues, and the Representative of the Crown as i)romptly called upon Sir John Macdonald as leader of the successful party to form and administer the government, and thus within thirty days the will of the Canadian people as expressed at the polls became the policy of the country. If I were asked to i)oint out the weakest feature ot our parliamentary system, I should unhesitatingly answer— patronage. The si/e of the Dominion is vast. ..Hir.ny parts of it are as yet largely undeveloped and poor, and the people very naturally have -so to si)eak — a strong weakness to h?ve their roads, raihva}s and other improvements made at the public expense. Then there are few citizens so burdened with this world's goods as to be insensible to the attractions of a good fat office — always excepting, of course, our M.P's. ard M.l'.P's. Under these circumstances the large patronage in the hands of our Dominion and Local (lovernments, to speak mildly, is not a f;ictor for good to tlie nation, and so f;ir as the ]"'ederal Government is concerned, whether in the hands of Reformers or Conservatives, the patronage in connection with the civil service, railways, canals, pul)lic works. Dominion lands and other public undertakings, has become so immense as *1 i CANADIAN NATIONALIl'V, 121 ■a as to greatly influence all parliamentary elections, and, if unchecked, may become dangerous to the liberties of the ])eople. There is a wide field here for parliamentary reform. We cannot longer afford to trille with the admitted evils of the Spoils system, and the policy adopted in regard thereto by Victoria and other Australian colonies, is well deserving of our consideration. In that great sister colony they have stripped the government of all patronage in civil service and railway appointments, placing them under the absolute control of expert Commissioners and written examinations, and they like the system so well that they have recently created a special railway tribunal, and no new railway is to be aided by the government until it has been examined and api)roved by that body. I trust it need not be repeated, that although necessarily referring to ([uestions more or less [)olitical, I do not intend to entrench upon party poHtics, Leaving aside party differences then, to the pro[)er occasion, I have no hesitation in saying that whilst possibly not without some serious mistakes, the people of Canada have worked out the system of Representa- tive government in a fairly successful manner. Our (iovernors-Ceneral, at least since Confedera- tion, have represented the Crown with dignity and due regard to constitutiorial law, and our Lieutenant-Cov- ernors, considering their pr;:vious party alliances, have done exceedinglv well. 'I'he House of Commons has, upon the whole, re 122 CANADIAN NATIONAI.iTV 1 a ■1 'i fleeted no discredit upon the Dominion. Looked at from an intellectual point of view, with the exception of the Imperial House of Commons, it will compare favorably with any similar parliamentary body. Such men as the Hon. Edward Blake, Sir Charles Tupper, Hon. Alex. Mackenzie, Sir Leonard Tilley, now Lieu- tenant-Covernor of New Brunswick, Sir A. 1 )ori()n, now Chief Justice of Quebec, and others I might mention, would have taken high rank as statesmen either in London or Washington, and so long as its debates are enriched by the impassioned elocjuence of a Laurier, the wit and sarcasm of a Macdonald, the [)owerful logic of a Cartwright, or the dignified and pleasing rhetoric of a Thompson, the people of Canada will have no cause to feel ashamed of the oratory of their highest representative body. Of our Senate, notwithstanding the presence of a number of distinguished men in it, what shall I say? Very few will be found to maintain that it has proved to be the influential and useful body that was antici- pated. Nor should this occasion surprise. It is a political anomaly. It is out of touch with the people. A body composed of life members, not a few of them octogenarians, and selected chiefly for political services, is not in harmony with our other institutions. Coukl there, indeed, be a greater anomaly in a country with democratic institutions, than that after the people have again and again refused to elect a man to represent them for five years, the Minister of the day, whoever he may chance to be, should have the power at his 1 CANADIAN NATIONALITY. t23 la h own mere will or caprice, to issue his mandate and make the oft-rejected a legislator for life. The Senate at present practically represents nothing, not even a class likti the House of Lords, and the public naturally take a very languid interest in its proceedings. If it is ever to rise to the influence and usefulness which such an im})ortant body as the Senate should exercise, life membership must be al)olished, and the various provincial legislatures, or the people of the provinces themselves, given some voice in the selection of its members. Our educational system is one of our most potent mental forces. We spent nearly $8,500,000 on public schools last year, and employed an army of 21,120 teachers, who taught considerably over 1,000,000 pupils- At our High Schools, Collegiate Institutes, and at To- ronto, Trinity, Mcdill, Queen's, and our other Universi- ties, an education can be obtained second only to that of Oxford or Cambridge, and so long as our public schools are conducted so efficiently as at present, and our higher seats of learning are presided over by such men as Sir Daniel Wilson, Sir William Dawson, and the Rev. Dr. Oant, names famous in science and literature in Europe as well as America, the mental outfit of the youth of Canada ou^dit not to be deficient as com- pared with other lands. Besides our learned Professors and Teachers, the number of our educated classes is by no means incon- siderable. The Judges who i)resi