IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-S) 1.0 I.I 1.25 u Uii 12.2 !f U£ 12.0 1.4 lil.6 > ^ 7 '/ /^ CIHM/ICMH Microfiche Series. CIHM/ICMH Collection de microfiches. Canadian Institute for Historical Microraproductions Institut Canadian de microreproductions historiques 1980 Technical Notes / Notes techniques The Institute has attempted to obtain the best original copy available for filming. Physical features of this copy which may alter any of the images in the reproduction are checked below. L'Institut a microfilm^ le meilleur exemplaire qu'il lui a 6t6 possible de se procurer. Certains dAfauts susceptibles de nuire d la quality de la reproduction sont notAs ci-dessous. D Coloured covers/ Couvertures de couleur D Coloured pages/ Pages de couleur D Coloured maps/ Cartes giographiques en couleur D Coloured plates/ Planches en couleur n Pages discoloured, stained or foxed/ Pages d6color6es, tachet6es ou piqu6es Tight binding (may cause shadows or distortion along interior margin)/ Reliure serr6 (peut causer de I'ombre cu de la distortion le long de la marge int6rieure) r~7| Show through/ D Transparence Pages damaged/ Pages endommag6es D Additional comments/ Commentaires suppl6mentaires Bibliographic Notes / Notes bibliographiques n Only edition available/ Seule Edition disponible D Pagination incorrect/ Erreurs de pagination D D Bound with other material/ Reli6 avec d'autres documents Cover title missing/ Le titre de couverture manque D D Pages missing/ Des pages manquent Maps missing/ Des cartes g6ographiques manquent D D Plates missing/ Des planches manquent Additional comments/ Commentaires suppl6mentaires B Ins la The images appearing here are the best quality possible considering the condition and legibility of the original copy and in keeping with the filming contract specifications. The last recorded frame on each microfiche shall contain the symbol — ► (meaning CONTINUED"), or the symbol V (meaning "END"), whichever applies. Les images suivantes ont 6t* reproduites avec le plus grand soin. compte tenu de la condition at de la nettet* de I'exemplaire filmA. et en conformity avec les conditions du contrat de filmage. Un des symboles suivants apparaftra sur la der- nlAre image de cheque microfiche, salon le cas: le symbole —^ signifie "A SUIVRE". le symbole V signifie "FIN". The original cupy was borrowed from, and filmed with, the kind consent of the following institution: National Library of Canada L'exemplaire film6 fut reproduit grAce d la ginirositi de I'Atablissement prAteur suivant : BibliothAque nationale du Canada Maps or plates too large to be entirely included in one exposure are filmed beginning in the upper Inft hand corner, left to right and top to bottom, as many frames as required. The following diagrams illustrate the method: Les cartes ou les planches trop grandes pour Atre reproduites en un seul clichA sont filmAes A partir de Tangle supArieure gauche, de gauche A droite et de haut en bas. en prenant le nombre d'images nAcessaire. Le diagramme suivant illustre la mAthode : 12 3 t 2 3 4 5 6 / ► f ( v*^ »\n,\v>V. ;♦ % { n 'Z^j-i y 7 ^^^ LETTEES AND JOUENALS OF JAMlffi, EIGHTH EARL OF ELGIN :l i Sl'OTTISWOOUlS AMI) CO., NBW-HTIIKBT- BljUAUB ASU I'AULIAaBST BTllEKT LETTEES AND JOUENALS OP I JAMES, EIGHTH EAEL OF ELGIN GOVERNOR Of JAMAICA. OOVERNOR-OENEUAL OF CANADA. ENVOY TO CHINA, VICEROY OF INDIA EDITED BY THEODORE WALROND, C.B. WITH A PREFACE BY ARTHUR PENRH^N STANLEY, D.D. DEAN OF WESTMINSTER LONDON JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET 1872 Tit riohi nf iramlatinn I, ,eitrv»d \Ji)|U|sOf.i) / n389 PllEFACE. Having been consulted by the family and friends of the late Lord Elgin as to the best mode of giving to the world some record of his life, and having thus con- tracted a certain responsibility in the work now laid before the public, I have considered it my duty to prefix a few words by way of Preface to the following pages. On Lord Elgin's death it was thought that a csireer intimately connected with so many critical points in the history of the British Empire, and containing in itself so much of intrinsic interest, ought not to be left with- out an enduring memorial. The need of this was the more felt because Lord Elgin was prevented, by the peculiar circumstances of his public course, from en- joying the familiar recognition to which he would else have been entitled amongst his contemporaries in England. *For* (if I may use the words which I have employed on a former occasion) * it is one of the sad ' consequences of a statesman's life spent like his in the ' constant service of his country on "duous foreign ' missions, that in his own land, in uis own circle, * almost in his own home, his place is occupied by ' others, his very face is forgotten ; he can maintain no ' permanent ties with those who rule the opinion, or ' obtain the mastery, of the day ; he has ideutiiicd VI PREFACE. ' himself with no existing party ; he has made himself ' felt in none of those domestic and personal struggles * which attract the attention and fix the interest of ' the many who contribute in large measure to form ' the public opinion of the time. For twenty years the ' few intervals of Lord Elgni's residence in these islands ' were to l)e counted not by years, but by months ; and ' the majority of those who might be reckoned amongst * his friends and acquaintances, remembered him chiefly ' as the eager and accomplished Oxford student at Christ ' Chiarch or at Merton.' The materials for supplying this blank were, in some reepects, abundant. Besides the official despatches and other communications which had passed between him- self and the Home Government during his successive absences in Jamaica, Canada, China, and India, he had in the two latter positions kept up a constant corre- spondence, almost of the nature of a journal, with Lady Elgin, which combines with his reflections on public events the expression of his more personal feelings, and thus reveals not only his own genial and affectionate nature, but also indicates something of that singularly poetic and philosophic turn of mind, that union of grace and power, which, had his course lain in the more tran- quil walks of life, would have achieved no mean place amongst English thinkers and writers. These materials his family, at my suggestion, com- mitted to my friend Mr. Theodore Walrond, whoso sound judgment, comprehensive views, and official ex- perience are known to many besides myself, and who seemed not less fitted to act as interpreter to the ])ublic at large of such a life and character, because, not having been personally acquainted with Lord IMIEFACE. Vll I'^lgin, or connected with any of tlie public traneftctions recorded in the follow ing pages, he was aljlc to sjMJak with the sobriety of calm appreciation, rather than the warmth of personal attachment. In this spirit he kindly undertook, in the intervals of constant public occupations, to select from the vast mass of materials placed at hit- disposal such extracts as most vividly brought out the main features of Lord Elgin's career, adding such illustrations as could be gleaned from private or published documents or from the remem- brance of friends. If the work has unavoidably been delayed l)eyond the expected term, yet it is hoped tbr'.t the interest in those great colonial dependencies for which Lord Elgin laboured, has not diminished with the lapse of years. It is believed also that there is no time when it will not be good for his country- men to have brought before them those statesmanlike gifts which accomplished the successful accommodation of a more varied series of novel and entangled situations than has, pcrliaf)s, fallen to the lot of any other public man within oin* own memory. Especially might be named that rare (juality of a strong overruling sense of the justice due from man to man, from nation to nation ; that * combination of speculative and practical ability * (so wrote one who had deep experience of his mind) ' which peculiarly fitted him to solve the problem how ' the subject races of a civilised empire are to be go- ' verned ; ' that firm, courageous, and far-sighted confi- dence in the triumph of those liberal and constitutional principles (in the best sense of the word), which, having secured the greatness of England, were, in his judg- ment, also applicable, under other forms, to the difficult circumstances of new countries and diverse times. VUl rUKFACE. 'It is a Kin^nlar coincidence,' siiid Lord Klgin, in a Rpooch at IV'nnrcB a few months before his end, ' that * tlirec successive Governors-General of India should have ' stood towards each other in the relationship of contem- ' porary friends. Lord 1 )alhousie, when named to the ^ government of India, was the youngest man who had ' ever been aj)pointed to a situation of such high rcspon- ' sibility and trust. Lord Cannii -• was in the prime of ' life ; and I, if I am not already on iie decline, am nearer ' to the verge of it than either of my contemporaries who ' liave preceded me. When I was leaving England for ' India, lord KUenborough, who is now, alas! the only ' surviving ex-Governor-General, said to me, ' " You ' " are not a very old man ; but, depend upon it, you ' " will find yourself by far the oldest man in India." ' To that mournful catalogue was added his own name within the brief space of one year ; and now a fourth, not indeed bound to the others by ties of personal or political fi'iendship, but like in energetic discharge of his duties and in the prime of usefulness in wiiich he was cut off, has fallen by a fate yet more untimely. These tragical inc'.dents invest the high office to whicli such precious lives have been sacrificed with a new and solemn interest. There is something espe- cially pathetic when the gallant vessel, as it were, goes down within very sight of the harbour, with all its accumulated treasures. But no losses more appeal at the moment to the heart of the country, no careers deserve to be more carefully enshrined in its gi-ateful remembrance. Artiiuu p. Stanley. Deanery, Westminster: March 4, 1872. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. Eakly Yeaus. Birth iiud Purontnge— School and Colloge — Taato for Philodophy — Triiiiiiug for Public Life — M.P. for Suutbauiptou — Speech on the Addi^>Ba — Appointed Qovomor of Jamaica PAOK CHAPTER II. Jamaica. Shipwrock — Death of Lady Elgin — Position of a Oovomor in a West Indian Colony sucli as Jamaica — State of Public Opinion in the Island— (Questions of Finance, Education, Agriculture, the liabour- ing Classes, Religion, the Church — Harmonising Influences of Uritisb Connexion — Resignation — Appointment to Canada .... 12 CHAPTER HI. Canada. State of the Colony — First Impressions — Provincial Politics — * Reapon- siblo Oovemniont ' — Irish Immigrants — Upper Canada — Change of Ministry — French Ilabitans — The French Question — The Irish — The Rritish— Discontents ; their Causes and Remedies — Navigation Laws — Retrospect — Speech on Education SI CHAPTER IV. Canada. Discontent — Rebellion Losses Bill — Opposition to it— Neutrality of the Governor — Riote at Montreal — Firmness of tbe Governor — Approval of Home Government — Fresh Riots — Removal of Seat of Govern* nient from Montreal — Forbearance of Lord Elgin— Retrospect . . 70 I '. CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. Canada. rA(ii>: Anuoxatiou Movement — Rcmodial IMoasures — llepoftl of the Navigti- tioii Laws — Reciprocity with the United States — History of the Two Moaaurea — Duty of Supporting Authority — Views on Colonial Qovornraent — Colonial Interests the Sport of Homo Parties — No Separation I — Self-Govemniont not necessarily Republican — Value of the Monarchical Priuciplu — Defences of the Colony . . . .90 CHAPTER VI. Canada. Tho' Clergy Reserves' — History of the Question — Mixed Motives of the Movement — Feeling in the Province — In Upper Canada — In Lower Canada — Among Roman Catholics— In the Church — Secu- larisation — (Questions of Emigration, Labour, Land-tenure, Education, Native Tribes — Relations with the United States — Mutual Courtesies — Farewell to Canada — At Home 134 f CHAPTER VII. First Mission to China — Preliminaries. Origin of the Mission— Appointment of Lord Elgin — Malta — Egypt — Ceylon — News of the Indian Mutiny — Penang — Singapore — Diver- sion of Troops to J-Hia — On Board the ' Shannon ' — IIong-Kong —Change of Pk o — _ .Icutta and Lord Canning — Return to China — Perplexitier ' \x>c'' )8 of Climate— Arrival of Baron Gros — Prepa- ration for Action 176 CHAPTER VIIL First Mission to China — Canton. Improved Prospects — Advance on Canton — Bombardment and Capture —Joint Tribunal — Maintenance of Order — Canton Prisons — Move Northward — Swatow — Mr. Bums — Foochow — Ningpo — Chusau — Potou — Shanghae— Missionaries 210 CHAPTER IX. First Mission to China — Tientsin. Advance to the Poiho — Taking of the Forts — The Peiho River — Tient- sin — Negotiations — The Treaty — lu> Right cf Sending a Minister to Fekiu — Return southward — Sails for Japaa .... 245 CONTENTS. XI (JIIAPTER X. FiUHT Mission to China — Japan. FAUB Embark for Japan — Coast Views — Simoda — Off Yoddo — Yoddo — Con- foroncos — A Country Hide — Peace and Plenty — Feudal System — A Temple— A Juggler — Signing the Treaty — Its Terms — Retrospect , 2G0 CHAPTER XI. First Mission to China — The Yangtzi; Kiano. Delays— Subterfuges defeated by Firmness — Revised Tariff— Opium Trade — Up the Yangtze Kiang — Silver Island — Nankin — Rebel War- faro — The IIon-Barrior — Unknown Waters — Dillicult Navigation — Ilankow — The Governor-General — Return — Taking to the Gun- boata — Nganching — Nankin — Retrospect — More Delays — Troubles at Canton — Return to Hong-Kong — Mission completed — Home- ward Voyage 275 CHAPTER XII. Second Mission to China — Outward. liOrd Elgin in England — Origin of Second Mission to China — Gloomy Prospects — Egypt — The Pyramids — The Sphinx — Passengers Home- ward bound— Ceylon — Shipwreck — Penang — Singapore — Shanghae — Mooting with Mr. Bruce— Talien-Whan — Sir Hope Grant — Plans for Landing 814 CHAPTER XIII. Second Mission to China — Pekin. The Landing — Chinese Overtures — Taking of the Forte — The Peiho — Tientsin — Negotiations broken off — New Plenipotentiaries — Agreement made — Agreement broken — Treacherous Seizure of Mr. Parkes and others — Advance on Pekin — Return of some of the Cap- tives — Fate of the rest — Burning of the Summer I'alaco — Convention signed — Funeral of the murdered Captives — Imperial Palace — Prince Kung — Arrival of Mr. Bruce — Results of the Mission UO CHAPTER XIV. Second Mission to China — Homeward. Leaving the Gulf — Detention at Shanghae — Kowloon — Adieu to China — Island of Luzon — Churches — Government — Manufactures — Gene- ral Condition — Island of Java — Buitenzorg — Bantong — Volcano- Soirees — Retrospect — Ceylon — The Mediterranean — England — Warm Reception — Dunfermline — Royal Academy Dinner — Mansiou House Dinner 374 Xll CX)NTENTS. it CHAFfEU XV. India. Appointed Viceroy of India — Forobodin<:f3 — Voyago to India — Installa- ti(in — Deaths of Mr. Ritchio, Lord Canning,', (3 cneral Hrucu — The Hot Season — Business rosumt'd — State of the Empire-— Letters : tho Army ; Cultivation of Cotton ; Orientals not all Children ; Mi!>si(«n- arios; Rumours of Disafl'ection ; Alarms; Murder of a Native; Allghauistan ; Policy of Lord Canning ; Consideration for Natives . CHAPTER XVI. India. Duty of a Governor-General to visit the Provinces — Progress to tlie North-West — Benares — Speech on the Opening of the Railway — Cawnpore — Grand Durbar at A{.fra — Delhi — Hurdwar — Address to the Sikh Chiefs at Umballa — Kussowlie — Simla — Letters: Supply of Labour; Special Legislation; Missionary Gathering; Finance; Seat of Government ; Value of Training at Head-quarters ; Aris- tocracies ; against Intermeddling — The Sitana Fanatics — Himalayas — Rotung Pass — Twig Bridge — Illness— Death — Characteristics— Burial-place , . . VAOK a05 A26 i t j; I ■ f i ^ I'* ! h ativ(!8 . 305 MEMOIR OF JAMES, EIGHTH EARL OF ELGIN, &c. &c. CHAPTER I. EARLY YEARS. JIRTH A\D PAnKNTAOE — SCHOOL AND COLLKGE — TASTE FOR riULOSOPIIY TRAINING FOR PUBMC LIFE — M.P. FOR SOL'THAMPTOX SPEECH ON THE ADDRESS — APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF JAMAICA. Fames, cio-hth Earl of FA'^';^iDollege examinations (which were sup})osed to de})end upon Btudy alone) essays in many cases of a nature that demands the most prolonged and deep reflection. The effect of this is jvident. Those who, from circumstances, have neither oppor- tunity nor leisure thus to reflect, must, in order to secure their juccess, acquire that kind of superficial information which may jnable them to draw sufficiently plausible conclusions, upon irery slight grounds ; and [of J many who have this form of cnowledge, most will eventually be proved (if this system is Ifetii-ried to an excess) to have but little of the substance of it. He had meant to read for double honours, but illness, ' 'We are disposed, in fact, to ' regard the question of Univerbity I extension, in this sense, as depending entirely on the possibility of reducing the time required for a University [degree, and we should like to see more attention paid to this point. . . , The opinion is strongly and widely * entertained, that students now stay ' too long at ibe Public Schools and Universities, and that voang men ' ought not to be engaged in the mere ' preparatory studies of their life un to * the age of twentv-three or twenty- ' four.'— TtMies, May 22, 1869. ^m* 6 EARLY YEARS. Ch. I. Taste for philoso- phy. brought on by over- work, obliged him to coi)fiiie himself to classics. All who know Oxford are aware, that tlie term ' Classics,' is there used, embraces not only Greek and Latin scholarship, but also Ancient History and Philoso[)hy. In these latter studies the natural taste and previous education of James Bruce led him to take a special interest, and he threw himself into the work in no niggard spirit.* At the Michaelmas Examination of 1832, he was placed in the first class in classics, and common report spoke of him as ' the best first of his ' year.' Not long afterwards he was elected Fellow of Merton. He ai)pears to have been a candidate also for the Eklon Scholarship, but without success. In a con- test for a legal ])rize it was no discredit to be defeated by lioundell Palmer. Some of his contemporaries have a lively remem- brance of the eagerness with which, while still a student, he travelled into fields at that period beyond the some- what narrow range of academic study. Professor Mau- rice at one time. Dr. Pusey at another, were his de- lighted companions in exploring the dialogues of Plato. Mr. Gladstone ' remembers his speaking of Milton's ' prose works with great fervour when they were at Eton ' together ; ' and adds the confession — interesting alike as regards both the young students — ' I think it was from ' his mouth I first learned that Milton had written any ' prose.' This aft'ection for those soul-stirring treatises of the great advocate of free speech and inquiry he always retained : they formed his constant companions • There remains a memorandum in his handwriting of a systematic course of study to be pui*siied for his degree, in which two points are re- markable — 1st, the broad and liberal spirit iu which it is conceived ; 2ndly, that the whole is based on tlie Bible. Ancient History, together with Aristotle's Politics and the ancient orators, are to be read * in ' connection with the Bible History,' with the view of seeing 'how all * hang upon each other, and develope * the leading schemes of Providence.' The various branches of mental and moral science he proposes, in like manner, *to hinge upon the New * Testament, as constituting, in an- * other line, the history of moral and * intellectual development.' >;tlirou< Ch. I. 1832. TASTE FOR PHILOSOPHY. limsclf lat the Greek ry and ste and take a rork in iition of cs, and t of his 3II0W of also for n a con- lefeated remem- student, le some- ,or ^lau- his de- •f Plato. Milton's at Eton alike as as from ;ten any reatises uiry he panions |e History/ how all Id develope Irovidence.' lental and J, in like the New |ng! in an- moral and Avlicrever he travelled; and there are many occasions in which tlieir influence may he traced on his th(m imder our present commercial system, without which, as he conceived, the rights of the labouring classes could not be ])rotected. Much had been on various occasions said about the interests of the capitalists and the landlords, but iniless the measures of a Government were directed eqtially to secure the rights of the working classes, they never should be supported by a vote of his. It was true that the landlord might derive some increased value to his j)ro- perty from the increase of factories and other buildings upon it, and that the capitalist might more advantageously invest his capital, or he might withdraw it from a sinking concern ; hut the only capital of the labourer was his skill in his own j)articular walk, and it was a mockery to tell him that he could find a satisfactory compensation elsewhere. But the most characteristic part of his speech was that in which he commented on the ' harsh, severe, and * unjust terms ' in which it had been the fashion to designate those who had taken an opposite view on 1842. SPEECH ON THE ADDHESS. 11 was , and Dn to on tliost. questions to that taken by Her Majesty's Govern- ment: — In a (lay (he said) when all monopolica arc denounced, I nui!?t be ])crnntted to say that, to my mind, the monopoly which is the most intolerable and odious is the pretension to the monopoly of j)uhlic virtue. The anicndnicnt was carried })y a larf^e majority. Lord Mtlbourne resi;rncd, and Sir Robert Peel became Prime Minister. About the same time, by the death of his father and his own succession to the peerage, the young Lord's brief career in the House of Commons was closed for ever ; no Scottish j)eer being eligible, according to the commonly received oj)inion, to sit in the Lower House. He appears, indeed, to have had at one time an idea of pressing the question ; but he abandoned this intention on finding that it had been entertained twenty -five years before by Lord Aberdeen, and given up by him on the ground, that the majority of the Scottish Peers looked upon the proposal as lower- ing to their bod}, and as implying inferiority on their part to the English Peers. At this time it seemed as if the fair promise of Governor eloquence and statesmanship had been shown to public "^ ^^' life only to be withdrawn from it ; but a i)ath was about to be opened, leading to a new field of action, distant, indeed, and often thankless, but giving scope for the exercise of gifts, both of mind and character, which can rarely be exhibited in a Parliamentary career. In March 1842, at the early age of thirty, he was se- lected by Lord Stanley, who was then Secretary for the Colonies, for the important post of Governor of Jamaica. maica. 12 JAMAICA. Cu. II. CHAPTER II. JAMAICA. SHIPWRECK — DKATII OF LADY ELGIN POSITION OF A GOVF.IJNOR IN A WKST INDIAN COLONY SUCH AS JAMAICA — STATE OF PUHLIC OPINION IN THE ISLAND — QUESTIONS OF FINANCE, EDUCATION, AORICULTUUE, THE LA- liOUUINCf CLASSES, RELIGION, THE CHURCH — HARMONISING INFLUENCES OF BRITISH CONNEXION — RESIGNATION APPOINTMENT TO CANADA. Ship- wreck. Death of Lady Elgin. Position of aOovernor Lord Elgin sailed for Jamaica in the middle of April 1842. The West Indian steamers at that time held their rendezvous for the collection and distribution of the mails not, as now, at St. Thomas, but at a little island called Turk's Island, a mere sandbank, hedged with coral reefs. The vessel in which I^ord Elgin was a passenger made this island during the night; but the captain, over anxious to keep his time, held on towards the shore. Thej"^ struck on a spike of coral, which pierced the ship's side and held her impaled ; fortu- nately so, for she was thus prevented from backing out to sea and foundering with all hands, as other vessels did. Though ^' e ship itself became a total wreck, no lives were lost, .and nearly everything of value was saved; but from the shock of that night Lady Elgin, though apparently little alarmed at the time, never recovered. Two months afterwards, in giving birth to a daughter, now Lady Elma Thurlow, she was seized Avith violent convulsions, which were nearly fatal; and though, to the surprise of the medical men, she rallied from this attack, her health was seriously impaired, and she died in the summer of the following year. There are probably few situations of greater difficulty and delicacy than that of the Governor of a British colony 1842. GOVERNMENT OF A WEST INDIAN COLONY. 13 which possesses representative institutions. A consti- in a West tiition.'il sovereign, but with fhiil and temporary teiun-e, eoiony he is ex[)ecte(l not to reign only but to govern ; and to govern under the orders of a distant minister, who, if he has one eye on the colony, must keep the other on home poUtics. Thus, witliout any power in himself, he is a meeting-point of two different and generally antago- nistic forces — the will of the imperial government and the will of the local legislature. To act in harmony with both these forces, and to bring them into sonie- tliin;. of harmony Avith each other, requires, under the most favourable circumstances, a rare union of lirmness with patience and tact. But the difficulties were much aggravated in a West Indian colony in the early days of Emancipation. Here the local legislature was a democratic oligarchy, g„ch ns partly composed of landowners, but chiefly of overseers, J''™*'<=«- with no permanent stake in the country. And this legislature had to be induced to pass measures for the benefit of those very blacks of whose enforced service they had been deprived, and whose paid labour they found it difficult to obtain. Add to this that, in Jamaica, a long period of contention with the mother-country had left a feeling of bitter resentment for the past, and sullen despondency as regards the future. IMoreover, the balance had to be held between the Church of England on the one hard, which was in possession of all the ecclesiastical endowments, and probably of all the learning and cidtivation of the island, and, on the other hand, the various sects, especially that of the Ba})tists, who, having fought vigorously for the Negroes in the battle of Emancipation, now held undisputed sway over their minds, and who, as was natural, found it difficul'. to abandon the position of demagogues and agitators. Lord Elgin w^as at once fortunate and unfortunate in coming after the most conciliatory and popular of 14 JAMAICA. Cn. II. governors State of opinion in the island. Sir C. Metcalfe. The island was in a state of peace and harmony which had been long unknown to it ; but the singular affection, which Metcalfe had inspired in all classes, made them look forward wdth the most gloomy forebodings to the advent of his suc- cessor. Moreover, to use Lord Elgin's own language, a tone of despondency with reference to the prospects of the owners of property had long been considered the test of a sincere regard for the welfare of Jamaica. He who had been most successful in proclaiming the de- pression under which the landed and trading interests laboured, had been held to be in the popular acceptation of the term the truest friend to the colony. Nothing could be more alien to the spirit of inquiry and enterprise which leads to practical improvement. In an enervating climate, with a proprietary for the most part non-resident, and a peasantry generally inde- pendent of their employers, much encouragement is requisite to induce managers to encounter the labour and responsibility which attends the introduction of new systems ; but, by reason of the unfortunate prepos- session above described, the announcement of a belief that the planters had not exhausted the resources within their reach, had been considered a declaration of hostility towards that class. : ( And truly (wrote Lord Elgin himself) the onus proband i lay, and pretty heavily too, upon the propounder of the obnoxious doctrine of hope. Was it not shown on the face of unques- tioned official returns, that the exports of the island had dwindled to one-third of their former amount ? Was it not attested even in Parliament, that estates, which used to produce thousands annually, were sinking money year after year? Was it not apparent that the labourers stood in a relation of independence towards the owners of capital and land, totally unknown to a similar class in any fully peopled country? All these were facts and indisputable. And again, was it not equally certain that undeserved aspersions were cast upon the planters ? Were I 1842. STATE OF OPINION IN THE ISLAND. 15 they not held responsible for results over which they could exercise no manner of control? and was it not natural thnt, having been thus calumniated, they should be somewhat im- patient of advice? From the day of Lord Elgin's arrival in the colony, he was convinced that the endeavour to work a change on public opinion in this respect, would constitute one 1 of his first and most important duties ; but he was not insensible to the difficulties with which the experiment was surrounded. He felt that a new Governor, rash enough to assert that all was not yet accomplished wliicli ingenuity and perseverance could achieve, might lliave perilled his cliance o^" benefiting the colony. Men rould have said, and with some truth, ' he knows I* nothing of the matter; his information is derived from A. or B. ; he is a tool in their hands ; he will undo all tlie good which others have effected by enlisting the sympathies of England in our favour.' He w^ould lave been' deemed a party man, and become an object )f suspicion and distrust. It was soon found, however, that the new Governor [was as anxious as his predecessor had been to conciliate the good will and promote the interests of all ranks of rthe community in a spirit of perfect fairness and [moderation. The agitation of vexed constitutional questions he earnestly deprecated as likely to interrupt the harmony happily prevailing between the several [branches of the legislature, and to divert the attention of mfluential members of the community from the material interests of the colony to the consideration of [more exciting sul)jects. 'I do not underrate,' he said, ' the importance of constitutional questions, nor am I ' insensible to the honour which may be acquired by ' their satisfactory adjustment. In the present crisis of ' our fortunes, however, I am impressed with the belief ' that he is the best friend to Jamaica who concentrates ' his energies on the promotion of the moral well-beinf 16 JAMAICA. Ch. II. Questions of fiuunce, ' of the population, and the restoration of the economical ' prosperity of the island.' The finances of the colony were ut this time in a state to require the most careful treatment. At a moment when the recent violent change in the distrihution of the wealth of the community had left the proprietary body generally in a depressed condition, the Legislature had to provide for the wants of the newly emancipated j)opulation, by increasing at great cost the ecclesiastical and judicial establishments; and at the same time it was necessary that a quantity of inconvertible paper recently set afloat should he redeemed, if the currency was to be flxed on a sound basis. Under these conditions it was not easy to equalise the receipts and expenditure of the island treasury; and the difiiculty was not diminished by the necessity of satisfying critics at home. Before long an occasion arose to test Lord Elgin's tact and discretion in mediatuig on such questions between the colony and the mother-country. Towards the end of 1842 a new tariflf* was enacted by the legislature of the island. When the Act embody- ing it was sent home, it was found to violate certain economical princi])les recently adopted in this country. An angry des})atch from Downing Street informed Lord Elgin that it was disapi)roved, and that nothing but an apprehension of the financial embarrassments that must ensue [)re vented its being formally disallowed. In terms almost amoiniting to a reprimand, it was in- timated that the adoption of such objectionable enact- ments might be prevented if the Governor would exer- cise the legitimate influence of his office in opposing them ; and it was added, ' If, unfortunately, your efforts ' should be unsuccessful, and if any such bill should be ' ])resented for your accej)tance, it is Her Majesty's ' ])leasurc and command that you withhold your assent ' from it.' Lord Elgin re})lied by a temperate representation. i i I ( i t III Ch. II. economical e in a state a moment •i])iition of )roprietary ^ejjrislature nancipated clesiastical time it was er recently was to be ions it was ture of tlie diminished e. Before s tact and jtAveen the enacted by t embody- ite certain s country. informed [it nothing ■rassments iisallowed. Lt was in- ble enact- tuld exer- opposing bur efforts Ishould be Majesty's ►ur assent mentation, 1842-0. EDUCATION. 17 that it was but natural that traces of a policy long sanctioned by the mother-country should remain in the legislation of the colony ; that the duties in question were not found injuriously to check trade, while they Avere needed to meet the expenditure : moreover, that the Assembly was, and always had been, extremely Ijealous of any interference in the matter of self-taxa- Ition: lastly, that ' while sensible that the services of a I' Governor must be unprofitable if he failed to acquire I' and exercise a legitimate moral influence in the general '^* conduct of affairs, he was at the same time convinced * that a just appreciation of the difficulties with which * the legislature of the island had yet to contend, and of * the sacrifices and exertions already made under the * pressure of no ordinary embarrassments, was an indis- * pensable condition to his usefulness.* The Home Government felt the weight of these con- siderations, and the correspondence closed with the revocation of the peremj)tory command above quoted. ^; The object which Lord Elgin had most at heart was Eiucation, to improve the moral and social concUtion of the Negroes, and to fit them, by education, for the freedom which had been thrust upon them; but, with characteristic tact and sagacity, he preferred to compass this end through the agency of the planters themselves. By encouraging the a}>plication of mechanical contrivances to agriculture, he sought to make it the interest not jOnly of the peasants to acquire, but of the planters to Igive them, the education necessary for using machinery ; •while he lost no opportunity of imj)ressing on the land- downing class that, if they wished to secure a constant Bupply of labour, they could not do so better than b\^ creating in the labouring class the wants which belong to educated beings. The following extracts from private letters, written at the time to the Secretary of State, contain the C 18 JAMAICA. Cri. II. freshest find l)est expression of his views on these and similar questions of island politics : — In some quarters I am informed, that less desire for education is shown now by the Negroes than during the apprenticeship ; and the reason assigned is, that it was then siqqiosed that certain social and political advantages would accrue to those who were able to read, but that now, when all is gained, and all are on a par in these respects, the same zeal for learning no longer prevails. It has been suggested that a great impulse might be gi^en in this direction, by working on the feeling which existed formerly ; confining the franchise for instance to qualified persons wlio could read, or by some other expedient of the same nature. This being an important constitutional question, I have not thought it right to give the notion any encouragement ; but I submit it as coming from persons who are, I believe, sincere well-wishers to the Negro. It is not very easy to keep children steadily at school, or to enforce a very rigid discipline on them Avhen they are there. Parents Avho have never been themselves educated, cannot be expected to attach a very high value to education. The system of Slavery was not calculated to strengthen the family ties ; and parents do not, I apprehend, exercise generally a very steady and consistent control in their families. The consequence is, that children are pretty generally at liberty to attend school or not as they please. If the rising generation, howe\er, are not educated, what is to become of this island ? That they have withdrawn themselves to a considerable extent from field labour is, I think, generally admitted. It is therefore undoubtedly desir- able that all legitimate inducements should be held out, both to parents and children, to encourage the latter to attend school. In urging the adoption of machinery in aid of manual laijour, one main object I have had in view has ever been the creation of an aristocracy .among the labourers themselves ; the substi- tution of a given amount of skilled labour for a larger amount of unskilled. My hope is, that we may thus engender a healthy emulation among the labourers, a desire to obtain situations of eminence and mark among their fellows, and also to push their children forwards in the same career. Where labour is so scarce as it is here, it is undoubtedly a great object to be able to effect at a cheaper rate by machinery, what you now attempt !]S. to see lOI Ice Iig lui tno t riciiltural improvements, Lord I'^luin himself of- fered a j)remium of 100/. for the best })ractical treatise on the cultivation of the cane, with a s])ecial reference to the adoption of nieclianicfd aids and appliances in aid or in lieu of mechanical labour. In forw^arding to Lord Stanley printed co])ies of eight of the essays which competed for the prize, he wrote as follows : — jNIuch, I believe, is involved in the issue of this and shnilar experiments. So long as the planter despairs, — so long as he ai^umes that the cane can be cultivated and sugar manufactured to profit only on the system adopted during slavery, — so long as he looks to external aids (among which I class immigration) as ..s sole hope of salvation from ruin — with what feelings must he contemplate all earnest efforts to civilise the mass of the population ? Is education necessary to qualify the peasantry to carry on the rude field operations of slavery ? JNIay not Bome persons even entertain the apprehension, that it will in- disjiose them to such pursuits? But let him, on the other h|ind, believe that, by the substitution of more artificial methods jjr those hitherto employed, he may materially abridge the ex- c 2 :m 20 JAMAICA. Cii. II. h • pensc of mi.sing his produce, and he cannot fail to perceive that an intelligent, Avell-ediicated labourer, with something of a character to lose, and a reasonable ambition to stimulate him to exertion, is likely to prove an instrument more apt for his purposes than the ignorant drudge who differs from the slave only in being no longer amenable to personal restraint.' One of the measures in which Lord Elgin took tlio most active interest was the establishment of a ' General ' Agricultural Society for the Island of Jamaica,' and he was much gratified by receiving Her Majesty's permis- sion to give to it the sanction of her name as Patroness. I am confident (he writes to Lord Stanley) that the notice which Her Majesty is pleased to take of the institution will be duly appreciated, and will be productive of much good. You must allow me to remark (he adds) that moral results of much moment are involved in the issue of the efforts which we are now making for the improvement of agriculture in this colony. JS^t only has the impulse which has been imparted to the public mind in Jamaica been beneficial in itself and in its direct effects, but it has, 1 am firmly persuaded, checked opposing tendencies, which threatened very injurious conse- quences to Negro civilisation. To reconcile the planter to the heavy burdens which he was called to bear for the improve- ment of our establishments and the benefit of the mass of the population, it was necessary to persuade him that he had an interest in raising the standard of education and morals among the peasantry ; and this belief could be imparted only by inspiring a taste for a more artificial system of husbandry. By the silent operation of such salutary convictions, prejudices of old standing are removed ; the friends of the Negro and of the proprietary classes find themselves almost unconsciously acting in concert, and conspiring to complete that great and holy work of which the emancipation of the slave was but the commencement. :#. The Oh a general survey of the state of the labouring iws!"^ classes, taken after he had been a little more than a ' It is impossible not to be struck ■with the applicability of these re- marks to the condition of the agri- cultural poor in some parts of Eng- land, and the question of extending among them the benefits of education, , ^:i< ) .S^ W' .'««? n ■-■fS 1 Hi m Cji. II. 1842-5. THE LABOURING CLASSES. 21 il to perceive oiuething of a stimulate him »re apt for his rom the slave traint.' n;in took the f a ' General aica,' and lu; jty's perniis- ls Patroness. hat the notice itution will be 1 good. moral results 5 efforts whicli culture in this 3n imparted to self and in its ided, checked jurious conse- planter to the the improve- le mass of the at he had an morals among rted only by )f husbandry. ns, prejudices Negro and of nconsciously at great and was but the |e labouring lore than a parts of Enn-- an of extending its of education vear in the island, he was able to ijive a most favourable rej»ort of th.eir condition, in all that concerns material , {)rosperity and comfort of living. The truth is (he wrote) that our labourers are for tlie most part in the ])osition of persons who live habitually within their ;.' incomes. They are generally sober and frugal, and accustomed i to a low standard of living. Their gardens supply them in great i measure with the necessaries of life. The chief part, therefore, Jof what they receive in money, whether as wages or as the Iprice of the surplus produce of their provision grounds, they ican lay aside for occasional calls, and, when they set their '■minds on an acquisition or an indulgence, they do not stickle at the cost. I am told that, in the shops at Kingston, expensive >:articles of dress are not unusually purchased by members of -'ihe families of black labourers. Whether the ladies are good judges of the merits of silks and cambrics I do not pretend to flt'cide ; but they pay ready money, and it is not for the sellers to cavil at their discrimination. The purchase of land, as you •well know, is going on rapidly throughout the island ; and the money thus invested must have been chiefly, though not en- tirely, accumulated by the labouring classes since slavery Avas abolished. A proprietor told me the other day that he had, v^ithin twelve months, sold ten acres of land in small lots, for .a . ... *the sum of 900/. The land sold at so high a price is situated tiear a town, and the purchasers pay him an annual rent of 50s. '^er acre, for provision grounds on the more distant parts of the ,«state. Again, in most districts, the labourers are possessed of ■horses, for which they often pay handsomely. A farm servant viiot unfrequently gives from 12/. to 20/. for an animal which "Ipbe intends to employ, not for purposes of profit, but in riding |?to church, or on occasions of festivity. Whence then are these funds derived ? That tlie peasantry are generally frugal and sober I have already observed. But they are assuredly not called to tax their physical powers un- duly, in order to achieve the independence I have described. Altliough the estnte I lately visited is well managed, and the- best understanding subsists between employer and labourers, the latter seldom made their appearance in the field until some time after I had sallied forth for my morning walk They work on the estate only nine days in the fortnight, devoting 22 JAMAICA. Cii. II. i' i I tlic alternate Fridays to the cultivation of their provision grounds, and the Saturdays to marketinj^ and amusements. On the whole, seeing that the climate is suited to their consti- tutions, that they experience none of the drawbacks to Avhich new settlers, even in the most fertile countries, are subject, that they are by disposition and tcm})erament a cheerful race, I much doubt whether any people on the face of the globe enjoy as large a share of happiness as tlie Creole peasantry of this island. And this is a representation not over-charged, or liighly coloured, but drawn in all truth and sobriety of the actual condition of a population which was, a very few years ago, subjected to the degrading, depresshig influences of slavery. AVell may you and others who took part in the work of eman- cipation rejoice in the success of your great experiment. But "Was it possil)le to iii(liiltrong in their connexion Avith the past, and the British fettlers, whose energy and enterprise gave unmistakable promise of predominance in the future. Canada had, %ithin a few miles of her capital, a powerful and restless lieifrhhour, whose friendly intentions were not always fiiificient to restrain the unruly s])irits on her frontier torn acts of aggression, which might at any time lead I the most serious complications. JMoreover, in Canada representative institutions were already more fully de- .relqeed than in any other colony, and were at this 7^ei!^time passing through the most critical period of heur final development. The rebellion of 18.37 and 1 8.38 had necessarily checked Eeboiiion he progress of the colony towards self-government. °^*^'^^- t has since been acknowledged that the demands T^hich led to that rebellion were such as England ^ould have gladly granted two or three hundred jears 82 CANADA. Cii. III. li Lord Durham's Report. Lord Sydonham, l( SirC. Bugot. 'V before ; and they were, in fact, sub.sequently conceded one after another, ' not from terror, but because, on ' seriously looking at the case, it was found that after all * we had no possible interest in withholding them.' ^ But at the time it was necessary to put down the rebels by force, and to establish military government. In 1838 Lord Durham was sent out as High Conmiissioner for the Adjustment of the Affairs of the Colony, and his celebrated ' Report ' soAved the seeds of all the beneficial changes which followed. So early as October 1889, when I*oulett Thomson, afterwards Lord Sydenham, went out as Governor, Lord John Ivussell took the first step towards the introduction of ' responsible government,' by announcing that the principal offices of the colony ' would not be considered as being held by a teimrc ' equivalent to one during good behaviour, but that the ' holders would be liable to be called upon to retire * whenever, from motives of public policy or for other ' reasons, this should be found expedient.''^ But the in- surrection was then too recent to allow of constitutional government being established, at least in Lower Canada; and, after the Union in 1840, Lord Sydenham exercised, partly owing to his great ability, much more power than is usually enjoyed by constitutional governors. He exercised it, however, in such a manner as to pave the way for a freer system, which was carried out to a great extent by his successor. Sir Charles Bagot ; who, though bearing the reputation of an old-fashioned Tory, did not scruple to admit to his counsels persons who had been active in opposing the Crown during the re- cent rebellion ; acting on ' the broad principle that the ' constitutional majority had the right to rule under the ' Our Cohmies : nn Address de- livered to the members of the Me- chanics' Instituto, Chester, Nov. 12, 1855, by the Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P. * See the Colonial Policy of Lord John RusseWs Administration, by Earl Grey: a work in which the records of a most important period of colonial history are traced with equal abUity and authority. Cii. III. 1847. STATE OF THE COLONY. 83 ly conceded because, on liat after all them.'^ But le rebels by t. In 1838 [lissioner for ony, and his he benehcial r 1839, when jiiham, went the hrst step iroverninent,' )f the colony by a tenure but that the )on to reth-e or for other But the m- constitutional ower Canada; km exercised, more power Ll o;ovcrnors. [er as to pave Iried out to a Jagot ; who, [hioned Tory, 1 persons who Iring the re- tple that the lie under the Mts3 First im- pressions. a CANADA. Cu. 111. |l li ants. To this I delivered a reply, which produced, I think, a conaiderable eft'ect, and no little astonishment on some gentle- men who intended that I should say nothing. I have adopted frankly and unequivocally Lord Durham's view of government, and I think that I have done all that could be done to prevent its being perverted to vile purposes of faction. Various circumstances combined to smooth, for the time, the waters on which Lord Elgin had embarked. The state of political parties was favourable ; for the old Tories of the British ' Family Comi)act ' party were in good humour, being in enjoyment of the powers to which they claimed a prescriptive right, while the ' Liberals ' of the Opposition were full of hope that the removal of Lord Metcalfe's disturbing influence would restore their proper preponderance. Something also was due to his own personal qualities. Whereas most of his immediate predecessors had been men advanced in 3'ears and enfeebled by ill-heath, he was in the full enjoyment of vigorous youth — able, if need were, to work whole days at a stretch ; to force his way through a Canadian snow-storm, if his presence was required at a public meeting ; to make long and rapid journeys through the province, ever ready to receive an ad- dress, and give an impromptu reply\ The papers soon began to remark on the 'geniality and affability of * his demeanour.' ' He is daily,' they said, ' making new * friends. He walks to church, attends public meetings, 'leads the cheering, and is, in fact, a man of the people.' Before long it was added, ' Our new governor is ' the most effective speaker in the province ; ' and, thanks to his foreign education, he was able to speak as readily and fluently to the French Canadians in French as to the English in English. Added to this, his recent marriage was a passport to the hearts of many in Canada, who looked back to the late Lord Durham as the apostle of their liberties, if not as a martyr in their cause. Cn. III. 184/ TROVINXIAL POLITICS. 37 !(1, I think, a some gcntlc- have adopted ' government, ne to prevent oth, for the I embarked, lie ; for the ' party were le powers to , while the lope that the uence would lething also ''hereas most L advanced in s in the fidl eed were, to way through ivas required pid journeys eive an ad- papers soon affability of making new lie meetings, the people.' governor is rmce ; ' and, lie to speak anadians in ded to this, e hearts of } late Lord if not as a Ihit though the surface was smooth, there was much Provincia l)eneatli to disquiet an observant governor. It was not ^ ' "^** oidy that the Ministry was so weak, and so conscious of its weakness, as to be iiicaj)able even of proposing any measures of importance. This evil might be remedied by a change of administration. J5ut there was no real .political life ; only that pale and distorted reflecti(m of it which is apt to exist in a colony before it has learned ' to look within itself for the centre of power.* Parties formed themselves, not on broad issues of principle, but with reference to petty local and personal interests ; and when they sought the support of a more widespread "f sentiment, they fell back on those antipathies of race, which it was the main object of every wise Governor to extinguish. The following extracts from private letters to Lord Grey, written within a few months of his arrival, reflect this state of things. Though the circumstances to which they refer are past and gone, they may not be without interest, as affording an insight into a common phase of colonial government. Hitherto things have gone on well with me, much better than I hoped for when we parted. I should have been very willing to meet the Assembly at once, and throw myself with useful measures on the good sense of the people, but my min- isters are too weak for this. They seem to be impressed with ihe belief that the regular Opposition will of course resist what- ever they propose, and that any fragments of their own side, who happen not to be able at the moment to get what they Irant, will join them. When I advise them, therefore, to go down to Parliament with good measures and the prestige of a new Governor, and rely on the support of public opinion, they amile and shake their heads. It is clear that they are not very credulous of the existence of such a controlling power, and that their faith in the efficiency of appeals to selfish and sordid motives is greater than mine. Nevertheless, we must take the world as we find it, and if new elements of strength are required to enable the Govern- 38 CANADA. C"u. III. fl; incnt to go on, it is I think very advisable to jjjive tlio French a fair opportunity of entcrin*^ the JSlinistry in the first instance. It is also more ])ru(lent to enter upon these delicate negotia- tions cautiously and slowly, in order to avoid, if possible, giving the impression that I am ready to jump down everybody's throat the moment I touch the soil of Canada. I believe that the ])roblem of how to govern United Canada Avould be solved if the French Avould split into a Liberal and a . Conservative party, and join the Upper Canada parties which bear corresjtonding names. The great difficulty hitherto has been that a Conservative government has meant a government of Upper Canadians, which is intolerable to the French, and a Radical government a government of French, which is no less liateful to the British. No doubt the party titles are mis- nomers, for the radical party comj)riscs the i)olitical section most averse to j)rogress of any in the country. Nevertheless, so it has been hitherto. The national element would be merged in the political if the split to which I refer were accomplished. The tottering Minifstry atteinj)te(l to strengthen its position by a jtniction with some of the leaders of the ' French ' party ; but the attempt was unsuccessful : I cannot say that I am surprised or disheartened by the re- sult of these negotiations with the French. In a community like this, where there is little, if anything, of public principle to divi.le men, political parties will shape themselves under the influence of cir ""mstances, and of a great variety of affections and antipath^ otial, sectarian, and personal; and I never proposed ipt to force them into a mould of my own forming You V*... observe that no question of princi])le or of j)ublic ])olicy has been mooted by either party during the nego- tiation. The whole discussion has turned upon personal considerations. This is, I fancy, a pretty fair sample of Canadian politics. It is not even pretended that tiie divisions of party represent corresponding divisions of fjcntiment on questions which occupy the public mind ; such as Voluntary- ism, Free Trade, &c., &c. liesponsible government is the only subject on which this coincidence is alleged to exist. The opponents of the Administration are supposed to dissent from the views held by Lord Metcalfe upon it, though it is not so A Cu. 111. 184: ritOVINCIAL POLITICS. 89 ho Frcncli st instiiuco. te nogotiii- iiblc, giving 2 very body's tod Canada boral and a . ivtios which litherto has irovornineiit t'lench, and oh is no less les ai*e mis- seotion most theless, so it e merged in inplished. ni";tlien its lers of the jGssful : id by the re- i commnnity lie prineii)le es under the lof affections and I never of my own lor of public the nego- hn personal sample of liie divisions tntiment on Voluntary- Inent is the exist. The lissent from it is not so clear that its sujiporterri altogether adopt them. That this (iohoato and most debatable sul)ject siiould furnish the watch- words of party is most inconvenient. In enumerating the difficulties whioh surround such (piostions as Unicm of the provinces, Emigration, &c., you omit the greatest of them all; viz.: the materials with which I have to work in carrying out any measures for the j)ublic advantage. There are half a dozen parties hero, standing on no principles, and all intent on making j)olitical capital out of whatever turns up. It is exceedingly ditticult, under such circumstances, to iiiduce public men to run the risk of adopting any scheme that is bold or novel. Keenly ulive to the evil of this state of things, Lord Elgin Avas not less sensible that the blame of it did not rest with the existing generation of Canadian politicians, but that it was the resnlt of a variety of circumstances, some of which it was impossible to regret. Several causes (he wrote) co-operate together to give to '. personal and party interests the overweening importance which attaches to them in the estimation of local politicians. There are no real grievances here to stir the depths of the po})idar mind. We are a comfortable people, with plenty to eat and drink, no privileged classes to excite envy, or taxes to produce irritation. It were ungrateful to vieAv these blessings with regret, and yet I believe that they account in some measure for the selfishness of public men and their indifference to the higher aims of statesmanship. The comi)aratively small number of members of which the [popular bodies who determine the fate of provincial adminis- trations consist, is also, I am inclined to think, unfavourable to the existence of a high order of principle and feeling among I official personages. A majority of ten in an assembly of seventy [may probably be, according to Cocker, equivalent to a majority [of 100 in an assembly of 700. In pi-actice, however, it is far [otherwise. The defection of two or three individuals from the [majority of ten puts the administration in ])eril. Thence the iperpetual patchwork and trafficking to secure this vote and that, which (not to mention other evils) so engrosses the time and thoughts of ministers, that they have not leisure for nuitters (jf greater moment. It must also be remembered that" it is nf 40 CANADA. cn. in. T I I Respon- sible RO- vernment. only of late that the popular assemblies in this part of the world have acquired the right of determining who shall govern them — of insisting, as we phrase it, that the administration of affairs shall be conducted by persons enjoying their confidence. It is not wonderful that a privilege of this kind should be ex- ercised at first with some degree of recklessness, and that, while no great principles of policy are at stake, methods of a more questionable character for winning and retaining the con- fidence of these arbiters ' destiny should be resorted to. My course in these circumstances is, I think, clear and plain. It may be somewhat difllicult to follow occasionally, but I feel no dou'ut as to the direction in which it lies. I give to my minis- ters all constitutional support, frankly and without reserve, and the benefit of the best advice that I can afford them in their difficulties. In return for this I expect that they will, in so far as it is possible for them to do so, carry out my views for the maintenance of the connexion with Great Britain and the advancement of the interests of the province. On this tacit understanding we have acted together harmoniously up to this time, although I have never concealed from them that I in- tend to do nothing which may prevent me from working cordi- ally T^rith their opponents, if they are forced upon me. That ministries and Oppositions should occasionally change places, is of the very essence of our constitutional system, and it is pro- bably the most conservative element which it contains. By subjecting all sections of politicians in their turn to official responsibilities, it obliges heated partisans to place some re- straint on passion, and to confine within the bounds of decency the patriotic zeal with which, when out of place, they are wont to be animated. In order, however, to secure these advantages, it is indispensable that the head of the Government should show that he has confidence in the loyalty of all the influential parties with which he has to deal, and that he should have no personal antipathies to prevent him from acting with leading men. I feel very strongly that a Governor- General, by acting upon these views with tact and firmness, may hope to establish a moral influence in the province which will go far to compensate for the loss of power consequent on the sur- render of patronage to an executive responsible to the local Parliament. Until, however, the functions of his oflSce, under 1847 llESrONSIBLE GOVERNMENT.' 41 our amended colonial constitution, are more clearly defined — until that middle term which shall reconcile the faithful dis- chii'ge of his responsibility to the Imperial Government and the province with the maintenance of the quasi-monarchical relation in which he now stands towards the community over which he presides, be discovered and agreed upon, he must be content to tread along a path which is somewhat narrow and slippery, and to find that incessant watchfulness and some dexterity are requisite to prevent him from falling, on the one side into the neant of mock sovereignty, or on the other into the dirt and confusion of local factions. Many of his letters exhibit the same conviction that the remedy for the evils which he regretted was to be fomid in the principles of government first asserted by Lord Durham ; but there is a special interest in the expression of this sentiment when addressed, as in the following extract, to Lord Durham's daughter : — I still adhere to my opinion that the real and effectual vindi- cation of Lord Durham's memory and proceedings will be the success of a Governor- General of Canada who works out his views of government fairly. Depend upon it, if this country is governed for a few years satisfactorily. Lord Durham's re- putation as a statesman will be raised beyond the reach of cavil. I do not indeed know whether I am to be the instrument to carry out this work, or be destined, like others who have gone before me, to break down in the attempt ; but I am still of opinion that the thing may be done, though it requires some good-fortune and some qualities not of the lowest order. I find on my arrival here a very weak Government, almost as much abused by their friends as by their foes, no civil or private secretary, and an immense quantity of arrears of busi- ness. It is possible, therefore, that I may not be able to bear up against the difficulties of my situation, and that it may remain for some one else to effect that object, which many reasons would render me so desirous to achieve. With these cares, which formed the groundwoi'k of Irish im- the texture of the Governor's life, were interwoven °"2™^'°°' from time to time interests of a more temporary cha- racter ; of which the first in date, as in importance, T 42 CAN.VDA. Cu. m. , ;! a scourge to the province. was connected with tlie flood of immigration consequent on the Irish famine of 1847. During the course of the season nearly 100,000 im- migrants landed at Quebec, a large ])ro})ortion of whom were totally destitute, and must have perished had they not been forwarded at the cost of the i)ublic. Owing to various causes, contagious fever of a most malignant character prevailed among them, to an un- exampled extent ; the number confined at one time in hospitals occasionally apj)roached 10,000 : and though the mortality among children was very great, nearly 1 000 immigrant orphans Avere left durhig the season at Montreal, Ijesi'^'^s a proportionate number at Grosse Isle, Quebec, Kingston, Toronto, and other places. In this maimer ' army after army of sick and suf- ' fering people, fleeing from famine in their native land ' to be stricken down by death in the valley of the St. ' Lawrence, sto})[)ed in rapid succession at Grosse Isle, ' and there leaving lunnbers of their dead behind, pushed ' upwards towards the lakes, in over-crowded steamers, ' to burthen the inhabitai.ts of the western towns and ' villages.'^ The people of Canada exerted themselves nobly, under the direction of their Governor, to meet the sudden call upon their charity ; but he felt deeply for the sufferings which it entailed upon the colony, and he did not fail to point out to Lord Grey how severe Avas the strain thus laid on her loyalty ; — The immigration which is now taking place is a frightful scourge to the province. Thousands upon thousands of poor wretches are coming here incapable of work, and scattering the seeds of disease and death. Already five or six hundred orphans are accumulated at Montreal, for whose sustenance, until they can be put out to service, ju'ovision must be made. Con- siderable panic exists among the inhabitants. Political motives contribute to swell the amount of dissatisfaction j)roduced by ^ MacMullen's History of Canada, Cn. III. 184: IltlSII IMMIGRANTS. 4a )nsequent 0,000 im- ortion of perished :ie publie. f a most to an uii- oiie time 00 : and 3ry great, urini>' the umber at ler places. and suf- itive land if the St. fosse Isle, d, pushed steamers, owns and noblv, meet the eeply for IV, and |\v severe frightful Is of j)0()r ering the orphans itil tljcy Con- I motives dueed by this state of things. The Opposition make the want of adequate l)rovision to meet this overwhehning calamity, in the shape of hos- pitals, &c., a matter of charge against the Provincial Administra- tion. That section of the French who dislike British immigra- tion at all times, find, as might be expected, in the circumstances of tins year, a theme for copious declamation. Persons who cherish republican sympathies ascribe these evils to our de- pendent condition as colonists — ' the States of the Union,' they say, ' can take care of themselves, and avert the scourge from ' their shores, but we are victims on whom inhuman Irish land- ' lords, &c., can charge the consequences of their neglect and ' rapacity.' Meanwhile I have a very delicate and irksome duty to discharge. There is a general belief that Great Britain must make good to the province the expenses entailed on it by this visitation. ' It is enough,' say the inhabitants, ' that our ' houses should be made a receptacle of this mass of want and ' misery : it cannot surely be intended that we are to be mulcted ' in heavy pecuniary damages besides.' The reasonableness of these sentiments can hardly be questioned — bitter indignation would be aroused by the attempt to confute them — and yet I feel that if I were too freely to assent to them, I might en- courage recklessness, extravagance, and peculation. From the overwhelming nature of the calamity, and the large share which it has naturally occupied of the attention of Parliament and of the public, the task of making arrangements to meet the necessities of the case has practically been withdrawn from the department of the Civil Secretary, and fallen into the hands of the Provincial Administration. In assenting to the various minutes which they have passed for affording relief to the sick and destitute, and for guarding against the spread of disease, I have felt it to be my duty, even at tue risk of incurring the iniputation of insensibility to the claims of distress, to urge the necessity of economy, and of adopting all possible j)recautions against waste. You will at once perceive, however, how em- barrassing my position is. A source of possible misunderstand- ing between myself and the colonists is furnished by these un- toward circumstances, altogether unconnected with the ordinary, or, as I may perhajjs venture to term them, normal difficulties of my situation. On the whole, all things considered, I think that a great deal of forbearance and good feeling has been shown by the t n The charge should be borne by the mother- country. 44 CANADA. Ch. m. colonists under this trial. Nothing can exceed the devotion of the nuns and Roman Catholic priests, and the conduct of the clergy and of many of the laity of other denominations has been most exemplary. Many lives have been sacrificed in attendance on the sick and administering to their temporal and spiritual need. But the aspect of affairs is becoming more and more alarming. The panic which prevails in Mon- treal and Quebec is beginning to manifest itself in the Upper Provinee, and farmers are unwilling to hire even the healthy immigrants, because it appears that since the warm weather set in, typhus has broken out in many cases among those who were taken into service at the commencement of the season, as being perfectly free from disease. I think it most important that the Home Government should do all in their power by enforcing the provisions of the Passengers' Act, and by causing these facts to be widely circulated, to stem this tide of misery. What is to be done? Private charity is exhausted. In a country where pauperism as a normal condition of society is unknown, you have not local rates for the relief of destitution to fall back upon. Humanity and prudence alike forbid that they should be left to perish in the streets. The exigency of the case can manifestly be met only by an expenditure of public funds. But by whom is this charge to be borne ? You urge, that when the first pressure is past, the province will derive, in various ways, advantage from this immigration, — that the pro- vincial administration, who prescribe the measures of relief, have means, which the Imperial authorities have not, of check- ing extravagance and waste ; and you conclude that their con- stituents ought to be saddled with at least a portion of the expense. I readily admit the justice of the latter branch of this argument, but I am disposed to question the force of the former. The benefit which the province will derive from this year's immigration is, at best, problematical ; and it is certain that they who are to profit by it would willingly have re- nounced it, whatever it may be, on condition of being relieved from the evils by which it has been attended. Of the gross number of immigrants who have reached the province, many are already mouldering in their graves. Among the survivors there are widows and orphans, and aged and diseased persons, \ Cn. III. 1847. IltlSII IMiUGRANTS. 45 I devotion onduct of ations has srificed in temporal becoming s in Mon- If in the even the the warm ses among lent of the ik it most II in their ' Act, and tn this tide ted. In a ' society is destitution brbid that ncy of tlie slic funds, urge, that derive, in t the pro- of relief, of check- their con- on of the ranch of ;ce of the from this is certain have re- relieved he gross , many urvivors persons, who will probably be for an indefinite period a burden on Government or private charity. A large proportion of the healthy and prosperous, who have availed themselves of the cheap route of the St. Lawrence, will, I fear, find their way to the Western States, where land is procurable on more advan- tageous terms than in Canada. To refer, therefore, to the 82,000 immigrants who have passed into the States through New York, and been absorbed there without cost to the mother- country, and to contrast this circumstance with the heavy ex- pense which has attended the admission of a smaller number into Canada, is hardly just. In the first place, of the 82,000 who went to New York, a much smaller j)roportion were sickly or destitute ; and, besides, by the lawp of the state, ship- owners importing immigrants are required to enter into bonds, which are forfeited when any of *he latter become chargeable on the public. These, and other precautions yet more strin- gent, were enforced so soon as the character of this year's immigration was ascertained, and they had the eflPect of turning towards this quarter the tide of suffering which was setting in that direction. Even now, immigrants attempting to cross the frontier from Canada are sent back, if they are either sickly or paupers. On the whole, I fear that a comparison between the condition of this province and that of the states of the neigh- bouring republic, as affected by this year's immigration, would be by no means satisfactory or provocative of dutiful and affec- tionate feelings towards the mother-country on the part of the colonists. It is a case in which, on every account, I think the Imperial Government is bound to act liberally. Month after month, the tide of misery flowed on, each wave sweeping deeper into the heart of the pro- ^'ince, and carrying off fresh victims of their own benevolence. Unfortunately, just as navigation closed Lord for the season, a vessel arrived full of emigrants from Lord Palmerston's Irish estates. They appear to have been rather a favourable specimen of their class ; but they came late, and they came from one of Her Majesty's Ministers, and their coming was taken as a sign that England and England's rulers, in their selfish desire to be rid of their starving and helpless poor, Palmer- ston's tenants. fifl ' I' : i Thp flood subsides. 46 CANADA. Cn III. cared nothin": for the calamities thov were iiiflictiiis: on the colony. Writing on Xovember 12, Lord Elgin says: — . Fever cases among leading persons in the community here still continue to excite much comment and alarm. This day the Mayor of IVIontreal died, — a very estimable man, who did much for the immigrants, and to whose firmness and philan- thi'opy we chiefly owe it, that the immigrant sheds here were not tossed into the river by the people of the town during the summer. He has fallen a victim to his zeal on behalf of the poor plague-stricken strangers, having died of ship-fever caught at the sheds. Colonel Calvert is lying dangerously ill at Quebec, his life despaired of. Meanwhile, great indignation is aroused by the arrival of vessels from Ireland, with additional cargoes of immigrants, some in a very sickly state, after our Quarantine Station is shut up for the season. Unfortunately the last arrived brings out Lord Palmerston's tenants. I send the commentaries on this contained in this day's newspapers.' From this time, however, the waters began to subside. The Irish famine had worked its own sad cure. In com- pliance with the urgent representations of the Governor, the mother-country took upon herself all the expenses that had been incurred by the colony on behalf of the immigrants of 1847; and improved regulations respect- ing emigration offer ground for hope that the fair stream, which ought to be full of life and health both to the colony and to the parent state, will not again bo choked and polluted, and its plague -stricken waters turned into blood. « Visit to Upper Canada. In the autumn of this year Lord Elgin paid his first visit to Upper Canada, meeting everywhere with a reception which he felt to be 'most gratifying and ' encouraging ; ' and keenly enjoying both the natural ^ A pamphlet was published by a member of the Legi-slalive Council, denouncinp: this and similar instances of ' horrible and heartless conduct ' on the part of landed proprietors and their ' mercenary agents ; ' but it was In-oved by satisfactory evidence that lis main statements were not founded in fact. Cn III. Hug on says:— lity here riiis clay who did d philan- lere were uring the ilf of the er caught sly ill at arrival of imigrants, on is shut )rings out es on this I subside. In com- lovernor, expenses ilf of the respect- tlie fair ilth both again be In waters his "first with a and natural rmg ' but it was lidence that I not founded 1847. NIAGAR.\. IT beauties of the country and the tokens of its prosperity Avhich met his view. From Niagara he wrote to Mr. Cunnning IJruce : — I Avrite with the roar of the Niagara Falls in my ears. We have come here for a few days' rest, and that I may get rid of a had cold in the presence of this most stupendons of all the works of nature. It is hopeless to attempt to describe what so many have been describing ; but the effect, I think, surpassed my ex- pectations. The day Avas waning when we arrived, and a turn of the road brought us all at once in face of the mass of water forming the American Fall, and throwing itself over the brink into the abyss. Then another turn and we were in presence of the British Fall, over which a still greater volume of Avater seems to be precipitated, and in the midst of which a Avhite cloud of spray Avas soaring till it rose far above the summit of the ledge and Avas dispersed by the AA'ind. This day Ave walked as far as the Table Rock Avhich overhangs one side of the Ilorse-shoe Fall, and made a closer acquaintance Avith it; hut intimacy serves rather to* heighten than to diminish the effect produced on the eye and the ear by this Avonderful phenomenon. The following to Lord Grey is of the same date : — Our tour has been thus far prosperous in all respects except Aveather, Avhich has been by no means favourable. I at- tended a great Agricidtural Meeting at Hamilton last Aveek, and had an opportunity of expressing my sentiments at a dinner, in the presence of six or seven hundred substantial Upper Canada yeomen — a body of men not easily to be matched. It is indeed a glorious country, and after passing, as I have done Avithin the last fortnight, from the citadel of Quebec to the Falls of Niagara, rubbing shoulders the Avhile with its free and perfectly independent inhabitants, one begins to doubt Avhether it be possible to acquire a sufficient knoAA'ledge of man or nature, or to obtain an insight into the future of nations, Avithout visiting America. A portion of the speech to which he refers in the foregoing letter may be here given, as a specimen of his occasional addresses, which were very numerous ; for though the main purposes of his life were such as ' wrote themselves in action not in word,' he rooarded Niagara. 48 CANADA. Cn. III. Speech at an agri- cultural meeting. his faculty of ready and effective speaking as an engine which it was his duty to use, whenever occa- sion arose, for the pur[)Ose of conciliating or instruct- ing. In proposing the toast of ' Prosperity to the Agricultural Association of Upper Canada,' he said ; — Gentlemen, the question forces itself upon every reflecting mind, How does it come to pass that the introduction of agri- culture, and of the arts of civilised life, into this and other parts of the American continent has been followed by such astonish- ing results ? It may be said that these results are due to the qualities of the hardy and enterprising race by which these regions have been settled, and the answer is undoubtedly a true one : but it does not appear to me to contain the whole truth ; it does not appear to account for all the phenomena. Why, gentlemen, our ancestors had hearts as brave and arms as sturdy as our own ; but it took them many years, aye, even centuries, before they were enabled to convert the forests of the Druids, and the wild fastnesses of the Highland chieftains, into the green pastures of England and the waving cornfields of Scotland. How, then, does it come to pass, that the labours of their descendants here have been rewarded by a return so much more immediate and abundant ? I believe that the true solution of this problem is to be found in the fact that here, for the first time, the appliances of an age, which has been prolific beyond all preceding ages in valuable discoveries, more parti- cularly in chemistry and mechanics, have been brought to bear, under circumstances peculiarly favourable, upon the pro- ductiveness of a new country. When the nations of Europe were young, science was in its infancy ; the art of civil go- vernment was impei'fectly understood; property was inade- quately protected ; the labourer knew not who would reap what he had sown, and the teeming earth yielded her produce grudgingly to the solicitations of an ill-directed and desultory cultivation. It was not till long and painful experience had taught the nations the superiority of the arts of peace over those of war ; it was not until the pressure of numbers upon the means of subsistence had been sorely felt, that the ingenuity of man was taxed to provide substitutes for those ineffective and wasteful methods, under which the fertility of the virgin soil had been well-nigh exhausted. But with you, gentlemen, Cn. III. 1847 SrEECII AT AN AGKICULTUKAL MEETING. 49 or as an ver occa- iiistruct- ;y to the ! said: — f reflecting on of agri- other parts \\ astonish- due to the rhich these [oubteclly a the whole phenomena, e and arms s, aye, even e forests of i chieftains, 2 cornfields ; the labours a return so at the true at here, for een prolific more parti- brought to »on the pro- of Europe »f civil go- Iwas inade- ould reap er produce desultory brience had J peace over [rs upon the ingenuity ineffective the virgin I gentlemen, it is far otherwise. Canada springs at once from tlie cradle into the full iwssession of the privileges of manhood. Canada, M'ith the bloom of youth yet upon her cheek, and with youth's elasticity in her tread, has the advantage of all the experience of age. She may avail herself, not only of the cai>itiil accu- mulated in older countries, but also of those treasures of know- ledge which have been gathered up by the labour and re- search of earnest and thoughtful men throughout a series of generations. Now, gentlemen, what is the inference that I would draw from all this? What is the moral I would endeavour to impress upon you ? It is this : That it is yonr interest and your duty to avail yourselves to the utmost of all these un- jjarallcled advantages ; to bring to bear upon this soil, so richly endowed by nature, all the aj)pHances of modern art ; to refuse, if 1 may so express myself, to convert your one talent into trco, if, by a more skilful api)licati()n of the true principles of husbandry, or by greater economy of management, you can convert it into ten. And it is because 1 believe that societies like these, when well directed, are calculated to aid you in your endeavours to effect these important olyects, that I am disposed to give them all the protection and countenance, which it is in my ])Ower to afford. They have certainly been very useful in other countries, and I cannot see why they should be less serviceable in Canada. The Highland Society of Scotland was the first instituted, and the proud position which Scotland enjoys as an agricultural country speaks volumes of the services rendered by that society. The Royal Agricultural Society of England and the Royal Agricultural Society of Ireland followed in its wake, and with similarly beneficial results. I myself Avas instrumental in establishuig an agricultural society in the West Indies, which has already done much to revive the spirits of the planters ; and I shall be very much disappointed, indeed, if that society does not prove the means, before many years are ])ast, of establishing the truth so important to humanity, that, even in tropical countries, free labour properly ai)plied under a good system of husbandry is more economical than the labour of slaves. At the close of 1847 the Cniiadinii Parliainoiit was chnnse of di.ssolved. When the new Parliament met early in ^'°"'^'7- E 50 CANADA. Cii. III. ' m J"rencli habitaiis. 1848, the Ministry — Lord Metcalfe's Ministry — foiiiid itself in a decided niinoritv. A new one was accord- ingly formed from the ranks of the o])|)Osition, ' the ' members of both parties concurrin<»' in expressing their * sense of the perfect fairness and im[)artiality witli ' which Lord Eljj^hi had conducted himself throughout ' the transactions ' which led to this result.^ The French Canadians, who formed the chief element in the ncAV government, were even at this time a peculiar people. Planted in the days of the old French monarchy, and cut off by conquest from the parent state long before the Revolution of 1789, their little community remained for many years like a fragment or boulder of a distinct formation — an island enshrinin"' the pictures(pie institutions of the ancien recjime^ in the midst of an ever-encroaching sea of British nine- teenth-century enterprise. The English, it has been truly said, emigrate, but do not colonise. No con- course of atoms could be more fortuitous than the gathering of ' traders, sailors, deserters from the army, outcasts, convicts, slaves, democrats, and ftmatics,' who have been the first, and sometimes the only ingredients of society in our so-called colonies. French Canada, on the contrary, was an organism complete in itself, a little model of mediaeval France, Avith its recognised gradations of ranks, ecclesiastical and social. It may, indeed, be doubted Avhcther the highest forms of social life are best propagated by this method : whether the freer system, which ' sows itself on every wind,' does not produce the larger, and, in the long run, the more beneficent results. But if reason ac- quiesces in the ultimate triumph of that busy, pushing energy which distinguishes the British settler, there is something very attractive to the imagination in the picture presented by the peaceful community of French habitans, living under the gentle and congenial control ' Lord Grey's Colonial FuHct/. Ca. III. — found acconl- m, ' the iiig their ty w itll oiighout ' element i time a I French e piirent eir little <»:mcnt or ishrhiing egime^ in itth nine- has been No con- than the he army, ic8,' who iLi^redients Canada, 1 itself, a icognised highest method: I on every the long ^ason ac ])ushin there is 11 in the French ll control 1848. C'TIANCK OF MIXISTKY, 51 of their couturnes de Paris^ with their priests and their seigneurs, their frugal, industrious habits, their Jimiable dispositions and simple pleasures, and their almost exaggerated reverence for order and authority. Poli- tically s])eaking, they formed a most valuable clement ill Canadian society. At one time, indeed, the restless anarchical spirit of the settlers around them, acting on the sentiment of French nationality, instigated them to the rebellion of 1837; but, as a rule, their social sym- pathies were stronger than their national antipathies; and gratitude to the (lovermnent which secured to them the enjoyment of their cherished institutions kej)t them true to Enii:land on more than one occasion when her own sons threatened to fall away from her^ By the legislative union of 1840 the barriers which had separated the ]5ritish and French communities were, to *», great extent, broken down ; and the various elements in each began gradually to seek out and to combine with those which were congenial to them in the other. But there were many cross currents and thwarting influences ; and there was great danger, as Lord Elgin felt, lest they should form false combina- tions, on partial views of local or personal interest, instead of uniting on broad principles of social and j)olitical agreement; Such were the antecedents of the party which now, for the first time, found itself admitted to the counsels of the Governor. Well mii>'ht he write to Lord Grev, that 'the province was about to pass through an in- ' teresting crisis.' He was required, in obedience to his own principles, to accept as advisers persons who had very lately been denounced by the Secretary of State as Avell as by the Governor-General, as impracticable and disloyal. On the other hand he reflected, with satisfaction, that in these sentiments he himself had neither overtly nor covertly expressed concurrence ; Avhilc the most extravagant assertors of responsible £ 2 wm ! -'^ 52 CANADA. Cn. III. ' M. I ■ i i frovcmment had never accused him of ste])])*nin; out of his constitutional j)osition. He felt, therefore, that the onus probandi would rest on his new councillors if they could not act Avith him, and put forth pretensions to which he was unable to accede. At least he was de- termined to j^ive them a fair trial. Writing' on the 17th of March he says : — The late Ministers tendered their resignations in a body on Saturday 4th, immediately after the division on the address, which took place on Friday. I received and answered the address on Tuesday, and then sent for Messrs. Lafontaine and Baldwin. I spoke to them in a candid and friendly tone: told them that I thought there was a fair prospect, if they were moderate and firm, of forming an administration deserving and enjoying the confidence of Parliament; that they might count on all proper support and assistance from me. They dwelt much on difficulties arising out of pretensions advanced in various quarters ; which gave me an opportunity to advise them not to attach too much importance to such con- siderations, but to bring together a council strong in adminis- trative talent, and to take their stand on the wisdom of their measures and policy. . . . I am not without hopes that my position will be improved by the change of administration. My present council un- questionably contains more talent, and has a firmer hold on the confidence of Parliament and of the people than the last. There is, I think, moreover, on their part, a desire to prove, by proper deference for the authority of the Governor-General (which they all admit has in my case never been abused), that they were libelled when they were accused of impracticability and anti-monarchical tendencies. News of It was only a few days after this that news reached revolution. Canada of the revolution of February in Paris. On receipt of it he writes : — It is just as Avell that I should have arranged my Ministry, and committed the Flag of Britain to the custody of those who are supported by the large majority of the representatives and constituencies of the province, before the arrival of the as- tounding intelligence from Europe, which reached us by the Il Cn. m. 1 out of thut the 4 if they sioiiH to was (le- oTi the body on ! address, k^cred the lafontaine idly tone: t, if they deserving ley might retensions rtunity to such con- 1 adminis- 1 of their improved uncil un- hold on the last, to prove, -General Bed), that ticability reached MS. On [inistry, Ihose who Itives and the as- ks by the 18.18. T[IK FHENCII QUESTION". 63 last mail. There arc not wanting here persons who might, under different circumstances, have attempted, by seditious harangues if not by overt acts, to turn the example of France, and the sympathies of the United States, to account. Hut while eonji'ratulatini'" Lord (Jrey on havin<»' i)assed Three satisfactorily through a ci-isis wliich nii^lit, under other circumstances, have been attended with very serious results, and on the fact that ' at no period, duriug the ' recent history of Canada, had the people of the pro- ' vince generally been better contented, or less disjiused ' to quarrel with the mother-country,' Lord Elgin did not disjruise from himself, or from the Secretary of State, that there were ominous symptoms of disaffec- tion on the part of all the three gi*eat sections of the comnuuiity, the French, the Irish, and the British. Bear in mind that one-half of our population is of French origin, and dee^jly imbued with French sympathies; that a considerable portion of the remainder consists of Irish Catholics ; that a large Irish contingent on the other side of the border, fanatics on behalf of republicanism and repeal, are egging on their compatriots here to rebellion ; that all have been wrought upon until they believe that the conduct of England to Ire- land is only to be paralleled by that of Russia to Poland ; that on this exciting topic, therefore, a kind of holy indig- nation mixes itself with more questionable impulses ; that Guy Fawkes Papineau, actuated by the most malignant passions, irritated vmity, disappointed ambition, and national hatred, which unmerited favour has only served to exasperate, is waving a lighted torch among these combustibles — you will, I think, aidmit, that if we pass through this crisis without ex- plosions it will be a gratifying circumstance, and an encourage- ment to persevere in a liberal and straightforward application of constitutional principles to Government. I have peculiar satisfaction therefore, under all these cii"- cumstances, in calling your attention to the presentment of the grand jury of Montreal, which I have sent you officially, in which that body adverts to the singularly tranquil and con- tented state of the province.* ' See Papers presented to I*ai'liameut, May, 1848; or Lord Grey'a Colonial Policy, i. 210. 54 CANADA. Cn. ni. I'Vench question. Use of the I'rench language. !. i ' Prrnch cnloiiisa- tion. With regard to the French he constantly expressed the conviction that nothing was wanted to secure the loyalty of the vast majority, but a policy of conciliation and confidence. In this spirit he urged the importance of removing the restrictions on the use of the French lano-uao'e : — I am very anxious to hear that you have taken steps for the repeal of so much of the Act of Union as imposes restrictions on the use of the French language. The delay which has taken place in giving effect to the promise made, I tliink by Gladstone, on this subject, is one of the points of which M. Papineau is availing himself for purposes of agitation. I must, moreover, confess, that I for one am deeply conviriced of the impolicy of all such attempts to denationalise the French. Generally speaking they produce the opposite effect from that intended, causing the flame of national prejudice and animosity to burn more fiercely. But suppose them to be successful, what would be the result ? You may perhaps Americanize, but, depend upon it, by methods of this description you will never Anglicize the I rench inhabitants of the province. Let them feel, on the other hand, that their religion, their habits, their prepossessions, their prejudices if you will, are more con- sidered and respected here than in other portions of this vast continent, who will venture to say that the last hand which waves the British flag on American ground may not be that of a French Canadian? In the same spirit, when an association was formed for facilitating the acquisition of crown lands by French habitans^ he put himself at the head . of the movement ; by which means he was able to thwart the disloyal designs of the demagogue who had planned it. You will perhaps recollect that some weeks ago I mentioned that the Roman Catholic bishop and priests of this diocese had organised an association for colonisation purposes, their object being to prevent the sheep of their pasture (who now, strange as it may appear, emigrate annually in thousands to the States, where tliey become hewers of wood and drawers of Avater to the Yankees, and bad Catholics into the bargain) from quitting their fold. Papineau pounced upon this association as a Cn. IIT. 1848. THE FRENCH QUESTION. 55 :presscd ;iirc the ciliatioii )ortance French )s for the strict ions ^hich has think hy kvliich M. ation. I ivif^ced of i French, from that animosity uccessful, \ericanize, you will tice. Let ir habits, more con- this vast nd which je that of formed lids by of the Ivart the inned it. icntioned [cese had pir object |, strange |e States, water to quitting lion as a means of making himself of importance in the eyes of his countrymen, and of gratifying his ruling passion by abusing England. Accordingly, at a great meeting convened at Mont- real, he held forth for three hours to the multitude (the bishop in the chair), ascribing this and all other French-C?nadian ills, real or supposed, to the selfish policy of Great Britain, and her persevering efforts to deprive them of their nationality and every other blessing. In process of time, after this rather questionable start, the association waited on me with a memorial requesting the co-operation of Government, M. Papineau being one of the deputation. In dealing with them I had two courses to choose from. I had nothing for it, situated as I was, but either, on the one hand, to give the promoters of the scheme a cold shoulder, point out its objectionable features, and dwell upon difficulties of execution — in which case (use what tact I might) I should have dismissed the bishop and his friends discontented, and given M. Papineau an opportunity of asserting that I had lent a quasi sanction to his calumnies ; or, on tlu other, to identify myself with the movement, put myself in so far as might be at its head, impart to it as salutary a direction as possible, and thus wrest from M. Papineau's hands a potent instrument of agitation. I was tempted, I confess, to prefer the latter of these courses, not only by reason of its manifest expediency as bearing upon present political contests, but also because I sympathise, to a considerable extent, with the views of the pro-, moters of the movement. No one object, in my opinion, is so important, whether you seek to retain Canj^'^^.a as a colony, or to fit her for independence and make her instinct with national life and vigour, as the filling up of her vacant lands with a resident agricultural population. More especially is it of moment that the inhabitants of French origin should feel that every facility for settling on the land of their fathers is given them with the cordial assent and concurrence of tl.. ^ritish Government and its representative, and that in the plans of settlement their feelings and habits are consulted. The sentiment of French Canadian nationality, which Papineau endeavours to pervert to purposes of faction, may yet perhaps, if properly improved, IMm 56 CANADA. Cn. III. ;. i A French college. furnisli the best remaining security against annexation to the States. I could not with these views afford to lose the opportunity of promoting this object, which was presented by a sponta- neous movement of the people, headed by the priesthood — the most powerful influence in Lower Canada. The official corres{)ondence which has passed on this subject I hope to send by the next mail, and I need not trouble you with the detail of proceedings on my own part, which, though small in themselves, were not without their effect. Suffice it to say, that Papineau has retired to solitude and reflection at his seignory, ' La Petite Nation ' — and that the pastoral letter, of which I enclose a copy, has been read au prone in every Koman Catholic church in the diocese. To those who know what have been the re.al sentiments of the French population towards England for some years past, the tone of this docu- ment, its undisguised preference for peaceful over quarrelsome courses, the desire which it manifests to place the representa- tive of British rule forward as the patron of a work dear to French-Canadian hearts, speaks volumes. With the same object of conciliating the French por- tion of the community, he lost no opportunity of mani- festing the personal interest which he felt in their institutions. The following letter, written in August 1848, to his mother at Paris, describes a visit to one of these institutions, the college of St. Hyacinthe, the chief French college of Montreal : — I was present, the other day, at an examination of the students at one of the Roman Catholic Colleges of Montreal. It is altogether under the direction of the priesthood, and it is curious to observe the course they steer. The young men declaimed for some hours on a theme proposed by the superior, being a contrast between ancient and modern civilisation. The greater part of it was a sonorous exposition of ultra- liberal principles, ' Liberie, Egalite, Fraternite^ ' Vox populi, vox Dei^ a very liberal tribute to the vanity and to the pre- judices of the classes who might be expected to send their children to the institution or to puff it ; with an elaborate 11 1848. TTIE lEISir QUESTTOX. 57 e, the of the )ntreal. id it is S^ men perior, sation. ultra- wpuli, e pre- their borate pivot a la Lacordaire — that the Church had achieved all that had been effected in this yenre hithei*to. Au reste, there was the wonderful mechanism which gives that church such advantages — the fourteen ])rofessors receiving no salaries, working for their food and that of the homeliest ; as a conse- quence, an education, board and lodging inclusive, costing only 15/. a year; the youths subjected to a constant discipline under the eye of ecclesiastics day and night. I confess, when I see both the elasticity and the machinery of this church, my wonder is, not with Lacordaire that it should do so much, but that it should not do more. More formidable at all times than any discontent on The Irish the part of the quiet and orderly French habitans was the ^"*^^'^"^°' chronic disaffection of the restless, roving Irish ; and especially when connected with a threatened invasion of American ' sympathisers.' When such threats come to nothing, it is generally difficult to say whether they were all mere vapouring, or whether they might have led to serious results, if not promptly met ; but at one time, at least, there appears to have been solid ground for apprehending that real mischief was intended. On the 18th July, 1848, Lord Elgin Avrites: — At the moment when the last mail was starting a placard, irish calling an Irish repeal, or rather republican, meeting was placed yepub- in my hands. I enclosed it in my letter to you, and I now proceed to inform you how the movement to which it relates has progressed since then. An M.P.P.', opposed in politics to the present Government, waited on me a few days ago and told me, that he had been requested to move a resolution at the meeting in question by a Mr. O'Connor, who represented himself to be the editor of a newspaper at New York, and a member of the Irish Republican Union. This gentleman informed him that it was expected that, before September, there would be a general rising in Ireland ; that the body to which he belonged had been insti- tuted with the view of abetting this movement ; that it was discountenanced by the aristocracy of the States, but sup- ' I.e. Member of the Provincial Parliament. :3SB«9nnOTiHse ■nvp mm wm 58 CANADA. Cir. in. ported by the great mass of the people ; that funds were forth- coming in plenty ; that arms and soldiers, who might be em- j)l()yed as drill sergeants in the clubs, were even now passing over week after week to Ireland ; that an American general, lately returned from Mexico, was engaged to take the com- mand when the proper time came ; that they would have from 700,000 to 800,000 men in the field, a force with which Great Britain would be altogether unable to cope ; that when the English had been expelled, the Irish people would be called to determine, whether the Queen was to be at the head of their political system or not. He added tl t his visit to Canada was connected with these objects ; that it was desirable that a diversion should be effected here at the time of the Irish outbreak ; that 50,000 Irish were ready to march into Canada from the States at a moment's notice. He further stated that he had called on my informant, because he understood him to be a disappointed man, and ill-disposed to the existing order of things ; that with respect to himself and the thousands who felt with him, there was no sacrifice they were nrt ready to make, if they could humble England and reduce her to a third- rate power. The place originally selected for the monster meeting, according to the advertisement which I enclose, was the Bon- secour Market, a covered building, under the control of the corporation. When this was annoimced, however, the Govern- ment sent for the mayor (a French Liberal) and told him that they considered it unbecoming that he should give the room for euch a purpose. He accordingly withdrew his permission, stating that he had not been before apprised of the precise nature of the assembly. After receiving this check, the leaders of the movement fixed on an open space near the centre of the town for their gathering. It took place last night, and proved a complete failure. Not a single individual of importance among the Irish Kcpeal party Avas present. Some hundreds of jicrsons attended, but were speedily dispersed by a timely thunder shower. O'Connor was violent enough ; but I have not yet ascertained that he said anything which would form good material for an indict- ment. I am of opinion, however, that proceedings of this description on the part of a citizen of another country are not to be tolerated ; and, although there is an indisposition in \ Ift48. THE REITISII QUESTION. 5^ lada ion. certain quarters to drive things to an extremity, I think I shall succeed in having him arrested unless lie takes himself off speedily. But the French question and the Irish question "were Tiio simple and unimportant as compared with those which qucJt^ were raised by the state of feeling recently created in a large and influential portion of the British popula- tion, partly by political events, partly by commercial causes. The political party, which was now in opposition — the old Tory Loyalists, who from their long monopoly of office and official influence had acquired the title of the ' Family Compact' — were filled with wrath at seeing Tho rebels — ^for as such they considered the French leaders Compact. — now taken into the confidence of the Governor as Ministers of the Crown, At the same time many of the individuals who composed that party were smart- ing under a sense of injury and injustice inflicted upon them by the Home Government, and by that party in the Home Government by whose policy their o'^vn ascendency in the colony had, as they considered, been undermined. Nor was it possible to deny that there was some ground for their complaints. By the Canada Corn Act of 1843 not only the wheat of Canada, but also its flour, which might be made from American wheat, had been admitted into England at a nominal duty. The premium thus oftere4 for the grinding of American wheat for the British market, caused a great amount of capital to be invested in mills and other ap- pliances of the flour trade. ' But almost before these ' arrangements were fully completed, and the newly ' built mills fairly at work, the [Free-Trade] Act of ' 1846 swept away the advantage conferred upon Canada ' in respect to the corn -trade with this country, and thus ' brought upon the province a frightful amount of loss to ' individuals, and a great derangement of the Colonial GO CANADA. Cn. III. mm I Discontent duo to Im- perial le- gitilation. How to be remedied. ' finances.' ^ Lord Elgin felt deeply for the sufferers, and often pressed their case on the attention of the Secretary of State. I do not think that you are blind to the hardships which Canada is now enduring ; but, I must own, I doubt much whether you fully appreciate their magnitude, or are aware of how directly they are chargeable on Imperial legislation. Stanley's Bill of 1843 attracted all the produce of the West to the St. Lawrence, and fixed all the disposable capital of the province in grinding mills, warehouses, and forwarding esta- blishments. Peel's Bill of 1846 drives the whole of the produce down the New York channels of communication, de- stroying the revenue which Canada expected to derive from canal dues, and ruining at once mill-owners, forwarders, and merchsmts. The consequence is, that private property is un- saleable in Canada, and not a shilling can be raised on the credit of the province. We are actually reduced to the dis- agreeable necessity of paying all public oflficers, from the Governor- General downwards, in debentures, which are not exchangeable at par. AVhat makes it more serious is, that all the prosperity of which Canada is thus robbed is transplanted to the other side of the lines, as if to make Canadians feel more bitterly how much kinder England is to the children who desert her, than to those who remain faithful. For I care not whether you be a Protectionist or a Free-trader, it is the inconsistency of Imperial legislation, and not the adoption of one policy rather than another, which is the bane of the colonies. I believe that the conviction that they would be better off if they were ' annexed ' is almost universal among the commercial classes at present, and the peaceful condition of the province under all the circumstances of the time is, I must confess, often a matter of great astonishment to myself. His sympathy, however, with the sufferings caused by the introduction of Free-trade was not accompanied by any wish to return to a Protective policy. On the con- trary, he felt that the remedy was to be sought in a further development of the Free-trade principle, in the ' Lord Grey's Colonial Policy, i, 220. Lord Grey was one of the few Btatesuien who were blameless in the matter, for he voted ngainst the Act of 1813, in opposition to his party. 41 f1 'm 1848. REMEDIES FOR DISCONTENT. 61 care the of the dbe ^on- a the the his repeal of the Navigation Laws, which cramped the com- merce of Canada by restricting it to British vessels, and in a reci])rocal reduction of the duties wliich hani])ered lier trade with the United States. In this sense he writes to Lord Grey : — I am glad to see your bold measure on the Navigation Laws. You have no other covu'se now open to you if you intend to keep your colonies. You cannot halt between two opinions : Free-trade in all things, or genei-al Protection. There Avas something captivating in the 2)roject of fonuing all the parts of this vast British empire into one huge Zollverein, with free interchange of connnodities, and uniform duties against the world without ; though j)erhaps, without some federal legis- lation, it might have been impossible to carry it out. Uiv doubtedly, under such a system, the component parts of the empire would have been united by bonds which cannot be sup[)lied under that on which we are now entering ; though it may be fairly urged on the other side, that the variety of con- flicting intei'csts which Avould, under this arrangement, have been brought into presence would have led to collisions which we may now hope to escape. But, as it is, the die is cast. As regards these colonies you must allow them to turn to the best possible account their contiguity to the States, that they may not have cause for dissatisfaction when they conti'ast their own condition with that of their neighbours. Another subject on which I am very solicitous, is the free admission of Canadian products into the States. At present the Canadian farmer gets less for his wheat than his neigh- bour over the lines. This is an unfortunate state of things. I liad a long conversation with Mr. Baldwin about it lately, and he strongly supports the [)ropositIon which I ventured to submit for your consideration about a year ago, viz. that a special treaty should be entered into with the States, giving them the navigation of the St. Lawrence jointly with our- selves, on condition that they admit Canadian produce duty free. An arrangement of this descri[)tIon affecting internal waters only might, I apprehend, be made (as in the case of Columbia in the Oregon treaty) independently of the adjust- ment of questions touching the Navigation Laws generally. I confess that I dread the effect of the continuance of the pre- >-i.-_ 62 CANADA. Cii. III. fi sent state of things on the loyalty of our farmers. Surely the admission of the Americans into the St. Lawrence would be a great boon to them, and we ought to exact a quid pro quo. He was sanguine enough to hope that these measiu'es, so simple and so obviously desirable, might be brought mto operation at once ; but they were not carried until many years later, one of them, as we shall see, only by aid of his own personal exertions ; and his disappohit- ment on this score deepened the anxiety with which he looked round upon the difficulties of his position, already described. On August 16 he writes : — The news from Ireland — the determination of Government not to proceed with the measure respecting the Navigation Laws' — doubts as to whether the American Congress will pass the Reciprocity of Trade Bill — menaces of s\ inpathisers in the States — all combine at present to render our position one of considerable anxiety. Firstly, we have the Irish Repeal body. I need not describe them ; you may look at home ; they are here just what they are in Ireland. Secondly, we have the French population ; their attitude as ie2;ards Eno;land and America is that of an armed neutrality. They do not exactly like the Americans, but they are the coiiqiiered, oppressed subjects of England ! To be sure they govern themselves, pay no taxes, and some other trlHes of this description ; nevertheless, they are the victims of British equisme. Was not the union of the provinces carried without their consent, and with a view of subjecting them to the British? Papineau, their press, and other authorities, are constantly dinning this into their ears, so no wonder they believe it. Again, our mercantile aiid commercial classes are thoroughly and lukewarm in their allegiance. You know enough of colonies to ap[)reciate the tendency which they always exhibit to charge their misfortunes upon the mother- country, no matter from what source they flow. And indeed it is easy ♦ show that, as matters now stand, the faithful sub- ject of Her Majesty in Canada is placed on a worse footing, as regards trade with the mother-^country, than the rebel ' over the ' lines.' disgusted . I i 1848. NAVIGATION LAWS. 63 I <;, as the The same man who, when you canvass him at an English borough election, suys?, ' Why, sir, I voted lied all my lil'e, and I never got anything by it : this time I intend to vote Blue,' — addresses you in Canada with ' I have been all along one of 'the steadiest sui»[)orters of the British Government, but really, ' if claims such as mine are not more thought of, I shall begin ' to consider whether other institutions are not preferable to ' ours.' What to do under these circumstances of anxiety and discouragement is the question. As to any aggressions from without, I shall throw the re- S[)onsibility of repelling them upon Her Majesty's troops in the first instance. And I shall be disa})i)ointed, indeed, if the military here do not give a very good account of all American and Irish maraudei's. With respect to internal commotions, I should like to devolve the duty of quelling them as much as possible upon the citizens. I very much doubt whether any class of them, how- ever great their indifference or disloyalty, fancy the taste of Celtic pikes, or the rule of Irish mob law. Happily the d!in ^"s for ' copies of the omitt(!(l corres|)()n(lence.' Th lion was ne^jjatived without a division, on Lord wOhn liussell's pointin<^ out that it involved an imj)utati()n on the Governor's ^"ood faith ; hut the Premier himself was ])rol)al)ly not aware at the time, how completely the mover was at fault, as is shown in the followiu"^ lett(!r from Lord l^li^in to Mr. C Bruce, who, bein«r ji member of Par- liament and a stron<^ Protectionist, had a double interest in the matter : — You ask inc about this marc's nest of lieutiuck The facts are these : the Montreal Hoard of Trade drew up a memorial for the House of Conunous af/(/iust the Naimfotion Laws, con- taiiiiuj^ inter (ilia a V(!ry distinct threat of separation in the event of their nonrepcal. My secretary (not my private .secretary, mark, hut my responsihlc Government Secretary) sent nie r, simj)ly justifyin matter would liavi; rested pretty miieli wliere it did before. Jieiitiiiek seems to suppose that, in keepin;^ hack a letter wliieli stated that Canada would separate if the Xavij^ation Laws were not re] liastcii 'l)ealed, I intended by some very in;j,enious dody;(! to tl leu* renea » I At tlio hoi^'inniiiu; of tlni winter season of 1848 1), Lord Kl;i,iii wiis present, sis ])atron, at u meetinf^ of the Afontrea! Mercantile Library Association, to o|)en the Siipccli on ciluctitinn. winter's course oi' lecture Jt was an association mainly founded by leadinij; merchants, ' witli a view of ' afiordiii felt. 1)11 tliis ofcii-iidii wft.s only a plia.-f! nf tlio iiidiLrimlion wln(;li wiis ol'tun roii.'it'd in liinj, by .seeing tiie inteivsts tiiiii f(.M'liM;.'-s of tin; colony made th(! wport of parly-sjioakcraand party -writers at hnnu! ; and ini- ])orlant tr;in.saclitins in ihi! jirovimo distorted and luisrtprc.si'iiti'd, so aw to fili'ord ^Tonnd tor an attack, in tlio J{.iti>li Parlianu'nt, on an o))noxiow.s Mitiislcr. — Vitlf hifrn, p. 113. * * A kno\vli'(|o|.,' wrote Sir l'\ IJciice, 'ol' wliul he was, and of Iho 'lesultH ho in conse(iuence nchicvod, ' wonldbean adniimbletexton which ' to eiiirraft ideas of permanent vaino 'on this most important qnestion;' as helping to show 'that to reduce 'education to stnlling tli(; uiiiid witli ' facts is to dwarf tlu!intellif,'ence, and * to reverse tlie initnral pn. cess of tho ' growtli of man's mind : tliiit the 'kiiowledfife of principles, as the means 'of , iminalion, and the criterion 'of those individual appreciations ' which are fallaciously called facts, 'oiifiht to be the end "of lii^h edu- ' cation,' '1! ,1 (;g TANA DA. Cii. III. zoal, or throw li'jlit on sul)jccts wliicli they were in the }iul)it of hearino; wo eifectively treated, Indeed (he continued) I shouUl almost he tempted to affirm that in an aj^o when education is so jrcnerally diffused— when the art of ijrinting has hrought the sources of informalion so near to the Hjjs of all who thirst for understanding— when so many of the secrets of nature have hcen revealed — wlien the imi)ali)able and all-pervading electricity, and the infinite elas- ticity of steam, liave been made subservient to ])urposes of human utility, — the advantaj^os of knowledge, in an utilitarian point of view, the utter hopelessness of a successful attemjit on the part cither of indi\iduals or classes to maintain their position in society if they neglect the means of self-improve- ment, are truths too obvious to call for elucidation. I must say that it seems to me that there is less risk, therefore, of our declining to avail ourselves of our op])ortunities than there is of our misusing or abusing them ; that there is less likelihood of our refusing to grasp the treasures spread out before us, than of our laying upon them rash and irreverent hands, and neglecting to cultivate those habits of i)atient investigation, humility, and moral self-control, without Avhich we have no sufficient security that even the possession of knowledge itself will be a blessing to us. I was much struck by a passage I met with the other day in reading the life of one of the greatest men of his age and country — Watt — which seemed to me to illustrate very forcibly the nature of the danger to which I am now referring as well as its I'cmcdy. It is stated in the passage to which I allude, that Watt took great delight in reading over the specifications of inventions for which patent rights were obtained. He observed that of those inventions a large proportion turned out to be entirely worthless, and a source of ruin and disajjpointment to their authors. Aiul it is further stated that he discovered that, among these abortive inventions, many were but the embodunent of ideas which had suggested themselves to his own mind — which, ju-obably, when they first presented themselves, he had welcomed as great dis- coveries, likely to contribute to his own fame and to the advantage of mankind, but which, after having subjected them to that rigid and unsparing criticism which he felt it his bounden duty to ap[)ly to the offspring of his own brain, he r I , 1848. SPEKCri ox EDUCATION. G7 itself age I roatcst DIG to licli I in the ;lit in )atcnt intions and a (1 it is oriive 'li had wlien it dis- tlie tliem It his in, he liad found to be worthless, and rejcetcd. Noav, unquestionably, the ])owerful inteUect of Watt Avent for nnich in tliis matter: unquestionably his keen and practised ghuice enabled him to detect flaws and errors in many cases where an eye equally honest, but less acute, wo d have failed to discover them ; but can we doubt that a moral clement was larj^ely involved in the conii)osition of that quality of mind which enabled Watt to shun the suidart of pei'sons acfln;^' or assumlii;.'; to act on Her Majesty's hehalf. Xothin;^,' was done at this time uhoiit liOW'er Cunadu ; hut, it was ohviously ine\ itahle thut the tr(!atment applied to flu; one |)rovince should \)V, extended to tlu^ other. Accordinression of opinion that the losses sulfenid would be found, on closer examination, not to exceed the value of 1 ()(),()()()/. This IJeport was rendered in April ISK! ; but thou<.di Lord Metcalfe's Ministry which }ia CANADA. Cn. IV. II Petitions against it. 'I papers by A. M. INIasson, one of the Bermuda exiles,' wlio was appointed to an office by the late Government. This person Avill be excluded from compensation by the Bill of the present Government, and he positively asserts that Lord INIetcalfe and some of his Minister.s assured hhn that he would be included by them. I certainly regret that this agitation should have been stirred, and that any jjortion of the funds of the province should be diverted now from much more useful purposes to make good losses sustained by individuals in the rebellion. But I have no doubt whatsoever that a great deal of property was wantonly and crucllv destroyed at tliat time in Lower Canada. Nor do I thmk that this Government, after what their predecessors ho . done, and with Papineau in the rear, could have helped taking up this question. Neither do [ think that their measure would have been less objectionable, but very much the reverse, if, after the lapse of eleven years, and the proclamation of a general anmesty, it had been so framed as to attach the stigma of Rebellion to others than those regularly convicted before the Courts. Any kind of extra-judicial inquisition conducted at this time of day by Commissioners appointed by the Government, with the view of ascertaining what part this or that claimant for indemnity may have taken in 1837 and 1838, would have been attended by consequences much to be regretted, and have opened the door to an infinite amount of jobbing, false swearing, and detraction. Petitions against the measure were got up by the Tories in all parts of the province ; but these, instead of being sent to the Assembly, or to the Legislative Council, or to the Home Government, were almost all addressed to Lord Elgin personally ; obviously with the design of producing a collision between him and his Parliament. They generally prayed either that Parliament might be dissolved, or that the Bill, if it passed, might be reserved for the royal sanction. All such addresses, and the remonstrances brought to him ' I. e. one of the rebels of 1837, who had beeu banished to Bermuda by Lord Durham. I 1S40. NEUTKAIJTY OF THE GOVERNOR. 77 ' who This of the Lord woukl the stead lative stall Iwith and I that lif it All Ihim [a by by deputations of malcontents, he received with civility, promisini:^ to Ijestow on them his best consideration, but studiously avoiding the expression of any opinion on the points in controversy. I>y thus maintaining a strictly constitutional position, he foiled that section of the ajj^itators who calculated on his bein<; frisjhtened or made angry, while he left a door open for any who mijiht have candour enouill which 1 think I sliall consider insurnionntahlc, whatever ohUxjny I may for tlu^ lim(! entail on niysell'hy (lecihniiii; lo hind myself even to this extent to llu; plans of those who wish to hrini; ahout a ehan<^c of adniinistralion. In the fii-st ])Ia('e tlie JVill for tlu; relief of a eorrespondini^ class of jieisons in Upper Canada, which was conc^hed in terms very nearly similur, was not reserved, and it is difficnlt to dis- cover a suffuMent reason, in so far as the I'cpresentativc of the Crown is concerned, for dealin*^ with the one measure dif- ferenlly froni the other. And in the second ])la('e, by reserv- ing^ the Bill I shonld only throw npon Tier Majesty's (iovei'ii- ment, or (as it would ap])car to the popular eye here) on Her INbijesty herself, a responsibility which rests, and oni^ht, T think, to rest, on my own shoulders. If I j)ass the Bill, whatever mischief ensues may probably he repairec], if the "worst comes to tlu; Avorst, by the sacrifice of mc. AVlujrcfas, if the case he referred to KuLchind, it is not imjiossible that Kler Majesty may only have before her the alternative of j»ro- vokiiiVi;i!X()J{. 7!) 11 terms t to (lis- 3 of tlie lire diC- rcserv- ioveni- on Her uiriit, r le mil, , if the liereiis, )le lliiit of j)ro- sciit to IS, and nds, or |ul)jeets lis liill o lliis li anil ov<'ni- (1 tlie c tlie ts of a least ion, if ■with I 111 solving' tlics(! knotty ))r()])l(!nis, and oliooninp^ liis course oi" action, tiu; ncciissitios of the fsituation rc([uii'c;(l that lio slionld 1)0 guided byliisown unaided judtiiiicnt, and act enlirely on his own responsihility. l''or Jilthou;;li, tliroui^liout all his difficulties, in the midst of the re- ]»roa('hes with which he was assailed both in the colony and in JCnfjland, he had the great satisfaction of know- ing that his conduct was entindy apjiroved by Lord (irey, to whom he ojiened all his mind in private letters, the official comminiiciitions which jiassed between theni were necessarily very reserved. The following extract illustrates wc^ll ibis ])cculiai"ity in the jiosition of a JJritish (Joloniid Governor, who has two ])o])uhir As- semblies and two ])id)lic ])rcsses to considcsr : — Perhaps you may have l>een annoyed by my not writing oflieially to you ere this so as to give you eomniunieations to send to I'arliament. All that I can say on that |)oint is, that I have got throu^ih this disagreeable affair as well as I have done only by maintaining my constitutional position, listening civilly to all representations addressed to me against the measure, and adlieriiifr to a strict reserve as to the course Avliich I niij^ht deem it jiroper (!ventiially to ])ursue. Jiy following this course J have avoided any act or expression which mii>;lit have added fuel to the flame ; and although 1 have been jilentifully abused, l)ecausc it has been the j)oli(!y of the Opposition to drag me into the strife, no one can say that I jiave said or done anything to justify the abuse. And the natural effect of such patient endurance is now be^^inninfr to show itself in the moderated tone of the organs of the Oj)po- sition ])rcs,-<. will perceive, however, that I could not possihly have ma itained this position here, if despatches from me indicating the jNIinisterial policy had been submitted to the House of Commons. They would have found their way out here at once. Kvcry statement and opinion would liave formed the subject of discussion, and I should liave found myself in the midst of the mch'-c a partisan. To counteract the violent and reckless efforts of the Opposition, Lord Llgin trusted partly to the obvious IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 4^ 4^ A ^ 1.0 I.I •^ Ui |2.2 £ ka ■ 2:0 Hill 11.25 IWU 7] ^p. V /A nm K4^ m M 80 CANADA. Cn. n\ ii 1 'pinions Or 111 Jvig- liiul. reasonableness of the proposal under discussion, but more to the growth of a patriotic spirit which should lead the minority to prefer the rule of a majority within the province to the coercion of a power from ■without. Something also he hoped from the effect of the many excellent measures l)rought in about the same time by his new Ministry, ' the first really efficient and * working" Government that Canada had had since the * Union.' Nor werethesc ho])es altogether disappointed. Writing on April 12 he observed, that a marked change had taken place within the last few weeks in the tone both of the press * and of the leaders of the party, some of whom had given him to understand, through dif- ferent channels, that they regretted things had gjone so far. ' But,* he adds, ' whether the gales from l{!ngland * will stir the tempest again or not remains to be seen.' And, in effect, the next post from I'^ngland came laden with speeches and newspfi])er articles, denouncing, in no measured terms, the ' suicidal folly of rewarding rebels for rebellion.' A London journal of influence, speaking of the British ])opuliition as affected by the measure in questicm, said : — ' They are tolerably al>le to ' take care of themselves, and we verv much misconstrue ' the tone adopted by the English press and the English ' pu])lic in the jn-ovince, if they do not find some means * of resistinij the heavv blow and ijreat discouraijement ' which is aimed at them.' Such ])assages were read with aviditv in the colonv, and construed to mean that svm- pathy would be extended from influential cpiarters at home to those who sought to anind the Qbnoxio)is de- cision of the local Legislature, whatever might be the means to which they resorted for the attainment of that end. It mav be doubted, however, whether anv ex- ' Ono of tho ('oiiscrvativo pajvrs or tlu! ilay wrolo : — ' Had as (lio pay- ment of tlie r(!l)f>Uioii looses is, wo do not know lliat it would not bo butter to submit to pay Iwi'iily ro- boUiou loHses than liave what is no- minally a freo Constitution fettered and restrained each tiino a measure dibUistuful to the minority iu pasaed.' K \ 1840. RIOTS AT MONTREAL. 81 111 cans Icmcnt .1 with .syiii- [er.s at lus (Ic- i)e the that ex- it is 110- Ifcltfrod mensuro jaseed.' 10 trancous (llsturhrincc of this kind had much to do with the v(jlcanic outbnrst of local passions which ensued, and wliich is now to be related. The Bill was passed in the Assembly by forty-seven The Bin votes to eighteen. On analysing the votes, it was "* ^'"^°' ' found that out of thirty -one members from Upper Canada who voted on the occjision, seventeen supported and fourteen opposed it ; and that of ten members for Lower Canada, of Briti.sh descent, six supported and four oj)posed it. These facts (wrote Lord Elgin) seemed altogether irrecon- cihible with the allegation that the question was one on which the two races were arrayed against each other throughout the province generally. I considered, tborefore, that by reserving the Bill, I should only cast on Her Majesty and Her Majesty's advisers a rc.sjxmsibility which ought, in the first instance at least, to rest on my own shoulders, and that I should awaken in the minds of the peo])le at large, even of those who were indifferent or hostile to the Bill, doubts as to the sincerity with which it was intended that constitutional Government should be carried on in Canada ; doubts which it is my firm conviction, if they were to obtain generally, would be fatal to the con- nection. Accordingly, when, on April 25, 1849, circumstances and re- made it necessary for him to proceed to Parliament in ^y^ ^ '* order to give the lioyal Assent to a Customs Bill which Assent. had that day passed the Legislative Council, he con- sidered that, as this necessity had arisen, it would not be expedient to keep the public mind in suspense by omitting to dispose, at the same time, of the other Acts which still awaited his decision, among which was the ' Act to provide for the indemnification of partes in ' l^ower Canada whose property was destroyed during 'the Rebellion in 1837 and 1838.' What followed is thus described in an official despatch written within a few days after the event : — When I left the House of Parliament I was received with Riots, mingled cheers and hootings by a crowd by no means numerous O 82 CANADA. Cn. IV. ',1 ti i .:■ if-: M-hich surroiindecl the entrance to the bnlldinf^. A small knot of individuals, consistinjjf, it has since been ascertained, t)f' persons of a respectable class in society, pelted the carriage with missiles which they must have brought with them for the purpose. Within an hour after this occurrence a notice, of which I enclose a copy, issued from one of the newspaper offices, calling a meeting in the open air. At the meeting in- flannnatory speeches were made. On a sudden, whether under the effect of momentary excitement, or in pui-suance of a plan arranged beforehand, the mob proceeded to the House of Par- liament, where the members were still sitting, and breaking the windows, set fire to the building and burned it to the ground. By this wanton act [)ublic property of considerable value, including two excellent libraries, has been utterly de- sti'oyed. Having achieved their object the crowd dispersed, apparently satisfied with what they had done. The members were permitted to retire unmolested, and no resistance was offered to the military who appeared on the ground after a brief interval, to restore order, and aid in extinguishing the flames. During the two following days a good deal of excite- ment prevailed in the streets, and some further acts of in- cendiarism were perpetrated. Since then the military force has been increased, and the leaders of the disaffected party have shoAvn a disposition to restrain their followers, and to direct their energies towards the more constitutional object of petitioning the Queen for my recall, and the disallowance of the obnoxious Bill. The proceedings of the House of Assem- bly will also tend to awe the turbulent. I trust, therefore, that the peace of the city will not be again disturbed. The ]Ministry are blamed for not having made adequate pro- vision ag.ainst these disasters. That they by no means expected that the hostility to the Rebellion Losses Bill would have dis- played itself in the outrages which have been perpetrated during the last few days is certain.' Perhaps sufficient atten- tion was not paid by them to the menaces of the Opposition press. It must be r/lmitted, however, that their position was one of considerable difficulty. The civil force of Montreal — a city containing about 50,000 inhabitants of different races, > ' T confess,' bo wrote in a private letter of the same date, *1 aid not ' before Ijnow how tliin is the crust ' of order which covers the anarchical ' elements that boll and to«s beneath * our feet.' .1 L Cn. IV. 1840. lilOTS AT MONTREAL. 83 nail knot ained, of carriage m for the loticc, of cwspaper acting in- icr under of a plan c of Par- breaking it to the isiderable terly dc- lispersed, members mce was 1 after a hing the if excite- ts of in- iry force party and to bject of ancc of Assem- lerefore, ate pro- xpected ave dis- >etrated t atten- wsition on was troal — races, Larchical Ibencnth 3d • with secret societies and other agencies of mischief in constant activity — consists of two policemen under the authority of the Government, and seventy appointed by the Corporation. To oppose, therefore, effectual resistance to any considerable mob, recourse must be had in all cases either to the military or to a force of civilians enrolled for the occasion. Grave objections, however, jjresented themselves in the present instance to the adoption of either of these courses until the disposition to tumult on the part of the populace unhappily manifested itself in overt acts. More especially was it of importance to avoid any measure »vhich might have had a tendency to produce a collision between parties on a question on which their feelings were so sti'ongly excited. The result of the course pursued is, that there has been no bloodshed, and, except in the case of some of the Ministers themselves, no destruction of private property. The jiassions, however, which appeared to have calmed down, bui'st out with fresh fury the very day on wliich these sentences were penned. The House of Assembly had voted, by a majority of thirty-six to sixteen, an address to the Governor-General, expres- sive of abhorrence at the outrages which had taken place, of loyalty to the Queen, and approval of his just and impartial administration of the Government, with his late as well as with his present advisers. It was arranged that Lord Elgin should receive this Address at the Government House instead of at Monklands. Accordingly, on April 30, he drove into the city, escorted by a troop of volunteer dragoons, and accom- panied by several of his suite. On his way through the streets he was greeted with showers of stones, and with difficulty preserved his face from being injured.^ On his return he endeavoured to avoid all occasion of conflict by going back by a different route ; but the mob, discovering his purpose, rushed in pursuit, and ' ' When he entered the Govern- ' most unusual and sorrowful treat- * mont IIouBc lie took a two-pound * inent Her Mnjosty's ropresenfaitiTe ' ptoiio with him which he liad piclced ' had received.'— Mac Mullen, p. 61 1. * up in hiscarriage, as evidence of the 2 H il 84 CANADA. Cu. IV. n;;aiii nssailod his cnrrinf];o Avilh various iiiissik's, and it "was only by rapid driving that lie escai>ed unhurt.' None but those who were in constant intercourse Avith him can know what Lord Kl«^in went through during the j>eriod of excitement which followed these gross outrages. The people of Montreal seemed to liave lost their reason. The houses of some of the Ministers and of their supporters were attacked by mobs at night, and it was not safe for them to appear in the streets. A hostile visit was threatened to the house in which the Governor-General resided at a short distance from the city ; all necessary preparation was made to defend it, and his family were kept for some time in a state of anxiety and suspense.*'* For some weeks he himself did not go into the town of Montreal, but kept entirely witliin the bounds of his country seat at Monklands, determined that no act of his should offer occasion or excuse to the mob for fresh outrage.' He knesv, of course, that the whole of French Lower Canada was ready at any moment to rise, as one man, in support of the Government ; but his givat ob- ject was to keep them quiet, and ' to prevent collision * between the races.' ' * Cabs, caU'ches, and everything ' that would run were at oncj; Inunclied ' in pursuit, and crowing his route, the ' Governor-Oeneral's carriage was * bitterly assailed in the main street of * the St. Lawrence suburbs. The pood ' and rapid driving of his postilions ' enabled him to clear the desperate 'mob, but not till the head of his ' brother, Colonel Bruce, had been * cut, injuries inflicted on the chief of ' p<)lice. Colonel Ermatinger, and on ' Capttun Jones, commanding the es- * cort, and every panel of the carriage 'driven in.' — ^lac Mullen, p. All. ' In the midst of this time of anxiety and oven of danger to him- self and his familvi his eldest son was bom at Monktands, on May 1(J. Her Majesty was graciously pleased to bflcouitt godmother to the child, who wmi christened Victor Alex- ander. ' The motives, ho afterwards said, which induced him to abstain from forcing his wny into Montreal, might be correctly .«tnted in the words of the Duke of V\'ellington, who, when aire[)resentation if needs be. At the same time I admit that I nuist, not for the miserable pur[)ose of self-glorification, but with a view to the maintenance and establishment of my moral influence, recover the prestige of personal courage of whi(5h some here sought to deprive me. Before I have travelled unattended through the towns and villages of Upper Canada, and met ' the bhoys,' as they are called, in all of them on their own ground, I think 1 shall have effected this object, in so far as the province is concerned. To right myself in England will be more difficult ; but doubtless, if 1 live, the opportunity of so doing, even there, will sooner or later present itself. Hitherto any im- pertinences which have reached me from the other side have been anonymous. I believe that the sentiments exj)ressed in the newspaper extract of which you acknowledge the receipt in your last, with resj)cct to the merits of the policy of forbearance adopted by me at the great crisis, are beginning to obtain very gene- rally among the few who trace results to their causes. But 1849. llKTROSrECT. 97 lid |ai)er I hist, Ipted lene- iBut none can know what that crisis was, and what that decision cost. At the time I took it, I stood literaUy alone. I alien- ated from me the adherents of the (iovcrnincnt, who felt, or iinajfincd (haviiifr heeii <;enerally, in times past, on the finti- Ciovcrninent side), that if the tahles had been turned — W tfu-f/ und not their ndDcrsarics had been rcsistin*^ the law of the land, and threatening the life of the (Queen's representative — a very different course of repressive policy would have been adopted. At the same time I gained nothing on the otlnjr side, who only aort from the opinion of our neighbours in the States ; for, lik« all primitive constitutionalists, the ideas of government they hold in that quarter are very simple. I have been told by Americans, ' We thought you were quite right ; but we could not understand why you did not shoot, them dotcn!^ I do not, as you may suppose, .)ften speak of these matters ; but the subject was alluded to the other day by a person (now oiit of politics, but who knew what was going on at the time, one of our ablest men), and he said to me, ' Yes ; I see it all * now. You were right— a thousand times right — though I ' thought otherwise then. I own that I wcmid have reduced ' INIontreal to ashes before I would have endured half what you * did; and,' he added, * I should have been justified, too.' ' Yes,' I answered, ' you would have been justified, because your course '^ would have been perfectly defensible ; but it would not have ' been the hest course. Mine was a better one.^ And shall I tell you what was the deep convi(!tion on my mind, which, apart from the reluctance which I naturally felt to shed blood (particularly in a cause in which many who opposed the Government were actuated by motives which, though mucl^ alloyed with baser metal, had claims on my sympathy), con-* firmed me in that course ? I perceived that the mind of tha British population of the province, in Upper Cauada especially. 98 CANADA. On. IV. I Avas at that time the prey of opposing impulses. On the one hand, as a question of blood and sensibility, they were inclined to go with tlie anti-French party of Lower Canada ; on the other, as a question of constitutional princi|ile, tliey fcdt that I was right, and that I deserved support. Depend upon it, if we had looked t^t bayonets instead of to reason for a triumph, the sensibilities ot the great body of which I speak would soon have carried the day against i\\c\Y judgment. And what is the result? 700,000 French reconcihd to England — not because they are getting rchei money — I believe, indeed, that no rebels will get a farthing ; but because they believe that the British Governor is just. ' Yes ;' but you may say ' this is purchased by the alienation of the British.' Far from it; I took the whole blame upon myself; and I will venture to aiHrni that the Canadian British never were so loyal as they ai'c at this hour ; and, what is more remarkable still, and more directly traceable to this policy of forbearance, never, since Canada existed, has party-spirit been more mode- rate, and the British and French races on better terms than they are now ; and this, in spite of the withdrawal of protec- tion, and of the proposal to throw on the colony many charges which the Imperial Government has hitherto borne. Pardon me for saying so much on this point ; but ' magna * est Veritas.^ ^ 1840. ANNEXATION MOVEMENT. 99 I CHAPTER V. I ANNEXATION MOVEMENT REMEDIAL MEASURES REPEAL OF THE NAVIGA- TION LAWS — RECirifOCITY WITH THE UNITED STATES — HISTORY OF THE TWO MEASURES — DUTY OF SUPPORTING AUTHORITY — VIEWS ON COLO- NIAL GOVERNMENT — COLONIAL INTERESTS THE SPORT OF HOME PARTIES NO SEPARATION I SELF-GOVERNMENT NOT NECESSARILY REPUBLICAN- - VALUE OF THE MONARCHICAL PRINCIPLE — DEFENCES OF THE COLONY. The disturbances which followed the passing of the ' Rebellion Losses 15ill ' have been described in the pre- ceding chapter chiefly as they affected the person of the Governor. But it may be truly said that this was the aspect of them that gave him least concern. He felt, indeefl, deeply the indignities offered to the Crown of England through its representative. But there was some satisfaction in the reflection that, by taking on himself the whole responsibility of sanctioning the ob- noxious Bill, he had drawn down upon liis own head the chief violence of a storm which might otherwise have exploded in a manner very dangerous to the Empire. ' I think I might say,' he writes, ' with less ' poetry but with more truth, what Lamartine said when ' tliey accused him of coquetting with the Rouges under ' the Pro\dsional Government : " Oni^ fai conspire ! ' " J^ai conspire comme le paratonnerre conspire avec le ' " nuuge pour desarmer la foudre.''^ ' But the thunder- Annex- cloud was not entirely disarmed ; and it burst in a moyement j direction which popul.ir passion in Canada has always [been too apt to take, threats of throwing off England iand joining the American States. As far back as March 14, 1849, we find Lord Elgin drawing Lord Grey's [attention to this subject. H 3 f^' 100 CANADA. Cii. V. * ... 'PI J Tlicrc has been (he writes) a vast deal of talk ahout * an- nexation,' as is unfortunately always the ei^se here when there is anything to ajjjitate the puhlic mind. If half the talk on this subject Avere sincere, I should consider an attempt to keep up the connection with (ireat Britain as Utojnan in the ex- treme. For, no matter what the subject of comi)laint, or what the party complainin<; ; whether it be allejj^ed that the French are ojjpressing the British, or the British the French — that Upper Canada debt presses on Lower Canada, or Lower Canada claims on Upper; whether merchiuits be bankrujit, stocks depreciated, roads bad, or seasons unfavourable, annex- ation is invoked as the remedy for all ills, imaginary or real. A great deal of this talk is, however, bravado, and a great deal the mere j)roduct of thoughtlessness. Undcmbtedly it is in some quarters the utterance of very sincere convictions; and if England will not make the sacrifices which are abso- lutely necessary to put the coKmists here in as good a iMi8iti{m commercially as the citizens of the States — in order to which /"ree navk/dtion and reciprocal trade ivtth the States are indis- pensable — if not only the organs of the league but those of the Government and of the l*eel party are always Avriting as if it Avere an admitted fact that colonies, and more especially Canada, are a burden, to be endured only because they cannot be got rid of, the end may be nearer at hand than Ave wot of. In these sentences avc have tlie germs of views and feelings Avhich tune only made clearer and stronger ; — indignation at that tendency, so common in all minor- ities, to look abroad for aid against the poAver of the majority; faith in the idea of Colonial Government, if based on principles of jnstice and freedom ; and, as regards the particnlar case of Canada, the conviction that nothing was wanted to secure her loyalty but a removal of the connuercial restrictions which placed her at a disadvantage in competing with her neighbours of the Union. To understand the scope of his policy during the next few years, it will be necessary to dwell at some length on each of these points ; but for the present we must return to the circumstances which gave occasion to the letter which Ave have (juoted. ^itttUm Cii. V. 1840. ANXFA'ATION MOVKMKNT. 101 tout *an- R'li tlu're J talk on t to keep 1 tlie ex- , or what e Frciieli icli — that r Lower )ankiiij)t, e, annex- y or real. a <:;reat xlly it is ivictions ; arc abso- i |)osition to which 'I7'c iiidis- tliosc of ,'riting as specially y cannot wot of. !ws and niinor- • of the luont, if land, as liviction Ijiit a ;ed her fours of policy dwell I'or the which While ready, as that letter shows, to make every allowance for the utterances of thou^jfhtless folly, or of well-founded discontent on the part of the people. Lord El«xin felt the necessity of checkiiifj at once i-uch de- 1 monstrations on the part of paid servants of the Ciowni. Accordingly, when an elaborate manifesto appeared in Munifetto. , favour of ' annexation,' bearing the signatures of several 4 persons — magistrates. Queen's counsel, militia officers, I and others — holding connnissions at the pleasure of the Crown, he caused a circular to be addressed to all such persons with the view of ascertaining wliether their names had been attached with their own consent. Some of these letters were answered in the negative, some in the atKrmative, and others by denying the right of the (Jovernment to put the question, and I declining to reply to it. Lord Elgin resolved, with ^: the advice of his executive council, to remove from I such offices as are held during the pleasure of the Crown, the gentlemen who admitted the genuineness of their signatures, and those who refused to disavow them. ' Li this course,' says Lord Grey,' ' we thought it ' right tosu])|X)rt him; and a despatch was addressed to ' him signifying the Queen's approval of his having dis- ' missed from Her service those Avho had signed the ' address, and Her ^lajesty's commands to resist to the I ' utmost any attempt that might be made to bring about ; ' a separation of Canada from the British dominions.' I But the necessity for such acts of severity only in- R.-modhii I creased Lord Elgin's desire to remove every reason.able I ground of complaint and discontent ; to shut out, as he ; said, the advocates of annexation from every plea which could grace or dignify re1)ellion. He felt, indeed, an assured confidence that, by carrying out fearlessly the I princi})le of self-government, he had ' cast an acorn into I time,' which coultl not fail to bring forth the fruit of ' Colonial Policy, i. 232, mfiisurcs. '•' ( 102 CANADA. Cu. V. political contentment. But, in the moiuitinie, for tlie immediate security of the connection between the colony and the mother-country he thou«?ht, as we have already Been, that two measures were indispensable, viz. the removal of the existing restrictions on navigation, and the establishment of reciprocal free trade with the United States. Judging after the event we may, perhaps, be inclined to think that the importance which he attached to the latter of these measures was exaggerated ; especially as the annexation movement had died away, and content, commercial as well as political, had returned to the Province long before it was carried. But we cannot form a correct view of his policy without giving some prominence to a subject which occupied, for many years, so large a share of his thoughts and of his energies. • Reci- procity.' Writing to Lord Grey on November 8, 1849, he says : — The fact is, that although both the States and Canada export to the same neutral market, prices on the Canada side of the line are lower than on the American, by the amount of the duty which the Americans -vy. So long as this state of things continues there will be discontent in this country ; deep, growing discontent. You Avill not, I trust, accuse me of hav- ing deceived you on this point. I have always said that I am prepared to assume the responsibility of keeping Canada quiet, with a much smaller garrison than we have now, and without any tax on the British consumer in the shape of protection to Canadian products, if you put our trade on as good a footing as that of our American neighbours ; but if things remain on their present footing in this respect, there is nothing before us but violent agitation, ending in convulsion or annexation. It is better that I should worry you with my importunity, than that I should be chargeable with having neglected to give you due warning. You have a great opportunity before you — obtain reciprocity for us, and I venture to predict that you will be able shortly to point to this hitherto turbulent colony agMBBjiriiiiiiimmr Cu. V. 1640. REMEDIAL MEASURES. 103 !, for tlic lie colony D already viz. the tion, {ind mill the I inclined }d to the ecially as content, ;l to the e cannot ing some ly years, [•gies. L849, he I Canada .iiada side imount of s state of y; deep, i of hav- liat I am da quiet, without action to footinjr jmain on )efore us tion. It [ty, than jive you you — lat you colony i with 8at^^^faction, in illustration of the tendency of self-govern- ment and freedom of trade, to heget contentment and material jtrogrcss. Canada will remain attached to England, though tied to her neither hy the golden links of protection, nor by the meshes of old-fashioned colonial ofhce jobbing and chicane. But if you allow the Americans to withhold the boon which you have the means of extorting if you will, I much fear that the closing period of the connection between Great Britain and (-anada will be marked by incidents which will dam}) the ardour of those who desire to promote human ha})piness by striking shackles either off commerce or off men. Even when tendering to the Premier, Lord John Kussell, liis formal thanks on being raised to the British peerage — an honour which, coming at that moment, he prized most highly as a proof to the world that the Queen's Government approved his policy — he could not forego the opportunity of insisting on a topic which seemed to him so momentous. It is (he writes) of such vital importance that your Lordship should rightly apprehend the nature of these difficulties, and the state of public opinion in Canada at this conjuncture, that I venture, at the hazard of committing an indiscretion, to add a single observation on this head. Let me then assure your Lordship, and I speak advisedly in offering this assurance, that the disaffection now existing in Canada, whatever be the forms with which it may clothe itself, is due mainly to com- mercial causes. 1 do not say that there is no discontent on political grounds. Powerful individuals and even classes of men are, I am well aware, dissatisfied with the conduct of affairs. But I make bold to affirm that so general is the belief that, under the present circumstances of our commercial con- dition, the colonists pay a heavy pecuniary fine for their fidelity to Great Britain, that nothing but the existence to an unwonted degree of political contentment among the masses has prevented the cry for annexation from spreading, like wildfire, through the Province. This, as your Lordship will perceive, is a new feature in Canadian politics. The plea of self-interest, the most powerful weapon, perhaps, which the friends of British connection have wielded in times past, has not only been 104 CANADA. Cu. V ,1 'I' tvrestcd from my hands, but transferred since 1840 to those of the adversary. I take the liberty of mentioning a fact, which Bcems better to illustrate the actual condition of affairs in those respects than many arguments. I have lately spent several weeks in the district of Niagara. Canadian Niagara is separated from the state of New Yoik by a narrow stream, spanncyalists with others. But T must 1)0 permitted to remark, that the Canadian case differs from otliers, both as respects the imme- diate cause of the suffering, and still more as respects the means which the sufferers possess of finding for themselves a way of escape. As to the former point I have only to say tliat, however severe the pressure in other cases attendant on the transition from protection to free-trade, there is none which presents 3o peculiar a specimen of legislative legerdemain as the Canodian, where an interest was created in 1843 by a l*arliament in which the parties affected had no voice, only to be knocked down by the same Parliament in 1846. liut it is the latter consideration which constitutes tlie specialty of the Canadian case. What in point of fact can the otlier si.fFering interests, of which the Times writes, do ? There may be a great deal of grumbling, and a gradual move towards repub- licanism, or even communism ; but this is an operose and emj)irical process, the i)arties engaged in it arc full of mis- givings, and their ranks at every step in advance are thinned l)y desertion. Not so with the Canadians. The remedy offered to them, such as it is, is perfectly definite and intelligible. They are invited to form a part of a community, which is neither suffering nor free-trading, which never makes a bargain without getting at least twice as much as it gives ; a com- munity, the members of which have been within the last few weeks pouring into their multifarious plar<;3 of worship, to thank God that they are exempt from i le ii'^ which afflict other men, from those more especially which afflict their despised neighbours, the inhabitants of North America, who have remained faithful to the country which planted them. NoAv, I believe, that if these facts be ignored, it is quite impossible to understand rightly the present state of opinion in Canada, or to determine wisely the course which the British Government and Parliament ought to pursue. It may suit the policy of the English free-trade press to represent the difficulties of Canada as the consequence of having a fool for a Governor-General ; but, if it be p. ^mitted me to express an opinion on a matter of so much delicac" I venture to doubt whether it would be safe to act on this .^^pothesis. My con- viction on the contrary is, that motives of self-interest of a very gross and palpable description are suggesting treasonable T '': m : i 1 t 1 > t. i 1 ) 1 i .1 Free navi- gatiuu. 306 CANADA. Ch. V. courses to the Canadian mind at present, and that it is a political sentiment, a feeling of gratitude for what has been done and suffered this year in the cause of Canadian self- gover:>mont, which is neutralising these suggestions. Again, on December 29, 1849, he writes as follows : — I believe that the operation of the free navigation system will be what you anticipate, to a great extent at least, and that it will tend materially to equalise prices on the two sides of the line. At the same time I do think, that there are circum- stances in this country which falsify, in some degree, the deductions at which one arrives from reasoning founded on the abstract principles of political economy. One of these circum- stances is the power which the farmers in the Western States, having no rents to pay, have of holding back their grain when prices do not suit them. You must have observed what hoards they poured forth when they were tempted by the famine prices of 1847 ; and I cannot but think that this power of hoarding, coupled with an indifferent hai vest, must account for the great disparity of price, which has obtained during the course of the present year in the New York market for bonded grain, and grain for the home consumption. I fully expect, however, to see the price of Canadian grain, bonded at New York, rise, now that it can be exported to Liverpool in the New York liners, which will carry it for ballast. Never- theless, I think that Sir Robert Peel's dictum with respect to the Repeal of the Coi*n Laws, on the day on which he retired lust from office, when he observed that thenceforward, even wlien ..le poor suffered from the high price of bread, they Avould not ascribe that suffering to the fact of their bread being taxed, applies with at least equal force to the recipro- city question as affecting the Canadian farmers. For sure am I that, so long as there is a duty on their produce when it enters the States, and none on the introduction of United States produce into England, they will ascribe to this cause alone the differences of price that may occasionally rule to their disadvantage. The history of the two measures which Lord Elgin 80 ardently desired, and which in the foregoing and .. %■ 1849—1853. RECIPROCITY. 107 many similar letters he so urgently pressed, was emi- nently cliaracteristic of the two Legislatures, through which they had respectively to be carried. In England, the repeal of restrictive Navigation Laws Repeal of was contended for by thoughtful statesmen on grounds lS*^^"^" of public policy. The protective and conservative m- stincts of the old country, fortified by the never-absent spirit of party, resisted the change. When fairly beaten by force of argument in the House of Commons, they entrenched themselves in the House of Lords ; and it was only after a hot struggle that the Act was passed in June 1849, of which one effect was, by lowering freights, to increase the profits of the Canadian trade in wheat and timber, and thus to advance, in a very im- portant degree, the commercial prosperity of the colony. aro- 3cipro- ire am |hen it United cause lule to :igin and The delays which reiarded the settlement of the Eecipr Reciprocity Treaty were due to causes of another kind, "ty^'^aty. The difficulty was to induce the American Congress to pay any attention at all io the subject. In the vost multiplicity of matters with which that Assembly has to deal, it is said that no cause which does not appeal strongly to a national sentiment, or at least to some party feeling, has a chance of obtaining a hearing, unless it is taken up systematically by 'organizers' outside the House. The Reciprocity Bill was not a measure about which any national or even party feeling could be aroused. It was one which required much study to understand its bearmgs, and whicii would affect different interests in the country in different ways. It stood, therefore, especially in need of the aid of professional organizers ; a kind of aid of which it was of course impossible that either the British or the Canadian Government should avail itself. Session after session the Bill was proposed, scarcely debated, 108 CANADA. Ch. V. 1 ! i m Ml ■: li w 1 t I and set aside. At last, in 1854, after tlie negotiations had dragged on wearily for more than six years. Lord Elgin himself was sent to Washington in the hope — ' a ' forlorn hope,' as it seemed to those who sent him — of bringing the matter to a successful issue. It was liis first essay in diplomacy, but made under circumstances unusually favourable. He was personally popular with the Americans, towards whom he had always entertained and shown a most friendly feeling. They appreciated, moreover, better perliaps than it was appreciated at home, the consmnmate ability, as well as the rare strength of character, which he had displayed in the government of Canada ; and the prestige thus attach- ing to his name, joined to the influence of his |)resence, and his courtesy and bonhomie.^ enabled him in a few days to smooth all difficulties, and change apathy into enthusiasm. Within a few weeks from the time of his landing he had agreed with Mr. jNIarcy upon the terms of a Treaty of Reciprocity, which soon after- wards received the sanction of all the Governments concerned. The main concessions made by the Provinces to the United States in this treaty were, (1) the removal of duties on the introduction, for consumption in the Pro- vinces, of certain products of the States; (2) the ad- mission of citizens of that country to the enjoyment of the in- shore sea-fishery ; (3) the opening-up to their vessels of the St. Lawrence and canals pertaining thereto. A good deal of misconception prevailed at the time as to the amount of the concession made under the second head. The popular impression on this point was, that a gigantic monopoly was about to be surrendered; but this was far fi^om being the case. The citizens of the United States had already, under the Convention of 1818, access to the most important cod-fisheries on tlie British coasts. The new treaty maintained in favour of \ 1850—1854. DUTY OF MINORITIES. 109 British subjects the monopoly of the river and fresh- water fisheries ; and the concession which it made to the citizens of the United States amounted in substance to this, that it admitted them to a legal participation in the mackerel and herring fisheries, from illegal en- croachments on which it had been found, after the experience of many years, practically impossible to exclude them.^ The duration of the Treaty was limited to ten years, and has not been extended ; but it is not too much to hope that it has had some effect in engendering feelings of friendliness, and of community of interest, which may long outlast itself. leir as Hid Lt a put the of the of It has been already noticed that the ' annexation viows of movement ' of 1849 died away without serious conse- meat, quences ; and extracts which have been given above sufficiently show to what cause Lord Elgin attributed its extinction. The powerful attraction of the great neighbouring republic had been counteracted and over- come by the more powerful attraction of self-govern- ment at home. The centrifugal force was no longer equal to the centripetal. To create this state of feeling had been his most cherished desire ; to feel that he had succeeded in creating it was, throughout much obloquy and misunderstanding, his greatest support. From thj earliest period of his entrance into political Duty of life he had always had the strongest sense of the duty authority, incumbent on every public man of supporting, even in opposition, the authority of Government. The bitterest reproach which he cast upon the Whigs, in his first Tory ' Letter to the Electors of Great Britain ' in 1835, was that when they found they could not carry on the government themselves, they tried to make it impos- sible for any other party to do so. Nor was he less ' Despatch of the Earl of Elgin, Dec. 18, 1851. T I ft i \\, v^ > 1 I \ 1 i [ 1 1 , especially" in Colo- nies, t' ' 11 ii ii 110 CANADA. Ch. V. severe, on another occasion, in his reprehension of ' a ' certain high Tory clique who ar always cavilling at * royalty when it is constitutional; circulating the most ' miserable gossip about royal persons and royal enter- * tainments,' &c. ; busily ' engaged in undermining the ' foundations on which respect for human institutions ' rests.' Writing, in May 1850, to Mr. Gumming Bruce, a Tory and Protectionist, he said — I shall not despair for England whether Free-traders or Pro- tectionists be in the ascendant, unless I see that the faction out of power abet the endeavours of those who would make the Government of the country contemptible. Read Mont- alembert's speeches. They are very eloquent and instructive. He had as full a faith in his religion, and what he considered due to his religion, as you can have in your Corn Laws. Yet observe how bitterly he now repents having aided those who have undermined in the French public all respect for authority and the powers that be. If all that your Protectionist friends want to do is to put themselves, or persons in whom they have greater confidence than the present Ministry, in office, their object is, I confess, a perfectly legitimate one. What I complain of is the system of what is termed damaging the Government, when resorted to by those who have no such purpose in view ; or at least no honest intention of assuming responsibilities which they are endeavouring to render intolerable to those who are charged with them. But if this ' political profligacy ' was, in his judg- ment, the bane of party government at home, a still stronger but, perhaps, more excusable tendency to it threatened to defeat the object of responsible govern- ment in Canada. Accustomed to look abroad for the source and centre of power, a beaten minority in the Colonial Parliament, instead of loyally accepting its position, was never without a hope of wresting the victory from its opponents, either by an appeal to opinion in the mother-country, always ill-informed. a lo*- / 1850—1853. DUTY OF MINORITIES. Ill and therefore credulous, in matters of colonial politics, or else by raising a cry of ' separation,' or ' annexation.' The evil effects of this state of things need hardly be pointed out. On the one hand the constant refer- ence to opinion in England, not in the shape of consti- tutional appeal but by ex-parte statements, produced a state of chronic irritation against the mother-country. ' There is nothing,' wrote Lord Elgin, ' which makes ' the colonial statesman so jealous as rescripts from the ' Colonial Office, suggested by the representations of ' provincial cliques or interests, who ought, as he con- ' tends, to bow before the authorities of Government ' House, Montreal, rather than those of Downing Street.' On the other hand it was not easy to know how to deal with politicians who did not profess to own more than a qualified and provisional allegiance to the constitution of the Pro^dnce and the Crown of England. The one hope in both cases was to foster a ' national and manly tone ' of political morals ; to lead all parties alike to look to their own Parliament, and neither to the London press nor the American hustings, for the solution of all problems of Provincial government. But while thus zealously defending the fortress of British connection committed to his care. Lord Elgin was dismayed to find that its walls were crumbling round him, undermined by the operations of his own fi'iends ; that there had arisen at home a school of philosophic statesmen, strong in their own ability, and strengthened by the support of the Radical economists, according to whom it was to be expected and desired that every colony enjoying constitutional government should aim at emancipating itself entirely from allegiance to the mother-country, and forming itself into an independent Republic. With such views he had no sympathy. The ' Sparta ' which had fallen to his lot was the position of a colonial governor, and that position he felt it his duty to ' adorn ' and to maintain. Moreover, believing f 9 112 CANADA. Cn. V. I ' ^U' !■ ' I It firmly in the vitality of the monarchical principle, as well as in its value, he contended that it is an error to suppose that a constitutional monarchy, in proportion as it becomes more liberal, tends towards republicanism ; and further, that if such tendency existed it would be retrograde rather than progressive. The views of Colonial Government, its objects arid its dilFiculties, which have been here briefly epitomised, are displayed in full in the following letters, together with a variety of opinions on kindred topics. They are given as characteristic of Lord Elgin ; but they may, perhaps, have an interest of their own, as bearing on important questions which still await solution. To the Earl Grey. November IG, 1840. Mainten- Very much, as respects the result of this annexation move- ance of ment, depends upon what you do at home. I cannot say what connection, the effect may be if the British Government and press are lukewarm on the subject. The annexationists will take heart, but in a tenfold greater degree the friends of the connection will be discouraged. If it be admitted that separation must take place, sooner or later, the argument in favour of a present move seems to be almost irresistible. I am prepared to con- tend that with responsible government, fairly worked out with free-trade, there is no reason why the colonial relation should not be indefinitely maintained. But look at my present difficulty, which may be increased beyond calculation, if in- discreet expressions be made use of during the present ci'isis. The English Government thought it necessary, in order to give moral support to their representative in Ireland, to assert in the most solemn manner tliat the Crown never would consent to the severance of the Union ; although, according to the O'Connell doctrine, the allegiance to the Crown of the Irisli was to be unimpaired notwithstanding such severance. But when I protest against Canadian projects for dismembering the empire, I am always told * the most eminent statesmen in ' England have over and over again told us, that whenever we • chose we miglit separate. Why, then, blame us for discussing * the subject ? ' / 1850—1853. VIEWS ON COLONIAL GOVEHNMENT. 113 To the Earl Grey. January 14, 1850. I am certainly less sanguine than T was as to the probability of retaining the colonies under free-trade. I speak not now of the cost of their retention, for I have no doubt but that, if all parties concerned were honest, expenses might be gradually reduced. I am sure also that when free-trade is fairly in operation it will be found that more has been gained by re- moving the causes of irritation which were furnished by the constant tinkeriiif) incident to a protective system, than has been lost by severing the bonds by which it tied the mother- country and the colonies together. What I fear is, that •kvhen the mystification in which certain questions of self- interest were involved by protection is removed, factions both at home and in the colonies will be more reckless than ever in hazarding for pai'ty objects the loss of the colonies.' Our system depends a great deal more on the discretion with which it is worked than the American, where each power in the state goes habitually the full length of its tether : Congress, the State legislatures. Presidents, Governors, all legislating and vetoing, without stint or limit, till pulled up short by a judgment of the Supreme Court. With us factions in the colonies are clamorous and violent, with the hope of producing effect on the Imperial Parliament and Government, just in proportion to their powerlessness at home. The history of Canada during the past year furnishes ample evidence of this truth. Why was there so much violence on the part of the oi)position here last summer, particularly against the Governor- General? Because it felt itself to be weak in the province, and looked for success to the effect it could produce in England alone. And how is this tendency to bring the Imperial and Local Parliaments into antagonism, a tendency so dangerous to the permanence of our system, to be counteracted? By one expe- dient as it appears to me only ; namely, by the Governor's Colonial intiTests tlie sport of homo parties. * Compare Junius : — * Unfortu- ' nately for his country, Mr. Grenville ' was at any rate to be distressed, 'because he waa Minister; and Mr. * Pitt and Ix>rd Camden were to be ' the patrons of America, because they ' were in opposition. Their declara- ' tion gave spirit and argument to the * Colonies ; and while, perhaps, they ' meant no more than the ruin of a ' ^linister, they in eft'ect divided one ' half of the empire from the other.' ' ; f 111 CANADA. Cii. V acting with some apsmnption of responsibility, so tliat tlie sliafts of the enemy, which are intended for the Imperial Govern- ment, may fall on him. If a line of demarcation between the questions with whicli the Local Parliaments can deal and those which are reserved for the Imperial authority could be drawn, (as was recommended last session by the Iladicals), it might be different ; but, ; :1 ■■' » J i I i Colonial existence not pro- visiuniil. 116 CANADA. Cii. V lor objects wliich tlioy profess to abhor. And yet there is a diH'ereiK'c l)et\veen the two eases; a ditrereiiee, in luy humble jiulgineiit, of seiititnent rather tliaii siibstanee, whieh reiiderH tlie one a system of life and strenj^th, and the other a system of death and decay. No matter how raw and rude a territory may be when it is admitted as a state into the Union of the United States, it is at once, by the popular belief, invested with all the dignity of manhood, and introduced into a system which, despite the combativeness of certain ardent spirits from the South, every American believes and maintains to be innnortal. But how does the case stand with us ? No matter how eing rapidly exhausted, and the dura- tion of the social and political organization over which she presides dependent on the annual expatriation, with a view to its eventual alienization, of the surplus swarms of her born ./ Cm. V. plu'ciert liaml)C'r llVlTtlCC wt'd l)y I ilivurc is i)os- ' cHccls i|>, with )litiiii) ii B it, arc as move Kiuiiinf; \in cou- ;;ross, oi" nncc'liou loiild l)C Wlmt lie sec 11- i'oundii- Li^itation ; t a more |)rc!?sing uuiating )oiind to lie pulse er it to ccord as with all nionien- ueeu of paiiding, l)ts deep ty from poses of Ireland history iles of a lie dura- lich she view to lev born / inno— iH^M. NO SKPAHATION! Hi) I sidtjccts ? If Lord ff. Itusscll, instead of conclnding his ex- cellent spci'idi with a do(!lanition of opinion which, as I read it, and as I fear others will read it, seems to make it a ])oint of honour with the Colouists to prepare; for separation, had con- tented himself with resinning the statements already made in its course, with showing that neither the (Joverntnent nor Parliament could have any object in view in their Colonial p(»liey but the good of the Colonies, and the estaMishment of the relation between them and the mother-country >i J 1.1 ;■ ^ li St'lf-gov- ominent not re- publican. refuse to jiermit your Colonies here, when they have arrived at the proj)er stage in tlieir existeiiee, to place themselves in a conditio»> which is at once most favourable to their security and to their perfect national development ? What reasons can you assign for the refusal, cxcejjt such as arc founded on selfishness, and ai'c, therefore, morally worthless ? Jf you say that your great lubberly boy is too big for the nursery, and that you have no other room for him in your house, how can you decline to allow him to lodge with his elder brethren over the way, when the attemj)t to kec]) up an establishment for himself would seriously embarrass him ? To the Earl Grey. Toronto : November 1, 18o0. Sir IT. Bulwer spent fo^u' days with us, and for many reasons I am glad that he has been here. lie leaves us know- injT more of Canada than he did when he came. I think too that both he and Sir E. Head return to their homes re-assured on many points of our internal policy, on which they felt doubtful before, and much enlightened as to the real position of men and things in this province. With one im})ortant truth 1 have laboured to impress them, and I hope successfully. It is this: that the faithful carrying out of the principles of Constitutional Government is a de- l)arture from the American model, not an approximation to it, and, therefore, a dei)arture from republicanism in its only workable shape. Of the soundness of this view of our case I entertain no doubt whatever; and thoygh I meet Avith few persons to whom it seems to have occurred (for the common belief of sui)erficial observers is that we are republicanising the colonies), I seldom fail in bringing it home to the under- standing of any intelligent person with whom I have occasion to discuss it. The fact is, that the American system is our old Colonial system with, in certain cases, the principle of popular election substituted for that of nomination by the Crown. Mr. Filmore stands to his Congress very much in the same relation in which I stood to my Assembly in Jamaica. There is the same absence of eifective responsibility in the conduct of legis- lation, the same want of concurrent action between the parts of the political machine. The whole business of legislation in ./ ISfiO— 185;3. SELF-GOVERNMENT NOT IfEPUBUCAN. *'V2i iiinder- [casion lur old ipular Mr. ^lation (is the legis- parts lion in the American Congress, as Avell as in the State Legislatures, is conducted in the manner in which railway business was con- ducted in the House of Commons at a time when it is to be feared that, notwithstanding the high standard of honour in •the British Pai'liament, there was a good de 1850—1803. THE MOXARCIIICAL PRINCIPLE. 125 m- which they were defended, and the consistency with respon- I'll • 1 -11 1 • !• 1 ''*'^'" ^"" which they were carried out, may still be inchned to vomment. ask whether the maintenance of them did not involve a species of official suicide : whether the theory of the responsibility of provincial Ministers to the provincial ]\rliament, and of the consequent duty of the Governor to remain absolutely neutral in the strife of political parties, had not a necessary tendency to degrade his office into that of a mere Roi faineant. He had in 1849, as Sir C. Adderley expresses it, ' maintained the ' principle of responsible Government at the risk of his ' life.' Was the result of his hard-won victory only to empty himself of all but the mere outward show of poAver and authority? Such questions he was always ready to meet with an uncompromising negative. ' I have tried,' he said, ' both systems. In Jamaica there was no responsible ' Government : but I had not half the power I have ' here with my constitutional and changing Cabinet.' Even on the Vice-regal throne of India, he missed, at first, at least, something of the authority and influence w^hich had been his, as Constitutional Governor, in Canada.^ He was fully conscious, however, of the difficult nature of the position, and that it was only tenable on condition of being penetrated, or possessed^ as he said, with the idea of its tenability. In this strain he wrote to his intimate friend, Mr. Cummino- Bruce, in September 1852, with reference to a report that he was to be recalled by the Ministry which had recently come into power. As respects the matter of the report, I am disposed to believe that, viewing the question with reference to personal of ith 1 ' I'erhaps I may see reason after ' a little more experience liere to ' modify my opinion on these points. ' If I were to tell you what I noxo ' think of the relative amount of in- * lUunce which 1 exerciseil over the ' march of ali'uirs in Canada, where I ' governed on .strictly constitutional ' principles, and with a free Parlia- ' ment, as compared with that which * the Governor-General wields in * India when at peace, you would * accuse nie of pantdox.' — Letter to Sir C. Wood, Uencmber "J X86± 126 CANADA. Cn. V i|; i[ M ! (f,f interests exclusively, my removal from hence would not be any disadvantage to me. But, as to my work here — there is the rub. Is it to be all undone? On this point I must aj)eak frankly. I have been possessed (I use the word advisedly, for T fear that most persons in England still consider it a case of possession) with the idea that it is possible to maintain on this soil of North America, and in the face of Reimblican America, British connection and liritish institutions, if you give the latter freely and trustingly. Faith, when it is sincere, is always catching; and 1 have imparted this faith, more or less thoroughly, to all Canadian statesmen with whom I have been in otKcial relationship since 1848, and to all intelligent Englishmen with whom I have come in contact since 18o0 — as witness Lord Wharncliffe, Waldegrave, Tremenheere, &c. &c. Now if the Governor ceases to possess this faith, or to have the faculty of imparting it, I confess I fear that, ere long, it will become extinct in other breasts likewise. I believe that it is equally an error to imagine with one old-fashioned party, that you can govern such dej^endencies as this on the antiquated bureau- cratic principle, by means of rescripts from Downing Street, in defiance of the popular legislatures, and on the hypothesis that one local faction monopolises all the loyalty of the Colony ; and to suppose with the Radicals that all is done when you have simply told the colonists ' to go to the devil ' their own way.' I believe, on the contrary, that there is more room for the exercise of influence on the part of the Governor under my system than under any that ever was before de\ised ; an influence, however, wholly moral — an influence of suasion, sympathy, and moderation, which softens the temper while it elevates the aims of local politics. It is true that on certain questions of public policy, es- pecially with regard to Church matters, views are propounded by my ministers which do not exactly square Avith my pre-con- ceived opinions, and which I acquiesce in, so long as they do not contravene the fundamental j)rinciples of morality, from a conviction that they are in accordance with the general senti- ments of the community. It is true that I do not seek the commendation bestowed on Sir F. Head for bringing men into his councils from the liberal party, and telling them that they should enjoy only a partial confidence ; thereby alloAving them to retain their position if I ■MMMMB 1850—1853. INFLUKNX'E OF A fJOVERXOH. 127 , es- pded ^con- |y ^^ ])m a inti- hved the |ly a Ition as tribunes of the people in conjunction with the prestige of advisers of the Crown by enabling them to shirk responsibility for any acts of government which are unpopular. It is true that I have always said to my advisers, ' while you continue ' my advisers you shall enjoy my unreserved confidence ; and en ' revanche you shall be responsible for all acts of government.' But it is no less certain that there is not one of them who does not know that no inducement on earth would prevail with me to bring me to acquiesce in any measures which seemed to me repugnant to public morals, or Imperial interests ; and I must say that, far from finding in my advisers a desire to entrap me into proceedings of which I might disapprove, I find a tendency constantly increasing to attach the utmost value to my opinion on all questions, local or general, that aiise. The deep sense which he entertained of the im- portance of a correct understanding on this point is shown by his devoting to it the closing words of the last official desj)atch which he wrote from Quebec, on December 18, 1854. I readily admit that the maintenance of the position and due influence of the Governor is one of the most critical problems that have to b« solved in the adaptation of Parliamentary Government to the Colonial system ; and that it is diflHcult to over-estimate the importance which attaches to its satisfactory solution. As the Imperial Government and Parliament gra- dually withdraw from legislative interference, and from the exercise of patronage in Colonial affairs, the office of Governor tends to become, in the most emphatic sense of the term, the link which connects the Mother-country and the Colony, and his influence the means by which harmony of action between the local and imperial authorities is to be preserved. It is not, however, in my humble judgment, by evincing an anxious desire to stretch to the utmost constitutional principles in his favour, but, on the contrary, by the frank acceptance of the conditions of the Parliamentary system, that this influence can be most surely extended and confirmed. Placed by his position above the strife of parties — holding office by a tenure less precarious than the ministers who surround him — having no political interests to serve but that of the community whose affiiirs he is appointed to administer — his opinion cannot tail. 'i i,1 t li^ 'H \ ^ - \ iSill ':illl i: 1 ''< > ' fii^^ II ,1 Defence of the colony, ii gainst internal disorder ; 128 CANADA. Cn. V. when all cause for suspicion and jealousy is removetl, to have great weight in the Colonial Councils, while he is set at liberty to constitute himself in an especial manner the patron of those larger and higher interests — such interests, for example, as those of education, and of moral and material progress in all its branches — which, unlike the contests of party, unite instead of dividing the members of the body politic. The mention of such inHucnces as an appreciable force in the administration of public aft'airs may provoke a sneer on the part of persons who have no faith in any aijpcal which is not addressed to the lowest motives of human conduct ; but those who have juster views of our common nature, and who have seen influences that are purely moral wielded with judgment, will not be disposed to deny to them a high degree of efficacy. Closely akin to the question of the maintenance of tlie connection between the Colony and Great Britain, especially when viewed as affected by the commercial and financial condition of the former, was the question of throwinm which ^ould be land flesh ire aban- When Jonger at to it the support. 1 Canada, against las good gecurity, I must allow, as any which is to be obtained at the )resent time. IJut you may observe in reply to this, * You cannot get the ^ccurity which Michigan and Maine enjoy for nothing; you lust purchase it by the surrender of your custom liouses and )ublic lands, the proceeds of which will be diverted from their )resent uses and applied to others, at the discretion of a body which you will liave comparatively little to say.' The ^rgument is a powerful one, so long as England consents to )ear the cost of the defence of the Colony, but its force is mch lessened when the inhabitants are told that they must iok to their own safety, because the mother-country can no )nger afford to take care of them. On the other hand very weighty reasons may be adduced in ivour of the policy of requiring the province to bear some Portion at least of the charge of its own protection. The adoption of free-trade, although its advocates must believe that it tends to make the Colonies in point of fact less charge- able than heretofore, will doubtless render the English people more than ever jealous of expenditure incurred on their behalf. I am, moreover, of opinion, that the system of relieving the colonists altogether from the duty of self-defence is attended with injurious effects upon themselves. It checks the growth pf national and manly morals. Men seldom think anything "|rorth preserving for which they are never asked to make a picrifice. My view, therefore, would be that it is desirable that a Uaovement in the direction which you have indicated should take place, but that it ought to be made with much caution. The present is not a favourable moment for experiments. British statesmen, even Secretaries of State, have got into the habit lately of talking of the maintenance of the connection between Great Britain and Canada with *so much indifference, that a change of system in respect of military defence in- cautiously carried out, might be presumed by many to argue, on the part of the mother-country, a disposition to prepare the way for separation. Add to this, that you effected, only a few years ago, a union between the Upper and Lower Provinces by arbitrary means, and for objects the avowal of ^hich has profoundly irritated the French population ; that Btill more recently you have deprived Canada of her principal K 2 ' ■; ) h (■,( h: i: 4: t ' ■ i - 11 Epcom- griulual rrduption of forces. 132 CANADA. fii. V. n(lvanta<]jcs in tlic Britisli niarkots ; tliat Franco and Ireland arc in flames, and tliat nearly lialf of the ])()pnlati()n of this Colony arc French, nearly half of the remainder Irish. Tlijit Canada felt no need of iMihvarlvs except ap^ainst Eno;lan(rs foes was a ])oint on which lie constantly in- sisted. On one occasion he wrote : — Only one absurdity can be greater, pardon me for sayinff so, than the absurdity of supposiiii^ that the liritlsh Parliament ■will j)ay £200,000 for Canadian fortifications; it is the ab- surdity of supposing that Canadians Avill pay it themsrdves. £200,000 for defences ! and against -whom ? against the Americans. And who arc the Americans? Your own kindred, a flourishing swaggering ])coi)le, who are ready to make room for you at their own table, to give you a share of all they possess, of all their prosperity, and to guarantee you in all time to come against the risk of invasion, or the need of defences, if you will but speak the word ! On the whole he was of opinion that the Government should quietly, and sans phrase, remove their troops altogether from some points, reduce them in others, and ' aim at the eventual suljstitutioii of a Major- ' General's command for that of a Lieutenant-General ' in Canada; hut that nothing should be done hastily or ^per saltum, so as to alarm the Colonists with the idea ' tl ' some new and strange principle was going to be ' i to them.' . ou may if you please (he wrote) largely reduce the staff, .uid more moderately the men, leaving the remainder in the best barracks. I think you may do this without, in any material degree, increasing the tendency towards annexation ; provided always that you make no noise about it But, I repeat it, you must not, unless you wish to drive the Colony away from you, impose new burdens upon the Colonists at this time.' ' In entire accordimce with this view, lie recommended tliat Great * and to calls which at a period more ' or less remote we may have to make Britain should take upon herself the 'on the loyalty and patriotism of payment of the Governor's salary, 'Canadians.' ' with a view to future contingencies, Til. V. ind Ireland ition of this •isli. '])t a^^ainst staiitly iii- r say i up; so, Parliament t is the ab- smsrlves. ajrainst the \vn kindred, nialvc room of all they you in all he need of overnment eir troops in others, a Major- t-General hastily or tlie idea •ing to be the staff, |der in the it, in any mexation ; • • « • drive the Colonists period more lave to make Itriotism of ll8«J0— 18u3. DEFENX'ES OF TllJ-: COLONY. .133 The course thus sketched out he himself steadily )ursued; and his last letters on the subject, written arly in 185.j to the Duke of Newcastle, who hud re- ently become Secretary for the Colonics, were occujued n recommending a continuance of the same quietly )rogressive [)oiIcy : • When I came here we had a Connnandcr-in-Chief and two lajor-Generals. We have now only one General on the tation, and the staff has undergone proportional diminution, f further reductions are to he niailc, let them be effected in he same (juiet way without parade or the ostentatious adoption f new principles as a])i)licable to the defence of colonies which re exposed, as Canada is by reason of their connection Avith ireat IJritain, to the hazard of assaults from organised powers. Continue then, if you will pardon me for so freely tenderinj^ dvice, to apply in the administration of our local affairs the l|)riuciples of Constitutional Government frankly and fairly. Pt) not ask Enuland to make unreasonable sacrifices for the Colonists, but such sacrifices as are reasonable, on the hypo- thesis that the Colony is an exposed part of the empire. In- duce her if you can to make them generously and without appearing to grudge them. Let it be inferred from your language that there is in your opinion nothing in the nature of hings to prevent the tie which coimects the Mother-country nd the Colony from being as enduring as that which unites he different States of the Union, and nothing in the nature of ur very elastic institutions to prevent them from expanding o as to permit the free and healthy development of social, olitical, and national life in these young communities. By dministering colonial affairs in this spirit you will find, I elieve, even when you least profess to seek it, the true secret f the cheap defence of nations. If these conununities are nly truly attached to the connecti(m and satisfied of its per- nanence (and, as respects the latter point, opinions here will e much influenced by the tone of statesmen at home), elements f self-defence, not moral elements only but material elements ikewise, will spring up within them spontaneously as the pro- uct of movements from within, not of pressure from without. .H^Two millions of people, in a northern latitude, can do a good eal in the way of helping themselves when their he""*^s are in he right place. :>r^ ^1 lf> m 134 CANADA. Cn. VI. m u , ^.1 >i ( I i 1^^ » I s I I ■ t.- |: 1 :!i . '^1 1 Mil m ^! I The ' Clergy Eeserves.' History of the ques- tion. CHAPTER VI. CANADA. THE 'clergy .aERVES' HISTORV OF THE QUESTION— MIXED MOTIVES OF THE MOVEMENT — FEELING IN THE PROVINCE — IN UPPER CANADA — IN LOWER CANADA — AMONG ROMA.^ CATHOLICS — IN THE CHURCH — SECU- LARIZATION — QUESTIONS OF EMIGRATION, LABOUR, LAND-TENURE, EDU- CATION, NATIVE TRIBES — RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES — MUTUAL COURTESIES — FAREWELL TO CANADA — AT HOME. We have had frequent occasion to observe that the guiding principle of Lord Elgin's policy was to let the Colony have its own way in everything which was not contrary either to public morality or to some Imperial interest. It was in this spirit that he passed the Rebellion Losses Act ; and in this spirit he watched the contest which raged for many years on the memo- rable question of the ' Clergy Reserves.' By the Canada Act of 1791 one-seventh of the lands then ungranted had been set apart for the support of a ' Protestant Clergy.* At first these reserves were re- garded as the exclusive property of the Church of England; but in 1820 an opinion was obtained from the Law Officers of the Crown in England, that the clergy of the Church of Scotland had a right to a share in them, but not Dissenting ]\linisters. In 1840 an Act was passed in which the claims of other denomi- nations also were distinctly recognised. By it the Governor was empowered to sell the reserves ; a part of the proceeds was to be applied in payment of the salaries of the existing clergy, to whom tlie faith of the Crown had been pledged ; one-half of the remainder was to go to the Churches of England and Scotland, in /, Cn. VI. 1850—1854. THE ' CLERGY RESERVES.' 135 MOTIVES OF CANADA — IN UBCH— SECU- ENURE, EDU- CES MUTUAL ! that the to let the h was not Imperial assed the watched he memo- tlie lands port of a were re- iiirch of led from that the o a share 1840 an denomi- y it the ; a part ; of the faith of mainder tland, in % proportion to theii* respective numbers, and the other half was to be at the disposal of the Governor-General for the benefit of the clergy of any Protestant denomi- nation willing to receive public aid. But the old inveterate jealousy of Anglican as- cendency, aggravated, it is said, by the political conduct of Bishop Strachan, who had identified his Church with the obnoxious rule of the Family Compact, was not content with these concessions. i^Uying itself with the voluntary spirit, caught from the Scottish Free Church movement in 1843, it took the shape of a fanatical opposition to everything in the nature of a public provision for the support of religion ; and the cry was raised for the ' Secularisation of the Clergy Reserves.' Eagerly taken up, as was natural, by the Ultra-radicals, or ' Clear-gTits,' the cry was echoed by a considerable section of the old Tory party, from motives which it is less easy to analyse ; and so violent was the feeling that it threatened to sweep away at one stroke all the endowments in question, without regard to vested interests, and without even waiting for the repeal of the Imperial Act by which these endowments were guaranteed. More loyal and moderate counsels however prevailed, owing chiefly to the support which they received from the Roman Catholics of Lower Canada, at one time so violently disaffected. In 1850 the Assembly voted an Address to the Queen, praying that the Act referred to might be repealed, and that the Local Legislature might be empowered to dispose of the reserved lands, subject to tlie condition of secur- ing to the existing holders for their lives the stipends to which they were then entitled. To this Address a fiivourable answer was returned by Lord Grey; who, while avowing the preference of Her Majesty's Govern- ment for the existing arrangement, by which a certain portion of the public lands of Canada were apj^lied to religious uses, admitted at the same time that the 'I'i A ! I m m m hm S4.,i, .i ilB *j il ' 180 CANADA. Cn. VI. qnestion of niaintuinin;^ it was one so exclusively afl'ect- iiig the ])e()j)le of Canada, that its decision ought not to be withdrawn from the Provincial liGgislature. A IJill for granting to the Colony the desired j)owers was inten])cn one. You are sufficiently acquainted with Canadian history to be aware of the fact, that these unfortunate Clergy Heserves have been a bone of contention ever since they were set apart. I know how very inconvenient it is to repeal the Imperial Act Avhich was intended to be a final settlement of the (piestion ; but I must candidly say I very much doubt whether you will be able to preserve the Colony if you retain it on the Statute Book. Even Lafoniaine and others who recofjnise certain vested rights of the Protestant ciuu-ches under the Consti- tutional Act, advocate the re[)cal of the Imperial Act of 1840 : partly because Lower Canada was not consulted at all when it was passed ; and, secondly, because the distribution made luider tliat Act is an unfair one, and inconsistent with the views of the Upper Canadian Legislature, as expressed at the time but set aside in deference, as it is alleged, to the remon- strances of the English bishops. Some among the Anglo- Saxon Liberals, and some of the Orange Tories, 1 suijpect, share these views. A ce most 1 1851. rest as carry it this id the As to the insinuation that tli;- iViOvement against the endow- Movement ments of the Church of England is prompted by the Romans, prompted events will give the i?e to it ere long. The following facts, by Roman however, seem to be wholly Irreconcilable with this hypothesis. ° ^ ' Before the Union of the Provinces there were very few, if any, Roman Catholic members in the Upper Canada Parlia- 1^ ment ; they were all-powerful in the Lower. Now it is || recorded in history, that the Upper Canadian Legislative Assembly kept up year after year a series of assaults on the * Clergy Reserves ; ' in proof of which read the narrative part of the Address to Her Majesty on the * Clergy Reserves ' from the Legislative Assembly last year. And it is equally a fact that the Lower Canadian Legislative Assembly never meddled with them, except I think once, when they were invited to do so by the Government. Some months later, in the beginning of 1852, Lord John Russell's Administration was broken up, and Lord Grey handed over the seals of the Colonial Office to Sir John Pakington. One of the first subjects on which the new Secretary asked to be furnished with confidential information was as to the state of public feel- ing in Canada upon the question of the future disposal of the ' Clergy Reserves.' Lord Elgin replied as follows : You require, if I rightly understand your letter, that I Feeling in should state, in the first place, whether I believe that the senti- ^^® ^''^" ments of the community in reference to the subject-matter of ^' I ilii !» |! ■T i 1 J 1 ■I f ■'. 1 1 i 1 '1 in Upper Canada : 140 CANADA. Cu. VI. thia Address are faithfully represented in the votes of the Assembly. I cannot answer this question otherwise than affirmatively. Not that I am by any means disposed to under- rate the importance of the j)etition.s which may have been sent home by opponents of the nieasu/c. The cler<;*y of the Church of England and of that portion of the Presbyterian Church which preserves its connection with the Established Church of Scotland, are generally miwiliing that the question of the reserves should be left to the decision of the Local Legislature. They are, to a considerable extent, sup})orted by their flocks ■when they approach the throne as }>etitioners against the prayer of the Assembly's Address, although it is no doubt an error to suppose that the lay mend)ers of these connnunitms are unanimous, or all alike zealous in the espousal of these views. From this quarter the ])etitions which a|)pear to have reached Lord Grey and yourself have, I a[)prehcnd, almost exclusively proceeded. Other bodies, even of those which participate in the i)roduce of the reserves, as for example the Wesleyans and the Ilomjm Catholics of Upper Canada, have not, that I am aware of, moved iu the matter, unless it be iu an opposite direction. Can it then be inferred from such indications that public opinion in the province does not support the cause taken by the Assembly in reference to the ' Clei'gy Reserves ' ? or, what is perha})s more to the purpose, that a provincial administration, formed on the principle of desisting from all attempts to induce the Imperial Government to repeal the Imperial statute Ti which le Home 3ny, viz. e power coiisist- the Go- louse of ected in province, een 1840 iral that ed ; and increase early in Govern- I'ince. I [one ; for, ire nearly 11 leads to lat extent IS always [istration, offered, ht ; and |ne hun- It was ike the pper House elective; a measure certainly alien to nglish ideas, but one which Lord Elgin appears to ave thought necessary for the healthy working of the onstitution under the circunijstances then existing in the province. As early as March, 1850, he wrote to Lord Grey : — A great deal is said here at present abont rendering our econd brunch of the Legislature elective. As the advocates f the phin, however, comprise two classes of persons, with icws not only distinct but contradictoi-y, it is difficult to fore- see how they are to agree on details, when it assumes a prac- tical shape. The one class desire to construct a more efficient Conservative body than the present Council, the other seek an instrument to aid them in their schemes of subversion and j)illage. For my own part, I believe that a second legislative body, returned by the same constituency as the House of Assembly, under some differences mth respect to time and mode of election, would be a greater check on ill-considered legislation than the Council as it is now constituted. BaldAvin is very unAviiling to move in this matter. Having got what he imagines to be the likest thing to the British constitution he can obtain, he is satisfied, and averse to further change. In this instance I cannot but think that he mistakes the ehadow for the substance. I admire, however, the perse- verance Avith which he proclaims, ' II faut jeter rancre de la * constitution,^ in reply to proposals of organic change ; though I fully expect that, like those who raised this cry in 1791, he will yet, if he lives, find himself and his state-ship floundering among rocks and shoals, towards which he never expected to Bteer, Three years later he held the same language to the l)uke of Newcastle. Writing on March 26, 1853, to inform him that the Bill for increasing the represen- tation had been carried in the Assembly by a large majority, he adds: — The Lords must be attended to in the next place. The position of the second chamber in our body politic is at present wholly inisatisfactory. The jjrinciple of election must be introduced in order to give to it the influence which it ought L Proposal to nmko tho Upper House oloctive. Reasons in favour. i HI yf The Act passed. Speech of Lord Derby. 1 t ( > ■' , 1 IS. ■■ i if- ' ' i S? ' ;. It ' I I L^. 146 CANADA. Cn. VI. to possess ; and that principle must be so applied as to admit of the working of Parliamentary Government (which I for one am certainly not prepared to abandon for the American system) with two elective chambers. I have made some suggestions with this view, which I hope to be able to induce the Legislature to adopt. When our two legislative bodies shall have been placed on this improved footing, a greater stability will have been imparted to our constitution, and a greater strength, I believe, if England act wisely, to the connection. The question did not come before the British Parlia- ment till the summer of 1854, after Lord Elgin's visit to England, during which he had an opportunity of stating his views personally to the Goveniment. At his instance tliey brought in a Bill to enable the Colonial Legislature to deal with the subject ; and the measure was carried, with few dissentients, although vehemently denounced by Lord Derby in the House of Lords. The principles of colonial policy which Lord Durham had expressed so powerfully in 1838, and on which Lord Grey and Lord Elgin had been acting so consistently for many years, had at last prevailed ; and many of those who most deprecated the proposed reform as a downward step towards pure democracy, yet acknowledged that, as it had been determined upon by the deliberate choice of the Colony, it ought not to be thwarted by the interference of the mother-country. In the course of the speech above referred to, Lord Derby made use of the following eloquent words : — I have dreamed — perhaps it was only a dream — that the time would come when, exercising a perfect control over their own internal affairs. Parliament abandoning its right to interfere in their legislation, these great and important colo- nies, combined together, should form a monarchical govern- ment, presided over either by a permanent viceroy, or, as an independent sovereign, by one nearly and closely allied to the present royal family of this country. I have believed that, la such a manner, it would be possible Cn. VI. d as to admit (which I for he American made some ble to induce en placed on I have been rth, I believe, itisli Parlia- Elgin's visit )ortimity of nment. At enable the ct ; and the ts, although he House of tvhich Lord J38, and on n acting so /ailed ; and proposed aemocracy, nined upon gilt not to -country, d to, Lord )rds : — n — that the ontrol over its right to or tan t colo- cal govern- r, or, as an Hied to the be possible 1850—1854. T^ErRESENTATIOX. 147 I 1^0 uphold the monarchical principle; to establish upon that groat continent a monarchy fi'ee as that of this country, oven freer still with regard to the popular influence exercised, but yet a monarchy worthy of the name, and not a mere empty plmdow. I can hai'dly believe that, under such a system, the friendly connection and close intimacy between the colonies nnd the mother-country would in any way be affected ; but, on the contrary, I feel convinced that the change to which I have rororred Avould be productive of nothing, for years and years to come, but mutual harmony and friendship, increased and cemented as that friendship would be by mutual appreciation of the great and substantial benefits conferred by a free and regulated monarchy. IJut pass this Bill, and that dream is gone for ever. Nothing like a free and regulated monai'chy could exist for a single moment under such a constitution as that which is now i)ro- posed for Canada. From the moment that you pass this constitution, the pro- gress must be rapidly towards republicanism, if anything Could be more really republican than this Bill. The dream has been realised, at least in one of its most important features ; the gloomy forebodings have hitherto happily proved groundless. But the speaker of these words, and the author of the measure to which they refer, would probably have been alike surprised at the course which events have taken respecting the particular point then in question. For once the stream tl.at sets towards democracy has been seen to take a backward direction; and the constitution of the Do- minion of Canada has returned, as regards the Legisla- tive Council, to the Conservative principle of nomina- tion by the Crown. It does not fall within the scope of this memoir to give an account of the numerous administrative measures which made the period of Lord Elgin's Government so marked an epoch in the history of Canadian prosperity. It may be well, however, to notice a few points to which L 2 In 1 9 li; Emigra- tiun. '1 • i 148 CANADA. Ch. VI. I he himself thought it worth while to advert in official despatches, written towards the close of his sojourn iu the country, and containing a statistical review of the marvellously rapid progress which the Colony had made in all branches of productive industry. The first extracts bear upon questions which have lost none of tlieir interest or importance — the kindred questions of emigration, of the demand for labour, and of the acquisition and tenure of land. The sufferings of the Irish during that calamitous period [1847] induced philanthropic persons to put forward schemes of systematic colonisation, based in some instances on the as- sumption that it Avas for the interest of the emigrants that they should be as much as possible concentrated in particular por- tions of the territories to which th'-y might proceed, so as to form communities complete in themselves, and to remain subject to the influences, religious and social, under which they had lived previously to emigration. It was proposed, if I rightly remember, according to one of those schemes, that large num- bers ot Irish with their priests and home associations should be established by Government in some unoccupied part of Canada. I believe that such schemes, however benevolent their design, rest on a complete misconception of what is for the interest both of the Colony and of the emigrants. It is almost in- variably found that emigrants who thus isolate themselves, whatever their origin or antecedents, lag behind their neigh- bours ; and I am inclined to think that, as a general rule, in the case of communities whose social and political organisation is as far advanced as that of the North American Colonies, it is for the interest of all paities that new comers, instead of dwelling apart and bound together by the affinities whether of sect or party, which united them in the country which they have left, should be dispersed as Avidely as possible among the population already established in that to which they transfer themselves. It may not be altogether irrelevant to mention, as bearing on this subject, that the painful circumstances which attended the emigration of 1847 created for a time in this Province a cer- tain prejudice against emigration generally. The poll tax Ch. VI. rt in official Ls sojourn in eview of tlie ny had made which have the kindred labour, and mitous period ward schemes ces on the as- mts that they irticular por- eed, so as to smain subject ich they had , if I rightly t large num- >iis should be t of Canada. their design, the interest almost in- themselves, their neiffh- eral rule, in )rganisation Colonies, it instead of whether of which they among the ey transfer bearing on itended the ince a cer- poll tax IBoO— 1854. EMIGRATION. 149 on emigrants was increased, and the opinion widely dissemi- nated that, however desirable the introduction of capitalists might be, an emigration of persons of the poorer classes was likely to prove a burden rather than a benefit. Commercial depression, and ai)prehensions as to the probnblfi effect of the Free-trade policy of Great Britain on the prosperity of the Colonies, had an influence in the same direction. To counter- act these tendencies which were calculated, as I thought, to be injurious in the long run both to the Mother-country and the province, public attention was especially directed, in the Speech (delivered from the Throne in 1849, to emigration by way of the St. Lawrence, as a branch of trade which it was most de- lirable to cultivate (irrespective altogether of its bearing on the settlement of the country) in consequence of the great ex- ccris of exports over imports by that route, and the consequent eniiancement of freights outwards. These views obtained very general assent, and the measures which have been adopted since that period to render this route attractive to emigrants destined for the West (the effect of which is beginning now to be visible in the yearly increasing amount of emigration by way of Quebec from the continent of Europe), are calculated not only to promote the trade of the Province, but also to make settlers of a superior class acquainted with its advantages.' I This important region (the valley of the Ottawa) takes the Ottawa Jname by which it is designated in popular parlance from the Valley. Imighty stream which flows through it, and which, though it be hut a tributary of the St. Lawrence, is one of the largest of the Srivers that run uninterruptedly from the source to the discharge rwithin the dominions of the Quee i. It drains an area of about .$80,000 square miles, and receives at various points in its course ^Ijthe waters of streams, some of which equal in magnitude the |chief rivers of Great Britain. These streams open up to the ■genterprise of the lumberman the almost inexhaustible pine ' 'forests with which this region is clothed, and afford the means l^f transporting their prodi... . to market. In improving these "Tiatural advantages considerable sums are expended by private individuals. £50.000 currency was voted by Parliament last jession for the purpose of removing certain obstacles to the * Despatch of December 18, 1854, ■•$ ^^- :H '■■ Demand for labour. ( •' A': \i l.i - ■■ 1 i' J.'- 1 :■ i 4 U 150 aVNiVDA. Ch. VI. navigation of the Upper Ottawa, by the construction of a canal at a point which is now obstructed by rapids. From the nature of the business, the lumbering trade falls necessarily in a great measure into the hands of persons of capital, who employ large bodies of men at points far removed from markets, and who are therefore called upon to make con- siderable advances in providing food and necessaries for their labourers, as well as in building slides and otherwise facilita- ting the passage of timber along the streams and rivers. Many thousands of men are employed during the winter in these remote forests, preparing the timber which is transported during the summer in rafts, oi', if sawn, in boats, to Quebec when destined for England, and up the Richelieu River when in- tended for the United States. It is a most interesting fact, both in a moral and hygienic view, that for some years past intoxicating liquors have been rigorously excluded from almost all the chantiers, as the dwellings of the lumbermen in these distant regions are styled ; and that, notwithstanding the expo- sure of the men to cold during the winter and wet in the spring, the result of the experiment has been entirely satisfactory. The bearing of the lumbei'ing business on the settlement of the country is a point well worthy of notice. The farmer who undertakes to cultivate unreclaimed laud in new countries, generally finds that not only does every step of advance which he makes in the Avilderness, by removing him from the centres of trade and civilisation, enhance the cost of all he has to i)ur- chase, but that, moreover, it diminishes the value of what he has to sell. It is not so, however, with the farmer who follows in the wake of tl^e lumbermen. He finds, on the contrary, in the wants of the latter, a ready demand for all that he produces, at a price not only equal to that procurable in the ordinary marts, but increased by the cost of transport from them to the scene of the lumbering operations. This circumstance, no doubt, powerfully contributes to promote the settlement of those districts, and attracts population to sections of the country which, in the absence of any such inducement, would probably remain for long periods uninhabited.' Wild land. The large amount of mid land held by individuals and cor- porations, renders the disposal of the public domain a question * Despatch of August 10, 1853. Ch. VI. of a caual trade falls persons of tr removed make con- s for their se facilita- ;rs. Many T in these ted during ebec when r when in- sting fact, years past i-om almost n in these g the expo- the spring, •ictory. ttlement of iirmer who ' countries, ance which the centres has to pur- Df what he ivho follows contrary, in e produces, le ordinary them to the istance, no ttlement of the country Id probably ala and cor- 1 a question 1850—1854. TENURE OF LAND. 151 of less urgency in this than in some other colonies. Opinion in the Province runs strongly in favour of facilitating its acquisition in small lots by actual settlers, and of putting all possible obstacles in the way of its falling into the hands of speculators. This opinion is founded no doubt in part on a jealousy of great landholders ; but it is mainly, I apprehend, attributable to a sense of the inconvenience and damage which are experienced in young countries, when considerable tracts of land are kept out of the market in the midst of districts that are in course of settlement. To this feeling much of the hos- tility to the * Clergy Reserves ' was originally due. The upset price of Government wild land in Canada varies from 7*. 6d. currency to 1*. currency an acre, according to quality, and by the rules of the Crown Land Department now in force, it is conceded at these rates, except in special cases, in lots of not more than 200 acres, on condition of actual settlement, of erect- ing a dwelling-house, and clearing one-fourth of the lot before the patent can be obtained. The price is payable in some parts of the country in ten yearly instalments ; in others in five ; with interest in both cases from the date of sale. I have little faith in the efficacy of such devices to compel actual settlement. They hinder the free circulation of capital, are easily evaded, and seem to be especially out of place where wild lands are subject to taxation for municipal purposes, as ia the case in Upper Canada.' A good deal of land in Lower Canada is held in seigniory, Seigniorial under a species of feudal tenure, with respect to the conditions *'^"""* of which a controversy has arisen which threatens, unless some equitable mode of adjusting it be speedily devised, to be pro- ductive of very serious consequences. A certain class of jurists contend, that by the custom of the country, established before its conquest by Great Britain, the seigniors were bound to concede their lands in lots of about 100 acres to the first applicant, in consideration of the payment of certain dues, and of a rent which never, as they allege, exceeded one penny an acre ; and they quote edicts of the French monarchs to show that the governor and intendant, when the seignior was con- tumacious, could seize the land, and make the concession in > Despatch of December 18, 1854. 'ij V » III m 152 CANADA. Cu. VI. I ■ I spite of him, taking the rent for the Crown. The seigniors, on the other hand, plead the decisions of the courts since the conquest in vindication of their claim to receive such rents as they can bargain for. Independently of this controversy, the incidents of the tenure are in other respects calculated to exer- cise an unfavourable influence on the progress of the Province ; and its abolition, if it could be eifected without injustice, would, no doubt, be a highly beneficial measure.' Still more important and interesting at this time is the following sketch f the Educational System of Upper Canada ; the ' Common Schools ' and ' Public ' School Libraries,' which have attracted so much the attention of our own educationists. Nor is it uninstruc- tive to note the contrast between what had been achieved in the colony nearly twenty years ago, and the still unsettled condition of similar questions in the mother- country : a contrast which may perhaps call to mind the remarks of Lord Elgin already quoted, as to the rapid growth which ensues when the seeds that fall from ancient experience are dropped into a virgin soil.'^ Education. In 1847 the Normal School, which may be considered the foundation of the system, was instituted, and at the close ot 1853, the first volume issued from the Educational Depart- ment to the Public School Libraries, which are its crown and completion. . . . The term school libraries doe? not imply that the libraries in question are specially designed for the benefit of common school pupils. They are, in point of fact, public libraries intended for the use of tlie general popu- lation ; and they are entitled school libraries because their establishment has been provided for in the School Acts, and their man.igement confided to the school authorities. Public School Libraries then, similar to those which are now being introduced into Canada, have been in operation for several years in some states of the neighbouring Union, and many of the most valuable features of the Canadian system have been borrowed from them. In most of the States, how- * Despatch of December 18, 1854. The nbolilion was shortlj- nflorwards, satisfactorily effected. * Vido supra, p. 48. Public S.'liool Libi'aries Ch. VI. seigniors, since the h rents as versy, the tl to exer- Province ; ce, would, } time is ystem of ' Public nncli the ninstruc- ad been ago, and ns in the )s call to ;ed, as to that fall nn soil.*'^ klered the 3 close ot 1 Depart- rown and lot imply gncd for point of ral popu- use their Acts, and vhich are ration for nion, and n system ites, how- nflorwards, 1850—1854. EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. 153 ever, which have appropriated funds for library purposes, the selection of the books has been left to the trustees appointed by the different districts, many of whom are ill-qualified for the task ; and the consequence has been, that the travelling pedlars, Avho offer the most showy books at the lowest prices, have had the principal share in furnishing the libraries. In introducing the system into Canada, jjrecautions have been taken which will, I trust, have the effect of obviating this great evil. In the School Act of 1850, which first set apart a sum of money for the ccablishment and support of school libraries, it is declared to be the duty of the chief superintendent of education to apportion the sum granted for this purpose by the legislature under the following condition : ' That no aid ' should be given towards the establishment and support of ' any school library unless an equal amount be contributed or * expended from local sources for the same ; ' and the Council of Instruction is required to examine, and at its discretion recommend or disapprove of text books for the use of schools, or books for school libraries ; ' provided that no portion of ' the legislative school grant shall be applied in aid of any * school in which any book is used that has been disapproved ' of by the. Council, and public notice given of such disap- ' proval.' The system of public instruction in Upper Canada is en- grafted ujion the municipal institutions of the Province, to which an organisation very complete in its details, and admi- rably adapted to develope the resources, confirm the credit, and j)i'omote the moral and social interests of a young country, Avas imparted by an Act passed in 1849. The law by which the common schools are regulated was enacted in 1850, and it embraces all the modifications and improvements suggested by experience in the provisions of the several school Acts passed subsequently to 1841, when the important principle of granting money to each county on condition that an equal amount were raised within It by local assessment, was first Introduced into the statute-book. The development of Individual self-reliance and local exer- tion, under the superintendence of a central authority exercising suporin- an influence almost exclusively moral. Is the ruling principle of the system. Accordingly, it rests with the freeholders and householders of each school section to decide whether they Common schools. Local IF" 154 CANADA. Cn. VT. |!' : f Eeligiou instruc- tion. lU ; I r 1 mkj. will support their school by voluntary subscription, by rate bill for each pupil attending the school (which must not, how- ever, exceed Is. per month), or by rates on property. The trustees elected by the same freeholders and householders are required to determine the amount to be raised within their re- spective school sections for all school purposes whatsoever, to hire teachers from among persons holding legal certificates of qualification, and to agree with them as to salary. On the local superintendents appointed by the county councils is devolved the duty of apportioning the legislative grant among the school sections within the county, of inspecting the schools, and reporting upon them to the chief superintendent. The county boards of public instruction, composed of the local superintendent or superintendents, and the trustees of the county grammar school, examine candidates for the office of teacher, and give certificates of qualification which are valid for the county; the chief superintendent giving certi- ficates to normal school pupils which are valid for the Pro- vince ; while the chief superintendent, who holds his appoint- ment from the Crown, aided in specified cases by the Council of Public Instruction, has under his especial charge the normal and model schools, besides exercising a general control over the whole system. The question of religious instruction as connected with the common school system, presented even more than ordinary difficulty in a community where there is so much diversity of opinion on religious subjects, and whei*e all denominations are in the eye of the law on a footing of entire equality. It is laid down as a fundamental principle, that as the common schools are not boarding but day schools, and as the pupils are under the care of their parents or guardians during the Sunday, and a considerable portion of each week day, it is not intended that the functions of the common school teacher should supersede those of the parent and pastor of the child. Accordingly, the law contents itself with providing on this head, * that in any * model or common school established under this act, no * child shall be requirea to read or study in or from any reli- * gious book, or to join in any exercise of devotion or religion, * which shall be objected to by his or her parents or guardians ; * provided always, that within this limitation pupils shall be ' allowed to receive such religious instruction as their parents f 5*S Cn. \7. 1850—1854. EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM. 155 I, by rate not, how- rty. The lolders are n their re- tsoever, to tificates of On the ouncils is mt among icting the intendent. f the local IBS of the the office which are ing certi- the Pro- 3 appoint- le Council he normal itrol over i with the ordinary versity of ations are It is laid m schools are under iday, and nded that supersede ingly, the at in any I act, no any reli- • religion, lardians ; shall be r parents '!^ ' or guardians shall desire, according to the general regulations * which shall be provided according to law.' And it authorises under certain regulations the establishment of a separate school for Protestants or Koman Catholics, as the case may be, when the teacher of the common school is of the opposite persuasion. Clergymen recognised by law, of whatever denomination, are made ex officio visitors of the schools in townships, cities, towns, or villages where they reside, or have pastoral charge. The chief superintendent. Dr. Ryerson, remarks on this head : * The clergy of the county have access to each of its ^jjo schools ; and we know of no instance in which the school clergy. has been made the place of religious discord, but many instances, especially on occasions of quarterly public exa- minations, in which the school has witnessed the assemblage and friendly intercourse of clergy of various religious per- suasions, and thus become the radiating centre of a spirit of Christian charity and potent cooperation in the primary work of a people's civilisation and happiness.' He adds with reference to the subject generally, * The more carefully the question of religion in connection with a system of common schools is examined, the more clearly, I think, it will appeal*, that it has been left where it properly belongs — with the local school municipalities, parents, and managers of schools ; the Government prote Jting the right of each parent and child, but beyond this, and beyond the principles and duties of morality common to all classes, neither com- pelhng nor prohibiting ; recognising the duties of pastors and parents as weU as of school trustees and teachers, and con- sidering the united labours of all as constituting the system of education for the youth of the country.' Lord Elgin himself had always shown a profound sense of the importance of thus making religion the groundwork of education. Speaking on occasion of the opening of a normal school, after noticing the zealous and wisely-directed exertions which had * enabled ' Upper Canada to place itself in the van among the ' nations, in the great and important work of providing 156 CANADA. CiT. VI. ill ! I .'( 1 PS: i ( * an efficient system of general education for the whole ' community/ he proceeded : — What ia And now let me ask this intelligent audience, who have so education? kindly listened to me up to this moment — let me ask them to consider, in all seriousness and earnestness, what that great work really is. I do not think that I shall he chargeahle with exaggeration when I affirm, that it is the work of our day and generation ; that it is the problem in our modern society which is most difficult of solution ; that it is the ground upon which earnest and zealous men unhappily too often, and in too many countries meet, not to co-operate but to wrangle ; while the poor and the ignorant multitudes around them arc starving and perishing for lack of knowledge. Well, then, how has Upper Canada addressed herself to the execution of this great work ? How has she sought to solve this problem — to overcome this difficulty ? Sir, I understand from your statements — and I come to the same conclusion from my own investigation and observation — that it is the principle of our common school educational system, that its foundation is laid deep in the firm rock of our common Christianity. I understand, sir, that while the varying views and opinions of a mixed religious society are scrupulously respected, while every semblance of dictation is carefully avoided, it is desired, it is earnestly recommended, it is confidently expected and hoped, that every child who attends our common schools shall learn there that he is a being who has an interest in eternity as well as in time ; that he has a Father, towards whom he stands in a closer and more affecting, and more endearing relationship than to any earthly father, and that Father is in heaven ; that he has a hope, far transcending every earthly hope — a hope full of immortality — the hope, namely, that that Father's kingdom may come ; that he has a duty which, like the sun in our celestial system, stands in the centre of his moral obligations, shedding upon them a hallowing light, which they in their turn reflect and absorb — the duty of striving to prove by his life and conversation the sincerity of his prayer, that that Father's will may be done upon earth as it is done in heaven. I understand, sir, that upon the broad and solid platform which is raised upon that good foundation, we invite the ministers of religion, of all denominations — the de facto spiritual guidea CiJ. VI, [le whole a have so L them to hat great sable with r day and ety which •on which too many e the poor :ving and las Upper !at work ? come this s — and I ation and an school the firm that while IS society dictation nmended, ihild who he is a that oser and n to any he has a |e full of kingdom n in our igations, 1850—185-1. ABOUmiNAL TIJIBES. 157 me eir in th e by his hat that heaven, m which listers of 1 guidea of the people of the country — to take their stand along with us ; that, so far from hampering or impeding them in the exercise of their sacred functions, we ask and we beg them to take the chiklren — the lambs of the flock wliieh are committed ti< ihoh' care — aside, and to lead them to those pastures and streams where they will find, as they believe, the food of life and the waters of consolation. One more extract must be given from the despatch already quoted, because it illustrates a feature in his character, to which the subsequent course of his life gave such marked prominence — his generous and tender feeling of what was due to subject or inferior races; a sad feeling in this case, and but faintly supported by any hope of being able to do anything for their l)encfit. It is painful to turn from reviewing the progress of the Aboriginal European population and their descendants established in this portion of America, to contemplate the condition and prospects of the aboriginal tribes. It cannot, I fear, be affirmed with truth, that the difficult problem of reconciling the interests of an inferior and native race with those of an intrusive and su- perior one, has as yet been satisfactorily solved on this conti- nent. In the United States, the course of proceeding generally followed in this matter has been that of compelling the Red man, through the influence of persuasion or foi'ce, to make way for the White, by retreating farther and farther into the wilder- ness; a mode of dealing with the case which necessarily entails the occasional adoption of harsh measures, and which ceases to be practicable when civilisation a})proaches the limits of the territory to be occu[)ied. In Canada, the tribes have been permitted to dwell among the scenes of their early associations and traditions, on lands reserved from the advan- cing tide of White settlement, and set apart for their use. But this system, though more lenient in its operation than the other, is not unattended with difficulties of its own. The laws en- acted for their protection, and in the absence of which they full an easy prey to the more unscrupulous among their ener- getic neighbours, tend to keep them in a condition of perpetual l)iipillage, and the relation subsisting between them and the Government, which treats them, partly as independent peoples. 158 CANADA. Cn. VI. and partly as infants under its guardianship, involves many anomalies and contradictions. Unless there be some reason- able ground for the hope that they will be eventually absorbed in the general population of the country, the Canadian system is probably destined in the long run to prove as disastrous to them as that of the United States. In 1846 and 1847 the attempt was first made to establish among them industrial boarding schools, in part rupported by contributions from their own funds. If sc- ' of this description be properly conducted, it may, I thi . expected that, among the youth trained at them, a certain proportion at least will be so far civilised, as to be capable of making their way in life without exceptional privileges or restraints. It would be, I am inclined to believe, expedient that any Indian, showing this capacity, should be permitted, after sufficient trial, to receive from the common property of the tribe of which he was a member (on the understanding of course that neither he nor his descendants had thenceforward any claim upon it), a sum equivalent to his interest in it, as a means to enable him to start in indepen- dent life. The process of transition fi-om their present semi- barbarous condition could hardly fail to be pi'omoted by a scheme of this description if it v>'ere judiciously carried out. ii' Eelations with the United States. 7 No sketch of a Governor's life in Canada would be complete which did not contain some account of his relations with the o;reat neighbouring republic. We have seen that, at the beginning of his govern- ment, Lord Elgin's cares w ere increased by threats, and more than threats, of interference on the part of ' sym- pathisers ' from some of the American States ; and that he looked upon the likelihood of lawless inroad, not to speak of the possibility of lawful war, as affording solid reason for England's maintaining a body of troops in the Colony. But it must not be supposed that his attitude towards the Government or people of the States was one of jealousy or hostility. The loyal friendliness of the Government in repressing the intem- perate sympathies of certain of its citizens, he cordially Cn, VI. ' 1850-1854. RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES. 159 Ives many ne rcason- y absorbed ian system lastrous to 1847 the industrial ions from I properly the youth be so fur fe without II inclined capacity, ! from the 3mber (on scendants valent to indepen- ent semi- ;ed by a sd out. oiild be of his govern- ats, and i" ' sym- nd that not to fordinff troops hat his of the 3 loyal intem- >rdially acknowledged ; and with the people lie did his utmost to encourage the freest and friendliest intercourse, Bocial and commercial, not only in order that the irdia- bitants of the two countries might provoke one another to increased activity in the good work of civilisation, but also that they might know and understand one another ; and that he might have in the pul^lic opinion of the United States that intelligent support which he despaired of finding in England, owing to the strange ignorance and indifference which so unfortunately pre- vails there on all colonial subjects. The following letters refe? to some of the occasions on which mutual civilities were interchanged : To Ml'. Crampton, British Minister at Washington. Montreal, May 21, 1849. I am much intlebted to you for your letter of the 10th, Their conveying an intimation of the intentions of the American ^"J^^[ j^""' Government Avith reference to improper interference on the 184'J. part of American citizens in Canadian affairs, Avhich is so honourable to General Taylor and his cabinet. If I should receive any information leading me to believe that any such interference is contemplated, I shall not fail to communicate ■Nvith you at once on the subject. INIy impression is, that there is not at present much to be apprehended on that score ; for, although there is iinhai)pily considerable excitement and irrita- tion in Canada, the subject in dispute' is not one which is likely to conciliate much sympathy among our neighbours. I do not, however, less highly appreciate the good feeling and cordiality evinced by the Executive Government of the United States. To the Earl Grey. Toronto, June 14, 1850. Our expedition to the Welland Canal went off admirably. Mutual the only drawback being that we attempted too much. Mr. courtesios. Merritt, who planned the "'**air, gave it out that we were to pass through the canal, and to touch at Buffalo on our way from Lake Erie to the Falls of Niagara, in one day. On * The Rebellion Losses Bill. 160 CANADA. Cu. VI. Li;.;, ^•1 ! \ i' i i 1 t ] r II : I '. < ■ l< j 1 i } it 1 H 1 i ' \ ] 1 this liint the BufTtilonians made preparations for our reception on the most magnificent scale. ... As might have been ex- pected, however, what with addresses, sj)eeehes, and mishaps of various kinds, such as are to be h)oked for in canal travelling on a large scale (for our party consisted of some three hun- dred), night overtook us before we reached Lake Eric, and JJuffalo had to be given up. I very much regret this, as I fear the citizens were disappointed. Some of our party went there the next day, and were most hospitably received. To the Earl Grey. Toronto, August 10, 1850. Our Session has closed with great edat. On Thursday week our Buffalo friends, with other j)ersons of distinction from different parts of the Union, arrived here, to the number of about two hundred. They were entertained that evening at a ball in the City Hall, which did great credit to the good taste and hospitality of the hosts. Next day there was a review in the forenoon and a fete at \\\y house, which lasted from half-past four to twelve. I succeeded in enabling a party of five hundred to sit down together to dinner ; and, what with a few speeches, fireworks, and dances, I believe I may say the citizens went away thoroughly j)leased.' On Saturday, at noon, many of the party assisted at the prorogation. These matters may seem trivial to you among the graver concerns of state ; nevertheless, I am sanguine enough to hope that the courtesies which have passed this year between the Buffalonians and us will not be without their fruit. The bulk ' Some j-ears afterwards, when speakinpr of these festivities, the Mayor of Hudalo .laid : ' Never shall ' I forget the admirutinn elicited by * Lord Elgin's beautiful speech on ' that occasion. Upon the American 'visitors (who, it must be confessed, * do not looli for tho highest order of * intellect in the appomtees of tho ' Crown) the effect was amusing. A * sterling Yankee friend, while the ' Governor was speaking, sat by my * side, who occasionally gave vent to * his feelings as the speech progressed, * each sentence increasing in beauty * and eloquence, by such approving * exclamations as " He's n glorious ' " fellow ! He ought to be on our side ' " of the line ! "NVe would make him * " mayor of our city I '* As some new * burst of eloquence breaks from the 'speaker's lips, my worthy friend 'exclaims, "Ilow magnilicently ho ' " (allcs! Yes, by George, we'd make "'him governor — governor of the ' " state I " As the noble Earl, by some 'brilliant hit, carries tlie assemblage ' with a full rotind of applause, "Ah ! " 'cries my Yankee friend, with a ' hearty slap on my shoulder, " by * " Heaven, if he were on our side, * " we'd make him President — no- ' " thing less than President ! " ' Cii. vr. nir reception ivc been ex- nd misJia{)s of al travelling three lum- :e Erie, and this, as I party went iived. ist 10, 1850. n Thursday distinction the number hat eveninnr to the good here was a Inch lasted ing a party and, what ieve I may 1 Saturday, on. tlic graver ?h to 1 lope Jtween the The bulk le on our side Id make liim Vs some new •ks from the irthy friend lilicently ho ', we'd make mor of the (irl, by some assemblafre iuse,"Ah!" id, with a ulder, " by n our side, iident — no- nt!" ' IHOO— 18r)4, RELATIONS WITH THE UNITED STATES. 161 of those who came here from Buffalo, including the Mayor — a very able man and powerful speaker — are of the democratic I)arty, and held some years ago very different views from those which they expressed on this visit. They found here the warmest and most co»"^ial welcome from all. Her Majesty's representative not exc pted. But they saw, I venture to say almost with certainty, nothing to lead them to suppose that the Canadians desire to change their political condition : on the contrary, the mention of Her Majesty's name evoked on all occasions the most unbounded enthusiasm ; and there was every appearance of a kindly feeling towards the Governor- General, which the Americans seemed not disinclined them- selves to share. * To render annexation by violence impossible, and by any * other means as improbable as may be,' is, as I have often ventured to rejicat, the polar star of my policy. In these matters, small as they may appear, I believe we have been steering by its light. Again, as respects ourselves. I trust that the effects of this Buffaloniau visit will be very beneficial. I took occasion in my speeches, in a joking way which pro- voked nothing but laughter and good humour, to hint at some of the unreasonable traits in the conduct of my Canadian friends. I am sure that the Ameilcans go home with very correct views as touching our politics, and with the best senti- ments towards myself. It is of very great importance to me to have the aid of a sound public opinion from without, to help me through my difficulties here ; and, as I utterly despair of receiving any such assistance from England (I allude not to the Government but to the public, which never looks at us except when roused by fear ignorantly to condemn), it is of incalculable importance that I should obtain this support from America. In the autumn of 1851, the inhabitants of Boston Boston held a Three Days' Jubilee, to celebrate the completion •^'^^'^*^'^- of various lines of communication, by railroad and steamship, destined to draw closer the bonds of union between Canada and the United States ; and Lord Elgin gladly accepted an invitation to be present. Writing on September 26, 1851, he mentions having 'met ' there all the United States, President included ;' and M 1G2 CANADA. Ch. VI. A I' Spoooh of Mr. Bu- chanan. Ji describes a 'dinner on the Boston Common for 3,500 ' persons, at which many p;ood sj)ceches were made, ' Everett's especially so.' He adds : — Nothing certainly could be more cordial than the conduct of the Bostonians throughout; and there was a scrupulous avoidance of every topic that could ^Yound British or Canadian susceptibilities. To the general harmony and good feeling no one contributed more than Lord Elgin himself, by his general courtesy and affability, and especially by his speeches, full of the happiest mixture of playfulness and earnestness, of eloquence and sound sense, of ardent patriotism with broad international sympathies. ' It ' was worth something,' he wrote afterwards, ' to get the ' Queen of England as much cheered and lauded in New ' England as in any part of Old England ; ' and the reflection faithfully represents the spirit of expansive loyalty which characterised all his dealings with his neighbours of the States. These qualities, added to the reputation of a wise and liberal Governor, won for him an unusual amount of regard from the American pcojde. At a dinner given to him in London, during his short visit to England in the spring of 1854 — a dinner at which the Colonial Secretaries of five different Governments, Lord Mont- eagle, Lord Jolm Kussell, Lord Grey, Sir J. Pakington, and the Duke of Newcastle met to do him honour — no one spoke more warndy or more discriminatingly in his praise than the American Minister, Mr. Buchanan. * Lord Elgin,' he said, ' has solved one of the most difficult problems of statesmansiiip. He has been able, successfully and satisfactorily, to administer, amidst many difficulties, a colonial government over a free pcoj)le. This is an easy task where the commands of a despot are law to his obedient subjects ; but not so in a colony where the people feel that they possess t^e rights and privileges of native-born Britons. Under his c-dightened government Ilcr Majesty's North Cu. VI. 1850—1834. IIKLATIONS AVITII THE UNITED STATES. 163 3S. [or 3,500 )'e made, conduct Icrupulous I Cauadian no one by his by his jicss and ardenfc 'It > get the in New and the qmnsive vitli hib visa and ount of r given land in Jolonial Mont- iugton, ur — no ^ in his n. difficult lissfully Hies, a sy task bcdient el that »ritons. North 1 American provinces have realised the hlessings of a wise, prudent, and prosperous administration ; and we of the neigh- bouring nation, though jcaK)us of our rights, have reason to bo abundantly satisfied with his just and friendly conduct towards ourselves. He has known how to reconcile his devotion to Her Majesty's service with a proper regard to the rights and interests of the kindred and neighbouring people. Would to Heaven we had sui;h governors-general in al' the European colonies in the vicinity of the United States ! ' A signal proof of his popularity and influence in Recipro- Amcrica was given a few months later, on the occasion Treaty, already referred to, when lie visited Washington for the })ur|)()se of negotiating the Keciprocity Treaty ; and, chiefly by the effect of his personal presence, carried through, in a few weeks, a measure which had been in suspense for years. In returning from this vifiit he was received with special honours at Portland, the terminus of the international railway which he had exerted himself so nmcli to promote ; and he used the opportunity not oidy to please and conciliate his entertainers, but also to im])ress them Avith the respect due to the Canadians, as a flourisliing and progressive, above all as a loyal, people. Speaking of the alienation which had existed, a few years earlier, between the Provinces and the States, he said : ^ When i look back to the past, I find what tended in some Speech at degree to create this misunderstanding. In the first place, as ^'°^*'^"'"'^' I believe, the government of these provinces was conducted on erroneous principles, the rights of the people were some- what restrained, and large numbers were prevented from exercising those j)rivileges which belong to a free people. From this arose, very naturally, a discontent on the part of the people of the Provinces, with which the people of the States sympathised. Though this sympathy and this discontent ^vas not always wise, it is not wonderful that it existed. ' The report of liis words is ob- viously inijiorfect, b\it thoir sub- stance is probably given with buITi- cieut uccurncy. US I ,■. II w h 164 CANADA. Cu. VI. What have we now done to put an end to this ? We have cut off the source of all this misunderstanding by granting to the people what they desired — the great principle of self- government. The inhabitants of Canada at this moment exercise an influence over their own destinies and government as complete as do the people of this country. This is the only cause of misunderstanding that ever existed ; and this cannot arise when the circumstances which made them at variance have ceased to exist. The good feeling which has been so fully established between the States and the Provinces has already justified itself by its works. In the British Provinces we have already had many evidences to prove your kindness towards us ; and within the last seven years, more than in any previous seven years since the settlement of the two countries. Let me ask you, who is the worse off for this display of good feeling and fraternal intercourse ? Is it the Canadas ? sir, as the representative of Her Majesty, permit me to say that the Canadians were never more loyal than at this moment. Stan:ling here, on United States ground, beneath that flag under which we are jiroud to live, I repeat that no j)eople was ever more loyal than are the Canadas to their Queen ; and it is the purpose of the present Ministers of Her Majesty's Government to make the people of Catiada so prosperous and happy, that other nations shall envy them their good fortune. This was the last occasion of his addressing American citizens on their own soil ; nor did the course of his after-life bring him often in contact with them. But the personal regard which he had won from them descended, some years later, as a valuable heritage to his brother, Sir Frederick, when appointed to the diffi- cult post of Minister at Washington after the close of the American Civil War.^ ' Tl»6 great abilities of Sir F. Bruce, and the nobility of his cha- racter', fitted him in a singular man- ner fo." tliis post. Tie died suddenly at Boston, on Sertember 19, 18G7, too early for extended fame, but not unrecognised as a public servant of rare value. The Times, which announced his death, after comment- ing on the calamitous fate by which, ' within a period of four years, the * nation had lost the services of three * members of one family, each en- 'dowed with eminent qualilications ' for the important work to wiiich ' they severally devoted their lives,' Cir. VI. 1854. TARTING FROM CANADA. 165 We have 'anting to of self- moment vernment the only IS cannot variance between :lf by its lad many ithin the ars since lisplay of anadas ? le to say moment, that flag 3ople was and it Majesty's reus and fortune. nierican e of his a. But Q them itage to le diffi- close of comment- by which, yenrs, the es of three each en- ilifications to wiiich icir lives,' The parting of Lord Elgin from Canada was spread, Parting so to speak, over several years ; for though he did not Cimada. finally quit its shores till the end of 1854, from 1851 onwards he was continually in expectation of being recalled ; and, towards the end of 1853, he came to England, as we have already seen, on leave of absence. The numerous speeches made, and letters written on the occasion of these different leave-takings, contain ample proof how cordial was the feeling which had gi'own up between the Colony and its Governor. It may be enough to give here two specimens. The first is an extract from a farewell speech at Montreal, listened to with tears by a crowded audience in the very place where, a few years before, he had been so scandalously outraged and insulted.^ For nearly eio;ht years, at the command of our beloved Farawell •^ to Mont- Queen, I have filled this position among you, discharging its real. proceeded thus with regard to the youngest of the three brothers. ' The ' country would have had much ' reason to deplore the death of Sir * Frederick IJruce whenever it had * happened ; but his loss is an especial * misfortune at a time when uego- ' tiations of the utmost intricacy and * delicacy are pending with a Go- * vernment which is not always dis- * posed to approach Great Britain in ' a spirit of generosity and forbear- * ance. Seldom has a citizen of ' another country visited the United * States who possessed so keen an * insight into the political working * of the Great Republic, and at the ' same time ingratiated himself so ' thoroughly with every American * who approached him. . . . Although 'naturally somewhat impulsive in * temperament, he invariable exhi- ' bited entire calmness and self- ' command when the circumstances * of his position led him into trial. . . * This imperturbable temperament ' in all his official relations served * hii.i well on many occasions, from ' the day when ho succeedi'd to the ' laborious duties relinquished by ' Lord Lyons ; but never was it of ' greater advantage than in the pro- * tracted and difficult controversy ' concerning the Alabama claims. * This discussion it fell to the lot of ' Sir F. Bruce to conduct on the part ' of Her Majesty ; and we divulge no ' secret when we state that it was in ' accordance with the late Minister's ' repeated advice and exhortations * that a wise overture towards a set- ' tlement was made by the present * Government. He had succeeded in ' establishing for himself relations of ' cordial friendship with Mr. Seward ' and the President, and probably ' there are few outside the circle of * his own family who will be more ' shocked at the tidings of his death * than the astute and keon-eyed old ' n)an with whom he had sustained ' incessant diplomatic fence.' ' It certamly was not without truth, that one of the local papers most opposed to him remarked that ' Lord ' I'Jgin had, beyond all doubt, a ro- ' nmrkable faculty of turning enemies ' into friends.' 166 CANADA. Cn. VI. I if rill !■ I •• duties, often imperfectly, never carelessly, or with indifFerenco. AVe are all of us aware that the period is rapidly approaching when I may expect to be required by the same gracious authority to resign into other, and I trust worthier, hands, the office of Governor-General, with the heavy burden of responsibility and care which attaches to it. It is fitting, therefore, that we should now speak to each other frankly and without reserve. Let me assure you, then, that the severance of the formal tie which binds us together will not cause my earnest desire for your welfare and advancement to abate. The extinction of an official relationship cannot quench the conviction that I have so long cherished, and by which I have been supported through many trials, that a brilliant future is in store for British North America ; or diminish the interest with which I shall watch every event which tends to the fulfil- ment of this expectation. And again permit me to assure you, that when I leave you, be it sooner or later, I shall carry aAvay no recollections of my sojourn among you except such as are of a pleasing character. I shall remember — and remember with gratitude — the cordial rece| tion I met with at Montreal when I came a stranger among you, bearing with me for my sole recommendation the commission of our Sovcreiiin. I shall re- member those early months of my residence here, when I learnt in this beautiful neighbourhood to appreciate the charms of a bright Canadian winter day, and to take delight in the cheer- ful music of your sleigh bells. I shall remember one glorious afternoon — an afternoon in April — when, looking down from the hill at Monklands, on my return from transacting business in your city, I beheld that the vast plain stretching out before me, which I had alwa} s seen clothed in the wl.ite garb of winter, had assumed, on a sudden, and, as if by enchantment, the livery of spring ; while your noble St. Lawrence, bursting through liis icy fetters, had begun to s})arkle in the sunshine, and to murmur his vernal hymn of thanksgiving to the bounteous Giver of light and heat. I shall remember my visits to your Mechanics' Institutes and Mercantile Library Associations, and the kind attention with which the advice which I tendered to your young men and citizens was received by them. I shall remember the undaunted courage with which the merchants of this city, wliile suffering under the pressure of a conmiercial crisis of almost unparalleled severity, J I Cn. VI. 1854. FAREWET.L TO QUEREC. 167 iffercncc. roachinjj gracious hands, -irden of fitting, nkly and everanco ause my to abate, ench the ih I have future is I interest he fulfil- sure you, rry aAvay ch as are •eniember Montreal r my sole shall rc- n I learnt rnis of a he chcer- 3 glorious )wn from ' business ut before garb of antnient, bursting sunshine, y to the nber my Library le advice received ige with ndcr the severity. 4 I urged forward that great work which was the first step towards placing Canada in her proper position in this age of railway progress. I shall remember the energy and patriotism which gathered together in this city .specimens of Canadian industry, from all parts of the province, for the AVorld's Fair, and which has been the means of rendering this magnificent conception of the illustrious Consort of our beloved Queen more serviceable to Canada than it has, perhaps, proved to any other of the countless communities which have been represented there. And I shall forget — but no — what I might have had to forget o or? is forgotten already ; and therefore I cannot tell you what I shall forget. The remaininf^ extract is from parting words, spoken after a ball which he gave at Quebec on the eve of his final departure in December, 1854. I wish I could address you in such strains as I have some- Farewell times employed on similar occasions, strains suited to a festive toQ"ebec, meeting ; but I confess I have a weight on my heart, and that it is not in me to be merry. For the last time I stand before you in the official character which I have borne for nearly eight years. For the last time I am surrounded by a circle of friends with whom I have spent some of the most pleasant days of my life. For the last time I welcome you as my guests to this charming residence which I have been in the habit of calling my home.' 1 did not, I will frankly confess it, know what it would cost me to break this habit, until the period of my departure approached ; and I began to feel that the great interests which have so long engrossed my attention and thoughts, Avere passing out of my hands. I had a hint of what my feelings really were upon this point — a pretty broad hint too — one lovely ni< truing in June last, when I returned to Quebec after my temporary absence in England, and landed in the Coves below Spencerwood (because it was Sunday, and I did not want to make a disturbance in the town), and when with the greetings of the old people in the Coves who put their heads out of the windows as I passed along, and cried ' Welcome home again,' still ringing in my ears, I mounted the hill and drove through the avenue to the house door. I saw ' Spencorwdod, llie Governor's private resideuco. 168 CANADA. Cn. VI. m the dropping tioes on the lawn, with every one of which I wa3 so familiar, clothed in the tenderest green of spring, and the river beyond, calm and transparent as a mirror, and the ships fixed and motionless as statues on its surface, and the whole landscape bathed in a flood of that bright Ciiuadian sun which 80 seldom pierces our murky atmosphere ou the other side of the Atlantic. I began to think that persons were to be envied who were not forced by the necessities of their position to quit these engrossing interests and lovely scenes, for the purpose of proceeding to distant lands, but who are able to remain among them until they pass to that quiet corner of the Garden of Mount Hermon, which juts into the river and commands a view of the city, the shipping. Point Levi, the Island of Orleans, and the range of Lavvrentine ; so that through the dim watches of that tranquil night, which precedes the dawning of the eternal day, the majestic citadel of Quebec, with its noble train of satellite hills, may seem to rest for ever on the sight, and the low murmur of the waters of St. Lawrence, with the hum of busy life on their surface, to fall ceaselessly or the ear. I cannot bring myself to believe that the future has in store for me any interests which will fill the place of those I am now abandoning. But although I must hence- forward be to you as a stranger, although my official connec- tion with you and your interests will have become in a few days matter of history, yet I trust that through some one channel or another, the tidings of your prosperity and progress may occasionally reach me ; that I may hear from time to time of the steady growth and development of those principles of liberty and order, of manly independence in combination with respect for authority and law, of national life in harmony with British connection, which it has been my earnest endeavour, to the extent of my humble means of influence, to implant and to establish. I trust, too, that I shall hear that this house continues to be what I have ever sought to render it, a neutral territory, on which persons of opposite opinions, political and religious, may meet together in harmony and forget their dif- ferences for a season. And I have good hope that this will be the c^se for several reasons, and, among others, for one which I can barely allude to, for it might be an impertinence in me to dwell upon it. But I think that without any breach of delicacy or decorum I may venture to Sity that many years I 1 ill'. ( 1 mm Cn. VI. 1855. AT HOME. 169 ago, when I was muuJi younger than I am now, and when we stood towards each other in a rehition somewhat diflcrent from that which has recently subsisted between us, I learned to look up to Sir Edmund Head Avith respect, as a gentleman of the highest character, the greatest ability, and the most varied accomplishments and attainments.* And now, Ladies and Gen- tlemen, I have only to add the sad word Farewell. 1 drink this bumper to the health of you all, collectively and indivi- dually. I trust that I may hope to leave behind me some who will look back with feelings of kindly recollection to the period of our intercourse ; some with whom I have been on terms of immediate official connection, whose worth and talents I have had the best means of appreciating, and who could bear witness, at least, if they please to do so, to the spirit, inten- tions, and motives with which I have administered your affairs ; some with whom I have been bound by the ties of per.sonal regard. And if reciprocity be essential to enmity, then most assuredly I can leave behind me no enemies. I am aware that there must be persons in so large a society as this, who think t'' v ' •^v have grievances to complain of, that due consideration 1. ^ in all cases been shown to them. Let them believe me, and they ought to believe me, for the testi- mony of a dying man is evidence, even in a court of justice, let them believe me, then, when I assure them, in this the lust hour of my agony, that no such errors of omission or commis- sion have been intentional on my part. Farewell, and God bless you. The t-wo years whicli followed Lord Elgin's return At homo, from Canada were a time of complete rest from official labour. For though, on the breaking up of Lord Aberdeen's Ministry in the spring of 1'55, he was offered by Lord Palmerston the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, with a seat in the Cabinet, he declined the offer, not on any ground of difference from i| ^ Sir Edmund Hend, who suc- ceeded Lord Elgiu aa (iovernor- Goneral of Canada in 1854, had examined him for a Merton Fellow- fihip in 183.3. Those who knew him will recognise how singularly appro- priate, in their full force, are the terms in which he is here spoken of. 170 AT HOME. Cn. VI. f 1 1 1 1 ■ 1 In tho House of Lurds. Crimpan War. i )M \^ the new Ministry, which he intended to support ; but because, having only recently taken his seat in the House of Lords, after a long term of foreign service, during which he had necessarily held aloof from home politics, he thought it advisable, for the present at least, to remain independent. lie found, however, ample and congenial occupation for his time in the peaceful but industrious discharge of home duties at Broomhall. Still hie thoughts were constantly with the distant Provinces in which he had laboured so long. Whenever ^" appeared in public, whether at a din- ner given in his honour at Dunfermline, or on occasion of receiving the freedom of the city of Glasgow, or in delivering a lecture at the annual opening of the Edinburgh Philosophical Institute — it was with the same desire of turmng to account the knowledge gained abroad, for the advantage of the Colonies, or of the mother-country, or for the mutual benefit of both ; with the same hope of drawing closer the bonds of union between them, and dispelling something of that cloud of ignorance and indifference which has often made the public opinion of Great Britain a hindrance rather than a support to the best interests of her depen- dencies. It was only very rarely that he took any part in the business of legislation ; and of the two occasions on which he was induced to break silence, one was when the interests of Canada appeared to him to be imper- illed by the rumoured intention of Government to send thither large bodies of troops that had just returned from the Crimea. He thought it his duty to protest earnestly against any such proceeding, as likely, in the first place, to complicate the relations of Canada with the United States, and, in the second place, to arrest her progress in self-dependence. The other occasion of his speaking was in May 1855, when Lord Ellenborough had moved an Address to the Cn. VI. isr,ry. TirR CRIMEAN WAR, 171 rt ; but in the service, n home at least, pie and ful but omhall. distant a din- ccasion !:ow, or of the ith the gained of the both ; )nds of of that s often idrarice depen- in the ons on 3 when imper- send turned protest in the 1 with arrest 1855, to the Crown, condemnatory of the manner in whicli the Crimean War had been and was beiiiff conducted. Having been out of Enf^land when hostilities were begun, he had not to consider the (question whether it was a glorious, or even a necessary, war in which we were engaged ; and his one feeling on the subject was tliJit which he had previously expressed to the citizens of Glasgow. My ()i)inion (he tlien said) [on the question of the war] I can easily state, and I have no hesitation in avowing it. I say that now we are in the war, we must fight it out like men. I don't say, throw away the scahhard ; in the first place, because I dislike all violent mctajthors ; and, in the second j)lace, because the scahhard is a very useful instrument, and the sooner we can use it the better. But I do say, having drawn the sword, don't sheathe it until the purpose for which it was drawn is accomplished. In the same spirit he now defended the Ministry against Lord Ellenborough's attack ; not on party grounds, which he took pains to repudiate, but on what he conceived to be the true patriotic principle — viz. to strengthen, at such a time, the hands of the existing Government, unless there be a distinct prospect of replacing it by a stronger. After mentioning that he had not long before in- formed Lord Palmerston, that ' while he was resolved ' to maintain an independent position in Parliament, it ' was nevertheless his desire and intention, subject to ' that qualification and reserve, to support the Govern- ' mcnt,' he proceeded : I formed this resolution not only because I had reason to believe that on questions of public policy my sentiments would generally he found to be in accordance with those of the pre- sent Government, nor yet only because I felt I owed to the noble Viscount himself, and many at least of his colleagues, a debt of ohligation for the generous support they uniformly gave me at critical [jcriods in the course of my foreign career ; r I 1 1 I'll \ i I 1 1 i 1 1' 1 1 i 1 ' i ^r il 1 , , f j.i ■ c 1 I 1 1 172 AT HOME. Cn. VI. but also, and principally, because in the critical position in which this country was j)liicc{l — at a time when we had only recently presented to the astonished eye of Europe the dis- creditable spectacle of a jrreat country left for weeks Avithout a Government, and a pojndar and estimable ^lonarch left with- out councillors, during a period of great national anxiety and peril; when there was hardly a household in England where the voice of wailing was not to be heard, or an eye which was not heavy with a tear — it appeared to me, I say, under such circumstances, to be the bounden duty of every patriotic man, who had not some very valid and substantial reason to assign for adopting a contrary course, to tender a frank and generous support to the Government of the Queen. Having come to that determination, he had now to ask himself whether circumstances were so altered as to make it his duty to revoke the pledge sponta- neously given ? To this conclusion he could not bring himself. It seems to me (he said) these Resolutions divide themselves naturally into two parts. The first part has reference to what I may call the general policy of the Government with respect to the war; and that portion of them is conceived in strains of eulogy and commendation — I may almost say in strains of exultation. The Resolutions speak of firm alliances, of bro- therhood in arms, of a sympathetic and enthusiastic people ; but not a word of regret for national friendships of old stand- ing broken — desolation carried into thousands of happy homes — Europe in arms — Asia agitated and febrile — America sul- lenly expectant. This exuberance of exultation, he said, was amply met by the exuberance of denunciation which charac- terises the latter part of the Address ; but it was to his mind even less just than the former. But even (he continued) if I could bring myself to believe, which I have failed in doing, that censure might be passed in the terms of these Resolutions upon Her Majesty's present Government without injustice, I should still be unwilling to I i - ,1 . t\ < i ill 1 ' ' a 1 1 1 ■ 1 i\ 1 m\ 1- "A ^ ^l^ 1855, SPEECH IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS. 173 ! 1 concur in them, unless I could finfl some better security than either the Resolutions themselves afford, or, as I regret to be obliged to add, the antecedents and recorded sentiments of Noble Lords opposite afford, that by bringing about the change of administration which these llesolutions are intended to promote, I should be doing a benefit to the public service. My Lords, I cannot but think that at a time when it is most important that the Government of this country should have weight and influence abroad, frequent changes of administra- tion are prima facie most objectionable. I happened to be upon the Continent when the last change of Government in this country took place ; and I must say it appeai'ed to me, that a most painful impression was created in foreign states with respect to the instability of the administrative system of this country by these frequent changes of administration. I do tliink, indeed, that not the least of the many calamities which this war has brought upon us is the fact, that it has had a tendency in many quarters to throw discredit on that con- stitutional system of Government of which this country has hitherto been the type and the bright example among the nations. After all, what is chiefly valuable to nations as well as to individuals, and the loss of which alone is irreparable, is cha- racter ; and it appears to me that, viewed in this light, many of the other calamities which we have had to deplore during the course of this war have been already accompanied by a very large and ample measure of compensation. To take, for 'nstance, the military departments : notwithstanding the com- j)laints we have heard of deficiencies in our military organisa- tion, I believe we can with confidence affirm, that the character of the British soldier, both for moral qualities and for powers of \ ical endurance, has been raised by the instrumentality of tin. war to an elevation which it had never before attained. In spite of the somewhat unfavourable tone which, I regret to say, has been adopted of late by a portion of the press of America, I have myself seen in influential journals in that country commentaries upon the conduct of our soldiers at Alma, at Balaklava, and at Inkerman, which no true-hearted En^rlishman could read without emotion : and I have heard a tribute not less generous and not less unqualified borne to the IMAGE EVALUATION TEST TARGET (MT-3) 7 /^^<^ 1.0 I.I 1.25 111 U2 g2.2 £ US 12.0 1.4 M ^ 4^ m ^^ :\ \ 174 AT HOME. Cu. \J. qualities of our troops by eminent persons belonging to that great military nation with which we arc now so happily allied. To look to another quarter — to contemj)late another class of virtues not less essential than those to which I have referred to the happiness and glory of nations — I have heard from en- thusiastic, even bigoted, votaries of that branch of the Christian Church which sometimes prides itself as having alone retained in its system room for the exercise of the heroic virtues of Christianity, — I say I have frequently heard from them the frank admission, that the hospitals of Scutari have proved that the fairest and choicest flowers of Christian charity and devotion may come to perfection even in what they are pleaised to call the arid soil of Protestantism. But, my Lords, can we flatter ourselves with the belief that the character of our statesmen, of our public men, and of our Parliamentary institutions has risen in a like proportion ? Is it not, on the contrary, notorious that doubts have been created in quarters where such doubts never existed before as to the practical efficiency of our much- vaunted constitution, as to its fitness to carry us unscathed through periods of great difficulty and danger ? I believe, my Lords, that there is one process only, but that a sure and cer- tain process, by which these doubts may be removed. It is only necessary that public men, whether connected with the Government or with the Opposition, whether tied in the bonds of party or holding independent positions in Parliament, should evince the same indifference to small and personal motives, the same generous patriotism, the same disinterested devotion to duty, which have characterised the services of our soldiers in the field, and of the women of England at the sick-bed. And, my Lords, I cannot help asking in conclusion, if — which God forbid — it should unhappily be proved that, in those Avhom fortune, or birth, or royal or popular favour has placed in the van, these qualities are wanting, who shall dare to blame the press and the peo])le of England, if they seek for them else- where ? From the tone of this speech it will be seen that Lord Elgin had not at this time joined either of the two parties in the State. He was, in truth, still feeling his way through the mazes of home politics to which ( II I Cn. VI. 1865. AT HOME. 175 he had been so long a stranger, and from which, as he himself somewhat regretfully observed, those an- cient landmarks of party had been removed, * which, if *not a wholly sufficient guide, are yet some sort of * direction to wanderers in the political wilderness.' While he was still thus engaged, events were happening at the other cads of the earth which were destined to divert into quite another channel the current of his life. ■* i \t- V lit M I ■ .,:• fli T ,, i'li i'Ki M u 170 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. VII. CHAPTER VII. FIRST MISSION TO CHINA.— PRELIMINAHIES. ORIGIN OF Tlir MISSION — APPOINTMENT OF LORD ELOIN — MALTA — EGYPT CEYLON — NEWS OF THE INDIAN MUTINY — PENANG — SINMiAPOUE DIVER- SION OF TROOPS TO INDIA — ON HOARD TUE '.SHANNON* — HONG-KONG — CHANGE OK PLANS — CALCUTTA AND LORD CANNING — RETURN TO CHINA PERPLEXITIES — CAPRICES OF CLIMATE ARRIVAL OF DARON GROS — PREPARATION FOR ACTION. * The earlier incidents of the political rupture with ' the Chinese Commissioner Yeh, whicli occurred at ' Canton during the autumn of 1856, and which led to ' the appointment of a Special Mission to China, were * too thoroughly canvassed at the time to render it ' necessary to renew here any discussion on their merits, * or recall at length their details. As the " Arrow " case ' derived its interest then from the debates to which it ' gave rise, and its effects on parties at home, rather than ' from any intrinsic value of its own, so does it now ' mainly owe its importance to the accidental circum- ' stance, tliat it was the remote and insignificant cause ' which led to a total revolution In the foreign policy ' of the Celestial Empire, and to the demolition of most ' of those barriers which, while they were designed to ' restrict all intercourse from without, furnished the * nations of the West with fruitful sources of quarrel and * perpetual grievances.' These words form the preface to the ' Narrative ' of the Earl of Elgin's Mission to China and tJapan,' by Laurence Oliphant, then private secretary to Lord Elgin. To that work we must refer our readers for a I' f Cn. VII. lho(J. URKJIX OF TIIK MISSION. 177 ss. —EGYPT — E DIVEB- tONCi-KONO TO CHINA N GKOS rc with rred at li led to la, were jider it merits, IT " case k^hich it er than it now ;ircum- t cause policy )f most ned to ed tlic rel and rrativc an,' by Lord s for a full and complete, as well as autlicsntic, account of the occurrences which i^ave occasion to the followinin registered as a British vessel, juid carrying a British Mission. lla«^, was boarded by the authorities of Canton, the flag t<»rn down, and the crew carried away as i)risoners. Such was i\\v. Kngli.^h account. The Chinese denied that any Hag was flying at the time of the capture: the Briti^h ownership of the vessel, they maintained, was never more than colourai>le, and had expired a month before : the crew were all their own subjects, appre- hended on a charge of piracy. The I'.nglish authorities refused to listen to this. They insisted on a written ajjology for the insult to their flag, and the formal restitution of the cai)tured sailors. And when these demands were refused, or incompletely ful filled, they sunnnoned the fleet, in the hope that a moderate amount of j)ressure would lead to the required concessions. Shortly after, finding arms in their hands, they thought it a good oj)})ortunity to enforce the fulfilment of certain 'long-evaded treaty 'obligations,' including the right for all foreign repre- sentatives of free access to the authorities and the city of Canton, ^^'ith this view, fort after fort, suburb after suburb, was taken or demolishetl. But the Chinese, after their maimer, Avould neither yield nor fight ; and contented themselves with offering large rewards for the head of every Englishman. \\'iien this state of matters was reported to England, it was brought before the House of Commons on a motion by Mr. Cobden, condenmatory of ' the violent ' measures resorted to at Canton in the late affair of the ' " Arrow." ' The motion, supported by Mr. Gladstone in one of his splendid bursts of rhetoric, was carried against the (Jcvernment by a majority of sixteen, in a full and excited house, on the morning of February 26, 1857. N I i 178 FIHST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. VII. I i I .\ V. Appoint- ment of Lortl Elgin. But Lord Palinerston refused to accept the adverse vote as exprcs.sing the will of the people. He appealed to the constituencies, candidly telling the House that, pending that a})peal, ' there would be no change, and ' could be no change, in the policy of the Government ' with respect to event.s in China.' At the same time he intimated that a special Knvoy would be sent out to 8U|)ersede the local authorities, armed with full powers to settle the relations between Kngland and China on a broad and solid basis. But where was the man who, at a juncture so critical, in face of an adverse vote of the House of Commons, on the chance of its being rescir.ded by the country, could be trusted with so delicate a mission ; who could be relied on, in the conduct of such an expe- dition apninst a foe alike stubborn and weak, to go far enough, and yet not too far — to carry his point, by diplomatic .skill and force of character, with the least possible infringement of the laws of humanity ; a man with the ability and resolution to insure success, and the native strength that can afford to be merciful ? After ' anxious deliberation,' the choice of the Govern- ment fell u^Mju Lord Elgin. How, on the voyage to China, he was met half-way by the news of the Indian ^lutiny; how promptly and magnanimously he took on himself the responsibility of sacrificing the success of his own expedition by divert- ing the troops from China to India ; how, after many weary months of enforced inactivity, the ex[)edition was resumed, and carried through numberless thwartings to a successful issue — these are matters of history Avith which every reader nuist be acfpiainted. But those who are most familiar with the events may find an interest in the following extracts from j)rivate letters, written at the time by the chief actor in the drama. They are taken almost exclusively from a Journal, in which his first thoughts and impressions on Cii. VII. 1857 MALTA. KrJYI'T. 170 rsc vote 'alcd to ic that, i^e, niul irniucnt ne time t out to ])OW(.'rs liiuu uu critical, inmons, ■ountiy, I ; Avlio n expe- • <^o far )int, by tie least ; n man ss, and jrcitul ? jovern- nlf-way tly and )ility of divert- L* many ion was jirtings history . l?ut ay find private in the rom a ons on jtt every passinp^ occurrence were hurricdh- noted down, from day to day, for transmission to Lady Kl^^in. I/.Jf.S. * Cnrmloc.^ — Mai/2/n!. — I have just returned to my Malta, sliip after speiulinj; ii few hours on shore and visiting Lonl Lyons in his niii<;nifieent Prinee Albert. . . . How heuutii'ul Malta is with its narrow streets, gorj^eous ehurches, and iniprennahle fortifications. I landed at ahont six, and walked u|> to the Palace, and wrote ujy name in the (iovernor's l)ook, who resides out of town. I then took a turn through the town, and went to the inn to breakfast. . . . Py way of Clmnco conversation Avith the waiter, I asked who were in the house: °""'""8«- ' Only two families, one of them Lord Ualgonie' and his sisters.' I saw the ladies first, and, at a later hour, their brother, in his bed. Poor fellow I the hand of death is only too visibly upon him. There he lay ; his arm, absolutely fieshless, stretched out : his large eyes gleaming from his pale face. I couhl not dare to offer to his broken-hearted sisters a word of comfort. These poor girls! how I felt for them ; alone I with their brother in such a state. They go to ^larseilles by the next oj)portunity, probably by the packet which will convey to you this letter, and they h(t[»e that their mother will meet them there. What a tragedy ! . . . 1 had been i/icof/. at the hotel till Sir W. Keid ^ found me there. When the innkeeper learned who 1 was, he was in despair at my having been put into so small a rooui, and informed me that he was the son of an old servant at Prooinhall, Hood by name, and that he had often played with me at cricket I How curious are these strange rciicoufrcs in life I They put me in mind of Heber's image, who says that we are like travellers journeying through a dense wood intersected by innumerable paths : we are con- stantly meeting in unexpected places, and plunging into the forest again ! Ahxandria. — Mntf Gth. — I made up ray letter la.st night, not knowing how short the time of my sojourn at Alexandria might be. Put at about one in the morning I received a letter from Frederick,' telling me that the steamer due at Suez had not yet arrived, that an official reception was to be given ' One of bis Fifeshire neighbours. ' The (Jtivfrnor iif the i.slnnd. ' Ilia brother, then Ci)ii.sul-gonoraI of Efrypt. >• -2 '/ 180 FIHST MISSION TO flllNA. Cii. VII. : I i*!! M 'li iif AIox- uiidria. mo, and that 1 had hotter not land too early. . . . Notwith- standing whieh, washing decks, the morning gnn, and a hriglit 8un, broke my slunihers at an early hour, and I got up and dressed soon after dayhreak. At about 6.30 a.m. a boat t>f the l*aeha'ej, with a dignitary (who turned out to be a very gentleman-like Frei "hman), arrive«l, and from him I learnt that the Governor of Alexandria, with a cortege of tlignitariea and a carriage and four, was already at the shore awaiting my arrival ; but Frederick did not come till about half-past nine, and it was nearly ten before I landed. I was then conducted by the authorities t(» the palace in which I am now writing, consisting of suites <»f very handsome rooms, and commanding a magniHcent view of the sea. About a dozen attendants are loitering about and watching every movement, not curiously, but in order to supply any pos- sible want. At this very moment a mild-looking Turk is peeping into my bed-room where I am writing this letter, and supposing that 1 may wish ti) be undisturbed, has drawn a red cloth portiere across the open doorway. This palace, which is set apart for the reception of distinguished strangers, is situated in the Turkish quarter of the town, and all the houses around are inhabited by Mussulmans. The windows arc all covered with latticed wooden shutters, through which the wretched women may, I suppose, peer sis they do through the grating at the House of Comujons, but which are at least as impermeable to the mortal eye from without. The streets are very em})ty, as it is the liaunidan, during which devout Turks fast and sleep throughout the day, and indemnify themselves by eating, drinking, and amusing themselves all night. Cairo. — Mai/ 7th. — Most of yesterday afternoon was sj)ent in drinking coffee and smoking long pipes, two ladies par- taking of the latter enjoyment after dinner at Mr. Green's. One of them told me that she had dined with the Princess (the Pacha's wife) a few days ago. She went at seven and left at half-past twelve, and with the exception of a half hour of dinner, all the rest of the time was spent in smoking and drinking coffee. After dinner, the mother of the Pacha's only child came in and joined the party. She was treated with a certain consideration as being the mother of this child, although she was not given a pipe. The Princess seemed on very good terms with her. This child (a boy three years old) has an ('II. VII. 1M67. KCJYPT. 181 Notwitli- il a )iriit. The mother, who has picked up a little English from the nurse, said to Mrs. Green, ' I am very unlia]>py ; yntiuj Pocha^ (her boy) ' is going nway.' The m )ther is no more thought of in this arratifjcmcnt than 1 am. What a strange svstein it is ! . . . We passed through the wonderful Delta to-/. of pocket-money. Yet 1 suppose that the Fellahs, owing to their own industry, and the incomparable fertility of the country, are not badly off as compared with the peasantry elsewhere. We pa.sscd, at one of our stopj)ing-j»ljices between Cairo and Suez, part of a Turkish regiment on their way to Jcddah. These men were dressed in a somewhat European costume, some of them with the (Queen's medal on their breasts. There was a harcem, in a sort of omnibus, with them, contain- inir the establishment of one of the otticcrs. One ol' the ladies dropped her veil for a moment, and 1 saw rather a pretty face; ahno.'it the only Mahonnnedan female face 1 have seen since 1 have reached this continent. They arc much more rigorous, it apj)ears, with the ladies in Kgypt than at Constantinople. There they wear a veil which is quite transj)arcnt, and go about shopping: but in Kgypt they seem to go very little out, and their veil completely hides everything but the eyes. In the ])alace which 1 visited near Cairo (and which the I'acha ottered, if we had chosen to take it), I looked through some of the grated windows allowed in the hareems, and 1 su[)pose that it must require a good deal of practice to see comfortably out of them. It appears that the persons who ascend to the top of the minarets to call to prayer at the appointed hours are blind men, and that the blind are selected for this office, lest they should be able to look down into the hareems. That is cer- tainly carrying caution very far. Stcu III ship ' Bciitinch,^ off Sorntrn. — Mai/ 19//*. — I left my last letter at Aden. We landed there at about four r.M., 5 i 1857. A1»EN. 183 under a salute from an Indian niau-of-war slooj) and tlio fort, to whieh latter phu'e 1 was conveyed in a carriaj^c which the (iovcrnor went for me. It was most fearfully hot. The hills are rugj^ed and grand, but wholly barren ; not a sign of V('getati<)n, and the vertical rays of a tropical sun beating upon them. The whole plaoe is comprised in a drive around the hills of some three or four miles, beyond which the iiduibitants cannot stray without the risk of being seized by the Arabs. I cannot cttnceive a more dreary spot to dwell in, though the Governor assured me that the troops are healthy. He received me very civilly, and insisted that I should remain with him until the steamer sailed, which involved leaving his abode (the canton- ment) at about half-past three in the morning. He took me to see some most extraordinary tanks whicli he has recently dis- covered, and which must have been constructed with great care and at great expense, at some remote period, in order to collect the rain-water which falls at rare intervals in torrents. These tanks are so constructed that the overflow of the upper one fills the lower, and in this way, when the fall is considerable, a great quantity can be gathered. They were all filled with rubbish, and it is very possible that there may be many besides these which have been already discovered, but when they are clcai'ed out they are in perfect preservation. Some of them are of great capacity, and it is difficult to understand how they come to have been filled up so completely. The Governor told me that he had, a few months before, driven in his gig over the largest, which I went with him to see. At that time he had no idea of its existence. May 22nd.- -As each of these wearisome days passes, I can- Gloomy not help being more and more determined that, in so far as it prosp^cu, rests with me, this voyage shall not have been made for nothing. However, the issues are in higher hands. Sundajf, 24t/i. — We are now told we shall reach Ceylon in two days. ... I have got dear Bruce's * large speaking eyes beside me while I am writing, and mine (ought I to confess it) are very dim, while all these thoughts of home crowd upon me. There is nothing congenial to me in my present life. I have no elasticity of 8})irits to keep up with the younger people around me. It may be better when the work begins ; but I His eldest son. p^ v.\ 11 I \\\ 11 ' i \''* I I f I I )ii I ' 184 FIUST MISSION TO CHINA. Cu. VII. First nowH of tho Indiiin Mutiny. cannot be saiijj;iiinc even as to tliat, for tlie more I rend of the blue-books and papers with wliicli I have bi-en furnished, the more embarrassing tlic ([ucstions with which I have to (kal appear. It was lit Ceylon tliat lie ciuijrht tlie first ominous niutterinny-back as much more up it, through a dense tropical vegetation which reminded me of my .Jamaica days. At the end of the ride we arrived at the Government bungalow, and found one of the most magnificent views I ever witnessed ; in the foreground this tropical luxu- riance, and beyond, far below, the glistening sea studded with ships and boats innumerable, over which again the Malay })eninsula with its varied outline. I had hardly begun to ad- mire the scene, when a gentleman in a blue flannel sort of dress, with a roughish beard and a cigar in his mouth, made his ap- pearance, and was j)rcscnted to me as the Bishop of Labuan ! He was there endeavouring to recruit his health, which has suffered a good deal. He complained of the damp of the climate, while adnrltting its many charms, and seemed to think that he owed to the dampness a very bad - 'd by which he was afHicted. Soon afterwards his wife 'lincii us. They were both at Sarawak when the last trou ACi. )k place, and must have had a bad time of it. The Chinese ' mved well to them; indeed they seemed desirous to make tl Bishop their leader. His converts (about fifty) were stanch, and he has a school at which about the same number of Chinese bovs are educated. These facts pleaded in his favour, and it says something for the Chinese that they were not insensible to these claims. They committed some cruel acts, but they certainly might have committed more. They respected the women except one (Mrs. C, whom they wounded severely), and they stuck by the Bishop until they found that he was trying to bring Brooke back. They then turned upon him, and he had to run for his life. The Bishop gave me an interesting description of his school of Chinese boys. He says they are much n >re like English boys than other Orientals : that when a new boy comes they generally get up a fight, and let him earn his place I i I Cu. VII. 18r,7. 1)IVE«SI()N OF TIJOOPS. 187 by his prowess. But there is no managing them Avithout pretty severe panishinent,s. Indeed, he says that if a boy be in iault the others do not at all like his not being well punished ; they seem to think that it is an injustiee to the rest it' this is omitted. I am about to do with a strange people ; so much to admire in them, and yet with a perversity of disposition which makes it absolutely necessary, if you are to live with them at all, to treat them severely, sometimes almost cruelly. They have such an overweening esteem for themselves, that they become unbearable unless they are constantly reminded that others are as gootl as they. . . . The Bishoj) seemed to think that it would be a very good thing if the Rajah were to go home for a time, and leave the government to his nephew, Avhom he praises much. . . . When we came down from the mountain we went to the house of the Resident on the shore, and there I found all the world of Penang assembled to meet me ; among them a quantity of Chinese in full mandarin costume. It Avas not easy, under the circumstances, to make conversation for them, but it was impossible not to be pleased with their good- humoured faces, on which there rests a perpetual grin. We hud a grand * s})read,' in which fresh fish, mangostecn, and a horrible fruit whose name I forget {doriaii), but whose smell I shall ever remember, played a cons|)icuous part. After l)reak- fast Ave returned to our ship to be broiled for about an hour, then to bathe, and noAv (after that I have inserted these Avords in my journal to you) to finish dressing. June 'Srd. — tlust arrived at Singapore. Urgent letters from Canning to send him troops. I have not a man. ' Shannon' not arrived. Sintjnpore. — June 5th. — I am on land, Avhich is at any rate one thing gained. But I am only about eighty miles from the equator, and about tA\'o hundred feet above the level of the sea. The Java Avind, too, is bloAving, Avhich is the hot Avind in these quarters, so that you may imagine Avluit is the condition of my pores. I sent my last letter innncdiately after landing, and had little time to add a Avord from land, as I found a press of business, and a necessity for Avriting to Claren- don by the mail ; the fact being, that I received letters from Canning, imploring me to send troops to him from the number destined for China. As we have no troops yet, and do not well know Avhen Ave may have any, it was not exactly an easy Singapore. 188 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cii. VII. M! I i ! 1^ 1 fl fi ■ ill H p >>•_ Diversion matter to comply with this request. However, I did what I of troops to couhl, ami, in concert with the General, have sent instructions far and wide to turn the transports back, and give Canning the benefit of the troops for the moment. The iiTuwrtunce of the deterniination, thus simply announced, can hardly be exaggerated. ' Tell Lord Elgin,' wrote Sir AVilliani Peel, the heroic leader of the celebrated Naval Brigade, after the neck of the re- bellion was broken, ' tell Lord Elgin that it was the ' Chinese Expedition that relieved Lucknow, relieved ' Cawnpore, and fought the battle of the Otli December.' Nor would it be easy to praise too highly the large and patriotic spirit Avhich moved the heads of the Expedi- tion to an act involving at once so generous a renunci- ation of all selfish hopes and prospects, and so bold an assumption of responsibility. Proofs were not want- ing afterwards that the sacrifice was appreciated by the Queen and the country ; but these were necessarily deferred, and it was all the more gratifying, therefore, to Lord Elgin to receive, at the time and on the spot, the following cordial expressions of a[)proval from a distinguished public servant, with whom he was him- self but slightly acquainted — Sir H. Ward, then Go- vernor of Ceylon : — ' You may think me impertinent in volunteering an * opinion upon what in the first instance only concerns * you and the Queen and Lord Canning. But having * seen something of public life during a great part of my 'own, which is now fast verging into the ''sere and ' '' yellow leaf," I may venture to say that I never knew ' a nobler thing tlian that which you have done in prefer- ' ring the safety of India to the success of your Chinese ' negotiations. If I know anything of English public ' opinion, this single act will place you higher, in general ' estimation as a statesman, than your whole past career, ' honourable and fortunate as it has been. For it is not Cri. VTI. 185? SINGAPORE. 189 id what I structions nning the 3 simply ill Lord er of the the re- was the relieved cember.* irge and Expedi- renunci- bold an t want- ated by lessarily lerefore, le spot, from a lis him- icn Go- rmg an oncerns having b of my re and r kneAv prefer- 'hinese public general career, is not * every man who would venture to alter the destination of ' a force upon the despatch of which a Parliament has been * dissolved, and a Government might have been super- * seded. It is not every man who would consign himself ' for many months to political hiaction in order simply to ' serve the interests of his country. You have set a briglit ' example at a moment of darkness and calamity; and, if ' India can be saved, it is to you that we shall owe its ' redemption, for nothing short of the Chinese expedi- ' tion could have supi)lied the means of holding our ' ground until further reinforcements are received.' For the time the disappointment was gi*eat. His occupation was gone, and with it all hope of a speedy end to his labours. Six weary months he waited, powerless to act and therefore powerless to negotiate, and feeling tha^ every week's delay tended to aggravate the difficulties of the situation in China. Singapore. — Jniw 5th. — It is, of course, difficult to conjecture how this Indian business may affect us in China, and I shall await our next news from India with no little anxiety. Await it, I say, for there is no prospect of rny uetting on from here at present. There is no word of the ' Shaunou/ and till she arrives I am a fixture. June 6th. — This morning the Governor took me on foot to Convict es- the convict establishment, at which some 2,500 murderers, &c., *"^^*^'*" 1110 lit* from India are confined, and some fifty women, who are gene- rally, after about two years of penal servitude, let out on con- dition that they consent to marry convicts. I cannot say that their ap|)earance made me envy the convicts much, although some of them were perhaps better-looking than the women one meets out of the prison. In truth, one meets very few women at all, and those that one sees are far from attractive. Ah reste, the convicts go about apparently very little guarded, Avith a chain round the waist and each leg. The church, which Ave afterwards visited, is rather an imjwsing edifice, and is being built by convict labour, at the cost of the Indian Government. June Sth. — This morning I visited, in my walk, some of the Opium- horrid opium-shops, which we are supposed to do so much to ^'^"P"- 190 FIItST MISSION TO CIIIXA. Cn. VII. '.fh I }' I Captain Peol. Ip;norance of tho Cliinoso languiig(\ ft i -w-s . H; 1 1 encourage. They arc wretched dark places, with little lanii)s, in which the smokers light their pipes, glimmering on the shelves made of boards, on which they recline and pufF until they fall asleep. The opium looks like treacle, and the smokers are haggard and stupefied, except at the moment of inhaling, when an unnatural lu-ightness sparkles from their eyes. Alter escaping from these horrid dens, I went to visit a Chinese merchant who lives in a very good house, and is a man of con- siderable wealth. He speaks English, and never was in China, havinj; been born in Malacca. I had tea, and was introduced to his mother, wife, and two boys and two girls. • He intends to send one of his sons to England for education. He de- nounces opium and the other vices of his countrymen, and their secret societies. All the well-to-do Chinese agree in this, but they have not moral courage to come out against them. In- deed, I suppose they could hardly do so without great risk. . . . Alas I still no sign of the ' Shannon.' Jime llth. — At half-past four this morning the 'Shannon' arrived. Captain Peel came up to breakfast. He has made a (piick passage, as he came almost all the way under canvas: such were his orders from the Admiralty. He says that his ship is the fastest sailer he has ever been on board of; that he has the best set of officers ; in short, all is very cheery with him. I told him I sliould not start till after the arrival of the steamer from England, and he requires that time to get ready, as it appears that he had only twelve hours' notice that he was to take me when he left England. On Tuesday, at noon, the Chinese arrived with an address to me. I had a rejdy pre- pared, which was translated into jNIalay, and read by a native. It is a most extraordinary circumstance that, in this place, where there are some 60,000 or 70,000 Chinese, and where the Europeans are always imagining that they are })lotting. Sec, there is not a single European who can speak their language. No doubt this is a great source of misunderstanding. The last row, which did ?iot end in a massacre, but Avhich might have done so, originated in the receipt of certain ])olice regulations from Calcutta. These regulaticms were ill translated, and published after Christmas Day. The Chinese, believing that they authorised the police to enter their houses at all periods, to interfere with their amusements at the New Year, &c., shut u]) their shops, which is their constitutional mode of expressing Cn. vir. ISo'i SIXGAI'OHE. 191 tie lamps, g on the pufF until e smokers iiihaliiijr, S8. After Chinese m of con- in China, itrodueed B intends He de- and their this, but L'in. In- eat risk. shannon' tas made canvas : that liis that he cry witli al of the ?t ready, that lie at noon, ply pre- i native. 5 place, icre the i\ir. Sec, ii^niage. riie last 'it have dations d, and ng that periods, 7., shut ressuiir dissatisfaction. It was immediately inferred in certain quarters that the Chinese intended, out of sympathy with the Cantonese, to murder all the Europeans. Luckily the Governor thought it advisable to explain to them what the obnoxious ordinances really meant before proceeding to exterminate them, and a few hours of explanation had the effect of inducing them to re-open their shops, and go on quietly with their usual avocations. Jui:t the same thing happened at Penang. There too, because the Chinamen showed some disinclination to obey regulati(»ns of police which interfered with their amusements and habits, a plot against the Europeans was immediately suspected, and great indignation expressed because it was not put down Avith v/f/nur f June XTtth. — I have just been interrupted to go and see the Tho Sultan of Johore. These princes in this country, find indeed j"i,'"j"° all over the East, are spoilt from their childhood, all their passions indulged and fostered by their parents, who say, ' What is the use of being a prince, if he may not have more * ghee, &c. &c. than his neighbours ? ' I do not see what can be done for them. At the school I visited this morning are two sultan's sons (of Queddah), but they were at home for some holidays, when they will probably be ruined. During my morning's walk I heard something; like the sound of a school in a house adjoining, and I proposed to enter and inspect. T found an establishment of Freres chri'tinis, and one of them Fwe? (an Irishman J claimed acquaintance, as having been with Bishop <'*'''^'<"'*- Phelan when he visited me in Canada. We struck up a friend- ship accordingly, and I told him that if there were any Soeurs I should like to see them. He introduced me to the Vicar Apostolic, a Frenchman, and we went to the establishment of the Scenrs. I found the Sujit-rifure a very superior person, Saurs. evidently with her heart in the work, and ready for any fate to which it might expose her, but quiet and cheerful. I told her that a devout lady in Paris had expressed a fear that my mission to China would put an end to martyrdom in that country. She smiled, and said that she thought there would always be on this earth martyrdom in abundance. The Sisters educate a number of orphan girls as well as others. All the missionary zeal in these quarters seems to be among the French priests. Some one once said that it was not wonderful that young men took away so nuich learning from Oxford as ^r 11)2 FIItST MISSION TO CIUNA. Cn. VIL I Viow from iSingaiM)re. f-, \ t- i On board the ' Shannon.' they left so little beliiiul them. The same may, I think, be said of the French religion. It seems all intended for ex- portation. Jime 1 5th. — I see from my window that a French steamer has just come into the harbour and dropped her anchor. This reminds me that I have not yet told you what I see from this window — if 1 may apply the term window to a row of Venetian blinds runninjj all round the house or bungalow, for this residence is not dignified by the title * house.' I am on an eminence about 200 feet above the sea ; immediately below me the town ; on one side a number of houses with dark red roofs, surrounded with trees, looking very like a flower-garden, and confirming me in my opinion of the beauty of such roofs when so situated ; on the other, the same red-roofed houses u'if/iotit frees, which makes all the diflPerence. lieyond, the harbour, or rather anchorage, filled Avith ships, the mighty ' Shannon' in the centre — a triton among the minnows. Beyond, again, a wide opening to the sea, with lowish shores, rocky, and covered with wood, running out on either side. Such is the prospect ever before me, a very fine one during the day, still more interesting at night Avhen it all sparkles with lights, and the great tropical moon looks cahnly down on the whole. II. M. S. 'S/iaiifioii.'' — June 24th. — I daresay you will consider me an object of envy when I describe to you where I am,— > i board of a magnificent shii)-of-war, carrying sixty 68-pounders, our foremjist and mainmast sails set, and gliding through the water with just motion enough to tell us that the pulse of the great sea is beating. The temperature of the air is high, but the day is somewhat ch>udy, and the sails throw a shadow on the deck. The only thing I regret is, that having no poop, the high bulwarks close us in and shut out both the air and prospect. One can only get these by climbing up on a sort of standing-[)lace on the side. . . . Our departure from Singapore was Acry striking. . . . Not only were all the troops and volunteers under arms, with Chinamen and merchants in crowds, but (may I mention it) the fiiir ladies of Singapore wore drawn up in a row to give us a parting salute. A\ e moved off in our boats, under a salute from the battery, which was repeated by the ' Spartan ' as I passed her, and by the ' Shannon ' when I got on boards both these vessels maiming yards. The French Cn. VII. I8r,7. CHANGE OF PLANS. 193 think, be 1 for ex- I steamer or. This see from a row of jaU>w, for am on an ly below dark red r-garden, ich roofs d houses ond, the mighty Beyond, s, rocky, Such is the day, les with ti on the consider am, — c'l lounders. High the -se of the liiih, but a(h>w on no poop, i air and a sort of ingapore ops and i crowds, •e drawn ff in our ?ated by when I French I i admiral lionoured me also with a paluto as T passed lum after getting uiidc weigh, although the sun luul already set. Juhl \st. — Another month begun. Last night, at dinner, we were startled by hearing that we seemed to be running on a rock or shoal, where no rock or shoal was known to exist. We backed our screw, and finally went over the alarming spot, and on sounding found no bottom. The sea was discoloured, but whether it '^vas by the spawn of fish or sea-weed we could not discover. J'eel took up water in a bucket, but cimld discover nothing. If we had not been a screw, and had had nothing but sjiils to rely (m, we should have kept clear of this apparent danger, and the result would have been that a shoal would have been marked on the cluirts, where, in point of fact, no shoal exists. Captain Keppcl's adventure makes captains cautious. Uung-hong. — Julif Zrd. — I am headachy and fagged, for I Arrival at have had s^ome hours of the most fatiguing of all things— a Hongkong, succession of interviews, beginning with the Admiral, General, &c. ... 1 found the Admiral strong on the point that Canton is the only place where we ought to fight. . . . However, 1 hope we may get ofi' to the North in about ten days, — as soon as we have sent olF these letters, and got (as we ought) two mails from home. Juh/ Otk. — An interval . . . during wliich I have been doing a good many things, my greatest enjoyment and pleasure being the receipt at last of two sets of letters from home. ... I have a great heap of despatches, some of which seem rather likely to perplex me. I daresay, however, that I shall see my way through the mist in a day or two. ... I had a levee last evening, which Avas largely attended. The course which 1 am about to follow does not square with the views of the mer- chants, but I gave an answer to their address, which gave them for the moment wonderful satisfaction. ... A document, taken in one of the Chinese junks lately captured, states that * Devils' heads are fallen in price,' — an announcement not strictly complimentary, but reassuring to you as regards our safety. Up to this time Lord Elgin had not entirely given Change of tip the hope that the troops which he had detached to Calcutta might be restored to him before the setting in of winter should make it impossible to proceed, o 194 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cii. VII. 'I 1'f Sails for Calcutta. h 1 ■ 1' 1' ■?>■ '• ',i 1 , ■ ' 1 r\'; 1 ' ii as his instructions rcMjuircd, to tlic month of tlio Peiho, and there open ne«^otintions with tlie Court of Pekin. l^ut on the 14th of ^hilv came letters frcan Lord Cannincc, written in a strain of deeper anxiery than any that had ])receded; and aivinij no hope tliat any troops could be spared fmni India for many months to come. At the same time Lord VA^i^m learned that the French, on whose co-operation he counted, could not act until the arrival of the chief of the mission, Baron (J res, who was not expected to reach China till the end of Septendier. h\ this state of things, to remain at Hong-Kong was \vorse than useless The sight of his inaction, and the knowledge of the reasons which enforced it, could not fail to damage the position of England Avith the puhlic of China, both Chinese and foreign. He formed, therefore, the sudden resolution to proceed in person to Calcutta, Avhere he would be within easier reach of teiegra]>hic instructions from England; where he would have the advantage of per- sonal communication Avith Lord Canning, and of learn- ing for himself at wdiat time he might expect to have any troops at his command; and where, moreover, his aj)pearance might have a moral effect in support of the Government greater than the amount of any materiiil force at his disposal. //. J\f. S. ^ Shannon J' — Juli/ Idfh. — I wonder what you will think when you receive this letter; that is, if I succeed in despatching it from the point where I wish to post it. AVill you think me mad ? or what will yoiu* vicAv of my proceed inii!;s be ? . . . Here I am actually on my way to Calcutta ! To Calcutta ! you will exclaim in surprise. The reasons for this steji are so numerous, that I can hardly attempt to enumerate them. I found myself at Hong-kong, without troops and without competent representatives of our allies (America and France) to concert with ; doomed either to nhurder the Court of Pekin alone, without the power of acting vigorously if I met a repulse, or to spend three months at Hong-kong doing nothing, and proclaiming to the whole world that I am waiting \ y cn. vri. imr. CIIAXr.E OF ri.ANS. 195 th of tlie 2 Court of ttcrs fr(.iu :^r nnxicry lioj)e that -iiy months iniod that ted, could e mission, Cliina till |-hiiigs, to less The he reasons le position n'nese and resolution would be ons from ;'e of per- of learn - to have iover, his 3rt of the material t you Avill ucceed in it. Will ■oeecflinjrs ittii ! To IS for this (numerate •oops and lerica and he Court u^ly if I )ng doing 11 waitinjj for tl»e Frenrl)nian ; i.e. tliat Eniiland can do nothing; without Franco. I considered the great objections whirh existed to either rc8ciit iikfast table. ?rcat a dis- in this case r not of this until, in all I the Pciho trasts very ctionary in |»h to head- ems a very hii)s. This rtith one or lenient was riace of the shij) uj)()n lown, very icident will I. excitement, i\ informed )wards us. B. It was e was due windled in ift with an ! informed letter for more en- far, con- Singapore to my old ool, much ly friends e, and the merchants immediately drew up an address expressive of their satisfaction at my move on Calcutta. We have taken on board 100 men of the detachment of the 90th which was on board the * Transit,' and put the remainder into the' Pearl,' so that we are cranuned to the hilt. Please (iod we may reach Calcutta in about a week or less, and tlien a new cliaptcr bejfins. tlust as we were starting yesterday, an opium-ship from Calcutta arrived, and brought me a letter and despatch from Canning, more urgent and glooujy than any of the preceding ones. The 'Simoom' and ' Himalaya ' had both arrived, but he was clamorous for more helj), and broadly tells me that I must not expect to get any of my men back. So here 1 am (kprived of the force on which 1 was to rclv in China! . . . Canning's letter is dated the 21st, and therefore contains the latest intelligence. Nothing can be worse. I am happy to say that I have already sent to him even more than he has asked. ... 1 trust that I may do some good, but of course things are so bad that one fears that it may be too late to hope that any great moral effect can be j)voduced by one's arrival. However, I have with me about 1,700 fighting men, and perhaps we may have more, if we find a trans])ort in the Straits, and take it in tow. On the 8th Au<^iist the ' Shannon ' reached Calcutta. Arrival at Her arrival is thus described by Mr. Oliphant' : — 'icuu... ' As we swept past Garden Reach, on the afternoon ' of the 8th August, the excitement on board was in- ' creased by early indications of the satisfaction with * which om* appearance was hailed on shore. First our ' stately ship suddenly burst upon tlie astonished gaze ' of two European gentlemen taking their evening walk, * who, seehig her crowded with the eager faces of men ' ready for the fray, took off their hats and cheered 'wildly; then the respectable skipper of a mercluuit- ' man worked himself hito a state of frenzy, and made ' us a long speech, which we could not hear, but tlie ' violence of his gesticulations left us in little doubt as * to its import ; then his crew took up the cheer, whicli ' Narrative of the Earl of Elfjiu's Mission, i. 55. .> II ' ll III ll i I I).' V.)H FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. VII. ' \v:is ]mssc'(l cn nt intorvnls ui'til tho tlumdcrof our 08- ' |>(»uii(l('r.s drowned every oilier H)und; simttered the ' windows ofsinnlrv oi' il\e ' jjalaecs; ' attraeted a crowd ' of sj)ectator8 to the Maid.'in, imd hronght the contents ' of Fort Williiini on to tlie ^xhieis. ' As soon as the snmke <'l('ared away, the soldiers of * tlie «rarri>on eolU'eted there sent up a series of heartv 'elieers; a moment more and our men were clustered ' like ants upon the ri<:;;;in_ii:, and, in the cner;j:y whieh ' they threw into their rin^inf;- res])onse, tluiy pledged ' themselves to the aehieviMiicnt of those deeds of valour ' whieh hfive since covered the Naval I'lMpide withjirlory. ' After the tort had saluted. Lord l*!iL'in landed amid the ' cheers of the crowd asscmhled at the ^haut to receive ' him, and proceeded to Government House, <;Tati lied to ' learn, not merely from the po])ular demonstrations, but 'from Lord Caimin«»; liiniself, that though hap})ily the ' pliysical force he had brought Avith him was not re- ' quired to act in defence of the city, still that the pre- ' sence of a man of war larger than any former ship that ' ever anchored abreast of the j\Liidan, and whose guns ' commanded the city, was calculated to produce upon ' both the Lm-o])can and native population a most whole- ' some moral efi'ect, more especiall}' at a time when the •near ap])roach of the Mohurrum had created in men's ' minds an unusual degree of tipprehension and excitc- ' ment.' SjjCtiking afterwards of this scene. Lord Elgin him- self said, ' I shall never forget to my dying day — ' for the hour Avas a dark one, and there was hardly a ' countenance ni Calcutta, save that of the Governor- ' Gener.al, Lord Canning, which was not blanched with ' fear — I shall never forget the cheers with which the ' " Shaimon " was received as she sailed up the river, ' pouring forth her salute from those 68-poundcrs ' which the gallant and lamented Sir William Peel sent ' up to Allahabad, and from those 24-[)ounders whieh, I < Cn. VII. 1867. CALCUTTA. 1D9 of our (18- ttorud the •1 !i crowd e contents ^oI(li('rs of of hcjirtv clustered r^y wliiili !y pledl)ily the IS not re- t the pre- i" ship that hose i»inis luce upon ost whole- when the in men's nd excite- l<:in hini- ll the an- On our )t at the rated by ese parts with our rived, so he news was de- ion of it The ueknow. ng other itta. . . . mninj; a on, both China, ich will 1 means n which ere and ree the re have id per- ly have le tone that we conld settle our affairs without troops. All these partial measures increase the confidence of the Chinese in them- selves, and confimi them in the opinion that we cannot meet them on land. They have never denied our superiority by sea. October 13M. — No steamer from England yet. I have just despatched letters to Canning, in the sense I have already explained to you. . . . General Ashburnham's position is a rery cruel one, — at the head of a whole lot of doctors and staff-officers of all kinds, without any troops. The enormous amount of supplies sent out passes belief. Oceans of porter, soda-water, wine of all sorts, and delicacies that I never even heard of, for the hospitals. / nm told, even tea and sugar, but that may be a calumny. This is the reaction, after the economies practised in the Crimea, and will be persevered in, I sui)|)ose, till Parliament gets tired of paying, and then we shall have counteraction the other way. On tlie 1(3 til of October the Frencli ambassador reached Hon«i:-kong, having been delayed by the break- ing down of an engine, which made it necessary for him to stay" at Singapore to refit. The relations of the two ambassadois, at first somewhat distant and diplomatic, soon ripened into mutual feelings of cordial regard. October 18th. — The instructions brought by the last mail give me much greater latitude of action ; in fact, untie my hands altogether. I hope I shall get Baron Gros to go with me ; but if not, I shall go at Canton alone. The Admiral is quite ready for the attempt, as soon as his marines arrive. October 30th. — How little was I prepared for the sad intelli- gence brought to me by your last ! ' How constantly we shall all feel the absence of that good genius ! — that Providence always on the watch to soothe the wretched and to console the afflicted. I had never thought of her early removal by death ; and yet one ought to have done so, for she complained much of suffering last year, and all who knew her well must have felt that to make her complain her sufferings must have been gi'eat. She is gone ; and she will leave behind her a blank in many existences. . . . Many years ago we were much together. She was then in the full vigour of her faculties. ... I had * The death of his elder sister, Lady Matilda Maxwell. Arrival of Baron Gros. A sister's death. 206 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cu. \U. \t I t I M li ample opportunity then of appreciating the remarkable union of heart and head and soul which her character presented. Many of her letters written in those days were of rare ex- cellence. ... I feel for you. October 31s/. — I shall hardly recognise Scotland without her, so much did she, in her unobtrusive and quiet way, make herself the point to which, in all difficulties and joys, one looked. . . . Poor ]\Iaxwell has the satit>fiU'tion of knowing that all that Avas great and lovable in her flourished under his protection and with his sympathy. Perhaps that is the best consolation which a person bereaved as he is can enjoy. It is not a consolatitm which will arrest his progress along the path which she has tx'odden before, but it is one which will strew it Avith flowers. . . . Already, when this letter reaches you, the green weeds will have begun to creep over the new-made grave, and the crust of habit to cover woimds which at first bled most freelv. It is also a soothing reflection that hers was a life of which death is rather the crown than the close : so that it Avill not be in jjloom, but in the soft sunset lii;ht of memory that they who have been wont to walk with her, and are now deprived of her companionship, will have henceforward to tread their weary way. I see in that sunset light the days when we were much together — Avhen she used to call herself my wife. In those days her nervous system was stronger than it Avas Avhen you became acquainted with her. Her soul spoke through more obedient orjjans. Nothing could exceed the eloquence and beauty of her letters in those days, when written under the influence of strong feeling. She is ijone. I do not expect ever to sec her like again. Nocnuhcr \sf. — Poor Balgonie, too. It is another loss; very sad, though different in its character. When I saAV him at jNIalta, I had not a conception that he would last so long. . . . On Noveinhcr \st I am reading your thoughts of Septem- ber 1st. How far apart this proves us to be ! ... I sympathise deeply in all those feelings. ... To whatever side one looks there is the sad blank effected by her removal ; even in my public interests, I cannot say how much, since I returned home, I owed to her thoughtfulness and affection. . . . Cut off as Ave are here at present from all immediate contact with home interests, it is difficult to realise her remoA'al and its consequences to the full. It is a stunning blow from Avhich 1*1 Cii. ^'u. 1357. IIOXG-KOXO. 207 able union presented. )f rare ex- id without way, make joys, one f knowinsr under his s the best joy. It is ? the path 11 strew it s you, the new-made oh at first .t hers was close ; so !t licrht of her, and iccforward the days ill herself ufrcr than oul spoke ccocd the ', when gone. ler loss ; saw him so loner. Septem- mpathise )ne looks !n in my returned . Cut off act with 1 and its ni which one recovers gradually to a consciousness of a great and un- defined loss. God bless you! . . . and grunt that you may share her inexpressible comfort. NoLirviher Hth, — I have been al)sent for four days on a tour. ... I liked Macao, because there is some appearance about it of a history, — convents and churches, the garden of Camoens, &c. The Portuguese have been in China about three hundred years. Hong-kong was a barren rock fifteen years ago. Macao is Catholic, Ilong-kong Protestant. So these causes combined give the former a wonderful superiority in all ihat is antique and monumental. November \4th. — I have received your letters to September 24th. . . . The Government approve entirely of my move to Calcutta, and Lord Clarendon writes very cordially on the subject. November \i)th. — I have seen the Russian Plenipotentiary. . . . He has been at Kiachta and the mouth of the Peiho, asking for admission to Pekin, and got considerably snubbed at both jdaccs, as I shoiild have been if I had gone there. It will devolve on me, I apprehend, to administer the return, which is not, I think, a bad arrangement for British prestige in the East. Steamer 'Am,'' Ilonfi-kotig. — November \lth. — My serious work is about to begin. I must draw up a challenge for Yeh, which is a delicate matter. Gros showed me a projet de note when I called on him some days ago. It is very long, and very well written. The fact is, that he has a much better case of quarrel than we ; at least one that lends itself much better to rhetoric. An opium-ship came in from Calcutta vcstcrdav. It broui>ht me nothing from Canning. It is clear, however, that things are getting better with him. I think, it probable that my desj)atch anticipating a favourable turn of affairs there, and founding on that anticipation a demand for reinforcements, will reach England at the very time vdien the news from India justifying that anticipation will be re- ceived. . . . The (lovernment and public in England v^ould not believe there was any danger in India for a long time, and consequently allowed the season for precautionary measures to pass by, and then made up for their apathy by the most ex- aggerated apprehensions. My niind has been more tranquil, for it has not presented these phases. As soon ap I heard of Visit to Macao. Bef^i lining of serious work. ) ' i^ 1 I III How to povcrn ft democracy. DpFcrip- fioi) of Iloni?- kong. 208 FIRST iUSSION TO CHINA. Cn. VII. Canning's (llifioiilti nttioiiiries, I (letcrmincd to do what I could for him ; but it never occurred to me that we were to act as if the game was up with us in the East. The secret of governing a democi'acy is understood by men in power at pi'esent. Never interfere to check an evil until it has attained such jH'oportions that all the world see plainly the necessities of the case. You will then get any amount of moral and material support that you require ; but if you interfere at an earlier period, you will get neither thanks nor assistance ! I am not at all sure but that the time is approaching Avhen foresight will be a positive disqualification in a statesman. But to return to our own m.itters. The Government and public are thinking of nothing but India at present. It does not however follow, that quite as strong a feel- ing might not be got up for China in a few months. If we met with anything like disaster here, that would certainly be the case. Head- Quarters House, Honff-\ong. — November 22nd. — I wish you could take wings and join me here, if it were even for a few hours. We should first wander through these spacious apartments. We should then stroll out on the verandah, or along the path of the little terrace garden which General Ashburnham has surrounded with a defensive wall, and from thence I should point out to you the harbour, bright as a flower-bed with the flags of many nations, the jutting promon- tory of Kowloon, and the barrier of bleak and jagged hills that bounds the prospect. A little later, when the sun began to sink, and the long shadows to fall from the mountain's side, we should set forth for a walk along a level pathway of about a quarter of a mile long, which Is cut in Its flank, and connects with this garden, and from thence we should watch this same circle of hills, now turned Into a garland, and glowing in the sunset lights, crimson and purple, and blue and green, and colours for which a name has not yet been found, as they successively lit upon them. Perhaps we should be tempted to wait (and it would not be long to wait, for the night follows in these regions very closely on the heels of day), until, on these self-same hills, then gloomy and dark and sullen, tens of thousands of bright and silent stars were looking down calmly from heaven, Macao. — Devmher 2nd. — Baron Gros and I have been settling our plans of proceeding, which we are conducting with a most cordial entente. . . . As he is well versed In all the Cir. \U. 1H57. rKEPAHATlON FOR ACTION. 209 could for 1) act as if rstood by k an evil world see ti jret any aire ; but 2t neither the time alification ers. The . India at mrr a feel- If we met 2 the case. I2nd. — I vera even igh these on the len which wall, and right as a ', promon- hills that began to tin's side, of about connects this same ng in the een, and as they mpted to ollows in on these tens of n calmly ve been ing with all the forms and usages of diplomacy, he is very useful to me in such l)oints. ... I have been living herein the house of Mr. Dent, one of the merchant princes of China. He is very obliging, and I have remained at his request a day longer than I in- tended. I return, however, to-day. I like Marao with its air of antiquity, in some respects almost of dcradcncc It is more interesting than Ilong-kong, which has only existed fifteen years, and is as go-a-head and uj^jstart and staring i\s ' one of our cities,' as mv American friend informed me a few davs ago. IIoiiij-kon(j. — Dert-mher 5t/i. — When I went out to walk with Oliphant, I was informed by a person I met in a very public walk just out of the town, that a man had been robbed very near where we were. I met the person inunediately afterwards, lie was rather a tnesf/uhi-lookm'^ Portuguese, and he said that three Chinamen had rushed upon him, knocked him down, thrown a quantity of sand into his eyes, and carried off his watch. T!iis sort of affair is not unconunon. I have bought a revolver, and am beginning to practise pistol-shooting. December 9th. — Baron Gros came here on Monday. We have been busy, and all our plans are settled. I sent up this evening to the Admiral my letter to Yeh, which is to be de- livered on Saturday the 12th. He is to have ten days to think over it, and if at the end of that time he does not give in, the city will be taken. We are in for it now. I have hardly alluded in my ultimatum to that wretched question of the * Arrow,' which is a scandal to us, and is so considered, I have reason to know, by all except the few who are personally compromised. I have made as strong a case as I can on gene- ral grounds against Yeh, and my demands are most moderate. If he refuses to accede to them, which he probably will, this will, I hope, put us in the right when we proceed to extreme measures. The diplomatic position is excellent. The Russian has had a rebuff at the mouth of the Peiho ; the American at the hands of Yeh. The Frenchman gives us a most valu- able moral support by saying that he too has a sufficient ground of quarrel with Yeh. We stand towering above all, using calm and dignified language, moderate in our demands, but resolute in enforcing them. If such had been our attitude from the beginning of this controversy it would have been well. However, we cannot look back ; we must do for the best, and trust in Providence to cai-ry us through our difficulties. Prepara- tion for actiun. 210 FmST MISSION TO CHINA. cn. vni. I I J I I Improved prospects. '■I ' 1 ' .'J ■••' ;! 1' jl. ■' ' 1''' ' m. fi- 1 i *, 1 11 Changed quarters. CHAPTER VIII. FIRST ]\riSSION TO CHINA. CANTON. IMPROVED PROSPECTS — ADVANCE ON CANTON noMBARDMENT AND CAP- TURE — JOINT TRIHUNAL — MAINTENANCE OF ORDER — CANTON PRISONS — MOVE NORTHWARD — SWATOW — MR. liURNS — FOOCHOW — NINGTO CUU- SAN — POTOU — SHANGHAE — MISSIONARIES. On the same clay on which the ultimatum of the Envoys was delivered to Yeh, i.e. on the 12tli of December, 1857, the glad news reached Lord Elgin that Lucknow had been relieved: the more welcome to him as carrying with it the promise of speedy rein- forcement to himself, and deliverance from a situation of extreme difficulty and embarrassment. ' Few people,' he might well say, ' had ever been in a position which re- * quired greater tact — four Ambassadors, two Admirals, ' a General, and a Consul-general; and, notwith.standing * this luxuriance of colleagues, no sufficient force.' And what he felt most in the insufficiency of the force was not the irksomeness of delay, still less any anxiety as to the success of his arms. ' My greatest difficulty,* he wrote, ' arises from my fear that we shall be led to ' attack Canton before we have all our force, and led ' therefore to destroy, if there is any resistance, both life ' and property to a greater extent than would otherwise ' be necessary.' The prospects of immediate reinforce- ments from India diminished his fears on this score, and sent him forward with a better hope of bringing the painful situation to a speedy and easy close. U. M. S. 'Furious,'' Canton River. — December 17 th. — You see from my date that I am again in a new lodging. It pro- mises to be, I think, more agreeable than any of our previous I i, I % Cn. vni. 1857. niPROVED PROSPECTS. 211 TKXT AND CAP- STON PKISONS — NINGPO CUU- tum of the lie r2tli of ' Elgin that kvelcome to peedy rein- a situation ew people/ >n wliich re- Admirals, ithistandiiig >rce.' And e force was ixiety as to ficiilty,' he be led to e, and led e, both life 1 otherwise : reinforce- i score, and inging the 17M.— You ?• It pro- ur previous marine i-osidcnpon. AVe have paddles instead of a screw. Tlien |tlie eaptiiin has not only<^iven up to nie all the stern accommo- dation, but he has also done everything in his j)o\vor to make [the ])lacc comfortahle. . . . He is the Shcrard Oshorn of I Aretic regions notoriety. I am on my way to join Gros, in order to decide on our future eourse of aetictn. I mentioned yesterday that Ilonan was occupied, and that I had received a letter from Yeh, which nuist, I sup[)osc, be considered a re- fusal. This was the fair side of the medal. The reverse was an ngly quarrel up the river, which ended in the loss of the lives of some sailors and the destruction of a vilhage, — a quarrel for Avhich our people were, I suspect, to some extent rcsj)onsibIe. I fear that, uny the Americans. AVheu ^ reached this point, all was so quiet tlnxt we determined to <;o on, and we actually steamed past the city of Canton, alon^ the whole front, within pistol-shot of the tt)wn. A lino of Kn^flisii men-of-war arc now anchored there in front of the town. I never felt so ashamed of myself in my life, and IClliot reniarke*''. I ^'ot into short way up destroyed hy I was HO fjuiot. anied past the tol-shot of the nchored there my self in my 'iive made me >f (It'struetion population of neans of de- I'^liiot, ' I am r Jim earuiii(»' >oi- " phijrue, hat, as far jis lit'rwise than le demand to vitliout eom- opcning the •efore us. I 30 as to give accepted, I i'nprecations us, the time And now ssibly do to will lead to Hie weather i»ade in the beautifully w the rich <^es of un- yond them, int, which Elighlands; ain range, -I thought \Hr,7. IJOMllAliD-MKNT OF CANTON. 213 I l»iltorly of those wlio, for the most selfish objects, arc trampling under foot this ancient civilisation. JJccrni/H-r 24f/i. — My letter tellinj; Veh tiiat I had handed .Summons the afftiir over to the naval and military connnanders, and ° *"' GrosVs to the same effect, wore sent to him to-day ; also a joint letter from the connnanders, giving him forty-eight hours to deliver over the city, at tl.e expiry of which time, if lie does not do so, it will be attacked. I postponed the delivery of these letters till to-day, that the expiry of the forty-eight hours might not fall on Christmas Day. Now I hear that the connnanders will not be ready till Monday, which the Calendar tells me is ' the Massacre of the Innocents!' If Ave can take the city without much massacre, I shall think the job a good one, hccause no doubt the relations of the Cantonese with the foreign population were very unsatisfactory, and a settlement was sooner or later inevitable. But nothing could be more contemptible than the origin of our existing quarrel. We moved this evening to the Barrier Forts, within ahout two miles of Canton, and very near the place where the troops are to land for the attack on the city. I have heen taking walks on shore the last two or three days on a little island called Dane's Island, formed of barren hills, with little patches of soil between them and on their flanks, cultivated in terraces by the industrious Chinese. The jjeople seemed very poor and miserable, suffering, I fear, from this horrid war. The French Admiral sent on shore to Whamj)oa some casks of damaged biscuit the other dfiy, and there was such a rush for it, that some people were, 1 believe, drowned. The head man came afterwards to the officer, expressed much gratitude for the gift, but said that if it was repeated, he begged notice might be given to him, that he might make arrangements to prevent such dis- order. The ships are surrounded by boats filled chiefly by women, who j)ick up orange-i)eel and oflPal, and evex-ything that is thrown overboai'd. One of the gunboats got ashore yester- day, within a stone's-throw of the town of Canton, and the oflficer had the coolness to call on a crowd of Chinese, who Avere on the qnays, to pull her off, which they at once did ! Fancy having to fight such peo])le ! Christmas T>oy. — Who Avould have thought, Avhen we ■ were spending that cold snowy Christmas Day last year at Howick, that this day Avould find us separated by almost as great ^^ \'\ Bombard- ment. k;. '. . ^ ■' %wt li \ mmi 1 ; i^'il^Hji' - ^tffl^Ri^ i |r"l ; ": * ) j :; ^' \ ■ " i '^i i 1 .y ^f II ;'l m i t ik T' t lifi 1 i 1 214 FIRST >USSION TO CIUNA. cn. vni. a distance as is possible on the surface of our globe ! and that I should be anchored, as I now am, v.Ithin two miles of a great city, doomed, I fear, to destiiiction, fri>m the folly of its own rulers and the vanity and levity of ours. AVe have moved a little farther up the river this morning, and as Me are, like St. Paul, dropping ^a anchor from the stern, I have had over my head for several hours the incessant dancing about and clanking of a ponderous chain-cable, till my brains are nearly all shaken out of their place. December 26th. — I have a second letter from Yeh, which is even more twaddling than the fii-st. They say that he is all day engaged in sacrificing to an idol, which represents the God of Physic, and Avhicli is so constructed that a stick in its hand traces figures on sand. In the figures so traced he is supposed to read his fate. Early on Monday the 28tli the attack began ; and Lord Elgin was reluctantly compelled to witness Avhat he had been reluctantly compelled to order — the bom- bardment of an unresi;4ing town. Happily the damage both to life and propei'ty proved to be very much less serious than at the time he supposed it to be. December 2Sth, Noon. — "We have been throwing shells, etc., into Canton since 6 a.m., without almost any reply from the town. I hate the whole thing so much, that I cannot trust myself to write about it. December 2dfh. — The mail was put off, and I add a line to say that I hope the Canton aftjiir is over, and well over. . . . When I say this affair is over, perhaps I say too much. But the horrid bombardment has ceased, and we are in occupation of Magazine Hill, at the upper part of the city, Avithin the walls. II. M.S. 'Furious,'' Canton Hivcr. — Janiinr// 2nd, 1858. — The last week h«s been a very eventful one : not one of unmixed satisfaction to me, because of course there is a great deal that is painful about this war, but on the whole the results have been successful. On Monday last (the 28th) I was awakened at 6 A.M. by a cannon-shot, which was the commencement of a bom- bardment of the city, which lasted for 27 hours. As the fire • of the shipping was either not returned at all, or returned only ca. vni 1858. TAiaNO OF CANTON. 215 >e ! and that Ics of a c^rcat }y of its own tve moved a I we are, like lave had over Ig about and lis are nearly [eh, ^hich is [lilt he is all [nts the God in its hand is sujiposed ogan ; and tiiess wliat -the boni- lie damaire much less shells, etc., ly from the ;annot trust Id a line to over. . . . luch. But oecupation within the f, 1858.— >f unmixed Jcal that is have been ened at 6 of a bom- s the fire • rned only by a very few shots, I confess that this proceeding gave me great pain at the time. But I find that much less damage has been done to the town than I expected, as the fire was confined to certain spots. I am on the whole, therefore, disposed to think that the measure proved to be a good one, as the terror which it has excited in the minds of the Cantonese is more than in proportion to the injury inflicted, and therefore it will have the effect, I trust, of preventing any attempts on their part to dis- lodge or attack us, which would entail very great calamities on themselves. At 10 a.m. on Monday the troops landed at a point about two miles east of the city, and marched up with very trifling resistance to Lin Fort, w-hich they took, the French entering first, to the great disgust of our people. Next morning at 9 A.M. they advanced to the escalade of the city walls, and l)roceeded, with again very slight opposition, to the Magazine Hill, on which they hoisted the British and French flags. They Jj^Pjl'^'"'' °^ then took Gough Fort with little trouble, and there they were by 3 r.M. established in Canton. The poor stujjid Chinese had placed some guns in position to resist an attack from the opposite quarter — the quarter, viz. from which Gough attacked the city ; and some people suppose that if we had advanced from that side we should have met with some resistance. jNIy own opinion is, that the resistance would have been no great matter in any case, althoug'.i, no doubt, if we had made the attemj)t in summer, and with sailors only, as some proposed when I came here in July, we should probably have met with disaster. As it is, my difficulty has been to enforce the adop- tion of measures to keep our own people in order, and to prevent the wretched Cantonese from being plundered and bullied. This task is the more difficult from the very motley force with which we have to work, composed, firstly, of French and English ; secondly, of sailors to a great extent — they being very imper- fectly manageable on shore ; all, moreover, having, I fear, a very low standard of morality in regard to stealing from the Chinese. There is a word called * loot,' which gives, unfor- Looting. Innately, a venial character to what would, in common English, be styled robbery. . . . Add to this, that there is no flogging in the French army, so that it is impossible to punish men com- mitting this class of offences. . . . On the other hand, these incomprehensible Chinese, although they make no defence, do not come forward to capitulate; and I am in mort'il terror lest L.."— 1 UJ» I 1 III 216 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. VITI. Ilie French Admiral, who is in the way of looking at these matters in a purely professional light, should succeed in inducing our chiefs to engage again in oflfensive operations, which would lead to an unnecessary destruction of life and property. I proposed to Gros that we should land on the first day of the year, and march up to Magazine Hill. He consented, and the chiefs agreed, so we landed about 1 r.:M. at a point on the river bank imme- diately below the south-east angle of the city wall, which is now our line of commimication between the river and Magazine Hill. As we landed, all the vessels in the river hoisted English and French flags., and fired salutes. We walked up to the hill along the top of the wall, which is a good Avide road, and which was all lined with troops and sailors, who presented arms and cheered as we passed. AVe reached the summit at about three. The British quarter, which is a sort of temple, stands on the highest point, the hill falling pretty precipitously from it on all sides. The view is one of the most extensive I ever saw. Towards the east and north barren hills of considerable height, and much of the character of those we see from Hong-kong. On the west, level lands cultivated in rice and otherwise. Towards the south, the town lying still as a city of the dead. The silence was quite painful, especially Avhen we retui-ned about nightfall : but it is partly owing to the narrowness of the streets, which prevents one from seeing the circulation of population which may be going on within. We remained at the top of the hill till about half-past five, during which time we blew up the Blue Jacket Fort and Gough Fort, and got back to our ships about 8 p.:\[., having spent a very memorable first of January, and made a very interesting expedition ; although I could not help feeling melancholy when I thought that we were so ruthlessly destroy- ing the prestige of a place which had been, for so many cen- turies, intact and undefiled by the strsinger, and exercising our valour against so contemptible a foe. January Ath. — I have not given you as full a description as I ought to have done of the views and ceremony of Friday, because I saw ' Our own Correspondent ' there, and I think I caii count on that being well done in the Times. . . . This day is a pour of rain, rather unusual for the season. . . . Scane of the Chinese authorities are beginning to show a desire to treat, and some of the inhabitants are presenting petitions to us to protect them against robbers, native and foreign. ■#*e Cn. VIII. 1858. CAPTURE OV YEII. 217 these matters iiulucinht has been a very successful one. I walked through the city to-day with the Admiral and an escort, and saw evident signs of improvement in the streets. The people seemed to be resuming their avocations, and the shops to be ro-opening. My ' Tribunal ' is working well. In short, I hope that the evils incident to the capture of a city, and especially of a Chinese city, have been in this instance very much mitigated. The season is very changing. Three nights ago the thermometer did not fall below 72°, and last u^'glit it fell to 40°. There is a cold wind ; and it was necessary to walk briskly to-day to keep one's-self warm. January I6th. — Though I was able to send oflT the last despatches with something of a satisfactory report, we are by no means, I fear, yet out of the wood. I took a long walk in the city of Canton yesterday. I visited the West Gate, where Ejiodus. 220 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. VIII. }' t i' n I I 9 f>l A sober population I 1: t,j It;- i I found a stream of peo])le moving outwards, and was told l»y the officer that this goes on from morning to night. They say, when asked, that they are going out of town to celebrate the New Year, but my belief is that they are flying from us. The streets were full, and the people civil. Quantities of eating stalls, but a large proportion of the shops still shut. As we got near the wall in our own occupation, some people ran up to us complaining that they had been robbed. AVe Avent into the houses and saw clearly enough tlie signs of devastation. I have no doubt, from the descrii)tion, tliat the culprits were French sailors. If this goes on one fortnight after we have captured the town, when is it to stop ? ... It is very difficult to remedy. . . . Nothing could, I believe, be worse than our own sailors, but they are now nearly all on board ship, and v. *^ have the resource of the Cat. . . . All this is very sad, but I am not yet quite at the end of my tether. If things do not mend within a few days I shall startle my colleagues by proposing to abandon the town altogether, giving reasons for it which will enable me to state on paper all these points. No human power shall induce me to accept the office of oppressor of the feeble. January 20th. — I hinted at my ideas as to the evacuation of the city, and it has had an excellent effect. . . . There is a notable progress towards quiet in the city. Still, I fear the tide of emigration is going on. Parkes is exertinj; himself with considerable effect, and he is really very clever. There were a great many more shops open in the streets yesterday than I had seen before. . . . What a thing it is to have to deal with a sober population ! I have wandered about the streets of Canton for some seven or eight days since the capture, and I have not seen one drunken man. In any Christian town we should have had numbers of rows by this time arising out of drunkenness, however cowed the population might have been. The Tribunal con\acted a Chinaman the other day for selling * samshoo ' to the soldiers. I requested Parkes to hand him over to the Governor Pehkwei for punishment. This was done, and the arrangement answered admirably. The Governor was pleased, he presented himself before the Chinese as the executor of our judgments, and at the same time we, to a certain extent, seemed to be conceding to the Chinese the principle of ex- territoriality which we assert as against them. ... I have no Cn. VIII. I8r,8. MAINTENANCE OF ORDER. 221 was told by Tliev sav, t'lebrate the »m us. The es of eathig lut. As we le ran up to ent into the tion. I have vere Frencli ve captured t to renied}'. own sailors, .e have the I, but I am lo not mend proposing to it which will No human ressor of the ivacuation of . There is a fear the tide himself with There were erday than I to deal with le streets of ipture, and I Jan town we rising out of t have been. ly for selling to hand him lis was done, rovernor was the executor rtain extent, ciple of ex- . I have no ' rcppoiislblo ministers ' here, though the presence of a colleague, and, since military operations began, the position of the naval and military Conunandcrri-in-Chief, have recpiired me to act with some caution, in order to make the wiieels of the machine work smoothly and keep on the rails. For this reason it was that I suggested a few days ago the plan of evacuation. The mainten- Mainten- ance of order in a city under martial law was, 1 felt, an affair ^^pp rather for the Commander-in-Chief than for me, therefore I was in a false position when I meddled with it directly. But the question of remaining in the city or not was a political one. By letting it be known that I had there my lines of Torres Vedras, upon which I should fall back if necessary, I obtained the influence I required for insuring, as far as possible, the . adoption of satisfactory arrangements within the city. I must add that this evacuation plan was not intended by me to be a mere threat. I have it clearly matured in my mind as a thing feasible, and which would be under certain circumstances an advisable plan to adopt. In t; king Canton we had, as I under- stand it, two objects in view : the one to prove that we could take it ; the other to have in our hands something to give up when we come to terms with the Emperor, — ' a material guaran- tee.' I believe that the capture of the city, followed by the capture of Yeh, has settled the former point. Indeed, from all that I hear, I infer that the capture of Yeh has had more effect on the Chinese mind than the capture of the city. I believe, therefore, that we might abandon the city without losing much if anything on this head. No doubt we should lose on the second head ; we should not have Canton to give up when a treaty was concluded, if we had given it up already. Even then however we might, by retaining the island of Honan, the forts, &c.,do a good deal towards providing a substitute; so that you see my threat was made bo7id Jide. I certainly should have preferred the loss to which I have referred, to the continuance of a state of things in which the Allied troops were plundering the inhabitants. January 2Ath. — Baron Gros and I were conversing together yesterday on affairs in this quarter, and among other things he told me that we were both much reproached for our laxity, and that I was more blamed on that account than he. I said to him : ' I can praise you on many accounts, my dear Baron, but * I cannot compliment you on being a greater brute than I am.' i ?!■ I 222 FIRST mSSION TO CHINA. Cn. VIII. i fH.i I i\ I ^1 I i Canton prisons. AVhatcvcr was the focHiig of the British residents, and whatever excuses may be made for it, the consistent humanity shown both in tlic taking and in the occupa- tion of tho city did not fail to strike Mr. llced, the Plenipotentiary of the United States, who wrote to Lord Elgin: 'I cannot omit this opportunity of most ' sincerely congratulating yon on the success at Canton, ' the great success of a bloodless victory, the merit of ' Avhich, I am sure, is maiidy due to your Lordship's ' gentle and discreet counsels. j\iy countrj^men will, 1 'am sure, appreciate it.' ' This,' observes Lord L^lgin, ' ' from the representative of the United States, is grati- ' fying both personally and politically.' Janunrj/ '28th. — 1 am glad to say that this mail conveys, on the whole, a satisfactory rc])ort of tlic progress of affairs, though this letter puts you in possession of all the ebbs and flows which have taken ]ilace during the fortnight. 1 send a leaf of geranium, which I culled in the garden of the Tartar general. Joinian/ 3Ls'/. — I visited yesterday two of the Canton prisons, and witnessed there some siglits of horror beyond what I coidd have pictiu'ed to myself. Many of the inmates were so re- duced by disease and starvation, that their limbs were not as thick as my wrist. One man who was in this condition was in the receptacle for untried prisoners, and said he had been there seven years. In one of the courts which we entered, there was a cell closed in by a double row of upright posts, which is the common style of gate at Canton, and I Avas attracted to it by the groans of its inmates. I desired it to be opened, and such a spectacle as it presented ! The prisoners were covered with sores, produced by severe beatings ; one was already dead, and the rats, — but I cannot go further in description. The others could hardly crawl, they were so emaciated, and my conviction is that they were shut in there to die. The prison authorities stated that they had escaped at the time of the bombardment for which they had been punished as we saw. If the statement was true, they must have been systematically starved since their recapture. Our pretext for visiting the prisons was to discover whether any Europeans, or persons who had been in Cn. VIII. 1858. MOVE NORTHWARDS. 223 residents, consistent e (K'cui)ji- Keed, the wrote to f of most it Canton, merit of ordsliij/s len Avill, 1 )rd ]''J<^'in, ^, is gruti- lil conveys, ^s of affairs, e ebbs and lit. 1 send tbc Tartar iton prisons, i'hat I coidd were so rc- were not as lition was in 1 been there (1, there was which is the !ted to it by id, and such overed with ly dead, and The others Y conviction authorities )mbardment le statement ;arved since sons was to had been in I the service of, or had had relations with Europeans, were con- fined in them. We took out some who professed to bch>ng to the latter classes. I went a step further, by taklnf^ out a poor boy of fifteen, whom we found in chains, but so weak that when we took them off he was unable to stand. I told Mr. Parkes to take him to Pchkwei from me, as a sample of the manner in which his prisons are managed. Fehrnnry 2nd. — Pchkwei was very indignant at our visit to his prisons, and hinted that he would make away with him- self, in a letter which he wrote to me on the subject. How- ever, he was obliged to admit that some of the thinirs we found were very bad, and quite against the Chinese law. On re- viewing the whole I must admit, that, except in the case of the one cell that I have described, it was rather neglect, want of food, medicsil care, cleanliness, &c., than positive cruelty, of which one found evidence in the prisons. Canton the impregnable had been taken, and was in the military occupation of the allied forces ; Yeh, the Terror of Barbarians, Avas a captive beyond the seas ; so completely was all resistance crushed, that it was found possible to raise the blockade of the Canton River, and to let trade return to its usual channels. Still nothing was achieved so long as the Emperor remained aloof, and could represent the affair as a local disturbance not affecting the imperial power. To any permanent settlement it was essential that he should be a party ; the next step, therefore, was to move north- ^'^o^® wards to Shanghae, and there open direct negotiations wards. with the Court of Pckin ; and, for the success of these negotiations, it was obviously of great importance that the envoys of England and France should have the co-operation of the representatives of Russia and the United States. Februarj/ 4th. — Still no letters. To-morrow, Frederick is to go to Macao, to take to Messrs. Reed and Putiatine copies of all my diplomatic correspondence with Yeh, &c., and an invita- I wnevB^nn I I Li J^-, Adieu to Canton. 224 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. VIII. tion to each that lie will join us in an attempt to settle matters by negotiation at Shanghae. It is the commenccmont of the third act in this Chinese affair. Fehruary 6th. — I have a letter from Mr. Reed, saying that he is going to the North this day, so that perhaps Frederick will not find him. This would be a great disappointment. Sundaij, Fehnuirj/ 7th. — A month without news is very long to wait. Perhaps time passes a little more ([uickly than when one was dawdling and doing nothing at llong-kong ; but still this life is tiresome enough. I do not 8ui)pose that there ever •was a town of the same extent, or a population of the same number, more utterly uninteresting than the town and pojjula- tion of Canton — low houses, narrow streets, temples contain- ing some hideous idols, which are not a[)parently in the least venerated by their own worshippers. The only other resource is the curiosity shops, and, as you know, I have not the genius for making collection^,. Fehruary 9th. — Things have taken a better turn. F. by steaming at nifrht from Macao to ITong-kong caugfht Heed about an hour before that fixed for his departure for the North. He was delighted with my communication, and has written undertaking to co-operate cordially with us. This is, I think, a very great diplomatic triumph, because it not only smooths the way for future proceedings, but it greatly relieves our anxiety about Canton, as the Americans are the only ])eople who would be likely to give us trouble during the military occupation. February lOth. — We have got Putiatlne's letter for Pekin. It is veiy good ; perhaps better than any of the lot. . . . How- ever, the entente is now established. My mind, too, is a good deal relieved to-day by seeing the wretched junks, which have been shut up so long by the blockade, with their sails set, gliding down tlie river. I sent Mr. Wade to visit Yeh yester- day, to see how he took the notion of being sent out of the country to Calcutta or elsewhere. He adhered to his policy of indifference, real or affected, I cannot tell which. I suppose it is a point of pride with him never to comjilain. //. M. S. 'Furious.'' — Fehruary 20th. — I am now off from Canton, never I hope to see it again. Two months I have been there — engaged in this painful service — checking, as I have best been able to do, the disposition to maltreat this un- Cn. VIII. 'ttlo mnttcra .'luont of tlio saying that )S Frederick itnient. is very long y than when ig; l)ut still it there ever of the same ami popjihv- les contain- in the least lier resource )t the genius irn. F. by aught llecd r the Xorth. has written 3 is, I think, )nly smooths relieves our only })eople the military !r for Pekin. . . . Tlow- )o, is a good , Avhicli have ;ir sails set, Yeh yester- out of the his policy of I suppose it ow off from iths I have icking, as I I'cat this un- IH08. MOVE NORTHWARDS. 225 fortunate people. . . . On the whole I think I have been suc- cessful. There never was a ChincFO town which suffered so little by the occupation of a hostile force ; and considering the difficulties which our alliance with the French (though I have had all support from Gros, in so far as he can give it) has oc- casioned, it is a very signal success. The good people at llong-kong, &c., do not know whether to be incredulous or disgusted at this policy. ... I am told a parcel of ridiculous stories about arming of Braves, &c. I heard that in the western suburb the pcoj)le ' looked ill-natured,' so I have been the greater part of my two last days in that suburb, looking in vain into faces to discover these menacing indications. Yester- day I walked through very out-of-the-way streets and crowded thoroughfares with Wade and two sailors, through thousands and thousands, without a symptom of disrespect. ... I know that our people for a long time used to insist on every China- man they met taking his hat off. Of course it rather astonished a respectable Chinese shopkeeper to be poked in the ribs by a sturdy sailor or soldier, and told, in bad Chinese or in panto- mime, to take off his hat, Avhich is a thing they never do, and which is not with them even a mark of res])ect. I only men- tion this as an instance of the follies which people commit when they know nothing of the manners of those with Avhom they have to deal. . . . We are stcamino; down to IIone:-kon«r on a beautiful fresh morniug. home. 1 feel as if I was a step on my way At Hong-kong he remained nearly a fortnight, that his ship might be fitted to go to the North : his letter for Pekin being sent on, in the meantime, to Shanghae, by the hands of his secretary, Mr. Oliphant.^ February 26th. — To-morrow this letter goes, and still no mail from England. I think of starting in a few days, and call- ing at the other ports — Foochow, Amoy, and Ningpo. I have a line from Oliphant, who took up my letter to Shanghae, and made a quick though rough passage. We shall be a good deal longer on the way, and my captain advises me to be oflF, to anticipate the equinox. I have just written a despatch to Lord Clarendon, to tell him that perhaps I may go direct ' Mr. Oliphant's * Narrative ' con- places which he visited in the exe- taius an interesting account of the cution of this mission. Q n III I fi" I I! mv, ! I ■ i|l! ! \^ ' Homo Swatow. 22() FIKST MISSION TO CHINA. Oil. VIII. from Sliiincjiiae to Japan, and so homo. It is alnu^st too good a prospect to be realised. I''vhnitiri/ 27th. — I had Ileed to dine \\'i{\\ nic yesterday. lie is oft' tliis morning to jNIanila, m roittc for Slianghao. Tlie linssian retnrns on Monday, atul we are going to Shangliae by the same route most fratermilly. . . . Vour accounts of the boys make mc feel as if I had been an age away from home. God grant that I may get throiigli this business soon, and return to find you all fionrishing ! March \st. — I received your letters yesterday. . . . How I ■wish that I had joined that merry dance on Christmas Day at Dumnore, and seen B. and H. performing their reel steps, and F.' snapping his fingers ! You know now how differently my New Year was passed — traversing that vast city of the dead — meditating over that 28th I)ocond)er which Ilerod had already hallowed. . . . These letters are my conscience and memory, the oidy record I keej) of passing emotions and events. . . . Depend upon it the true doctrine is one I have before prf)i)oundcd to you : Do nothing with which your own conscience can rei)roach you; mithinij in its largest sense; nothhi(f, including omission as well as ntnunissioii ; not nothing only in the meaning of having done no ill, but nothing also in the meaning of having omitted no opportunity of doing good. You are then well with yourselj. If it is worth Avhile to bo well with others — SUCCKED. H.M.S. ' Furious,^ Swntow. — M/irrh 5th. — I am again on the wide ocean, though for the mo' ^^^nt at anchor. . . . The settle- ment here is against treaty onsists mainly of agents of the two great opium-h* ,;iit and Jardine, with their hangers-on. This, wit .isiderable business in the coolie trade — which consists n. ..idnapping wretched coolies, putting them on board ships where all the horrors of the slave-trade are reproduced, and sending them on specious promises to such places as Cuba — is the chief business of the 'foreign' mer- chants at iSwatow. Swatow itself is a small town some miles up the river. I can only distinguish it by the great fieet of jvinks lying off it. The place where the foreigners live is a little island, barren, but nicely situated at the mouth of the river. A number of Chinese are resorting to it, und putting ' Bruce, Robert, and Frederick, his three sons. ^ Cn. VIII. \lxr)S. MH. HUUNS. 227 ilm(>st too good cstcrday. IIo liiUKhao. The () Sliiinjiliae by iccoiiiits of the ay from home. ness soon, and y. . . . How I 1 list mas Day at reel steps, and ^ differently my ity of the dead eh Ilcrod had consc'ienee and ; emotions and c is one I have vhich your own larf^est sense ; n ; not nothinjr nothing also in of doing good, i-th Avhile to be am again on the . . Thescttle- ly of agents of ine, with their is in the coolie aoolies, {)utting the slave-trade L'omisos to such ' foreign ' mer- )wn some miles 2 great fleet of gners live is a mouth of the it, and putting ma. lip rather good houses for Chinese. The popidation lias a li('tt(M- api)oaranee than the Cantonese. The men powerful and frank-looking, and some of the women not (piite hideous. Our people get on very well with the natives here. They have no Consuls or special j)rotection ; so they act, I ])resiune, with mode- ration, and matters go on quite smoothly. I went into the house i>!of one of the ' Shroffs ' (i)ankers or money-dealers) ctmnccted %ith Jardine's house, and I found tl»e gentleman indulging !in his opium-pipe. lie gave us some delicious tea. . . . The ' JShroffs here are three brothers. They eame from Canton, their father remained behind. The mandarins wanting money to Scarry on the war with us, called upon him to pay 12,000 taels %l)out 4,000/. They used him as the screw to get tiiis sum PfVom his sons who were in foreign employ. Though tlie old -man had resolved to leave his home and his ])atch of ground rather than pay, his sons provided the money and sent him back. Such cases are constantly occun-ing here, and they show how strong the family afliections are in China. Anotlier case was mentioned to me yesterday, whicli illustrates Rough the very roundabout way in which justice is arrived at among J"'*'^"-"- lis all here. The coolies in a French coolie ship rose. The waster and mate jumped overboard, and the coolies ran the ship on shore, where the crew had their clothes, &c., taken from them, but were otherwise well treated. On this a French man-of-war comes, proceeds to Swatow, which is fifty miles from the scene of the occurrence, and informs the people that they will bombard the place inunediately unless 6,000 dollars •are paid. They got the money, but the mandarins at once Bcpieezed it out of these same Shroffs, saying, that as they brought the barbarians to the spot, they must pay for the damages they inflicted. Meanwhile, the ' foreigners ' have it, I apprehend, much their OAvn way. They are masters of the situation, pay no duties except tonnage dues, which are paid by them at about one-third of the amount paid by native vessels of the same burthen ! Hearing that Mr. Burns, a missionary, whose case is Mr. Bums, narrated in the t'cries of ' insults by the Chinese authorities ' submitted to Parliament (he having been in fact very kindly treated, as he himself acknowledges), was at the island, I invited him to breakfast. I found him a very interesting person, really an enthusiastic missionary, and kindly in his Mi y I i a\ M ,VI/ 1 . f i ; ^ k 1; fi i- 1!^ t ' 1^1 I i ( i ! 1 1 - 228 FIRST mSSION TO CHINA. Cn. VIII. feelings towards the Chinese. lie wears the Chinese attire, not as a disguise, but to prevent crowds being attracted by his appearance. He does not boast of much success in converting, but the Chinese are very willing to listen to him and to take books. They approve of all books that inculcate virtue, morality, &c., but they have no taste for the distinctive doctrines of Christianity. As Yeh said, when a Bible was presented to him from the Bishop : — ' I know that book quite well, a very * good book. It teaches men to be v' lous, like the Budd- ' histic books ;' and then turning very politely to his captain, * Will you be good enough to take care of this book till I * want it.' f| The country in this neighbourhood is very lawless. Burns, a few days before he was arrested, slept with his two companions, two native Christians, in a large village. During the niglit the house he was in was broken into, and all they had stolen. Nothing remained but a few of their books, which they carried tied to sticks over their shoulders. A peasant came up to him and said, * I see you are not accustomed to carry loads,' and took his burden and carried it for him six miles, asking for nothing in return. Other natives bought the books (they had previously given them gratuitously), and thus they got money enough to go on with. When they got into this principal town, and were arrested by the police, the authorities seemed rather to regret it. They underwent some interrogatories which Burns seems to have tui-ned into a sort of sermon, for he went at length into Christian teaching, and the judges listened most complacently. They confined them in prison, but did everything they could to make Bui-ns himself comfort- able. His companions Avere not so well treated. He joined them at one time at his o^vn request, under circumstances curiously illustrative of Chinese manners. A subordinate of the gaoler with whom he was lodged died from swallowing opium. The gaoler was at once held responsible, and his house was mobbed. On which Mr. Burns, not knowing the cause of the disturbance, asked to rejoin his companions. He found them shut up in a very loathsome cell, with several other prisoners ; a place something like my Canton prisons ; but he said they did very well while there, for they were able to preach to the other prisoners. At one of the interrogatories, Cn. VIII. 1858. FOOCIIOW. 229 Chinese attire, attracted by his pss in converting, him and to take virtue, morality, tive doctrines of vas presented to uite well, a very like the Budd- y to his captain, this book till I awless. Burns, a two companions, During the night they had stolen. Inch they carried t came up to him carry loads,' and miles, asking for 3 books (they had s they got money ito this principal i Luthorities seemed le interrogatories :>rt of sermon, for , and the judges [ them in prison, ; himself comfort- ated. He joined f er circumstances ' A subordinate of from swallowinji )onsible, and his not knowing the jompanions. He ell, with several Canton prisons;! OT they were able | le interrogatories, | one of his companions, the more zealous of the two, on being asked why he had brought a foreigner to the place, answered that it was because he was a Christian, and that their books said, ' It is better to die ',vith the wise than to live with fojls.* This sentiment was not considered complimentary by the man- darins, who immediatf^iy ordered him to be beaten, upon which he got ten blows on each side of his face with an instrument like the sole of a shoe. Mr. B. told this story, but added that he believed the beating had been determined on before, for his other companion, who was the more worldly of the two, and who had probably found his way to the heart of the gaoler, was told that he too would be beaten that day, but that the ^ blows would be laid on by a friendly hand, and that if he kept his cheek loose, he would not feel them much. March 8th. — We are entering Foochow ; a most beautiful Amoy. day : the sea smooth as glass. We left Amoy last night. T Avent to church in the forenoon at the Consulate. An American missionary preached. There are several missionaries at Amoy. They have, as they say, about 300 converts. The foreigners and natives get on very well there. The town is a poor enough place, and the island seems rocky and barren. How it can sustain the great population which inhabits the villages that cover it is a mystery. March I4th. — A vessel from Shanghae brought me this morning a letter from Oliphant, which shows that he has got well through the business which I entrusted to him.' He went witli my letter for the Prime Minister of the Emperor to a city named Soochow, which is not open to foreigners, and which is moreover the seat of beauty and fashion in the empire, and he seems to have been well received. This is a good sign. An edict has moreover been issued by the Emperor degrading Yeh, and moderate in its tone as regards foreigners. All this looks as if there would be at Pekin a disposition to settle matters. God grant that it may be so, that I may get home, and not be required to do farther violence to these poor people. its neighbourhood Foochow. The scenery of Foochow and struck him as singularly beautiful. Even in an official despatch we find him writing of it -as follows : — • See his ' Narrative/ vol. i. c. xi. Li f i !i f! tl : \ \\ 111 l>i It i-' 1 - 1 !' 1 V 2-''.0 FIRST HUSSION TO CHINA. Cn. VIII. American niission- iirios. With the oxooption perhaps of Cliusnn, I liavc as yet scon iio ])hice in China which, in point of bcanty of scenery, rivals Foochow. The Min river passes to the sea between two mountain ranjjfes, which, wlierever tiie torrents have not washed away every particle of earth from the surface, are cultivated by the industrious Chinese in terraces to their very sunnnits. These mountain ranges close in upon its baidvs dnrino- the last j)art of its course : at one time confining it to a comparatively narrow channel, and at another sulfering it to expand into a lake ; but in the vicinity of the Pai^oda Island they separate, leavino- between them the plain on which Foochow stands. This plain is diversified by hill and dale, and comi)rises the Island of Kantai, which is the site of the foreign settlement. At the season of my visit, both hills and })lain were chiefly covered •with wheat ; but I was informed tliat the . il is induced, by irrigation and manure applied liberally, to yield in many cases, besides the wheat crop, two rice crops during the year. We walked with i)erfect freedom, both abo.it the town and into the surrounding country. Nothing could be more courteous than the i)eople of the villages, or more quaint than the landscape, consisting mainly of hillocks dotted with horseshoe graves, and monuments to the honoiu* of virtuous maidens and faith- ful widows, surrounded by patches of wheat and vegetables. Kensal (li-ecn or Pere la Chaise, cultivated ' s kitchen gardens, would not inaptly represent the general character of the rural districts of China which I have visited. In some respects, llo^vever, the im})rcssioii was not so satisfactory. In his journal he says : — The j)eople whom we met in our i)eregrinations were ])or- f fectly civil. The Consul, too, and Europeans were civil like- wise. They were willing to give me information. I do not know that I carried much away with me, except the general impression, that our trade is carried on on princii)les which are dishonest as regards the Chinese, and demoralising to our own people. At Foochow, I saw one of the American missionaries, a very wm-thy man I should think, but not of the stamp of Mr. Burns. He had been about eight years at Foochow, and he computed |„ the converts made by himself and his brother missionaries at !| fifteen. He said that they were particular as to the conduct ■f Cn. VIII. 1858. CIIINIIAE. NINGPO. 231 ivvc as jet seen ' scenery, rivals ;V between two lave not waslied re cultivated hy very sunnnits. dnrino- the last a eonjpjiratively exi)and into a 1 they separate, )W stands. This 5es the Island of 2)nent. At the chiefly covered IS induced, by 1 in many cases, the year. We wn and into the courteous than the landscape, >rseshoe graves, dens and faith- and vegetables, kitchen gardens, ter of the rural ssiou was not tions ■\vere por- were civil like- tion. I do not ?l)t the general I'inciples which oralising to our sionaries, a very ^ ) of Mr. Burns. id he computed missionaries at to the conduct of their f onverts ; but I cannot affirm that he satisfied me that they accepted in any very earnest way the peculiar doctrines of Christianity. However, I daresay that these missionaries do good, for the Chinese are not fanatics, and it must do them a benefit to see amono; them some fbreifjners who are not en- gaged exclusively in money-making. March IGth. — We are at anchor off Chinhae at the mouth of Chiuhae. the river which leads to Ningpo. \Ve have just returned from a walk on shore. We passed through a small walled town, and climbed up a hill to a temple on the sununit, from which we had a magnificent ])rospect. On the east and north, the sea studded with the islands of the Chusan group; on the west, a rich plain, through which the river meanders on its way from Kingpo ; on the north, a succession of mountain ranges. We were accompanied by some curious but good-natured Chinamen, who seemed anxious to give us information. A very dirty lad, without a tail, proved to be the piicst. After looking about us for some time, we entered the building; which contained a* sort of central shrine, in which were some gilt figures of large size, besides rows of smaller gilt figures round the walls. I observed a number of slips of pa[)er with Chinese characters upon them ; and being told that they were used fur divination purposes, I asked how it was done : upon which one of the Chinamen took from before the shrine a thing like a match-holder, fidl of bits of stick like matches, and kneeling down on a hassock, began to shake this case till one of the bits of stick fell out. lie l)icked it up, and finding a single notch upon it, selected from the sli[)S of paper which I had noticed the one which had a corresi)onding mark. AVe carried it away, and I intend to get ^Ir. Wade to translate it that I may send it to you. The other Chinamen present seemed very much amused at what was going on. They do not appear to have a particle of reveren. j for their religion, and yet they spend a good deal of money on their temples. Wade's teacher (so the Chinaman who aids him in the work of inter[)retatlon is styled) has told him that the lot which fell to me at the Buddhist temple is the Xo. 1 lot, the most fortunate of all. Their system of divination is rather complicated, but, as I understand it, it appears to be that Noah, or some one who lived about his time, discovered eight symbols on the back of a tortoise. These, multiplied uito themselves, make sixty-four, "■>^ p' I iri I M *'V:l- 232 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. VIII. which constituted the Book of Fate. It appears that my lot is the fii'st of the eight, and therefore the best that can be got ! Ningpo. Ningpo. — March \Sth. — AVe arrived here yesterday, and I have been Avalking both days about the town with Mr. Meadows, the author, who is vice-consul here. I am disappointed with the city, of which I had heard a great deal. But the people are even more amiable than at any other place I have visited. Oliphaut has rejoined us in high spirits, after his visit to Soo- chow. I cross examined a Church of England clergyman about his converts. When pressed, he could only name one who seemed to be conscious of the want Avhich we believe to be supplied by the Atonement. About 100, however, including children, attend churches in Ningpo, of whom thirty have been baptized. Ningpo was one of the places which had been treated with more than ordinary severity in the last war. It was also one of the phices in which the natives showed the most friendly disposition toAvards foreigners. To the resident traders the inference was obvious : the severity was the cause of the friendly disposition, and it had only to be applied elsewhere to produce the like results. With evident satisfaction Lord Elgin sets him- self, in an official despatch, to refute this reasoning. After observing that the natives showed rather an ex- aggeration than a defect of the desire to live peaceably with foreigners, he proceeds : — The state of Ningpo in this respect furnishes their favourite and, perhaps, most plausible argument, to that class of persons who advocate what is styled a vigoi'ous policy in China ; in other words, a policy which consists in resorting to the most violent measures of coercion and repression on the slenderest provocati(ms. They say, * Remember what happened at Ningpo ' during the last war, and observe the consideration and respect * which is evinced towards you there. Treat other towns in * China likewise, and the result will be the same.' I question the soundness of this inference. Ningpo is situated on the south-eastern verge of the mighty valley of the Yang-tze-kiang, which is inhabited by a population the most inoflfensive, per- haps, both by disposition and habit, of any on the surface of mmm Cn. viir. 1808. NIXGrO. CIIUS.VN. 233 tliat my lot is can be got ! 'stcrday, and I jNli*. Meadows, appointed with But the people I have visited, is visit to Soo- !rgyman about lanie one who believe to be ver, ineludinir irty Iiave been been treated ast war. It bives showed signers. To bvioiis: the ?ition, and it lice the like rin sets him- 5 reason ins:, ther an ex- 'e peaceably | leir favourite iss of persons n China ; in to the most be slenderest ed at Ningpo n and respect ler towns in I question lated on the ig-tze-kiang, ensive, per- 3 surface of ary the earth. Their amenity towards the foreigner is due, I appre- hend, to temperament, as much, at least, as to the recollection of the violence which they may have sustained at his hands. I have made it a point, whenever I have met missionaries or others who have penetrated into the interior from Ningpo and Shanghae, to ask them what treatment they experienced on those expeditions, and the answer has almost invariably been that, at points remote from those to which foreigners have access, there was no diminution, but on the contrary rather an enhancement, of the courtesy exhibited towards them by the natives. H. M. S. ' Furious.'* — March 20th. — Yesterday, I called on Mission a clorgynmn to see Miss Aldersey, — a remarkable lady, who came out here immediately after the last war, and has been de- voting herself and her fortune to the education and C -istian- isation of the Chinese at Ningpo. She seems a nice person, but I could not get as much conversation with her as I wished, because the Bishop, &c., were present all the time. She has to pay the girls a trifle, as an equivalent for what their labour is Avorth, for coming to her school, or to board them and keep them, as it is not at all in the ideas of the Chinese that women should be educated. She docs not seem to have got the entree into Chinese houses of the richer class. Mrs. Russell (wife of the English clergyman), who speaks the language, has obtained it a little. I cannot make out that, when she visits them, they ever talk of anything except where she got her dress, &c. ; but on great occasions, when they assemble for ceremonies in the temples, they seem very devout. In private they treat these matters with great indifference. I had some of the missionaries to dinner. They put the converts at a larger number than I understood Mr. Russell to do, but otherwise their report did not differ materially from his. Chusan. — March 2\st. — This is a most charming island. How any people, in their senses, could have preferred Hong- kong to it, seems incredible. The people too, that is to say, the lov/er orders, seem really to like us. We walked through the town of Tinghae, and asked at the shop of a seller of per- fumed sticks for the ' Mosquito tobacco,' but in vain. We then passed through the further gate of the city into the coun- try beyond, and seeing something like a chapel, made tOAvards Chusan. li J. . 1 1 j i Frencli mission- ary. Scenery. P J k] ': f/ •-- 1 ; 1 hi 234 FIKST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. vm. it. A man, dressed as a Cliinainan, came out to meet us. He addressed us in French, .and ])rovod to be a Roman Catholic priest. He was very civil, and asked us into his house, where he gave us some tea, grown on his own farm. He has been here two years quite alone, and he was ten years before in the province of Kiangsu. He says that he has some 200 converts. Some twenty bo}^, deserted children, he brings up, and works on his farm. I saw them, and I must say I never beheld a more hap])y and Avell-conditioned set of boys. In the town was an establishment for younger children, chiefly girls, under the charge of a Chinese female convert. After he had given us tea, the missionary accom])anicd us in our walk. He first took us to a sort of cottage-villa, belonging to one of the rich in- habitants, consisting of about a couj)le of acres of ground, covered by kiosks and grottos and dwarf-trees, juid ups and di>wns and zigzags, — all in the niost app?"oved Chinese fashion. Fi'om thence we clambered uj) a mountain of, 1 should think, some 1,200 feet in height, from Avhich we had a very extensive view, and beheld ranji-es of hills, sepai'ated by cosy valleys, on one side ; on the other, the walled city of Tinghae, sur- rounded by rice-fields ; beyond, the sea studded with islands of the Chusan group. It was a beautiful view, and we returned to the ship very much pleased with oiu* scramble. March 22n(l. — I have just returned from a walk to the top of a hill, on the opposite side of the flat on which the town is situated from that which we mounted yesterday. The day is charming, clear, with a fannins;, bracing air. We had a finer view almost than yesterday. The same character of scenery all round the island. Spacious flats on the sea-board under irrigation ; about one-half of the fields covered (uoav) with water, and the other half in crop, chiefly beans, wheat, and rape, which, with its yellow flower, gives warmth to the colour- ing of the landscape ; these flats, fringed by hills of a goodly height — say from 600 to 1,200 feet, — which cluster together as they recede from the sea-board, compressing the flats into narrow valleys, atul finally extinguishing them altogether. The hills themselves barren, with j)atclios here and there of Chinese cultivation and fir plantations, the first I have seen in China. Turn your eyes to the sea, and you have before you innume- rable islands dotting its surface, the same in character, though smaller in size, than that on which you are standing. I have Cn. vm. 1858. POTOU. 235 nicot us. He )inan Catholic ) house, where He has been s before in the 200 converts, up, and works lever beheld a In the town ly girls, under e had given us He first took )f the rich in- es of ground, ', and ups and lincsc fashion. should think, very extensive • cosy valleys, Tiniihae, sur- with islands of id we returned alk to the top zh the town is The day is Ve had a finer ter of scenery a-board under d (now) with s, wheat, and to the colour- s of a goodly er together as the flats into together. The ;re of Chinese ieen in China, you innume- •acter, thouirh ling. I have I ^^^' seldom seen a more delightful spot. In going on our walk, we jtassed by the burying-ground of the British who died while we occupied the island, and Ave did something to put order among their neglected graves. On our return, we passed by a cottage where an old lady was seated at her spinning-wheel. I entered. She received us most courteously, placed chairs for us, and immediately set to work to prepare tea. "When she found that one of the party was a doctor, a son (grown up) was produced who was suffering from ague. We brought him on board, and gave him some quinine. He showed us the medicine he was taking. It aj)i)eared to be a sort of mash of bits of bamI)()o and all sorts of vegetable ingredients. The doctor who tried it said it had no taste. I should mention that at the landing-place we met some of the French missionary's boys, who brought me a present of eggs and fowls and salad from the farm, in return for a dollar which I gave them yes- terday to buy cakes withal. March 2ord. — We set off this morning to visit Potou.' After Potou. landing on the beach, we proceeded along a spacious paved path to a monastery, in a very i)icturesque spot under the grey granite hills. We entered the buildings, which were like all other Buddhistic temples — the same images, &c. — and were soon sur- rounded by crowds of the most filthy and miserable-looking bonzes, some clad in grey and some in yellow. All were very Bonzes, civil, however, and on the invitation of the supei'ior — who had a much moz*e intelligent look than the rest — we went into an apartment at the side of the temi>le and had some tea. After a short rest we proceeded on our way, and mounted a hill about 1 ,500 feet in height, passing by some more temples on the way. I never saw human beings apparently in a lower condition than these bonzes, though some of the temples were under repair, and on the whole tolerably cared for. The view from the top of the hill was magnificent, and there was glorious music here and here, from the sea rolling in upon the sandy beach. We met ome women (not young ones) going up the hill in chairs to worshi[) at the tem})lcs, and found, in some, individuals at their devotions. In one there was a monk, hidden behind a crreat drum, repeating in a j)laintive tone, over and over again, the name of Buddha, *ameta fo,' or something like that sound. I observed some with lumps on the forehead, evidently produced * A 8acrecl island, in the 'sea of wator-lilies.' i i t i i ) , ^ ! ( '1 s 1 I 1 1 tli if i 1! » 1: 1 • 1 236 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. VIII. by knocking it against the ground. The utter want of respect of these people for their temples, coupled with this asceticism and apparent self-sacrifice in their religion, is a combination which I cannot at present understand. It has one bad effect, that in the plundering expeditions which we Christians dignify with the name of war in these countries, idols are ripped up in the hope of finding treasure in them, temple ornaments seized, and in short no sort of consideration is shown for the religious feelings of the natives. The following notice of the same sacred island occurs in one of his despatches : — I trust that I may be permitted to offer one remark in re- ference to Potou, an islet adjoining Chusan, which I touched at on my way from the latter place to Chapoo. Little inform- ation, of course, was to be gathered there on questions di- rectly affecting trade or politics, for it is a holy spot, exclusively appropriated to temples in tinsel and bonzes in rags ; but it was impossible to wander over it as I did, visiting with entire impunity its most sacred recesses, without being forcibly re- minded of the fact that one, at least, of the obstacles to inter- course between nations, which oi)erates most powerfully in many parts, especially of the East, can hardly be said to exist in China. The Buddhistic faith does not seem to excite in the popular mind any bigoted antipathy to the professors of other creeds. The owner of the humblest dwelling almost invariably offers to the foreigner who enters it the hospitable tea-cu]), without any apparent apprehension that his guest, by using, will defile it; and priests and worshippers attach no idea of pro- fanation to the presence of the stranger in the joss-house. This is a fact, as I humbly conceive, not without its signifi- cance, when we come to consider what prospect there may be of our being able to extend and multiply relations of commerce and amity with this industrious portion of the human race. The private journal proceeds : — March 24th. — We are gliding through a perfectly smooth sea, with islands on both sides of us, on a beautifully calm and clear day, warmer than of late, but still tart enough to feel healthy. We passed a fleet of some hundreds of junks, pro- ceeding northward under convoy of some lorchas of the 'Arrow' Cn. VIII. ant of respect :hi8 asceticism combination me bad effect, istians dignify ripped up in aments seized, the religious sland occurs remark in re- lich I touched Little inform- questions di- ot, exclusively rags ; but it Iff with entire ig forcibly re- acles to inter- powerfully in )e said to exist excite in the issors of other nost invariably itable tea-cuj), , by using, will o idea of pro- he joss-house, out its signifi- there may be IS of commerce uman race. irfectly smooth fully calm and enough to feel of junks, pro- of the* Arrow' 1858. CIIAPOO. SIIANGILiE. 237 class, carrying flags which they probably have no right to. These lorchas exact a sort of black mail from the junks, and ])lunder them whenever it is more profitable to do so than to l)rotect them. They often have Europeans on board. Poor Yell has suffered severely for our sins in respect to this descrip- tion of craft. We are on our way to Chapoo now, a port not opened to trade, but one which I am ordered by the Govern- ment to induce the Chinese to open. As it is very little out of the way to Shanghae, I wish to look at it in passing. March 'loth. — We reached Chapoo at about 5 p.m. I did cimpooi, not land, but some of the party did, and mounted a hill from whence they looked down upon a walled town of no great size, and a plain, perfectly flat, stretching for any nxunber of miles beyond it. The people, as usual, were civil, and made no difficulties, although we have no right to land there. The bay in which we anchored is open, and not in any particular way interesting. At about three this morning we started, and have been favoured with as good a day as yesterday. We have had nothing of the bold coasts of previous days, and passed occa- sionally islands flatter than those seen before. We are now in the mouth of the Yang-tze-kiang, with a perfectly flat and low shore on one side, and an equally flat one just discoverable with the aid of the telescope on the other. A good many junks are sailing about us, their dark sails filled with a lively breeze. Before us is a large man-of-war, which I am just told is the American * Minnesota.' So our cruise is coming to an end, M'hich I regret, as it has been a very pleasant break, and at least for the time has kept me out of reach of the bothers of my mission. We have reason too to be most thankful for the Aveather with which we have been favoured, and if Mr. Reed is before me he cannot complain, as I am here on the very day on which I said I should reach Shanghae. This is a very strange coast. The sea seems to be filling up with the de- l)osits of the rivers. We have an island (inhabited) beside us, which did not exist a few yeai'S ago. We have not during all yesterday and to-day had ever more than eight fathoms of water. Shanghae had been named as the rendezvous for the Shanghae. Allied Powers. There, as he had written to the Em- peror's Prime Minister, 'the Plenipotentiaries of Eng- W"^ i; 1 ,. 'if ■ i ' ■ . i 1 < i < l:,''' : ':i ' t 1 U\hi !H iUM f i 1^ 1 . : t . r 1 H: k ( from Pekin. 238 I1K8T MISSION TO CHINA. Ci'. VIII. * land and France would be prepared to enter into ' negotiations for the settlement of all differences ex- ' isting between their respective Governments and that ' of China with any Plenipotentiary, duly accredited by ' the Emperor, who might present himself at that port ' before the end of the month of jMarch.' There he still fondly hoi)ed to find his Hercules' Pillar. ' If I can ' only conclude a treaty at Shanghae,' so he wrote when starting Irom Canton, ' and hasten home afterwards ! ' The place was Avell chosen for the purpose ; not only as the most northerl}' of the Treaty ]:)Qrts, and therefore nearest to the capital, but also as the most flourishing stronghold of European influence and civilisation then existing in China. ' I was struck,' wrote Lord Elgin in one of his despatches, ' by the thoroughly European ap- pearance of the place ; the foreign settlement, with its goodly array of foreign vessels, occupying the fore- ground of the picture; the junks and native town lying up the river, and dimly perceptible among the shadows of the background ; spacious houses, always well, and often sumi)tuously, furnished ; Europeans, ladies and gentlemen, strolling along the quays ; English police- men habited as the London })olice ; and a climate very much resembling that which 1 had experienced in London exactly twelve montlis before, created illusions Avhich were of course very promptly dissipated.' Dissipated too Avas the hope in Avhich he had in- dulged, of a speedy termination to his hibours ; for he was met by a message from the Prime Minister, that ' no Imperial Commissioner ever conducted business at ' Shanghae ; that a new Commissioner had been sent to ' Canton to replace Yeh; and that it behoved the English ' Minister to wait in Canton, and there make his arrange- ' ments.' This, of course, was not to be thought of; and nothing remained but to move onwards towards Pekin, and apply some more direct pressure to the Emperor and his capital. ^%,)[ Cv. VII!. D enter into trercDces ex- }nts and tliat accredited by :' at that port There he still . ' If I can 3 wrote when fterwards ! ' »se ; not only md therefore st flourishing ilisation then jord Elgin in European aj)- lent, with its ing the fore- /G town lying ^ the shadows avs well, and s, ladies and iglish police - climate very perienced in ated illusions pated.' I he had in- )ours; for he linister, that d business at been sent to d the English i his arrange- >ught of; and wards Pekin, the Emperor 1*j8. SHANGIIAE. 239 March 29th. — Shfnujhie. — Here I am in the Consul's house, u very spiuilous mansion. The climate, character of the rooms, Ikv., all make me feel in Europe aj^ain. I reached this har- bour on the 2Gth, but only landed to-day. ]\Ir. Reed and Count Putiatine arrived before me, but Baron (Jros has not yt-t made his appearance. The I'rime Minister of the Em- ])eror says that he cannot write to me himself, but sends me a mcssaf^e throuf^h the Governor-General of the province to say that a Conunissioncr has been sent to Canton by the Emperor to replace Yeh, and that I must go there and settle matters i wifh him. This will never do, so I must move on to the ^ month of the Peiho. I am only waiting fjr Gros and the > jVdmiral before I start. The Shanghac merchants presented an address to me to-day, and as 1 was obliged to say some- ^ thing in reply, I thought that I might as well take advantage = of the oi)portunity to let tlie Chinese (who are sure to get a translation of my answer) know, that there is no chance of my mnw^i back to Canton. I also endeavoured to give the British manufacturers a hint that they nuist exert themselves and not trust to cannon if they intend to get a market in China. The views to which he here refers were expressed in his reply in the following forcible language : — In my commimicati(m with the functionaries of the Chinese Roply to Government, I have been guided by two simple rules of action : 'T^}^^^"^' I have never preferred a demand which I did not believe to bo botii moderate and just, and from a demand so preferred I liave never receded. These principles dictated the policy which resulted in the capture and occupation of Canton. The same principles will be Ibllowed by me, with the same deter- mination, to their results, if it should be necessary to repeat = the experiment in the Vicinity of the capital of the Emperor of China. The expectations held out to British manufacturers at the close of the last war between Great Britain and China, when they Avere told ' that a new world was opened to their trade so ' vast that all the mills in Lancashire could not make stocking- ' stuff sufficient for one of its provinces,' have not been realised ; and I am of opinion that when force and diplomacy shall have done all that they can legitimately effect, the work which has to be accomplished in China will be but at its commencement. \\ ill! lisp U. i . 1 i| ,. ,'■ 4.), i ii) Baths for the mil- lion. Malevo- lence to- wards Chinese. 240 FIHST MISSION TO CHINA. Cu. VIII. Wlien tl)c l)iirriers which prevent free necess to the interior of the country ghall hiive been removed, the Christian civilisa- tion of the West will find itself face to face, not with bar- barism, but with an ancient civilisation in many respects effete and imperfect, but in others not without claims on our sym- pathy and respect. In the rivalry which will then ensue, Christian civilisation will have to win its way among a sceptical and ingenious people, by making it manifest that a faith which reaches to Heaven furnishes better guarantees for public and private morality than one which docs not rise above the earth. At the same time the machina-facturing West will be in presence of a population the most universally and laboriously manufacturing of any on the earth. It can achieve victories in the contest in which it will have to engage only by proving that physical knowledge and mechanical skill, ajjplied to the arts of production, are more than a match for the most perse- vering efforts of unscientific industry. The journal proceeds as follows, under date of the 29th of March :— I shall be a little curious to see my next letters. The truth is, that the whole world just now are raving mad with a passion for killing and slaying, and it is difficult for a person in his sober senses like myself to keep his own among them. However I shall be glad to see what Parliament says about Canton. March ZOth. — Baron Gros arrived to-day. I forgot to men- tion that I visited the town of Shanghae yesterday, and among other things went into a bathing establishment, where coolies were getting steamed rather than bathed at rather less than a penny a head, which penny includes, moreover, a cup of tea. So that these despised Chinamen have bathing-houses for the million. With us they are a recent invention : they Lave had them, I believe, for centuries. I am told that they are much used by the labouring class. I Avas struck by an instance of the malevolence towards the Chinese, which I met with to-day. Baron Gros told me that a boat with some unarmed French officers and seamen got adrift at a place called the Cape of Good Hope, as he was coming up from Hong-kong. They found themselves off an island, on the shore of which a crowd of armed Chinese collected. Their situation was disagreeable I I im 'n' Cu. VIII. <« to the interior liristiiin civili.sa- , not with har- y rc8i)eot8 eflete ns on our syni- ^ill then ensue, niong a sceptical at a faith which for j)ubiic and ibove tlie earth. \^est will be in and laboriously ichieve victories only by proving , applied to the the most perse- 3r (late of the t letters. The ring; mad with a lit for a person n among them, mcnt says about I forgot to men- day, and among t, whei-e coolies ther less than a r, a cup of tea. -houses for the they Lave had t they are much ' an instance of net with to-day. marmed French ed the Cape of ig-kong. They which a crowd i^as disagreeable 18.j8. 8IIAX(JIIAK. MISSIONAIJIES. 241 enougli. Next day, however, the body of the Chinese dis- persed, and a few who remained came forward in the kindest nninner offering them food, &c. They stated that they came ack with a priest as talkative, and Jesuits. It came found our letters No douht, as you it one is mixed up i mt then in some )od, or at least for is, I believe, the s in China. lie the merciful way inton, adding that eigners. He had ver been insulted out even a stick, ure them, &c. I e inconsistency in r himself and the m. He said that 'as much attached b Canton were no chastisement they believe that what lie ease, and it is oured to spare the by those who ap- 1858, mSSIONAinES. 243 From the foreooinjr and similar extracts, it will be seen how much interest he took in the labours of the missionaries, and at the same time with what breadth and calmness of view he liandled a subject peculiarly lial)le to exa'ii!:eration on one side or the other. Durinrt, looking into everything wdth our own eyes. Our colleagues, Avith their big ships, arrive sooner or later at the great places of rendezvous. ' Those who remember the some- what angry discussion which arose afterwards about this dehiy, its causes and its consequences, may be struck with the fact that the subject is scarcely alluded to in any of the extracts here given. The omission is intentional : J.ord Elgin's friends liaving no desire to rake up nn ex- tinct contruveisy which lie would have been the last to wish to see revived, and respecting which tlioy have nothing to add to — as they have nothing to withdraw from — what he him.self stated in tlie Iloufe of Lords on February 21, 18G0. ,:^ Cii. IX. lat it should uts of liiylit banks which r. In this, eeks el a 1)80(1 taken. The h annoyance regretted it tn personally s time under hus left the to be settled wc arc, gHding tie wind, and the smoke ami as well as coii- of the Yellow boat astern to got. 1 trust, may succeed, put off for a iVS what niij^ht itcntiary, with wcvcr, a junk lie day before le French and 3 how we phiy ether, visiting :n eyes. Our )r later at the to rake up an ex- wliirli he would it to wiisli to set) ctii)g which tlioy add to — as they withdraw from — ftted in the Iloufe [iry 21, 18G0. 1868. iVDV.\NCE TO THE rEHIO. 247 I I April I3th, Nine P.M. — "We had an adventure this after- Aground. noon. I was on the paddle-box bridge watching, as we passed betAveen the town of Tung-Chow Foo (a long wall, as it seemed, stretching for about four miles, with a temple at the nearest r end) and the island of Meantau, when I felt a sliock, — and, be- hold I we were aground. Our gunboat, which we towed, not being able to check its speed at a moment's notice, ran foul of us, and we both suffered a little in the scuffle. We got off in about two hours. On the whole, I am ratlicrglad that we have a gunboat with us, for if anything serious did 'lappen, it would be rather awkward, under existing circumstances, to be cast on tlie coast of China. It is as well to have two strings to one's bow. April \Ath. — This morning it was thick and jiretty rough. It is now (4 P.M.) very bright and comparatively smooth. We have seen no land to-day, nor, indeed, anything but sea and a few junks. Shall we meet any vessels at the rendez- vous? A fcAv hours will teU. April loth. — We saw, at about 5 p.m. yesterday, the Thtren- Russian at anchor, and went towards her, but were after- '''^^^'""^• wards obliged to remove to some distance, as we had not water enough where she is. While we Avere going to our berth, the ' Pique ' came in sight. So here we are — ' Pi(iue' ' Furious ' and ' Slaney ' (gunbcut), in an open sea, land not even visible. Cap- tain Osborn started off this morning, in the gunboat, to sound and find out what chance we have of getting over the bar at the mouth of the Peiho. Putiatine came on board this morn- ing. He has sent to the shore a note announcing his arrival. I am not disposed to do anything of the kind. The best plan, as it appears to me, is to move steadily up the river as soon as we can get over the bar, and let the Chinese stop us if they dare. Putiatine says that he will follow me, if I pass without any resistance being offered, but that he must not go first, as his Government forbids him to provoke hostilities. This division of labour suits me very well. April \9th. — I have nothing to write about. You may imagine what it is to be at anchor in this gulf with nothinor to do. ... If I had had my gunboats, I might have been up the Peiho ere this. I might perhaps have brought the Emperor to his senses. . . . Meanwhile Heed is arrived. Gros is last, but he is bringing his Admiral and force with him. *k4 ; ■» |i| i ' : I ,.i ' il. i 248 FIRST mSSION TO CHINA. Cn. IX. if 1)1- ^1 i' il .* J! Tiikin£» of ilu- I'orts. April 2\.'it. — Gros arrived last evcninf]^. He is very well disposed, and ready to act with me. The French Admiral may be expected any day. \Vc are going to make a com- munication to Pekin to invite a Plenipotentiary to meet us here, as we cannot go up to Tientsin. About a week afterwards the bar was crossed ; but it was not until tliree more weeks had passed that the forts at the mouth of the river were taken, in order to secure tlie passage of the Envoys up to Tientsin. 3lfri/ 21. if. — I have spent during the last tlu-ee weeks the worst time I have passed since 1849, and really I have not been capable of writing. The forts were taken yesterday. The Chinese had had several weeks to prepare, and their mnrnl was greatly raised by our hesitations and delays. The poor fellows even stood at their guns and fired away pretty steadily. But as they hardly ever hit, it is of very little con- sequence how much they fire. As soon as our men landed they abandoned the forts and ran off in all directions. AVe have hardly had any loss, I believe ; but the French, who blundered a good deal with their gunboats, and then contrived to get bloAvn up by setting fire to a powder magazine, have suf- fered pretty severely. I fancy that we have got almost all the artillery which the Chinese Empire possesses in this quarter. ... This affair of yesterday, in a strategical point of view, was a much more creditable affair than the taking of Canton. Our gunboats and men appear to have done well, and though they were opposed to poor troops, still they Avere troops, and not crowds of women and children, who were the victims of the bombardment at Canton. May 22nd. — Would that you had been a true prophet ! Yet there is something of inspiration in your writing on the 1st of March : ' I was fancying you even now, perhaps, ascend- ing the Peiho with a train of gunboats ! ' May 23rd. — These wretched Chinese are for the most part unarmed. When they are armed, they have iio notion of directing their firearms. They are timorous, and without either tactics or discipline. I will venture to say that twenty- four determined men, with revolvers and a sufficient number of cartridges, might walk through China from one end to another. May 25th. — No news since I began this letter, except a Cn, IX. 1858. TAKING OF THE FORTS. 249 is very well ich Admiral nake a com- to meet us 'ossed; but cd that the in order to itsin. }e weeks the I have not n yesterday, re, and their delays. The away pretty ry little con- r men landed actions. We French, who len contrived line, have snf- almost all the I this quarter, loint of view, ij; of Canton. 1, and though re troops, and victims of the rue prophet ! riting on the rhaps, ascend- he most part iio notion of v'ithout either ; twenty- four it number of id to another, ter, except a vague report that the Admirals are moving up the river slowly, meeting with no resistance, rather a friendly reception, from the people. I am surprised that we have not yet heard anything from Pekin. I hope the Emperor will not fly to Tartary, because that would be a new j)erplexity. I am not quite in such bad spirits as last week, because at least now there is some chance of our getting this miserable war finished, and thus of my obtaining my liberty again. . . . We ought to have a mail from England any day. . . . Changes of Government have this inconvenience, that of course the new-comers cannot possibly take time to read over pi-evious correspondence, so that they must be but partially informed on many points, . . . but no doubt at this distance it is practically impossible for Government to give instructions, and all the responsibility must rest on the agent on the spot. At this moment, when I am moving up to Pekin, I am receiving the despatches of the Government commenting upon the Canton proceedings, and asking me : What do you intend to do next ? AJoi/ 21th. — I have been pacing the deck looking at tlie dancing waves sparkling under a bright full moon. It is the third time, I think, that I have seen it since I have been in this gulf. I had a message last night late from the Admiral, stating that he is within two miles of Tientsin ! I sent Frederick up that he might see what is going on, and let me know Avhen I ought to advance. I had also a communication from the Chinese Plenipotentiaries, but it was not of much importance. I do not think that these poor, timorous people have any notion of resisting. I only trust that they may make up their minds to concede what is requisite at once, and enable us all to have done with it. May 28th. — The last news from Canton shows that the kind of panic which had been, in my opinion most needlessly, got up, is subsiding, and the General has sent up a few men — for which I ought to thank him, as he had only been asked whether he could supply any if wanted. Mai/ 29th. — I have a short despatch from the new Govern- ment, giving me latitude to do anything I choose if I will only finish the aifair. Meanwhile Frederick writes from Tientsin to recommend me to proceed thither, and I intend to be off this afternoon. There appears to be on the part of the Chinese no attempt at resistance, but on the other hand no movement to ^mm mn I < ! . I . i|f.h il -ii' :' y ^i^i t; 'I ii i " On tli.> Prill.). 'I'ifiitsin. 250 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn, IX. treat. This passivity is, of course, our danger, and it is one which slowness on our part tends to increase. However, we must hope for the best. Yamun, Tientsin. — Mai/ ^Oth. — Only look at my date, does it not astonish you ? I hardly yet realise to myself where I am. I started at about 4.30 v.M. yesterday from the ' Furious,' crossed the bar, at the forts at the entrance of the river, picked up Gros and the French mission, whose vessel could not get on, and moved on to this place. The night was lovely — a moon nearly full. The banks, perfectly flat and treeless at first, became fringed with mud villages, silent as the grave, and trees standing like spectres over the stream. There we went ceaselessly on through this silvery silence, panting and breathing flame. Through the night-watches, when no China- man moves, when the junks cast anchor, we laboured on, cutting ruthlessly and recklessly through the waters of that glancing and startled river, which, until within the last lew weeks, no stranger keel had ever furrowed ! Whose work are we engaged in, when Ave burst thus with hideous violence and brutal energy into these darkest and most mysterious recesses of the traditions of the past? I wish I could answer that question in a manner satisfactory to myself. At the same time, there is certainly not much to regret in the old civilisa- tion which we are thus scattering to the winds. A dense population, timorous and pauperised, such would seem to be its chief product. I passed most of the night on deck, and at about 4 a.m. we reached a point in the centre of the suburb of Tientsin, at which the Great Canal joins the Tien- tsin or Peiho river. There I found the Admirals, Frederick, &c. Frederick had got this yamun for us, half of which I have had to give to my French colleague. It consists of a number of detached rooms, scattered about a garden. I have installed myself in the joss-house, my bedroom being on one side, and my sitting-room on the other, of the idol's altar. We have a letter informing us that the Emperor has named two great Officers of State to come here and treat, and our Admirals are in very good hi Jour, so that matters look well for the present. June 1st. — I found my joss-house so gloomy and low, that I have returned to my first quarter in the garden, on a mound overlooking the river. It consists of a single room, part of 1858. TIENTSIN. 2')1 which is screened off by a curtain for a Ijodrooni. It is hot during the day, but nothing much to conii)Uiin of. I took a walk yesterday. The country is quite flat, cultivated in wheat, millet, &c. Instead of the footpaths of the southern parts of China, there are roads for carriages, and wheeled carts dragged by mules in tandem going along them. I have not been in the town, but some of the party were there this morning, and one had his pocket picked, which is a proof of civilisation. They say it is a poor place, the people stupid-looking and curious, but not as yet unfriendly. June Atli.— I am to have an interview with the Chinese Plenipotentiaries to-day. I devoutly hope it may lead to a speedy and satisfactory pacific settlement ; but I am sending to Hong-kong for troops, in order to be prepared for all eventualities. In sum, my policy has resulted in this: — I have complete military connnand of the capital of China, Avithout having broken off relations with the neutral Powers, and without having interrupted, for a single day, our trade at the different j)orts of the emj)ire. Tientsin. — June 5th — After scndinj; off your letter vester- day, I went to have my first official interview with the Chinese Plenipotentiaries. I made up my mind, disgusting as the part is to me, to act the role of the ' uncontrollably fierce barbarian,' as we ai'e designated in some of the confidential reports to the Chinese Government which have come into our hands. The:?e stupid people, though they cannot resist, and hardly even make a serious attempt to do so, never yield anythhig except under the influence of fear ; and it is necessaiy therefore to make them feel that one is in earnest, and that they have nothing for it but to give Avay. Accordingly I got a guard of 150 marines and the band of the ' Calcutta,' and set off with all my suite in chairs, tambour hattant, for the place-of rendezvous. It was about two-and-a-half miles off, and the heat of the sun very great. The road carried us through sevei'al narrow streets of the suburb, then across a plain, till Ave reached a temple at Avhich the Plenipotentiaries Avere awaiting us. A dense crowd of Chinese men — I saAv not one AAoman — lined the route. Curiosity chiefly was depicted on their countenances ; some looked frightened ; but I observed no symptoms of ill-Avill. At the entrance of the temple Avere two blind musicians, play- ing something like squeaking bagj)ipes. This Avas the Chinese Negotia- tions. llhf m:i-) 111! 252 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cri. IX. band. Wc inarched in Avitli all t)ur force, which drew up in a sort of court before an ()j)cn verandah, Avhere refreshments were set out, and the dignitaries awaited us. 1 was received by the Imperial Commissioner, and conducted to a seat at a small table covered with little plates of sweetmeats, &c. One of the Chinese Pleni[)otentiaries sat on either side of me. It was a very pretty scene, and the place was decorated in ve. , good taste with flowers, &c. As my neighbours showed r- oosi- tion to talk, I began by asking after their health ;: .at of the Emperor. They then said that they had received the Em- peror's orders to come down to treat of our affairs. I answered, that although I was much grieved by the neglect of the Prime Minister to answer the letters I had addressed to him, yet as they had on their cards stated that they had ' full powers,' I had consented to have this interview in order that we min;ht compare our powers, and see whether we could treat together. I told them that I had brought mine, and I at once exhibited them, giving them a translation of the documents. They said they had not powers of the same kind, but a decree of the Emperor appointing them, and they brought out a letter which was wrapped up in a sheet of yellow paper. The chief Pleni- potentiary rose and raised the paper reverentially over his head before unfolding it. I thought the terms of this document rather ambiguous, besides which I was desirous to })roduce a certain effect ; so Avhen it had been translated to me, I said that I was not sufficiently satisfied with it to be able to say on the spot whether I could treat with them or not ; that I would, if they pleased, take a copy of it and consider the matter ; but that I would not enter upon business with them at present. So saying I rose, moved to the front of the stage, and ordered the escort to move and the chairs to be brought. This put the poor people into a terrible fluster. They made great efforts to induce me to sit down again, but I acted the part of the ' un- * controllably fierce ' to perfection, and set off for my abode. I had hardly reached it when I received two cards from my poor mandarins, thanking me for having gone so far to meet them, &c. June I2th. — I have gone through a good deal since we parted. Certainly I have seen more to disgust me with my felloAv-countrymen than I saw during the whole course of my previous life, since I have found them in the East among populations too timid to resist and too ignorant to complain. ■k _: ', I8r>8. NEfJOTIATIONS. 253 I have an instinct in mo which loves rij;liteousness and hates iniquity, and all this keeps nic in a i»eri)ctual boil. June 2dth. — I have not written for some days, hut they have been busy ones. . . . We went on fightin*^ and bullying, and getting the ))()or Commissioners to concede one point after another, till Friday the 25th, when we had reason to believe all was settled, and that the signature was to take place on the following day. . . . On Friday afternoon, however. Baron Gros came to me Avith a message from the Russian and Ame- rican Ministers, to induce me to recede from two of my demands — 1. A resident minister at Pekin; and, 2. Permis- sion to our people to trade in the interior of China; because, as they said, the Chinese Plenipotentiaries had told them that they had received a decree from the Emperor, stating that they should infallibly lose their heads if they gave way on these points. . . . The resident minister at Pekin I consider far the most important matter gained by the Treaty ; the power to trade in the interior hardly less so. ... I had at stake not only these important points in my treaty, for which I had fought so hard, but I know not what behind. For the Chinese are such fools, that it was impossible to tell, if we gave way on one point, whether they would not raise difficulties on every other. I sent for the Admiral ; gave him a hint that there was a great opportunity for England ; that all the Powers were deserting me on a point which they had all, in their original applications to Pekin, demanded, and which they all intended to claim if I got it ; that therefore we had it in our poAver to claim our place of priority in the East, by obtaining this when others would not insist on it ? Would he back me ? . . . This was the forenoon of Saturday, 26th. The Treaty was to be signed in the evening. I may mention, as a proof of the state of people's minds, that Admiral Seymour told me that the French Admiral had urged him to dine with him, assuring Lim that no Treaty would be signed that day ! Well, I sent Frederick to the Imperial Commissioners, to tell them that I was indignant beyond all expression at their having attempted to communicate with me through third parties ; that I wap "'^ady to sign at once the Treaty as it stood ; but that, if they delayed or retracted, I should consider negotiations at an end, go to Pekin, and demand a great deal more, &c. . . . Frederick executed this Treaty most difficult task admirably, and at 6 p.m. I signed the Treaty ^^S^^- " 254 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cii. IX. ! .1 -i. ^ I! m ■I > f' Articlos of tho Treaty, Reasons for mode- ratiun. of Tientsin. ... I am now anxiously waiting some communi- cation from Pckin. Till the Emperor accepts the Treaty, I fcjhali hardly feel safe. Please God. he may ratify without delay 1 I am sure that I express the wish just as much in the interest of China as in ours. Though I have been forced to act almost brutally, I am China's friend in all this. It niiiy be well here to recapitiilute the chief articles of the Treaty thus concluded, which may be briefly summed u[) as follows : — The (^ueen of Great Britain to be at liberty, if she see fit, to appoint an Ambassador, who may reside per- manently at Pekin, or may visit it occasionally, at the option of the British Government; Protestants and Roman Catholics to be alike entitled to the protection of the Chinese authorities ; Pjritish subjects to be at liberty to travel to all parts of the Ulterior, under passports issued by their Consuls ; liritish ships to be at liberty to trade upon the Great River (Yangtze) ; Five additional ports to be opened to trade ; The Tariff fixed by the Treaty of Nankin to be revised ; British subjects to have the option of clearing their goods of all transit duties by payment of a single charge, to be calculated as nearly as possible at the rate of 2 J, per cent, ad valorem ; The character ' I ' ( Barbarian ) to be no longer applied in official documents to British subjects ; The Chinese to pay 2,000,000 taels (about 650,000/.) for losses at Canton, and an equal sum for the expenses of the war. In bringing this Treaty to a conclusion Lord Elgin might have said of himself as truly as of the brother who had so ably helped him in arranging its terms, that he ' felt very sensibly the painfulness of the position of ' a negotiator, who has to treat with persons who yield ' nothing to reason and everything to fear, and who are Cii. IX. 1808. THE TREATY. 255 I communi- ! Treaty, I f'y without mch in the II foreed to ef articles oc briefly rty, if she •eside per- lly, at tlie ie entitled o all parts r Consuls ; the Great ikin to be aring their if a single at the rate no longer :ts ; 650,000/.) e expenses Lord Elgin he brother terms, that position of 5 who yield lid who are ' at the same time })rofoundly ignorant both of the sub- 'jccts under discussion and of their own real interests.' Moreover he had constantly to recollect that, under the ' most favoured nation ' chuise, every concossion made to British subjects would be claimed by tht subjects, or ])ers(ms calling themselves the subjects, of other Powers, by whom they were only too likely to be employed for the promotion of rebellion and disorder within the empire, or for the estaljlishment of })rivileged smug- gling and piracy along its coasts and up its rivers. In all these circumstances he saw grounds for exercising forbearance and moderation ; and his forbearance and moderation were rewarded by the readiness with which the Emperor sanctioned the Treaty, find the amicable manner in which its details were subsequently settled. One exception there was to this moderation on his part, Risht of and to this readiness on theirs ; viz. his insisting, nnamias- against the earnest remonstrances of the Imperial Com- ^'^'^^''' missioners, backed by the intercession of the Russian and American envoys, on the right of sending an am- bassador to Pekin. Ihit it was an exception of that kind which is said to prove the rule ; for the stipulation was one which could not lead to abuses, and which would be conducive, as he believed, in the highest dcixree to the true interests of both the contracting? parties. He was convinced that so long as the system of entrusting the conduct of foreign affairs to a Pro- vincial Government endured, there could be no security for the maintenance of pacific relations. On the one hand the Provhicial Governors were entirely without any sentiment of nationality, caring for nothing but the interests of their own provinces : nor were they in a position to exercise any independence of judgment, their lives and fortunes being absolutely at the disposal of a jealous Government, so that it was generally their most prudent course to allow any abuses to pass unnoticed rather than risk their heads by reporting w i I! '(If: ii- 1. 11 ? it in j: : 1 : ? ^' ■-- ' i 1 ^ 1 ) ■ . »^ i ' ^ l " ^ ! i ; ! ritis}i minister nii^^ht hcMiceforth reside; at Pekin, and hold direct interconrse with in»p<'rial ministers at the ca]>ital, as Ixsin^'', of all the concessions in the Treaty, the one ju'egnant with the most important consc- qnences.' lint, tlu; ri<2;ht once secured, lie was very desirous that it should he ex(!rcis(!d with all possible consider- ation for the lon'unboat ; and it was arranoed that the Admiral should iohi them at Naoasaki. Nagnsdki. — Anf/ust IJ/v/. — Wc have had hoautiful weather, and have readied this ijoint, — a quiet, small-lookin'; town, frinirinir the bottom of a bay, Avhich is itself the eUxse of a channel pass- ing between ranges of high volcanic hills, ragged and hcdd, but luxuriant with vegetation and trees, and cultivated in termccs up to their summits. I have seen nothing so beautiful in point of scenery for many a l.M. — Still at anchor in the same spot. The storm has not ahatcd, and the wind is dead against us. My time is so short that I cannot well afford to lose any. Atif/ust 10th. — Ten A.M. — I wonder if I shall he able to write a few lines legibly. There is still a good deal of motion, but a cool breeze, which is such a relief after the sweltering six weeks we have spent. Ahead of us is a great conical-shaped mountain, the sacred mountain of Fusiama (ctymologically 'the matchless mountain '), and somewhere nearer on the long range of bold coast which we are a])proaching, we expect to find Simoda. But I muit tell you of our two |)ast days — days of suffering. At al)out twelve dui'ing the nigiit of the 7th, the wind shif"ted and began to blow into our anchoraije, so as to make it unsafe to stay there, and to promise us a fair wind if we proceeded on our way ; so off we started. AVe have had our fair wind, but a great deal of it ; and as the ' Furious ' is both a bad sailer and a good roller, we have passed a very wretched time, — every hf)le through which air c(Hild come closed. How- ever, we have made good progress and burnt little coal, which is good for the public interest. We see now in the distance two sails, which we supjjose may be our consorts, the ' Em- peror ' and ' lletribution.' We have travelled some 1000 miles since we left Shanghae, besides sj)endijig two days at Nagasaki. Same dai/. — Noon. — It is a magnificent prospe(;t which we have from the [)addle-box. Immediately before us a bold junk, its single large sail set, and scudding before the breeze. Beyond, a white cloud, sliglit at the base, and swelling into the shape of a balhum as it rises. We have dis- covered that it rests on a mountain dimly visibh; in the distance, and which we recognise as the ' oi(!anic island of Oosima. To- wards the right the wide sea d(>tted with two or three rocky islets. On the left of the volcano island a point of land rising into a bold and rocky coast, along which the eye is carried till it encounters a mighty bank of white clouds piled up one upon Cii. X. •y l»ij,'l» le little shored : 1 many difficult le spot, linst us. to write tion, but :riii<^ six ,l-sliaj>o(l ally 'the n^r range , to find —days of* ! 7tli, the , so as to r wind il" e had our 3 ' is both wretched 1. llow- al, which distance le E m- 000 miles Nagasaki, ['ct which rorc us a )cfore the )ase, and have dis- distance, una. Tu- rce rocky and rising arried till > one upon lc8. SIMODA. 2G3 another, out of which rises clear and blue, with a white streak upon the side which seems to tell of perpetual snow, the cone- shaped toj) of Fusianui. Passing on tlu; eye from this magnifi- cent object to tlie left still farther, the rocky coast is followed till it loses itself in the distance. What is almost more charm- ing than the scene is the fresh breeze which is carrying off the accmnulated fever of weeks. AiKjnst X'ltli. — At sea again, ((trouae day. T am following Simoda. dilferent game.) We dropped anchor in the harbour of Simoda on the loth at about .'i P.M. I went off inunediately to see the American Consid-CleiuM-al, Mr. Harris, the only foreigner resident at Simoda. J found him living in what had been a temple, but what in point of fact makes a very nice cottage, overlooking the bay. As so(jn as we anchored we began to feel the heat, though not so great as at Shanghae. I found that the Consul had contrived to make a i)rettygood treaty with tiapan, evidently under the influence of (he (■ontrecuup of our proceeil- ings in China. lie had had an interview with the Emperor, but it transpired that he had a letter of ereder e, which 1 havo not, and that Putiatine, not having one, 1. . 'Mitted to go to Yeddo. 1 also learnt that there is no way ».- conununlcating with the .Japanese oflicials excejjt through the Dutch language. Jieing without a Dutch interpretei', and without letters of cre- dence, my case looked bad enough. However, I made great fiiends with the American, and the result is that he has lent me his own interj)reter, who is now beside me translating into Dutch a letter from me to the Foreign Minister of the Japanese Emperor. You se(! how I was situated. The problem 1 had to solve was : — How to make a treaty without tiiiu; (for I cannot stay here al)ove a few days), iuti'rpretvr, or crcdvnt'uils ! ! A\'lieu I say credentials, I do not mean full powers. Tlicse I have, but prestige is everything in the East, and I should not like to be prevented from seeing the Eniperor, now that the American has been received. We shall see how we can get out of all this. The luck of credcnthils was practically HiippHcd by the st(!airi-yacht ' Emperor,' which lie had to prescMit to the Tycoon as a gift from her Majesty; and the duties of inter[)nd(!r were dischwrged for him tlirouglioiit in the most cllicieiit manner by the «^entleman above re- ferred to, Mr. Ileusken, the American Secretary, whom III li" { 2G4 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. X. ill if I !f ,,:ii N'lil! Amia- bility. Cloanli- ness. •'I ' 1 1 1 I ■ 1 1 f ii Temples. he found 'not only competent for his special work, but ' also in the hia'hest decree intelligent and obli." » i» 1858. OFF YEDDO. 2G5 round »g all the poor Japiincse officials. I have said nothing of the bazaar of Siinoda, where there were a great many pretty things, of which I bought som«, nor of a visit which the Governor paid to nie. He was a very jolly fellow, liked his luncheon and a joke. He made the conventional protests against my going on, &c., but when he saw it was of no use, he dropped the subject. The Japanese are a most curious contrast to the Chinese, so anxious to learn, and so pricenants. God grant that in opening their country to the West, we may not be bringing upon them misery and ruin. Off Veddo. — Anyiist 14M. — We moved yesterday to within OflfYeddo. about one mile of the shore off the suburb of Yeddo. The shore is flat, and the buildings of the town, interspersed with trees and enclosures, seem to stretch to a great distance along the crescent-shaped bay. Immediately in front of the town and opposite to us are five hirge batteries. Four Japanese men-of- war built on European models are anchored beside us. Three princes came off to see me yesterday. They were exceedingly civil, but very anxious to get me to go back to Kanagawa, a port about ten miles down the bay, from which they said they would convey me by land to Yeddo. Of course I would not agree to this. They were very much puzzled (and no wonder) by my two names. I complimented the prince on the beauti- ful Fusiama, calling it a high mountain. * Oh ! ' he said at once, ' 1 have seen a scale of mountains, and I know that there ' are many much higher tlian Fusiama.' There were persons in the suite taking down in shorthand every word that passed in conversation, and I thought I saw in one of their note-books a sketch of my face. No doubt these were spies also, to watch and report on the proceedings of the officials, for that seems to be the great means of government in Japan. Still there is no appearance of oppression or fear anywhere. It seems to be a matter of course that every man should fill the place and per- form the function which custom and law prescribe, and that he Sanctity of should be denounced if he fail to do so. The Emperor is never allowed to leave the precincts of his palace, and everybody, high and low, is under a rigid rule of convenances, which does not seem to be felt to be burdensome. I am afraid they are not much disposed to do things in a hurry, and that I must discover some means of hastening them, if I am to get my treaty before returning to Shanghae. Angust \Qth. — Princes, five in number, arrived on board N i^ I !l I 1 ■ I ! I\' \r h<.i ill I i' \i'f 1^' 11 II a sf: if I 2(;(; I n.'ST MISSION lO CHINA. ('II. x. HiTi'ditary priiict'H. Yeddo. yostcrday iit iilioiit .'{ I'.M. Anum^ tlicm wiih IIm; Lord Ilij^li Adiiiiriil, a very iiilctllinciil wtrll-Krcil maii. It was ajfrccd that, I was to land to-day, and S(»iii<> discussion took |ila<'(^ as to tin; house 1 WHS to inhahit. Tlicy said that they couhl [f'iw. um tho choice of two, hut that they rc(Mnnnu!ii(h'd the; oim! fait hcst IVoin the piihuH! us Ixtin^ in hcst. repair. I chose tht; oik; nearest the jtuhuH', hi'caiiHe one is always ohli;:,cd to he on on(!'s jj;uard a|;'ainst slights, hut it has raincil so much t IjimmI |)()tJi Hi(l(!H of" tli(! Htroetft ;iluiij^ wliic.li w«, |)iiHS(!low willi a I'iiii was tli(! Iioivicst |i(!iiiilty tliiil I t;:iw iiilliclcd on aiiyoiio hroukiii^' (lie lino. At cvciry filly yardH, or ho, tlu! Htrcot whh <^ro,s.s(!d by lurj^(! f^at rM ' M i) "hi r I Confer- euce. A country ride. one to be very peremptory and overbearing. Nothing can be milder than their objections, but they h>se time. I have told them that I must see the Foreign Minister to-day, and that I must have anotlier house, as the situation of this one is not sufficiently aristocratic. I do not know, however, whether I shall press the latter [)oint, as it will put myself to much in- convenience. August 19M. — In the evening, I visited the Foreign Minister, or rather, the two Foreign Ministers (I believe there are three, but one is unwell). I took njy whole staff, but only my secre- tary and interpreter remained in the room when we came to talk of business. There has been a change of Government, and the present Foreign Secretaries seem stupid enough. The Government seems to be a sort of oligarchy in the hands of the hereditary princes. Count Putiatine, who has just been with me, tells me that he does not consider the officers, with whom we are negotiating, princes at all. They have the title of Kami, but it is not hereditary, and they are altogether inferior to the others. Both have the title of Kami, but the hereditary princes are also called Daimios. August 2 1st. — On the 1 9th, the Plenipotentiaries appointed to treat with me came. They are six in number. We exchanged our full powers, and I made some difficulty about theirs, but ■was satisfied by their explanations. After the seance, I went out riding through the streets. I had not given notice, and we went through a densely peopled quarter, which gave me an opportunity of seeing something of the popular feeling. We were followed by immense crowds, among whom some boys took to hooting, and by degrees to throwing stones. This got rather disagreeable, so at length we took to stopping at the gates, turning right about, and facing the mob Avith our horses, until the gates were shut. It proves to me, however, that it is not prudent to go about without a good Japanese escort. Yesterday we had a most charming expedition into the country. 'mnnner in which they did their * work ; making •very shrewd observa- ' lions, and putting very pertinent * questions, but by no means in a * captious or cavilling spirit. Of * course their criticisms were some- ' times the result of imperfect ac- ' quaintnnce with foreign ailairs, and * it was occusionally necoaaary to re- ' move their scruples by alterations in * the text which were not improve- * ments ; but on tlie whole, I am * bound to say that I never treated * with persona who seemed to me, * within the limits of their know- ' ledge, to be n)ore reasonable.' — See also infra, p. 270. Cu. X. 1868. PEACE AND I'LENTY. 2G0 ; can be ivc told ind that e is not liether I »uch iu- dhiistcr, re three, ly secrc- csune to ?rnnieni, 5I1. The Js of the een with th whom )f Kami, n- to the jreditary ointcd to ichanged eirs, but , I went tice, and iQ me an We me boys This got g at the f horses, , that it ; escort, country. erations in iraprove- )le, I nm er treated d to me, 'ir know- ble.' — Soo We started at al)out 1 1 a.m., rode first to the rood I have aheady described, and which runs along the moat of the second enclosure of tlic Knipcror's domain. We passed ahmgside of this enclosure. The effect of the domain within, with its dropping trees (not yews, I see, l)ut pines of s(»nu' sort, many of them with spreading branches like cedai*s), being homewhat that of a magnificent Engli«ili park. This, mind you, in the ecatre of a city of two or three millions of inhabitants. Sundaif, Aitfftist 22nd. — We then passed through the gate of the outermost enclosure on the opposite side, and entered some crowded streets beyond, through which we made our way, passing on our right the palace of the greatest of the hereditary princes, really an imposing mass of building. Beyond, we got into the country, consisting at first of a sort of hmg street of quaint cottages with thatched or tiled roofs, en)bosomed in gardens, and interspersed with avenues conducting to temples. Further on were cultivated fields, with luxuriant crops of great variety : rice, sweet potato, egg-plant, peas, millet, yams, taro, melons, &c. &c. At last, we reached a place of refreshment, consisting of a number of kiosques, on the bank of a strc.im, with a waterfall hard by, and gardens with rock-work (not mesquin, as in China, but really pretty and in gcKMl taste) opposite. Here we had luncheon. Fruits, and a kind <»f Julienne soup ; not bad, but rather maigre, served to us by charming young ladies, who presented on their knees the trays with the little dishes upon them. The repast finished, we set out on our return (for we had overshot our mark), and visited the gardens, which were the object of our expedition. They had the appearance of nursery gardens, with rows of pots containing dwarf-trees and all manner of quaint prorld that 1. The ;y never , up, the [y inter- Con'^ul- iures me jr saw a i temper r discus- ind that day, at a bout the that, in le other t at our ting this jir satis- gly, that [lesire to counter- he spies. n to go I pleased raising ner, but desire to ery good shrewd »gs ; but s a part. 1858. FEUDAL SYSTEM. 271 tliis morning. Two priests came up to me, knelt doAvn, and laid before me two pages of paper, holding out to me at the some time the painting-brush and Indian inkstand which is the inseparable companion of every Japanese, and making signs which I interpreted into a request that I woidd write down my name. I sat domi on the floor, and complied with their request, which seemed to please them. The priests appear by no means so wretched here as in China, and the tenqdes are in much better case. I have not, however, seen many of them. It is difficult, of course, to speak positivelv of the political Political condition of a country of which one knows so little ; but *'°" * '°"' there seems to be a kind of feudal system in vigour here. The hereditary princes (Daimios), some 360 in number (I doubt much their being all equally powerful), exercise exten- sive jurisdiction in their respective domains. A Dutch officer, who visited one of these domains in a Japanese man-of-war, found that the chieftain Avould not allow even the officers of the Japanese Emperor to land on his territory. The only control which the Emperor exerts over them is derived from his requiring all their wives and families to live at Yeddo per- manently. The Daimios themselves spend half the year in Yeddo, and the other half at their country places. The Su- preme Council of State appears to be in a great measure named by the Daimios, and the recent change of Government is supposed to have been a triumph of the protectionist or anti-foreign pai'ty. There is no luxury or extravagance in any class. No jewels or gold ornaments even at Court ; but the nobles have handsome palaces, and large bodies of retainers. A perfectly paternal government ; a perfectly filial people ; a community entirely self-supporting ; peace within and without ; no want ; no ill-will between classes. This is what I find in Japan in the year 1858, after one hundred years' exclusion of foreign trade and foi'eiguers. Twenty years hence, what will be the contrast ? Au(just 27th. — Here I am at sea again. It is 9 p.m. I have just been on deck. A lovely moon, nearly full, gliding through cloudless blue, spangled here and there with bright twinkling stars. I begin to feel as if at last I was really on my way home. Both my treaties are made, and I am steering westwards ! Is it so or am I to meet some great disappoint- 1-. t 272 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. On. X. ." 1^ II' I !) ' 1 , 1 , 1 ; 1 ^ii'". ■ 1 i !'!" 'f 1 n! ill '^ • i: Mlf 1 1 f incnt when I reach China ? I feci a sort of terror when I contemplate my return to that place. My trip to tTa])an has been a green spot in the desert of my mission to the Kast. But I must tell you how I have been spending my days since the 22nd, when I last added a word to this letter. On the aftenuHjn of that day, I haIe to take mcmey in the shops, and the complication of accounts was very great. The accuracy of the tfapanese in these matters is, however, very great. At 1 P.M. the Commissicmers came to sign the Treaty. AVe have agreed to make the Dutch copy the oru/i/ml, as it is the language both parties understand. The Dutch coj)y, written by their man Mf>riama, was so beautifully written, that I have kept it to send to England. After the sigmiturc, I lunched on a dinner sent me by the Kmperor ; not so bad, lifter all. About 3 p.m. I set off to go on board the ' Eniperor ' yacht, which 1 reached at about 5 ; innnediately after which the tlapanese fort saluted the British flag with twenty-one guns (ten-inch guns); as good a salute as I ever lieard, an exact interval of ten seconds between each gun. The Japanese flag was then hoisted on the ' Emperor,' and saluted by the 'Retribution 'and * Furious' with twenty-one guns each. We ended the day with a collation on boar»l the ' Ketri- bution,' and trip in the ' Emperor;' an J as I was pacing the deck of the ' Furious,' before retiring to rest, after niy labours were over, to my great surprise I observed that the forts were illuminated ! Imagine our daring exploit of breaking through every consigne, and coming up to Yed, having ended in an illmninatitm of the forts in our honour! At 4 a.m. this morning avc weighed anchor, and are now some 140 miles on our way to Shanghae. The i>riiici|)al sulvantagcs .secured to En«]:ljm(l by tliis Treaty, so amicably and rapidly settled, were the follow- ing :— Power to appoint a Diplomatic Agent to reside at Yeddo, and Consnls at the o[>en ports; Ample recognition of ConstUar jurisdiction and of the imniuuities of exterritoriality ; Signing tbu Triatj ArticlM of the Tri'aty. 274 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. X. Ml I 'I i iil^ ^ M ^^i .i' ■It |i: The openintj to British subjects, at specified periods, of several of the most important ports and cities of Jai)an ; Power to hmd and store supplies for the use of the British navy at Kana«:^awa, llakodadi, and Nagasaki, wLtliout payment of duty ; Power to British subjects to buy from and sell to Japanese subjects directly, without the intervention of the Japanese authorities ; Foreign coin to pass for corresponding weights of Japanese coin of the same description ; Abolition of tonnage and transit dues; Reduction of duties on exports from 35 per cent, to a general rate of 5 per cent, ad valorem. The concessions obtained from tlie Japanese by the Treaty of Yeddo were not, in some important i)arti- culars, so considerable as those which had been made by China in the Treaty of Tientsin. It was, however, a material advance on all previous treaties with Japan, and it opened the door to the gradual establisliment of rehitions of commerce and amity between the people of the West and that of Japan, which might become, as Lord Elgin hoped and believed, of the most cordial and intimate character, ' if the former did not, by inju- ' dicious and aggressive acts, rouse against themselves ' the fears and hostility of the natives.' B«tro8p«ct. August 30//j. — Eleven A.M. — Wc are again phinging into the China Sen, and quitting the only place which I have left with any feeling of regret since I reached this abominable East, — abominable, not so much in itself, as because it is strewed all over with the records of our violence and fraud, and disregard of right. The exceeding beauty external of Japan, and its singular moral and social picturesqucness, cannot but leave a pleasing impression on the mind. One feels as if the position of a Daimio in Japan might not be a had one, with two or three millions of vassals ; submissive, but not servile, because there is no contradiction between their sense of fitness and their position. Cn. X. I8r,8. DELAYS. 275 I periods, cities of se of the Nagasaki, 1(1 sell to cntion of eights of • cent, to ?e by the nt parti- made by )wever, a ;h Japan, iliinent of people of jcome, as }t cordial , by injii- lemselves iging into have left ibominablc (luse h is [ind fraud, xternal of esqueness, ind. One t be a bad e, but not lihcir sense CHAPTER XT. FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. THE YANGTZE KIANG. DKI.AYS — SUnTKUFUGES DEFEATED BV FIRMNESS — REVISED TARIFF — OPUM TRADE — UP THE YANGTZE KIANfi — SILVER ISLAND — NANKIN — REBEL WARFARE — THE IIEN-BARRIER — UNKNOWN WATERS — DIFFICULT NAVIGA- TION — HANKOW — THE GOVERNOR-(iENERAL — RETURN — TAKING TO THE OUNROA TS NGANCHING — NANKIN RETROSPECT — MORE DELAYS TROUIILES AT CANTON — RETURN TO HONG-KONG. MISSION COMPLETED HOMEWARD VOYAGE. Arriving at Shanghae on the 2nd of September, Lord DeUy». Elgin found that the Imperial Commissioners whom he came to meet had not yet appeared, and were not ex- ])ected for four or five weciks. All this time, therefore, he was oblio:ed to remain idle at Shano;hae, hearing: from time to time news from Canton which made his presence there desirable, but unable to proceed thither till the arrangements respecting the Treat}' Avere completed. Shmi(jhao. — Suinfni/, September 5th. — I Avish to be off for Euffland : but I dread leavinjr mv mission unfinished. ... I feel, therefore, that I am doomed to a month or six weeks more of China. September Gt/i. — It is very weary work staying here really doing for the moment little. But what iji to be done ? It will not do to swallow the cow and worry at the tail. I have been looking over the files of newspapers, and those c ^Tong-kong teem with abuse ; — this, nol .' ithstanding the fact Jiat I have made a Treaty which exceeds everything the most imaginative ever hoped for. The truth is, they do not really like the opening of China. They fear that their monopoly will be interfered with. September lUh. — I am amused with the confident way in T 2 MnH 276 FIRST MISSION TO C'lIINA. Cii. XI. ill '•■ t 'i. . i ^ ^ V f 1 -1 ■1 '^ I fri i I t i 1 W 1 i' Aprivnl of ConiiniH- BiuiurH. which the la 1 Cn. XI. 1868. REVISED TAHIFE. 279 9' fins, &c. L'cahic cn- im versa l)lo ce, who is le appears olicy with ^gad was )lcinciital 11 of the interest ; I iinport- nd there- lis article en left to iiicli pro- have it; •iti.sh and it for the and the 'ei«^n in- etendinir ithorities i-nioney, rem. Jt connived 3rstatcd ; the im- (authorised tciior wilh 't ex tend to B XXVIII. which the ; the trnn- iged as the Ht; nor, in iriff, is the ipplitd to ' porter, tlie oflicial, whether foreign or Chinese, and the * purchaser.' To remedy these evils two courses were open. One was effective prohibition, with the assistance of the Forei«:;n Powers; but this, the Chinese Coinniissioners admitted, was practically hopeless, mail. ^ owing to the inveterate apj)etite of their peo[)le for the drug. The other remained : regulation and restriction, by the impo- sition of as high a duty as could be maintained without giving a stimulus to smuggling. It was not without much consideration that Lord Elgin adopted the latter alternative ; and it was a great satisfaction to him that his views on this subject were ultimately shared by Mr. Kced, the Envoy of the United States, who had come to the country with the intention of supporting the opposite opinion. In the course of the conferences on these points, whicli were carried on in the most friendly sj>irit. Lord Elgin induced the Commissioners to make a separate agreement that he sliould be jjcrmitted, irrespectively of the conditions imposed by the Treaty, to make an expedition up the great river Yangtze Kiang; a permis- sion of which he ghidly availed himself, not only for the sake of exploring a new and most hiteresting country, but even more with the view of marking how entirely and cordially his Treaty was accepted. Shanghae. — November 2jid, — You will, I am sure, see how necessary it has been for me to protract my stay to this time. The systematic endeavour to make it appear that my work was a failure could be counteracted only by my own presence. The papers, &c., from England are complimentary enough about the Treaty, but some of the accounts which have gone home are somewhat exaggerated, and perhaps there will be a reaction. . . . More particularly, I find a hope expressed that we have plundered the wretched Chinese to a greater ex- tent than is the case. . . . Meanwhile, I have achieved one object, which will be, I think, the crowning act of my mission. 1 have arranged with the Imperial Commissioners that I am to ,1. 191: i i: ] i4 ■ • ''I it (I ' '■ 1 I'll If H ; i ! I ;■ 1:1 ,v*i! i> .i ■■ 4^: \ I 'A \ \ • ■ < -I 280 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cu. XI. jiroceed up the rivor Yangtze. The Treaty only provides that it shall be ojjen when the Kebels have left it. 1 daresay this ■will give rise to comments. If so, I shall have anticipated them, by going up ♦he river myself. I shall take with me my own squadron (what 1 had in Japan). The weather is beauti- ful ; quite cool enough for comfort. AVe shall visit a region which has never been seen, except by a stray missionary. I shall lose by this move some three weeks, but I do not think they will be really lost, because it will give so very complete a demonstration of the acceptance of the Treaty by the Chinese authorities, that even llong-kong will be silenced. Noveviher 6th. — I hoped to have started to-day, but am obliged to put off till Monday, as the tariff is not yet ready for signature. 1 grieve over every day lost, which protracts our gei>aration. I see that in the very Mattering article of the Times of September 7th, which you quote, it is imj^lied that when I signed the Treaty, I had done my work, and that the responsi- bility of seeing that it Avas carried out rests with others. If this be true — and you will no doubt think so — I might have returned .at once, at least after Japan, liut is it true? Could I, in fairness to my country, or, in what I trust you believe comes second in the rank of motives with me, to my own repu- tation, leave the work which I had undertaken unfinished ? . . . Besides, I own ♦' t I have a conscientious feeling on the subject. I am su that in our relations with these Chinese we have acted scand. .ou. and 1 would not have been a ]«uty to the measures of viol ;e which have taken ]>lace, if I had not believed that I com ivork out of them some good for them. Could I leave this, tne really noblest part of my task, to be worked out by others ? Anyone could have obtained the Treaty of Tientsin. What was really meritorious was, that it should have been obtained at so small a cost of human suffer- ing. But this is also what discredits it in the eyes of rnamj, of almost all here. If we had carried on war for some years ; if we had carried misery and desolation all over the Empire ; it would have been thought quite natural that the Emperor should have been reduced to accept the terms imposed upon him at Tientsin. But to do all this by means of a demonstration at Tientsin ! The announcement was eceived with a yell of derision by connoisseurs and baffled speculators in tea. And indeed there was some ground for scepticism. It would have been Cii. XL idos that esay this riticipated h me my is beauti- a region >nary. I liot think »ni|»lcte a Chinese hut am ready for raets our he Tiincs it when I respoiisi- hers. If ght have ? Could |u believe )\vn repu- ilini^hcd ? narty to I had not for them, isk, to be ined the s, that it in suffer - vuiny, of years; if mpire ; it 3r should 1 him at ration at 'derision i indeed ive been 1858. THE YANGTZE KIAXO. 281 I very easy to manage matters here, so as to bring into question all the privileges which we hud acquired by that Treaty. Even then we should have gained a great deal by it ; because when we came to assert those rights by force, we shoidd have had a good, instead of a bad caaus belli. But I was desirous, if pos- sible, to avoid the necessity for further recurrence to force ; and it required some skill to do this. This has been my motive for protracting my stay. 11. M. S. ^Furious.'' — November Sth. — I write a line to tell The tariff you that I got over the signature of my tariff, &c., very ^'6"^*^ satisfactorily this morning, and set off in peace with all men, including Chinese Plenipotentiaries, and colleagues European and American, on my way up the Yangtze Kiang. We are penetrating into unknown regions, but I trust shortly to be able to report to you my return, and all the novelties I shall have seen. This morning at ten, I went to a tom])le which lies exactly between the foreign settlement and the Chinese town of Shaui:- hae, to meet there the Inq)erial Commissioners, and to sign the tarili". We took with us the photographs which Jocelyn had done for them, and which Ave had framed. They were greatly dilighted, and altogether my iK)or friends seemed in better spirits than 1 bad before seen them in. We passed from photography to the electric telcgra}»h, and I represented to them the great advantage which the Emj)eror Avould derive from it in so extensive an empire as China ; how it Avould make him present in all the ]>rovinces, &c. They seemed to enter into +he suliject. The conference lasted rather more than an hour. After it, I returned to the consulate, taking a tender adieu of Gros by the way. I embarked at 1, and got undei weigh at 2 r.M. . . . The tide was very strong against us, so we have not made much way, but we are really in the Yanjiftze river. We have moored between two flats with trees ^^"1** uj)on them; the mainland on the left, and an island (Bush YnnfftBo Island), recently formed from the mud of the river, on the ^"""ff* ril h ^" \ m 'V I ■ * ii i 1 i ■■ ■J 1 !r •;*fei ; ,: 51 It, Aground. 282 FIRST mSSION TO CHINA. Ch. XI. bridge between the paddle-boxes, contemplating this scene, until we dropped our anchor, and I came down to tell you of this my first experience of the Yangtze. And what will the sum of those experiences be ? We are going into an unknown region, along a river which, beyond Jsankin, has not been navi- gated by Europeans. AVe are to make our way through the lines of those strange beings the Chinese Rebels. We are to penetrate beyond them to cities, of the magnitude and popula- tion of which fabulous stories are told ; among people who have never seen Western men; who have probably heard the wildest reports of us ; to whom we shall assuredly be stranger than they can possibly be to us. AVhat will the result be ? Will it be a great disappointment, or will its interest equal the expec- tations it raises ? Probably before this letter is despatched to you, it will contain an answer more or less explicit to these questions. Sunday, November \Ath. — Six P.M. — We have just dropped anchor, some eighty miles from Woosung. I wish that you had been with me on this evening's trip. You would have enjoyed it. During the eai'lier part of the afternoon we were going on merrily together. The two gunboats ahead, the * Furious ' and ' Retribution ' abreast, sometimes one, sometimes the other, taking the lead. After awhile we (the ' Furioi ^ ') put out our strength, and left gunboats and all behind. When the sun had passed the meridian, the masts and sails were a pro- tection from his rays, and as he continued to drop towards the Avater right ahead of us, he strewed our path, first with glitter- ing silver spangles, then with roses, then with violets, through all of which we sped ruthlessly. The banks still fiat, until the last part of the trip, when we api)roached some hills on the left, not very lofty, but clearly defined, and with a kind of dreamy softness about them, which reminded one of Egypt. Alto- gether, it was impossible to have had anything more charming in the way of yachting ; the waters a perfect calm, or hardly crisped by the breeze that played on their surface. We rather wish for more wind, as the ' Cruiser ' cannot keep up without a little help of that kind. November \&tli. — Noon. — A bad business. We were running through a narrow channel which separates Silver Island from the mainland, in very deep water, when all of a sudden we were brought up short, and the ship rolled two or three times " fmm Cn. XI. 1858. SILVER ISLAND. 283 lirouffh right and left, in a way whicli reminded me of a roll which wc had in the ' Ava' immediately after starting from Calcutta. On that occasion we saw beside us the tops of the masts of a ship, and were told it had struck on the same sand-bank, and gone down about an hour before. Our obstacle on this occasion is a rock ; a very small one, for we have deep Avater all around us. However, here we are. I hope our ship will not suffer from the strain. It is curious that in this narrow pass, where fifty ships went through and returned in 1842, this rock should exist and never have been discovered. >S7x i*.M. — The sun has just set among a crowd of mountains which bound the horizon ahead of us, and in such a blaze of fiery light that earth ana skv in his neiijhbourhood have been all too ijlorious to look upon. Standing out in advance on the edge of this sea of molten gold, is a solitary rock, about a quarter of the size of the Bass, which goes by the name of Golden Island, and serves as the pedestal of a tall pagoila. I never saw a more beautiful scene, or a more magnificent sunset ; but alas ! we see it under rather melancholy circumstances, lor after six hours of trying in all sorts of ways to get off, we are as fast aground as ever. We are now lightening the ship. Silver Island is a kind of Silver sacred island like Potou, but very much smaller.' I went ^"^**« ashore, and walked over it with a bonze, who conversed with Lay. He told us that the ])e()ple in the neighbourhood are very poor, and will be glad that foreigners should come and trade with them. The bonzes here are much like their brethren of Potou, the most wretched-looking of human beings. Our friend told us that they have no books or occupation of any kind. Four times a day they go through their j)rayer3. He had twelve bald sjjots on his head, which were the record of so many vows he had taken to abstain from so many vices, which he enumerated. I gave them five dollars when I left the island, Avhich seemed to astonish them greatly. I asked him what would haj)pen if he broke his vows. He said that he would be beaten and sent away. If he kci)t them he hoped to become in time a Buddha. • In an official despatch be de- Bcribes it as ' a solitary rock of about *300 feet in beifrbt,' picturesquely 'clothed with natural timber and 'ruined temples, ar(»und which are ' to be seen, at all hours of the day, * groups of bonzes, in their grey and ' yellow robos, devoutly lounging, and ' conscientiously devoting themselves ' to the duty of doing absolutely no- ' thiuff.' I 1 til i'\ I I • II- Afloat again. 284 FIIIST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XI. Novemher lltli. — SixV.T&.. — After taking 150 tons out of the sliip, wc ha^e just made an attempt to get her off— in vain. The glorious sun has again set, holding out to us the same attractions in the west as yesterday, in vain ! Here we remaiu, as motionless as the rock on which we are perched. I have not been quite idle, however. I landed about noon on the shore opposite Silver Island, and walked about three miles to the town of Chin-kiang. It was taken by us in the last war, and sadly maltreated, but since then it has been cai)tured by the Rebels and re-captured by the Imperialists. I could hardly have imagined such a scene of desolation. I do not think there is a house that is not a ruin. I believe the poj)ulation used to be about 300,000, but now 1 suppose it cannot exceed a few hun- dreds. The people are really, I believe, glad to see us. They hoj)e we may give them free trade and protection from the liebels. A commodore and post-captain in the Chinese navy came off to us this afternoon. They were very civil, offering to do anything for us they could. They tell us Ave can go in this ship to Hankow and the I'oyang Lake. AVe have found another rock beside us, and only think that this should not liave been known by our Navy ! November 18M. — Eirjlit P.M. — At about 6 P.M. 1 was cross- ing on a plank over a gully, on my return from an expedition to Golden Island, when three rounds oi cheers from the * Furious,' about a mile oft', struck my ear. Three rounds of cheers, followed by as many from the other ships. She was off" the rock ! Some 250 tons were taken out, and when the tide rose she came off — nothing the worse ! and our time has not been quite lost, for this is an interesting ])lace, if only because of the insight which it gives into the })roceedings of the Ilebels. Golden Island is about five miles from here. It was a famous Buddhist sanctuary, and contained their most valuable library. Its temples are now a ruin. Noremher 20th. — Noon. — Yesterday I took a long walk, not marked by any noteworthy incidents. We went into some of the cottages of the small farmers. In one we found some men smoking opium. They said that they smoked about 80 cash (fourpencc) worth a day : that their wages when they worked for hire were 120 cash (sixpence). The opium was foreign (Indian) : the native was not good. I asked how they could provide for their wives and families if they spent so much on 1^, 1 1 J vi- h 1 Ji L: it Cn. XI. 1858. NANKIN. REBI'-L WARFARE. 285 18 out of the ff— in vain. IS the same we remain, I have not n the shore to the town , and sadly tlie Rebels lardly have V there is a used to be a few hun- us. They >n from the linese navy vil, offering ; can go in have found should not 1 was 3ross- i expedition •s from the e rounds of She was hen the tide Ime has not ily because the Itebels. as a famous ble library. 5 walk, not to some of I some men ut 80 cash ey worked j^as foreiffn they could > much on opium. They said thev had land, generally from two to three acres apiece. They paid about a tenth of the produce as a tax. They were very good-humoured, and delighted to talk to Wade and Lay. They appear to welcome us more here than in other places I have visited in China. Eight P.M. — AV'e have been under fire. The orders given Firod on our approach to Nankin were, that the * Lee ' should go in jijjmki,,. advance ; that if fired on, she should hoist a flag of truce ; if the flag of truce was fired on, she was not to return the fire until ordered to do so. It was a lovely evening, and the sun was sinking rapidly as we approached Nankin, the ' Lee ' about a mile in advance. I was watching her, and saw her pass the greater part of the batteries in front of the town. I was just making up my mind that all was to go off" quietly, when a puff of smoke appeared from a fort, followed by the booming of a cannon. The ' Lee ' on this hoisted her white flag in vain ; seven more shots were fired from the forts at her before she returned them. Then, to be sure, we began all along the line, all the forts firing at ns as we came within their range. I was on the paddlebox-bridge till a shot jiassed very nearly over our heads, and Captain Osborn advised me to go down. We were struck seven times ; one of the balls making its way into my cabin. In our ship nobody was hit ; but there was one killed and two badly w(mnded in the ' Retribution.' We have passed the toAvn ; but I quite agree with the naval authorities, that we cannot leave the matter as it now stands. If we were to do so, the Chinese would certainly say th ^y hqd had the best of it, and on our return we might be still more seriously attacked. It is determined, therefore, that to-morrow we shall set to work and demolish some of the forts that have insulted lis. I ho])e the Rebels will make some communication, and enable us to explain that we mean them no harm ; but it is imj)ossible to anticipate what these stupid Chinamen will do. November 'list. — Eleven A.M. — AVe had about an hour and a half of it this morning. We began at 6 a.m. at the nearest Rotribu- tioii. fort, and went on to tAvo or three others. We pounded them pretty severely, and very few shots were fired in return. They seemed to have exhausted themselves in last night's attack. As soon as my naval chiefs thought that we had done enough for our honour, I bogged them to go on, as I did not want to have to hand over the town to the Imperialists, who are I 1 ( . i 1 1 ' \ ■ 1 !■ I n l.r^'^' I ' 1 w i 1? : f ! 1 ; t yi;i " 1 I Apologies. "Woohoo. Eebel warfare. 286 FIRST mSSlOX TO CHINA. Cu. XI. hemming it round unished the Nankin forts for having insulted us, from which persons repeating the experiment Avould learn what they had to expect. Later at night a present of twelve fowls and two ])ieces of red bunting came to the river bank, from some villagers, I believe. When Captain Ward was on shore surveying, two Chinamen came to him, stating that an express had come from Nankin to say that the attack on us was a mistake, and we were taken for Imperialists, &c. &c. I hope, therefore, that we shall have no more trouble of this description. November 2^rd. — Six P.M. — Arrived off Woohoo at about .3 v.M. We passed the town, and anchored just above it. It is in the hands of the Rebels, but no hostility was shown to us. Wade has been on shore to communicn. j with the chiefs, who are very civil, but apparently a low set of Cantonese. The place where he landed is a kind of entrenched camp ; the town about three miles distant. An Imperialist fleet is moored a few miles up ihe river. I sent Lay to communicate with the commanding officer, and he recommends the 'Retribution' to go a little farther on to a place in the possession of the Impei'ialists. November 24th. — Teri A.nr. — We set off this morninor at about 6 A.M. In passing the fleet Ave begged from the commander the loan of a pilot. He proves to be a Cantonese, so that the active spirits on both sides seem to come from that quarter. We asked him AA'hy the Imperialists do not take Woohoo. He says they have no guns of a sufficient size to do anything against the forts, but that about tAvice a month they have a fight on shore. They cut off the heads of Rebels, and vice versa, when they catch e.och other, which does not seem to happen very I 1858. THE IMPERIAL FLEET. 287 should )t think A sot as we often. The war, in sliort, seems ^o be carried on in a very soft manner, but it must do a great deal of mischief to tho country. AVhile I was dressing I was called out of my cabin to see a fight going on, on the right ))ank of the river. The Rebels occupied some iiills, where they were waving fl.ags gallantly , and the Imperialists were below them in a plain. We saw only two or three cannon shots fired while we passed. As things are carried on, one does not see why this war should not last for ever. ]\Iy friends, the Commissioners, seem to have acted in good faith towards me, for the Chinese naval author- ities all inform me that they had been forewarned of our coming, and ordered to treat us with every courtesy. November 25th. — Ten A.M. — AVe have just passed a bit of scenery on our left, which reminds me of Ardgowan, — a range of lofty hills in the background, broken up by deep valleys and hillocks covered with trees ; dark-green fir, and hard wood tinted with Canadian autumn colours, running up towards it from the river. AVith two or three thousand acres — what a magnificent situation for a park I There are so many islets in this river that it is not easy to speak of its breadth, but its channel still continues deep, and, with occasional exceptions, navigable without difiicidty. Six p.m. — A very pretty spec- tacle closed this day. The sun was dropping into the western waters before us as we approached a place called Tsong-yang, on the left bank. We knew it was the station of an Imperial Tho fleet, and as we neared it we found about thirty or forty war- flee^^"^''^ junks, crowded with men and dressed in their gaudiest colours. Flags of every variety and shape. On one jimk Ave counted twenty-one. You cannot imagine a prettier sight. We anchored, supposing that the authorities might come off to us. As yet, how- ever, they have shown no disposition to do so. I presume, how- ever, that the display is a compliment. Figure to yourself the gala I have described at the mouth of a broad stream running at right angles to the river Yangtze, and up which the town lies, about two miles off— the river, plains, town and all, surrounded by an amphitheatre of lofty hills — and you will have an idea of the scene in the midst of which we are anchored, and from Avhich the golden tints of sunset are now gradually fading away. November 26th. — Noon. — We have just had another sample of this very unedifying Chinese warfare. About an hour ago Under we came off the city of Nganching, the capital of the province '^^ ^s*""* li 288 FIHST MISSION TO flllXA. Cii. XL I' li i; i # ij ™' of A^janhoci — the last station (so wc aro assure\vn, the idiots cond time le people illd thcin tlu'in that aloft, saw (probably the town fla<;s and it as soon «; into the a narrow • licely situ- through a lilot is the out every- e. It was him. Lay fell on his 1 the river ' says the 'TO ; but I si&ter who ,' said the id without oft' to us. it there is Our pilot d with the 1 what the i^ered that :hem, and leard from friends to doing ' or 1868. THE 'iik:^ luuiiiEii.' 289 November 2Sth. — Eleven A.M. — The morning began as usual : *«nd calm, fair, and hazy. At about nine it began to blow, and gra- dually rose to a gale, causing our river ripple to mimic ocean waves, and the dust and sand to fly before us in clouds, obscur- ing earth and sky. About ten we approached a mountain range, Avhii^h had been for some time looming on the horizon. MVg found we had to pass through a channel of about a (puirter of a mile wide ; on our left, a series of barren hills, bold and majestic- looking in the mist ; on the right, a solitary rock, steep, conical- shaped, and about 300 feet high. On the side of it a Buddhist temple, perched like a nest. The hills on the left were crowned by walls and fortifications built some time ago by the Rebels, and running over them in all manner of zigzag and fantastic directions. I have seldom seen a more striking bit of scenery. When we had passed through we found more hills, with inter- vals of plains, in one of which lay the district city of Tongtze, enclosed by walls which run ahmg the top of the hills surround- ing it. The inhabitants crowded to the shore to witness the strange apparition of foreign vessels. I mentioned a rocky passage through which we passed on The • Hea the morninor of the 26th. Ellis, in his account of Lord ^^'**^- Amherst's Embassy, speaks of it as a place of great difficulty. A series of rocks like stepping-stones run over a great part, and the passage is obtained by sticking close to the left bank. Our pilot tells us that it is named the ' lien Barrier,' and for the following reason : Once on a time, there dwelt on the right bank an evil spirit, in the guise of a rock, shajjcd like a hen. This evil spirit coveted some of the good land on the opposite side, and proceeded to cross, blocking up the stream on her way. The good spirits, in consternation, applied to a bonze, who, after some reflection, bethought himself of a plan for arresting the mischief. He set to work to crow like a cock. The hen rock, supposing that it was the voice of her mate, turned round to look. The spell was instantly broken. She dropped into the stream, and the natives, indignant at her misdeeds, proceeded into it and cut off her head ! I have been skimming over a Chinese book, translated by Stanislas Julien: the travels of a Buddhist. It is full of legends of the character of that which I have now narrated. November 29ih. — 12.30 P.M. — We have been very near the bank this morning. I see more cattle on the farms than in U 200 FIRST MISSION TO CIIIXA. Cii. XI. 'im^^^ i 17 If :?J.i Unknown waters. other parts of China. They arc ponorally buflfalocs, used for agricultural ])ur|>odC8 ; and when out at pasture, a little hoy ia usually perched on the back of each to keep it from stiaying. PeasantB. Six P.M. — I went ashore to pass the time, and got into conversa- tion with some of the peasants. One man told us that he had about three acres of land, w hich yielded him about twenty picula (1^ ton) of pulse or grain annually, worth about forty dollars. His tax amounted to about three-fourths of a dollar. There was a school in the hamlet. Children attending it paid about two dollars a year. But many were too poor to send their children to school. We went into another cottage. It was built of reeds on the bare ground. In a recess screened off were two young men lying on the ground, with their lamp between them, smoking opium. November 3()//<. — AVc are now in waters whic^h no English- man, as far as is known, has ever seen. Lord Amherst pai^sed into the Poyang Lake through the channel I described yester- day, and so on to Canton. We are proceeding up the river Yangtze. Hue came down this route, but by land. I men- tioned the sand-drifts two days ago. Some of the hills here look like the sand-hills of Egypt, from the layers of sand with which they are covered. AVhat with inundations in suinmer and sand-drifts in winter, this locality must have some draw- backs as a residence. Noon. — Anchored ajjain. We have before us in sight the pagoda of Kew-kia.ig ; one of the ])rin- cipal points which we proposed to reach when we embarked on this expedition. . . . AVe have not much to hope for from our Chinese pilot. Our several mishaps have disheartened him. lie said to-day with a sigh, when reminded that we had found no passage in the channel he had specially recommended: • The ways of waters are like those of men, one day here, another there, who can tell!' — a promising frame of mind for one's guide in this intricate navigation ! Five p.m. — We found Kew- a channel in about an hour, and came on swimmingly to Kew- ^•*"S- kiang. From the water it looked imposing enough. An enclosing wall of about five miles in circuit, and in tolerable condition. I landed at 3 p.m. What a scene of desola- tion within the wall ! It seems to have suffered even more than Chin-kiang Foo. A single street running through a wilderness of weeds and ruins. The people whom we (jues- tioned said the Kebels did it all. The best houses we found Cn. XI. 1868. UNItNOWN WATliUS, 291 used for tie hoy is stiaying. conversa- |iat he had !nty pieiils Ity dolhirs. There was [about two |ir chihlren IS built of were two j) between D EngHsh- !rst pafised )ed ycster- the river I. I men- hills here sand with m summer ome draw- AVe have f the prin- ibaiked on r from our iened him. had found inmended : day here, * mind for AVe found y to Kew- jyh. An 1 tolerable of desola- !ven more through a we ques- we found were outside the city in the suburb. "NVc were of course very strange in a town whore the European dress has never been seen, but the people were as usual perfectly good-natured, delighted to converse with Lay, and highly edified by his jokes. We did some comTuissariat business. We had with us only Mexican dollars, and when we offered them at the first shop the man said he did not like them as he did not know them. Lay said, ' Come to the ship and we will give you Sycee instead.' ' Sec how just they are,' said a man in the crowd to his neighbour ; ' they do not force their coin \i\nm him.' This kind of ready recognition of moral worth is quite Chinese, and nothing will convince me that a people Avho have this qiuility so marked are to be managed only by brutality and violence. Dccemhcr \st. — 1.30 r.M. — AVc have just anchored. About an hour ago, we turned sharply to our left, and found on that hand a scries of red sand-bluffs leadinjr to a ranjre of c(msider- able blue hills which faced us in the distance ; the river, as has been the case since we left the Rebel country, was covered with small country junks, and here and there a man- darin one, covered with flags, and with its highly-polished })rass gun in the prow. The scene had become more interest- ing, but the navigation more difficult, for the gunboats began hoisting ' .'J ' and ' 4,' and all manner of omhious numbers. So we had : ' Hands to the port anchor,' ' slower,' and * as slow as possible,' ' a turn astern,' and after a variety of fluctuations, 'drop the anchor.' Six r.M. — We had to go a shoi-t way back, and to pass, moreover, a very shallow bit of tlie river; that done we went on briskly, and bore down upon the moun- tain ranjre which we descried in the forenoon. At about four ■wo came np to it and turned to the right, with the mountains on our left and the town of Wooseuh on our right, while the setting sun, glowing as ever, was throwing his ])arting rays over one of the most beautiful scenes I ever witnessed. The whole populati(m crowded to the river bank to see this won- derful apparition of the barbarian fire-ships. The hills rising from the w.ater had a kind of Loch Katrine look. We have made some thirty-five miles to-day, but have still, I fear, about 100 to go. December 2d. — Eleven A.M. — A very prosperous forenoon. Mountains soon rose to the right, similar to those on the left. Difficult niivigii- tion. Highland Bi-enery. 25)2 KIHST MISSION TO CHINA. Cu. XI. 'Jl. ii ■m *" I I I ) ;i' Popular vit'W of the reli- gion of the Ei'bi U. AVc cut our way throiij^li deop oulin water, amid these hills of grey rock and fir woods, for some three hours, and mij^ht reully have imaut of the mountiiin ranle were flying for fear of their attacking the town. He added, however, that they (the Imperialists) had a large force of cavalry in the neighbourhood, and that they would check the exodus of the inhabitants. Between Imperialists and Kebels, the people must have a nice time of it. His best piece of news was that we are only about fifty miles from Hankow. I trust that it may be so, for, despite my love of adventure, I shall be glad when we arc able to turn back and proceed homewards. The reason which the pilot assigns for the dcstructitm of the temples by the Kebels is the following : ' At present,' says he, * the rich have a great advantage over the poor. They ' can afford to spend a great deal more in joss-sticks and other ' offerings, so that, of course, the gods show them a very undue ' allowance of favour. The Kebels, who do not approve of ' these invidious distinctions, get rid of them by destroying the * temples altogether.' This is evidently .a popular versi(m of the religious character of the Kebel movement. A Buddhist priest, whom I saw at Kew-kiang, said that the Kebels had destroyed some forty temples there. ' They do not worship ' in temples,' he said, ' but they have a worship of their own.' The room in which Mr. Wade saw the Kebel chief at Woo- how was said to be their place of worship. It had no altar, nor anything to distinguish it as such. December 4 til. — Six P.M. — Anchored again for the ni<;ht, not half a n)ile farther than yesterday. An island in process of formation, covered at high Avater, separates the two anchorages. We hs.d to go back, &c., and ended the day's work by getting throvgh a very tight place in a most masterly manner ; leads- Cu. XI. 1^58. HANKOW. 293 tlieae Iiills niul !ni<;ht [icry of tlio river, and pprouchcil. ', uiid soon leiiicd to be niill-fctoted >ld effects, of which |<)r-Gencral it no {Treat r attackinjr iperialists) , and that Between ice time of about fifty or, despite re able to traction of ?sent,' says 'or. They and other cry undue ipprove of royiiig tlie version of Buddhist lebels had t worship heir own.' ' at Woo- Mo altar, night, not )rocess of ciiorages. y getting r; Icads' men sounding at the bow and stern, as well as at the two paddles, and the ' Lee' and ' Cruiser' stationed as pivots at the edges of the shoal. We had to perform a sort of letter S round them, and we passed by tlie latter so near, that we might havo shaken hands with the crew. I should be amused with these triumphs, were it not for the reflection that we have to repeat them all in returning, with a favouring current, which will make our task more lifHcult. DecvmhcrGth. — TiirrcWM. — At TIaidvow; four weeks, almost Hiinkoi to a minute, since we left Shanghae. We have brought this ship to a point al)(»ut GOO miles from the sea, — a feat, I should think, unprecedented for a vessel of this size. We have reached the heart of the conunerce of China. At first sight, I atn disai)pointed in the magnitude of the place. I am anchored off the mouth of the river Ilan, which separates Ilaidvow and Han-yang on the left bank of" the Yangtze. On its right bank is Ouchantr Foo. I do not see room for the eiirht millions of people, at which rumour jmts the poj)ulati(tn of these three towns. The scene is very animated, ^\'e are surrounded by hundreds of boats, and the bunks are a sea of heads. My gentlemen are gone ashore. 1 think I shall get through the streets more convenientlv to-morrow morniiijx. December 1th. — Four P.M. — I have just returned from a walk through Hankow. Like all the places we have visited on this trip, it seems to have been almost entirely destroyed by the Kebels ; but it is recovering rapidly, and exhibits a great deal of commercial activity. The streets are wider and shops larger than one generally finds them in China. When ' foreign ' parties landed yestei^lay, they were a good deal pestered by officious mandarin followers, who, by way of keei)ing order, kej>t bambooing all the unhapj)y natives who evinced a desire to see the foreigners. In order to defeat this ])lan, which was mani- festly adopted with the view of preventing us from coming in contact with the people, I landed near Han-yang, on the side of the river Han opposite to Hankow, and walked in the first instance to the to}) of a hill where there is a kind of fortress, from which we had a good view of Ouchang, Han-yang, and Hankow. The day was rather misty, bui we saw enough to satisfy us that there must have been great cxag ation in pre- vious I'cports of the magnitude of these places. Some of the mandarin satellites tried to accompany us on our walk, but l«!(li . i) ' If ' I 1^1 i 'I I f ' .11 294 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XI. we soon sent them about their business. After seeinn; all we wished of the view, we descended and crossed the river Han in a sanpan to Hankow, where we walked about for some hours, followed by a crowd of perfectly respectable people. As some hint was conveyed to me im[)lying that it was hoped we would not go to Ouchang, I have sent a letter to the Governor-General of the Two Hoo, who resides there, informing him that I intend to call upon him to-morrow. I shall go with as large an escort as I can muster. These Chinamen are such fools that, with all my desire to befriend them, I find it sometimes difficult to keej) patience with them. They are doing all they can to prevent us from having any dealings with the people ; refusing our dollars, sending us supplies as presents, &c. I have sent back the presents, stating that I must have supplies, and that I will pay for them. December 8th. — Eleven A.M. — An officer has been off from the Governor-General, proposing that my visit should take place to-morrow, in order that there may be sufficient time for the preparations. He was very profuse in his protestations of good-will, but as usual there were a number of little points on which it was necessai-y to take a half-bullying tone. ' I could not * have a chair with eight bearers ; such a thing had never been * soen at Ouchang. There were not thirty chairs (the number * for which we had ai)plied) in the Avhole place.' * Lord Elgin * won't land with less, do as you please,' was the answer given. Of course, the difficulties immediately vanished. Considerable indignation was expi-essed at the fact that some of our officers had been prevented from enterins; the toAvn of Ouclianjr vester- day. A hope was expressed that nobody Avould land on the Ouchang side to-day ; all would be arranged by to-morrow to our satisfaction, &c. &c. So, after an interview, in which there was the necessary admixture of the bitter and the sweet, the officer was sent back to his master. Supplies .are coming off in abundance to the ships. In short, the peoj)le are most desirous to buy and sell, if the authorities will only leave them alone. Six P.M. — I have had a long walk on the same side of the river as yesterday. We first went through the whole depth of Han- kow, on a line parallel with the river Han. We estimated our walk in this direction at about two miles, but a good deal of it was along a single street flanked on both sides by ruins. We Cn. XL ymrr all Ave er Han in me hours. As some we would r-General 1 1 intend an escort t, Avith all lult to keep IH'event us lUi dollars, ; back the I will pay n off from take place ne for the stations of ' points on I could not never been lie number -.ord Eljrin wer given, msideiable •ur officers ng yester- fid on the norrow to liich there iweet, the ling off in t desirous om alone, the riA'er of Han- lated our leal of it OS. We 1858. VISIT TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL. 295 then embarked in a sanpan and came down the Han, passing through a multitude of junks of great variety in shape and cargo. We landed near its mouth on the Han-yang side, and walked to that town, which is a Foo or prefectoral city, and walled. It contains the remains of some buildings of pretension, triumphal arches, &c., which imply that it must have been a place of some distinction, but it has been sadly maltreated by the Rebels. December 9th. — Fotir P.M. — The day is rainy, and the purser complains of difficulty in making his purchases yesterday, and that coal is not coming off to us as promised, &c. ; so I thought it expedient to do a little in the bullying line to keep all straight. When Lue Governor-General therefore sent off this morning to say tliat he was ready to receive me, I despatched Wade and Lay to inform him in reply that the day was too bad for me to land, and that I had to complain of the difficulties put in my way about money, &c. He received them in person, and was very gi-acious; said that he had been at Canton; that he under- stood all about us ; that if he had been there, Yeh would never have behaved as he did ; that in former days the Chinese Government had bullied us ; that we had bullied them of late years ; that it was much better that henceforward we should settle matters reasonably; that he was desirous to show me every attention in his power ; that when the port should be open he would do all he could to promote commerce and good under- standing. In short, he spoke very sensibly. It is exceedingly probable that if he had not got a little check, he might have kept us at as great a distance as possible ; but, be that as it may, it is just another proof of how easy it is to manage the Chinese by a little tact and firmness. We are now loading coal, flour, &c., as fast as we can take it on boai'd. December lOth. — Six P.M. — This day broke fine and clear, so Visit to I sent off to the Governor-General to tell him that if he would ^o^^'-n'-r- . Geueral. receive me I would visit him at 2 P.ar. >> e went Avith con- siderable pomp. A salute going and returning. A guard of eighty marines and sailors, and a i)arty of about thirty in chairs. We passed through about a mile of the town of Ouchang Foo, and were received by the Governor-General and his suite, dressed in their best. The ceremony was as usual ; conversation and tea in the Iront room, followed by a more substantial repast ia !, » ■,j . t . ,} ■H ! \ si i lift :.' iyr! I l' ill' #1 i , 11 ]■ Eetum visit. 296 Beiro'sum. FIItST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XI. the second. I have never, however, seen a reception in China 80 sumptuous, the authorities so well got up, and the feeding so well arranged. The Governor-General is a good-looking man, less artificial in his manner than Chinese authorities usually are. He is a Mantchoo. It is rather hard to make conversa- tion when one is seated at the top of a room surrounded by- some hundred people, and when, moreover, one has nothing to say, and that nothing has to be said through an interpreter. However, the ceremony went off very well. After it, I got rid of my ribbon and star, and took a stroll incog, through Han- kow, where we bought some tea. Ouchang seems a large town with some good houses and streets, but sadly knocked about by the Rebels. We are getting all our supplies, &c., on board, and hope to start to-morrow evening. December Wth. — Six P.M. — This day the Governor-General paid me a return visit. We received him with all honour ; manned yards of all four ships, and gave him a salute of three guns from each. It has been a beautiful day, and the scene was a striking one when he came off in a huge junk like a Roman trireme, towed by six boats, bedizened by any number of triangular flags of all colours. A line of troops, horse and foot, lined the beach along which he passed from the gate of the city to the place of embarkation ; quaint enough both in uniform and armament, but still with sometiiing of a preten- sion to both about them. I have seen nothing in China with so much display and style about it as the turn-out of the Governor-General of the Two Hoo, both to-day and yesterday. We showed him the ship, feasted him, photographed him, and entertained him one way or another for upwards of three hours. After he had departed, I landed on the Ouchang side, and walked thi-ough the walled city. Some objection was made to our entering, as we went through a side instead of the main gate, but Ave persevered and carried our j)oint. The city is a fine one, about the size of Canton, but much in ruins. To- morrow at six, please God, we set forth on our return. I may mention as an illustration of the state of Ouchanjr, that in walking over a hill in the very centre of the walled town, we put up two brace of pheasants ! December \2th. — Eleven A.M. — We are on our way back to Shanghae. I am very glad of it, because we have accomplished all the good we could possibly expect to effect at Hankow, and ' Cn. XL in China e feeding fing man, s usually conversa- inded by lothinjr to terpretcr. I got rid i£r h H an- irge town ed about on board, •-General honour ; ! of three he scene nk like a r number lorse and 2 gate of 1 both in a preten- lina with t of the esterday. him, and 30 hours, ide, and as made the main city is a IS. To- I may that in own, we back to iplished ow, and A 1858. THE PEASANTRY. 297 I am becoming very tired of the length of time which our ex- pedition has lasted. It is a feat to have reached this point with these big ships at this season of the year, and 1 tliink the effect of our visit Avill be considerable. The people evidently have no objection to us, and the resistance opposed by the authorities can always be overcome by tact and firmness. December 13M. — Nine j^.M. — At about eight we heaved anchor, having carefully buoyed this very awkward passage. The cuiTcnt ran about four miles an hour, and at some points where the leadsmen were calling out sixteen and seventeen feet, the channel was not much greater than the width of the ship, and Ave draw about fifteen and a half feet of water, so it was a nervous matter to get through. To make the vessel answer the helm it was necessary to go faster than the current, and diflUcult to do this without proceeding at such a rapid rate as would, if we had chanced to take the ground, have stuck us upon it immovably. AVe skirted our several buoys in a most miasterly manner, arid are now anchored till they have been picked up. . . . Six p.m. — ' Where we had eighteen feet as we came up, we cannot find fourteen now,' are the ominous words which Captain Osborn has just addressed to me as he reached the deck from a surveying expedition. ... It looks a little serious, for I fear there is a worse j)lace beyond. December With. — Six r.M. — I went on shore this morning Peasantry, when there was no prospect of moving. . . . We took a long walk, conversing with the peasants who live in a row of cottages with their well-cultivated lands in front and rear of their dwell- ings; the lands are generally their own, and of not more than three or four acres in extent I should think, but it is difficult to get accurate information from them on such points. We found one rather supc/ior sort of man, who said he was a tenant, ahd that he paid four out of ten parts of the produce of his farm to the landlord. They gave me the impression of being a well-to-do peasantry. Afterwards I walked through the country town of Paho, which is built of stone, and seem- ingly [)rosperous. The Rebels had destroyed all the temples. December I5th. — Four P.M. — At about one we had passed the village of Hwang-shih-kiang, and were entering that part of the river I described as a fine site for a Highland deer forest, when the ' Lee ' hoisted the * negative ' (the signal to stop). She had got on a rock, where, on our way up, we had 298 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XI. ii I. : ■ / l'! i' >l ?: r : iH m^ I' 1 1 M i I ; ; \ Hunting for ii channel. Literary degrecF, found no bottom at ten fathoms. I landed immediately, and found the people engaged in quarrying and manufncturing lime from the hills on the right bank. We had a pleasant walk ; the day being beautiful, and the scenery very fine. They sell their lime at about 175. per ton (200 cash a picul), and buy the small coal Avhich they employ in their kilns at about 25s. (300 cash a picul). I wish I could do as well at Broomhall ! December 17 th. — Ten A.M. — The gunboats are hunting for a channel. ... I am going ashore. On this day last year I embarked on board this ship for the first time. What an eventful time I have spent since then ! Fo?ir r.M. — I have returned fi'om my Avalk, but, alas ! no good news to greet me. Only eleven feet of water, where we found seventeen on the way up. . . . Our walk was pleasant enough, though it rained part of the time. Some of the gentlemen shot, for the whole of China is a preserve, the game hardly being molested by the natives. We went into the house of a small landowner of some three or four acres ; over the door was a tablet to the honour of a brother who had gained the highest literary degree, and was therefore eligible for the highest offices in the State. The owner himself was not so literary, and had bought the degree of bachelor for 108 taels (about 35/.). If he tried to purchase the degree of master he would have, he said, 1,000 taels to pay, besides passing through some kind of examination. We asked him about the Rebels. He said that when they visited the rural districts, they took whatever they pleased, saying that it belonged to their Heavenly Father. Before meat they make a prayer to the Heavenly Father, ending with a vow to destroy the ' demons ' (Imperialists). ' But,' added my informant, ' they are poor creatures, and their Heavenly * Father does not seem to do much for them.' We also visited a manufactory where they were extracting oil from cotton-seed. December I8t/i. — Six P.M. — We are to try a channel, such as it is, to-morrow morning. I landed for a walk. Wade took a gun with him. We saw quantities of waterfowl of all kinds. The plain on the left bank of the river is bounded on the other side by a pretty lake. The plain is subject to inundations, and seems to be covered by a bed of sand of about five feet in thickness. The peoj)le cultivate it by trenching for the clay beneath, and mixing it with the sand. December \9th. — 10.30 A.M. — The * Cruiser ' went through i?ai Cn. XI. lately, and luring lime |ant walk; They sell and buy ibout 25s. bomhall ! tinting for |ist year I What an . — I have j greet me. en on the 1 it rained the whole ted by the downer of let to the iry degree, the State, ought the le tried to aid, 1,000 aniination. i^hen they /■ pleased. Before ding with It,' added Heavenly ► visited a on-seed. nel, such ''ade took ill kinds, the other ndations, e feet in the clay through 1858. PRESSINCf THROUGH THE MUD. 299 this bad passage safely. We followed, and are now aground. Anchors are being laid out in hoi)es of dragging the ship over. December 20th. — Eleven A.M. — Our difficulty yesterday was Pressing not unexpected, . . . but we were compelled to make the thrmud attempt. The mud was very soft, and as we pressed against it, kept breaking away ; but the difficulty was, that as we moved the shoal, the tide was forcing us towards it, and preventing our getting clear of it. At night avc fixed the ship securely by three anchors, and left it to make its own way, which it did so effectually, that at 4 a.m. avc slipped into deep water. We did not get off till 10 a.m., and the first thing we had to do was to turn in a channel which was exactly the length of the ship, and not a foot more. This very clever feat we performed with the help of an anchor dropped from the stern, and are now in the main river. . . . Two p.m. — We have anchored below Kew-kiang, at the spot where we anchored on Novem- ber 30th. The ' Dove ' met us an hour ago with the ominous signal, ' Afraid there is no passage.' Six p.m. — Captain Osborn has returned from an exploration, which will be continued to-morrow. It would be very sad if the ' Furious ' had to be left behind. Meanwhile I landed and took a walk. It is a pretty country, on the right bank, consisting of wooded hillocks with patches of cultivated valley, and sometimes lakes of consi- derable size. Cosy little hamlets nestle in most of the valleys; the houses built of sun-dried bricks, and much more substantial than those we saw yesterday, &c., where the walls generally were made of matting, probably because of the inundations. December 23rd. — Noon. — At about six Captain Osborn re- turned from an exploration of the north channel, which he found rocky, and twelve feet of Avater the utmost that could be found. Captain By thesea was disposed to try and lighten the ' Cruiser ; ' but I determined that I would run no risk of the kind As yet no harm has happened to any of our ships, and the delay at this point of some of the sqvuidron for three months, is more an inconvenience to me than a disadvantage in any other way. On public grounds it will even be attended with benefit, as it will insure the Yangtze being kept open ; for supplies will be sent up to them from Shanghae, and they will have an oppor- tunity of examining the Poyang Lake besides. If any of the vessels were lost or seriously injured, it would be a very dif- ferent matter. I have therefore resolved that we shall all pack 1 ■ \ 'I , I 'I ' I ( ■'li. i; I Taking tu the gunboats. Ncran- ching. 300 FIRST mSSION TO CHINA. Cn. XL into the *Lee' (the 'Dove' being crammed already), and with the aid of two junks for servants and baggage, make our way to the ' Retribution.' We shall have to pass Nganching, but it is to be hoped that the Rebels will not repeat the experi- ment they made when we were on our way up. Au reste, Dicu dispose. December 24th. — Noon. — On board the ' Lee.'' — We have just passed the shallow behind which we were anchored for three days ; but we have passed it only by leaving our big ships behind us. At 10 a.m. I had all the ship's company of. the * Furious ' on deck, and made a short farewell speech to them, which was well received by a sympathetic audience. The whole Mission is on board this gunboat, pretty closely packed as you may suppose : the servants in a Chinese boat astern, and the effects in another, astern of the * Dove.' The ' Dove ' leads, and we follow. It is raining and blowing unpleasantly. I am very sorry to have left the ' Furious.' ... If the Rebels let us pass them unattacked, it will be well ; if they do not, we shall be obliged in self-defence to force a passage through their lines, in order to carry supplies to our ships. Either way, the object of opening the Yangtze will be attained. Yesterday the Prefect of Kew-kiang came on board the ' Furious.' He was very civil, and undertook to supply Captain Osborn with all he wanted. ... In the little cabin where I am now writing, five of us are to sleep ! Christmas Day. — Many happy returns of it to you and the children ! . . . It is the second since we parted. . . . We are now (3 P.M.) approaching Nganching. I have resolved to communicate with the authorities to express my indignation at what happened when we passed up the river, and tell them that if it is repeated I shall be obliged reluctantly to take the town. This may seem rather audacious language, considering that my whole foi'ce now consists of two gunboats. However, I think it is the proper tone to take with the Chinese. December l^th. — One v.^\. — It grew so dark before we an- chored near Nganching last night, that we abandoned the idea of communicating till this morning, and found, when day broke, that we were nearer the town than we had anticipated. It was raining heavily, with a slight admixture of sleet, and some of the heights in rear of the town were covered with snow. We heaved anchor at about seven, and dropped it again at Ch. XL 1858. NANKIN. 301 ady), and make our gancl )innr, he experi- reste, Dku liave just for three big shij)s ny of. the to them, ice. Tlie ly packed at astern, e ' Dove ' )leasantly. he Rebels y do not, e through ther way, 5festerday ous.' He born with v^ writing, u and tlie . We are solved to ^nation at them that the town. : tliat my J I think e we an- 3ned the 'hen day icipated. eet, and th snow, igain at about half a mile from the wall of the city. "Wade went off in a boat. He steered to a point where there was an officer waving a flag somewhat ominously, and a crowd behind him, generally ai'med with red umbrellas. When he got to the shore, he was informed that the officer was third in command, and a Canton man, as the other chiefs also appeared to be. He told them that it was our intention to pass up and down the river; that I had come with a good heart (i.e. without hos- tile intentions) ; that nevertheless we had been scandalously fired at, &c. &c. They at once, in the manner of Chinamen, confessed their error, and said that the firing had been a mis- take ; that it was the act of some of the local men, who did not know the ships of * your great nation ; ' that it should not happen again, &c. Wade told them that the same thing had occurred at Nankin, and that we had destroyed the peccant forts. They answered that they Avere aware of what had then haj)pened. He added, that we did not wish to interfere in their internal disputes, but that they must know, if we were driven to it, we should find it an easy matter to sweep them out of the city. They admitted the truth of all he said, offered presents, begged him to go into the city and see their chief (both which proposals he declined); in shoi't, they were con- trite and humble. On his return to the ' Lee,' she and her consort lifted their anchors, and we steamed quietly past the city, under the very Avails, and within easy gingali shot, for so we were compelled to do by the narrowness of the channel. December 2[)th. — 11 A.M. — We are now approaching Nan- Nankin, kin. I have sent Oliphant, Wade, Lay, and a Mr. W. (a mis- sionary) ahead in the ' Dove,' to land, if possible, at the first fort, Avith the view of going into the toAvn and calling on the authorities. The ' Dove ' Avill then proceed past the other forts to an anchorage on the farther side of the city, to Avhich point the ' Lee ' and ' Retribution ' will follow her. My emis- saries Avill inform the Nankin authorities that I am pleased that they should have apologised for their scandalous conduct toAvards us on our AA'ay uj) ; that Ave have no intention of meddling Avith them if they leave us alone ; but that avc intend to move ships up and down the river, and that they must not be molested. They have sent me a letter Avrltten on a roll of yellow silk, about three fathoms long. It seems to be a sort of rhapsody, in verse, Avith a vast infusion of their extraordinary ii ' I 302 FIRST MISSION TO CHINA. Cii. XI. i<. ? f I H ' Mi theology. It is now snowincr heavily, so we cannot see far ahead. It would, I think, be awkward for me to have any intercourse with the llebel chiefs, so I do not, as at present advised, intend to land. December 'iOth. — About 7 P.M., the * Dove ' rejoined us with the emissaries. It appears that they had a long way to go on horseback, — some seven or eight miles — before they reached the Yamun of the chief, who received thcni. They do not seem to have learnt much from him. He professed to be third in the hierarchy t)f the llebel Government of Nankin, but was a rather common])Iace person. lie said that our bombard- ment had killed three officers and twenty men, and that they had beheaded the soldiers Avho fired at us ! Arrangements were made for the free passage of vessels communicating with the * Furious.' They describe their ride through Nankin as if it had been one through a great })ark, — trees, and the streets wider than usual in China ; but no trade is allowed, and the place seems almost deserted. There was not quite so much appearance of destruction, but more of desolation, than in any town previously visited by us. The officer who guided them to the Yanmn asked Wade to take him away with us, and on being told that wns impossible, applied for opium, saying that he smoked himself, and that about one in three of the force in Nankin did the same. Whether the original Tai[)ing chief, ' ITung-Seu-Cheun,' is still alive or not, Ave have not been able to discover. Some say he remains shut uj) Avith about Wildfowl. 300 wives. At any rate he is invisible. . . . The only thing remarkable which I have observed to-day is the quantity of wildfowl I saAV one flock this morning which Avas several miles long. It literally darkened the sky. I suppose the cold Aveather is driving them inwards from the sea. December ^\st. — Five p.m. — I hardly expected to have to record another grounding, but so it is. We have been going on gallantly all day, leaving the other ships some ten miles behind us. We had passed the Lunshan Hills, off Avhich Ave spent two days, and from Avhich I sent you my last letter. We Avere abreast of Plover Point, Avhen suddenly the Avater shoaled so much that Ave had to drop anchor. Alas ! the ebbing tide Avas too strong for us, and dr(>ve us on a bank, Avhere Ave are noAv sticking. If avc get off before morning it Avill not matter much ; but if the ' Retribution ' comes down and finds us here, Ave shall look horribly small. Apround once raorp Cu. XI. \t see far (have any It present 2(1 us with to go on reached ■y do not > be third , hut was hoinhard- that they uif^ements iting with nkin as if he streets 1, and the ! so much lan in any ided them IS, and on lying that le force in )ing chief, not been litli al)<)ut )nly thing lantity of IS several )pose the have to ien jjoinsr ten niilea rt'hieh we St letter, he w%ater ^las ! the a bank, irning it les down 1859. REACH SIIANGIIAE. 303 January \st, 1859. — Many, many returns of the New Year ! Reach It is a beautiful day, and we are just anchoring at Shanghac, ^'»^"e*»^- at 3 P.M. As soon as the tide rose (about midnight) it lifted us off <,ur shoal. Wc had to go cautiously sometimes to-day ; but we have closed this eveutful expedition success- fully. The general results and chief incidents of the interest- ing expedition thus happily completed, were reported to the Government in England in a despatch, dated January 5th, 1859, from which are taken the following extracts : — The knowledge of the Chinese language possessed by Messrs. Diffienlty Wade and Lay enabled me to enter, without difficulty, into at facta, communication with the inhabitants of the towns and rural districts which we visited. At various points in our progress we wandered, unarmed and unattended, in parties of three or four, to a distance of several miles from the banks of the river, and we never experienced at the hands of the natives anything but courtesy, mingled with a certain amount of not very ol)- trusive curiosity. Notwithstanding, however, these favourable opportunities, the budget of statistical facts which I was able to collect was hardly as considerable as I could have desired. Chinamen of the humbler clas;? are not much addicted to re- flection, and when subjected to cross-examination by persons greedy of information, they are ai)t to consider the proceeding a strange one, and to suspect that it must be prompted by some exceedingly bad motive. JNIoreover, having been civilised for many generations, they carry politeness so far, that in answering a question it is always their chief endeavour to say what they suppose their questioner will be best pleased to hear, If, therefore, the knowledge of a fact is to be arrived at, it is, above all things, necessary that the inquiry bear a tint so neutral that the person to whom it is addressed shall find it impossible to reflect its colour in his reply. He will then sometimes, in his confusion, blunder into a truthful answer, but he does so generally with a bashful air, indicative of the painful consciousness that he has been reluctantly violating the rules of good breeding. A search after accurate statistics, under such conditions, is not unattended with difficulty. I am confirmed, by what I have witnessed on this expedi- tion, in the doubts which I have long entertained as to the 304 FIltST MISfilON TO CHINA. Cu. XI. 'li I aA v, % \ v i I r I ( SJL IJI *^' m^\ Exagge- rated reports of populatiin. Bural pupulation. Town population, Manu- factures. accuracy of the |)()})iilar estimates of the amount of the town ])opuhition of China. The cities nliich I have visited are, no doubt, sufllcrinjr at present from the ettects of the rebel- lion; but I cannot bring myself to believe that, at the best of times, they can have contained the number of inhabitants usually imputed to them. M. line puts the population of the three cities of Woo-chang-foo, Ilan-yangfoo, and Hankow, at 8,000,000. I doubt much whether it now amounts, in the aggregate, to 1,000,000; and even when they were flourishing, I cannot conceive where 3,000,000 of human beings could have been stowed away in them. What I have seen leads me to think that the rural popula- tion 'tf China is, generally speaking, well-doing and contented. I worked very hard, though with only indifferent success, to obtain from them accurate information rcs})ecting the extent of their holdings, the nature of their tenure, the taxation which they have to pay, and other kindred matters. I arrived at the conclusion that, for the most part, they hold their lands, which are of very limited extent, in full proj)erty from the Crown, subject to certain annual charges of no very exorbitant amount ; and that these advantages, improved by assiduous industr}', supply abundantly their simple wants, whether in respect of food or clothing. In the streets of cities in China some de[)lorable objects are to be met with, as must always be the case where mendicity is a legalised instituticm ; but I am inclined to think that the rigour with which the duties of relationship are enforced, operates as a powerful check on pauperism. A few days ago a lady here informed me that her nurse had bought a little girl from a mother who had a surplus of this description of commodity on hand. I asked why she had done so, and was told that the little girl's hus- band, when she married, would be bound to sujjport the adopting mother. By the judicious investment of a dollar in this timely purchase, the worthy woman thus secured for herself a provision for old age, and a security, which she pro- bably appreciates yet more highly, for decent burial when she dies. My general impression is, that British manufacturers will have to exert themselves to the utmost if they intend to sup- plant, to any considerable extent, in the native market, the fabrics produced in their leisure hours, and at intervals of rest Cu. XI. f the town isitetl aro, the rebel- the best of iiihiibitunts ition of the lankow, at iits, in the HourishlDg, could have iral pnpiihi- 1 contented, success, to the extent ation which rived at tlie ands, which the Crown, exorbitant 7 assiduous whether in ies in China nust always tion; but I the duties ul clicck on ed me that er who had 1. I asked i girl's hus- lupport the a dollar in secured for !h she pro- urial when iturers will nd to sup- iiarket, the kals of rest 18.7.). DKPAllTUUE DKLAYEP. 305 from agricultural lal)our, by this industrious, frugal, and sober population. It is a pleasing but pernicious fallacy to imagine, that the influence of an intriguing mandarin is to be presumed whenever a buyer shows a preference for native over foreign calico. In rctiirninj^ to Shangbae, Lord Klgin had lio[)tHl to find the objects of his mission so far secured, tluit there would be notliing to [)rev('nt his sailing for Kngland at once: but nearly two more months ela])sed before he was able to turn his back on the Celestial Enij)ire. Shdiujhae. — Janudrif 17 th. — The ' Furious' and 'Cruiser' ar- rived here safely on the lOth. ... I have just accomplished the Herculean task of looking over a two-months' su|)ply of newspnpers, and this occupation, interlarded with a certain niunber of letters and visits to and from the Imperial Com- missiouf'vs, and, to-day, an address from the British comn)unity of Shiinghae, has pretty fully occupied my time.' The home mail is due to-day, and 1 am anxiously waiting to learn from it what the Government intends to do about relievinj; me. . . . I trust that your many disappointments as to my return may have been somewhat relieved by the conviction that I am fol- lowing the right course. This opening up of the East is nf)t a light matter. . . . The comet was most magnificent here. Did I ever mention it in my letters ? During the whole ])eri()d of its visit in this (piai'ter it had night after night a clear blue cloudless sky, s[)angled with stars innumerable, to dis[)ort itself in. . . . Canton is coming round to tranquillity as fast as we ever had any right to expect ; but the absurd thing is that these funny people at Ilong-kong are beginning to praise me ! ' Hid rt'ply to the Men-hiintti' ad- drt'sa contained the following passage : * Allow nie to expri'ss tho satisfaction * which it gives mo to timi that yon ' specify the henefits that are likely t^) ' aecrue to the inhabitants of these * countries themselves, as among tho ' most important of the results to be ' expected from our recent treaties ' with China and Japan. On this ' head we have no doubt incurred very ' weight}' responsibilities. Uninvited, an d by methods not fdways of tho ' 'barriers behind which these ancient 'nations sought to conceal from tho ' world without t he mysterie.«, perhaps 'also, in the cii. • 1 1 I 1- I i I ■■ ; 1 f t Tho Sj)liinx. i i i 1 1 1 1 1 i i - - 320 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cu' XIT. u party wlio had visited tlie Pyramids tlic night before had been a good deal victimised by these Arabs, who, alas ! in these degenerate days, liave no other mode of indulging their pre- datory propensities than by exacting the greatest possible amount of * backshish ' from travellers who visit the Pyramids. AVe pushed on over the heaps of sand and di'hris, or probably covercd-up tombs, which surround the base of the Pyramids, when wc suddenly came in face of the most remarkable object on which my eye ever lighted. Somehow or other I had not thought of the Sphinx till I saw her before me. There she was in all her imposing magnitude, crouched on the margin of the Desert, looking over tho fertile valley of the Nile, and her gaze fixed on the E:ist as if in earnest expectation of the sun- rising. And such a gaze ! The mystical light and deep shadows cast by the moon, gave to it an intensity which I cannot attempt to describe. To me it seemed a look, earnest, searching, but unsatisfied. For a long time I remained trans- fixed, endeavouring to read the meaning conveyed by this wonderful eye ; but I was struck after a Avhile by what seemed a contradiction in the expression of the eye and of the mouth. There was a singular gentleness and hopefulness in the lines of the mouth, which appeared to be in contrast with the anxious eye. Mr. IJowlby, who was a very sympnthiqne inquirer into the significancy of this wonderful monument, agreed with me in thinking that the upper part of the face spoke of the in- tellect striving, and striving vainly, to solve the mystery — (What mys^-^i'v? the mystery, shall we say, of God's universe or of man" ny ?) — while the lower indicated a moral con- victior must be well, and that this truth would in cfood time uc manifest. TV V. uuld hardly tear ourselves away from this fascinating spectacle to draw nearer to the Great Pyramid, which stood beside us, its outline sharply traced in the clear atmosphere. AVc walked round and round it, thinkincr of the strange men whose ambition to secure immortality for themselves had ex- pressed itself in this giant creation. The enormous blocks of granite brought from one knows not where, built up one knows not how ; the form selected solely for the purpose of defying the assaults of time ; the contrast between the conception em- bodied in these constructions and the talk of the frivolous race by whom we were surrounded, and who seemed capable of no Cir XIT. H()0. TIIE raiAMlDS. 321 M light heforc had u), ahis ! in tlicso Ijs'ing their prc- ^reatcst possible it the Pyramids. r/'s, or probably the PyraDiids, narkablc object other I had not me. There she )n the margin of le Nile, and her ition of the sun- light and deep itensity which I a look, earnest, remained trans- Miveyed by this by what seemed id of the mouth. iss in the lines of vith the anxious pte inquirer into agreed with me 3poke of the in- ) the mystery — r God's universe ted a moral con- ih would in good this fascinating ud, which stood lear atmosi^here. he strange men mselves had ex- nnous blocks of ilt up one knows pose of defying conception em- le frivolous race 1 capable of no thouglit beyond a desire for daily * l)ackshish,' — all this seen and felt under the influence of the dim moonlight was very striking and impressive. We spent some time in moving from place to place along the shadow cast by the Pyramid upon the sand, and observing the effect produced by bringing the moon sometimes to its apex and sometimes to other points on its out- line. I felt no disposition to exchange for sleep the state of dreamy half-consciousness in which I was wandering about ; but at length 1 lay down on the shingly sand, with a block of granite for a pillow, and passed an hour or two, sometimeB dozing, sometimes wakeful, till one of our Jittendants informed me that the sun would shortly rise, and that it was time to commence to ascend the Pyramid, if we intended to witness from its summit his first appearance. We had intended to spend the night in the tombs, but it was so hot that we were only too glad to select the spot in which we could get the greatest amount of air. A very soft and gentle breeze, wafted across the Desert from an unknown distance, fanned me as I slept. The ascent was, I confess, a much more formidable undertaking than I had anticipated ; and our French friend gave in after attempting a few steps. The last words wiiich had passed between him and me before we retired to rest, were interchanged as we were standing in front of the Sphinx, and were characteristic : Ah! que cest drole ! was the rea&suring exclamation which fell from his Hps while we were there transfixed and awestruck. As far as the ascent of the Pyramid was concerned, I am not sure but that I was some- times tempted to follow his example, when I found how great was the effort required to mount up, in the hot air, the huge blocks of granite, and the unpleasantness of feeling every now and then with what fiicility one might topple downwards. This sensation was most disagreeably felt when, as generally happened at any very critical i)lace, my Arab friends, who were helping me up, began to talk of ' backshish,' and to in- sinuate that a small amount given at once, and before the ascent was completed, would be particularly acceptable. How- ever, after a while the summit w\as reached. I am not sure that it repaid tlie trouble ; at any rate, I do not think I should ever wish to make the ascent again. AVe had a horizon all around tinted very much like Turner's early pictures, and be- coming brighter and more variegated as the dawn advanced, Y I I \ % 322 SECOND MISSION TO CinNA. Cn. xn. " I i I l< 1 v.- I! !l Passengers homeward bound. until it melted into day. Behind, and on two sides of us, was the barren and treeless Desert, stretching out as far as the eye could reach. Before us, the fertile valley of the Nile ; the river meandering ^^rough it, and, in the distance, Cairo, with its mosques and minarets, the highest, the Citadel Mosque, stand- ing out boldly upon the horizon. It was a fine view, and had a character of its own, but still it was not in kind very differ- ent from other views which I have seen from elevated points in a flat country. " Joes not stand forth among my recollec- tions as a spectacle unique, and never to be forgotten, as that of the night before does. Very soon after the sun rose the heat became painful on our elevated seat, and we hastened to descend — an operation somewhat difficult, but not so seiious as the ascent hnd been. We mounted our donkeys, and after paying a farewell visit to the Sphinx, we returned to Cairo as we had come, all agreeing that our expedition was one of the most agreeable and interesting we had ever made. I confess that it was with something of fear and trembling that I re- turned to the Sphinx that morning. I feared that the im- pressions which I had received the night before might be effaced by the light of day. But it was not so. The lines were fainter, and less deeply marked, but I found, or thought I found, the same meaning in them still. May \Qtli. — We are now passing some islands, nearly opposite to Mocha : to morrow at an early hour we shall probably reach Aden. Shall we find any Chinese news there? And if we do, what will be its character? We have not yet heard a syllable to induce us to think that matters will be settled with- out a conflict, but then we have seen nothing official. We met, at the station-house on the Nile, between Alexandria and Cairo, the passengers by the last Calcutta mail-steamer. There were some from China among them, but I could gather from them nothing of any interest. It was a curious scene, by tl that 2G0 first-clai including le way, tiiat mcctnig : 2:uu nrst-ciass passengers children, pale and languid-looking, thrown into a great barn- like refectory, in which were already assembled our voyage companions (we ourselves had a separate room), jovial-looking, and Avith roses in their cheeks, Avhich they are doubtless hasten- ing to offer at the shrine of the sun. These two opposing currents, bearing such legible records of the climes from which they severally came, met for a moment on the banks of the i. Cn. xn. 1860. PERIM. ADEN. 323 sides of us, was as far as the eye 10 Nile ; the river !, Cairo, with its b1 Mosque, stand- ne view,, and had kind very difFer- elevated points long my recollec- brgottcn, as that the sun rose the d we hastened to not so serious as mkeys, and after irned to Cairo as n was one of the made. I confess ibling that I re- red that the im- before might be bt so. The lines found, or thought ds, nearly opposite ill probably reach ere? And if we not yet heard a 11 be settled with- ing official. We n Alexandria and il-steamer. There ould gather from surious scene, by engers, including ito a great barn- ibled our voyage ii), jovial-looking, doubtless hasten- ese two opposing 3limes from which the banks of the Nile, time enough to interchange a few hasty words, and then rui^hed on in opposite directions. As I am not like the Englishman in ' Eothen,' who passes his countryman in the Desfjrt without accosting him, I had as much talk as I could with all the persons coming from China whom I could find, though, as I said, Avithout obtaining any information of value. May Wth. — Seven A.M. — Before I retired last night, I saw, Perim. through the starlight (we have little moon now) Perira. On the right is an excellent safe channel, eleven miles wide ; so that it will be impossible to command the entrance of the Red Sea from Perim. There is a good anchorage on this side, so says our captain ; but of course we could riot see it. I am sorry we passed it so late, as I should have liked Gros to have seen it, in order that he might calm the susceptibilities of his Government in respect to its foi'midable character. I enclose a little bit of a plant which I gathered on my return from the Pyramids. The botanist on boai'd says it is a species of camomile. It is a commonplace plant, with a little blue flower, but I took a fancy to it, because it had the pluck to venture farther into the Desert, and to approach nearer the Pyramids than any other which I. saw. On Shore at Aden. — Noon. — I am at the house of Captain Aden, Playfair, who represents the Resident during his absence. A very pleasant breeze is blowing through the wall of reeds or bamboo, which encloses the verandah in which I am writing. I am most agreeably disappointed by the temperature ; and, strange to say, both Captain P. and his wife do not complain of Aden ! So it is with all who live here. And yet, when one looks at the place, dry as a heap of ashes, glared upon by a tropical sun, without a single blade of grass to repose the eye, or a drop of moisture from above to cool the air, save only about once in two years, when the sluices of Heaven are opened, and the torrents come down with a fury unexampled elsewhere, one feels at firct inclined to doubt whether it can be possible for human beings to live here. I suppose that it is the reaction, produced by finding that it is not quite so bad as it appears, that reconciles people to their lot, and makes them so contented. We have got some scraps of China ncAvs ; and what there is, seems to be pacific. Ai Sea. — Mai/ \bth. — If we go on to China, if we take the matter in hand, then I think, coute que coute, Ave must finish X 2 t I I' ^ ill IH r \ (I r . i ■ i 'r J if ■M '> i!!^:li :^i»i t , / if: I . r!i I. 'f li '!! ' i !, ) , J ^ f ;i ^ t 'i i. Boo]i8. Ceylon. 324 SECOND mSSION TO CHINA. cn. xn. it, and finish it thoroughly. I do not believe that it will take us long to do so ; but the indispensable is, that it should be done. This is my judgment on the matter, and I tell it to you as it presents itself to my own mind ; but how much wiser 's Gros, who does not peer into the dim future, but awaits calmly the dispersion of the mists which surround it I ... He has been reading the book on Buddhism (St. Hi- laire's), which I got on your recommendation, and have lent him. I have myself read Thiers ; the Idi/Us over again ; some other poems of Tennyson's, &c. &c. The first of these is very interesting. The passion of the French nation for the name of Napoleon seems more and more wonderful when one peruses the record of the frightful sufferings which he brought upon them ; and yet, at the 'me when his reign was drawing to its close, the disgust occasioned by his tyranny seemed to be the ruling sentiment with all classes. As to the Idylls, on a second perusal I like ' Enid ' better than on the first ; * Vivien' better ; ' Elaine ' less ; and * Guinevere ' still best of all. No- thing in the volume can approach the last interview between Arthur and the Queen. May l^tli. — We arc to reach Galle to-morrow or next day. ... 1 think of you and the dear small ones, to whom I feel myself drawn more cloroly than ever; for, in spite of my pre- occupations, I became better acquainted with them during my last eleven months at home, than ever before — dear B.'s full and thoughtful eye ; L.'s engaging and loving ways. Oh that I could be at home and at peace to enjoy all this ! Ceylon, May 2\st. — Last night was black and stormy, and when I came on deck this morning, I was told that we did not know exactly where we were ; that we had turned our ship's head homewards, and were searching for Ceylon. We found it after a while, and landed in a pelt of rain at about noon. . . . On landing, I asked eagerly for China news. Hardly any to be obtained ; little more than vague surmises. Nothing to justify an arrest of our movements, so we must go on. I do not know how it is, but I feel sadder and more depressed than I have felt before. I cannot but contrast my position when in this house a year ago with my present position. Then I was returning to you, looking forward to your dear welcome, complete success having crowned my mission to China. I am now going from you on this difficult and unwel- \. ch. xn. 18G0. SmPWllECK. 325 1 that it will take that it should be , and I tell it to but how much dim future, but hich surround it ! iddhism (St. Hi- on, and have lent over again ; some •st of these is very on for the name of when one peruses he brought upon was drawing to its S€cmed to be the the Idj/lh, on a the first; 'Vivien' I best of all. No- interview between >rrow or next day. es, to whom I feel ti spite of my pre- h them during my •e— dear B.'s full ig ways. Oh that this ! i and stormy, and Id that we did not turned our ship's ylon. We found . about noon. . . . !. Hardly any to ises. Nothing to ust go on. I do 1 more depressed trast my position present position. !ird to your dear I my mission to ficult and unwel- I come errand. ... I feel as if I knew every stone of the place where I passed so many weary hours, waiting for Frederick, with a fever on me, or coming on. Gros is in the next room bargaining for rubies and sapphires ; but I do not feel disposed to indulge in such extravagances. . . . The steamer in which we are to proceed to-morrow looks very small, with diminutive portholes. We shall be a large party, and, I fear, very closely packed. May 22nd. — Have you read Russell's book on the Indian Russell on Mutiny ? I have done so, and 1 recommend it to you. It has ^^J^'^^"* made me very sad ; but it only confirms what I believed before respecting the scandalous treatment which the natives receive at our hands in India. I am glad that he has had courage to speak out as he does on this point. Can I do anything to prevent England from calling down on herself God's curse for brutalities committed on another feeble Oriental race ? Or are all my exertions to result only in the extension of the area over which Englishmen are to exhibit how hollow and superficial are both their civilisation and tlieir Christianity ? . . . The tone of the two or three men connected with mercantile houses in China whom I find on board is all for blood and massacre on a great scale. I hope they will be disappointed ; but it is not a cheer- ing or hopeful prospect, look at it from what side one may. Galle, May 2'^rd. — Vhomme propose, mais . . . . — I ended my Shipwreck. letter yesterday by telling you that I was about to embark for Singapore amid torrents of rain and growlings of thunder ; but 1 little thought what was to follow on this inauspicious em- barkation. We got on board the Peninsular and Oriental steamer ' Malabar ' with some difficulty, there was so much sea where the vessel was lying; and I was rather disgusted to find, when I mounted the deck, that some of the cargo or baggage had not yet arrived, and that we were not ready for a start. I was already half wet through, and there was nothing for it but to sit still on a bench under a dripping awning. About twenty minutes after I had established myself in this position, the wind suddenly shifted, and burst upon us with orreat fury from the north-east. The monsoon, now due, comes from the south-west, and therefore a gale from the north-east was unexpected, though I must say that, as we were being assailed by constant thunderstorms, we had no right, in my opinion, to consider ourselves secure on any side against the 326 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Ch. xn. I ! ^i, i' I 1 assaults of the wind. Be this however as it may, the gale was so violent that I observed to some one near me that it reminded me of a typhoon. I had hardly made this remark, when a severe shock, accompanied by a grating sound, conveyed to me the disagreeable information that the stern of the vessel was on the rocks. Whether we had two anchors out or one ; whether our cables were hov6 taut or not; whether we had thirty fathoms out or only fifteen, are points still in dispute ; but at any rate we had no steam ; so, after we once were on the rock, we had for some time no means of getting off it. During this period the thumping and grating continued. It seemed, moreover, once or twice, to be probable that we should run foul of a ship moored near us. However, after a while, the engines began to work, and then symptoms of a panic manifested themselves. The passengers came running up to me, saying that the captain was evidently going to sea, that there were merchant captains and others on board who declared that the certain destruction of the ship and all on board would be the consequence, and begging me to interfere to save the lives of all, my own included. At first I declined to do any- thing, — told them that I had no intention of taking the com- mand of the ship, and recommended them in that respect to follow my example. At last, however, as they became im- portunate, I sent Crealock' to the captain, with my compliments, to ask him whether we were going to sea. The answer was not encouraging, and went a small way towards raising the spirits of my nervous friends around me. * Going to sea,' said the captain, ' why, we are going to the bottom.' The fact is that we were at the time when that rej)ly was given going pretty rapidly to the bottom. The water was rising fast in the after part of the ship, and to this providential circumstance I ascribe our safety. The captain started with the hope that he would be able to pump into his boilers all the water made by the leak. If he had succeeded, the chances are that by this time the whole concern would have been deposited some- where in the bed of the ocean. The leak was, however, too much for him, and he had nothing for it but to run over to the opposite side of the anchorage, where there is a sandy bay, and there to beach his ship. We performed this operation success- fully, though at times it seemed probable that the water would ' Colonel Crealock, military secretary to the Embassy. \m Ch. xn. I860. SHIPWRECK. 327 ay, the gale was that it reminded remark, when a , conveyed to me •f the vessel was iors out or one ; whether we had still in dispute ; we once were on of getting off it. g continued. It |le that we should er, after a while, ►toms of a panic e running up to oing to sea, that )ard who declared 1 on board would fere to save the dined to do any- taking the com- n that respect to they became im- my compliments. The answer was ards raising the oing to sea,' said n.' The fact is van given going is rising fast in tial circumstance h the hope that the water made ces are that by deposited some- s, however, too run over to the sandy bay, and eration success- he water would mbasay. _ . H gain upon us so quickly as to stop the working of the engines before we reached our destination. If this had happened we should have drifted on some of the rocks with which the har- bour abounds. When we had got the stern of the vessel into the sand we discovered that we had not accomplished much, for the said sand being very loose, almost of the character of quicksand, and the sea running high, the stern kept sinking almost as rapidly as when it had nothing but water below it. The cabins were already full of water, and the object was to land the passengers. As usual, there was the greatest diffi- culty in launching any of the ship's boats, and none of the vessels in the harbour, except one Frenchman (and one English I have since heard, but its boat was swamped, and therefore I did not see it), saw fit to send a boat to our assistance. In order to prevent too great a rush to the boat:-, 1 thought it ex- pedient to announce that the Avomen must go first, and that, for my own part, I intended to .L3:^.ve the ship last.' This I was enabled to do without unnecessary parade, as the first boat lowered was offered to me, — and no doubt the announcement had some effect in keeping things quiet and obviating the risk of swamping the boats, which was the only danger Ave had then to apprehend. Such were our adventures of yesterday after- noon. I had a presentiment that something Avould happen at Galle, though I could hardly have anticipated that I should be Avreckcd, and wrecked within the harbour ! . . . . Five r.M. — I have just been on the beach looking at our Avreck. The stern, and up to the funnel is now all under Avater. A jury of ' experts ' have sat on the case, and their decision is, that nothing can be done to recover Avhat is in the after part of the vessel (passenger's luggage and specie) until the next monsoon sets in — some five or six months hence ! A Avardrobe which has spent that period of time under the sea Avill be a curiosity ! This untoward accident detained him for a fort- night at Galle, occupied in superintending and press- ing on the operation of fishing up what could be • * The absence of any panic was * very creditable to the passengers. It, ' however, was mainly due to the * conduct of the two Ambassadors, 'who, during the whole time, re- * mained quietly seated on the poop * conversing together, as if no- danger 'impended.' — Personal Narrative of Oceurrcticcs during Lord Elyins Se- cond Embassy to China, by H. B. Loch, rrivate Secretary. 1 f I News from China. Mis- sionary station. 328 SECOND MISSION TO CHNA. Cn. XII. saved from the wreck. By the aid of divers, his ' Full Powers ' and his decorations were recovered, together with most of his wearing apparel ; but his ' letter of cre- ' dence ' was gone, and he had to telegraph to the Foreign Office for a duplicate. In the meantime the lingering hope wliicli he had cherished of an immediate return to England was dis- pelled by accounts from China, which made it clear that he must proceed thither and go through with the ex- pedition. Mai/ 2Sth. — Seven A.M. — This will be a sad letter to you, and I write it with a heavy heart, though we have much to be thankful for in the issue of this adventure. ... I trust that Providence reserves for us a time of real quiet and enjoyment. I go to China with the determination, God willing ! to bring matters there to a speedy settlement. I think that this is as indispensable for the public as for my own private interest. Gros is of the same opinion. I still hope, therefore, that with the change of the monsoon we may be wending our way homewards. June 3rd. — Nothing has occurred to mark the lapse of time except a visit we paid two days ago to a place called Ballagam, some ten miles from here. It is a missionary station, built by the money of the Church Missionary Society, or by funds raised through the Society. It is situated on rising ground, and consists of an excellent bungalow for the missionary, a church, and a school. A good part of the building is upon an artificial terrace supported by masonry, and must have cost a great deal of money. It appears that at one time, while the work Avas going on, and cash was abundant, the congregation of so-called Christians numbered some 400. It is now reduced to thirty adults and about fifty children. The European mis- sionary has left the place, and it is in the hands of a native missionary. It gave me a lively idea of the way in which good people in England are done out of their money for such schemes. June 4 th. — This morning I was awakened by the appearance of Loch in my room, carrying a bag with letters from England. I jumped up and opened yours, ended on the 10th of May. Your letter is a great compensation for our shipwreck and delay, and it is at once a strange coincidence and contrast HH 18G0. PEXANG. 320 to what happened on th(> last occasion. Then your first letters to me were shipwrecked, and delayed a month in r idling me. This time I have been shipwrecked myself almost in the same place, and I have got your dear letter a month sooner than I had anticipated. How differently do events turn out from our expectations I .... I suppose we shall get off to-morroAv, though the steamer for China is not yet arrived. ... I have saved a considerable portion of my effects, some a good deal damaged. But some of my staff have lost much more, as they travel with a greater quantity of clothing, &c., than I do. At last, on the 5th of June, they were able to leave Ceylon ; and they reached Penang, after a rough pas- sage, on the 11th. Steamer 'Pelin,^ Straits of Malacca. — June 12th. — You may Penang. perhaps remember that, when I first visited Penang in 1857, the Chinese established there mustered in force to do me honour. There was a sketch in the ' Illustrated News,' which portrayed our landing. No similar demonstration took place on this occasion ; whether this was the result of accident or design, I cannot tell. ... I have every inducement to labour to bring my work to a close ; to reach sooner that peaceful home-life towards which I am always aspiring. ... I think that I have a duty to perform out here ; but as to any advan- tage which will accrue to myself from its performance, I am, I confess, very little hopeful. ... It is terrible to think how long I may have to wait for my next letters. If we go on to the North at once, we shall be always increasing the distance that separates us. It is wearisome, too, passing over ground which I have travelled tAvice before. No interest of novelty to relieve the mind. Penang and Ceylon are very lovely, but one cares little, I think, for revisiting scenes which owe all their charm to the beauties of external nature. It is different Avhen such beauties are the setting, in which are deposited his- torical associations, and the memories of great deeds or events. I do not feel the slightest desire to see again any even of the most lovely of the scenes I have witnessed in this part of the world. Indeed, so tired am I of this route, that I sometimes feel tempted to try to return by way of the Pacific, if I could do so Avithout much loss of time. . . . This is only a passing idea, however, and not likely to be realised. 330 SECOND mSSION TO CHINA. Cn, xn. \i li i |i lem we have to B are up here for e Emperor, as a a proper footing, the Government feeble hands into claim that they forget this day, iig years and fre- ur constant pro- d that we should iforting upon it. I'day, arid agreed s are to start for issian, who made r force lands, I he says what he days before we lys to finish the ly be talking of its bear to these •d about Chefoo. itauban, on the rent to his head- ilt, commodious ere entering the bay, we descried a steamer a-head of us, and it turned out to be a vessel sent by the French to examine the spot (south of the Peiho Forts), which had been selected for the place of their debarkation when the attack comes off. On the evening Plans for of our dinner, the Genei'al did not enter into particulars, but •"'^'"S- gave me to understand that the result of the exploration had been very unsatisfactory, and that his scheme for landing was altogether upset. I heard this with considerable dismay, as I feared that it might be employed as a reason for delay. Before we parted that night, I agreed to land next morning, to see his artillery, &c. He read me the unfavourable report of his exploring party, which was headed by Colonel Schmid, a great friend of the Emperor's, and the best man (so they say) they have got here. He contends that all along the line of coast there is a band of hard sand, at a considerable distance from low-water mark ; that the water upon it is very shallow ; and that, beyond, there is an interval of soft mud, over which cannon, &c., could not be carried. The French are no doubt very much behind us in their preparations, but then it is fair to say that they have not spent a tenth part of the money, and with their small resources they have done a goc> deal. It was wonderful how their little wild Japanese ponies had been trained in a few days to draw their guns. After the review we took a ride to the top of a hill, from whence we had a very fine prospect. It is a much more fertile district than this, beautifully cultivated, and the houses better than I have seen anywhere else in China. The people seemed very comfort- able, and their relations with the French are satisfactory, as we may infer from the abundant supplies brought to market. On the following morning the English Admiral and General arrived. They had their interview with the French author- ities, and settled that on the 26th the fleets should sail from Talien-Whan and Chefoo respectively to the rendezvous, some- where opposite Taku. From that point the Admirals and Generals are to proceed on a further exploration, and to effect a disembarkation on the earliest possible day. So the matter stands for the present. The state o. Europe is very awkward, and an additional reason for finishing this affair.' For if Russia and France unite against us, not only will they have a pretty * The reference apparently is to the uneasiness produced in Europe by the annexation of Savoy to France. :ii! d i % I I I '!','. ; I ii ill ) ;! M U I! li 342 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XIII. fort, tlcclaring that they liad entered it, found it deserted, and possessed of no defences but two wooden guns. It turned out that they had not entered first, but that an English party, headed by ISIr. Parkes, had preceded them. This rather j)ro- niised to diminish the interest of tlie attack on the forts which had been fixed for half-past four in the morning, liut there was another fort on the opposite side of the river, perhaps there might be some resistance tliere. Ahis! vain hope. Tin-ee shots were tired at it from the gunboats whii;h had passed through during the night, and some twenty hd)ourers walked out of it to seek a more secure field for their industry in some neighbouring village. Afterwards our troops went in and found it enij)ty as the other ; so ended the capture of Pey-tang. We came over the bar in the evening, and I went to sec IIo))e Grant at the captured fort, wlure he has fixed liis abode. AVhile there we discovered a strongish body of Tartar cavalry, at a distance of about four miles along the causeway which leads from this to Tientsiin and Taku. I urged the General to send out a party to see Avhat these gentry were doing, lest they should be breaking up the causeway, or doing any other mis- chief; and I heard from him this morning that he had arranged with General Montauban to do so, and that a party of 2,000 men started on that errand early. The Tartars seem to be in greater force than was su[)j»osed. The officer in eonnnand (I'ightly or wrongly, I know not which) resolved to consider the expedition merely a reconnaissance, and to retire after staying on the ground a short time. Of course the Tartars will consider this a victory, and will be elated by it ; but perhaps this is a good thing, as it may induce them to face us on the open. The ground on which they were found is firm and fit for cavalry, and is about four miles from tlie Peiho Forts. This is a very nasty place. The country around is all under water, and it is im])ossible to get through it except by moving along the one or two causeways that intersect it. The military are, therefore, glad to find sound footing at no great distance. Up to this time no coinmnnication of any kind had passed between the Special Ambassadors and any Chinese officials. An ultimatum had been presented by Mr. Bruce in March, demanding an apology for the attack Cn. xm. it deserted, and It turned out Knglish party. This ratlier pro- the forts wliidi i'i<,^ Hut there river, perliaps •'»« J vain hope, vhich had i)a.ssed ")()urers walked ndiistry in some •s went in and ro of l'ey-tan«r. 1 1 went to f^ee fixed Ills abode. Tartar eavah-y, eauseway wliieh d the General to doing-, lest they ? any other niis- hc had arranged I party of 2,000 rs seem to be in ^er in connnaiid vcd to consider to retire after irse the Tartars ted by it; but ;iiem to face us ■ found is firm from tlie Peiho ntry around is '■ough it except at intersect it. I footing at no ny kind had I any CJiinese ted by Mr. )r the attack 1800. CTIIXESE OVERTURES. 343 on our ships of war, the immediate ratification of the Treaty, and i)rompt payment of the indemnity of 4,()0(),0()() taels, as therein stipulated. As these demands liad been formally refused ])y the Chinese Government, there was no room for diplomacy. Even the bare an- nouncement of his arrival I^ord Elgin feared they might interi)r(!t as an invitation to treat, and ui^e as an excuse for dilatory and evasive negotiations. The justice of this view was proved by what took place on the 5th of August. Having occasion to station one of his shi])s near the shore lor the pur])ose of getting Avater, the Admiral sent a flag of truce to warn some Tartar troops posted near the spot, that 'his ship had 'not gone there with the view of making an attack, but chims*! ' that it would fire on the Tartars if they a[)proached too '^^■*'''^'^''** ' near it.' The Governor-General at once took advantage of the opening this gave him. Affecting to believe that the flag of truce came from Lord Elgin, he addressed to him a des])atch full of professions of amity, and say- ing that he ' had received instructions to discuss and ' dispose of all questions with the British Minister,' but containing no mention of the ultimatum. To this and numerous similar missives, which came for a time in rapid succession, Lord Elgin had but one reply — that he could discuss nothing until the demands already made had been satisfied. Auf/ust 9t/t. — My diplomacy began yesterday, for I received in the morninjx a communication from the Governor-General of the province, not frankly conceding our demands, but making tolerably plausible proposals for the sake of occasioning delay. I have refused to stay the march of the military on such over- tures ; but the great slowness of our ojjcrations is likely to lead me into diplomatic difficulties. The Chinese authorities, if they become frightened, are clever enough to advance pro- positions which it may be impossible to accede to without com- promising the main objects of this costly exj)edition, and by refusing which I shall, nevertheless, expose myself to great animadversion. There wjis a reconnaissance again this morn- 344 SECOND MISSION TO CIUNA. cn. xm. jllt^'l Taking of the forts. ing, and I hope from the report of Crealock (who accompanied it, and who is doing very well) that the enemy will prove quite as little formidable as I have always expected. The serious advance was positively to have taken place to-morrow, but I almost fear there will be another delay. I am anxious to conclude peace as soon as possible after the capture of the Peiho Forts, because, from what I have seen of the conduct of the French here, I am sure that they will commit all manner of atrocities, and make foreigners detested in every town and village they enter. Of course their presence makes it very difficult to maintain discipline among our OAvn people. The 'serious advance' took place on the 12th, and was completely successful. On that day the Allies took possession of the little town of Sinho: two days later they occupied Tangkow. The forts, however, which guarded the entrance of the Peiho — the Taku Forts, from which the British forces had been so disastrously repulsed the year before — remained untaken. Opinions were divided as to the plan of operations. The French were for attacking first the great fortifications on the right or southern bank of the river; but Sir Robert Napier urged that the real key to the enemy's position was the most northerly of the forts, on the left or northern bank. Happily his counsels prevailed. On the 2fst this fort was taken by assault, with but little loss of life; and the soundness of the judgment which selected the point of attack was proved by the immediate surrender of all the remaining defensible positions on both sides of the river. During the greater part of this time Lord Elgin was on board the ' Granada,' moored off Pey-tang, suffering all the anxieties of an active spirit condemned to in- activity in the midst of action : responsible generally for the fate of the expedition, yet without power to control an-'' detail of its operations; fretting especially at the delays which are, perhaps, necessarily incident to a divided and subdivided command. Writing after the surrender of the Taku Forts he said : — ^OV-vaUt-; Cn. xm. 1800. TAKING OF THE FORTS. 345 who accompanied leiny will prove expected. The place to-morrow, I am anxious to } capture of the of the conduct of nmit all manner every town and e makes it very people. the 12th, and ;he Allies took wo days later 3wever, which 3 Taku Forts, io disastrously en. Opinions The French sations on the lit Sir Robert 'my's position )n the left or ailed. On the ith but little Igment which ;he immediate i positions on rd Elgin was mg, suffering ^mned to in- generally for ^er to control icially at the icident to a ng after the I have torn up the earlier part of this letter, hecause it is needless to place on record the anxieties 1 felt at that time. To revert to the portion of my history which was included in the part of my letter that I have destroyed, I must tell you that it was on the 12th that the troops first moved out of Pey-tang. I saw them defile past, and in the afternoon rode out to the camp, but was turned back by a large body of Tartar cavalry, who menaced my flank, and as some of my people had just discovered, in the apartment of the Tartar General at Sinho, a letter stating that they were determined to capture the ' big barbarian himself this time, I thought it better to retrace my steps. The second action took place on the 14th, and on the 15th I rode out to see the General, and had a conference with him. On the 17th I went to the gulf to see Gros. I have had dozens of letters from the Chinese authorities, and I have answered some of them, not in a way to give them much plea- sure. All these details Avere given at full length in my annihi- lated letter, but already they seem out of date. Tangkoio. — August 23rd. — Grant has been marvellously favoured by the weather, for the rain, which arrests all move- ments here, stopped the day before he moved out of Pey-tang, and began again about an hour after he had taken the Taku Fort, which led to the surrender of the whole. I must also say that the result entirely justified the selection which he made of his point of attack, and, as this was against the written opinion of the French General, it is a feather in Grant's cap. The Chinese are just the same as they were when I knew them formerly. They fired the cannons with quite as little accuracy, but there was one point of difference in their pro- ceedings. On previous occasions we have always found their forts open on one side ; so that, when they were turned, the troops left them and escaped. In this instance they were en- closed with ditches, palisades, stakes, &c., so that the poor fellows had nothing for it but to remain in them till they were pushed out by bayonets. Almost all our casualties occun-ed during the escalade. I went through the hospitals yesterday, and found very few who had been struck by round shot. A very small portion of the force was engaged, so that my opinion of its unnecessary magnitude is not shaken. I need not de- scribe the action for you, as you will no doubt see elsewhere a detailed account of it. My own personal history will not be |! ' II \. t ■ i ■ % f/fll !'.) i ( 346 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. xin. incliffercnt to yoii. I left the * Granada' at about 5.30 p.m. on the 20th (Monday). Found bouic dinner and a tent at the camp at ISinho. Started next morning at about 5.30 a.m. ; rode into Tanjjfkovv, where 1 now am, and mounted to the top of the Head-quarters' House, whence I had a very fjjood view of the operations. I was dishxljijed after a while, because a battery opened fire at about fifteen hundred yards from us, and some of th(> balls fell so ne- >•, that we began to think they were perha])s firinjjf at me. being dislodged from my Bel videre, 1 took some break o console myself; and soon after, seeing the British flag on the fort which we had been attacking, I rode over to it. We met a good many of our own wounded, and all round the fort were numbers of the poor Chinamen, staked and massacred in all sorts of ways. I found the two Generals there, and soon after the Admiral came up from his ship under a flag of truce. Two letters came to me from the Chinese ; but, true to my policy of letting the fighting men have .all the ])restige of taking the Forts, I would not have anything to say to them. The messengers were told that they must give up the forts to the Conmianders-in-Chief before I would listen to them ; and that, in the meantime, the army would proceed with its operations. They moved on accordingly, and I returned to my post of observation at Tangkow. I had hardly reached it when the rain began, and in about an hour the roads had become absolutely impassable for artillery, and nearly so for everything else. The troops met with no resistance at the second fort, and the indefatigable Parkes having gone over to the unfortunate Governor-General, extorted from him a surrender of the whole, which he brought to the Commanders-in-Chief on the morning of the 22nd, having, I believe, dictated its terms. Of course, Grant's triumj)h is complete, and deservedly so. . . . The system of our army involves such an enormous trans})ortation of provisions, &c., that Ave make, however, but slow progress. I have, therefore, urged the Admiral, who has got through the barriers at the mouth of the Peiho (and who is not unwilling to go ahead), to proceed up the river with his gunboats : if he meets with any obstructions which are serious, he can stop his progress, and await the arrival of troops. If he meets none, he will soon reach Tientsin. August 2-^th. — This morning, at about four, Grant awoke me ''Vi .,^' IHB Cii. XTII. 1800. THE rEIIin AND TIENTSIN. 347 about 5.'M) P.M. !Uirts of ways. I le Admiral came letters came to y of letting the e Forts, I Avould angers were tokl landers-in-Chief I the meantime. They moved ' observation at rain began, and itely impassable e. The trooj)s he indefatigable I'ernor-General, lieh he brought le 22nd, liaviius nt's triumi)h is n of our army provisions, &c., lave, therefore, barriers at the 3 go ahead), to neets with any I progress, and , he will soon •ant awoke me with a letter from the Admiral, saying that he had experienced in going up the river exactly what we did in 1858 — the poor people coming down in crowds to offer submission and provi- sions, and no opposition of any kind. lie wrote from ten miles below Tientsin, which ))lace he was going to occupy with hia small gunboat force. The (icneral has agreed to despatch a body of infantry in gunboats, and to make his cavalry march by land; and I am only awaiting the return of the Admiral to move on. So all is Ljoin}; on well, (irant has also airreed to send a regiment to Shanghae in case there shoidd be trouble there. ... It really looks now as if my absence would not be protracted nnu'h beyond the time we used to speak of before T stai'ted. . . . At the same time, I do not like to be too con- fident. AiKjiist 25tJi. — Noov. — High and dry at about fifteen miles ThoPeiho. below Tientsin. This must remind you of some of my letters from the Yangtze, two years ago. We started this moj-ning at 6.30 in the ' Granada : ' the General and I, with both our staffs. We had gone on famously to this point, scraping through the mud occasi(mally with success. In rounding a corner, however, at which a French gunboat had already stuck before us, we have run upon a bank. It is very strange to me to be going up the Peiho river again. I'he fertility of the plain through which it runs strikes me more than it did formerly. The harvest is at hand, and the crops clothe it luxuriantly. The poor people in the villages do not appear to fear us much. AVe treated them well before, and they expect similar treatment again. The Admiral did his work of occupy- ing Tientsin well. . . . He has great qualities. Tientsin. — Sunday, Aufjust 26th. — We reached this place Tientsin, about midnight. It was about the most nervous operation at which I ever assisted, going round the sharp turns with this long ship by moonlight. I had a moment of painful saisisse- ment when I felt almost certain that we should run into my dear colleague (xros, who had grounded in a little gunboat at one of the worst bends of the river. AVe only saved him by dropi)ing an anchor from the stern, and going backwards full speed. The Yangtze was bad eno" h, but we never used to go on at night, and there was no danger of collisions. This ship looks also as if she Avould go head over heels much more easily than the 'Furious.' I am waiting for Parkes and the General ■*r r M 1 ■ r '^•i r i! ' ! ■'. S 1 348 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA, cn. xm. I HI' Chinpse yumun. li Negoti- ations. before I decide as to landing, &c. Is it not strange to be here ? Immediately ahead of us is the yamim where Gros and I spent the eventful weeks in 1858, which preceded the signa- ture of the treatier of Tientsin I Two r.M.— We are to have the yamun in which Reed and Putiatine were lodged in 1858 ; a much better quarter than our old one ; and the General, Gros, and I are all to lodge in it together. Tientsin. — August 27th, — I had a very bad headache after I had sent off the mail yesterday. . . . Our ship had, moreover, got aground, and was lying over so much on one side that it seemed possible that she might topple over altogether. Under these circumstances, and having the prospect of a very noisy night on board, I determined to land and sleep in my yamun. The portion of it dedicated to me consists of a regular Chinese garden, with rockwork and bridges, and ponds full of lotus leaves, and flowerpots of all dimensions with shrubs and flowers in them, surrounded on two sides by wooden buildings, con- taining rooms with carved woodwork and other Chinese neat- nesses. It is the only house of a Chinese gentleman I have ever inhabited, for when I was here before I dwelt in a temple. The mosquitoes were a little troublesome at first, but I got my net up, and slept tolerably, better than I should have done here ; for the iron ships get so heated by the sun during the day that they are never cool, however fresh the night air may be. August 29th. — I intended to have told you that I was send- ing a stiif letter to my old friend Kweiliang ; but, in fact, it has taken some time and consultation Avith Gros to settle its terms, and it is only now being translated. Yesterday after- noon the long-expected mail arrived. . . . Shall I really eat my Christmas dinner with you ? Really many things are more improbable than that. I hoped at one time that this letter might be despatched from Pekin ; but as we have to meet Commissioners here, and to make a kind of supplementary treaty before proceeding thither, it is doubtful whether we shall accomplish this. I am not sure that I like my present domicile as well as I did my domicile here in 1858, because, although it is a great deal more orne, it is proportionably hotter, being surrounded by walls which we cannot see over. It is a great place, with an infinite number of courts and rooms of all sizes. I should think several families must live in it, unless cn. xm. 1800. NEGOTIATIONS BROKEN OFF. 349 ange to be here ? ere Gros and I ietled the sijjna- We are to have lodged in 1858 ; id the General, headache after I ) had, moreover, one side that it ogether. Under of a very noisy p in my yamun. regular Chinese ids full of lotus rubs and flowers I buildings, con- er Chinese neat- sntleman I have welt in a temple. first, but I got ihould have done sun during the night air h the that I was send- ; but, in fact, it rros to settle its Yesterday after- Ihall I really eat lany things are I time that this t as we have to f supplementary ful whether we like my present I 1858, because, rtionably hotter, ie over. It is a and rooms of all ive in it, unless the establishment of a Chinese gentleman is very large indeed. If Kweiliang and Co. come into our terms, my present inten- tion is to send at once to Frederick officially, and request him to come on to Pekin. . . . He has been having some very troublesome work at Shanghae with the Rebels ; indeed, there is at present work enough foi oth of us in China. September \st — Kweiliang arrived last night, and sent me a hint that he intended to call on me to-day. I sent one in return, to say that I would not see him until he had answered my letter. I fear a little more bullying will be necessary before we bring this stupid Government up to the mark. Both yesterday and to-day I took a ride in the morning with Grant. I rode a horse of his, a very nice one. The sun becomes powerful very early, but it is a charming climate now. The abundance of all things wonderful : beef and mutton at about threepence a pound ; peaches, grapes, and all sorts of vegetables in plenty ; ice in profusion. I daresay, however, that in six weeks' time it may be very cold. At one moment, on the 2nd of September, it really seemed as if the object of the mission was achieved; for the Imperial Commissioners — one of whom was the same Kweilijmg who had conducted the negotiations in 1858 — in a formal despatch gave a positive assurance that the Treaty of Tientsin should be faithfully ob- served, and that all the demands hitherto made should be conceded in full. A draft of convention was accord- ingly prepared on this basis ; but, Avhen it came to the point, Kweiliang and his colleagues declared that they had no authority to sign it without referring to Pekin; and it became obvious that he either did not possess, or did not at that moment wish it to be supposed that he possessed, powers equal to those which he held in 1858, although his previous language had been calcu- lated to convey the opposite impression. Here was clearly a deliberate design to create delay, with the view of dragging on negotiations into the winter. It was indispensable. Lord Elgin thought, to check this policy by an act of vigour ; and accordingly, ff :^ K ?■: T' t \ il : I >. 'i 11^ ill 11 350 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. ch. xra. with the concurrence of Baron Gros, he intimated to Broken off, the Imperial Commissioners that, in consequence of the want of good faith exhibited by them in assuming the title of Plenipotentiaries when they could not exercise the authority which it implied, and of the delays which the alleged necessity of constant reference to Pekin would occasion, he had determined to proceed at once to Tung-chow, in the immediate neighbourhood of the cfipital, and to enter into no further negotiations with them until he should have reached that place. September Sth. — I am at war again ! My idiotical Chinamen have taken to playing tricks, which give me an excellent excuse for carrying the army on to Pekin. It would be a long affair to tell you all the ins and outs, but I am sure from Avhat has come to pass during the last few days, that we must get nearer Pekin before the Government there comes to its senses. The blockl) eads have gone on negotiating with me just long enough to enable Grant to bring all his army up to this point. Here we are, then, with our base established in the heart of the country, in a capital climate, with abundance around us, our army in excellent health, and these stupid people give me a snub, which obliges me to break with them. No one knows Avhetlier our progress is to be a fight or an ovation, for in this country nothing can be foreseen. I think it belter that the olive-branch should advance with, the sword. I am afraid that this change in the programme — a hostile instead of a peaceful march on Pekin — will keep me longer here, because I cannot send for Frederick till peace is made ; and I cannot, I suppose, leave Pekin till he arrives thei'e. Sunday, Se])te:nher dtli. — Kweiliang and- Co. wanted very much to call on me yesterday, but I would not receive them. The junior Commissioner, who was at Canton with Parkes, and knows him well, told him that, in fact, the people here hud been urging them to make an effort to prevent war, sayinjr : ' If we were sure that the foreigners would have the best of it, * we should not care ; but if they are worsted they will fall ' back on us, and wreak their vengeance upon us.' This docs not seem a very fo''midable state of mind as far as we are con- cerned. Wc hov*. behaved well to the people, except at Pcy- Ch. xm. le intimated to sequence of the assuming the Id not exercise le delays which ence to Pekin roceed at once ourhood of the gotiations with lace. iotical Chinamen excellent excuse be a long af%ir re from what has ! must get nearer its senses. The just long enough his point. Here the heart of the } around us, our eople give me a No one knows nation, for in this ; better that the I am afraid that ^ad of a peaceful because I cannot mnot, I suppose, >o. wanted vc ry- ot receive them, an with Parkes, people here had ;nt war, sayinp-; i'Q the best of it, d they will fall us.' This does V as we are con- except at Pcy- n I860. NEW PLENIPOTENTIARIES. 351 tang and Sinho, and the consequence Is that we can move through the country with comparative ease. If the people tried to cut off our baggage, and refused us supplies, we should find it very difficult to get on. . . . Noon.—l have just returned from a service on board the * Granada,' where the clergyman administered the sacrament to a small congregation. At four we march to the wars ; but as I go to bear the olive, it IS not so bad a Sunday's work. You may very likely hear through Siberia of the result of our march before you receive this letter announcing that it is to take place. I shall not, therefore, speculate upon it. Yang-tsun, aJ^out twenty miles above Tientsin. — September Yang- lOtVi. — Two P.M. — This morning we started at about five, and reached this encampment soon after seven. A very nice ride, cool, and through a succession of crops of millet ; a stiff, reedy stem, some twelve or fourteen feet high, with a tuft on the top, is the physiognomy of the millet stalk. It would puzzle the Tartar cavalry to charge us through this crop. As it is, we have seen no enemy ; and iVIr. Parkes has induced the in- habitants to sell us a good many sheep and oxen. Our tents were not pitched till near noon ; so 1 sat during most of the forenoon under the shade of a hedge. There has been thunder since, und a considerable f\dl of rain. I hoj)e it will not make the roads impassable ; but if • it fMls the river a little It will do us good, for we may then use it for the transport of our sup- plies, and It Is noAv too low. We do not knew much what Is ahead of us, but we hear of Tartar troops far her on ; and at Tung-chow it Is said that a large army Is collected under Sang- ko-lin-sin himself ''their great general). I am now enjoying the life of a camp ; writing to you seated on my portmanteau, with my desk on my only chair. It Is perhaps better than my hothouse at Tientsin. September Wth. — Six A.M. — Parkes and Wade have just New Pie- been In my tent with a letter from two new Plenipotentiaries tiaries?" — really some of the highest personages in the empire — itating that they are under orders to come to Tientsin to settle every- thing, and deprecating a for^\ nrd movement,' 1 shall of course stick by my progranune, and decline to have anything to say ' The new Plenipoteutimies wore tlio Board (if War : with whom was Tsai, PrincG of I., a cousin of tlie joined IIan<>-lii, a member of tlie Emperor, and Mub-yin, President of previous commission. I nm A I }k\ .i;' ! . ] i '(' ?' 1 III! Chinese gentle- man- farmer. Ko-see- woo. 352 SECOND MISSION TO CIUNA. ch. xm. to them till I reach Tung-chow. Of course this proceeding on their part augurs well for peace. It poured all last evening, and the General determined not to march this morning ; but as it is fine now, I think we may start at noon, and make out our allotted march. It is cooler this morning, and I think it not improbable that the thunder of yestei'day may close the hot season. However, the sun is coming out in his strength, so one cannot say what the day may bring forth. Ten a.m. — All our cart-drivers, with their animals, disappeared during last night, leaving the carts behind them. Probably they got a hint from the Chinese authorities. I am sorry for it, for if we begin to resort to measures of violence to supply ourselves, we may entirely alter the footing on which we have hitherto stood with the people. We are putting all our surplus goods into junks, in order to reduce our baggage. Nan-tsai-tsun. — September \2th. — Where will this letter be sent from ? It is begun at a small town on the close of our march of to-day, which ought to have been our march of yes- terday. It was a very mild one — about eight miles — through a nice country, more wooded than former marches, and with bright sunshine, and a fresh, almost frosty air. The sunshine we had not at first, for we started before the sun had appeared on the horizon. Instead of trusting to our tents, we have this day taken up our abode in thd house of a Chinese gentlem.an- farmer, the owner of about 1,000 acres. It is nearly as large as the house i occupied at Tientsin ; at least it has nearly as many courts. The gentleman has a good library, in which I have established myself; and he seems, poor man, very anxious to accommodate us, though his appearance is not that of a man entirely at his ease. As I was starting this morning I got a second letter from the new Plenipotentiaries, rather more defiant in its tone, and ssiying that there are troops at our next station, with whom we shall come into collision, if we advance with an army. Parkes is gone on with an escort, and we shall soon know from him w^hat the state of the ca?e really is. Uo-sec-woo. — September lAth. — We had a charming march to this place yesterday morning. The country much more beautiful than befor'^, and hills in the distance. All around us the most luxuriant crops, and hamlets embosomed in clumps of willows. The temperature was deliciouo ; almost too cold at ch. xm. s proceeding on 11 last evening, morning ; but and make out and I think it may close the in his strength, Ten A.M. — n peared during )bably they got ry for it, for if pply ourselves, have hitherto 1* surplus goods 1 this letter be the close of our : march of yes- miles —through rches, and with The sunshine n had appeared s, we have this Bse gentleman- n early as large t has nearly as iry, in which 1 n, very anxious >t that of a man )rning I got a 5, rather more troops at our collision, if we vith an escort, Lte of the cafe harming march •y much more AH around us ;d in clumps of >st too cold at 1830, AGREEMENT MADE. 353 starting, but, later, a fresh breeze in our faces gsive the requi- site coolness and no more. Our march was about twelve miles, and on reaching its close I was conducted to a temple where I now am. It is a monastery, with very nice apartments, and Monas- quantities of stabling, grain, agricultural implements, &c., all ^'^' indicative of a very prosperous community. I have seen no bonzerie on anything like so comfortable a scale. I had a second letter from my Commissioners in the evening of the last day on which I wrote a page of this journal, more humble in its tone then the preceding one, and as my General was getting uneasy about his supplies, &c., I thought it necessary to make a kind of proposition for an arrangement. . . . Our soldiers do so little for themselves, and their necessities are so great, that we move but slowly. Our present party consists of about 1,500 fighting men; but we count about 4,000 mouths, and all must have abundantly of the best. The French (I admit that they take more out of the country, and sometimes perhaps by rougher methods) carry on Iheir backs several days' provisions. They work in all sorts of ways for the army. The contrast is, I must say, very striking. ... I therefore thought it better to send Wade and Parkes to the new Imperial Commissioners, to see whether they intended to resist or not, and to make a proj)osal to test this. They set out last night, and I have just hoard from them, that, as they did not find the Commissioners at the place they expected (Matow), they are gone on to Tung-chow, the place where I intend to sign the Convention. Parkes is one of the most remark- able men I ever met ; for energy, courage, and ability com- bined, I do not know where I could find his match ; and this, joined to a facility of speaking Chinese, which he shares only with Lay, makes him at present the man of the situation. After eight hours' discussion the Chinese Commis- Terms sioners conceded every point ; agreeing among other '^^'^'^° things that the army should advance to a place called Five-li Point, .vithin six miles of Tung-chow, and there remain while the Ambassador proceeded with an escort of 1 ,000 men to Pekin. In the high character and standing of the two Commisf^ioners, one the Minister of War, the A A !«« i I ■■ V f'li s I 354 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XIII. '11 .;; ■Ii:l ^j| h\ other a Prince of the Blood Imperial, and in their re- peated assurances that ' what they signed was as though ' the Emperor signed it,' and that ' no comparison could ' be drawn between the authority vested in them and ' that held ' by previous Commissioners, there appeared to be everything necessary to justify the belief that their word might be trusted. Unhappily the contidence which the Allies were thus led to repose in them was destined to be deceived ; not however, so far as appears, owing to bad faith on their part, but owing to the fact that their pacific influence at court was overborne on this occasion by that of the war party, headed by the Commander-in-Chief, Sang-ko-lin-sin.^ On the return of the two secretaries from the con- ference. Lord Elgin at once acquainted Baron Gros and Sir Hope Grant with its results ; and it was agreed that the Commanders-in-Chief should move forward on Monday the 1 7th from Ho-se-woo to the place already mentioned, Five-li Point, which they expected to reach in two days' march; and that, at the same time, or rather before the departure of the arm}^, Mr. Parkes and some members of the Ambassador's suite should proceed to Tung-chow to prepare for his reception, and to procure means of transport, accompanied by an officer of the Quarter-master General's Department, and another of the CommissfU'iat, and escorted by a small body of troops.'-^ ' ' A prisoner taken on tlio 21st of ' September, in the course of con versa- ' tion,volunteered the remark that iLo * fighting was all tlie doing of Sang- ' ko-lin-sin, who was as anxious for * it aa I'rince Tsai was opposed to it. ' This accords with other reports.' — Mr. Wade's Memorandum. ' In view of the tragic eventa which followed, the reflection will naturally arise that, if this party had not been thus sent forward in advance of the army, those events would not have occurred. On the other hand it must bo borne in mind, (1) that it was a m.T,tter of necessity that some one should go forward to arrange with the Cliine^o authorities as to the phice where tiie Allied armies were to encamp ; (2) that the practice of sending one or other of tiie Chinese scholars within the enemy's lines had long been habitual, having been followed, with the best results, on many occasions, not only in this but in former expe- ditions ; and that the Chinese, what- ever might be their faults, liad never sliown any disposition to disregard a Hag of truce ; {',i) that, accordingly. Cii. XIII. 18(30. AGREEMENT BROKEN. 355 in their re- ^as as though )arison could in them and ere appeared belief that le confidence in them was r as appears, ig to the fact overborne on eaded by the I'om the con- Baron Gros it was agreed '^e forward on place already cted to reach ame time, or ^, Mr. Parkes suite should eception, and mied by an Department, scorted by a t was a matter of le one should go with the Chinese le phice where tlie i to encamp; (2) of sending one or ise scholars within had long been 'en followed, Avith II many occasions, it in former expo- he Chinese, what- r faults, hail never ion to disregard a that, accordingly^ Snndnjj, Scpfcmher IGth. — We have had service in my tcmi)le. The General and Staff attended. . . . Wade and Parkes did good work at Tiing-chow. It is arranged now that the General and bulk of the force proceed to-morrow on their way to the ])oint at which (if the Chinese Plenipotentiaries come in to all our terms) we are to stay the progress of the main body, going on from that point with an escort of 1,000 men. This place is about five miles from Tung-cliow, and twenty from Pekin ; and so I hope to effect my pacific entry into Pekin. . . . This place lias been, I am sorry to say, much maltreated, for the people ran away, and when that takes place, it is impossible to prevent plundering. The present plan is, that I remain here till the army has taken up its new position, and all is arranged for my reception at Pekin and Tung-chow, when I shall move on. Gros is here. He has just been with m6, and is in a great state because our soldiers, in their zeal to drive away all Chinese robbers, have driven away all his coolies. September Xlth. — I rode out very early this morning to see my General before he started, and to give him a hint about the looting, Avhich has been bad here. He disapproves of it as much as I do. . . . Parkes went off again this morning to Tung-chow, with another missive from me to my Prince (the new Plenipotentiary), rather stiff and plain-spoken ; and Loch is gone with him to get carts, &c., as I have no means of conveying my goods and chattels. I shall probably hear to-morrow whether there is any hitch ; but even if all be right, I hardly expect to get on before Thursday, for want of transport. September ISth. — Noon. — There is firing in front of us; and I have a letter from Parkes from Tung-chow, stating that the Pi'incc and his collea2;iies made great audience with the Emperor. If I was dithculties about an sure that Parkes and no one concerned appears to have had any idea that there was (hmger to be braved ; and that, putting aside Lord I'^lgin, Baron Gros, and Sir Hope Grant, the readiiitss of Mr. I'ai-lies, not only to go himself— thnt in one who * knew not what fear wns ■ proves notliing — but to take witli him sevfiral friends who were not called by duty, shows that, in the judgment of a man of great uhrewd- A A ncss and unrivalled knowledge of the Chinese character, who was more- over fully cognisant of all the cir- cumstances, there existed no ground for apprehension ; (4) lastly, that all the evils that followed were due, so far as it is posf^ible now to judge, to a circumstance which no one could have foreseen at tlie time, viz. to a change of policy and of party within the Chinese Government. AgrcpTTicnt brokeu. ■ III m «. ! I m m' ' ^JKlliitis ? li ■ V i *\ ,1 II I .^. :- ^^ 366 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. xiir. Treacher- ous seizure of Mr. Co. were well out e^ Tung-chow, antl that we should push on well, I should not regret the firing. Five r.M. — M. do Bas- tard, Gros' secretary, has just returned from Tung-chow. He reports that the Tartars this morning were in possession of the ground on which, according to the understanding entered into with the Prince and Co., we were to have encamped. He had to ride through their army, to his no small alarm ; but he met Parkes (who knows not what fear is) riding back to Tung- chow to tell the Prince, &c., of the position of thj Tartar {irmy, and that they should be held responsible for the conse- quences. Loch was with the General. I wonder he is not come to inform me of what has happened. At the time when these words were written, nearly the whole of the party which had ridden forth the Parkesand moming before, 'in high spirits at the prospect of an ' early and successful termination of the war,' had been treacherously seized by the soldiers of Sang-ko-lin-sin, and Mr. Parkes and Mr. Loch were being violently hurried off, with their hands tied behind their backs, in a rude springless cart, over a badly-paved road, to the prisons of Pekin. The details of their capture and im- prisonment, together with such particulars as could afterwards be ascertained of their companions' fate, may be read in the very interesting narrative of one of the victims.' We can here touch only upon those points in which their story is mixed up with public events. As to the origin and cause of the renewal of hosti- lities, it is impossible to speak with certainty ; nor is it probable that we shall ever arrive at a better opinion on the subject, than that which was formed by Lord Elgin on the spot. In his report to the Government he wrote : — To ha/ard conjectures as to the motives by which Chinese functionaries are actuated is not a very safe undertaking ; and * * Personal Narrative of Occur- Brougham Loch, Private Secretary rences during Lord Elgin's Second to the Earl of Elgin. Eiubn88y to China,' IHGO. By Iloury Cause of the change, Cn. Xlll. 1800, TKEACHERY OF THE CHINESE. 357 should push on I.— M. clc Bas- ing-chow. He ossession of the tig entered into nped. He had n ; but he met back to Tunretty well. We are now ahout six nules from Pekin, hut 1 helieve the Generals will not move for a week. AVe learn that Parkcs and his com[)anirfect manner, neglecting 'no opportunity of acquiring fresh ' and of consolidttting previous kuow- ' ledge, promised a career honourable ' to himself, and, what ho valued far 'more, advantageous to the public, 'had it pleased (iod to spare him. 'Now there remains to those who 'knew him intinuitely only this con- ' soling conviclion, that death, how- *cver sudden, could not find hiiu ' unprepared.' cii. xnr. 18 h lb 1 1 i't t r: I ■ •i if.: ■ % M 1 (I ii K. !'l «« 'T: :'Ji 1 ■ »i ; ; '.' ■ t'i ^ 'i 1 ! ) i 1 i'^' - jn j I Funeral of the mur- dored cap- tives. i ii' in bed for two days with an attack of influenza, but I nni better to-day, thou^rh not by way of goinn; out. Here wr, (tbe General and I) are occupyincj a great enclosure con- taining a series of one-storied wooden buildings with covered passages and verandahs. There is a good deal of aristo- cratic seclusion about the place, as it is surrounded by walls, and entirely cut off from the world without ; but there is little appearance of luxury and comfort about it. It rained yesterday and the day before, and I had con- siderable difficulty in reading in my bed, as my paper win- dows, which keep out the cold pretty well, keep out also a good deal of light. They are not transparent, so the view through them is not lively. To-day there is a beautiful sun- shine, and I have been walking about a little in the court before my room door. The present arrangement is that we remain here till the 8th. I had some difficulty in obtaining this ; but it is of great importance that, before the army goep, I should get a decree from the Emperor sanctioning the pub- lication of the Treaty all over the empire. . . . The French General will not, however, consent to remain. October Z\st. — Another fine day, but I have not left the house, partly from consideration for the remains of my cold, and partly because I have had letters to finish. I have had visits from both my colleagues, Gros and Ign. tieff. The latter and I are always very good friends. Perhaps he takes ad- vantage of my simplicity ; but at any rate we always seem to agree remarkably. He is wide awake to the Jesuit intrigues here. By the way, I should mention that the French had a wonderful funeral on Sunday, in honour of the murdered cap- tives. I could not attend, being in bed at the time. Several speeches in bad taste were delivered, and a remarkable series of performances took place. Among other things, each soldier (this is, I believe, the French practice on such occasions) fired his musket hito the grave, so that the coffins were covered with cartridges. The Chinese say that it was because they were not sure whether the occupants were really dead. On the day following, they inaugurated the old Jesuit cathe- dral, which they have recovered from the Chinese Govern- ment; and the bishop who preached, in order to make amends for the omission of all reference to us at the cere- mony of the funeral, complimented Queen Victoria and her cn. xm. iza, but I nm lit. Here wc. jnclosuro con- i with covered eal of aristo- irrounded by without ; but fort about it. I I had con- ly paper win- ep out also a , BO the view beautiful sun- in the court 'nt is that we 'f in obtainiiif^ he army gocp, tning the pub- The French e not left the s of my cold, . I have had ff. The latter he takes ad- Iways seem to isuit intrigues French had a Tiurdered cap- ime. Several arkable series 9, each soldier jcasions) fired were covered because they ly dead. On Jesuit cathe- nese Govern- ler to make at the cere- toria and her IKOO. I'lJINCE KVNO. .309 (h'f/ne reprfisentnnt for having come to China to set up the lionian Catholic cathedral in Pekin. This reflection will comfort ' when he comes to vote next year the balance of the £10,000,000 spent. I have no news of Fredenck yet ; so I am no further advanced with my own plans than I was when Loch left me. Pekin. — November 2nd. — Yesterday, after the mail had left, Imperial I mounted on horseback, and with an escort, and Parkes and 1'^'*^**' Crcalock, proceeded to the Imperial City, within which is the Imperial Palace. We obtained access to two enclosures, forniing part of the Imperial Palace appendages : both elevated places, the one ascended by a pathway in regular Chinese rockwork on a large scale, and really striking in its way ; and the other being a well-wooded park-like eminence, crowned by temples with images of Buddha. The view from both was magnificent. Pekin is so full of trees, and the houses are so low, that it hardly had the effect of looking down on a great city. Hero and there temples or high gateways rose above the trees, but the general impression was rather that of a rich plain densely peopled. In the distance the view was bounded by a lofty chain of mountains, snow-capped. From the park-like emi- nence we looked down upon the Imperial Palace— a largo enclosure crowded with yellow-roofed buildings, generally low, and a few trees dotted among them. It is difficult to imagine how the unfortunates shut up there can ever have any exer- cise. I don't wonder that the Etnperor preferred Yuen- ming-yuen. The yellow roofs, interspersed here and there with very deep blue ones, had, however, a very brilliant effect in the sunshine. After enjoying these views I went to the lUissian Minister's, and found him installed in a house got up a V Eitropeenne , and looking very comfortable, with his national stoves. He showed me his cha))el also. This morning I gut a letter from Gros telling me that, in opposition U) my advice, he had been to see Prince Kung. I told hun he ought to let the Prince come to him first ; but the / «<>)its think that they can curry favour with the Chinese by uaking him condescend. They are quite wrong, as I am sure the result will prove. The Prince came to see me to-day before returning Gros' Visit from visit, which goes for something in this land of ceremony. I "**' received the Prince with all honour, and had a good deal of • A well-known ProtostAUt M.l*. B B ii^ 370 SKCONI) MISSION TO CHINA. Cu. XIII. Iff 1 1 ' i. 1 llf. m ( i :v m 1 1: » > I f -Ll ■Rftum viHit. Arrivftl of Mr. liruco. '■I 1 i ■ ■ 1. talk with liim throujrh the interpreters, in n stylo which re- minded mo of the dialogue at the commencement of * Eothen.' I have, I believe, Bccured the edict for which we have been waiting ; so I have d(mc everything except see the Emperor, which I am not likely to do, as he is at Jchol. We ended by [)hotographing the Prince, a proceeding whicli I do not think he much liked. November 7th. — There has not been much to report since the 2nd. I returned Kung's visit the next day, and we had a more eonlnnt conversation than I have before had with any Chinese authority. It is something to get at men who are so high placed that they are not afraid — or at any rate arc less afraid— of being denounced if they listen to foreigners. I dined the night before with the Russian Minister, who was very hospitable. On Sunday I went to see two tem[)le8 in the Chinese city, the one being that to which the Emperor goes four times a year to offer sacrifices to Heaven, the other the Temple of Agriculture. November lOtfi. — I had got bo far when a note from Fred- erick reached me, saying that he had started at 1 a.m. on the 6th from Tientsin to ride to Pekin, and had been obliged, by fatigue, to rest at Ho-see-woo. We wei Pekin on the 8th, so I was obliged to send to respite from the General. It was impossible to make Frederick start back to Tientsin on the very day following his arrival. At about noon he reached Pekin. It was a great relief to me, because I had been choosing a house for him, and there were other matters concerning which it was most important that hb should be consulted. I found him very well disposed to stay on at Pekin, but on finding that both Gros and Ignatieff" were opposed to leaving their legations there for the moment, we both agreed that it would be better to act as they had resolved to do. I therefore wrote to Prince Kung acknowledging the good faith which he had shown about the Emperor's edict and the publication of the treaty (both of which things have been done in the most complete manner), and adding that the English army would, in accordance with the terms of the convention, retire at once from Pekin. I went on to inform him that I proposed to call on him to take leave, and at the same time to introduce to him Mr. Bruce, who had just arrived at Pekin. We proceeded, accordingly, to his palace, at 4 p.m. beg have left one day's IWJO. LEAVE I'KKIN. 371 on the 8th, with an im|)OHing military escort. After we had conversed some time together, I told Parkes to explain to the Prince that in England the individnal who represents the sovereign, whatever his personal rank, always takes precedence of all others ; that, as my task in China was completed, Mr. Bruce would henceforward occjipy that position, and that, therefore, with the Prince's permission, I would give up to him the seat of honour on which I was placed and take his seat instead. I then rose and changed seats with Frederick. This little hit of acting answered very well. It put Frederick into direct relations with the Prince, and did away with tlie impression (if it existed) of my having superior rank to him. The Prince was civil, and said, rather neatly, that he hoped they would conduct business satisfactorily, not only because he was Briti.ih Minister, hut brother to Lord Elgin, with whom he had had such pleasant relations. On the following day (the 9th), before we started, he came to our abode 'to return our visit. I made Frederick receive him, telling the interpreters to say that I had no business to speak of, but that I should come into the room before he left the house to take leave of him. The consecjuence was that Frederick had a long and, to all appearance, satisfactory conversation with him. After this we set out for Tung-chow. We had to wait there all night, as our boats were not ready, and we are now (10//t November, nooii) "gliding down the river, each in a chop boat (a little boat with a very convenient cabin, in which one can sleep, read, write, &c.), ou a lovely autumn day, low temperature, and bright sunshine. I think that this wind-up at Pekin was very promising. It is probable that there may be some re- action when the Emperor and the bad advisers whom he has about him return, and even Ignatieff did not choose to remain at Pekin during that moment of reaction. At the same time, it is evident that Kung, who is his brother, has committed him- self to the peace policy, and that his intercourse with us has been much more satisfactory to him than he at one time expected. It is probable that the Emperor will for once hear something of the truth. Kung will claim credit for having induced us to remove from Pekin to Tientsin, while the fact that we are still as near as Tientsin will be an in terrorem argument in support of his policy of conciliation. If Kung weathers the difficult moment which he will have to traverse when the Em- Interrii'w with I'rince Kuug. P.kiii. B B 2 372 SECOND MI.S.SION TO CHINA. Cii. XUI. u .1 'p. r ■■ i i fir r t-rii- ,~ "f i - U pcror rcturnfl, I have hopes that all the benefit which I have expected to derive from our luinister's residence at Pekin will he achieved. Our Sinologues are fine fellows. It is refresh- ing to sec their spirit and pluck. Wade, Parkes, and Morri- son, all put their services at our disposal, and offered to remain alone at Pekin. My choice, however, fell on a younger man, of whom I have a very good opinion, and who has been with me as assistant-interpreter.' I thought it better, for many reasons, to leave a person who had snudlor preteni^iims than any of those I have name< The gossip is that the Emperor is occupying his time at iJchol by marrying a fourth wife (a rather expensive proceeding) and getting tipsy. I am afraid he is not nmcli worth ; although, if the p.aj)ers in the vermilion ])encil, which we found in the Summer I'alace, are his writing, he is not such a fool as people suppose. . . . Frederick brought with him your letters to September lOtli. I i)ray that you may now be rejoicing in the belief that Bruce is getting on well and happily at school. Tienuin. Tientsin. — November 14//i. — Here I am again in the house which I occupied two and a half months ago, and which is by far the nicest Chinese house I have seen, and its exposure to the sun is now most agreeable. The climate is at present charming. If nothing else had been done by these recent pro- ceedings, the fact of placing our troops and embassy here, instead of in the south of China, would have been almost Its climate, worth the trouble. It is also a much drier climate than that of Shanghae. yVe have had about seven days of rain in all, since I left Shanghae in July. Frederick luid nineteen days con- secutively just before he left Shanghae. He Avas not well him- self then, but he is all right now. Ilis ride to Pekin — eighty miles in thirty hours — set him up again. I found the Admiral very cordial. . . . Gros is not yet come, and I do not like to depart from here without seeing him. He was detained at Tientsin for several days, arran- ging a variety of matters of detail ; and it was not till the morning of the 26th of November that he found himself once more afloat on the Gulf of Pecheli, on board the ' Ferooz,' homeward bound. The general results obtahicd by the mission thus ' Mr. Adkins, i f'li. XIII. 1800. IJESULT.S OF THE MISSION. 37H lich I havo , IVkin will is rcfreah- aiul Morri- ll to remain ungcr man, i been with , for many n^^itms than lie Emperor irth wife (a I am alVaiil »e vermilion his writing, rick brought ay that you i getting on in the house which is by exposure to at present recent pro- ibassv here, jcen almost than that rain in all, jn clays con- ot well him- kin — eighty the Admiral not like to lys, arran- ras not till t he found *echeli, on th 1I1I8- BIOD. happily terminated cannot be better stimmcd up than Rt-suitaof in the words of tlu; «le.spatch in which the Forei^xn Minister, Lord ^. Hnssell, conveyed to Lord El^rin Her Majesty's 'iull approbation of his con uct in the ' various particulars * above ^escribed. * The convention,* he wrote, ' which you concluded *with the Prince (jf \\\\w% on the 24th of October is ' entirely satisfactory to Her Majesty's Government. It ' records the reparation made by the Emperor of China ' for his disregard in the previous year of his Treaty ' engaf^ements ; it sets Her Majesty's Government free ' from an implied iMigagement not to insist in all parti- ' culars on the fulfilment of those en^aj^ements : it im- * poses upon China a fine, in the shape of an augmented * rate of indemnity ; it affords an additional o})ening for ' Jh'itish trade ; it places on a recognised footing the ' emigration of Chinese coolies, whose services are so ' important to Her Majesty's colonial possessions ; it re- ' lieves Her Majesty's colony of Hong Kong from a ' source of previous annoyance ; and it provides for ' bringing generally to the knowledge of the Chinese the ' engagements into which the Emperor has entered to- ' wards Great Britain. ' These are all solid advantages ; and, coupled with ' the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin, they will, it 'may be hoped, place the relations between the two ' countries on a sound footing, and insure the continu- ' ance of peace for a long period to come.' ssion thus H' s i: 1.1 ; T . k m m !i'i m ! I i -*i 'f t.'i I; ■■■; 1 Leaving tlio Gulf. 374 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cu. XIV. CHAPTER XTV. SECOND imSSION TO CHINA. HOMEWARD. LEAVING THE GULF — DETENTION AT SHANGUAE — KOWLOON ADIEU TO CHINA ISLAND OK LUZON — CHURCHES — GOVEHNMENT — MANUFACTUHES OENEUAL CONDITION — ISLAND OF JAVA BUITENZOUO — UANTONG VOLCANO — SOIR^^ES — HETKOSPECT — CEYLON — THE MEDITERRANEAN ENGLAND — WARM RECEPTION — DUNFERMLINE ROYAL ACADEMY DINNER — MANSION HOUSE DINNER. TuE first part of the homeward voyage, along coasts already so well known, offered little to dwell upon except the thankful recollection of what had been ac- complished, and the joyful anticipation of happy meetings to come. The journal contains the following entries : — * FerooZy Gulf of Pecheli. — November 27th, — So far on my - . ' home. I left Tientsin on the 25th at about 7 a.m. " -^ ha( to plough our way through ice until we reached the x'ak orts, at 8.30 p.m. We found the Admiral in the *Coro- mar i.' He Avas very civil, and would have given me accom- moa on for the night ; but I had so many people with me, that 1 thought it better to push on ; so at about midnight we crossed the bar of the Peiho river. There was so much broken ice on the inner side of it, that it reminded one of some of the pictures of the arctic voyages. We forced our vessel through — a little Indian river-boat — and found on the outside enouirh Bea to make us very glad when we reached the ' Ferooz ' at 2.30 A.M. It was about 4 a.m. when I was able lo He down to rest. Since then we liave been waiting for Parkcs, who stayed at Tientsin for a letter from Pekin about the opening of the Yangtze river, which I am anxious to take with me to Shanghae. . . . Yesterday was a lovely day ; a bright sun, and the air frosty enough to stimulate one to walk briskly. This morning there was a strong gale from the north-west, but 1 Cu. XIV. 18C0. ARRIVAL AT SIIANGIIAE. 375 iVARD. )0N — ADIEU TO [ANUFACTUHES 10 — BANTONG diteruanean lDemy dinner ilong coasts dwell upon id been ac- •py meetings I entries : — — So far on about 7 A.M. reached the in the * Coro- en me accora- >ple with me, midnight we much broken r some of the essel through itsidc enough ' Ferooz ' at to lie down Parkes, who the opening e with me to bright sun, ^alk briskly. I'tli-west, but it subsided after midday. I had a very satisfactory time at Tientsin. We got tlirough a good deal of business ; and, what is most pleasant tome, Frederick seems j^erfectly satisfied with the whole affair, and the part I have taken in it. . . . The Admiral, who is very strong in suijport of me, had given orders that the whole fleet should be illuminated with blue lights, if I reached the * Ferooz ' at night. This I did not know, or I should not have chosen so unseasonable an hour. The con- sequence was that the illumination was not complete, but it had a fine effect so far as it went. Scores of transports have taken their departure, which is a great blessing, for they have been costing fabulous sums. Too many troops ai'C still left ; but I hope soon to get them reduced. November 2Hth. — Two P.M. — We are off. All the vessels in the English fleet here manned yards and saluted as we passed ; and, when we reached the French fleet, all the yards were manned, and the Admiral saluted. I thought wc could not do less than return the latter. It was all a very fine sight, the day being favourable. Parkes arrived last night while we were at dinner, but without the letter which he had waited for. The latter, however, reached me this morning, and is very satisfactory ; so that I shall have accomplished the great object of opening the Yangtze to trade. After a few days of ' lovely weather,' enjoyed to the full in the ' Ferooz ' — ' certainly a most splendid ' yacht — such a fine deck, and quieter than a Royal ' Navy vessel ' — he reached Shangliae on the 3rd of December. Shanghae. — December 4th. — We reached this place at 3 Shanghac. P.M. yesterday. I have received your letters to October 9th. How I grieve for your anxiety about Bruce 's illness ! How oflad I am he is near the 's. He could not be watched over by kinder friends. Eagerly as he desired to hurry homewards he found it necessary to stay at Shanghae for some weeks, in order to complete the detailed arrangements for opening the river Yangtze to British traders, and also to settle the awkward question of the relations which should subsist I 37G SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XIV. between tlie British residents, and the Chinese Rebels in their neighbourhood. I liii ■; ,! ! ; . -J. t t Shanf/hae. — December \Ath. — I am a good deal puzzled about my departure. The opening of the Yangtze and the Rebel questitm are serious matters, and I do not like to leave them unsettled : on the other liand, I can hardly, even if I were so inclined, remain here till they are settled. I think it will end in my staying till the next mail comes in from the North. Sunduif, December I6th. — Eirjht A.]M. — The mornings are lovely here now ; a bright sun, rising about half-past six ; and not exactly frost, hut a mere hint of its presence in the air. I take walks, and have just returned from one ; generally the tour of the race ground, Avhich is the only walk here. While I humbly pace along, the clerks of the Hongs — such of them at least as are careful of their healths, and moderate in their supper arrangements — flaunt past me on their chargers. I march on, thinking whether it would not in a new existence be advisable to begin life as a tea-taster. December 2\st. — The wind has changed to the north, and my walk this morning was a colder one. Yesterday I made a tour of the town of Siianghae, and find that the French, by way of protecting it, burnt down ahout one-half of the suburbs during the summer. They have destroyed it to a greater extent than we destroyed Canton in 1857 by our bombardment. ' Save me from my friends,' the poor Chinaman may well say. The French have some method in their mad- ness, for they want the ground of the burnt district, and they insist on having it now at the cost of the land, ' as there are no houses upon it.' At Canton, in the same way, they have seized land in the most unjustifiable way, to build churches on. Shangliae. — December ^\st. — Yesterday was a torrent of rain, and I never left the house. As I have a comfortable room- and no great inten-uptions, I get through a good deal of my reading. . . . There was a fortnight of the ' Times ' to begin with. The Reviews. . . . Trollope's novel of ' Dr. Thorne ; ' ' Aurora Leigh ' (which I admire greatly) ; then Sir Robert Wilson's ' Russian Campaign,' which contains some curious revelations ; Dar^vin's ' Origin of Species,' which is Cn. XIV. ese Rebels eal puzzled tze and the like to leave fi even if I ;d. I think nes in from lornings arc fist six ; and I the air. I ;enerally the ere. Wliile uch of them rate in their chargers. I existence be ; north, and festerday I id that the t one-half of itroyed it to 857 by our r Chinaman their mad- listrict, and land, ' as same way, Ly, to build torrent of comfortable a good deal ' Times ' to \c\ of *Dr. atly) ; then ntains some 3,' which is 18(U. KOWLOON. 377 audacious ; &c. &c. In short, you will allow that I have not been quite idle during tlie fortnight. January \st, 1861. — This is the first time I sign the new year. May it bring much hapi)iness to you ! ... It w.as introduced here by dancing. But I was not in a lively luimour, and retired as soon as I could. . . . No mail yet, and I would start without it, were it not that 1 expect three mails by it. At length, on the 4th of January, he writes, * Hurrah ! 'I am off, with a fair wind.' On the ^th he reached Hoiig-kong, where he found little to detain him ; the Hong- most important matter being the formal taking pos- °"*^* session, in the Queen's name, of the recently ceded peninsula of Kowloon. II(mg-kon(j. — January \Otli. — I presume, from the apologetic tone of a speech (very civil in itself) made by Lord J. Russell in the city, and quoted in the ' Home News,' that I was being well abused in England when the mail left. It is all miserable enough, but I had rather that it had blown over before I reach home, as I might seem to reflect on others if I defended myself, and you say truly that we have had enough of that kind of thing. January 15th. — I find that the new Factory site [at Canton], about wiiich I had such a fight with the merchants last time, is a great success.' Its merit is now acknowledged by the blindest. In a subsequent letter, referring to the last days of his stay at Hong-kong, he wrote : — "VVe had a sort of ceremonial on Saturday the 1 9th. I Avent Kowloon. to Kowloon, and proclaimed formally the annexation of that territory to the dominions of the Queca. This acquisition, the good site at Canton, and the opening-up of the North of China and Japan, have added at least twenty per cent, to the value of European life in China. On the 21st of January he bade a final adieu to the Adieu to shores of Chma, and directed his course to Manila ; ^ "*' desiring to avoid this time the dreary line to Singa- ' Vide su)»-a, p, 310. .^ , ifi!; ^' ..'■:■ m M !f iUKB, 378 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XIV ! I i U \ I ' Munila. ii Chutclies. 1 -« pore which he had traversed so often, and attracted also by the new fields which the Spanish and Dutch colonics offered for his observation. At Sea, near Manila. — January 2Ath. — I wrote a very shabby line to you as 1 was leaving Hong-kong, but it may not perhaps be an unwelcome one, as it informed you I had started. We have had rough weather, and I take up my pen to-day for the first time. AVe are now under the lee of some of the Philippines, so we get less of the great swell which has been rolHng down from the north-east, and of the gale which blows during this monsoon down the channel that separates the island of Formosa from the PhiHppines as through a funnel. Manila. — January 26th, Eight A.M. — I sent off a few Hnos to you yesterday, to tell you of my very inopportune arrival off this town, at a moment when all the workl, functionaries, &c., are on tiptoe expecting a new Captain-General to make his appearance at any hour. However, Castilian hospitality is not to be taken in default, and at 4 r.M. we landed with great ceremony, and after being conducted to t!;e palace, and exchanging a few glances with the act'.ng Governor, who can- not speak a word of any language kncwn to me, I was shown a magnificent suite of apartments destined for me and my fol- lowing, and then conveyed for a drive in oiivi of the carriagcs- and-four (vide Sir J. Bowring's hook), escorted by a guard of lancers. It is very curious to see a state of things so different from ours. Such a number of troops ; gens-d'armes on horse- back; not a person meeting us (the Governor-General was with me) who did not take off his hat. At dinner I sat next the Admiral, who also speaks nothing but Spanish ; so we passed our time in looking at each other unutterable things. Ten A.M. — I have just got rid of my uniform, in which I thought it proper to attire myself in order to receive all the oflficers, naval and military, who came at nine o'clock to pay their respects. I had strolled out much earlier incognito, and wandered into several churches. They abound here, as do monks of all orders. The decorations seemed tinselly enough, but there was the Catholic ritual, with its sublime suffsrestions and trivial forms, repeating itself under the equator in the ex- treme East, as it repeats itself at Paris or Madrid, and under Arctic or Antarctic circlts. And here, as there, at these early On. Xl\ 18G1. ISLAND OF LUZON. 379 ittracted also utch colonics wrote a very g, but it may ed you I had ke up my pen le lee of some veil which has he gale which t separates the gh a funnel. off a few lines )ortune arrival functionaries, jneral to make an hospitality G landed with ;e palace, and •nor, who can- , I was shown e and my fol- the carriagcs- by a guard of gs so different mes on horse- -General was er I sat next inish ; so we ible thinffs. rm, in which •eceive all the 3'clock to pay ncoffnito, and here, as do selly enough, e suggestions or in the ex- d, and under it these early morning services, were a few solitary women assisting ; some of them commonplace-looking enough, but others, no doubt, with a load of troubles to deposit at the ahar, or in the ear of the monk in the box, heavy enough to furnish the burden of many such romances as those which thrill the public sensibilities in our days. After all, when the horrors which have brought about the result are past and forgotten, there is something gained by that truculent Spanish system which forces the faith upon all who come within its reach. Fais-tui chretienner, ou je turrache Vdme, as Charlemagne (not a Spaniard, by the way, so there my illustration halts) said to his heathen enemies. There is something, I say, gained by it when the origin is forgotten, because the bond of a common creed does do a little towards drawing these different races together. They are not separated from each other by that impassable barrier of mutual contemi)t, suspicion, and antipathy, which alienates us from the unhappy natives in those lands where we settle ourselves among inferior orders of men. An administrative net of a not vei'y flexible nature encloses all, and keeps each mem- ber of the body politic pretty closely to the post allotted to him; but the belief in a common humanity, drawn perhaps rather from the traditions of the early, than from the practice of the modern church, runs like a silken thread through the iron tissue. One feels a little softened and sublimated when one passes from Hong-kong, where the devil is worshipped in his naked defomiity, to this place where he displays at least some of the feathers which he wore before he fell. So you must pardon me, if my letter reflects in some measure the phase through which my mind is passing. I found next me at breakfast the Chief of the Secretariat, an state of intelligent man, speaking French. He confirmed a good many thoibland. of the impressions which my own observations had led me to form respecting the state of affairs here. The army is com- posed of natives; oflScers and non-commissioned oflScers, Spanish. The artillery, or a portion of it, also Spanish. The native Indians pay a capitation tax of /I a head ; half-castes double ; Chinese ^50, ^30, or $\2. As usual, my poor Chinamen are hated and squeezed. They are not obliged to become Catho- I Ccin 1 lies, but the native Indian women I .., \ not marry them unless they are, and they are not allowed to make public pro- ' J 380 sEco^^) MISSION to china. ('II. XIV. fi^ I' 1 1 1 1 ' ' 't III ; Mi ii i I Indian women. Cignr mat iug. The ca- thedral. i il 1 f 'I ^\ '! ft- |! ( fcBsion of any other religion. . . . After breakfast came in an English nierc!u,nt, who made the passage from Suez to Singa- pore with W2 in 1857. He says foreigners are very well treated here, but they have some difficulties about customs duties, which I have a.>elieve, to all But it is not specially the if they werc^ IHdl. i{i"riM)Si'j:(vr of java. 887 afnii;hrnnrif \6f/i. — Our P.M. — Wo arc en- tering the Strait of Sunda, whicli separates .lava and Suma- tra. When through it we Imve a clear sea-way to (Jalle. 7W P.M. — We have just passed the high land which forms the north-western point of Java, and is called Cape St. Nicholas. It is beautifully rich-looking : the bright green of its grass and crops embroidered over by the darker green of the chun|)S of trees which arc scattered upon it. Farther down to the south, on the same side, is the Hat j)romontory known as Angen Point. On the other side we have the coast of Sumatra, wooded and broken, with mountains in the backgroxuid, and green islets tossed out from it upon the ocean, in the fore- ground; and a sailing ship moving along it in the same direction with ourselves, her sails fla])ping idly in the calm. Sundat/, Fehruari/ 24 f/i. — We have just had service on deck, under a double awning. A little fanning breeze from the north-east seemed to say that we are at last getting buck into the region of that monsoon which we left when we went to the south of the Line. I have been some days without writing, for there has been nothing to tell, and Ave have had a good de.il of bad weather, rain, and rolling and ])itching ; but Ave must not complain, as it Avas more convenient to have it here in the open sea, than if avc had encountored it in a narroAV ]>assage, such as Ave have passed through. M\ e expect to reach Galle in three days, and I cannot but feel a little nervous as to the ncAVS I may find there. We are in God's hands, and this sort of doubt makes us feel the nu e that Ave are so. Altogether, I Avas much interested b; ^ava. As I have said, it is ruled entirely for the interest of the governing race. No attempt is made to raise the natives. I believe that the mis- c c 2 Sfmit of Huudii. : Retrospect of Java. k > t ii (I 1 f t ' i^. 1 1 h H i i ir ; •! ft 7 : I 4 if a i :■! I' ■ ■' 1 J*' Ceylon. Sinai. 388 SECOND HUSSION TO CHINA. Cn. XIV. slonarics are not allowed to visit the interior. I asked about schools, and ascertained that in the province of which the regency of Bantong forms a part, and which contains some 600,000 inhabitants, there were five ; not, I suspect, much attended. It was clear from the tone of the officials that there was no wish to educate the natives. There is a kind of forced labour. They pay a tithe of the produce of their rice-fields ; are obliged (in certain districts) to plant coflTee, and to sell the produce at a rate fixed by the Government ; in others, to work on sugar estates, and, in all, to make roads. Nevertheless, I am not satisfied that they are unha[)])y, or that the system can be called a failure. In those districts which I visited there was no appearance of their being overworked ; .and I was assured that, on the sugar estates, the proprietors have no power of punishing those who do not work ; that it rests with the officials exclusively to do so. The tone of the officials on the subject is, that no punishment is necessary, because, although they are so lazy that if they had the choice they would never do anything, they do not make any difficulty about working when they are told to do so. liiconomically it is a success. The fertility of the island is very great, so that the labour of the natives leaves a large surj)lus after their own subsistence is provided for. There are twenty provinces, in each of which the chief officer is the president — a Dutchman ; but the native chief (Regent) has the more direct relations with the j>eople, arranges about their labour, &c. The Dutch officials look after him, and see that he does not abuse his power. Pressing eagerly forward, he reached Ceylon, the scene of so many anxieties and disasters, on the last day of February. Ceylon, March 2nd. — I found here your letters to January 10th, and am relieved. . . . Where is our meeting to be ? . . . If I can, I shall take the rout,e through Trieste and Paris. On the 20th he writes from the neighbourhood of Mount Sinai : — March 20th. — Noon. — We are now in the Gulf of Suez. On the right side a row of arid mountains with serrated crests, and a margin of flat dry sand at the base, and behind them cii. x^^^ asked about »f which the r>ntains some jspcct, much lis that there ind of forced Ir rice-fiehls ; id to sell the hers, to work ivertheless, I e system can visited there and I was ors have no it rests with le officials on try, because, choice they ny difficulty onomically it irreat, so that ter their own provinces, in I Dutchman ; •ect relations , &c. The )cs not abuse Ceylon, the on the last 3 to .January ; to be ? . . . id Paris. ourhood of ulf of Suez, rrated crests, behind them mn. IJETURN TO EUROPE. 389 The Medi ■ terranean. what is reputed to be Mount Sinai. Only a glimpse of the latter can, however, be caught at one point, where there is a depression in the nearer range. On the left there are moun- tains of a similar character, overtopped by one 10,000 feet high. The sea is deeply blue and the sun scorching, but the air cool — almost cold. We have bad a good deal of wind and sea against us for the last three days; but we passed the Straits of Jubal early this morning, and hope to be at Suez during the night. On the 24:th he was once more enjoying the fresh and invigorating breezes of Europe : — Sunday, March 24th.— On hoard JI.M.S. 'Terrible:—- Here is a change of scene ! The last words of this journal were written in the Gulf of Suez, on board the ' Ferooz.' I now write from the JModitcrrancan, off the island of Candia, whose snow-capped mountains are looking down upon us ; very different from the parched ranges of hills wrapped in perpetual heat haze, which I described to you four days ago. March 26th. — Seven A.M. — I have been about two houra on Greece, deck. A beautiful morning, and smooth sea. On our rijjlit the coast of Albania, hilly and wooded. On our left the land is low, and covered apparently with olive trees. Before us the southern end of Corfu, which we are approaching. Farther on, the channel along which we are gliding seems to be closed in as a lake, the Corfu mountains and those of Greece over- lapping each other. The snow-covered crests of some of the latter gleam in the sunshine. It is a lovely scene. Yesterday we passed Cape Matapan, Zante, &c., all on our right; but there was a good deal of wind and sea, and an unusual amount of motion for the ' Terrible.' Navarino, too, we passed ; but I did not know it at the time. We jtropose to call in at Corfu, take in coal, and see what can be seen during the day. But I hope to be oft' for Trieste to-morrow morning. March 21th. — We found at Corfu three line-of-battle ships Corfu. and Admiral Dacres, who came on board to see me. I landed at 11 A.M., and went to the 'Government House, where I found Sir H. Storks. He took me a drive of about thirteen miles, to the top of a pass in the mountains called Pantaleone, from which there is a very extensive view. It is a beautiful island. The day bright and sunny. Nothing can be more h i * r iitiiwmmmitM III mmtmaktd °^"' ffflfS^-y-"it*''l^'ft' 'Wtf iMl^ I'M 'if ■ '- ra n fi ^^H ', ' ;■ r ■ m ( J ^■1 i|^ rn ■lA Eufflnnd. Warm re- ception. Dunferm- line. 390 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cn. XIV. Ijicturesque tluiti the town. The pe()i)le, too, seem to nie very haiulsoine. I saw this morning the captain of a 8h)op-of- war who has been visiting various ports in the Adriatic. He was received at Ancona with a furore of enthusiasm, and ex- ceedingly well treated at Venice, Trieste, &c., by the Aus- trians, who are burning to revenge themselves on the French, and anxious to ally themselves with us for that purpose. . . . We have been steaming throuirh a narrow channel, with the snow-covered mountains of Albania on our right ; but we are now emerging into the open Adriatic. By Trieste and Vienna he travelled rapidly to Paris, where he was met by Lady Elgin; and on the 11th of April 1861, within a few days of the anniversary of his departure, he found hhnself once more on British soil. The reception which awaited him at home was even warmer than that which he had met with two years before. What gratified him, perhaps, more than any of the many similar expressions of good- will was the cordial welcome with which he was greeted by his old friends and neighbours at Dunferndine : friends from whom he had been, as he told them, so long an unwilling absentee. His answer to their address was the simple and natural expression of this feeling. It is pleasant (he said) —perhaps it Is one of the sweetest flowers wc cull on the path of this rugged life — to find oui'selves among old friends after a long absence, and to find their hearts boat as true and warm as ever. I am deej)ly giatified by the flattering terms in which my public services have been refei'red to in this address, but I am still more gratified by the welcome which you have tendered to me to-day. . . . Gentlemen, I have been for many years very much, perhaps too much of a wanderer, and it has been my fortune to receive from our countrymen established in diff'erent parts of the world tokens of their regard and consideration. The very last address of felicitation I received before I landed at Dover the other day was from a body of my couwtrymen established in the Philip- pines — a group of Spanish islands in the far East, near the Cii. XIV, 1801. RECEPTION IN ENGLAND, 391 seem to me of a sloop-of- driatic. He asm, and ex- bv the Aus- I the French, )ur[)ose. . . . tiel, with the but we are ly to Puris, tlie llthof livers.iry of 3 on British le was even 1 two years •e than any ill was the I by his old r lends from m unwillin": the simple the sweetest find ourselves \ their hearts itified by the been refei'red ' the welcome jientlemen, I o much of a ive from our world tokens st address of ;he other day in the Philip- iast, near the equator. But allow me to say that among all these tokens, those most grateful and agreeable to me are those which I receive from friends and neighbours at home. And, perhaps, I appreciate these tokens the more highly, because I am con- scious that the very fact of my having been so much of a wanderer, has prevented me from acquiring some of those titles to their personal regard which I might have hoped to establish if I had been constantly resident among them. About the same time he was received with marked Koyai distinction at the annual banquet of the Royal Academy dmnerT^ in London ; and the words which he spoke on that occasion have more than a mere passin;^ interest, as illustrating the speaker's frank and straightforward manner of dealing with a question of great delicacy, and also as containing some striking and suggestive remarks on certain mental and moral peculiarities of the Chinese people. I am especially gratified (he said) by the great and very un- expected honour which you have done to me in drinking my health, because I trust that I may infer from it that in your judgment. Sir, and in that of this company, I am not so incor- rigibly barbarous as to be inca[)able of feeling the humanising influences which fall upon us from the noble works of art by which we are surrounded. And, as I have ventured to approach so nearly to the margin of a burning question, I hope that I may be allowed to take one step more in the same direction, and to assure you that no one regretted more sincerely than I did the destruction of that collection of summer-houses and kiosks, already, anc' previously to any act of mine, rifled of their con- , tents, which was dignified by the title of Summer Palace of the Chinese Emperor. But when I had satisfied myself that in no other way, except, indeed, by inflicting on this country and on China the calamity of another year of war, could I mark the sense which I entertained, which the British army entertained — and on this point I may appeal to my gallant friend who is present here this evening, and who conducted that army triumphantly to Pekin with. so much honour to him- self and to those under his command — and which, moreover, I make bold in the presence of this company to say, the people ll it :h . 392 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA, Ch. XIV. of this country entertained — of an atrocious crime, which, if it had passed unpunished, would have placed in jeopardy the life of every European in China, I C t that the time had come when I must choose between the indulgence of a not unnatural sensibility and the performance of a painful duty. The alter- native is not a pleasant one ; but I trust that there is no man serving the Crown in a resjjonsible position who would hesitate when it is presented to him as to the decision at which he should arrive.' And now. Sir, to pass to another topic, I have been repeatedly asked whether, in my opinion, the interests of art in this country are likely to be in any degree promoted by the opening up of China. I must say, in reply, that I do not think that in matters of art we have much to loarn from that country, but I am not quite prepared to admit that even in this department we can gain nothing from them. The distinguish- ing characteristic of the Chinese mind is this — that at all points of the cii'cle described by man's intelligence, it seems occasion- ally to have caught glimpses of a heaven far beyond the range of its ordinary ken and vision. It caught a glimpse of the path which leads to military supremacy when it invented gunpowder, some centuries before the discovery was made by any other nation. It caught a glimpse of the path which leads to mari- time supremacy when it made, at a period equally remote, the discovery of the mariner's compass. It caught a glimpse of the path which leads to literary supremacy when, in the tenth century, it invented the printing press ; and, as my illustrious friend on my right (Sir E. Landseer) has reminded me, it has caught from time to time glimpses of the beautiful in colour and design. But in the hands of the Chinese themselves the invention of gunpowder has exploded in crackers and harmless fireworks. The mariner's compass has produced nothing better than the coasting junk. The art of printing has stagnated in stereotyped editions of Confucius, and the most cynical repre- sentations of the grotesque have been the principal j)roducts of Chinese conceptions of the sublime and beautiful. Neverthe- It: : i 1 I iK « i'l'^if «r-- * It may not be nut of place here to quote the woi-ds used later in the evening by Sir Hope Grant, in re- turning thanks for bis own health : * With regard (he said) to what Lord * Elgin has said about the destruction ' of the Summer Pahice of the Em- ' peror of China, I must say that I ' do candidly think it was a necessary * act of retribution for an abominable ' murder which had been committed, ' and the army, as well as myself, * entirely concurred with him in what ' he did.' Ch. XIV. 1801. RECEPTION IN ENGLAND. 393 , which, if it tardy the life le had come ot unnatural The alter- re is no man ould hesitate at which he topic, I have B interests of promoted by hat I do not rn from that t even in this distinguish- at all points ms occasion- iid the range e of the path gunpowder, iy any other 3ads to mari- 1 remote, the a glimpse of in the tenth ly illustrious ;d me, it has ful in colour misclves the md harmless )thing better stagnated in ^nical repre- I j)roducts of Neverthe- mst say that I tvas a necessary an abominable !en committed, 'ell as myself, th him in what less, I am disposed to believe that under this mass of abortions and rubbish there lie hidden some sparks of a diviner fire, which the genius of my countrymen may gather and nurse into a flame. A few days afterwards, at a dinner given at the Dinner Mansion House in his honour, he was again greeted Mansion with more than common enthusiasm. In responding, House, after giving an account of the objects that had been sought and the results that had been achieved in the East, lie concluded his speech by impressing on the merchants of England, in words which may be regarded as his final and farewell utterance on the subject, that with them must now chiefly lie the responsibility of aiding or retarding the development of China, and thus of determining the place she shall hold in the common- wealth of nations. My Lord Mayor (he said), I should be very much to blame if, having an opportunity of addressing an assembly in this place, I omitted to call attention to the fact that the occasional miscon- duct of our own countrymen and other foreigners in China is one of the greatest, perhaps the very greatest, difficulties with which the Queen's representatives there have to deal. We send out to that country honourable merchants and devout missionaries, who scatter benefits in every part of the land they visit, elevating and raising the standai'd of civilisation wherever they go. But sometimes, unfortunately, there slip out from amonjj us dishonest traders and ruffians who dis- grace our name and set the feelings of the people against us. The public opinion of England can do much to encourage the one class of persons and discourage the other. I trust that the moral influence of this great city will always be exerted in that direction. In addressing the merchants of Shanghai some three years ago, at the time when I announced to them that it was my intention to seek a treaty in Pekin itself if I could not get it before I arrived there, I made this observation — that when force and diplomacy should have effected in China all that they could legitimately accomplish, the work which we had to do in that empire would still be only in its commencement. I repeat that statement now. My gallant frieud who spoke just now In i*: III, 1 ^til ?tii ! ^i, : it' ;|: 1 '^ It ; 8 t!' ' '■ 1 \. .4 i*'*^« 394 SECOND MISSION TO CHINA. Cn, XIV has returned his sword to the scabbard. The diplomatist, as far as treaty-making is concerned, has placed his pen on the shelf. But the great task of construction — the task of bring- ing China, with its extensive territory, its fertile soil, and its industrious population, as an active and useful member, into the community of nations, and making it a fellow-labourer with ourselves in diifusing over the world happiness and well- being — is one that yet remains to be accomplished. No persons are more entitled or more fitted to take a part in that work than the merchants of this great city. I implore them, then, to devote themselves earnestly to its fulfilment, and from the bottom of my heart I pray that their endeavours towards that end may be crowned with success, Cii. XIV. 1801. INDL\. 395 •lomatist, ns pen on the k of bring- soil, and its ember, into ow-labourer ss and well- No persons that work them, then, nd from the owards that CHAPTER XV. INDL\. APPOINTKD VICEROY OK INDIA — FOIiEnODINGS — VOYAOE TO INDIA — IN- STALLATION — DKATHS OF MK. RITCIIIK, LOKD CANNING, GENEHAL KUUCE — THE HOT SEASON BUSINESS KESUMED STATE OF THE EMIMUE LETFERS : THK AKMY ; CULTIVATION OF COTTON ; OKIKNTAI.S NOT AM, ClIILDUEN ; MISSIONAKIK8 ; Bl'IIOUItS OF DISAFFKCTION ; AIJIUMS ; MUKDEB OF A NATIVE J AFFOHANISTAN ; IMJIICY OF LOBD CANNING ; CONSIUEHATION FOB NATIVES. From this time forward the story of Lord Elgin's life is no lon^^er a record of stirring incidents, of diffi- culties triumphantly overcome, or novel and entangled situations successfully mastered. The career indeed is still arduous, and the toil unremitting, but the course is well-defined. Compared with the varied conflicts and anxieties of the preceding period, there is something of the repose of declining day, after the heat and dust of a brilliant noon ; something even, young as he was in years, of the gloom of approaching night. It seems almost as if a shadow, cast by the coming end, rested upon his path. He had not been more than a month at home when Vice- the Vice-royalty of India, about to be vacated by Lord jSala.^ ° Canning, was offered to him, in the Queen's name, by Lord Palmerston. The splendid offer of the most magnificent Governorship in the world was accepted, but not without something of a vague presentiment that he should never return from it. This feeling was expressed with his usual frankness and simplicity, when in the course of an address delivered at Dunfermline, some months before his departure, after referring to former partmgs, uniformly followed by happy meetings, he said : — I Mm : I' 1 ■1 ' ' .f' 1 1 ,' . 1'' f 1 ■ i ;' i i .1 ! ' l^i : f*' ip,\ f'-i Fore- bodings. 396 INDIA. Cn. XV. But, Gentlemen, I cannot conceal from myself, nor from you, the fact that the parting which is now about to take place is a far more serious matter than any of those which have preceded it ; and that the vast amount of labour devolving upon the Governor-General of India, the insalubrity of the climate, and the advance of years, all tend to render the prospect of our again meeting more remote and uncertain. Independently of any such forebodings, there were sorrows on which it is hardly necessary to dwell, but which were felt keenly by one so devoted to ' that ' peaceful home-life towards which he was always * aspiring ; ' ^ the pain of tearing himself again from the children now growing up to need in an especial manner a father's presence, and of leaving the mother of these children, for a time at least, to contend alone with cares and anxieties from which it would have been his greatest happiness to shield and protect her. Some- thing, too, there may have been of the depression which breathes in the poet's complaint, ' the roll of mighty poets is made up ' — a feeling that the work of pacifying and settling India had been so thoroughly accomplished by Lord Dalhousie and Lord Canning, that the field no longer contained any laurels to be reaped by their successor. ' I succeed,' he used to say, ' to a great man and a great war, with a humble task to * be humbly discharged.' But these thoughts and feelings, though they may have dimmed the brightness of his anticipations, could not for long overcloud that ' unfailing cheerfulness ' which contributed much to make him throughout life so successful himself, and so helpful to others: still less could they for a moment check the alacrity with which he set himself to prepare for his new duties. For some time he remained in London ; after which he spent several pleasant months in Scotland, laying up a store of happy recollections to which his thoughts in , * Vide supra, p, 329. !r. Cn. XV. If, nor from )out to take those which t of labour e insalubrity 1(1 to render d uncertain. there were to dwell, d to ' that always igain from m especial he mother tend alone have been Some- depression :he roll of the work ;horoughly I Canning, rels to be sed to say, ble task to they may ions, could ierfulness * ighout life hers; still crity with iw duties. which he ying up a oughts in 1802. OUTWARD VOYAGE. 397 after days often turned. Early in January 1862, ac- Visit to companied by Lady Elgin, he went to Osborne on a * ''™^* visit to the Queen; who even in those early days of widowhood, roused herself to receive the first Viceroy of India ever appomted by the sole act of the Crown. On the 28th of the same month he quitted the shores of Sniisfor England ; and, after a rapid and uneventful journey, . *** reached Calcutta on March 12. As Lady Elgin was unable to accompany him, he resumed the habit of conversing with her, so to speak, through the medium of a journal; from which some brief extracts are here given, less for the sake of the few incidents which they record, than for the glimpses which they give into the mind and heart of the writer : — H. M. S. ' Banshee.* — Marseilles. — January 3lst. — Only J^",^®'' think of my writing again from Marseilles ! I was break- fasting yesterday, when there was a cry of ' A man over- * board ! ' We went on deck. After a while, the man — who had enormous water-boots on, but who was fortunately a good swimmer — appeared on the suxface, caught hold of a life- preserver which had been thrown out to him, was picked up by a boat, and hoisted on board. After a bumper of brandy, he seemed none the \i'orse. But in the meantime we had sprung our rudder-head (the same sort of accident as befell the ' Great * Eastern '). It must have been bad, or it could not have gone as it did. The captain said to rae : ' We may go on for a few ' hours, and see what we can do, and then return if necessary.' I did not see the fun of this plan, and suggested that we had better at once find out what was the matter. We returned to port, and, after a long deliberation, a scheme of patching was resolved upon. . . . It is most vexatious to be doing nothing, when my moments have been of late so precious and so hurried. * • • • « • • * Ferooz.'* — Gulf of Suez. — February 9th. — When I got on board this morning my heart smote me a little for having dis- couraged your coming out with me, for nothing can be more comfortable than this ship has been made, with a view to the accommodation of poor Lady Canning and you. 398 INDIA. Cn. XV. ^^^ Eight P.M. — It is very lonely to be spending this Sunday evening hy myself, after the many hajjpy ones I have enjoyed with you and the children during the past three months ; and yet I would not forego the recollection of those happy days though it deepens the gloom of the present. Surely, what- ever may happen to us all, it is something gained to have this retrospect in store. OldMSS. Fehrunri/ \2th. — Going on as smoothly as ever. ... I have been reading over some old manuscript books, written from twenty to twenty-five years ago, and containing a record of my thoughts and doings at that remote time. It is very interesting and useful to look back. I was working very hard during those years, searching after truth and right, with no positive occupation but that of managing the Broomhall affairs, and riding at a sort of single anchor with politics. Would it have been better for me if I had had more en- grossing positive work ? There is something to be said on both sides in answering that question. However, these books will not be again read by me, for I shall consign them to the lied Sea. February \^th. — The breeze is freshening and dead ahead. . . . . I have been thinking of the past, and rem jmbering that just twenty years ago, at this same season, I set out on my first visit to the Tropics. What a strange career it has been I How grateful I should be to Providence for the protection I have enjoyed ! How wild it seems, to be about, at the close of twenty years, to begin again. A gale. Svnday, Februarij 16y this means I get ac- quainted with individua's, .ind if my bees have any honey in them I extract it at the moment of the day when it is most gushing.' It is very convenient, besides, because it enables me to converse by candlelight with persons who want to talk to me about their jn-ivate affiirs, instead of wasting daylight upon them. L'nless I get out of sorts, I hope to become personally acquainted in this way with everyone, whose views may be use- ful to me, before I leave Calcutta, even to go to Barrackpore. As the season went on, the heat became greater. ' For the last few days,' he wrote on June 1 , 'it has ' It wns sonieliincs complained pressinp his own. Eut it requires tliat on tlieso occasions ho vas so very little reiiection to see that littie communicative: drawing out this complaint is really a conimeu- the opinions of others, without ex- dation. D D i > II p rtid 402 INDIA. Ch. XV. Jl ! 'M 'i i) HI. I \ i f i\ Death of Lord Cauning. ' been very hot ; quite as hot, they say, as it ever is. I ' am lonoing for the rains, which are to cool us, I am ' told.' The rains came, and, so long as they continued to fall, the temperature was lower : but ' the heavy, *diill, damp, calm heat between the f[ills,' he found most trying. On July 6 came a fresh shock to his feelings — a fresh omen of evil to himself — in a telegraphic report of the death of the friend whose place he had so recently taken. At first he could hardlvbrhig himself to credit the news. Is it indeed true (he wrote to Lady Elgin)? The last runiour of the kind was the report of my death, when I was mistaken for Eglinton ; but this time I fear it is only too true ! It will add to the alarm which India inspires. But poor Canning certainly never gave himself a good chance ; at least not during the last year or two of his reign here. He took no exercise, and not even such relaxation of the mind as was procurable, though that is not much in the situation of Gover- nor-General. When I told him that I should ask two or three people to dine with me daily, is order to get acquainted with all the persons I ought to know, and to talk matters over with them by candlelight, so as to save daylight for other work, he said: ' I was always so tired by dinner-time that I could not * speak.' Perhaps he Avas only referring to his later experience ; but still it was enough to break down any constitution, to wear oneself out for ever by the same train of thought, and the same routine of business. I think there was more in all this than met the eye, for Avork alone could not have done it. We shall have no confirmation of this rumour in letters for a fort- night or more. . . . Poor Canning ! He leaves behind him sincere friends, but no one who was much dependent on him. In another letter he wrote : — So Canning and his wife, as Dalhousie and his, have fallen victims to India 1 Both however ruled here in slirrinjr times, and accomplished great things, playing their lives against a not unworthy stake. I do not think that their fate is to be deplored. A few days later he wrote from Barrackpore, where ;i* Cn. XV. 18G-2. SUDDEN DEATHS. 403 ever is. I A us, I am '■ continued the heavy, ' he found OS — a fresh port of the mtly taken, it the news. ? The last when I was nly too true ! But poor ice ; at least e. He took mind as was on of Gover- two or three uainted with ers over with ;her work, he : I could not r experience ; ttion, to wear ght, and the >re in all this lone it. We ers for a fort- I behind him ent on him. 5, have fallen lirring times, es against a fate is to be pore, where he had gone to seek the change of air which his health now began imperatively to require : — This place looks wonderfully green. At the end of the broad walk on which I am gazing from my window, is Lady Canning's grave ; it is not yet properly finished. Who will attend to it now ? Meanwhile, it gives a melancholy character to the place, for the walk which it closes is literally the only private walk in the grounds. The flower garden, park, &c., are all open to the public. . . . Although Canning did not die at his post, I thought it right, as his death took place so soon after his departure from India, to recognise it officially, which I did by a public notification, and by directuig a salute of minute guns to be fired. While still oppressed with these sad thoughts, he re- ceived a blow which went even deeper home, in the intelligence of the death of his brother Robert, so well- known and so highly valued as Governor of the Prince of Wales. Barrachjwrc. — Jnhi 26th. — I went into Calcutta on the Death of morning of the 23rd, in time to write by the afternoon packet ; general but I did not write, for I was met on my arrival by a tele- graphic rumour, which quite overwhelmed me. ... I should hai'dly have allowed myself to believe that the sad report could be true, had it not been for the account of Robert's illness, which your last letters had conveyed to me. . . . Next day another telegram by the Bombay mail of the July 3rd left no doubt as to the name. ... A week, however, must elapse before letters arrive with the intelligence. ... I hurried over my business, and came back here yesterday evening. It is more quiet than Calcutta; and sad, with its one walk terminat- ing (as I have told you) at Lady Canning's grave. Poor Robert, how little did I think when we parted that I wjis never to see him aguin ! How little at least, that he would be the defaulter I lie has left few ecpials behind him: so true, so upright, so steady in his principles, and so winning in his manners. Of late years we have been much apart, but for very many we were closely together, and ])erhaps no two brothers were ever -nore mutually hcl|)ful. Strange, that with Frederick and me iu these regions, he «hould have been carried u I) 2 404 INDIA. Cii. XV. ;/■ i- l^r 4 i I m Tlie hot season. i\ ;-: off first, by a malady which belongs to them.' ... 1 write at random and confusedly, for I have nothing to guide me but that one word. And yet how much in tiuit one word ! It tells me that I have lost a wise counsellor in difficulties; a stanch friend in jn-ospority and adversity ; one on whom, if anything had befallen myself, I could always have relied to care for those left behind me. It tells, too, of the dropping of a liidv of that family chain which has always been so strong and unbroken. In writing to his second boy he touched the same chords in a different tone. You have lost (he said) a kind and good uncle, and a kind and good godfather, and you are now the only llobert Bruce in the family. It is a good name, and you must try and be.ar it nobly and bravely, as those who have borne it before you have done. If you look at their lives you will see that they always considered in the first place what they ought to do, and only in the second what it might be most pleasant and agreeable to do. This is the way to steer a straight course through life, and to meet the close of it, as your dear Uncle did, with a smile on his lips. From this time his journal contains more and more frequent notices of the oppressive heat of the weather, and its effects upon his own health and comfort. He remained, however, at his post at Calcutta, with the exception of a brief stay at a bun^'alow lent to liim Ijy Mr. Beadon at Bhagulpore ; his pleasantest occupation being the arrangement of plans for smoothing the path of Lady Elgin, who had settled to join him in India. August 2nd. — Yesterday, I received your letter, with all the ead details. ... It was truly a lovely death, in harmony with the life that preceded it. . . . It is indeed a heavy blow to all. . . . This is a sad letter, but my heart is heavy. It is difli- cult to make plans, with such a break-down of human hopes in possession of all my thoughts. Calcutta. — August 8th. — It is now dreadfully hot. ... In search of something to stay my gasping, I mounted on to the » lie diud iu Loudou from the ellects of a fever caught in the East. IT' i r Cii. XV. . I write at !,(iicle me but lie word ! It difficulties; ji on whom, it' ave relied to c dropping of ecu .so strong id the same le, and a kind Hubert Bruce t try and bear it before you see tliat tliey out^ht to do, :. pleasant and straight course ur dear Uncle )rc aiul more the weather, jomfort. He ;ta, with the it to liim l)y }t occupation ling the path a in India. 3r, with all the harmony with vy blow to all. i. It is difH- lunnau hopes r hot. ... In iitcd on to the in the East. 1802. THE HOT SEASON. 405 roof of the house this morning, to take my walk there, instead of in my close garden, where there are low shrid)s which give no shade, but exclude the breeze. I made nothing, however, by my motion, for no air was stirnng even there. I had a solitary and ghastly stroll on the le-'xds, surrounded by the nd- jntants, — a sort of hideous and filthy vulture. They do the work of scavengers in Calcutta, and are ready to treat one as a nuisance, if they had a chance. . . . There is much sickness here now. Aufjnst dth. — . . . The 'Ferooz' will not reach Suez till about the uiiddle of November, so you had better not arrive there till after that time. You will have the best season for the voyage, and time to rest here before we go up the country. Calcutta. — AiKjust \7th. — ... I told you that I was feel- ing the weather. ... I am jjoino; to-morrow for change of air, to a place about 300 miles from Calcutta, on the railway. It is not cooler, but drier, and the doctor strongly recommends the change. This is our worst season, and I suppose we may exj)cct six weeks more of it. If this change is not enough, I may perhaps try and get a steamer, and go over to Burmah. But there is some difficulty in this at present. Blinf)ulj)orc. — Auyust \dth. — We made out our jourj y to Bhagul- tliis place very well yesterday. The morning was cloudy, with '^^^' drizzling rain, and nuich cooler than usual, and we had the great advantage of little sun and no dust all day. At the station of Burdwan, the inhabitants of the station, some of them ladies, met us, and in a very polite manner presented flowers. We kept our time i)rctty well in our special train, and roachcd our abode at about 7 r.M. The air here is sen- sibly fre-sher than at Calcutta. . . . The house is a regular bungalow, — a cottage, all on the ground-floor. It is situated on a mound overlooking the Ganges. There is no garden about it, but a grass field, with a few trees here and there. Between the window at which I am writing and the river is an open shed, in which two elei)hants are switching their tails, and knocking about the hay which has been given them for their breakfast. This is a much more quiet and rural place than any which I have visited since I have been in India; for Barrackpore is a great military station, and the park, &c., there are quite i)nblic. Here there are not altogether above five or six European families. . . . We have a train twice a '4 ' 1 ft 1/ wmw ^" 406 INDIA. Cn. XV. ,|.». mi ;«ij :; day from Calcutta, so I can get my boxes as regularly as I do there. MoDghyr. Bliagulpore. — August 25th. — On Saturday, we made an ex- pedition to a place called Mongliyr, about forty-five miles from here, where there is a hot si)ring, and something like hills. (I am told also, that on a particularly clear day I can see from here the highest mountain in the world.) AVe did not leave this till 3 r.M., and \Ycre back again by 8 r.M., having travelled some ninety miles by rail, and driven in carriages about ten or twelve more, — the fastest thing, I should think, ever done in India. Tlicre has been a good deal of rain, and I still feel well here, but I suppose on the 29th I must return to the Calcutta steam-bath. This forenoon I paid a visit to a school, one of the Government schools. The boys (upwards of 200) are not of the lowest class. They all read English very Avell, and when asked the meaning of words, gave synonymes or explanatory phrases with remarkable readiness. During their early years, I should certainly say that they arc quicker than English children. Tlicy fall off when they get older. August 3\st. — Calcutta. — We returned to this place on Thursday. It is cooler than Avlien I left, but I fear we have not done with the heat yet. All agree that Septeuibcr is about the Avorst month in the year here. Calcutta. — September Hth. — I do not think that Dr. M. is particularly proud of tl.'C way in which I am bearing up against this oppressive and depressing season. ... I wish that we were going to the Ncilgherrics instead of to Simla. The climate is, I believe, better, and the place more agreeable, but it is entirely out of the way of business for me now, whereas Simla is a na- tural stage to the most important ])art of my governinent. September \1 th. — . . . . I have given up my morning walks. It is now always sultry before sunrise, and the dulness of pacing up and down my garden at that hour is intolerable. So I walk till daylight in my verandah. . . . September 2Srd. — . . . It seems strange to think that this is one of the last letters which you will receive from me in England, but yet it is still a long time before I can hope to see you here. The poor boys! You will be prej)aring to part from them, and all will be sad. (Jive them my love and blessing. Cir. XV. larly as I do niadc an cx- vc miles from ike hills. (I can see from lid not leave V.M., having in carriages slioukl think, of rain, and nuist return d a visit to a ays (upwards read Eno-lish words, gave jle readiness, that tliey are hen they get rhis place on fear wc have 3uibcr is about lat Dr. M, is ng uj) against I that wc were "lie climate is, t it is entirely Simla is a na- n-nment. orning walks, le dnlness of olcrable. So link that this from me in can hope to prci)aring to my love and 18C2. STATE OF THE EMPIRE. 407 In the montli of November the sittings of the Legis- Business lative Council, which had been suspended during the ^^^^^^ ' hot weather, were resumed, and the monotonous routine of the autumn was exchanged for more active, though liardly more laborious, work in maturing legishitive measures. As President of this Council Lord Elsrin threw himself with his usual zeal and assiduity into the discussion of tlie various administrative questions Avhich demanded solution. As the cold weather came on, he suffered much from the transition. Writing on the 4th of November to Sir C. Wood, he says : ' At the commencement of tlie ' cool season, on which we are now entering, we suffer ' from all manner of minor ailments; so I hope you will ' excuse a short letter.' And again on the 9th ; ' I am ' half blind and rather shaky from fever still, so that ' again I shall be brief in my epistle to you.' Soon, hoAvever, these ailments disappeared, and in the cooler temperature he regained to a great extent his usual health. A few weeks later the long dreary months of separa- Arrival of tiou from all that he most loved were happily ended E^gm. by the arrival of Lady Elgin, who with his youngest daughter, Lady Louisa Bruce, reached Calcutta on the 8 th of January 1863. In passing from the personal narrative of these state of months, to their public history, it is necessary to bear in mind what was the state of the Indian Empire at the moment when Lord Elgin undertook its government. ' India,' to use his own words, ' was at peace ; at peace Peace. ' in a sense of the term more emphatic and compre- ' hensive than it had ever before borne in India. The ' occurrences which had taken place during the period ' of Lord Dalhousie's government had established the ' prestige of the British arms as against external foes. ' Lord Cjuuiing's Vice-royalty had taught the same fl:: ;:n 408 INDIA Ch. XV. i I I*' ' I i y.ii m ^ii' bs V'. I Quostions to bo solved. lesson to domestic enemies. No military operations of magnitude were in progress, to call for prompt and vigorous action on the part of the ruling authority, or to furnish matter for narrations of thrilling interest. On the contrary, a hearty accpiiescence in the belief that no such opportunities existed, and that it was in- cumbent upon him, bj' all practicable means, to pre- vent their recurrence, was the first duty which the situation of aifiurs prescribed to a new Governor- General.' There were indeed grave questions awaiting solution ; questions of great perplexity and embarrassment, thougli of a domestic and peaceful character; some of them the more per})lexing because they bore upon ' those ' jealousies of race which are the sources of almost all ' our difficulties in India.' Ihit as regards such ques- tions his habitual caution, as well as the philosophic turn of his mind, led him to study very carefully all the conditions of each problem before attempting to propound any solution of his own; and in the mean- time he felt that his duty was to employ any personal influence which he could acquire in smoothing the course of such measures as had been set in operation by the authority of others. ' The first virtue,' he said to one of his colleagues, ' wliicli you and I have to practise ' here at present is Self-denial. We must, for a time at ' least, walk in paths traced out by others.' But though, for the reasons above stated, it would be a mistake to look in the records of the time for any great measures, executive or administrative, on which he had set his mark, his various speeches and letters, more especially the full and frank communications Avhicli he addressed from time to time to the Secretary of State for India, Sir Charles Wood, show with what keenness of interest, as well as with what sagacity, he approached the study of Indian questions. A few extracts from his coriespondence are here given to illustrate this ; and Cn. XV. 1862. THE ARMY 409 operations prompt and itliority, or i,i;' interest. the belief t it was in- !ins, to pre- whicli tlic Governor- 1,2; solution ; LMit, thono-h le of them pon ' those ' almost all such (pies- [)hilosophic arefully all pmptin<^ to the mean- ly personal 3thin(^ the )oration by he said to to practise r a time at t would be ne for any on which lid letters, ions which ry of State keenness pproached ■acts from this; and as affording some indication of the unremitting industry with which he laboured at this period, searching into and maturing his views upon one dilKcult su])ject after another, as well as the whole plan of Indian govern- ment. To Sir Ch (tries ll^ood. Ciilcuttn, April 9th, 18G2. Now for the Army. I must observe, in the first place, that Tho Army. in the reasoning employed here in favour of the maintenance of a large army, native and European, there is a good deal that is circular, and puzzlin^j to a beginner. When I ask why so considerable a native army is required, I am told that the native must bear a certain proportion to the European force ; that Europeans cannot undertake canton- ment duties, or, speaking generally, any of the duties which the military may from time to time be called to render in support of the civil j)Ower, during peace ; that in war, again, they are admirable on the battle-field, but that they cannot turn their victories to account by following up a discomfited foe, unless they have the aid of native troops, nor perform many other services which are not less indispensable than great battles to success against an enemy who knows the ground and is inured to the climate. This line of argument very naturally raises the question, wherefore then is the maintenance of so large a European army necessary ? llebellion has been crushed, and European troops are not suited for the repression of such local disturb- ances as occasionally occur. Tlicre is little present prospect of war from without, though Persia is moving towards Herat, and apparently preparing for Dost Mohammed's death. The answer which I invariably receive is this — ' You cannot tell what will happen in India. Heretofore you have held the Sikhs in subjection by the aid of the Sepoys, and the Sepoys by means of the Sikhs. But see what is ha[)pening now. The Sikh soldiers are quartered all over India. They are fraternising with the natives of the South — adopting their customs and even their faith. Half the soldiers in a regiment lately stationed at Benares were converted to Hindooism be- fore they left that holy place. Beware, or you will shortly have to cope in India with a hostile combination more formid- *^ il. mm^' ' 1 \ » •: ! Ill ','1 ) :li n-i .If \ i \ \V- W '■ l, CuUivii- ion of cotton. 410 INDIA. Cii. XV. able than any of those •\vhicli you have encountered before.' If you draw from all this the inference tliiit wliat you really dread is your native army, you get into the vicious circle agaui. Do not suppose that I am tempted by these logical paradoxes to run to hasty conclusions. I am aAvare that for many reasons ■\ve must now entertain, and probably shall long find it neces- sary to entertain, a large army, native and European, in India. Practically, what we have to do is to endeavour, by a judicious system of recruiting, organisation, and distribution, to render our army as serviceable and as little a source of peril as may be. But I do think that they go far to prove that, notwith- standing our vast physical superiority to anything which can be brought against us, we should find it a diflicult task to maintain our authority in India by the sword alone ; and that they justify a very jealous scrutiny of all schemes of expendi- ture for military objects Avhich render necessary the imposition or maintenance of taxes which occasion general discontent, or deprive the Government of the funds requisite for carrying on works of improvement that have the double advantage of stimulating the growth of wealth in the country, and increasing the efficiency of the means of self-defence which we possess. To a Friend iii Scotland, interested in the Cultivation of Cotton. Ciilcuttn, May 2Lst, 1862. I beg to assure you that I do not yield to yourself in my desire to promote the extension of cotton cultivation in India, and, above all, imi)rovement in the quality of the staple. I consider that the interests of India are involved in this improve- ment to a greater degree even than those of Great Britain ; for, no doubt, if the quality of the Indian product were so far raised as to admit of its competing on terms approaching to equality with that of America, it would obtain a permanent footing in the great market to which it has access now only at moments of extraordinary dearth. Moreover, I do not scruple to confess to you that I am not so bigoted in my adhesion to the dogmas of political economy, as to be unwilling, at a season of crisis like the present, to entertain proposals for acceler-iting this result, merely because they contravene the })rinciples of that science. On the con- Cu. XV. 1802. CULTIVATION OF COTTON. 411 red before.' you really cious circle 1 paradoxes any reasons nd it neces- in,in India. a judicious n, to render cril as may it, notwith- wliich can ;ult task to e ; and that of expendi- 3 imposition scontcnt, or carryinnj on d vantage of I incrcasinjj ^e possess. n of Cotton. 21st, 1862. rself in my n in India, 3 staple. I lis improve- ;at Britain ; were so far roachinjx to permanent low only at it I am not il economy, present, to cly because 'n the con- traiy, I receive thankfully suggestions for accomjdishing an object which I have so much at heart, more especially when they emanate from persons deeply interested and thoroughly conversant Avith the subject, like yourself — even when they fall within the category of what you style ' extraordinary * measures.' But you will surely allow that the oiiux prohandi lies very heavily on a Government which adopts measures of this class ; and that if, by abnormal interference, it cIiccaS the naturjil and healthy operation of the laws of demand on capitalists and cultivators, it incurs a weighty responsibility. Even as regards the specific recommendation which you have made, and whic^h has much to justify it in my eyes — because I would go great lengths in the direction of aiding the Ilyots to imj)rove their staple, if I could see my way to effect this object without doing more harm than <;ood — I must observe that there are questions which have to be very gravely and carefully examined before it can be acted upon. In the first place, it is right that I should tell you that the opinion which obtains here respecting the result of recent ope- rations in Dharwav, in so far as the case furnishes a precedent for the interference of Government officers in such matters, differs widely from that entertained by you. But, setting this point aside, and assuming for the sake of argument that the interposition at Dharwar was attended by unmixed benefit to all concerned, does it follow that corre- sponding success would accompany the mission of fifty military officers to the cotton districts of India for the purpose of in- ducing the Ryots to substitute exotic for native cotton in their cultivation? In order to do this exotic cotton justice, it must be treated with some care, especially at the time of its introduction into districts where it has been previously unknown. Conditions of climate as well as of soil must be taken into consideration in determinino- the time and method of cultivation. The cli- mate of Dharwar, where the monsoons meet, differs widely from that of many parts of India, where the seasons are divided between a deluge of rain and a period of baking heat. Am I likely to find fifty young military officers who would be com- petent to advise the Ryots on points of so much delicacy? And if the Ryots, following their counsels, were disappointed 412 INDIA. Cn. XV. , i. W * h' 11 ■i: Oriontals rot s;itis- fiwl with show of m in the expectations which tlioy had been led to form, what would be the effect on the prospects of cotton cultivation in India ? I do not say all this in condemnation of your scheme, but in order to point out to you how much has to be thought of be- fore it can be acted upon. Meanwhile there are measures for promoting the interests of cotton cultivation in India, which the Government can adopt without abandoning its proper sphere of action ; not only with- out danger, but with a high probability, perhaps I might say a certainty, of benefit to the great cause which we have in hand. We can facilitate the cstablishra(;nt in India of European cultivators and landholders, who are the natural and legitimate advisers of the native peasantry on such questions as those to which I have been referring. We can improve communication so as to render the transport of the raw material to the ports of shipment more cheap and rapid. To these and similar measures the attention of the Govern- ment of India is earnestly directed ; with every disposition to tiike such further means of stimulating production as prudence may justify. I have written at some length, but the importance of the subject and my respect for your opinion are my excuse. To Sir Charles Wood. Calcutta, May 9th, 1862. I know that it is customary with certain peo})le whose opinions are entitled to respect, to act on the assumption that all Orientals are children, amused and gratified by external trap})ings and ceremonies and titles, and ready to put up with the loss of real dignity and power if they are only permitted to enjoy the semblance of it. I am disposed to question the correctness of this assumption. I belie^'e, on the contrary, that the Eastern imagination is singularly prone to invest out- ward things with a symbolic character ; and that relaxations on points of foi-m are valued by them, chiefly because they are held necessarily to imply concessions on substantial matters. Cn. XV. form, what tivution ill }me, bat in ight of be- interests of can adopt only with- lidit sav a ve in hand. Enropean legitimate IS those to e transport cheap and jc Govern- position to 3 prudence mce of the use. Itli, 1862. •j)le whose iption that y external lit up with permitted icstion the contrary, invest out- xations on c they are matters. 18(Ji>. KUMOUItS OY DISAFFECIION. To Sir Charles ff'uod. 413 Calcutta, June 2lBt, 1862. You may be interested by readinrr a letter (of which I cn- Impm- close a cop} ) written by the officer conmianding the cavalry at ^^hbLd-* Delhi on the subject of an alleged assault by a native trooper iiry, on a missionary. I should think that the cause of Christian truth and charity would be as well served by preaching in a church or a building of some sort, as by holding forth in the streets in a city liill of fanatical unbelievers. If I am told that the Apostles pursued the latter course, I would observe that they had the authoritie3 as well as the mob against them, and took not only the thra.-hings of the latter, but also the judicial penalties inflicted by the former, like men. It is a very different matter when you liave a powerful Government to fall back upon, and to ([uell any riots Avhich you may raise. However, these are burning quettions, and one must handle them cautious! V. To JSIr. Edmonstune, Lieut- Governor of tlie N. IV. Provinces. Calcutta, May 27tb, 18G2. I am much obliged to you for your letter of the 19th inst., Eumours and I beg tiiat you will make a habit of writing to me when- '*L'''^.' cVucctiou ever anything occurs respecting which you may desire to com- municate with me confidentially. I do not, I confess, attach any great importance to such incidents as the circulation of the pro})hecy which you have enclosed to me. It is quite as probable that it may be the act of some mischievous person who desires to keep alive excite- ment in the popular mind, as the indication of an excitement already existing. It must, moreover, be observed that the English press throughout India has taken advantage of the advance of Sool- tan Jan on Furrah to descant, at great length and with much fervour, on all perils, present and prospective, to which British rule in India is, or may be, exposed. That the Mahommedan mind, thus stimidated and encouraged, should altogether eschew such speculations, could hardly be expected. It is impossible, however, to be too vigilant in watching these manifestations of opinion ; and I trust that you will not ixinA, Cif. XV fail to put inc in possession ol' ull iho syniplonis of distinlctiulo which may roacli you, howovor trivial thi»y may seem to he. 1 nocd hardly point out lo you how important it is that your inquirios shouUl he ho condnctod as to <;ivo no couulenanco to the iuipression that they are promptcMl hy any nervous anxiety, or that we should he nuicli discomposed even if the 12th Imaum lumself were to make his appearance. For my own part, 1 am (irudy resolved to put down with promptitude and severity any attempt at disturhaneo which may be made in any part of India, and I do not care how generally my determination on this jjoint is known. 1 shall pursue this policy, not because 1 fear lor the stability of our empire in the East, but because tran(|niHity is essential to the j)ro<:;ress of the country, and because lenity to the guilty (U'i- ginators of such machinations leads invariably to the severest punishment und sulfering of misguided followers. '!•■ !t i.i m ii". : OroinulloP8 nliirnis ut Dulhi. To Sir Charles JVood. Ciilcuttti, Jnno 17th, 1862. The follies whicli arc connnitted by the military panic- mongers in the Xorth-wcst are very vexatious, and pregnant with mischief of all kinds. ... 1 made up my mind yester- day to set olf in person and go straight to Delhi, if the thing goes on. As a rising of troops against us in places where the Europeans have all the artillery, and at least equal the native forces in number, is rather too strong a dose even for the \ nerves, the stock in trade now is the existence of .d for the assassination of Europeans These ^ics are probably the ccnversation at every mess-table, in- dulged in before the native servants, who would be the agents in such i)lots if they were to be carried out. It is a remark- able fact that, although secret murder by poison and other- wise is not unknown among natives between themselves, as directed against Europeans, it is, 1 believe, almost entirely unexampled. It is not imj)ossible, however, that constant discussions on the subject may familiarise the native mind with the idea. But talking is not all. The commanding officer at Ajrra has acted on these susj/icions, and, in the face of the native population, taken extraordinary precautions on the assumption Cir. XV. liisut marched ofK (T. Oil th'.s tlircw stones out smother Besides ini- , it docs not })rovokc this can, the case lingly trans- 000 miles at , tlie counsel ler to obtain md the trial ury, much to 1 an agitation nice of death , with a great istance to the ised that, the : had nothing ) me. There ting, to have ant-Oovernor above all, the ponsibility of ould involve, from the Ad- ite authority, hands. The The sentence e, to whom I ecision of the must take its with previous 1802. AFFGIIANI8TAN. 417 preparation and deliberation. It had not,* therefore, this special quality of aggravation. But it was marked by an aggravation of its own, not less culpable, and unfortunately only too fre- quently characteristic o^ the homicides perpetrated by Euro- peans on n.atives in this country. It was committed in wanton Littlo recklessness, almost without provocation, under an impulse ^n miu"*^ which would have been resisted if the life of the victim had life. been estimated at the value of that of a dog. Any action on my part which would have seemed to sanction this estimate of the value of native life, would have been attended by the most pernicious consequences. It is bad enough as it is. The other day a station-master, somewhere np country, kicked a native who was, as he says, milking a goat belonging to the former. The native fell dead, and the local ])!ipcr, without a word of commiseration for the victim or hi« family, comphiins of the hardship of compelling the station-master to go to Calcutta, in this warm weather, to have the case inquired into. Other instances in which the natives have died from the effect of personal chastisement administered by Europeans have occurred since I have been here. I have gone at some length into this case, both because you may hear of it, and also because it exem])lifies what is really our greatest soui'ce of embarrassment in this country — ^tho extreme difficulty of administering equal justice between natives and Europeans. To Sir Charlea Wood. July IGth, 18G2. I am very much averse to any interference on our part in Against the quaiTcl which is now on foot in Affghanistan ; and, indeed, ence in I do not very well see my way as to how any such inter- Affgliim- fei'cncc can be managed without entailing responsibilities which we may regret at a later jieriod. You are doubtless aware that we have no agent with the Dost. He particularly requested that no one should be sent to his court in that capacity, and we assented to his views on this point. All we know of Avhat is going on there is derived from the reports of a native vakeel, who reports more or less faithfully what he hears and sees, but who is not, and I apprehend, could not be employed to speak on our behalf to the Ameer. In order, therefore, tjol E r F! '^^^ fi, 1 : j if J! ■' , ' ' . i^'j ! ' ' t *' ' 'f • '■.' P- t 1 t ■ ) 1 ■i r i ,' 1 r 1 :! ' ' 1' ''!!'• I > I ! |il Jmlh M iff I J 418 INDI.V. Cir. XV. communicate witli him, wc must cither send a ppccial agent, or Avritc. Now it must be observed tliat in this affair tiie Dost has not been the aggressor. The Herat cliicf attacketl him without any provocation. AVc offered him no assistance, made no remonstrance, and left him to take care of himself. lie has asked us for nothing, and we have given him nothing. It is now proposed tliat we shouhl inform the Dost that if he goes beyond a certain point, and Persia comes into the field to support Herat, he must not expect any assistance from us. If we had an agent there it would be easy to instruct him to make such an intimation ; and if the Dost were to ask us for any support, an answer Avhich would convey this hint might be given. But situated as we are, w^e must move cautiously in this matter. If the Dost stops on our suggestion, and if (as is frequen'' the case with Orientals), the enemy, ascribing his moderation to weakness, presses him with increased vigour, what are we to do then ? Are we to stand by and laugh at our dupe, telling him that though our advice got him into the scrape, he must find his own way out of it? or are we to set to work to check his opponents ? and if we undertake the latter task, how far will it lead us? It is quite impossible in these affairs, and Avith peojile of this description, to say what an hour may bring forth. A shower of rain may c Mvert a victorious army into a baffled one, and an advance into a retreat. The death of a man of eighty years of age will probably throw all Affghanistan into confu- sion, convert friends into foes and vice versa. Instructions framed in Calcutta to meet one set of circumstances may arrive in Affghanistan when the whole scene has changed. I own that I am strongly of o})inion that our true policy is to leave these kinds of neighbours as much as possible alone ; to mix ourselves up as little as may be in their miserable intrigues, which generally entail obligations Avhich bind us and not them, and not unfrequently lead to most unexpected issues. We ghould only speak when we have a case of self-interest so clear that we can sjjcak with determination, and follow up our talk if necessary with a blow. Cn. XV. 18G2. T/)KD CANNING'S POIJCY. 419 cial agent, 01- \\r the Dost ittacked him istance, made limaelf. He nothino;. It lat if he goes the field to from lis. If truct him to to ask lis for lint might be cautiously in ition, and if my, ascribing 3ased vigour, and laugh at him into the )r are we to ndertake the people of this A shower ftlcd one, and (lan of eighty 11 into confu- Instructions istances may changed. I e policy is to ble alone; to ible intrigues, and not them, issues. We 3lf-interest so follow up our To Sir Charles Wood. August 9th, 1862. After a good deal of consideration as to how I can, with With- least risk of getting this Government into trouble, put a spoke y^^^l into the Dost's wheel in his progress towards Herat, I have despatched to Sir R. Montgomery the telegram of which I enclose a copy. The order sent to our vakeel, desiring him to leave the Ameer's camp, and return to India, if the Dost proceeds to extremities against Herat, will sufficiently show that we discountenance any such proceeding ; while at the same time the measure commits us to nothing, gives the Dost no such claim upon us as he would naturally have if we tendered advice to him, and induced him to abandon his own projects in order to follow it, and leaves us free to shape our policy as the shifting current of events may prescribe. I pointed out to you in my letter of July 16, that we are awkwardly situated for interfering with the Ameer. He is our friend, and we said nothing when he was attacked. He has set to work to redress his own injuries, asking us for no aid, and ])aying his own way. We are quite entitled to say, ' Your hostile advance * on Herat has not our approval, and ^ve must show that you * are makinjj it without our sanction.' This we do in the most emphatic manner, by Avithdrawing the only British official who is with him. But I do not like to go farther in the direction of interference. It is impossible to say how matters may ter- minate in Affghanistan. It is possible that the Ameer may get the whole country into his hands. It is possible that he may come to an understanding with Sultan Jan, who is his connection by marriage. It is very desirable that we should be free to accei)t the status in quo, whatever it may be. To Sir Charles Wood. Calcutta, Septembor 9th, 1862, A doubt naturally suggests itself as to whether the received Lord notion respecting the relations which Canning sought to cstab- ^*".'""'S« lish between the native chiefs and the British Government in India be altogether correct, or, (as it perhaps would be more accurate to say) altogether complete — whether, in short, that portion of it wliich was a policy of circumstance has been duly distinguished from that which was a policy of principle : a p, t; 2 V 420 INDIA. Cii. XV !i 1 1 r '■1 \ ; t' ' ' ■ i ^iM': 1 1 .J P ;i .I IJ' t (1) Clemonov. doubt by no means unimportant, now that this policy, what- ever it be, is crowned by the double aureole of success and death ; so that while, on the one hand, it is naturally set up as an cxamj)le for imitation, on the other, we have not the author to refer to when difficulties arise respecting its api)lication. In a])proaching the consideration of this very momentous question we must, in the first ])lace, be careful lest we sufl'cr oui'selves to draw erroneous conclusions from the Avarm ex- })ressions of gratitude and affection lavished upon Canning by the natives generally. If I were to venture to compai'e great things with small, I should say that their feelings towards him were due to causes somewhat similar to those Avhieh earned for me the good will and confidence of the French Canadians in Canada. Both he and I adopted on some important points views more favourable to the subject races than those which had been entertained by our respective predecessors. So far we established leo-itimate and substantial claims on their reo;ard. But it was not so much the intrinsic merit of those /lews, still less Avas it the extent to Avhich Ave acted upon them, Avhich avou for us the favour of those races ; avc OAved that nuiinly to the uncompromising hostility, the bitter deniuiciations, and the unmeasin'cd violence which the }>romulgation of those views provoked from those Avho Avere regarded by them as their oppressors. I used often to say to my Scotch friends in LoAver Canada, Avhen they Avere heaping every indignity upon me, and even resorting to open violence (for there tlicy did not hold their hands off), ' You are playing my game. I Avant * to Avin the confidence of the French Canadians; but I know ' the nature of that people : they are touchy and susj)icious as ' races avIio feel that they are inferior, and believe that they are ' oppi'cssed, invariably are. By measures of simple justice to- * Avards them (and beyond that line I do not intend to proceed ' an inch), I despair of being able to effect my object ; but if ' you continue for a year to act as you are now acting, denoun- ' cing me as your enemy and their friend, and proving the ' sincerity of your belief by outrage and violence, you Avill end « by convincing them that I am to be trusted, and I shall win * the day.' — The result proved the accuracy of this prediction. The feeling of the natives of India toAvards Canninjx Avas in some measure due to a similar cause. The clamour for blood and indiscriminate vengeance Avhich raged around him, and the ■ Cn. XV. 1802. LOKI) CANNINGS POLICY. 421 1 olicy, Avhat- succcss and Uy set 11)) as )t the author (lication. y momentous est we suffer c Avarm cx- Cauuing hy >mpare great towards him 'h earned for Canadians in n-tant points tliose whieli 5ors. So far their reo-ard. ^e v^iews, still n, whicb won nainly to the )ns, and the f those views lem as their nds in Lower ty upon me, they did not ime. I want but I know suspicious as that they are )le justice to- d to proceed »bject ; but if Ling, denoun- proving the you will end d I shall win s prediction. lining was in mr for blood him, and the abuse poured uptm him because he would not listen to it, im- parted in their eyes to acts which carried justice to the verge of severity the grace of clemency, I could give you plenty of proofs of this . . . The following sentences occur in a letter written from Delhi during our recent panic, by an officer . . ' The native force here is miurh too ' small to be a source of anxiety, and unless they take the initia- ' tive it is my opinion that there can be no important rising. ' The Mussulmans of Delhi are a contemptible race Fanatics ' arc very rare on this side of the Sutlej. The terrors of that ' period when every man who had two enemies was sure to * swing arc not forgotten. The people declare that the work of ' Nadir Shah was as nothing to it. His executions were com- ' plcted in twelve hours. But for months after the last fall of 'Delhi, no one was sure of liis d.vi; life or of that of the being 'dearest to him for an hour.' 'ihe natives not unnaturally looked with gratitude to the man who alone had the will and power to put an arrest on this course of proceeding, and to prevent its extension all over the land. No doubt, as I have /2) said. Canning earned a substantial claim to the gratitude of Considcr- the native chiefs by adojiting a more liberal and considerate native ])olicy towards them than that ])ursucd by his predecessor, chiefs. It Avas perhaps not surprising that he should have done so. Situated as we are in this country — a small minority ruling a vast po})ulation that differs from us in blood, civilisation, colour and religion, monopolising in our own territories all positions of high dignity and emolument, and exercising even over States ostensibly independent a paramount authority — it is manifest that the question of how we ought to treat that class of natives who consider that they have a natural right to be leaders of men and to occupy the first places in India, must always be one of special difficulty. If you attempt to crush all superiorities, you unite the native populations in a homoge- neous mass against you. If you foster pride of rank and position, you encourage pretensions which you cannot gratify, partly because you dare not abdicate your own functions as a paramount power, and, partly, because you cannot control the arrogance of your subjects of the dominant race. Scindiali and Holkar are faithful to us just in jiroportion as they are weak, and conscious that they require our aid to sup[)ort them against their own subjects or neighbours: and among the I : f^ ■ ■ : i * t r :^.i >h i 1' 1 l« ,, : : j (3) ABsertion of British sove- reignty. 422 INDIA. Cii. XV. bitterest of our foes (lurin<; the Mutiny were natives who luul been courted in Enghind. . . . Canning saw the evils wliieh the crushing policy of his predecessor was entailing, and he reversed it. It was a happily timed change of policy. The rebellion broke out while it was yet recent ; and no doubt, the hoi)es and gratification inspired by it had their effect in in- ducing a certain number of chiefs to pause and to require more conclusive proof that the British Kaj was to kick the beam, before they cast their weight into the opposite scale of the l)alance. After the rebellion was suppressed, the inducement to per- severe in this line of policy was still more stringent. To grant to native Potentates who were trembling in their shoes, and ready to receive the boon on any terms which you might prescribe, the reversion of States which had become vacant because you had, of your own authority and mere motion, hanged their chiefs, and declared them to be escheated, was a wise, a graceful, and under the circumstances a perfectly safe policy. The same may be said of the measures taken to put the talookdars of Oude on their legs, and which were preceded by the confiscation of all their projjerties. I believe that tliis policy, like the policy of Clemency, was sound and right in principle ; but in forming a just estimate of its success and of its applicability to all seasons and emergencies, it is necessary to take into account the specialities of the time to which I have referred. What then was the scope and extent of application Avhich Canning in action was prepared to give to this policy ? Here is the important question, and it is not altogether an easy one to answer. Fov like most wise administrators, Canning dealt with the concrete rather than the abstract, and it would not be difficult to cull from his decisions sentiments and sentences which seem to clash. When you meet with an individual ruling which appears not to tally with what you have assumed to be his general principles, you say it is * unnatural.' This is one way out of the difficulty. But is it the right way ? My own opinion is, that Canning never intended to let the chiefs get the bit into their mouths, or to lose his hold ovc them. It is true that he rode them with a loose rein, but the pace was so killing during the whole of his time, that it took the kick out of them, and a light hand and silken thread were all that p C'li. XV. V08 who had ((vils which iii. LOHU CANNIN(}'8 POLICY. 423 was required. His policy of deference to the authority of native chiefs was a means to an end, the end being the es- tablishment of the British liaj in India ; and when the means and the end came into c}% i of my own on thcee questions. It may perhaps turn out that a tune of peace is better fitted than one of revolution for the discovery of the true theory according to which our relations with native States ought to be conducted ; or, it may be, for the discovery that no theory can be framed sufficiently elastic to fit all those relations and the complications which arise out of them, and that, after all, we must in a great measure rely on the rule of common sense and of the thumb. When the circumstances of the time are such that it is deemed right and proper to abrogate all law, and to establish over the land a reign of terror and of the sword — to pour out, in deference to the paramount claims of the safety of the state, public money, whether obtained from present taxation or the mortgage of posterity, with profusion absolutely uncontrolled — to decree confiscation on a scale of unprecedented magnitude ; it is obvious that a reputation for clemency, economy, and respect for the native rights of property, is obtainable under condi- tions that are not strictly normal. If you want to ascertain whether your system will stand in all weathers, you must test it when the rule of law and order have replaced that of arbi- trary will — when men present themselves, not as the scared recipients of bounty, but as the assertors of admitted rights. We shall see how far, in such piping times, it may be possible for the Governor-General to enforce on the British local authorities the claims of public economy, without resorting to any interference which can be supposed to militate against the hypothesis that the said authorities understand a great deal better than he does what their wants are, and how they ought to be supplied; or to maintain the peace of India without questioning the indefeasible title of the native chiefs to do what they like with their own. Meanwhile all I want as regards this matter is, to learn what Canning's policy really was, and to follow it out faithfully. It is ueither fair to him nor to the cause, that we should mis- judge its character by founding our estimate of it on a partial or incomplete induction. Considera- tion of the natives. To Sir Chart s Wood. Calcutta, December 23rd, 1862, As to consideration of the natives, I can only say that during a public service of twenty years I have always sided 11^ ^ Cn. XV urn out that ion for the )ur relations may be, for ently elastic ich arise out neasure rely When the ed right and the land a deference to iblic money, mortjjatre of — to decree tude ; it is and respect mder condi- to ascertain )u must test hat of arbi- s the scared litted rights. 7 be possible British local resorting- to ! against the a great deal ' they ought idia without chiefs to do 3 learn what it faithfully, should mis- on a partial 1802. CONSlDEliATION WMi NATIVES. 425i with the weaker party, and it is so strongly my instinct to do so, that I do not think the most stringent injunctions would force me into an opposite course of action. But I am (juite sure that it is not true kindness to the weaker party, to give the stronger an excuse for using to the utmost the jjowers of coercion which they possess, by seeming to be unwilling U) listen to any statement of grievances which they may desire to make, or to suspect their motives when they suggest reme- dies. ... It is quite possible that such views as you in- stance may prevail to a considerable extent with our agitat- ing people ; but it is equally certain that many who join them Avou'.d indignantly repudiate the imputation of being actuated by any motives of the kind. My study always is, to keep those who profess moderate and reasonable views I'ight, and to prevent them from going over arms and baggage to the enemy, by taking for granted that they mean what tliey profess, and, when they propose objectionable remedies, arguing against them on their own premises. Some, of course, would rather abandon their sound premises than their illogical conclusions, when they are driven in this way to the wall ; but a large number come over to the right side when they find that the consideration of their alleged grievances is approached without any prepossession against them. Of coui'se, this is all a matter of tact, and cannot be reduced to any definite formula. But you speak of our Press as hopeless on some of these subjects. Have you observed the comparative mildness of its tone lately, notwithstanding the action of Government in the matter of the Waste Lands, and Contract LaAv ? Does not that argue a better state of feeling in the European Community ; and do not you think that it is for the benefit of the Ilyots, that their interloping landlords should not be in a humour to employ vindictively the vast powers which, whether you disallow Con- tract Laws or not, they, as proprietors, possess over them ? ;; !3r(l, 1862. y say that ways sided fl1 ^ff^ idl'N' 1' 426 INDIA. Cii. XVI. . II ,1 .lit > :i , It i1 ■ i |;;f 7 CHAPTER XVI. INDIA. 1)UTV OK A GOVKIINOU-GKN'EUAL TO VISIT THK PROVINCES mOGUESS TO THE NOKTII-WEST — BENAUES — SPEECH ON THE OPENING OF THE HAILWAY — CAWNPOKE GUAND IHIliBAR AT AGRA DELHI — IIUHDWAR — ADUIJESS TO THE SIKH CHIEFS AT UMBALLA — KUSSOWLIE SIMLA — LETTEKS : SUPPLY OF LABOUR ; SPECIAL LEGISLATION ; MISSIONAIIY OATIIEUINO ; FINANCE ; SEAT OF OOVEKNMENT ; VALUE OF TUAININO AT HEAD-QUAUTEUS ; AlUSTOCUACIES ; AGAINST INTERMEDDLING— THE SITANA FANATICS- -HIMALAYAS ROTUNG PASS — TWIG BRIDGE — ILLNESS — DEATH — CHARACTERISTICS BURIAL PLACE. Duty of a At a very early period of his stay in India, Lord Gci?enino Elgin formed the opinion, which was indeed strongly visit tho impressed upon him by Lord Cannino;, that it was 'of rrovinces. ^ ^ '' , ,. . ' the greatest importance to the public interest that the ' Governor-General should see as much as possible of ' men and things, in all parts of the vast empire under ' his control ; and that a constant residence in the nar- ' row atmosphere of Calcutta had a tendency to impair ' his efficiency.' Writing to Sir C. Wood on the 17th of September, 1862, he said : — No man can govern India in ordinary times, such as those in which we are living, if he is to be tied by the leg to Calcutta, and prevented from visiting other parts of the Empire. Can- ning, although he lived in times by no means ordinary, and although he was compelled by circumstances to be more stationaiy than he Avould otherwise have been, was as clear on this point as anyone. He urged me most strongly to proceed northwards at the earliest moment at which I could contrive to do so. When I referred to the difficultv which the assembling of the Council for legislative purposes might occasion, he assured me that he had never intended to make himself a slave of the Council ; that he had taken the chair at the commence- 1802. THE NOllTII-WKST I'ltOVLN'CEb'. 427 ment of the proceedings, but that he should certainly have objected to the establishment of the principle that his presence was indis[)ensable to its deliberations. lie was especially anxious that I should tour, in order that I might satisfy myself as to how his arrangements affecting natives, &c., worked, before modifyhig them in any degree. And, apart from Canning's opinion altogether, this is a point on which I have had some personal experience. I have been now steadily in Calcutta for a whole hot season. No man, I venture to affirm, in the situation I occupy, has ever been more accessible to those who have anything to say, whether they be civilians, soldiers, or interlopers. But there is a blot on my escutcheon which can easily be hit by anyone dissatisfied with a judgment pronounced in my name. It can always be said : ' What does * Lord Elgin know of India ? He has never been out of ' Calcutta. He is acquainted only with Bengal civilians and * other dwellers in (what is irreverently styled) ' the ditch.' Indeed, I fear that I am exposed to the same reproach in your circle. I see no remedy for this evil, if I am to remain con- stantly here. Starting from these premises he came to the conclu- Projected sion, that ' it was better to organise a tour on a compre- *""'"■ ' hensive scale, even though it involved a long absence ' from Calcutta, than to attempt to hurry to distant ' places and back again during successive winters.* Accordingly, it was arranged that as soon as the busi- ness of the Legislative Council was concluded, he should start for the north, and travel by easy stages to Simla, visiting all the places which he ought to see on his way. After spending the hot weather at the Hills, he Avas to proceed early in the next winter to the Punjab, inspect- ing it thoroughly, and returning before the summer heats either to Simla again, or to Calcutta, as public business might determine. For the Session, if so it might be called, of 1863-4, he was to summon his councillors to meet him somewhere in the north-west, at some capital city, 'not a purely military station, but ' where the Council might obtain some knowledge of H 428 INDIA. Cii. XVI. ' 1 '!. w I ;< Eiiilway to lioiuirt'a. * lociil uiid iiiitivc feeling Huch as did not rcacli Calcuttii.' The spot ultiniately iixod upon was J^ahorc, the capital of the large and loyal province of that name. The earlier part of the tour was to be made chiefly by rail- way, with a com])aratively small retinue ; but for the latter ])art of it he was to be accompanied b}' a cam[), furnished forth witli all the pride, pomp, and circum- stance belonging to the progress of an Eastern IMonarch, and necessary therefore in order to produce the tlesircd effect on the minds of the natives. It was on the r)th of February, 18()3, that the Vice- regal ])ai:ty left Calcutta. They travelled by railway to Benares, which they reached on the evening of the Gth. The first phenomenon which struck them, as Lord Elgin afterwards wrote, was the ' very sensible change of ' climate which began to make itself felt at some 250 ' miles from Calcutta.' The general chai'iicter (he said) of the country continued to be as level as ever ; but the air becanie more bracing, the surface of the soil more arid, and the vegetation less rank. Hot mid-days, and cold nights and mornings, are substituted for the moist and comparatively uniform temperature of Lower Bengal, to a greater and greater degree with every step that the traveller takes towards the north. The railwjiy, with the exception of a portion near C alcutta, is a single line ; but it is perfectly constructed, and. with no great regard to cost. The vagaries of the Avater-floods, which, during the rainy season, sometimes pour down in unmanage- able force from the Ganges, and sometimes rush towards it from the opposite side of the railway line, have constituted the great engineering difticuity of the work. Some very remark- able bridges and other consti'uctions of this class, to permit the free passage of water under the line, have been built. The most critical point has been to obtain a secure foundation in the sandy soil for these erections; and, strange to say, the principle adopted by our engineers, under the name of the ' Sunken Well ' system, is the same as that followed by the great architects who built the famous ' Taj ' of Agra. It will, it is to be hoped, prove successful ; and these important works Cir. XVI. 1803. JJl'lilJAll AT IM-INAIIES. 429 (.'iilcutta.' the capital 1110. Tlie ly by rail- lit for tho )y a camp, ul circiim- Moiiarcli, lit; desired the A'ice- raihvay to of the Gth. ^ord Elgin chai)<;e of some 250 ontinucd to jracing, the 1 less rank. suhstitutcd re of Lower ry sfcp that ir C alcutta, iiul with no )0(ls, which, unmanan-e- towards it stitnted the cry reinark- • permit the built. The undation in to say, the ime of the ved by the a. It will, :tant works will remain an cndnrinjr monnmcnt of the benefits conferred on India (lurinji; the present rei^n. Nothing that has been done by the Hritish in Jndia lias affeetcd the native mind so jjowerfuily, and produced so favourable an impression, as these railway undertakings. On the day after bis arrival at lienaresbe held a Dur- Durbar, bar — bis first truly Oriental Durbar — wbicb, tbougb not comprising any independent chiefs, was attended by several native gentlemen of bigb consideration and large possessions. In addressing tbem, be took the opportunity of dwelling u])on the imjn'ovement Avbicb recent measures bad effected in tbeir position, and the consecpient increase of tbeir responsibilities : It is the desire (he said) of Her Majesty the Queen that the native gentlemen of India should he rcjjrcsented in the Council of the Governor-General, in order that when laws are made for India their opinions, and wishes, and feelings may receive due consideration. It is my intention and duty to do every- thing in my ])ower to give effect to Iler Majesty's gracious intention in this respect. Among the rajahs and gentlemen here to-day are many who have large estates in the neigh- bourhood and along the line of i-ailway which ^vQ travelled over yesterday. The value of those estates will be greatly enhanced by the comjdction of the important work of which we are about to-day to celebrate the o})cning. I need hardly remind them that they will owe this advantage to the intro- duction of British engineering skill and British capital into this country. I trust that the consideration of this fact, an;l of similar facts which are of daily occnrrence, will tend to pro- duce a kindly feeling between the races, by showing them to what an extent they may be mutually useful to each other. Meanwhile, I hoj)c that the gentlemen whom I am addressing will turn these advantages to account by doing their utmost to improve their properties, and to projnote the happiness and welfare of their ryots and dependents.' In tbe afternoon of the same day be was present at a Railway dhmer given in celebration of tbe opening of tbe railway '^'""'^• from Jumalpore to Benares. In tbe course of a speech ifi; I i ^1 ~ iff*' .r,,-" ^^W^^W^i^^^^^^^^^^^^^'zS^SfW^'^'VSlWI!!''^- i I > ■ i i §|'i ' li 1 ll 1 I . ' J; I ,, V mil i 3 11.11 1 1 It.' ' 1 1 • ' I ' !■ U. , j-,i.. ^■ii -'-f ■ 'i- I i 11 430 INDIA. Ch. XVI. which he made on that occasion, after referring to the fact that both his predecessors had taken part in similar celebrations, he said: — In looking over the published report of these proceedings a few days ago, my attention was arrested by an incident which brought forcibly home to my mind one painful circumstance in which my position here to-day contrasts sadly with that which Lord Canning then occupied. At a stage in the proceedings of the evening, corresponding to that at which we have now arrived, he departed from the routine prescribed by the pro- gramme, and invited the company to join him in drinking the health of his noble predecessor, the Marquis of Dalhousie, who had, as he justly observed, nursed the East Indian Rail- way in its infancy, and guided it through its first difficulties. It is not in my power to make any similar proposal to you now. A mysterious dispensation of Providence has removed from this world's stage, where they seemed still destined to I)lay so noble and useful a part, both the proposer of this toast, and its object. The names of both are written in brilliant characters on some of the most eventful pages of the historv of India, and both were removed at a time when ex- pectation as to the services Avhich they might still render to India was at its height. I shall not now dwell on the great national loss which we have all sustained in this dispensa- tion ; but, perhaps, I may be permitted to say that to me the loss is not only a public one, but a private and personal calamity likewise. Both of these distinguished men were my contemporaries, both, I believe I may without presumption say, my intimate friends. It is a singular coincidence that three successive Governors-General of India should have stood towards each other in this relationship of age and intimacy. One consequence is, that tlie burden of governing India has devolved upon us respectively at different periods of our lives. Lord Dalhousie Avhen named to the Government of India was, I believe, the youngest man who had ever been appointed to a situation of such high responsibility and trust ; Lord Canning was in the prime of life ; and I, if I am not already on the decline, am at least nearer to the verge of it than either of my contemporaries who have preceded me. Indeed, when I M'as leaving England for India, Lord Ellenborough, 18G3. INDIAN RAILWAYS. 431 •inf^ to the t in similar who 13 now, alas ! the only surviving ex-Governor-General of India, said to me, * You are not a very old man, but depend ' upon it, you will find yourself by far the oldest man in ' India.' Passing from these personal topics, after noticing the good fortune wliichhacl placed the formation of the rail- way system of India in the hands of a man who had in a special manner made that subject his own, he pro- ceeded to speak of the future of Indian Railways, insisting especially on a point about which he felt very strongly, the necessity of their ceasing to depend on a Government guarantee, and adding some practical hints for their development and extension : But, Gentlemen, however interesting it may be to refer to Future of the past and to dwell upon the present, the most important ^"'j"^".^ questions which we have to answer relate to the future, and the most important of all in my opinion is this — to what agency are we henceforward to look if we would desire to extend as widely as possible, to all p; s of India, the benefit of this potent instrument of modern civilisation ? I have no hesitation in affirming at once, in answer to this question, that we must not look to an indefinite extension of a system of Government guarantees for the accomplishment of this object. In the first place, it would be wholly unjustifiable for any one object, however important, to place such a strain upon our finances as this policy would involve. In the second l)lace, however justifiable and necessary a system of Govern- ment guarantees may be in certain circumstances, it is essen- tially an expensive one, bcause by securing to shareholders a minimum rate of interest on their capital it weakens in them the motives to economy, and because by dividing the respon- sibility for expenditure between Government and Hallway Officials, it diminishes in the latter the sense of responsibility. jNIoreover, the indefinite extension of a system of Govern- ment guarantees is . oily incompatible with the endeavour to bring private enterprise largely into j)lay for the execution v)f these works ; while there is an unlimited call for capital for works enjoying the protection of a Government guarantee, it is not to be expected that capital will be forthcoming to any ( m sit ''^JT' •-v ;''■ '^ \h U[ i^ 1 : i V ;i:'' • .Hi I .'' ^Hi 1 . n ,1. ; • ■■;■ ■! 1 I:' i ( |i i ■ » 1 i T ' i : i 1 ill III 1 ! ' ! i , 111 ¥. i '"l - •^ i|i , ll : |.')t| s ;J \^fU '1 1 -l» ■ t i ■; c, 1 ■ ;i M/\ 1 I li l?J \ ijiu ' I 432 INDIA. Ch. XVI. extent for similJir works which have not that protection. For the accomplishment, therefore, of the great object to which I am referring, we must henceforward, I apprehend, look to private enterprise ; not perhaps to private enterprise wholly- unaided by the Slate, but at any rate, to private enterprise not protected by Government guarantee. But if so, what are the conditions which Avill entitle railway enterprises of this class to the countenance and encouragement of the Govern- ment? I lay it down as a fundamental principle, that we ought to look to the eventual establishment of one uniform railway gauge for the whole of India. The experience of England is conclusive as to the inconvenience of a double or conflicting railway gauge. After the expenditure of an untold amotmt of money in Parliamentary conflicts, the broad gauge of England has been compelled to take the narrow gauge on its back, and the whole capital expended upon the former may be said to have been thi'own away. But what does this resolu- tion in favour of an unifoi'm gauge imply ? It will, I think, be admitted that the main object of an uniform railway gauge Is to enable the several raihvay lines to exchange their plant in order to avoid transhipment of freight. But if the plant of the subsidiary line is to be transported along the main lines, it must be sufiiciently well finished to be fitted to travel In safety at high speed ; and If the plant of the main lines is to travel along the subsidiary lines, the latter must have rails suflSciently heavy, and works of construction sufficiently substantial, to support it. Moreover, where streams or rivers are encoun- tered they must be bridged. In short, the subsidiary lines must be built In a manner which would make them nearly as expensive as the main lines ; in other words, raihvays must not be Introduced into any part of India where we cannot afford to spend from 10,000/. to 15,000/. a mile upon them. I am not prepared to accept this conclusion. I have been a good deal in America, and I know that our practical cousins there do not refuse to avail themselves of advantages within their reach, by grasping at those which are beyond it. In 1854, I travelled by rallwfiy from New York to Washington. We had several ferries to cross on the way, but we found that the railway with the ferries was much better than no Railway at all. In short, in America where they cannot get a pucka railway, they take a kutcha one instead. This, I thiuk^ is Cn. XVI. 18G3. CAWNPORE. 433 ection. For to which I md, look to prise wholly te enterprise so, what are fises of this the Govern- )le, that we one uniform xperience of a double or of an untold broad gauge ow gauge on 5 former may s this resolu- will, I think, lilway gauge their plant in the plant of main lines, it a,vel in safety 3 is to travel Is sufficiently ubstantial, to are encoun- jsidiaiy lines em nearly as ailways must ■e we cannot pon them. I e been a good cousins there 8 within their In 1854, I lington. We )und that the lo Railway at get a pucka ), I think, is what we must do in India. There are many districts where railways costing 3,000/. or 4,000Z. a mile might be introduced with advantage, although they would not justify an expendi- ture of from 10,000/. to 15,000/. a mile. We have only to be careful that kutcha lines are not mistaken for pucka ones — that they are not allowed to set up a rival system as against the main lines, or to occupy ground which should be appro- priated by the latter. As the railway from Benares to Allahabad was not Carriage j'^et complete, Lord Elgin and his suite performed this AUaSbad. part of the journey by carriage dak. They travelled by night; 'each individual of the party occupying his ' own separate carriage, and being conveyed along at a ' hand gallop by a succession of single ponies, relayed ' at stages of four to five miles in length/ In the letter which describes this, he adds the characteristic re- mark: These ponies do not lead very happy lives, and, here as elsewhere, a diminution in the sufferings of the brute creation will be one of the blessings attending the introduction of a railway system. At Allahabad he inspected, among other things, the works which were in progress for making a railway bridge across the Jumna. This is (he wrote) in some respects the most interesting of that class of engineering operations which has been already mentioned: because whereas in other cases clay has been found beneath the sand, and the foundation wells have been sunk into it, no bottom has been discovered to the sand which constitutes the bed of the Jumna ; and the wells in question are required to stand firm in this most unstable of all founda- tions. From Allahabad Lord Elgin proceeded by railway to Cawnpore. Cawnpore ; where, on the 11th of February, he took part in the impressive ceremony of the consecration of the Well, and other spots in its vicinity, containing the -v 434 INDIA. Cir. XVI. ^'A \ ' i' • J I li roiriains of tlie victims of tbc dreadful massacres wliicli occurred at that place in 1857.^ He had intended from this point to visit Lucknow : but finding that time would allow of his doing this only in a very hasty manner, which he thought objec- tionable, he invited some of the priTicii)al Talookdars to come over to see him ; which they accordingly did, under the guidance of Mr. Wingtield, the Chief Com- missioner of Oude. Agra. From Cawnpore Lord l^lgin journeyed, again by rail, to Agra, the ' key of Hindostan.' The foUowhig de- scription of his arrival there is borrowed from his ])rivate secretary, Mr. Thurlow :'^ — ' Arrived at the railway station, Lord Elgin met with a ' reception worthy of the Ejist. The roaJ, thickly lined with * native troops, crossed the Jumna by a bridge of boats, and ' wound along the river's bank beneath those lofty sandstone * walls ; then, mounting a steep hill and leaving the main entry * into Agra Fort upon the right, the Taj remaining to the left, * it led, through miles of garden ground, thickly studded with * suburban villas, to the Viceroy's camp, that occupied the ' centre of an extensive plain, where tents were pitched for the ' One of the Indian journals of the day described the ctnemony na follows : — ' On Wednesday niter- ' noon, the few Europeans in the * station collected at five o'clock in ' the Memorial Garden and Mouu- ' nient. None, who had seen the ' spot after the subsidence of the * Mutiny could recognise in the well- ' planned and ■well-liopt pardun, with * its two graveyards, and the beautiful ' central Monument on its grassy ' mound, the site of the horrid ' slaughter-house which then stood in * blood-stained ruin about the well, * choked with the victims of the foulest ' treachery the world has ever seen. * . . . The ceremonial was as simple * as it well could be, and few cere- ' monies could be more impressive. * . . . The Viceroy advanced to the ' top of the steps of the Memorial, * and, through the Commissioners, * formally requested the Bishop to ' consecrate that spot, and the ad- * jacent burial-places. The Bishop, ' taking his place, then headed a * processio)! cf the clergy and the * people present, and proceeded round ' the two burial-places and the in- ' terior of the Memorial itself, with ' music playing and soldiers chanting « the 4'.)th' 1 Ifith, 180th, and 2;Jrd * Psalms. After this, his chaplain * read the form of consecration, which * was signed by the Bishop ; and, ' the 90th Psalm having been sung, * he shortly addressed those present ' in most feeling, manly, and imprcs- * sive terms befitting tlie occasion ; ' and the ceremonial concluded with * prayers road by the chaplain of the ' station, closing with the benediction ' by the Bishop.' The Bishop was the lamented George Cotton. See his Life, p. L>8G. '^ The Company and the Crown. Bv the Hon. T. j". IIovell-Thurlow. 1803. DTTEBAR AT AGRA. 435 ' accommodation of the Government of India, and an escort of ' ten thousand men. Beyond these were ranked, according to ' priority of arrival, the far-spreading noisy camps of those ' rajas the number of whose followers was within some bounds ; * and beyond them again stretched miles and miles of tents ' containing thousands upon thousands of ill-conditioned-look- * ing men from Central India, and the wildest part of Raj- ' pootana, the followers of such maharajas as Jeypoor, who * marched to meet the Viceroy with an ai'ray of thirty thousand * strong, found in horse and foot and guns, ready for the field.' The six days spent at Agra Lord Elgin was ' dis- ' })osed to rank among the most interesting of his life.' Perhaps (he wrote) months of the monotony of a Calcutta existence may render the mind more sensitive to novelty and beauty ; at any rate, the impressions experienced on visiting Agra at this time have been singularly vivid and keen. The surpassing beauty of the buildings, among which the Taj stands pre-eminent ; the vast concourse of chiefs and retainers, combining so many of the attributes of feudal and chivalrous times with the picturesqueness in attire and gorgeousness in colouring, which only the East can supply ; produced an effect of fairyland, of which it was difficult to divest oneself in order to come down to the sterner realities of the present. These realities consisted mainly in receiving the chiefs at jn'ivate and public Durbai's, exchanging presents and civilities with them, and returning their visits. The great Durbar was attended by a larger number of chiefs than ever before assembled on a similar occasion.' The Grand Durbar, or ' Royal Court,' was held on Grand the morning of the 17th of February : a grander gather- ing, it was said, than even the great one held by Lord Canning in 1859. The scene was one of remarkable splendour — a splendour alien to the simple and un- ostentatious tastes an.d habits of the chief actor in it, but which he knew how to use with effect when taking his place as Suzerain in an Assembly of Princes. To aid us in conceiving it, we must have recourse to the picture sketched at the time in one of the Indian Newspapers. r F 2 III (r- ■ t ilS 430 INDL\.. Cn. XVI. :! ! h ■ i^i m. * It is difficult to describe — without seeing it it is impossible * to conceive, — a scene like that presented at a grand Durbar of * this kind. One may imagine any amount of display of jewels, * gold and glitter, gorgeous dresses, splendid uniforms, and ' handsome faces. You may see far more beautiful sights in * the shape of nourt grandeur at our European palaces, at ' Versailles and St. James's ; but nothing that will give you * an idea of an Indian Durbar. The exhibition of costly jewels, * the display of wealth in priceless ornaments and splendid * dresses, the strange mixture of wealth and poverty, the * means of accomplishing magnificence and splendour enjoyed * to such profusion, yet rendered almost void to this end from ' want of taste I *' Barbaric wealth," indeed, you behold ; * barbaric from its extent and profusion, and barbaric in the * hideous use made of it. The host of chiefs, who sat on the ' right side of the huge Durbar tent, close packed in a semi- * circle, and who rose as one man when the band outside began ' " God save the Queen," and the artillery thundered forth the * royal salute, were a blaze of jewels. From underneath head- * dresses of every conceivable form and structure — the golden * crown studded with rubies and emeralds, the queer butterfly- * spreading Mahratta cap, the close-fitting Rajpoot turban, * the common pagi'ee of the Mohammedan Chief, ordinarj' in * shape but made of the richest material — from under each and * all there are peering dark faces, and bright glancing eyes, ' eager to catch the first view of the jjreat Lord Paramount * of Hindostaii. What a multitude of different expressions * one notices while scanning that strange group of princes of * royal descent, whose ancestors held the very thrones they now ' hold far back beyond the range of history. The scheming * politician, the low debauchee, the debased sensualist, the * chivalrous soLlier, the daring ambitious descendant of a line * of royal robbers, the crafty intriguer, the religious enthusiast, * the fanatic and the sceptic side by side, you can trace in each * swarthy face the character written on its features by the * working of the brain within.' ' In the midst of such a scene, seated on a massive « gold throne, with crimson velvet cushion, two lions of ' the same precious metal forming the arms ; the whole ' standing on a square platform raised about ten inches 18G3. ADDRESS. 487 t ten inches ' from the ground, covered with a carpet of gold,' Lord Elgin addressed his princely audience ; his voice ' clear ' and distinct, so that he could be heard easily at the ' further corner of the tent ; every word seeming to be ' weighed and uttered as if he meant what he said: ' Princes and Chiefs.— In inviting you to meet me here, it Vice- was my wish in the first place to become acquainted with you ^^e*' personally, and also to convey to you, in obedience to the gi'acious command which I received from Her Majesty the Queen, upon my departure from England, the assurance of the deep interest which Her Majesty takes in the welfare of the Chiefs of India. I have now to thank you for the alacrity with which, in compliance with my request, you have, many of you from considerable distances, assembled at this place. Having received, during the course of the last few days, many of the principal personages among you in private Durbar, where I have had the opportunity of communicating my views on matters of interest and importance, I need not detain you on this occasion by many words. Before taking leave of you, however, I desire to address to you collectively a few general remarks upon the present state of affairs in India, and upon the duties which that state of affairs imposes upon us all. Peace, I need hardly remind you of the fact, now happily prevails throughout the whole 3xtent of this vast empire ; domestic treason has been crushed ; and foreign enemies have been taught to respect the power of the arms of England. The British Government is desirous to take advantage of this favourable opportunity, not to extend the bounds of its dominions, but to develope the resources and draw forth the natural wealth of India, and thus to pi'omote the well-being and happiness both of rulers and of the people. With this view many measures of improvement and progress have already been introduced, and among them, I may name, as most conspicuous, the railway and electric telegraph, those great discoveries of this age which have so largely increased the wealth and power of the mightiest nations of the West. By diffusing education among your vassals and dependents, establishing schools, promoting the construction of good roads, and suppressing, with the whole weight of your authority and I h %WV^- ', . '' ' 1 1 1 1 1 I Ii ' . i ■ ! 1 ' ■ ', . !i|. M ', I! ' \ I ! 4 ' 1* i 1^: -I:- I '■'V 1 > ; ■ i I ii^4ii leaving Lower Bengal, even the luxuriant tropical vegetation which distinguishes that part of India disappears, — and the rest of the journey is performed through a country perfectly flat, and apparently barren ; for notwithstanding occasional groups of trees, and good crops here and there, the wide- spreading dusty plains give but faint indications of the fertility Avhich cultivation and irrigation can no doubt evolve from them. Even when the mountains are approached, and the ascent commences, the same character of barrenness attaches to the scene, for their sides arc almost bare of trees, and there is little to relieve them, except the patches of vegetatiim which lie snugly in the valleys, or creep in terraces up the slopes. No doubt the greater luxuriance in foliage and vegetation which adorns Simla is in some measure due to the presence of the European visitors who prevent the trees from being cut, and protect in other ways the amenity of the plac But the climate and soil have also, it may be presumed, a good deal to do with it. For the trees at Simla are not only more abundant, but also different from those which are met with on the mountains nearer to the plains. This probably accounts for what otherwise seems strange, — namely, that Europeans, wishing to escape from the heat of the lowlands, should have fixed on a spot among the Hills so distant from the plains. It is not as inaccessible now as it was in former days, because a road has been made which is practicable for carts. But by this road the distance from the foot of the Hills to Simla is fifty-six miles, and the journey for most people occu[)ies three or four days ; whereas we ascended from the foot of the Hills to Kussowlie, which is at an elevation nearly as great as that of Simla, in a little more than two hours. It used to be supposed that mountains overhanging the lowlands were less healthy than those farther removed from them, but whether this be the case or not may be doubtful. However, whatever may have been the reasons for the original selection of Simla, it certainly has now greater attractions as a residence than any spot lying between it and the plains. In this pleasant retreat, with its ' dry climate, and ' temperature from G0° to 70° in t^ie shade,' he resumed with fresh vigour his ordinary official work; correspo7^.d- iiig c istantly with the Secretary of State, with the Cu. XVI. vegetation , — and the ry perfectly : occasional the wide- tho fertility jvolvc from d, and the ;ss attaches i, and there ation which slopes. vegetation presence of being cut, u'eaumed, a ire not only ch are met lis probably imely, that le lowlands, mt from the brmei days, e for carts, he Hills to lost people id from the ition nearly ) hours. It he lowlands n them, but However, al selection a residence mate, and e resumed )r respond - with the 1SG3. SUPPLY or LABOUR. 44; subordinate Governments, and with the mcmbcrH of his Council, gathering ever fresh stores of information, and forming ever clearer views of the problems that lay before him ; looking forward to the great meeting to be held next spring at Lahore, not only as an important experiment, bnt also as in a manner the real commence- ment of his reign. Some extracts from his letters of this period are subjoined. To Sir Charles Trevelyan. Camp, Jeyt : February 23, 18G3. No doubt there is a deficiency of labour in some parts of Supply of India, and an excess in others. Moreover, there are moral *'*"<^"'- and physical obstacles which put difficulties in the way of the transfer of labour from places where it is redundant to those where it is wanting. But to affirm generally of a country where labour-saving machines are, in consequence of the cheapness of labour, as little used as in India, that there is a ' want of labour,' seems to me to be a paradox. I will give an example : — If, in America, the climate made it necessary that every private white soldier should have a punkah [)vlled over him day and night, do you think that no agency but that of the human hand, in its rudest and most direct application, would be employed in this task? And why is it otherwise in India ? Because labour is so cheap that necessitv, the mother of invention, doee not stimulate the ingenuity of man here as it does there. Far from deprecating the introduction of capital, I should be delighted to hear that the amount to be spent in India this year was to be three times what it promises to be. I do not say to bo spent by Government, for to this there are objections, altogether irrespective of the question of the amount of labour available. The first effect of this enlarged expenditure would no doubt be to raise the wages of labour. This would be in itself a blessing, for vhich I should thank God. But its secOiid and more permanent effect would be to increase the number of the class of skilled labourers, which the patient, sober, and ingenious population of India is fitted to supply in so great abundance, if due encouragement be given ; ;.iil !i;i 440 INDIA. (H. XVI. . I ^m ^!; ' !h' If! ' ■ ;( 1 Ni 1 ■ ■ ' ' 1; ' ^ 1' (• I I I t. ^.i l#» yrnp^ H i 'S ' ;tl i!'' 1 ij' ir It^ginlution. niid furtlior, to drive capitalists to the substitution of inuclHiiory lor brute human labour to a greater extent than is the })racti(;e now. The I Itimatc result would, therefore, be to render the existing stoek of labour doubly productive ; the fruits of this increased j)roductiveness being divided in j)roporti()ns more or less equitable between the labourers and capitalists. I believe that the liailway ex])cnditure is already exercising a sensible influence of this salutary character. Bodies of navvies are becoming attached to the companies, who follow them from place to place, and render them comparatively independent of the local supply of labour ; and above all, by calling forth native talent in the form of skilled labour, they are imparting that kind of education which will, 1 believe, do more for the elevation of the masses than any other which wo can provide in India. To IL S. Maine, Esq. Camp, Hod 111: Fcbrunry 25, 180.'J. While I entirely concur in the opinion that the arms pro- handi rests, and rests heavily too, on the proposers of excep- tional or particular legislation, an assumption runs through 's letter to you which I .am by no means prepared to admit, lie assumes that in such matters as those with which we are now dealing, this particular hyislation must be in the exclusive interest of the landlord, and calculated to increase in his hand powers which may be abused, and the abuse of which is restrained by moral influences which operate less strongly where landlords and tenants are of diflbrcnt races than where they are homogeneous. lie cites, strangely enough, Ireland, where these moral influences, which are of thcuiselves gene- rally sufficient in England and Scotland, are supjjlemented by wholesale evictions on one side and murders on the other. IJut the law of landlord and tenant is, 1 believe, the same in Ireland as in England, and it is quite possib'j that a little particular legislation, which Avould have given either of the ]»arties the })rotection of positive law against injuries which can now be redressed only by a rude process of reprisals ((me outrage balancing another until the account is squared), might liavc proved ultimately a benefit even to the party against 18(53. MISSIOXA RY rj ATIIEUINT!. 17 which thi.s particuhir Icglshition Hccmcd to be, in (he first instance, directed. The planters say, we have a grievance attributable to special circumstances arising out of our relations with our ryots; unless you give us a special remedy to meet our special grievance, we fall back on our general j)owers as landlords. Are we ({uite sure that in refusing the special remedy, we are consulting the interest of the weaker party, viz. the ryot ? Of course, this is all general. There will remain the ques- tions : Is there a grievance at all ? Is it one which has any claim to a s[)ecial remedy ? I quite agree that the onus of answering these questions satisfactorily rests on the advocate of special legislation. To Sir Charles Wood. Roorkee : March 19, 1803. The religious question is, no doubt, a very diflficult one ; and Duty of I am glad that you approved of the course which I took with reference to the great missionary gathering at Lahore. I spoke to Sir II. M on the subject when I met him at Delhi. He seemed to think that it had done more harm than good to the missionary cause, as the presence of high officials was sure to raise suspicions in the minds of the natives. I told him that as regarded the acts of officials in such matters, my o])inion was this : — If an official says to me, ' I think that ' I may, with perfect propriety, in my character of official, do so ' and so, or take such or such a part in furtherance of an object * which I believe to be right,' I am quite ready to meet him on this ground, and to join issue with him if I differ from him on the particular point raised. But if he says to me, *I know * that it Avould be wrong in me to do this as an official, but I ' do it in my private character,' I can have no discussion with him ; because I deny that it is j)osaible to establish any such distinction in the East, and I am inclined to distrust either the honesty or the intelligence of the man who proposes to act upon it. officiiils in niiH» sionary mattora. I I I To Sir Charles Wood. Simla : Mnrch 19, 18(53. I am as desirous as you can be, perhaps even more desirous, Finanoinl to give ao excuse for the charge of cooking accounts, or making *"'■''' '^• 448 INDIA. cii. xvr. > ( if <■ I i i '!!^ mw Rent of tlovcrn- iniint. iliiiij^H look ii!(';isaiit(!r tlum thoy oufflit, l)0(!iiiiHO T am fjiiito conndtiiit, lliat if wc can ko(!|» llui \H'iu'.r. and hIiow an unini- |)(!a('.lial)Ic halancc-Hlioet, wo Hliall hoom liavo more (tapital Koiit to India than we know what to do with. I conid not help {jjiving, a few dayH a<^o, a hint conc^crniii'^ my (Canadian ex[)0- ricnce on thin point. When I wan appointed to Camuhi, tho first Canadian ofli(ual to wliom I waH introduced was tho Fimmce Minister, who was walkin;^ about th(! Htrcets of Loiidon with £'()(),()()() of (Jiinadian (J per<'.(!nt. (hdtentureH in hiH jiocket, whieli nobody would tak(!. In 1849, two y(!arH latar, tlie Montreal merehantH drew up an elaborate address reeom- nuindirifjf annexation to the United States, alle;^in<^ as one of their principal reasons that so lon{^ as they remained colonists, they could obtain no credit in England for public objects, and citinjr, in proof of this allcij^ation, the fact that in the United States several thousand miles (»f railway had been constructed, in Canada ordy thirty ndles. Within three years from the date of this address, we had 2,()()() miles of railway in Canada in course of construction, and our (iovermnent debentures (fi per cent.) were selling in Fiondon at 11!), hi<:^her than those of tho United States (jovcrmnent ; in fact, wo had more credit than wc could always emi)loy properly. Now, how was this change effected? Simply by showing a good balance-sheet, an improving country, and a contented peojde, and leaving capitalists to draw their own infureiuuis from these j)henom(!na. 1 do not despair of seeing a similar state of things in India; and it was with the view of giving an impulse in this dire(;ti()n that I stated j)ub- licly, at lienares the other day, that we must look for the further development of our railway syst(>m to htmd /idr j)rivatc enteri)ris(!, aided, perhaps, where circumstances refpjired it, by Governni(!nt, but not to the extension of (iov(!r!nnent guar- antees. Unguaranteed companies cannot get money while guarantcicd eom[»anies are competing with them as borrowers. Therefore, if we intend to encourage the former, wo must let capitalists know that a limit will be put on the operations of the latter. Ah to the scat of Government question, I am strongly of opinicm that the proper thing to do at [)resent is to give [)ractical effect to the provision in ihe Indian (councils Act, whi(di autho- rises the (jov(!rnor-Gencral to call his ('ouneil tog(!therin other j)arts of India besides Calcutta. This would give to the y. Cm. XVI. 1803. VALUE OF TRAINIXG AT lIKAD-QlJAinilKS. 449 T am ([iiilo >vv iiii utiiin- I capital Kciit lid not liolp iiadian exju;- Canada, the cd was the Q strcots of nturoH in liiw ycarH latar, drcsH reconi- ng as one of led colonists, objects, and 1 the United conHtructcd, roni the date I Canada in itiircB (0 per those of the 3 credit than < thiw change iin iinj)rovin{if L lists to draw ) not despair was with the [ stated j)ul)- look for the i ^(f<> private (juirc'l it, by nin(n)t not see my way towards reconnnending the entire abandonment of Calcutta. It is an imjxji'larit [tlacc, and has certain traditional claims which it is not (piiti! easy to set aside. MorCv/Vcr, although the Calcutta conuniinity may have its faults and wayward tciudencies, it is an influential elemeJit in our body corporate Jind politic, and a (jiovernment wliich knows its duty may effect a great deal of good, and derive no little })eneflt, by coming into contact with it. For the present, there- fore, I think that Calcutta should continue to be the head- quarters of (iovernment; l)ut that we should meet from time to time at other places for Legislative [jurposes, so as to qualify (Calcutta local assoi^iations with other local associations. This plan will be attended of course with some trouble and expense. I intend to make some inquiries to ascertain what the latter is likely to be. I do not sec why we should not legislate in camp, if there be difficulty in providing house accommodation I should like, if possible, to hit upon a plan which would give us a sufficient range in choosing and varying our places of meeting. More on all this hereafter. To Sir Charles Wood. Hoorkeo : March 19, 1803. T confess I think it very imjiortant that the heads of the Vuluoof lo(!al (iovernnuints should have had some training at head- \l^!^!^^{. ^ ([uarters. It is much easi(!r for an inttjlligent ofhccr who ha.s fiunrtorH. been so trained, to supply a lack of local knowledge, than for one who has l)een constantly employed in a particular j)rovince to gnisp in a sufficiently comprehensive spirit the general in- terests of the Em|)ire, and duly to ap[)reeiate the relative claims of its component parts. Already, among the high officers in the I'rovinees, there is a considerable disinclination to face the climate and labour of Calcutta. Situations in the Provinces, where the work is lighter, where the summers can be spent on t)ie Hills, and where the holders are in a much greater degree monarchs of all they survey, are naturally preferred to tlie sweltering metropolis. This prclrnince would be strengthened if it were su^jposed that this provincial c ireer was the road to U U \% ii : ' 450 INDIA. Cn. XVI. 1 ;i <£ I iV 1 m 1 ■ . 1 y t r 1 i 1 » ■1 II I. ' II ifts tl ■'I M !'. f 'i -' 1 * i \ I I? i'ii Aristocra- cies. the Liei:tenant-GovernorsliIi). Moreovei*, it is to be remem- bered that the i)atronage exercised by these Lieutenant-Gov- ernors is very great indeed. It is important that it shouUl not fall too absolutely into the hands of the same local cliques. So much on the abstract question of general versus local experience. To Sir Charles Wood. Simla : May 6, 18G3. In a general way, I must say that I am inclined to give a preference, in disposing of these high offices, to persons who have served in the offices of the Suj)reme Government or iji the Governor-General's Legislative Council. I Avould not, of course, exclude men of proved and eminent qualities because they had been employed only in the Provinces or minor Presidencies ; but my impression is that the work is lighter, and that reputations are more easily won, in the service of the minor than in that of the Supreme Government. Moreover, I think it desirable that the best men should be attracted to the latter service ; and I observe a growing disinclination to abandon good opportunities under local governments for those which the Supreme Govennuent has to offer. A local Govern- ment, with plenty of hill stations, &c., has many attractions for persons who can contrive to be on good terms with the Lieutenant-Governor. I think that something is due to those who face the climate and the competition of Calcutta; not to mention the fact, that they have opportunities of becoming conversant with the general business of the country, beyond those which are enjoyed by persons whose service has been confined to any one locality. I think that the Legislative branch of the Governor-General's Council should be a channel through which officei's of the other Presidencies may be introduced into the Secretariat and Coun- cil at Calcutta. To Sir Charles Wood. Simla : May 21, 18G3. I have no objection prima facie to an aristocracy, and I am quite ready to admit that conflicting claims of proprietorship in the same lands are an evil ; but I also know that, even in our old Christian Europe, there are not many aristocracies that have had salt enough in them to prevent them from rof 'ng. 18G3. DISLIKE OF INTERMEDDLING. 451 vice has been in foreign politics. And when I consider what Oriental society is : wlien I reflect on the frightful corruption, both of mind and body, to which the inheritors of wealth and station are exposed — the general absence of motives to call forth good instincts, or of restraints to keep bad in clieek — I own that I do not feel quite sure that, even if we could sweep away all rights of sub-proprietox-s or tenants, and substitute for the complications incident to the present system an uniform land-tenure of great proprietors and tenants at will, we should be much nearer the millennium than we are now. . . . I am wholly opposed to that prurient intermeddling policy Against which finds so much favour with certain classes of Indian n"[,jjiin» officials. It is constantly thrusting us into equivocal situa- tions, in which our acts and our pi'ofessions of respect for the independence of other nations are in contradiction, and in which our proceedings lecome tainted with the double reproach of inconsistency and selfishness. Nothing, in my opinion, can be more fatal to our prestige and legitimate influence. My modest ambition for England is, that she should in this Eastern 'v "\ establish the reputation of being all-just and all-powenu to achieve this object, we must cease to {ittemj)t to play a great part in small intrigues, or to dictate in cases where we have not positive interests which we can avow, or convictions sufficiently distinct to enable us to speak plainly. We must interfere oidy where we can put forward an unimpeachable plea of right or duty ; and wdien we announce a resolution, our neighbours must understand that it is the decrt e of fate. To Sir Charles Trevchjan. Simla: June 17,1803. On the first occasion of transferring the Council from Cal- Coiuic:i , , , , • 1 11 to meet at cutta to another place, we ought to select some considerable Lahore. town — the capital of a Province or local CTOvernment, if pos- sible. What we wish to do is to give effect to the scheme embodied in the ninth clause of the Councils Act, and we should do so in such a manner as to carry public opinion with us. If the plan answers, we may exercise a greater liberty of choice on future occasions. I adhere to the opinion Avhich 1 first expressed, that, on the whole, Lahore is the place whicli unites the greatest number u 2 ; f ,1- ii I ! -3- / Ifili I > [ \ ■l V ■ 1 ' 1 ) i i r. 1 i 1 i t Ritana fauutics. 452 INDIA. Cii. XVI. of atlvantagca. It is the capital of a province winch is loyal, which is under the Government of India, and which, more- over, has a good many special characteristics of its own, with which it may he well that the Supreme Legislature should acquaint themselves on the spot. Against these recommenda- tions is to be set the greater distance from Calcutta, which does not affect communication by telegraph, and, for more bulky communications, as compared with Delhi, is only a question of a few hours. I have no wish to legislate at a purely military station: my object is to select a place of meeting where we may obtain some k"^ dedge of local and native feeling, which does not reach Calcutta. To Sir Charles Wood. Simla : August 30, 18G3. After reaching this place, I soon came to the conclusion that the reasons for meeting at Lahore were much more forcible than those which could be advanced in favour of any other j)lace ; and circumstances which have occurred since then have tended strongly to confirm me in this opinion. Inde- pendently of the prestige which attaches to the province of which it is the capital, and to the Sikh population which inhabit it, the state of affairs in Affghanistan, and on our frontier, would render a demonstration which would at once afford evidence of our military strength and gratify the pride and self-im[)ortance of the Sikh chiefs, at this moment espe- cially opportune. I have arranged with the Commander-in-chief to hold his camp of exercise there; the Lieutenant-Governor is to have a great Agricultural Exhibition, which I am to open ; aid if we can establish ourselves for a couple of months there in our legislative capacity while all this is going on, I think that it will have an excellent effect both on our own people and on our neighbours. Late in the month of September, durinfij the last days of Lord Elgin's stay at Simla, occurred the only break in the otherwise peaceful tenor of his govern- ment, in the shape of an outburst of certain Wahabee fanatics inhabiting a frontier district in the Upper A^alley : '\ . \ ^■^ ;l 1803. THE SITANA FANATICS. 453 of the Indus. The outburst is not without historical interest, as connected with simihir disturbances which have assumed more serious proportions ; but it is noticed here cliiefiy as illustrating the view which Lord Elgin took of the policy and duty of the British Government in such cases. It was not without tlie greatest reluctance that he was induced to take up the quarrel .at all : for lie had the strongest aversion for warlike operations in the existing state of India, and particularly on the frontiers of AfFghanistan ; and he had no small distrust of those military tendencies and that thirst for opportunities of distinction which are apt to characterise the ablest Governors of frontier provinces But he had prevented a Sitana expedition in the previous year ; lie was assured that the recent inroads of the fanatics were the direct consequence of his last year's supineness ; and he was told that if he again held back, the disturbances would be renewed another year with usury. Moreover, he was assured that the projected expedition would secure the peace of the frontier for a long period ; and that the operation would be little more than a military promenade, and would be over before his camp reached Peshawur. It was scarcely possible for a civil Governor to resist such a pressure of professional opinion ; and he consented to take measures of repression. Writing to Sir Charles Wood on the subject, he said : — The overt acts charged consist in the return of the fanatics to Sitana, whence they were driven out by us some yearr, ago ; and the frontier tribes in question are held to be guilty because they have allowed them to return to this place, although bound by treaty with us to refuse to admit them. ... On a review of all the circumstances, and looking to the well-known character and designs of the Sitana fanatics, I came to the conclusion that the interests both of prudence and humanity % •Bt-, \lt/0^ ^ J r-i i f ' !, filli '( r\l' u :i in "l ! 'A\ lii M '1' y I ^^. iii 454 INDIA. Cu. XVI. would be best consulted by levelling a speedy aud decisive blow at this embryo conspiracy. Accordingly it was arriuiged that tlic I'lmjal) Govern- ment Kliould at once take the necessary measures for ex})elling the fanatics ironi Judoon, where they had con<^regated, and then, if circumstances permitted, pro- ceed to destroy their place of refu «^ ^t 4^ 4^ S t 1 II.: . i l' '! ^ RotUDg Puua. Twig ]iridg«. 456 INDIA. Ch. XVI. Kuloo, at an elevation of about 4,000 feet above the sea. But a few days ago we (the men of the party) scaled the Rotung Pass, which divides Kuloo from Lahoul, and attained in so doing a height of 13,000 feet, with a temperature low in pro- portion. This pass is on the road from these provinces to Ladak and China, and I visited, on the other side of it, a new bridge over the Chandra, which will be a great convenience to traders. Hitherto, if the traders used mules or other animals of this magnitude, they could cross the river with them only by making them swim; or, if sheep were their beasts of burden, by driving them over a twig bridge, through the meshes of which many fell into the river. I crossed the twig bridge myself ; and I found it about the most difficult job I ever attempted. The new bridge Avill be completed in a few weeks. This road, ho»vever, useful though it will doubtless be when improved, leads through Ladak, and the merchandise transported along it becomes subject to the exactions of the ruler of Cashmere. The desideratum would be a road which would be clear of his territory altogether. The people in these regions seem good-humoured and merry -hearted, producing for themselves all that they want ; growing their own food, making their own clothes ; not much given to exchanges, and extremely averse to labour. I asked a man.igcr of a tea plantation the other day how he was off for labour. He said that he contrived to induce labourers to come to his plantation for a few days at a time, chiefly for the purpose of earning money enough to pay the Government assessment of their land; but his opinion was that, if there were no assessment, no labour would be procurable. We have not yet come across much tea. The plantations we have seen are on a very small scale, and in a nascent condition ; but they are promising. There seems no reason to doubt that the climate and a certain portion at least of the soil in this district are suited to the growth of tea. The climate, too, does very well for the European constitution, though it is hardly as healthy as I expected to find it. Both natives and Europeans are subject to fever at certain seasons, especially in the valleys ; but I have no doubt that the latter may do >vell as employers of labour. This place (Sultanpore) is only about 4,000 feet above the level of the sea, and I have little doubt that, were the state of cultivation and trade to justify the outlay, a cart Cn. XVI. 1863. ILLNESS. 457 he sea. But the Rotung tainecl in so 3 low in pro- provinces to of it, a new nvenienee to ther animals hem only by f burden, by les of wlilch myself; and npted. The This road, n improved, rted along it f Cashmere. be clear of noured and they want; 3 ; not much ur. I asked le was off for labourers to liefly for the Government liat, if there e. We have 'e have seen on ; but they ibt that the I this district o, does very is hardly as d Europeans 1 the valleys ; IS employers It 4,000 feet it that, were )utlay, a cart road might be made to it without great difficulty from the plain. This would greatly dcvelope both ita natural resources and its capabilities as a commercial route. The state of the forests which we have encountered during our route has also engaged my attention. It is sad to see how they huve been neglected, and how much waste of valuable timber has ensued. The natives have a practice of girdling fine trees, at a few feet from the root, in order to strip off as much of the bark as they can conveniently reach. It is rather a difficult practice to check ; but, if we can manage to draw a line between the woods in which the villagers have rights and the public forests, we may impose heavy penalties on the perpetrators of such offences. . . . The deodar forests cease at the Rotung Pass. There are no forests of any value in Lahoul and Spitti — scarcely indeed any wood at all. We are now proceeding towards the Kangra Valley, where we expect to find tea plantations in a more advanced con* dition. In this letter, and others of the same date, there is niness. no hint of suffering or of ill-health ; but when they were written he had already received the stroke which was to lay him in the grave. Before the departure of the next mail symptoms had appeared of serious disease of the heart, probably long lurking in his con- stitution, and now brought out into fatal activity by f itigue and the keen mountain air; and on the 4th of November, having with difficulty reached Dhurmsala, a station in the Kangra Valley,^ he wrote to Sir Charles Wood in an altered tone, yet still hopeful and cheerful ; and intent to the last in India, as at the first in Jamaica, and afterwards in Canada and China, on mitigating so far as lay in his power the evils which man brings on man. You will not expect (he wrote, in this his last letter) to hear Lwt letter, much from me by this mail when you hear how I am situated. The Hill expedition, of which I gave you some of the details in my last, had an unexpected effect upon me ; knocking me * One of the nide valleys which run up northwards from the main valley of the Beas. )s fljr^ ■--.i-a fl If 1 1 l< II ' ■ m mn. I! *S I* h-1 ! 1^1 5 i^l ^)i i » t I' ■ it*'- <■ 458 INDIA. Cu. XVI. down prostrnte to begin with, with some symptoms of an anxious character behind, which require looking into. The nature and extent of the mischief are not sufficiently ascer- tained yet to enable me to say positively whether my power of doing my duty is likely to be in any degree impaired by what has happened. But Lady Elgin has brought up from Calcutta the medical man who attended me there, and he arrived this morning ; so that a consultation will take place without delay. Meanwhile I have got over the immediate effects sufficiently to enable me to do such business as comes before me now. No change has taken place in our plans. We move rather more slowly, and I have given up the idea of going to Peshawur ; but this is rather occasioned by the desire to confer with the Punjab Government, while these affairs on tlic frontier are in progress, than by my mishap. I think that the expedition (against the Sitana fanatics) will be a success ; and I labour incessantly to urge the necessity of conBning its objects to the first intentions. Plausible reasons for enlarging the scope of such adventures are never wanting; but I shall endeavour to keep this within its limits. Lady Elgin is bearing up courageously, under a great pressure of labour and anxiety. The sad story of what follows cannot be told in other words than those in which it has already been given to the world, with all the skill of an artist combined with the tenderness of a brother, and with that fiilncss of authentic detail which only one source could suppl}'.' * Although he had suffered often from the unhealthy * and (lepressir.g climate of Calcutta during the summer ' and autumn of 18()2, and thus, to the eyes that saw ' him again in 1863, he looked many years older than ' when he left ICngland, yet it was not till he entered * the Hills that any symptom manifested itself of the ' fatal malady that was lurking under his apparencly * stout frame and strong constitution. The Kplendid * scenery of those vast forests and snow-clad mountains ' For permission to iiso this nar- a Binall part of tho obligations to rative iho Etlitor Iihs to tlinnk not him coniiectcd with tiiis work), but only it« author, Arthur Stanh'v, also tho pniprietors of the North iJeau of Wttsluiiustvr (and it is but Uriluh Jiituic,iu whicJi it appeared. 1803. ILLNESS. 459 ild in other inspired him with the liveliest pleasure ; but the highly rarefied atmosphere, which to most residents in India is as life from the dead, seemed in iiim to have the exactly reverse effect. ' It was on the 12th of October that he ascended the Rotun^ Pass, and on the 13th he crossed the famous Twig Bridge over the river Chandra. It is remark- able for the rude texture of birch brnnclies of which it is composed, and which, at this late season, was so rent and shattered by the wear and tear of the past year as to render the passage of it a matter of great exertion. Lord Elgin Avas completely prostrated by tlie effort, and it may be said that from the exhaustion consequent on this adventure he never rallied. But he returned to his camp, and continued his march on horseback, until, on the 22nd, an alarming attack obliged him to be carried, by slow stages, to Dhurm- sala. There he was joined, on the 4th of November, by his friend and medical adviser. Dr. Macrae, who had been summoned from Calcutta, on the first alarm- ing indications of his illness. By this time the disorder )",ad declared itself in such a form as to cause the most serious apprehensions to others, as well as to himself the most distressing sufferings. There had hven a momentary rally, during which the fact of his illness had been communicated to England. But this [)assed away ; and on the Gth of November Dr. Macrae came to the conclusion that the illness was mortal. This intelligence, which he communicated at once to Lord Elgin, was received with a cahnness and forti- tude which never deserted him through all the scenes which followed, it was impossible not to be struck by the courage and presence of mind with which, in tlie presence of a death unusually terrible, and accom- panied by circumstances miusually trying, he showed, in equal degrees and with the most unvarying con- stancy, two of the grandest elements of human cha- 1 mi mmi mmmm 'ii i £1 14 I f! 460 INDIA. Cii. XVI. racter — unselfisl) resignation of himsalf to the will of God, and thoughtful consideration, down to the smallest particulars, for the interests and feelings of others, both public and private. * When once he had satisfied himself, by minute inquiries from Dr. Macrae, of the true state of the case, after one deep, earnest, heartfelt regret that he should thus suddenly be parted from those nearest and dearest, to whom his life was of such inestimable importance, and that he should be removed just as he had prepared himself to benefit the people committed to his charge, he steadily set his face heavenward. He was startled, he was awed ; he felt it " hard, hard, to " believe that his life was condemned ;" but there was no looking backward. Of the ofilcers of his staflf he took an affectionate leave on that day. " It is well," he said to one of them, "that I should die in harness." And thenceforth he saw no one habitually, except Dr. Macrae, who combined with his medical skill the tenderness and devotion at once of a friend and of a pastor; his attached secretary, Mr. Thurlow, who had rendered him the most faithful services, not only through the period of his Indian Vice-royalty, but during his last mission to China; and Her who had shared his every thought, and whose courageous spirit now rose above the weakness of the fragile frame, equal to the greatness of the calamity, and worthy of him to whom, by night and day, she constantly ministered. '' On the following day, the clergyman whom he had ordered to be summoned, and for whose arrival he waited with much anxiety, reached Dhurmsala, and administered the Holy Communion to himself and those with him. " We are now entering on a New '* Communion," he had said that morning, " the Living " and the Dead," and his spirit then appeared to master pain and weakness, and to sustain him in a holy calm liiiiS. ILLNESS. 4G1 (luring the ceremony, and for a few hours afterwards. " It is a comfort/' he whispered, " to have laid aside " all the cares of this world, and put myself in the hands "of God;" ami he was able to listen at inten'als to favourite passages from the New Testament. That evening closed in with an aggravation of suffering. It was the evening of the seventeenth anniversary of his wedding-day. * On the following morning. Lady Elgin, with his approval, rode up to the cemetery at Dhurmsala to select a spot for his grave ; and he gently expressed pleasure when told of the quiet and beautiful as[)cct of the spot chosen, with the glorious view of the snowy range towering above, and the wide prospect of hill and i)lain below. * The davs and ni;]jhts of the fortnifjht which followed were a painful alternation of severe suffering and rare intervals of comparative tranquillity. They were soothed by the never-failing devotion of those that were alwavs at hand to read to him or to receive his remarks. He often asked to hear chosen chap- ters from the Book of Isaiah (as the 40th and 55th), sometimes murmuring over to himself any striking verses that they contained, and at other times reiK?ating by heart favourite Psalms. At times he delighted to hear his little girl, who had been the constant companion of his travels, repeat some of Keble's hymns, especially those on the festivals of St. John the Evangelist and of the Holy Innocents. *■ Until his strength failed him, he was carried at times into the verandah, and showed by words and looks his constant admiration at the grand evidences of God's power and goovlness in the magnificence of the scenery before him; and on one such occasion was delighted with the sublime description of the wonders of nature in the 38th and SUth chapters of the Book of Job. *■ At times he was able to enter into conversation and ■ m r I ■■ hi' t . i I ' H '• I n fi' ill . * '' ^ LI^ iii L'J-; ■i^Jy •H - ■■ --: '■■ fifl t 1,. ■■ ]. i >! ^ ,' i' 1 1 fi i ■ i 1 Q Jim H ^g| ill 462 INDIA. Cn. XVI. argument on serious subjects. When, under the pres- sure of his sufferings, he was one niglit entreating to be released — " O that God wouhl in mercy come and " take me " — Dr. Macrae reminded him of the dread of pain and death wliich seems to be expressed in the account of the Agony of Ciethsemane, and he appeared to find mucli comfort in the thought, repeat- i!ig once or twice that he had not seen it in this hght before, and several times saying with fervour, " Not " my will, but Tliine be done." At other times, he could even be led, by way of steadying his wandering thoughts amidst the distraction of restlessness, to fix them on his schth more than proportionate. After his death, one who had known him long and intimately, on being asked what he considered to be the most distinguishing characteristic of his deceased friend, answered at once, ' Disinterestedness : he seemed utterly * incapable of regarding any subject except with a view * to the interests of his country. And next to that,' he added, * aflbctionateness ; I never can forget the grief * he showed at the death of his first wife ; I thought he * never would have held up his head again.' How this tenderness deepened and mellowed in the husband and father of later years, some slight indications may be found in the letters that precede. Disinterested devotion to public duty ; tender and affectionate sympathies; a passionate love of justice, showing itself especially in a religious regard for the rights of the weak ; all resting on the foundation of a firm and loving trust in God ; these, far more than his ability or his eloquence, are the qualities that made him what he was : the qualities, by the exercise and imita- tion of which, those who seek to do him honour may best perpetuate his memory. There is one spot from which that memory is not likely soon to pass away : the spot towards which, in his most distant wanderings, his thoughts turned with even more than the ordinary longing of a Scotsman for the place of his birth, and always with the fond hope that he might be permitted — life's long vexation past, There to return, and die at homo at last. ' Wherever else he was honoured ' (to borrow again from the author already quoted), *and however few * were his visits to his native land, yet Scotland at least * always delighted to claim him as her own. Always H H "-rr i I , .1; . !! ! ' ■/ 1. ! f Sf mi 1 > ii m 1 m i 1 ^ L 46G INT>TA. Cn. XVI his countrymen were proud to feel thnt he worthily bore the unnic ino.st dear to Scottish hearts. Always his unvarying integrity shone to them with the steady light of an unclitinging beacon above the stormy discords of the Scottish church and nation. When- ever he returned to his home in Fifeshire, he was wel- comed by all, high and low, as their frit^nd and chief. Here at any rate were fully known the industry with which he devoted himself t< the small details of local, often trying and troublesomv ousiness ; the affectionate confidence witli which he took counsel of the fidelity and experience of the aged friends and servants of his house ; the cheerful contentment with which he was willing to work for their interests and for those of his family, with the same fairness and patience as he would have given to the most exciting events or the most critical moments of his public career. There his children, young as they were, were made familiar with the union of wisdom and i)layfulness with which he guided them, and with the simple and self-denying habits of which he gave them so striking; an example. By that ancestral home, in the vaults of the Abbey Church of Dunfermline, would have been his natural resting-place. Those vaults had but two years ago been opened to receive the remains of another of the same house, his brother. General Bruce, whose lamented death — also in the service of his Queen and country — followed immediately on his return from the journe}'^ in which he had accompanied the Prince of Wales to the East, and in which he had caught the fatal malady that brought him to his untimely end. . . . How little was it thought by those "who stood round the vault at Dunferailine Abbey, on July 2, 1862, that to those familiar scenes, and to that hallowed spot, the chief of the race would never retura. How mourn- fully did the tidings from India reach a third brother in the yet farther East, who felt that to him was due Cn. XVl 1803. A FITTING RimiAL-PLACE. 467 D worthily Always he steady le stormy I. When- i wii« wcl- and chief, iistry with Is of local, .ffectionate he fidelity ervants of which he for those patience as f events or 2r. There ie familiar kvitli which plf-denying n example. ;he Abbey lis natural years ago her of the e lamented country — lie journey f Wales to tal malady . . . How round the 62, that to d spot, the ow mourn' rd brother m was due 'in great part whatever success ho had experienced in ' life, even from the time when, during the elder ' brother's Eton holidays, he had enjoyed the benefit of ' his tuition, and who was indulging in dreams how, on * their joint return from exilo with their vari 1. expe- ' rience of the East, they mignt have worked together ' for some great and useful end.* * He sleeps far away from his native land, on the ' heights of Dhurmsala ; a fitting grave, let us rejoice ' to think, for the Viceroy of India, overlooking from ' its lofty height the vast expanse of the hill and plain ' of these mighty provinces — a fitting burial beneath the ' snow-clad Himalaya range, for one who dwelt with ' such serene satisfaction on all that was grand and ' beautiful in man and nature — Pondering God's mysteries untold, And, tranquil as the glacier snows, lie by those Indian moiintnina old Might well repose. ' A last home, may we not say, of which the very ' name, with its double signification, was worthy of the * spirit which there passed away — " the Hall of Justice, * " the Place of Rest." Rest, indeed, to him after his ' long " laborious days," in that presence which to him * was the only complete Rest — the presence of Eternal ' Justice.' ' That third brother, Sir Frederick Bruce, was laid in that same vault, when his remains were brought home from Boston, where he was suddenly cut off in 1807 at his post as Minister to the United States. LOirOOir: PRINTED Br sroxTisirooitii amd lo., nuvt-aT^m 8i41'ah> ANU FABLUUKHT atHhMX ■ff ■. f) m: ! ■ * •!f- ^S' m Ai.iiKMAr.LE SriiKEr, Fi.bniari/, 1672. MR, MURRAY'S ©tiartcrlii i^ist of Utfo Sfilorlis. THE SPEAKERS COMMENTARY ON THE BIBLE, EXl'LAXATORY and CRITICAL, WITH A REVISION of tiik TRANSLATION, BY BISHOPS AND OTHER CLERGY OF THE ANGLICAN CHURCH. Edited by P. C. COOK, M.A., Canon of Exeter. Vol. 1. : THE PENTATEUCH. GENESIS— Bisaoi' of Ely, EXODUS— Caxon Cook and Rev. Samuel Clauk. LEVITICUS— Rev. Samuel Ci,auic. NUMBERS— Rev. T. E. Esi'ix & Rev. J. F. Tiiuuir. DEUTERONOMY-Rev. T. E. Esrix. Jk'ilium 8vo. 30s. "This laborious and masterly exposition of the Peutateueli. Special care has been taken to furnish iu tho commentary, in all cases, amended translations of passages proved to be in- correct in our version. Tliese emendations are printed in a darker type than tho rest of the notes The Speaker's Commentary has duly availed itself of all these discoveries, ami though, on account of the n;irro\v limits of tho notes, tho writers have freiiucntly been com- pelled to restrict themselves to bare references, as in tho ease of the Romance of the Two Brothers and the Moabits stone, they have furnished the honest inquirer with the latest sources where the best information ui)oii every vexed question can be obtained. Those wlio earnestly desire to understand the import of Holy AVrit will find in this comnu'utary incomparably the best manual and guide in the English language." — British Qiiarterl;/ llcriciv. MISCELLANIES, SECOND SERIES, COLLECTED AND EDITED By EABL STANHOPE. Post 8vo, RcaJi/. !i^. 1 ■ ' 1 . i'. I ) Ml' i 1 » ) 1 .'I ■ i; r MR. MUEEAY'S QUAETEELY LIST OF NEW WOEKS. ^ BIOGRAPHY OF LORD BYRON. WITH A CRITICAL ESSAY ON HIS PLACE IX LITERATUKE. By KARL ELZR Translated from the tJeimaii, and Edited with Notes. With an Original Portrait and Facsimile. 8vn. 16s. " A complete and riitlcal biop:rai)]iy of Lord Rvron by one of the ablest of German students of Enf,iish literature. A glance at it promises tliat it is a judicious, well-proportioned, care- fully considered memoir, as we nhould e.\i>ect from Professor Elze. Indeed, we should bo inehned to think that it is likely to take its place in En<;lish literature as the ' Life of l^yron ' till superseded by one which, written with access to hitherto unattainable sources, shall sot to jest, as (ar as they ever can l)e, sonit' of the still vexed questions of the poet's extraordinary character and career." — Scoisnuni. A JOURNEY TO HIGH TARTARY, YARKAND, AND KASHGAR. By ROBERT SHAW, British ConiTnlssiimer in Ivadak. With Map and Illustrations. 8vo. 16s. " The Travels of Messrs. Hay ward and Shaw have been at least ;is valuable in a public as in a scientific point of view. They have removed causes of disti list and alarm which gavo rise to disouiet in India ; tliey have cpened out a new field to Mritish trade and enterprise ; they have laid the foundation of what may prove in the sequel to bo a valuable political alliance. Mr. Shaw's work on the subject of his jr)urney will attract in the most lively manner the British public." — Sir 11. Mii>r/iitoii's ^■Iddnss. " Mr. Shaw, by his bold and well-planned journey into the heart of Central Asia, and by havinff reached cities never before visited by any Englishmen, has achieved an exploit which places him in the front rank of explorers. His name will go down to posterity, side by side with those of Conoily, of Moorcroft, and of that noble veteran, John Wood, the discoverer of the source of the Oxus. "The present work has a special interest for politicians, as well as for geographers and general readers. It is a well-told narrative of one of the most remarkable journeys that has been undertaken during the present centin-y." — Athrn/rKm . RUDE STONE MONUMENTS IN ALL COUNTRIES; THEIR AGE AND USES. By JAMES PERGUSSON, D.C.L., P.R.S., Author of "The History of Architecture." With 230 Illustrations. Medium 8vo. 24», MR. :^^mRAY's quarterly list op new works. LIFE & TIMES OF ST. CHRYSOSTOM : A SKETCH OF TiiK CHURCH and tiik EMPIUK i\ tiir IVth CENTURY. By Hov. W. R. W. STEPHENS, M.A., lulliol Cull , Oxoii, Viciiv of MiiM,.iviuit, Sussex. With Portmit. 8v<). l.*;.*, AT HOME IVITH THE PATAGONIANS; A YEAR'S AVANDERINGS OVER UNTRODDEN GROUND, FROM TIIK STItAITS OF MAOF.I,LAN' TO THE lUO NEGRO. By GEORGE CHAWORTH MUSTERS, R.N., Willi JFnp .and lllnstratinup. 8vo. 16*. "^Fr. Musters' jouriu'}' may bo ranked anions tlio most adventurous and -suceossful of those which have been recently undertaken hy our enterprising fellow-countrymen.'' — Sir R. Murchison\s Address. " Capt. ^Musters is the first traveller who ever travcrsod the wild region of Patagonia from soutti to north ; and thanks to his peculiar gifts, which enabled him to adapt himself completely to the life of an Indian hunter, ho is the first to give us a really complete and authentic account of the Patagoniaiis. Ho has brekcn cnuruly new ground. The unpretending narrative of his adventures is well told, and deserves to be carelully read by all who admire those sportsman-like qualities which lead Jhiglishmen into the untrodden wilderness and pathless forests of the ontinent. Capt. Musters lias done good servire to science." — Athcntpum. SCRAMBLES ON THE ALPS, INXIiUDINO THE FIRST ASt.'ENT OF THE MATTERHORN, AND THE ATTEMPTS WHICH PRECEDED IT, AND OnSKUVATrONS OS r.LACIAIi rilENO.MENA ON THE AI,rS AM) IN GREENLAND. By EDWARD WHYMPER. . . Second Edition. With Maps and 120 lUustiations. Aledinin 8vo. 2\s. " More beautiful, and at the same time faitliful, Alpine woodcuts have never appeared. Ico, snow, and rock are shown with surj)rising fidelity and oH'ett." — At/uiiceiim. " We do not know of any engravings which so thoroughly bring back, not merely the form and relief of the mountains, but their very spirit." — Suturduy Mericw. " The value of the book, considered simply from an artistic point of view, is incontestible. Every Alpine traveller will have memories stirred within him, and will be ready at once to exclaim, ' That is the very thing.' " — Alpine Journal. MR. MURRAY'S QUARTERLY LIST OF NEW WORKS. CHARACTER. lit: IV IIS A COMrANION VOLUME TO " SELF-IIEM'." By SAMUEL SMILES. Author of " Tho Life of Goorge Stephenson." Influence of Clmi-aetcr. Home Power. Companionsh ip — Exam pic. AVork. CuNTKNTS : Courai^'e. ' Self-Contiol. | Duty — Trutlifulucss. Temper. Olh Thousand. Post 8vo. 6s. Manner. Companionship of l>ooks. Companionsliip in Marriage. Discipline of Experience. "The value of cLaracter above all mere intclhctiiMl culture, the blessiilness of w(.rk, the necessity of courage and pelf-control, tlic sense of duty as the guiding star of life — the! OPINIOX. By M. GUIZOT. . Tost bvo. !>s'. %■'' A Few Co}ncs of the First and Secoinl Series mcuj ^tUl he hail. " The rir.«t snips prrsentcd n sunnnjiiv of tlio tnulilionnl facts nml (loctiiticswliiclicon^titut.; tlic cswiitial iiiirt of Cliiistiiinilv, wlicllicr !H ]>i<.f(.-.>> INDIA. i ' 1 i I ■' ! By T. T. COOPER, Late Agent for tLe CLanibur uf ( mice at Calcutli. With Map and Illustrations. Svo. 16a'. "This volume is one of those nttrnctive records of bold adventure and useful discovery characteristic of the spirit of cnterpri.sc w hich distinguishes Englishnu n in our generation. The author was one of the fii-st of our race and name who have made their way into these central territories, and have endeavoured to raise the veil of obscurity which hangs over the huge tract stretching from the great river line of China to Thibet, and the confines of BuiTiiah. Mr. Cooper's account of the part of Thibet which he j^asscd through will he read with interest. He has largely increased our know ledge about this jiart of the Asiatic continent, and has given us a very interesting book, which does credit to his per.cveraiice and energy." — I'tmrn. VILLAGE COMMUNITIES IN THE EAST AND IVEST. SIX LECTUHES DELIVERED AT OXFORD. By SIB HENRY SUMNER MAINE, K.C.S.I., LL.D., Member of the Indian Council, Author of " Ancient Law ; " and Corpus Profesfcor of Jurisprudence in t)io Uiiiver.sity. Svo. 96'. OEKS. MK. MUBRAY'S QUARTEKLY IJST OF NEW WORKS. )> OPINIOX. HISTORY OF PAINTING IN ITALY, FROM THE 2m) TO TIIK ICni t'ENTLi.^'. ; wliich cou>titUti; iiiiv of tho I'ro- tliristiiin belief lU'volution, and ic (liiy which iui- •Hy occupied with aiid the modiTU i mity mill iiulc- i.-i^iaiiity and thn to till' inspiration ai.d his skill in lirli he avoids or •s."— />«//// ^Vctrs. MERGE, lA. 1>RAWN VP FROM FltF>ll MATK11IAI..S AX1» IIKCEXT ItF.SEAltt IIF-S IN THE ARCHIVES OP ITALY, AS WELL AS FltOM I'EItSONAL IX.sI'ECTION OF THE WORKS OF AI;T iSCATTEUED THUOrOIIOUT ELUOl'E. By J. A. CROWE and C. B. CAVALCASELLE, Aiithura of " Liven of the Eaily Flemish ruintcrs." 1st StliiEs. IIxi). — XlVni. CENTUKV. 3 Vols. 2sD ?EKif>=. XIVth.— XVIth. CENTUKV. (N. Italy). 2 Vols. With Nunieiuiis IHiistralionH. 5 Vols. 8vo. 105.*. "The authors, anxious to do for roaders in tiic ninuteentli century wh.it Vasari did so worthily for liis eonteniporaries three hundn'd years ai^o, liave spared no pains in collecting material fur a narrative as cuui]iletc as possible, and have choseu to write a new and distinct work only hecaust" their iufunnation was too plentiful and varied to be intorpor.itcd in a fresh edition of Vasaii. These volumes form almost a eomplete work, and one very greatlv to be admired for the good seholarsliip and cwellent taste with whtdi it h:u) teen prepared. It is valuable alike for the richness of its biographical material, and for the carefulness and abundance of its analytical account of the great pointings of the period. In a judicious, philosophical way it associates painting with painting, artist with artist, and school with school, illustrating anti drawing illustration from all by showing their connection with the geuenii history and the social and [jolitical tendencies of their own times." — Kj-niniiiei-. I useful discovery generation. The into these central )vcr the huge tinct of Bumiah. M>'. rtith interest. He and has given us a Tmen. PRIMITIVE GULTURE: RESEAKCilF.S INTO THE DEVEI,OI'.MEXT OF MVTIIOLOGV, PHILOSOPHY, RELIGION, ART, AND CL'STOM. By EDWARD B. TYLOR, P.B.S., Author of the " Karly History of Mankind." 2 Vols. 8vo. -Iks. THE THE STUDENTS ELEMENTS OF GEOLOGY. LL.D., or of JuriBpruJenco By SIR CHARLES LYELL, Bart., F.R.3., Author of " Principles of Geology," " Tho Antiquity of Man," ic. SifJh Thhusond. WitJi 600 Woodcuts. Pobt Svo. 0:.. ;- f 8 MH. MURRAY'S QUARTERLY LIST OF NEW WORKP.. i, I . > . I. Ltl' ^ MANUAL OF SCIENTIFIC INQUIRY, FOR THE USE OF OFFICERS AND TRAVELLERS IX GENERAL. Edited by Bev. ROBERT MAIN, M.A., P.R.S., Rivli-lifTc Oliscrvcr. Fourth Edition. Post Svo. 3s. Gd. PUBI-ISIIED EV AUTIIOUITY OF TIIK APMIU.VI.TY. " A volume— a porft^ct knowledge of wliiih would rendtr an}- niun a most .igrof^able anil instructive conipiinion— a guide, philosophor, nnd friend. It is n 'Manual of Scientific Inquiry,' bj- the best author::, in a most fonipendious form, well got out, and illustrated. Ordinary people miirbt be nfmid to tallc to a naval officer or a traveller in general who had Buch a book off by heart, lie certainly would possess a great deal of most useful knowledge." — Anin/ and ynvif Gazfttf. " The present is the fourth edition of this well-known work, nnd although the editor h.is not altered the general form of the book or the arrangement of the articles, he has by adequate revision provided that sueh of them as required it through the additional knowledge gained in the last twf Ive years be brought up to the present epoch. It is impossible to speak too highly of this work, which may he eoiisiJcred as one of the most useful soientitic works now published."— .SV/Vwi'/AVjP/'iVfr. THE IVELLINGTON DESPATCHES,— CIVIL & POLITICAL.-— VOL. IV. n\ Edited by liis SON Svo. 20.V. i V: \ \ ! ! 1 1 ^ THE CHOICE OF A DWELLING; A TRACTICAL IIANDHOOK OF USEFUL INFORMATION ON ALL POINTS CONNECTED WITH HIRING, BUYING, OR BUILDING A HOUSE. By GERVASE WHEELER, Architect, Author of " Rural Homes," " Homca for the Pcoi>lc," kc. "Willi Woodcuts and Plans. Post 8vo. 7s. 6rf. "Few eompilations rould bo plainer, clearer, or more concise than Mr. Wheeler's dircctionn how to proceed to choose or bnild n house. Much of what can be said upon the subject 1ms already been said ; but to this he has added more, and m divided and docketed, as it were, his advice and information, that the issue is a very compact and suggestive manual. It is intended for the general public, rather than for the professional student ; but the oflice-shehes of architects would be all the more complete for its presence." — Jbuildfr. ORKS. MR. I^rURRAY'S QUARTERLY LIST OF NEW WOKKS. QUIRY. s'KRAL 3., st agrf<>able anil ual of Scientific and illustrated. general who hail «ful knowledge." igh the editor has L- has by adequate iwledge gained in ( speak too highly itific works now IV. LING; ALL rOlXT.S I HOUSE. I CONTRIBUTIONS to the LITERATURE OF THE FINE ARTS, By SIB CHARLES EASTLAEE, B.A., With a iisMoiR OF Tns author and Selections from hi.s Correspondence. By LADY EASTLAKE. fONTRNTS : The Fine Arts ; Scriptural and LftRcndary Subjects of tlio Middle Ago:^ ; Modern German ScJiool of Fresco l'uiutin• THE MUTINEERS OE THE BOUNTY AND THEIR DESCENDANTS. By LADY BELCHEB. With Illustrations. Post 8vo. 12s. - M THE REVOLT OF THE PROTESTANTS IN THE CEVENNES. By MBS. BBAY, Author of " The Good St. Louis, Ac, &c." Post 8vo. 10.«. 6d H ALLAH'S HISTORICAL WORKS; WITH THE AUTHOH'S LATEST CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. 3 vols. 12s. HISTORY OF EUROPE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. 3 vols. 12». LITERARY HISTORY OF EUROPE. 4 vols. 16s. *,* The iniblic are cautianed against imperfect editions that have appeared of the»e works, as they are merely reprints of the first editions, which the author himself de- olaxed to be full of errors, atid they do not contain the antfior's additional notes and latest corrections. HANDBOOK FOR TURKEY IN ASIA, CONSTANTINOPLE, THE BOSPHORUS, DARDANELLES, BROUSA, AND PLAIN OF TROY, Asia Minor, the Islands of the ^Egean, Crete, Cyprus— Smyrna and the Seven Churches, Coasts of the Black Sea, Armenia, Mesopotamia, &c. With Maps and Plans. Post Svo. 15s. MR. MURRAY'S QUARTKRLY LIST OP NEW WORKS. 11 3. 3 vols. 12s. THE STORY OF THE LIFE of WILLIAM IVILBERFORCE, CONDKNSED FROM TIIK LAUGKR WoKK. By the BISHOP OF WINCHESTEB. With Tortrait, Post 8vo. 6*. " Mr. Wilbcrforcc's talents were of the very highest order, his eloquence very nowerful and attractive ; and in Purliument he held a position of autnority and independence almost unparalleled. This volume contains a great deal about his contemporaries, but we have dwelt chieflv ou its central figure, the noblo philanthropist, the consummate orator, the blameless but genial Christian gentleman." — Times. " llie Bishop has done wisely to issue a revised and condensed edition, and to give_ the ntiblic a cabinet portrait of his father, in place of the full-length, which could only hang in a large gallery," — Upectator, THE FIVE GREAT MONARCHIES OF THE ANCIENT WORLD; Or, The IIistohy, Geohrai'IIY, and Antiquities of Assyria, Babylonia, Chald^a, Media, and Tersia. By GEORGE RAWLINSON, M.A., Camden Professor of History at Oxford. Second Edition, revised, with Maps and Illustrations. 3 vols. 8vo. 42a. A RIDE THROUGH THE DISTURBED DISTRICTS OF NEW ZEALAND. WITU NOTES OF A CRUISE AMONG THE SOUTH SEA ISLANDS. By the Hon. HEBBEBT MEADE, Lt. B.N. Second Edition. With Maps and Illustrations. Medium 8vo. 12,'!. THE ROB ROY ON THE JORDAN, THE NILE, RED SEA, LAKE OF GENNESARETH, ETC. A CANOE CRUISE IN PALESTINE, EGYPT, AND THE WATERS OF DAMASCUS. By JOHN MACGBEGOB, M.A. Eighth Thousand, With 8 Maps and 70 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 125. ilH ^^■■P^ -- f'» Wn .; % I ( fr ^ 1 j ■ 1 f . •j^«l!j^i!. 12 ^rn. iirimRAY's quarterly list of new works. ACCOUNT of tJie MANNERS and CUSTOMS of the MODERN EGYPTIANS. By EDWABD WM. LANE. Fifth Edition. Kditeil Jjy E. STANLEY TOOLE. With Wootlcuts. 2 voIh. Post 8vo. 12«. ' I i m ■ !l n 1 1 ! CONSTITUTIONAL PROGRESS. By MONTAGU BURROWS, M.A., Chichclo Professor o( Modem History nt Oxford. Cheaper Edition. Post 8vo. 5», •' There mnv bo Bomc who will think these lerturoR, however brillinnt and rnm''Rt n« essays, yet somewhat JefK'ient in that (liftnity and connection which it is customary lo (iKsociiite witli the ProfeRSorial Chtiir; but none can deny that Professor Durrows has tlio rare ability to discuss the most vital questions temperately and dispassionately." — Guardian. " We are much niistakon if a perusal of" Professor Burrows' work will not tend to strenfff hen the conviction that whatever may be the disadvantages connected with it, there is nn over- whelming preponderance of advantages to bo secured by the maintenance of lui Established Church." — Christian Observer. THE BOOK OF MARCO POLO; CONCERNING THE KINGDOMS AND MARVELS OF THE EAST. A New English Version. lUustmtcd by the Light of Oriental Writers and Modem Travels. By COLONEL HENRY YULE, C.B., Late of the Royal Engineers (Bengal). With 20 Maps and Plates, and 80 Illustrations. 2 Vols. Mediinii 8vo. 42s. " A new edition of Marco Polo, which, by the profound erudition it displays on all topics relating to the medisBval geography of central and eastern Asia, merits prominent notice in an Address likn the present. Colonel Yule has shown himself thoroughly competent for thu great work which he has now, after many years' labour, brought to a conclusion." — Sir It. Murehison's Address. " Much that to ordinary readers would be utterly unintelligible is clearly elucidated, and those persons who delight in quaint and recondite lore will find their tastes abundantly gratified in the wealth of illustration which Colonel Yule has brought to bear on the text of liis favourite author. The book is, moreover, profusely and admirably illustrated, not only with maps, but plates descriptive of many curious jjlaces and things mentioned by Marco Polo in the course of his tiavels.' — C7*/*w<<'rt« Observer, onKs. Al.llKM.MlI.K SiKKirr, luhriMiij, 1872. STOMS MR. MURRAY'S LIST OF WORKS IN THE PRESS. "55. to nssdtiiite with 10 rare ubility to crid to strengthen there is nn over- jf an Established LO ; IE EAST. ,'cl.s. Svo. 42s. ays on all topics inincTit notice in onipetent for tho lusion." — Sir It. elucidated, and iistes abundantly on the text of rtrated, not only d by Maico Tolo DR. WM. SMITHS ANCIENT ATLAS. An Historical Alias of Ancient Geography, BIBLICAL AND CLASSICAL. COMPILED UNDER TUB SCPERINTKNDENCE OP WILLIAM SMITH, D.C.L., and GEORGE GROVE. Esq. TniS important Work, which has beon undertaken to supply an acknow- ledged want, as well as in Illustration of tho DICTIONARY OV TllIO BIBLE and tho CLASSICAL DICTIONARIES, and which has boon fourteen years in preparation, is now nearly ready for publication. The Maps have been drawn on a largo scale, and have boon executed by the most eminent engravers in Paris and London. They contain tho modem names along witli the ancient ones. There is also a series of smaller Maps, in illustration of each country at different historical periods. Tho Classical Maps have bceii prepared by DR. KARL MtJLLER, the Editor of Strabo and the Minor Greek Geographers, under the superintendence of DR. WILIilAAt SMITH. Those of the Holy Land and Mount Sinai include the recent observations and positions obtained by the Officers of Royal Engineers employed in siirveying thoni, and have been constructed under the superintendence of MR. GEORGE GROVE. The Atlas will contain a series of Maps of the same size as those of Keith Johnston's Royal Atlas of Modern Geogkapiiy, with which it will range. It will be published quarterly, and tho first Part will appear early in 1872. The Maps are numbered in tho order in which they will be finally arranged. The last Part will contain descriptive Letterpress and a full Index. CONTENTS. 1. Geographical Systems of tub Ancients. 2. The World as known to the Ancients. 3. Empires of the Babylonians, Ly- DIANS, MeDES and PERSIANS. 4. Empire of Alexander the Great. 5. Kingdoms op the Successors op Alexander the Great. (First Part.) 6. KiN^ MS OP THE SuCCES.>=0RS OK All. .sder the Great. (Second Part.) 7. The Roman Empire in its great- est Extent. h fi: 1: .- \ I ■ 'ii %- '■ :; • ; .1 ill !5 m 1 1 ■;; V 1 '■] « ' « 1 :■.,;;" .i-l' ! ■ ifPP V.' \ •^ htm, "■«- ^' * f 14 ME. MURRAY'S LIST OF WORKS IN THE PRESS. Dr. William Smith's Ancient Atlas — continued. CONTENTS 8. The Roman Empire after its [ division into tiik eastern and Western Empires. j 9. Greek AND Phcenician Colonies,— ! Also Maps : a. Magma Grsecia ; b, Sicily at the time of the Pelopon- nesian War ; c. Syracuse ; d. Agri- gentum ; e. Bosporus Cimmerius. 10. Britannia. 11. HiSPANIA. 12. Gallia.— Also Maps: a. Gallia before the time of Augustus; b. Insula Batavorum ; c. Port of Massilia. 13. Germania, Rh^tia, NonicuM. H. P^GONIA, Thracia, Mcesia, Illyria, Dacia, Pannonia. 1.'. Historical Maps op Italy. 1 (i. Italia Superior. 1 7. Italia Inferior. 18. Plan of Rome. 10. Environs of Rome. 20. Greece after the Doric Migra- tion. — Also Maps : a. Greece in the Heroic Age ; b. Plain of Troy. 21. Greece at the time of the Per- sian Wars. 22. Greece at the time of the Pelo- poNNEsiAN War. 2;5. Greece at the time of the Achaean L„ ^gue. 21. Northern Greece. 25. Central Greece, — Containing Attica, Boeotia, Locris, Phocis, Doris, Malia. Also Maps ; a. Athens ; b. The Environs of Athens ; e. The Harbours of Athens ; —contimici. d. Acropolis ; c. Marathon ; /. Eleu- sis. 26. Peloponnesus,— With Plan of Sparta. 27. ShoresandIslandsoftheJEg^an Sea. 28. Historical Maps of Asia Minor. 2f). Asia Minor. 30. Arabia. 31. India. .32. North Africa, Carthage, &c. 33. MoYvr AND .(^Ethiopia. 34. Historical Maps op the Holy Land.— a. Before the Conquest, 1451 B.C. ; b. Aff^er the Conquest, as divided amongst the Twelve Tribes ; e. During the Monarchy, 1095 B.C. to 58(5 B.C. ; d. Under the Maccabees, 100 B.C. ; e. Under Herod the Great, B.C. 40 ; /. In the time of our Lord ; g. Under Agrippa I., A.D. 41 ; h. At the destruction of Jerusalem, A.D. 70. 35. The Holy Land. (Nortliem Di- vision.) 36. The Holy Land. (Southern Di- vision.) 37. Jerusalem, Ancient & Modern. — Also, Maps : a. Jerusalem in the time of David ; b. Jerusalem according to Josephus. 38. Environs op Jerusalem. 39. Sinai, from the recent Survey, and the Desert of the Wanderings. 40. A Map to illustrate the Old Testa- ment. 41. A Map to illustrate the New Testa- ment. PART I. (To be jmbUshM early in 1872) ivill contain the following Maps ; THE HOLY LAND. (Northorn Division.) HISTORICAL MAPS OF THE HOLY LAND. GREEK AND PHCENICIAN COLONIES. GALLIA. ITALIA SUPEPJOR. GREECE AFTER THE DORIC MIGRATION. GREECE AT THE TIME OF THE PERSIAN WARS. No. 35. 34. 0. 12. 16. 20. 21. FBESS. nued. irathon ; /. Eleu- a. softhe^g-«:an )F Asia Minor. RTHAGE, &C. )PIA. OP THE Holy luest, 1451 B.C. ; uest, as divided slve Tribes ; e. chy, 1095 B.C. to r the Maccabees, Herod the Great, ;ime of our Lord ; [., A.D. 41 ; h. At erusalem, a.d. 70. . (Northern Di- (Southem Di- :nt & Modern. — salem in the time usalem according SALEM. scent Survey, and Vanderings. « the Old Testa- 3 the New Testa- MR. MURRAY'S LTST OF WORKS IN TITE PRESS. 15 l/aj)s , ».J An Encyclopsedia of Classical Antiquity. 0B> GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES, BIOGRAPHY, MYTHOLOGY, AND GEOGRAPHY. By Various Writers. Edited by WM. SMITH, D.C.L, With Illustrations. 6 Vols. Medium 8vo. These important Dictionaries — written by eminent Scholars, and edited by Dr. "William Smith — have been long acknowledged to be indispensable to every Libraiy and every Student. But as their cost has hitherto prevented many from possessing them, it has been decided to place them within the reach of a much larger number of readers by publishing the works at the following reduced 2mces : — I. DICTIONARY OF GREEK AND ROMAN ANTIQUITIES. With Illustra- tions. Medium 8vo. 285. Originally published at i2s. II. DICTIONARY OF BIOGRAPHY AND MYTHOLOGY. With Illustrations. 3 Vols. Medium 8vo. 81.s. Originally pitblished at 51. 15,1. Gil. III.— DICTIONARY OF GREEK AND ROMAN GEOGRAPHY. With Illustrav tions. 2 Vols. Medium 8vo. 56s. Originally publisJicd at 80s. Modern Indian Problems: SELECTIONS FROM SPEECHES DELIVERED AND MINUTES PUBLISHED IN INDIA. By Sir HENRY SUMNER MAINE, K.C.S.I., LL.D. Member of the Indian Council ; Author of "Ancient Law," " Village Communities in the East and West." 8vo. WARS. Lectures on the Rise and Development of Mediseval Architecture. DELIVERED AT THE ROYAL ACADEMY. By GEORGE GILBERT SCOTT, R.A., F.S.A. 8vo. 1 1 ', < . ■ f ■ I it I'i ( ''1' 3 ' • i' ■ 1 t \\ * ii 1.1 ' J ' * i S-l : iti l'<» ! 'fi J./I t« 1 ^ ^ -rl ^ 1^' I HI y| ' fl H^^l i:^^^|' MH 1 '^^M r i "1! 1 ^P' 1 ' I?" ffiftiitiB ■■ ' \> J '^a 16 3/i2. JlfD^i?i2^FS LIST OF WORKS IN THE FliESS. Aristotle. By GEORGE GROTE. Life of Aristoth ; Aristotelian Canon ; a complete Analysis of the several Treatises comprised in the Organon, the De Anima ; an Introduction to the Metaphysica, and an Abstract of the greater part of that Work ; some cognate Philosophical Discussions ; and An Account of the Doctrines of Epicurus and the Stoics. 2 Vols. 8vo. Uniform with the Library edition of Grote's " History of Greece." Notes of Thought By the late CHARLES BUXTON, M.P. Crown 8vo. The Works of Alexander Pope. Edited, with Introductions and Notes, By Rev. WHITWELL ELWIN. This Volume will contain 350 unpublished Letters, including 70 written by Pope and T,ord Orrery, disclosing the secret histoiy of the publication of the Pope and Swift Cor- respondence which have been recently discovered by the Editor. VoL VIII. With Portrait. 8vo. Forming the Third Volume of Tlie Coirespoiulence, A History of the Church of France, FPOM THE CONGO KDAT OF BOLOGNA, 1516, TO THE REVOLUTION. With an Introduction. By W. HENLEY JERVIS, M.A., Prebendary of Heytesb»iry. With Portraits. 2 Vols. 8vo. RESS. MR. MURRAY'S LIST OF WORKS IN THE PRESS. 17 several Treatises pUysica, and an issions ; and An ece. le. en by Pope and : aiid Sivift Cor- ince, VOLUTI ON. A Description, Historical d Artistic, oftfie Nationai Memoriai to H.R.H. the Prince Consort. Illustrated by accurate eiif^ravings of tlio Jrominient in Hyde Park, its Architecture, Decorations; Sculptured (Jronps, Statues, Mosaics, Metalwork, &c., desif^ned and executed by the most eminent British artists. Published by the sanction of the Executive Committee. 24 Large Plates. Engraved under direction of LEWIS GRUNEll. The descriptive text will be accompanied by numerous "Woodcuts. Polio (50 Cnjiies on Large Paper). *»* Subscribers' Names will be received by all Boolisellcn, and Kill bej'rinte.I n-ith the Worlt, if received in good time. A Dictionary of Christian Antiquities and Biograpiiy. FROM THE TIMKS OF THE APOSTLES TO THE AGE OF CHARLEMAGNE. By Various Authors. Edited by WM. SMITH, D.C.L., LL.D., "With IllustratioUH. '2 Vols. .Medium Svo. Historical l\/lemorials of the Royal Palace and Chapel of the Savoy. By tho late J. G. LOCKHART, tiometimc Auditor of tho Ducliy of Lancaster, Edited by Rev. HENRY WHITE, Chapl.iin of tho Chapel Roj'al, Savo}', und to tho Speaker ; Honorary Chaplniii to tlio Quocn. "With Illustrations. Crown Svo. These Memorials were printed by command of tho Queen, in 1844, for jirivate circulation, and will be published with many a Iditional Notes and Illustrations. 'i' 'W I Mil 18 AIM. MURRAY'S LIST OF WORKS IN THE PRESS. The Supplementary Despatches of the Duke of Wellington, voi. xiv. Edited by HIS SON. CONTENTS. lubtiuctions issued by tlie Duke in Siiain, the South of Fiance, and during the Waterloo Campaign, respecting the organization and discijiline, and upon the movements and orders of battle, of the Allied Armies. Intercepted Letters and llepoits from French Generals ; Napoleon's Instructions to his llarslials, &c., &c. Svo. *,* A complete Index of the Series of the Siq^jjlementavi/ Degpatches, invhidiiig the Ajipendix, 7vill also be published, contj}leting the Worh. Ephemera. — Second Series. Bv LORD LYTTELTON. Crown Svo. 9s. [Eeadij. i') The Longevity of Man; ITS FACTS AND ITS FICTION. lui'luding Observations on the more Eeni.irkable Instances, and Hints for Testing Eeputed Cases. By WILLIAM J. THOMS, F.S.A. Fost 8vo. A Smaller Manual of Ancient Geography. By Rev. W. L. BE VAN, .M.A. With Illustratious. ICn,'). 3.v. 6(/. [H'ody. HESS. f the ring the Waterloo ments and orders French Generals ; en, including the {Ready. iits ior Testing MM. MIRBAY'H LIST OF fVOBKH IN THE FUESS. m Essays on Cathedrals. Edited, with an Introduction, by J. S. IIOWSON, D.D., Dean of Chcstei'. CONTENTS : RECOLLECTIONS OF A DEAN. Bit=hop of Carlisle. CATHEDRAL CANONS AND THEIR WORK. Canon Nonnis, M.A. CATHEDRALS IN IRELAND, PAST AND FUTURE. Dean of Casiiel. CATHEDRALS IN THEIR MISSIONARY ASPECT. A. J. Beresfoud Hope, M.P. CATHEDRAL FOUNDATIONS IN RELATION TO RELIGIOUS THOUGHT Professor Westcott. CATHEDRAL CHURCHES OF THE OLD FOUNDATION. Edward A. Freeman, D.C.L. WELSH CATHEDRALS. Canon Perowne, D.D, EDUCATION OF CATHEDRAL CHORISTERS. Sir F. Gore Ouselkv, B.vrt., M.A. CATHEDRAL SCHOOLS. Canon Durham, M.A. CATHEDRAL REFORM. PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE. Canon and Chancellor Massinobekp, M.A. RELATION OF THE CHAPl'ER TO THE BISHOP. Rev. E. W. Benson, D.D. ARCHITECTURAL ARRANGEMENTS OF ENGLISH CATHEDRALS HISTORICALLY CONSIDERED. Canon and Precentor Venables, M A. 8vo. [Read!/. Metallurgy of Gold d Silver, Mercury, Platinum, Tin, Nickel, Cobalt, Antimony, Bismuth, Arsenic, AND OTHER METALS. By JOHN PERCY, M.D., F.R.S., Lecturer on Metallurgy at the Royal School of Mhies, Loudon. AVith numerous Illustrations. 8v il I V Jf it. '. 111 20 Jlf/e. Jtff7i?/J^y' IT r- ■ t 5 < 24 MR. MURRAY'S LIST OF WORKS I.V THE PRESS. A Journey to the Source of the River Oxus, 15Y TIIK INDUS, KA15UL, AND lUDAKIISIIAN. Uy CA?T. JOHN WOOD, Indiiui Navy. New Eiltliun, with Miip. Post 8vo. " Iliiviiif; iiliLiidy more than oiuo had orciision to refer to CanlMin Wood, wo will briully stiitc that lie uc(;om]).mii'd Alcxjiidcr Burncs in his niission to Cabool, and afterwards perfornieil one of the most romarkal)le journeys ever undortaken in Central Asia, lie made a survey of the Indus, from its mouth to Attoek. At Kalal)aij;li, the point where tin- Indus cst-apes from Iho Salt liungo, he found it impossible to stem the current. Undaunted by the ditliiulty, lio landed and went by forced marches to Altork; thence, descending? the river, ho completed his survey amidst the falls and rapids. After reaching: Cabool, ho crossed the mountains to Khunduz, and was eventually the Ih'st European, after Marco Polo and Uenedict Goes, who ever reached the Bam-1-dunya, or Koof of the World. Thus in 1838 Wood discovered the source of the O.Yns, on the margin of the Pamir Steppe, and lor this splendid achievement ho was rewarded wiih the Patron's gold medal of the Royal Gcograpliical Society. Captain Wood's narrativo presents the most brilliant conlirmation in detail of Marco Polo's descriptions." — Qiiarterfi/ JiivifW. The Speaker's Commentary on the Bible, EXPLAN'ATOUY AND ClSlTICAr., WITH A I^KVI.SIOX OF TIIK TUANSL.VTIOX. By BISHOPS AND OTIlEll CLERGY OF THE ANGLICAN CHURCH. Edited by Canon COOK, M.A. Vols. IL AND III. -THE HISTORICAL BOOKS. / Joshua, Rev. T. E. EsPiN, B.D. VoL II. } Judges, Ruth, Sanvd,'Q\sa.op of Bath and Wells. ' /. Kings, Rev. Gkouge Rawlinson. VI III S^l- ^'^^^'U^t Chronicles, I'Jzra, Nehemiah, Esther, Rev. Geouge Rawlinson, M.A. Medium 8vo. Lectures on the History of the Church of Scotiand. DELIVERED IN EDINBURGH IN 1872. By ARTHUR PJ<:NRHYN STANLEY, D.D., Dean of WcKtminstor. 8vo. The Principles of Geology, Olt, THE MODEIJN CHANGES OF TIIF, r.AV.TH AXP ITS INHADITANT?!, CONSIDERED AS ILLVSTIIATIVK OE GEOLOGY. By sir CHARLES LYELL, Bart., F.R.S., llth Edition, tltoruughbj revised. Vol. I. "With 111 iistra lions. Svo. IGj. [Rcalj. ERADBLUY, EVANS, AND CO., ridSTEIlS, WHITEKRIABS. . ; PBESS. 'ver Oxus, s N. h> ^1)0(1, wo will brk'lly fU'i-warJs porformuil lo madi) a survey of IikIu.s fS(;;ipc'n from jy the ditUculty, lio r", ho comiiluted hu Luitiiins to Khundii/, *, who ever readuvl d tlie sourco of tin; Jilt ho was rewarded n Wood's narrative ptioiis." — Quartcilj r \\ he Bible, LAN.SLATION. AN ClIUllCH. D Wells. Church ).D., T^, CONSIDEP.EU AS ^. s., • ■ vo. IGd. [RcaJij. 6