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THE AMERICAN WAR AND SLAVERY. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF THB 
 
 HON. GEORGE BROWN. 
 
 AT THB 
 
 ANNIVERSARY MEETING 
 
 OF THB 
 
 ANTI- SLAVERY SOCIETY OF CANADA, 
 
 HELD AT TORONTO, 
 
 ON WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1863. 
 

 5lVi- 
 
THE AMERICAN WAR AND SLAVERY. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HON. aEORaE BROTV^N, 
 
 AT THE 
 
 ANNIVERSARY MEETING 
 
 OK THE 
 
 ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY OF CANADA, 
 
 HELD AT TORONTO, 
 ON WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 3, 1863. 
 
 The Hon. GEORGE BROWN, in moving the second resolution, 
 spoke as follows : — Mr. Chairman, I have frequently enjoyed the pri- 
 vilege of addressing my fellow-citizens in the public halls of our city, 
 but I say sincerely that I never before e.xperienced such heartfelt pleasui'e 
 in appearing on a public plationn as I do on this occasion. The Anti- 
 Slavery Society of Canada has been many for years in existence, but I see 
 around me not a few who, long before its establishment, were the earnest 
 and untiring friends of the down-trodden slave. For twenty-tive years 
 many of us have striven together to promote the cause of emancipation ; 
 and long, long years we laboured almost without hope to arouse our 
 neighbours to the frightful position they occupied in the eyes of the 
 Christian world, and to goad them on, if possible, to some vigorous effort 
 towards the suppression of the inhuman traffic that disgraced their 
 land. How earnestly did we watch every passing event in the Republic 
 that promised some little amelioration to the condition of the slave, or 
 some additional influence to the friends of emancipation. Sad, hopeless 
 work it appeared to be for many, many years ! But at last light broke 
 in upon the scene — and, now, what a change has passed over the whole 
 picture ! (Cheers.) What man among us ten years— aye, five years 
 ago — ever expected to see the day when the cause of emancipation 
 should occupy the position it does at this moment in the American Re- 
 
 Eublic ? (Cheers.) For several years it has happened that I have not 
 een able to be present at the annual meetings ol this society — but well 
 do I recollect the work we had on hand at the last meeting I attended. 
 Our work then was to mark and deplore the increasing power of the slave 
 interest over the Federal (lovernment, to denounce the infamous Fugi- 
 tive Slave Law as a disgrace to civilization, and to express our hearty 
 sympathy with the noble, but inconsiderable band of true men, through- 
 out the Republic, who were standing firm for the cause of liberty. That, 
 sir, was a very short time ago ; but what an entire revolution have these 
 few brief years witnessed. Now, sir, we have an anti-slavery President 
 of the United States. (Cheers.) Now, sir, we have an anti-slavery 
 
(lovciniinul ill W.»'liiii;4ton. (Clicrrs.) Xnw, ^ir, we lijuc an imli- 
 sliivcry ('(Hij^Tcs' at \\'a-'irni;j;tiiii., (Coutiiiiii'd clu'cis.) Already ^^lavory 
 lias liicii ali.iii hrd in llu- district. dI' ('(•hniil-ia. (I'luci's.) .\l lilst a 
 f^cnuinc^ Ircaty Uiv tlu- t-ui»prc-.-i(>n ol" the uluvi- Uaile lias lu'i-n ^i;,'nfd at 
 Was]dn,ni(»u witli tlic (ioviTMnicnt of Great ]{iitain, and ru" tin- lirst time 
 in lii'i'hi.-iMi"- ilu' nciialty ordcalli lias liccn cnt'orccil in i*In' l{«']iulilii' i'm ilu' 
 c.nnif nl' niau-.'.i'aling. (CIkh-i'.s.) I'uj'.lur, (in- IMack I'rjmMii' (.f llayti 
 Hiid Lilx'riu liavi- bwn i'i'(M,%'i)i.s(.Ml by the L'niti'd SlatiM as indiju'iidciit 
 powci's— and, even mori' inijioilaiit still, the \ast tcriiti'i'itv: nl' the Uiiilnd 
 StaU's liaw hr.-n ])!'i.liil>i(id l)y lav,- fioni cntciin.L,' the i{i']iiil>li(' i'.\:'f]it as 
 Fi'ci' Slati's, (( 'diitinuid clici-rH.) And, ,«ir, tlir clinni.v \vu.s ica'dunl a 
 nidiilli n;;n, wlicu Abiidiani Lini'uhi, a.s Pioidcnt ul' tlu- L^nih-d States, 
 jmiclainird thai IVoin that inoiiiciit every .slave in the relnd SliUes was 
 uhsolutcly I'lce, and that the Bc]iubli(' was iMt')iared to ]iay I'm' tin' IVce- 
 doin of ad the slaves in the loyal Slalcs. Tlie live ly-idi-cled CJovi rnnient 
 nnd Lc'^islaluri' (d'thi- Unilrd Siates have i)roekiiined that not with their 
 consent shall one slave ii-niain within the I'l laiblic. t'tlreat elu eiin^f.) 
 
 Was ] n'lj ri;;hl then, sir, wlh'ii I .^ud that we onj.;ht to rejon'c to^^i'thcr 
 lo-ni^ht ! 1 (laej.Jidulalt' you, Mr. Chairman (llev. })v. Willis; o.i the 
 issue of your i'oity years' coulest hen' and on the other side of the Atlan- 
 tic on behalf of the American slave — I eon^'ratulate the venerable mover 
 of the liist revolution {\{v\. Dr. Jiurns,) who, for even ii lon<^ev |)eriod, 
 has lieen the unliinching friend of freedom— I eoni^'ratulate the tried 
 friends of emanei])at ion around nn^ on the ]datform, and the uo less 
 zealous friends of llie cause throughout the hall, vdiose well-remembered 
 faces have been ever [noseut wlii'U a word of sympathy Avas to be uttered 
 for the down-trodden and the oppressed. Who amon;^' u.> ever hoped to 
 bee such a day a ; this > Ami does it not well become us to meet as we 
 are now doing to ])ro('laim anew our earnest sympathy with the friends 
 of freedom in the Kepublic, our hearty gratilicatuni at the great results 
 that have been accojnplished, and our gratitude to the men who staked 
 life and fortune on the elibrt to strike the shackles {'unn the bondsman. 
 (Cheers.) Sir, 1 care not to pry narrowly into the motives of all tho.se 
 wlio have contributed to biing about this great change in the I^'public. 
 I care not to examine critically the precise mode by which it has been 
 brought about. 1 care not to dis'Uiss the arguments by which it has been 
 promoted or defended in the Republic. What to us signities all 
 this ? We see before us the great fact that the chains have already 
 fallen from the hands of tens of thousaniLs (jf human chattels — we pee 
 that if the policj' of the present Government at Washington prevails, the 
 cur.se of human slavery Avill be swept from our continent for ever — and 
 louv hearts go up with earnest petitions to the God of battles that he will 
 strengthen the hands of Abraham Lincoln and give wisdom to his coun- 
 «cils. (Cheers.) But, Mr. Chairman, Ave have yet another duty to per- 
 foi-m. Ju the face of all the wonderful progress that the anti-,slavery 
 cause has made in the United States — in defiance of the decided emanci- 
 pation measure of Mr. Lincoln's Government — it is the fact, the strange 
 and startling fact, that professing Abolitionists — nay, genuhu^ Abolition- 
 ists — men who have done much for negro emancipation — are to be found 
 both here and in Great Britain, who not only refuse theii' sympathy to 
 Mr. Lincoln, but regard the slave-tratKcking Government of Jefferson 
 Davis with something very much akin to sympathy and goochvill. 
 (Hear, hear.) As you are aware, .sir, I have rect'iitly returned from a 
 visit to Gi'eiit Britain — and I am bound to say that I was astonished and 
 grieved' at the feeling with which I found the content now waging in the 
 United States generally regarded. In my six months' journey ings 
 
thrctii;;!' Kiiuliii'l ami Seotliunl, 1 liiul i)].ij)iirtiniitii'^ ot't-nnver-'iii:,' with a 
 very Iiii'.;i' iMinilicrtif jicr-^iiin in all |ti)-;iliniii nf HI',- ainl 1 'iin .•mivv In say - 
 tliut, wliili- llnic wi'iv iiMiiy iiiaik''i| ('Xr',.ji(iiin-< aiunii;^' iiicii nl" tliuii;^ht 
 iui<l iiilliiciii'i', tlx! ^'fiu ml Hviiiiiathy was vcrv (U'cldcdly >m the n'u\v ol" the 
 South. I iiitiivly a;,'riT with vcti, sir, tliat lliis rci'linj^ lui •■ init «>rij.riii.itt'(l 
 iVuiii any « Iiuiii,'!' in tlic )Mi|iiilar Jiiiiiil nf t!icat JU'itaiii on the .iuiijci't of 
 African slavery. On thv cnntrnry, I liclicvi.' tin- liativd of Hlavcry, and 
 th'.' dtvii'c t'lir I'linnicijiation all nviT tlic world, aiv iicnrly ii< striini,' as 
 ever. In ahiiont I'vcry ont- of tlic hundred! of disiMi^siim-t iji whirli I 
 WiiH a iiaitii'i|tatMr. it, w;i-< a.^ain and a_c,'ai;i lemMtiMl hy all, that ei iilil they 
 lu'lit'Ve AlVieau .slavery to he tin- ciune ol tlie civil war, an<l that Mr. 
 Lincoln ',va^ t<iiic(!!'ely deHirnu-^ of hriiij^dn,:^' the horiid tiathc to mi end, 
 they would iJi'i'mptly ami heartily -.(ive their synni.ilhy I) his cauHc. 
 r.ut the tiHitli i < that tlie systeinitic uii-reinv-i'iitatioii nf tli • London 
 
 Tinii^a and other jounials, cumincnced shortly after the outhr.'ak of the 
 civil wai' and diii>j;ently kept nj) ever >ince, has jierverted t!ie puhlic 
 mind of ^Ireat Briiain, and the mot ania/.in,n' niiscoiice;)tioni^ a-, to the 
 ti'Ue nature of the sfru|^';^'le are t:very\vhere met wiili, and that even 
 amou;,^ ih" mo-it candiil and f^enerous-mindel men. (Henr.) I have 
 i-'aid, sir, that to this ^'eneral .-tate of feelin;^' there are n>any emiiunt ex- 
 ceptions — lh.it there are men in J'ritain who peifectly comjuehi'nd the 
 whole merits of the contest — and pre-einiueiit amou;.' these, I helieve, 
 stand th'- memhorn of the British Cahini't. [ entirely a;^'ie'! with yon, 
 sir, that the wiiole pidicy and conduct of the Urilish (<overnment 
 throU!.i;hoiil the war has ])een wt)rthy of all jiraise, and 1 do think it is 
 nauh to lie regretted that our neighbours across tlie lines have not viewed 
 aright the wise course it has pursued, hut have permitted their joui'uals, 
 anil some of their ]>uli!ic s])eakers, to indulge in accusations as gionndless 
 as impolitic. When the impartial histoiT of this civil war shiH he 
 written, that pag(.' of it which will record the ]iart taken in it l>y the 
 British Government — it.s dignified disrcganl of contunndy — it* patient 
 endurance of commercial distri;ss and indiviilual suifering and (le-titu- 
 tiou directly re-ailting froin the war — its firm and persistiiit resist- 
 ance of the seduction^i of other Povre.-s to intrude unasked in the 
 domestic feuds of the I'epuhlic — will, I am persuaded, stand out as an 
 imperishable n»onument to the wisdom anil justice of the men wdio held 
 the helm. ((Jheiu's.) ^Vhatever misconceptions may exist among the 
 ])eople, there have bee:i no misconoeptions on the part of the British 
 (Joverinnent: tirmh' and discreetly it has pursued the only course 
 open to it, that <■ • •rupulous neutrality. That the sympathies of 
 the peojde (d" Englan ■ have not been with the North in the present 
 struggk — that those who urged the Ameiican peojde to throw o(f the 
 disgrace of slavery have not ai.'ted up to their own ])rinciples when their 
 advice was ibl lowed ami the contest came — that aid and encouragmeut 
 have been given to the slaveocracy l)y subjei;ts of Great Britain — we ai'e 
 forced to concede and deplore ; but the British pei.ple are a free people, 
 over these things their Governnx'nt has little or no control, and wdiat 
 has bi'en tlone by the British Governniei>t, as u Government, has l)een 
 all that any just American could demand. (Cheers.) Now, Mr. Chair- 
 man, I humbly conceive that in all this we, the anti-slavei'v men of 
 Canatla, have an important duty to discharge. We wdio have stood here on 
 the borders of the Kepublic for a (luarter of a century protesting against 
 slavery as the " sum of ail human villanie; '' — we v, ho have closely watched 
 every turn of the nuestion — we who have for years acted and sympa- 
 thized with thegooil men of the Republic in their efforts for the freedom 
 (d" their country — we who have a ]»ractical knowledge of the atrocities of 
 
a 
 
 H 
 
 wlif> never Imd 
 
 tliey know lu'ttiT, 
 
 niiilt(;r ! Tens of 
 
 millions ol' Ueuaurc 
 
 every lUniily in the 
 
 tlu- "pecnliiir iuHtitiition," learnt frtini the lipsol ilie panting refuL'cu' unon 
 ourwhon's — ue wlm liiive in our ruukM npn well known on th"' ntlier 
 Hide (if tlie Atlaiilii' as life-Ion^' Alioliti(>ni-<ts— we, I nay, are in a position 
 to Hpeak with confiileiice to the anti-slavery men of (Jreat Ihitain ; to 
 tell them that they liave not rightly nndeiNtood this matter-- to tell tlu-ru 
 tliat slavery is tlie one <,'ieat cause of tlie Ameriiim rehellion, and that the 
 Hwcress of the N'orlh is the deiitli-knell of slavery. (Cheers.) Stninj^c, 
 Hir, after all that has pa-^^ed, that a doiilit nt this sliouhl remain! The 
 North derlares that it was the determination to j»er|ietiiate and extend 
 nlavery that, raused the South lo a|)peal to aims; tlie South declares that 
 the deteriiiinatioii of the \oilli to aholish -slavery caused the election of 
 ^Ir. Lincoln, anil that this is tht^ ^n-at end ami aim of Mr. Lincoln's 
 (lovernnieiit ; the whohf thirty millions of the American people 
 unite in declarin;^' slavery to he the one ^ivM issue of the 
 war; luit these ^'ood ]ieople, thousilids of niih ■> oil", 
 their feet on American soil, are satislied tlia 
 and thai slavery lias no conceni in the 
 thousand-! of lives have lieen lost, hundreds o( 
 have Ikm'U spent, the peace and hapjuness id" 
 
 laml have heeii hrokeii ii]) ; liut it sec:ins the comhatants are in entire 
 if,'noraiici! of the cause of (piarn'l— the whole contest is a mere strife for 
 power ! Now, sir, we who have watt lied the stru;,'gle fi\>m its commonce- 
 ment, and from day t(j day, almost from hour to hour, well know how 
 erroneous all this is. We can look hack to the timt^ when tlie Aholition- 
 ists of the States were a small and feelde jiarly ; we can recollect when 
 James (r. JJiriiey, the aholition candidate for the Presidency, received no 
 more than six tiiousand votes in the whole Repuldie ; we can recol- 
 lect when iioltle old .John Quincy Adanis stood alnioHt alone hattling in 
 Conj^ress for the lust rijfht of freemen— the sacred ri},dit of petition ; we 
 can rememher how completely and how ruthlessly the slave intiuence 
 (Umiimited over tlu- whole affairs of the Rei)uhlic ; and well can we remem- 
 ber when the first ray of hope broke in upon ns when the slaveocracy, 
 growing insolent in their day of power, r'lshed to their own destruction 
 by the repeal of the Mi.ssoari compromi.se that laid ,do\vn the line of de- 
 marcation between Slavery and Freedom. That act did more for the 
 caii.se of emancipation than tongue can tell. The fierce contests fought 
 in Kansas and jN ebraska between Freedom and Hhively added immensely 
 to the strength (d' the friends of freedom ; and the atrocious Fugitive 
 Slave Law, compelling the freemen of the North to beconie slot hounds 
 on their own farms after the human chattels of the slavehohlers of the 
 South, roused a feeling deep and strong throughout the free States. It 
 was soon apparent that the time had come when the issue between 
 Freedom and Slavery for supremacy in tlie Republic must l)e fought and 
 won. That feeling, sir, increased and strengthened, until it oecame 
 overwhelming in the Northern States ; and under its influence the great 
 Republican party was formed, and Abraham Lincoln selected as their 
 standard-bearer in the Presidential contest. (Cheers.) Now, let it be 
 well remembered, that Mr. Lincoln was not elected as an abolitionist, in 
 the sense ordinarily applied to that tenn. He did not openly avow that 
 slavery was an outrage on all law, human and Divine — and that every 
 law or constitution framed to legalize and establish it should be treated 
 with contempt, and the vile traffic swept away. Mr. Lincoln and the 
 party who elected him did not go that length. They said : We want 
 nothing more tlian the Constitution gives us ; we wish to abolish slavery 
 wherever we have control under the Constitution ; we wish to restrict 
 slavery within its present domain, so far as the Constitution permits us 
 
ImiiiKlarit v, l'',!t coiiM hciiin' its iilt'iiintf aliolitioii. 'I'lic Smith 
 y i'MTiitnv!nn<i( il tlial Mr. Ijiiu'iilii, if elected, iiiij^'lit kirp within 
 
 t(i thi ; v.c ui h J» cxi'ivi-f <tur ci'tr-litutiMial iij;]it t«i lilcVilil ihi- I'X- 
 tctisiiiu ofi'ilavoiv over thf tmitfiitx of th*- lUpiiMic iM.t \»1 inliuitu-il 
 i\* State-* of the I'niuii, Th.it was the mm ami '.iih«taii«c oi tin- Hi'|inh- 
 licaii <it'(!iaiiil ; thcv i-tnnd li;, tlic Cnii^f itutioii. Aiul when it i-,a>kt'<l 
 wliy thi' N'uitht iti iiMii h:ivi' al\va\ h avrtiiil that tln-y wru- H;.^htiri^ for 
 the rniniMiiiil )h(! CiiiHlitiitiiiti, ami not for ;.ih.ilitioii, it nhoiihi lit'luiinc 
 iliniiiHllli.it ill • ( 'ni' -titiiti.'!! j^a",f llniii i';l tlif j>o\Vfr that thfv coiild 
 nossilily iic.-i:\', Will ilid lhr\ know, and will diil the Sunthmn'i-H 
 Know, that an anli->'avi!y I'fc-'idint ami « 'on.^'ri'-s liy llitir diici i power 
 of h'j,'iM!ation, I'y their tontinl of the imMic patronni^'t', and hy their ai»- 
 pHvMtioii of the i>ii1)'if moneys, eoiild not oiny ivtrict slavery within it-* 
 l»reseiii 
 ja-rfeL't 
 
 tlie letter of the Ci ii-titutioii, aiul set sap the fonndatioiis of tin 
 whole slave .'^ystciti. And they acted ai'i'oidin^-ly. A )^Meat. and linal 
 etfmt waH rcsolveil on I'y the Slave Power for the masteiy of the I'liioTi ; 
 ami it was iiisulently inoflainied tliat if the Xoithei'ii electors daied to 
 eh'i't Mr. Lincoln to llie I'lcsidential eliair, the South would Heeede from 
 till' Union, and loice tlieii' sei'e;-sion hy an appeal to arms, '['he jireseiit 
 rc'hellion, then, wa ; conici'. cd and planned, not only helore Mr. Ijineolii 
 api)eared at W'ashin-t.-n. hut previou-; to hh eleition ; and the sok; 
 'Touml on which it \\:i- threatened wa:J his deterniinalion to restrict the 
 limit^i of slavery so far a < he had the jmwer under the Constitution, and 
 no further. Well, sir, the North was not intimidated liy the threats of 
 the South, and Mi'. Lincoln was elected. (Cheers.) J-'roin that day 
 actual revolution he;,'Mii. Months hefore he was sworn in, the Southern- 
 era, with the connivance of a weak DeTuocratic President, connneuced 
 their preparations for revolt. Anns and supplies were distrilmtetl over 
 the South, and hefore Mr. Lincoln reached Wasliin;^'ton the tocsin of civil 
 war had heen sounded. The tirst hlow was struck hy the Southeriieiv— 
 it was struck at Fiut Sumter--- althou^di Mr. Lincoln had not yet taken 
 the slijjlitest step in the direction of emancipation. The ]»reservution 
 and peii»etuation of slaM-ry was tlie one cause why that hlow was struck ; 
 and had any douht on that point existed, the speech of Mr. Stephens, 
 Vice-President of the Confederate States, delivered at Savannah in 
 March last, would have elfectually removed it. He said : — 
 
 " Last, not least, the new Constitution lias put at rest /or ever all the agi- 
 tating (picstions relatin;,' to our j)oculiar institution — African shivery as it 
 exists among us, the jirojicr status of the negro in onr form of civilization. 
 This was tlie immediate caune of the late rupture and present revolution. 
 Jetlerson, in his foreciist, liad anticipated this, as the 'roukupon which the 
 old union would split.' He was right. What was conjecture with him is 
 now a realized fact. 15ut whether he fully comprehended the great tmth upon 
 which the rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas enter- 
 tained by him and most of the leading statesmen of the time of tlie formation 
 of the old Constitution, were that the enslavement of the African wa8 in 
 \ialation of the laws of nature, tlmt it was wrong in principle, socially, 
 morally, and politically. * * * * Those ideas, however, were fundament - 
 ally wrong. They resred u]>oii the assumption of the eiiuality of races. This 
 was an error. It was a sandy foundation ; and the idea of a Government built 
 upon it — when 'the storm came and the winds blew, it fell.' Our new 
 tiovernment is foimded upon exactly the opposite ideas ; its foundatiotis are 
 laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great trutb that the negi'o is not eijual to 
 the white man ; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural 
 and moral condition. This, our new Government, is the first, in the history 
 of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. " 
 
 Here the issue between North and South is clearly and frankly stated, 
 
 1* 
 
 ..iiiJ^ 
 
() 
 
 und tlin!.f who >viiiiiiilliiNf willi flic South ran .-«••' vci-y plainly what it in 
 they arc aiding' to t>taliti>li. Hut, Mr. Chainnan, the (|iii'Htiiiti is con- 
 Htaully ]Mit: Why, wht-n Mr. Linroln and his (>ovrr-nni<'nt naw that 
 thf Soiilhi-ni Stati"< wt-rc ilcti'ituiniil to liavf tht- I'nioii, diii they not 
 lit thira (^'o in itracc, ami navi- tli<- tii^'htt'ul tiriisinn iif lilooil that Iuim 
 
 I think it ini^'ht hr t-nnu^'h fur 
 
 inii'ri- 
 
 iK-t'U uitni'<'>i'(t / lo this, sir, i tniiiK it nii^'iii nr fiinu^'ii lur an 
 rail to itply : Why tliil nut Kii^{laiul h-t the thirltiii Stalt-Ki^u/ Why 
 iliiliiot liriiain hi InlamlKo/ Why did not AiLstria let HiiiiKiU'y K" ' Wl»y 
 does iintlht' ro|M' let thr |Mti|iIc ol' itoim'K"' Wi' have oltcn heard oljuirtH 
 or Hcrtionsol' Statrs desiring to st'ccdc, Honii'tiniis with reason uiul soine- 
 tinies withiiiil, Imt who ever heard of thereiitral aiithf»ritv of any country 
 |iatiently ai'<|uiesiiii^r in the disnicnilierineiit of their lantU Such a con- 
 ceHHion is not in human nature, ho\v»'ver reasonalile the deinan<l for it. 
 But, it is contended, the South had the rii{ht to secede; the Kepuhlic 
 wa.s hut a collection of independent States, Hunmdering for a while their 
 s((V('ivij,'nty, but holding the ri;^ht to asHunie it nt any moment. Now, 
 sir, i do not think it worth while to waste time in discussing this noint 
 I have failed to meet with any i)ro<)f that tlie Federation woh only as- 
 sented to for a limited time. The argument seems to rest simply on the 
 plea that as the States freely dio-c to enter the Union, somuy they freely 
 choose t(» <lepait. U'ell, sir, ScotIan<l freely entered into union with 
 England — hut does that prove that Scotland can separate when she 
 chooses/ Ireland entered tne union with Great Britain not over willingly 
 — but d(M's that prove that she can leave it when she chooses? No doubt, 
 the Southern States, like Scotland or Ireland, may break the compact 
 and go — if they have the power — but success woulil be revolution, and 
 failure rebellion. (Chetsrs.) Governments exist for the good of the 
 wliole people. We once hail a glorious revolution in England — (cheers) 
 — and assuredly when the Government of any country ceases to be ad- 
 ministered for the essential benefit of the people, a revolution is the 
 sound and politic remedy. The world no longer admits the Divine right 
 of either Knigs or Presidents to govern wrong — but those who seek to 
 change an established Government by force of arms, assume a fearful re- 
 sponsibility—a responsibility which notliing but the clearest and most 
 intolerable injustice will ac(iuit them for assuming. The Southern States 
 plead as their excuse for revolution that Abraham Lincoln was fairly and 
 constitutionally elected President of the Republic, and that the perma- 
 nency of slavery was thereby placed in danger. Is that a plea to be ac- 
 cepted by the civilized world in the second half of the nineteenth 
 century ? Revolutions have usually arisen from efforts of the oppressed 
 to deliver themselves from bondage ; but here is an attenjpt at revolution 
 to perpetuate slavery, to fasten more hoplessly than ever the chains of ser- 
 vitude on the limbs of four millions of human beings, — (cheers) — is it with 
 that Christian England can sympathise ? Ought not an outburst of indigna- 
 tion at such a spectacle be heanl from every land I (Cheers.) There 
 is no justice, no right, in the case of the Soutlu'rn slaveholders ; it is 
 simply a question of might. If they have the power to go, of course thej' 
 will go — 
 
 A VOICE—They have gone! 
 
 ANOTHER VOICE— That's so! 
 
 Mr. BROWN — Not quite yet ; but whether they go or stay is now 
 of comparatively little moment. What does concern us, and what must 
 rejoice every true-hetuled man in Christendom, is that go when they may, 
 they will go without their slaves, ((ireat cheering.) We owe that 
 much, at any rate, to Abraham Lincoln and hia iriends. (Continued 
 cheering.) 13ut, Mr. Chairman, let ,us return to the (inestion, why did 
 
not Mr. liiiu'oln let the Sliiv«- Slater p>f Aiiil iMlun- pnx <*'«liii^> to i>x- 
 ittiiiric that qiicHtinii frniri itii iinti->'liivti'v |i<iiiit of virw, will \uii |i<rtiiit 
 
 in<>, HJr, to iiiakt' a ili^'nssion, ami, Hpt-akiti^ tor tiiN^cIf aii'l not I'or an 
 itht'r, to L'ivi- an answer witli wliirh 1 am ixrHuailcil i>v«T> trnc Itritin 
 
 i; 
 
 hcatt ou^'lit to syinpatlii)'*-. Sir, Wf all know tin* |iri'jiuli(f at tliif< ino- 
 uicnt a^'uinst tlx' rnitnl SlatcM in (irtat iiritain an<l Canada; wc know 
 w<-ll all that in Hiiil.antl that unlnitunatily can li«- naitl with too iniu h 
 truth, iiM to th«' HtatrsnianHhi|) ol' tlic Kcpnlilic— iim to thi' ttMniiHsuini'd hv 
 tlu' AnuricanN towanlx lorcip^'n nations —ax to tin- dflVrts in tln'ir iiolitt- 
 cul HyHtt'in, ami ax to tli<> idnilnct of tho civjl war; hut wore all tlnit iH 
 uUi'Ucd on tlu'Hc i^'rountU triif — wfrc vantly more than is avcrrt'd, trut- — 1 
 do think tliat no man who loves human freedom and desires the eleva- 
 tion of mankind could contemplate without the deepest re^r-t a failun^ 
 of that yreat experiment of self-j^'overnment, across tin- lim-s. (Hear, 
 hiiur.) Had Mr. Lincoln consented to the H«>cession of tjie Houtheni 
 States, ]uid hv. admitted that each State could at any moment and on any 
 
 hiA 
 
 plott Uike its departiire from the Union, In- would simnly Have ^'iven 
 conHetit to the comidete nii>ture of the Federation, llu' Southern StateH 
 and the Border States would have j»one — tlie Western states mi^ht soon 
 have followed — the States on the Pacific wouUl not have heen long be- 
 hind — and where the practice of Hecession, once comnH-nced, miKht have 
 ended, it would be dimcult toKuy. Petty llenublics would have covered 
 the continent, each would have nad its ntunding army and its standing 
 feuds ; — and we, too, in Canada, were it only in Kelf-defenci-, must have 
 been compelled to ann. I, for one, sir, cannot look back or the history of 
 the American Republic without feeling that all this would be a woild-wide 
 misfortune. How can we ever forget that the United States territory has, 
 for nearly a century, been an ever-open asylum for the poor and the perse- 
 cuted of every lamt i Millions have fled from suffering and destitution in 
 every comer of Europe, to find happy homes and overflowing prospeiity in 
 the Republic ; and I confess I know no more wonderful or more didightful 
 spectacle than to pa-ss (as you easily can) for thousands of miles along 
 tne high roads of the Republic, and witness the wonderful material 
 success that has been achieved by men who, a few short years ago, 
 landed on the American shore, for the most part without means and 
 without education. Is there a human being who could rejoice that all 
 this should be ended ? And who could fail bitterly to regret the effect 
 of such a catastrophe on the politics of Europe / Who can tell how 
 Tnuch influence the great American Republic has exerted on the libeilies 
 of the world. Circum tances have caused me to search deep and often 
 into the debates of the British Parliament, and I confess I have been 
 frequently struck by the constant references in the speeches of our 
 greatest statesmen, for nearly a century past, to American ju-actices, 
 American preceilents, and American institutions. These may not have 
 been coj»ied by the mother country, but it is impossible to doubt tliat on 
 many important (piestions the free theories and tree exam^iles of America 
 liave greatly intlueuced fur good the legishvtion of Great Britain. And 
 if this hiia becm the case luider the good government of Britain, what 
 influence may not have been exerti'd upon the despotic systems of the 
 European continent i Can the hosts of Freiichinv^n, Austrians, Prussians, 
 Italians, and other Europeans, Avho found homes in the United States, 
 have failed to waft across the Atlantic or to carry back with them to 
 their native lands, the new ideas of popular rights acquired in the land 
 of their adoption ? — and would it not be sad indeed if the echo of these 
 ideas so often heard on the Continent, in the shape of demands for 
 extended popular rights and free constitutions, covild be met by the 
 
• U'Mjuiiic rukrs nl' Europe with the tauiil Lo lnok .it Auu'iira iiiid leiirn 
 how free nnisiiliiti tis u'hI ]i())mlai' rii^lit-t I'lidcil in disniptiuii uiid 
 aiiarcliy / Wlii can ''.t'liy tiiat tlio Aiucricaii (•(iiistitntiuii, as framt'd by 
 tlie lUtiit'iv 111' the rcvoliiticii n[ '7(), warf one of the noblest conceptions 
 that ever eniannted fioif he human mind ! — and if one must regret that 
 tlie tVuit ofhitc years ha-^ Jiot been wortliy of the tree, avIio shall say how 
 much of that we are conii)elle(l to dej)recate may nut bi; directly traced 
 fo the cjvnker-worm of Slavery. (IJear, hear.) V/ilh a free C(jnstitution 
 the United iStates has not been a five country. One half has been 
 entirely surrentb red to slavery, ami the other half has been subject 
 indirectly to the same malij^'ii influence. The Southern States have lieen 
 knit together by one common bond — touch the slave interest and the 
 whole South is in a llaiue au'.l drawn together as one man. The 
 Northern States, on the ciutrary, had no sui.'li univeisal interest to bind 
 them togetbci', and through tlieir divisions as Vv'higs and Democrats, 
 Liberals and Conservatives, the South always continued to hoM the 
 bahuice of 1 lower, and control the national i>o]icy of the Union. The 
 South has had entile sway at Washington. Xo man could be successful 
 in public life, no man could hone to I'ise to eminence in the a<lministva- 
 tion of affairs, unless he knelt at the Southern shrine, and maintained 
 with his whol(! strength the peculiar in-^titution. Nothing cuuld be 
 more corrupting,- more utterly deiinn'alizing to the public men of the 
 North than the choice cf)nstant:y presentetl to them — adhere to your 
 Northern ])riii('iples and ruin your career — abandon your principles and 
 bow your neck to slavery, and the gates of the White House are open to 
 yon. Nor vras the slave influi^uce contined t(j the jiolitical arena— it 
 permeated every walk of life. The A'ast cotton trade and the supplying 
 of goods to the slaveholder, exteiidi'il their ramifications all over the 
 Union ; their iiilluence was felt in the store, the woi'kslio]), the lecture- 
 room, the press, — aye, even in the puli»it. Every one was made to feel 
 the potency of cotton, and a styh' of argumentation in defence or pallia- 
 tion of slavery v/as heanl everywhere from men who, on any other ques- 
 tion, wcnild have scorned to advance such miserable sophistries. The 
 whole Union was debauched by the cotton influence ; and it does appear 
 to me that it would be unreasonable and nnjust to test the American 
 constitution by its working while cimtroUed by influences so malign and 
 injurious. Let the friends of freedtnu rejoice that at last the hoj)e of a 
 better state of things begins to dawn, and that, freed from the curse of 
 himian slavery, the American peojde maj' yet show themselves worthy 
 of their high origin, and take their right place anuuig the free nations of 
 the world. We, in Upper Canada, Mr. (Jhairman, cannot help having 
 some sympathy Avith the Northerners in their peculiar position ; for 
 though we have no South, we have an Eastern influence to contend with 
 — an Eastern minority that rules the Western majority — that controls 
 our public afiairs and dictates terms to our public men as the price and 
 the penalty of otlicial success. (Hear, hear.) None know better than 
 the peo]de of U]>per Canada the demoralising scenes that may be witnes- 
 sed iu the public arena under an influence like this. (Hear, hear.) Let 
 it not be imagined for a moment, Mr. Chainuan, from my speaking thus, 
 that I am a Republican either in theory or practice. Sir, I am persua- 
 ded that no one can have studied closely and impartially the Republican 
 system of the United States and compared it with the; limited monarchy 
 of Great Britahi, without coming to the conclusion that the practical 
 results obtained from our ovm form of Government are infinitely more 
 satisfactory than those secured under the system of our neighbours. 
 (Cheers.) But let us not forget that we are apt to judge of monarchy 
 
9 
 
 by the monarchy of Quciii Victoriii — the Lest, the widest Sovereij:^! ^^^^^ 
 ever asceuded u throne. (Great cheering.) Let us not forget that there 
 have heen, and there are still, very different monarehie.s in the world 
 from that of our own beloved Queen — and assuredly tliere are not so many 
 free governments on earth, that we should hesitate earnestly to desire 
 the success of that one nearest to our own, modelled from our own, and 
 founded by men of our own race. (Cheers.) Sir, I do most heartily 
 rejoice for the cause of liberty that Mr. Lincoln did not patiently 
 acquiesce in the dismemberment of the Kepublic. But, Mr. Chair- 
 
 man, let us return from this lou;^' dii 
 
 and examine the ques- 
 
 tion from an anti-slavery point of view, — fyhij not let them go i No 
 honest anti-slavery man can hesitate in answering — because it would have 
 been wrong to do so, because it would have built up a great slave; re- 
 public that no moral influence could have reached. (Cheers.) Had the 
 extreme Slave States been allowed to secede without a blow, there is 
 every reason to believe that all the Border States would have gone with 
 them, and a large portion of the unadmitted territories of tlu; Union 
 would have been added to the slave domain. Such a confederacy would 
 liave over-awed the free Northern States, the slave trade would at once 
 have been thrown open, and no foreign Government would have ven- 
 tured to interfere. It has been said that if that wire attempted, France 
 and England would enforce by arms a treaty against tlu; inhuman trattic. 
 I do not believe anything of the kind. If England could have been in- 
 duced to go to war about the slave trade, she woidd have gone to war 
 with Spain long ago. She paid money to Spain to give up the shameless 
 trattic, and yet Spain canies it on to the present day, and England has 
 not gone to war to compel her to desist. No, sir, — if this Confederacy 
 had been formed, with slavery and the slave trade as its chief corner- 
 stones, no European Government would have interferiid ; and we should 
 have had on this continent, under the protection of a regularly organised 
 Government, the most monstrous outrage on humanity that has disgraced 
 the present age. (Hear, hear.) Had Mr. Lincoln passively pennitted all 
 this to l)e done — had he permitted the Southern States to go, and such a 
 Government to be formed without a blow — he would have brought en- 
 during contempt iipon his name, and the people of England woiild have 
 been the first to have risen up and reproached him for his imbecility. 
 " Why," they would have demanded, " did you allow the whole of that 
 vast country to pass under the rule of -slavery without one ett'ort to pre- 
 vent it ? How came it that you struck not a single blow to avert such a 
 frightful evil ? Had you only stood firm, the attempt would have broken 
 down — and even had it not, you might have fearlessly looked to us for 
 sympathy, and at once we would have aided you!" Mr. Lincoln and 
 his Government did their duty in resisting the establishment on this 
 continent of so infamous a Government ; they are striving to do it now ; 
 but unfortunately the sympathies of a large portion of the British people 
 were wrongfully withheld from them, if not indeed given to their op- 
 ponents. And yet I believe most sincerely that if they had allowed the 
 South to go — if they had permitted a vast slave Republic to be built up 
 and the slave trade declared legal, — there are few men in England or 
 France who would not have expressed bitter indignation at such 
 lamentable weakness — and foremost among them, 1 do not doubt, 
 would have been the very men who now cry, — " Why not let them 
 go T (Cheers.) Sir, Mr Lincoln and his friends would have dis- 
 graced themselves for ever had they consented to let the South go 
 with a knowledge of what would happen. And come what may 
 hereafter, already has enough been achieved to justify their refusal 
 
 
10 
 
 Slavery lia-; Ix'oi aholisluid liy law in tlic Di^tiid i<\' ( 'uluiiihia, lialt' of 
 Virj^'iiiiii liiiK (l"clan'(l for frecdoiu, the <^\vn\ State of Missouri Iian rcsolv- 
 (h1 to ai'ccjtt iTKiciiiuifu'atioii iniil iiianuniil it^ i>oiiilMiiicii, ami llitic can 
 he very little duiiUt that IXlawaic, Mtiryl.iiKl, ainl Kentucky, conii'. 
 what luay, will now cast in their lot witii the free Northern Slates. 
 Tens of tliousiuidH of .slaves have hem actually set fi'ee ; the law hiis 
 declared every slave in the relx-l States free; and were (lie South to 
 achieve itn freedom to-morrow, it is hard to see how tlie elmttelH can he 
 held in hondaj^'e. These f^reat results have not het'ii oliir.iued without 
 prodi.niuuH sacrifices; hut assuredly for what has heeu done t lie hearty 
 thanks of the civilized world are due to the (Joverimieiit at \Viishiii;4(»u. 
 But, Mr. Chairman, there is another question c(»nstaaily heard, and it is 
 this: — Why did not Mr. Lincoln openly, frankly, and I'roiu the first 
 declare the overthrow of slavery to he his ohject in the civil war^ Now, 
 sir, I could uiiderstand such a (pu'stiun a^ thi* couiiii;^' I'roni a pro- 
 slavery man, for we have hccoine used to the twistiu;.;s uud winding's of 
 that class of disputants ; hut T ccmfe.-s 1 do not coiMnteheii'l such 
 a ([uestion conun;^' fi'om tlu' Ii]is of a true eiiiaiicii»a,tionist. Mr. 
 Lincoln was not electetl hy the whole North, hut only hy a j)or- 
 tion of the Northern electors. Mr, Lincoln's views on the slave ((ucs- 
 tion w('re not held hy the v/hole North, hut on the coulrary, u larj^e 
 portion of the North a]i]troved of slavel'v, and denounced Mr. 
 Lincoln's policy u])ou it. Mi'. Liiuoin had a divideil North to li|^lit with 
 a;!;ainst a united South; and yet these professiufj,' Alxditionists would 
 have had him couu' out with an nnnecessiuy declaralion which wotdd 
 have s'>lit uj* his su)»iiorters, and j^iven 
 mastery of the Union. (Hear, hear.) 
 hetter Avliat he was ahout. He sim])iy 
 of the Union. And why I Because he 
 in to ti^'ht with hiiu for the mahitenance of the rnion, whose 
 political antecedents forhade 'them fnmi tightin;,' for the overtlirow of 
 .slavery. He desired toj;et a united North as !i;.i'ainsta united South, and 
 he ctaUd only ^a't them uniteil on the jL^i'ound of the niiuutenance of the 
 Union. But well he knew that, if the Union were uiaiutaine(l, and he 
 himself remained President of the Union, his eiul would he accomplish- 
 ed. One can fancy ]\Ir. Lincoln reiisoninj,' thus: — "if 1 am I'residi'ut, I 
 have power to aholish slavery in the District <d' Columhia; I will have 
 power to prevent its entrance into the territoi'ies; I will he, uhle to otter 
 money to induce each State to aholish slavery; I. will have a rijj;ht to 
 put men, loving freedom, in all the puhlic t)tlices of the South ; and 
 by these and other means I shall confine slavery within so narrow a 
 compass that it will soon come to an end." liy this course he kept 
 his great end in viciw, and he prevented ojien division in the Noith at 
 the commencement of the struggle. Time did its work — many of 
 the Democratic i)arty. in the heat of strife, hn'got their i)olitical 
 antecedents, and giiulually sav,- a.nd admitted tlu; neci'ssity of waging 
 Avar against slavery ; and Mr. Lincoln was thus soon euahle<l to venture 
 on measures that dared iu)t have heen ln'eathed at the hegiuuiug of the 
 struggle. But, sir, we are tohl that if the North and South se]»arated, 
 and the North hecanu- an indejtendent State, the most IVieudly relations 
 would spring up between the South and Great Ih'itaiu, and an immense 
 trade would Ik' thereby secured to the. Mother Ciauitry. Now, I ajijjre- 
 hend that we very Avell under-taml what all this amounts to. If there 
 is a iH'dy of nu'n on the face of the' earth wlut hate (ireiit Ihitaiu with 
 undying hatred, it is the slaveholders of the Southern States. They 
 hate the very name of Britain, because they know that the British 
 ■ people love freedom, and are the genuine enemies of slavery throughout 
 
 the 
 
 South 
 
 lli>' 
 
 uncoil 
 
 rolled 
 
 No, 
 
 sir, M 
 
 r. i 
 
 iiucoln 
 
 knew 
 
 declared tor 
 
 tin 
 
 ' ui.iintenance 
 
 knew 
 
 that men 
 
 Would 
 
 c(une 
 
 
11 
 
 the worM. (Ch'Cis.) T<< .sirvi; iriv.sciit imiim.si's, they luuy juolV-s ti) be 
 friendly lur the iiioiiieiit, but iw soon as iheii' ends are ()l)tained, tlicy will 
 .speedily lie seen in their line colour^ iis the hitler enemies ot' (ir<.'at 
 Britain. The nuist violent iittaeks on (Ireat P>ritaiii, the mo.st insulting 
 lanmiau'e, has almost inviii'ialtly ])roeee.do(l i'roni Southern lips and 
 Southern ])ens. lUit it is saiil "the North has the same leelini^'s, thi; 
 " North has no love for (ireat Britain, and the inoni; 'it the present eivil 
 " war is en<led, the Northerners will cross over to ( a'e'.da, coiuiuer us in 
 "a weelc, and annex our country to their doniiriiiiis." 1 faney, Mr. 
 Chairman, wi' undeistaud the eccentricities of ouv .''.mericau iiei!4id)ours 
 nmch better than our friends in the Mother Couiiiry, and can place, a 
 more correct value on the, vauntinj^^s of their pres-s, and the boastful lan- 
 guage of their orators. We have lived at ])eac.e v.ith them for lifty yeaiv, 
 ami notwithstandiiiL; all that is come and <:one, we In^e to live at ]>eace 
 with them for lifty moie. We have 'arg'e commercial relations— mutu- 
 ally profitable relations with them— we have no causi; of quarrel with 
 them, ;;"d excejjt as oratorical llourishes, the i l^a of attacking; Canada, 
 lam ;. i'snade<l, nevei' entered theii' concent! n. Were the civil strife 
 endi'.i to-morrov/, our nei,L,'hboui's will have uu 1 enoujj[li of war to last 
 tluin for years to come ; but assuredly, should I hey be mad enoujj;h to 
 attack us, we arc vastly more able now to defend our soil than we were 
 fifty years av'o— and what we did in IS12 we would unflinchingdy do 
 again. (Cheers.) It is not by such petty bug-bears that honct IJrilons 
 will lie prevented from camlidly examining the true merits of the Ame- 
 rican civil war, and ])raying earnestly that Cod may uphold the right. 
 (Cheers.) Mr. Chairman, there is one fact that I conceive ought to be 
 perfectly conclusive with every sincere emancipationist, whether in 
 Britain or in Canada, an to the side on which his sympathy should l)e 
 cast. There liave been for many years in the United States noble men 
 fighting for freedom— the Tappans, the Jays, the Adams, th(; Beechens, 
 the Carriaofis, the Geri'it Smiths, and a host of other patriots, wliose 
 names will one (hiy have a high rank in the annals of their country. 
 These men have justly enjoyed the confidence and esteem of th(^ 
 British pul)lic, and they liave never done anything to forfeit it. 
 Now, it is an instructive fact, that there is not one such man, not one 
 man who ever stood high in English estimation for moral worth and 
 sterling patriotism, who is not found ranged <m the side of the North in 
 the present struggle — there is not one such man who is not found on the 
 side of Mr. Lincoln and heartily su])porting him. (Cheers.) Every one 
 of them perfectly comprehends, and we anti-slavery men of Canada per- 
 fectly comprehend, that tliewholehope of immediate emancipation,thorough 
 emancipation, rests on the success of Abraham Lincoln's administration. 
 (Great cheering.) Mr. (Chairman, T must apologize for detaining the 
 meeting to so unreasonable a length — (CJries of no ! no I)— but I telt it 
 was a <luty we owed to oui'selves, to our neighbors across the line, and 
 to our friends iiv Great Britaiti, that the true merits of this great struggle 
 should b(! clearly stated IVfim our position of advantage, and froin an 
 anti-slavery point of view. I am well assured that those of us who may 
 be spared sonu', years hence to look back upon this civil war in America, 
 will niiver hav(! cause to repent that we took ])art in the ))roceedings of 
 this night, but will rciuiendier with pride and pleasure that W(! did what 
 we could to n])hold the right. (Cheers.) For myself, sii', whatever may be 
 the result of the present stiil'e, 1 shall always lee! the highest satisfaction 
 in recollecting that with the !-in of symiiatlusing with slavery or secession, 
 my hands have iu)t been deii!ed ; but that iVoiu the commeucement of 
 the struggle my earnest aspiiations have gone with the friends of freedom. 
 (The hon. gentleman resumed his seat amid hnidaud continued a])])lause.)