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 11I 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 Of 
 
 HON. JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS, OF OHIO, 
 
 ON 
 
 THE OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 DELIVERED 
 
 IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, MONDAY, JANUARY 5, 1846. 
 
 WASHINGTON: 
 BLAIR & RIVES, PRINTERS. _ - 1 
 1846. 
 

THE OREGON QUESTION. 
 
 ^ 
 
 Tlie resolution from the Committee on Foreign I 
 I Affuirs, requiring the President to notify Great 1 
 ! Britain of the intention of the United States to 
 f terminatt' the joint occupancy of Oregon, and to 
 * abrogate the convention of' 1827, being under 
 consideration in Committee of the Whole — 
 
 Mr. GIDDINGS said it was due to himself to 
 slate, that when this subject was before a former 
 Congress, he had beeti opposed to giving the 
 notice contemplated by the resolution before the 
 House. I then (said be) acted with a view to the 
 ^circumstances with which we were surrounded. 
 
 ' But as the circumstances which led me to oppose 
 the measure at that period have undergone a great 
 change, I am compelled to shape mj' present policy 
 to the .situation in which the Government is placed. 
 When this suliject was before us at a former ses- 
 ■'.Bion, our Gove'rmnent had not adopted the policy 
 ■of extending its powers, by the acquisition of new 
 -territory. I then preferred that the Union, which 
 had been formed by our falher.s of the Revolution, 
 should remain, and be perpetuated. I saw, or 
 thought I saw, dllficultics and dangers in attempt- 
 hig to bring other governments under our jurisdic- 
 tion. I hiid seen "in this Hall, since the day on 
 which I first entered it, a conflict of interest be- 
 tween different portions of the Union, which in 
 my view threatened the final overthrow of our 
 Government, if confined to its then existing lim- 
 its. Even then, a spirited contest had been car- 
 ried on f(n- many years between the southern and 
 northern portions of the Union, in regard to our 
 protective tariff. At one time it had actually ar- 
 rayed in arms one member of the confederacy 
 against the power of the Federal Government. 
 Tliat controversy still continues, and is likely to 
 increase in interest. 
 
 Another controversy, between the eastern and 
 •western portions of the Union, has long been car- 
 ried on in respect to the disposition of our jiublic 
 lands. That controversy still continues. But, sir, 
 a conflict of a more absorbing character, between 
 the slaveholding intercst-s of the South and the ad- 
 vocates of freedom at the North, had been increas- 
 ing and extending among all classes of society, 
 both in the free and in the s'ave States. There was, 
 then, a huge balance of political power in favor of 
 ttie free States; wliile a liberal and perhaps com- 
 inendablc ])olicy, on the part of the North, had 
 
 fiven to the slaveholding territory an equal num- 
 er of States, and of course an equal represcnta- 
 
 X U..^ O ij«« « ,^ Si 
 
 tion in the Senate with that of the free States. I 
 then believed, notwithstanding all these sectional 
 conflicts, that our Union might be preserved, if tlie 
 Government were confined to its then existing lim- 
 its; but I was most solemnly impressed with the 
 opinion, that, if our territory were extended, and 
 the interests of different sectmns thereby rendered 
 more conflicting, the i)ermanency of the Union 
 would be ciulangcred. These views were based 
 upon the irrevocable laws of nature. The soil , and 
 climate, and products of Texas are totally different 
 from the soil, and climate, and products of New 
 England; but they arc not more different than arc 
 the real interests of the people in those sections 
 of the country. It will be as impossible for 
 Congress by any laws of our enactment, to recon- 
 cile "the interests of Texas and MasKachusetts, as 
 it woidd for us to compel the cotton and sugar of 
 Texas to grow on New England soil, or the man- 
 ufactures of New England to flourish in Texas. 
 So, too, with Oregon. The principal commerce of 
 that territory must be with the Sandwich Isles and 
 with China; ours with Europe. No law of ours 
 can reverse or reconcile these interests, founded 
 upon the dificrent positions of the Atlantic and Pa- 
 cific coasts. We may extend our laws over Oregon. 
 We may admit her as a i>ow State to our Union, as 
 we have already admitted Texas ; but time will 
 demonstrate to the people of Texas, and of Ore- 
 gon, that they gain nothing by the association; and 
 our people of the East and the North will find, by 
 future experience, that a union with Oregon and 
 Texas will require of them the sacrifice of a por- 
 tion of their own interests, without in any degree 
 adding to the hapjiiness of the human family. 
 When these things shall be fully seen and felt by 
 all portions of the Union, a separation will be m- 
 evitable, and such n( w confederations will then be 
 formed as shall be tlK)ught more conducive to the 
 general good. With these views, I preferred the 
 independence of both Texas and Oregon, rallier 
 tlien see them united with us. I was fully aware 
 that tlie tide of emigration, which was setting from 
 our western States to Oregon, would people that 
 territory svith those who understand the value of 
 our free institutions, and who are devoted to the 
 cause of civil liberty. Their wisdom and patriot- 
 ism would soon erect a Government there, mod- 
 dlcd after our own, while it would be free from the 
 errors to whicli ours is subjected. Under these 
 circumstances and with these impressions, I felt 
 that the great interests of all would be for better 
 

 i subserved by thair becoinin;i; iriikpciidcnt Govorn- 
 
 <• ineiits, than tlicy would l)y ibcir l)iinf^ mcmticrsi of 
 
 our confl'diM-xcy. liidoed, I tVlt llial ibc iioliry of 
 rccoiviiij^ tl em as nicnil)(;rs i.^'i our Union, w(juld 
 cventuiilly prove futul to our lonftd* riitiun. Of 
 tlii\t result, I cnterliiined no doubt. Nor do I now 
 entertain any doubt whatever on tlial point. I 
 tlicrefore voted against terniinaiiiig our joint oe- 
 cujiatifin of Oregon, and again.st ail political as^so- 
 ciiUion with Tt^vas. Yet, sir, tiie policy of ter- 
 ritorial aggrandizement has been adopted. It has 
 been done without my eon.sent, and against my 
 will. For the resulting coiisequences, I am not ve 
 sponsible; nor is the |)arty with whom 1 have had 
 the honor to act. But, sir, since this subject of 
 Oregon was before us during a former Congress, 
 the jiolicyof the nation has been ciianged. Indeed, 
 the Government itsell" has been cluniiied in its cs- 
 sen'-'il elements; its fundamental ]irinciji!es have 
 been overthrown. The Union, formed by our ven- 
 erated predecessors, has been dissolved, and a new 
 slaveliolding confederacy with a foreign Govern- 
 nent has been formed. 
 
 It is true that the action of this body and of the 
 Executive in regard to the annexation of Texas, 
 has impo.sed no moral or j)olitical obligation u|)on 
 the peo)ilc of Ohio, or of any fiee State, to enter 
 into this new slaveliolding confederacy. But, from 
 present indications, they will all submit, and become 
 parties to the new Union. This cannot be fully 
 determined until after the Senators and Represen- 
 tatives of Texas shall take their seats in Con- 
 gress. Then, if Ohio shall thereafter elect mem- 
 bers of Congress to come here, and act with those 
 of Texas in passing laws to govern our people, we 
 shall thereby become jiariies to the new com])act. 
 But, sir, our State will become a iiarty under the 
 ex])ectation that the policy of adtling new States 
 shall be continued, until the balance of })ower shall 
 be restored to the northern section of the Union. 
 It is the annexation of Texas that has reiid(;red the 
 wliole of Oregon necessary to restore that balance 
 of power. By the annexation of Texas the slave 
 States now have a majority in the Senate. They 
 will continue to retain that majority, unless we add 
 territory to our northwestern border. By the an- 
 nexation of Texas tlie protection of the free labor 
 of the North has been isurrcndered to the control 
 of the slave power; our constitutional rights and 
 the lionor of our free States are delivered over to 
 the keeping of slaveholders. Indeed, our people 
 of the free States have been politically bound hand 
 and foot and surrendered to the rule and govern- 
 ment of a slaveliolding oligarchy. This has been 
 done by the party in power, under the declared 
 policy of cManung Texas and j-etaiiiiiig the whole 
 of Oregon. But, having obtained Texas, a portion 
 of the party now propose to give up a part of Ore- 
 gon. Their plan is, to add territory to the South, 
 and surrender up territory on the North; to increase 
 their power, to decrease ours; to enlarge the area 
 of slavery, to diminish the area of freedom. But 
 while, by their acts, they are saying the.se things, 
 they appear to have suddenly conceived a sort of 
 holy horror of sectional views, and of sectional feel- 
 ings. Last year they openly avowed their anxiety 
 for Texas, in order to increase their |)olitical power. 
 They liave obtained Texas, and with it an increase 
 of political power, and they liavc now suddenly 
 become iiupresscd with the impropriety of section- 
 
 al feeling. But if anything be well calculated to ex- 
 cite sectional fec^lings, it is sectional injustice. 
 
 We have had abundant demonstrations fif south- 
 ern feelings in regard to northern interests. Wt; 
 know it is vain for us to talk of maintaining the in- 
 terests of the manufacturers of Pennsylvania, New 
 York, and New England, while the political ))ower 
 of the nation is swayed by those who have always 
 been inexorably opposed lu iheiii. No man of re- 
 flection can for a moment beli.'ve that southern 
 statismen, who have from time immemorial striven 
 to destroy all })rolection of northern labor, will now 
 turn anuind, win n they have the power in their 
 hands, and, for the fust time, lend their aid to sus- 
 tain northern imlustry. No, Mr. Speaker, it be- 
 comes us to act like men: to look our dilllculties in 
 the face, and to pursiu' the best mode of retrieving 
 the advantages which have iieen thrown away. 
 That can only lie thme by restoring the balance of 
 ])Ower, by adding new Slates at the west and north- 
 west, lo admit new States on that border, we 
 must have the territory out of which such States 
 may be formed. But southern gentlemen, whose 
 voices at the last ses^;i()n were heard, loud and long, 
 in favor of Texas and the whole if Orepnn, now see 
 " a lion in the way." They were then chivalrous; 
 now they are alllbrpeace. 1 hen they waxed valiant 
 when war with Mexico ami Englaml was alluded 
 to; now they " roar you gently us sucking doves." 
 But a year ago their motto was, J\mu or never; at 
 this time, " « Duisterlij Inaclivlhj" is their maxim. 
 Last year they spoke in strains of fervid elofiuence 
 of the glory of extending tin- American sway over 
 new territory, and of adding new Slates to our bril- 
 liant constellation; now they call uj)on their north- 
 ern Iriends to stop this mad career of extending the 
 power of our Government, and to leave the political 
 control of the nation in their hands for a few years, 
 until Great Britain shall quietly give up her claims 
 to that territory. The northern portion of the 
 Democratic \mvty say, that they stand j)ledged to 
 niiiintain our rights to the ivhok of Oregon by their 
 Baltimore resolutions; and they demand of their 
 southern allies to aid in carrying out their solemn 
 pledge. Here, then, is the issue between the 
 southern (uid northern portions of the Democratic 
 party. The North desire to act in good faith, and 
 the South insist ujioii a violation of their pledge; 
 and the Whigs are called u|)on to decide which 
 shall be done I I have no hesitation whatever in 
 answering for myself. I shall vote to give the 
 notice, and to terminate the joint occupancy of 
 that territory. It is said, that the giving of notice 
 will produce a war. But war, in my opinion, will 
 not necessarily follow the notice; still, it is said 
 that the sul)si;quent taking possi ssion of tlie whole 
 of Oifgon will be followed by a war. I ain in- 
 clined to that opinion. On this point, I diflcr from 
 my venerable friend from Massachusetts, [Mr. 
 Adams.] I do so, however, with the greatest diffi- 
 dence; for, in nine cases out of ten, 1 have found 
 myself in error when I have diflcred from him. 
 Yet, being impressed with this opinion, I am bound 
 to look to that as a possililc, or rather as a proba- 
 ble result, fnnii taking possession of the tchole of 
 Oregon . 
 
 Under these circumstances, I must choose be- 
 tween a war with England on the one hand, and a 
 supine inglorious submission to the slaveholding 
 power on the other. I have seen enough of war 
 
 to form 
 nation, 
 upon p 
 vhich 
 its curs 
 as the 
 nieetili!. 
 pie of 
 under 
 am aw 
 upon tl 
 point; 
 this G< 
 to uph( 
 century 
 trict 
 
 ;'-- *««_^?-i^^l*'':»^*^ 
 
A 
 
 I fnlnilatrd to ex- 
 i;il iojiistice. 
 Iratioii.s of soiith- 
 
 II iiilcrcsts. We 
 aiiiliiiiiiiii,' Ihc iii- 
 iinsylvaiiia, Nvw 
 ic jmliiii'nl power 
 >vlio liavp always 
 
 No mail oCh!- 
 p that soiitlicni 
 111 iiioriiil striven 
 II ialiur, will now 
 piiwfr in tlu'ir 
 till ir aid to «u.s- 
 .Spi'aker, it Ih;- 
 oiir ililllciiltirsin 
 ode of ntricviii"- 
 tJirowii away. 
 ^^ tlid l)alaiii't> of 
 west and iiortli- 
 fliat hordor, we 
 ii'li such Stall's 
 iiticnicn, wlio.se 
 1, loud and loiij;, 
 (hrcni}, now sec 
 tlien cliivalrouH; 
 y waxed valiant 
 iiid was alluded 
 Hickiiig doves." 
 /ojw or never; at 
 s liieir maxim. 
 'I'l'vid e!o([iience 
 ficaii sway over 
 tales to our hril- 
 inn their iiorth- 
 :)f extending the 
 ave the politieal 
 for a few years, 
 e up her claims 
 portion of the 
 and pledged to 
 Oregon by their 
 Dmaiid of their 
 It their solemn 
 e between the 
 llie Democratic 
 good faillt, and 
 f their pledge; 
 ) decide which 
 m whatever in 
 te to give the 
 occuiiancy of 
 iving of notice 
 y opinion, will 
 still, it is said 
 11 of the whole 
 ar. I am in- 
 t, I differ from 
 Imsetts, [Mr. 
 5 greatest diifi- 
 , I have found 
 2d from ]iim. 
 Ill, I am bound 
 :'r as a probn- 
 r the u'liole of 
 
 ft choose be- 
 
 c hand, and a 
 
 slaveholding 
 
 no ugh of wur 
 
 to form an idea of the sufTering it bring.=) upon n 
 nation. I have witnessed its devastating clfecls 
 upon piililic morals, and the consef|ueiit misery 
 which it inflicts upon those who are doomed to feel 
 its curse. Yet, sir, with all its horrors, revolting 
 as they are to the feelings of humanity, I prefer 
 meeting it for a few years rather than see llic peo- 
 ple of the free Stjites sit down in quiet indifrercncc 
 under the control of the slaveholding power. I 
 am aware that some who have reflected l)ut little 
 upon the suliitct will disagree with me on tins 
 point; but when I reflect upon the manner in which 
 this Covernment has been used as the instrument 
 to uphold the institution of slavery for tlie last half 
 century, and to sustain the slave trade in this dis- 
 trict and on the southern coast; the manner in 
 which our arii'.y has been employed in murdering 
 fugitive slaves; and when I reflect that the peojile 
 of the fVcc States are thus involved in crimes of the 
 deepest guilt, and of the greatest magnitude; when 
 I reflect that the whole peojile of the nation are, to 
 some ext( nt, involved in the sacrifice of thirty 
 thousand human lives annually to the Moloch of 
 slavi I y; when I look back but a i'cw days to the 
 vote of northern men in this Hall to unite in polit- 
 ical lirothcrhood with a State whose constitution 
 provides lor eternal slavery; and when I reflect 
 that this heaven-provoking iniquity has scarcely 
 called forth a note of disapprobation from the jiub- 
 lic [iress; — when these things rush ujion the recol- 
 lection, I am compelled to say that 1 [)refer war to 
 seeing the jieople of the free States sulnnit, in su- 
 pine ajiattiy, to the goviM'iimeiit of those accus- 
 tomed to torture their fellow men into subjection, 
 and who deal in human flesh. I have sons whom 
 I tenderly love; and I declare that I would rather 
 see them fall in battle, contending for freedom, than 
 to see our people of the North ingkiriously surren- 
 der up the blood-bought privileges, won by the valor 
 of our fathers to the keeping of" men who deny the 
 " self-evident truths" on wliich our hojies of free- 
 dom are founded; dooming those who shall bear 
 my name, in coining time, to the degradation of 
 living and dying the subjects of a slaveholding 
 tyranny. 
 
 I am aware that a war with England must be 
 attended with great destruction to the commercial 
 wealth oft he North. Their ships will be captured, 
 their ports blockaded, and their commerce for the 
 time being destroyed. 1 fully appreciate the feel- 
 ings and motives of the gentleman from Massa- 
 chusetts, [Mr. WiXTimui',] who the other day 
 matle so able and so eloquent a speech in favor of 
 peace, lie represents the great commercial empo- 
 rium of New England, and must of course feel 
 deeply anxious on the subject. But it is well 
 known that that gentleman wa the first dtsliii- 
 guished statesman'of New England who jiublicly 
 avowed his submission to the new slaveholding 
 confederation with Texas. His State, like Ohio, 
 Vermont, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, had de- 
 clared, in suljstaiice, that neither this body nor the 
 Federal Government could impose any obligatimi 
 upon the ]icople of her State, to enter into this new 
 union with Texas. The proposition is so obvi- 
 ously correct, that I think few statesmen will deny 
 it. N(,, sir, if Ohio shall unite in the proposed 
 confederacy, it will be from the choice of her peo- 
 ple, and not in consequence of any obligation 
 which the action of Congress has laid them under 
 
 to unite with slaveholding Texas. If our gallant 
 State si, all l)(;come a party to the new compact, it 
 will not be done because we believe that the exer- 
 cise of usurped powers Ijy this Government, can 
 transfer us from the Union formed by our fathers 
 to a new confederation formed v . Ji u foreign pt'o- 
 ple uiion the principles of eternal slavery. The 
 people of the free Slates are not yet the subjects of 
 sale and transfer, like oxen in the shambles, or 
 slaves in a southern market. I liavtt at all times 
 desired that the peojile of Ohio should not enter 
 into the new union. Before Heaven, I think it 
 would be far better for them not to do so; and if 
 my colleagues agreed in opinion v.ith mc, no re]i- 
 resentative of Ohio would retain a seat in this Hall 
 beside those of Texas, until the voice of our people 
 .should be distinctly known. 
 
 But the gentleman from Mas.sachusctts yielded 
 his assent, in advance, of the people of his State, 
 He niust have been aware of the po<ilioi. m which 
 they would be placed, by becoming :\ party to this 
 new compact. He was aware that the dominant 
 l)arty ha(l pledged themselves to maintain our claim 
 to the icliole o/ Oregon. If dangers if a war now 
 arise, from carrying out that policy it will be no 
 more than he had reason to expect. Indeed, I can- 
 not believe that he would now be wi'ling to leave 
 the nation subject to the politiy of the slave States. 
 It is very questionable whether the co nmercial in- 
 terest of'^his State would suffer more by a war than 
 the manufacturing interest would, by bring sub- 
 jected to southern rule. I have V2ry serious 
 doubts whether u state of war would prove more 
 destructive to New England comme"ce, than south- 
 ern control would prove to New England manu- 
 factures. So far as the mere pecuniary interests of 
 the free Slates are concerned, I think it quite imma- 
 terial whether we have war or |ieace. IfMa.ssa- 
 chusetts shall voluntarily unite in the new confed- 
 eracy, knowing the iiolicy that controls it, she 
 ought cheerfully to submit to the consequences. 
 
 The leading merchants of Boston, distinguished 
 for their statesmanship, are said to have been 
 among the first citizens of Massachusetts who de- 
 clared "that the time for opjmsing the political 
 connexion with Texas had gone by." Being the 
 first to submit to this gross usurpation of power, 
 they ought to be the last to complain of conse- 
 quences which must have been clearly foreseen. 
 Indeed, it would be wrong for them now to oppose 
 this measure, in order to save their interest, and, 
 by its defeat, to surrender up the whole manufac- 
 turing interest of the nation to that destructive poli- 
 cy recently avowed by the Executive. How will 
 the Rejiresenlatives of Pennsylvania act on this 
 subject ? A distinguished citizen of that State said 
 to me yesterdaV) that the repeal of the tariff would 
 be worse for the pecuniary interests of that Com- 
 monwealth than a war with England. Of the cor- 
 ix'clness of the proposiiion I entertain no doubt 
 whatever; nor have I any doubt that it would iii)j>ly 
 to the whole of New England with as much force 
 as it would to Pennsylvania. I verily believe that 
 the laborers of the free States would sutler less, in 
 a pecuniary point of view, by a war with England, 
 than they will by a quiet surrender of their inter- 
 ests to the control of the slave power of the South. 
 I mentif)n the laborers of the free States, including 
 the agricultural interests of the West, as well as 
 the manufacturing interests of New England and 
 
c 
 
 
 Pennsylvaniii. Indeed, n wnrwith Knjilnml would 
 ciTHle u mark(!l for our prf)visioiiH,and iiicreiisc the 
 f)ri('<! of (tur |)rodiir,ts pjcneriilly. 
 
 I rtm aware that I ssliall Ix; char^red with rntrr- 
 tdiriing sectional views and sectional feelinijs. The 
 charf;;e is true. When, at the last session of 
 Corifrress, I read the Exeeiilive eorrespondence, 
 speaking: of soutkern institutions, smithern inter- 
 ests, southern policy, and the extension ofsottthern 
 influence; and when I heard those sentiments reit- 
 erated in this Hall Ity almost every southern 
 Bpcnker, |)roclaime(l by every southern jiolitical 
 convention, and heralded fin-th in every southern 
 newspaper, I liec;an to tliink it was time for us to 
 speak of northern interests, northern rights, and 
 northern honor. 
 
 When I reflect that the Executive hns been 
 deeply engaged in efl'orts for the last year and a 
 half to extend and perpetuate slavery, and that 
 Congress has lent its efforts to the same purpose, 
 I really think it time for the lovers of liberty to be- 
 gin to sjjcak in favor of freedom, of those self- 
 evident truths on which our fathers based their po- 
 litical faith. The slave power has com]iellcd us 
 to think and speak of our rights, and of the rights 
 of man; and if wc tamely surrender them to the 
 keeping of those who deny tiieir existence, we 
 may bid a final adieu, not only to our prosperity, 
 but to our honor and to our political privileges. 
 
 If war should result from carrying out this mea- 
 sure, as it may, the people of the North jiossess 
 within themselves the means of defence. There, 
 sir, all arc freemen, and all have an interest 
 in sustaining our institutions and our law.s. We 
 have the industry, the energy, the patriotism, 
 which may well defy the world in arms. 13\it, sir, 
 our greatest difficulty will not consist in defending 
 ourselves, or in taking Canada. No, sir; our 
 principal burden will be the protection of the 
 South — the weak, helpless, dependent, slavehold- 
 ing South. Should a war with England take place, 
 Massachusetts and Ohio, and, indeed, each of the 
 free States, will be compelled to contribute double 
 the amount of money and of blood to protect the 
 miserable slaveholders of Texas, that they will in 
 defending themselves. The millions — nay, the 
 tens of millions — which we shall be compelled to 
 expend, and the thousands of lives which must be 
 sacrificed in defending the heaven-provoking in- 
 stitution of slavery, and those who sustain it in 
 Texas, will constitute a most striking illustration 
 of the argument urged upon us at the last ses.sion 
 of Congress, " that it was necessary to annex 
 Texas in order to ]wolecto\xT southwestern frontier." 
 The protection of Texas will require fifty thousand 
 troops, and an expenditure often millions of dollars 
 annually. 
 
 But, sir, we shall not only be compelled to pro- 
 tect Texas, but wg shall be under the nciessity of 
 furnishing troops from the North to defend every 
 slave State lying upon the Atlantic coast. Each 
 of those States contains a large population, who 
 are not only the most bitter atid unrelenting foes 
 to those who scourge, and torture, and oppress 
 them; but tliey are equally Jiostile to the Govern- 
 ment that lends its aid and power to degrade and 
 to hold them in bondage. In case of war, they 
 will be more dangerous tlian four times their num- 
 ber of foreign enemies. We are all awnre that in 
 1789 Soutli Carolina sent a special delegation to 
 
 the Continental Congress, informing that body 
 that it re(|uired all her troo|)s to protect the people 
 against their slaves, and that that chivalrous State 
 mustdepeiul upon her northern sisters to defend her 
 against the conution eru'my. These scenes will 
 again Ix; acted if we should engage in nnollier war. 
 In such case, all the slave States colh'ctively would 
 be unable to do more than protect theiuselve's 
 against their internal foes, and northern trooiis 
 must be relied upon to defend the coast fVoin the 
 Delaware Capes to the lUo del Norte, the Mexi- 
 can frontier, ami the whole western boundary. 
 The expense would be enormous; but, in my 
 opinion, not more destructive to the pecuniary in- 
 terests of the free States than the iVee-trade policy 
 of the present Adiriinistration. 1 am fully aware 
 that the southern portion of the Union must .lufTer 
 most in case of war. I liave noticed the alarm 
 manifested in southern papers at the distant pros- 
 peel of war with England. They now antii'ipnio 
 (lestru<'tion to the c(iiton-grr)wing interest. Slave 
 labor, they say, will be depreciated, and slave 
 property will become valueless. That is doubtless 
 correct. But this policy of extending our terri- 
 tory is theirs, not mine. It originated with .south- 
 ern statesmen, and was forced ufion the nation for 
 the express purpose of perpetuating slavery. If 
 God, in his providence, shall overrule their wicked 
 designs to the sul)version of that curse, I shall 
 greatly rejoice. Last year our southern friends 
 expressed great anxiety for " Texas and the vhole 
 of Oregon." Having obtained Texas, and with 
 it the balance of political power, they now demand 
 i an abandonment of their policy, i\\m that the Gov- 
 I ernmcnt of the nation be left in their hands, and 
 I Oregon remain as it is. They now see difficulties 
 i before them: dangers present themselves to the 
 further pursuit of their plan of territorial aggran- 
 dizement. They have suddenly called to mind 
 the declaration of British statesmen, that " a tear 
 irith the United States \rill be a irar of emancipation." 
 They see in prospect the black regiments of the 
 Briti.sh West India islands landing among them, 
 and their slaves flocking to the enemy's standard. 
 Servile insurrections torment their imaginations; 
 rapine, blood, and murder dance before their 
 affrighted visions. They are now seen in every 
 part of the Hall, calling on Whigs and Democrats 
 to save theiTi from the dreadful consequences of 
 their own policy. Well, sir, I reply to them. 
 This is your policy, not ours: Vou have forced us 
 into it against our will and our utmost opposition: 
 you have prepared the poisoned chalice, and we 
 will press it to your lips until you swallow the 
 very dregs. 
 
 I w-ould not be understood as desiring a servile 
 insurrection; l)ut I say to southern gentlemen, thai 
 there arc hundreds of thousands of honest and 
 patriotic men who " will laugh at your calamity, 
 and trill mock trhen your fear cometh," If blood 
 and massacre should mark the struggle for liberty 
 of those who for ages have been oppressed and 
 degraded, my jirayer to the God of Heaven .shall 
 be, that justice — slern, unyieUling justice — may be 
 awarded to both master and slave. I desire that 
 every human being may enjoy the rights with 
 which the God of nature has endowed him. If 
 those rights can be regained by the down-trodden 
 sons of Africa in our southern States by quiet and 
 peaceful means, I hope they will pursue such 
 
 peaceh 
 their 
 revertl 
 blood 1 
 l)e the 
 frcedo 
 long 
 all the 
 those 
 
 BOILS 
 
 bare, 
 •oul-di 
 cause 
 fought 
 eons 
 of shu 
 West 
 f/((.'in( 
 the coi 
 feeling' 
 North 
 b( 'wei 
 dies 
 vliile 
 will b< 
 found 
 politii'; 
 fellowl 
 flesh. 
 Sho 
 nlace, 
 liaiis 11 
 ruist 
 Cover 
 dia is 
 from rl 
 lyzing' 
 the ph 
 hibitet 
 •would 
 really 
 Th 
 citizen 
 lethar; 
 Bcnsib 
 presse 
 to se\ 
 tutioii 
 slaver 
 to j)a3 
 sand a 
 ed fro 
 the la 
 Bui 
 proba 
 shoul 
 Brum 
 north 
 doubl 
 ■wouli 
 vhicl 
 Texs 
 polic 
 ■was i 
 ofT( 
 partj 
 Iiave 
 holdi 
 relie' 
 to us 
 
1 
 
 orniin!» thnt body 
 |irntrrt tlin propic 
 it I'hivalroii.s Siair 
 
 sisters tixlffcnd Uv.r 
 
 riu'SC SCCtlCN will 
 
 :\<j:v ill itiioliu;?- war, 
 scdilcctivcly Wduld 
 protect tliciusilvi.'s 
 
 I iHirtlicrii trooiiH 
 the codNt fVoiri the 
 
 Ndrte, tiie Mexi- 
 Aesteni l)oinidary. 
 iidiis; but, in my 
 
 Hie [leeuiiiary iii- 
 le iVee-trade policy 
 
 1 ain fully uware 
 ; Union must sufier 
 
 iiotiecd tiic alarm 
 It tlic distant nms- 
 ley now anticipiiic 
 !<; interest. Slave 
 eciated, and slave 
 
 Tliat is doulitless 
 
 teiuiin!;^ mir terri- 
 rinatcd witli south- 
 i|inn the nation for 
 latins; slavery. If 
 
 rrulc their wicked 
 
 iiat eiu'Ke, I shall 
 
 southern friends 
 
 exas and the vhole 
 
 Texas, and with 
 
 they now demand 
 
 and that tiie Gov- 
 1 their liands, and 
 low sec difficulties 
 ihemselves to the 
 territorial uirgran- 
 y called to mind 
 men, that " a tear 
 r of emancipation." 
 
 regiments of the 
 ling among them, 
 enemy's standard, 
 leir iniiiginations; 
 ince before their 
 iw seen in every 
 gs and Democrats 
 1 consequences of 
 
 I reply to them, 
 ''ou liavc forced us 
 itmost opposition: 
 
 chalice, and we 
 you swallow tlic 
 
 desiring a servile 
 ■n gentlemen, thai 
 Is of honest and 
 at yoitr calamity, 
 neth." If blood 
 niggle for liberty 
 
 II oppressed and 
 of Heaven .shall 
 justice — may be 
 
 ve. I desire that 
 ' the rights with 
 idowed him. If 
 he down-trodden 
 ates by quiet and 
 all pursue such 
 
 peaceful mcn.sures. Eut if iliey cannot regain i 
 th«!ir {'oii-given rights by peneeful measures, I I 
 nevertheless hope they will regain them; and if} 
 blood be shed, I should certt\iiily linpe that it might j 
 be tile blood jif those who slaiul Ix Iweeii them and i 
 freedom, and not the blood of those whe have ' 
 long Ijeen robbed of their wives and children nnd i 
 •11 they hold dear in life. It is true, that wlien | 
 tliost; scenes shall occur, iKulhern fre<'men, our j 
 ■oils nnd neighbors, mu.-.t niandi to Texas, and i 
 bare tiieir breasts to tl e shal'ls of battle, in a 
 Soul-degrading defence of slavery. In such a | 
 cause who would not b(> n i owaru .' Our /«//ier.'i 
 fouglit for tilt! inalienable riglits of man: our 
 tons must fiu-e the cannon's mouth in defence, 
 of slavery. .Should the black n^iiiments of the • 
 West Indies land niion our scnitliern coast, our j 
 f.'eemen of the iVorlh will be placed in a position | 
 the contemplation of wliicli is most revolting to the | 
 findings of liumanity. For the jM'ojile of the free ; 
 Nortli to march to our southern States, and stand 
 be'ween tiu^ emancipated slaves of tlm West In- , 
 dies and .southern .slaveholders, and defend them j 
 vhile they dog their bondmen into submission, 
 will !)C degradation witliout a juirallel, except it bi^ i 
 found in the quiet .'^ubiiiission of our peo]>le to the ; 
 political control of those wito buy and sell their j 
 fellow-men, and make mercluuidi.se of human 
 flesh. _ ! 
 
 Should the scenes to which I have alluded take j 
 
 i)Iace, one great advantage would residt. Per-; 
 lajis no statesman doubts that a war with England 
 must prove the death of slavery. The British' 
 Government now have no slaves in llicir West In- 
 dia islands, as in the last war, to restrain them ' 
 from raising the ling of emanci)iation. The [lara- 1 
 lyziiig ell'ecl.s which that institution exerts iqion , 
 the physicid energies of the nation would be e.\- 1 
 hibited to the world. Our people of the North | 
 would be constrained to loolc upon the evil us it i 
 really is. 
 
 The slave power would lose its charm — our 
 citizens of the North would be aroused fnnii the , 
 lethargy which, for half a century, has held their j 
 Bensibilities in a torpid inactivity toward the op- 
 pressed of our land. We slioultl then find means ' 
 to sever the cords which have so long, uiiconsti-| 
 tutioiially, bound iis to the jiutrescent carcass of i 
 slavery. Great Britain W(nild not be likely again , 
 to pay southern slaveholders twelve kunilredlhou-' 
 sand dollars for human cattle, who shall have stray- \ 
 ed from their owners, as was done at the close of 1 
 the last war. 
 
 But another consequence would, in all human 
 probability, result from a war with England. We j 
 should oJHain the Canadas, Nova Scotia, and New \ 
 BruiLswick, adding, at least, six new States to the | 
 northern portion of the Union, each possessing 
 douljje the population of Texa.s. These States ; 
 would restore to the North that balance of power 
 "Nvliich was surrendered up by the annexation of 
 Texas. It would be in strict accordance with the 
 policy tivowed by the party in iiower, and which ; 
 ■was 'Tl par* carried into practice by the annexation ' 
 of Texas. I thererorc say to the members of that 
 
 |)arty, Cai-ryout your policy! By adopting it, you 
 lave brought us under the power of the slave- 
 holding States; continue your policy, and you will 
 relieve us from our present position, and restore 
 to us the rights you iuxv 
 
 ie taken from us. I will 
 
 vote to render you every facility for carrying for- 
 ward your plans; it being understood ul all time«, 
 tliai I regard the measure a.s ullinmtely fatal to llie 
 Union; but not as immediately so us it would be 
 to leave the Government where it now is. The 
 re.sponsiliility must rest upon those who have 
 avowed and adopted the system. To them behuig 
 the honors and the rcs|)oi.sibilitieH of the |)olicy; 
 we claim no portion of one, nor will wc share in 
 the other. 
 
 But, Mr. S|ieaker, I am unwilling to resume my 
 seal until I express my perfect eonvietioii that 
 this policy cannot be carried out by the party in 
 power. The northern Democrats will soon be 
 deserted liy their southern slaveholdiiig allies. 
 They have been betraye<l by the slave pow<;r. 
 Texas is admitted, and the .-tmithern wing of the 
 I.leniocratic; jiarty will now desert their northern 
 friends, and leave Oregon wlusre it is. They 
 are like the militia captain who, when goin;j into 
 battle, inf(M-nicd his men that, •' as he wua lamei 
 ' he would commence his retieat then; but his sol- 
 ' diers being quick upon the foot, he thought they 
 ' could r)vertake him if they waited until after the 
 * battle." Ifthis resolution should Im; adopted, the 
 Executive would find means to e;)i'ape from the 
 dileiunia into which this southern ptdicy lias pre- 
 cipitated liiin. It is most obvious to my judgment 
 that he cannot be driven into a war with England. 
 As 1 have already stated, a war with that nation 
 nniHl prove the total overthrow of slavery. Every 
 reflecting statesman must see this as clearly as any 
 event can be foretold by human pcrcejition. I 
 do not think the slaveholdiiig jiortion of the Demo- 
 cratic, party were aware, that the carrying out of 
 their Baliimore resolutions would sacrifice that in- 
 slitution. They rather believed that, by obtaining 
 Texas, the i>rice of human flesh would be en- 
 hanced, and slavery supported. The consequences 
 of seizing upon " the whole of Oregon'^ were not 
 considered. Mr. Polk, in his Inaugural Addres.s, 
 and in his annual Message, evidently overlooked 
 the momentous ell'ect which his twice-declared pol- 
 icy would jiroduce upon the slave interest, to which 
 he is indissolubly wedded. He, and his cabinet, 
 and his parly, have made a fatal blunder. They 
 will soon discover their errtu', and will recede from 
 their ])osition. With the same degree of confidence 
 that I have in my own existence, I declare that they 
 ivill, before the nation and the icorW, back out from 
 their avowed policy, and icill surrender %ip all that por- 
 tion of Orcgoii no)//i of the ADth parallel of latitude, or 
 let the subject remain as it now is. I wish to place 
 this prediction on record for future reference. Nor 
 would I confine my remarks to the Democratic 
 party. Those southern slaveholdiiig Whigs who 
 voted for Texas will now, if neces.sary, turn round 
 and vote to give up a part of Oregon. It is a ques- 
 tion between the .slave States and the free States ; 
 and the vote when taken will, with few exceptions, 
 exhibit that chara;;ter. The great master-spirit of 
 southern jwlicy has left his retirement, and taken 
 his position in the other end of the Capitol, for the 
 avowed purjxise of now defeating the identical jiol- 
 icy, the promotion of which occupied his whole 
 attention only twelve months since. lie is an adept 
 in this political versatility. He will, however, car- 
 ry the President and the southern statesmen gene- 
 rally with him, i ^^ will defeat the measure to 
 which lie and his party stand solemnly pledged. 
 
8 
 
 Yrs, sir; Rhniild thip rrsolulinn pnsH both TIousos j l)r rrlardnl liy a roMlinnnnco of tlir policy, rnthf 
 of ("f)iip;rof<s, tlio Prpsidciit will fimi mcaiiH to ifivr | than liy ii'avintJtlirCJovnnmcnt NiilijtrMo ilic Nlnv 
 lip a part of (Ircijfon, or (^vrii the wholcof it, ralhrr I power, as it now is. I'y rarryiiii; out tlir' policy 
 than «ulij«'ct the institution of .slavery to the nwrv it will pla<'«> the northrrn and Noiwhcrn poriionn ( 
 destruction which a war with Kn^'iana would Iirini; the ITnioti upon tcrnis apiiroxiiuatin'jf to e(|iialityi 
 wpon it. I tti^ain repeat, wlial I have endeavored \n(i whi'u, from iin liroail exient, this Repuldio* 
 to impress upon fjentlemen, that this policy is not , like the Ilonian l',nipire, .shall fall nHunder of ii 
 mine; I was. I my hand« of it. I feel a deep and ' own weiLrlit, the free Stales will redeem and piirifi 
 nil ahidinjT coiivirfion, that, if carried out, it will iheni.selvefl from the foul di.su:rai'e of supiiorlingui ' 
 inevitalily overtiirow our (lovcrnment, and (lis- 1 institution haled of mm ami cursfd of God. 
 folvc the Union; hut that these consequences will | 
 
 ''}''Ui 
 
fif flir pnlicy, rnth( 
 'lit Niilijfct to the sliu 
 ryiri!^ out tln' rmlir.yi 
 
 I Noiitlifrii |)nrii(in« (.f 
 cinuitiitij to f'(|imlityi 
 xlf'iit, Ihis nc|iulilir| 
 
 II fall MHuiMlcr (if it?f 
 /ill rp(lccniMii(l purifi^ 
 rm-o (tCsiipiiortingai 
 Liursc'd of God. 
 
 VM-i^^-