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Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent dtre filmds d des taux de reduction diffdrents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour dtre reproduit en un seul clich6, il est fllm6 d partir de Tangle supdrieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n^cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mdthode. 1 2 3 22 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 / ' THE STUAKT PERIOD FROM A MEDICAL STANDPOINT. BT R. L. MACDONNELL, B.A., M.D. (A Paf'T read before the Athenpeum Club, November 28, 1882.) HEmilSTTEID FROM THK "CANADA MEDICAL & SURGICAL JOURNAL," MONTREAL. MAY-JUNE, 1883. REPRINTED FROM THE " CANADA MEDICAL & SURGICAL JOURNAL." THE STUART PERIOD FROM STANDPOINT. A MEDICAL ,: By R. L. MVCDONNELL, B.A., M.D. [A Paper read be/ore : Athenxum Club, Nov. 28, 1882.] The physicians of the 17ih century played an important part in medical history. Anatomy and physiology began with Harvey, rational therapeutics with Sydenham. Astronomy was begin- ning to be developed from astrology ; chemistry from alchemy. It was pre-eminently the age of the anatomists and physiologists. The names of many parts of our bodies bear testimony to the extent to which these studies were carried by the men of that period. Thus, the circle of Willis, the foramen of Vesalius, the tubercle of Lower, the Malpighian tufts, all serve to keep these great names fresh in our memory. Upon examining the recoi-ds of the illnesses of the great per- sons of the past, one finds grand opportunity for the play of the imagination.* What effect would modern scientific treatment have had upon their diseases, and what result would their cure have brought about ? How much longer would they have lived, and what effect would the prolongation of their lives have had upon subsequent events. Had Henry VIII. had a 19th century physician, the disease from which he suffered would not have descended to his unborn children. Catherine of Aragon might have been the mother of many Tudors, the Stuarts would never have been heard of, the Reformation postponed, and Henry himself would have been talked of to-day as a model father and husband. Quo°n Mary's cruel disposition, if not the actual result, was certainly intensified by the disappointment which followed her * A writer in the Athenmum (Sternberg), in 1856, thus puts it : " History has been done philosophically, statistically, comically, but never physically »*• j*»* . v^a^L'.s^hAu.sk.t. ..» .AAk^«*A>'>*> ^< *>'•••*.*.• ». ..•...* ia.i... >..**■■.• •.>■•*.•■ ... .....■•..i^.^«_.^_>. might resolve every page ot record into a simple diagnosis." fruitless marriage. Sir Henry Halford thinks that a course of aloes and iron might have changed the course of events in iingland and Europe.* A few ounces of quinine judiciously administered, and Oliver tromwell might have lived to three-score and ten. The principal physicians at the Court of James the First were t W^-" ^f?r^^';,^^^' ^^'heodore de Mayerne, Dr. Craig and Su W.lhamPaddye. The great Harvey was appointed extraordi- nary physician to the king by reversion, but his services were not re- quired at the court until the accession of Charles I. Of Sir Simon Baskerville little is known, beyond that he was a very fashion- able doctor, and in high practice amongst the cavaliers. He was ^.e physician of Archbishop Laud. Dr. Craig was an outspoken Scotchman and we shall presently see how he got himself into trouble with the meddlesome old ladies who crowded about King James deathbed. He was the son of a famous Scotch lawyer was elected a Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians of London in lo04, and in the following year was admitted to the degree of Doctor of Medicine at Oxford. Dr. Craig was a very learned man. According to Wood (Athence. Oxonienses, Vol 1., p. 400). he gave to Napier of Murcheston the first hint which ^d to Ins great discovery of logarithms. " He told him," says Wood, - among other discourses, of a new invention in Denmark by Logomontanus, as, 'tis said, to save the tedious multiplication and division in astronomical calculations. Napier, being solici- tous to know further of him concerning this matter, he could grve no other account of it than that it was by proportional num- bers, which hint Napier taking, he desired him at his return to call upon him again. Craig, after some weeks had passed, did so and Napier then showed him a rude draft that he called Canon Mirabihs Logarithmorum,' which, with some alterations, was printed in 1G14." ' tmllSv^,^;; STl^fvv :S:'Tc^' '" «i^^-'^--k Madden. i„. 8urge,m who .bd Ir t H at 7Z r *^*'° *°f again, and again, to the unprofeB«ional eye a convicfiin that' !1',V° ^f'',^' *° ^°"^«y. ^^'^ to disease." conviction that she labored under an internal organic Sir Tlieodore de Mayerne, wlio had the honor of being physi- cian to four kings— Henry IV. of Franco, James I. and the two Charles' of England— played a remarkable part in tl>e medical history of the period. He was born at Geneva in 157:^, and was the son of a Swiss Protestant. He was educated at Heidel- berg and Montpelier. He soon became a lecturer on anatomy in Paris, and, at the same time, paid some attention to the study of chemistry. Dr. INlayerne was the first to use chemical reme- dies in his practice, and introduced the use of calomel to the profession. His success was so great that he was appointed physician to Henry IV. of France, and in 1006 was induced by Anne of Denmark to accompany her to London, where hia re- markable talents soon gained his appointment to the post of chief physician in ordinary to His Majesty, Mayerne's success in practice and at court procured him many enemies. His foreign manners and style of speech ex[)osod him to ridicule. Shakspere, in the character of Dr. Caius in the " Merry Wives of Windsor," is supposed to be making fun of the French doctor. If 1006 be the date of Mayerne's arrival in England, and 1596* the date of the play, then Mayerne can scarcely be the person aimed at ; nor do I see any allusion to Mayerne's career in the play. Mayerne's father was a literary man of some note in his day, and wrote a history of Spain. Nevertheless, Sir Theodore's foreign origin gave rise to many absurd rej . S- regarding his career previously to his landing in England. Gideon Harvey, " their Majesties' Physician of the Tower and Fellow of the Colledge of Physicians of the Hague," in 1089, mentions May- erne in terms the most contemptuous. Gideon relates the case of a patient who goes to consult Sir Theodore Mayerne, who is then living in retirement at Chelsea, a long way out of town in those days. Mayerne, he says, gave advice to this patient " without consulting the will and pleasure of God Almighty, an arrogance unheard of, and savoring more of the atheist (as too many of 'em are) than a pious physician." He accuses him, too, of prescribing a nostrum—" the great empirical medicine, from which his father, Turquetus (usually by the French nick- named the Turk), had got great reputation by gelling it publickly • Chalmers. o 6 on tlio sta«^e, whom Sir Theodore, in his younger days, had attended in that employ." In a letter from John Chamherlen to Sir Dudley Carleton, Aug. llth, 1012, Mayerne's appoint- ment is mentioned as having given dissatisfaction. " Much envy was caused hy Tuniuet's (Mayerne's) preferment, who hath i:400 pension of the king, MOO of the queen, with a house provided him, and many other commodities which he reckons at £1400 a year." Sir Theodore, for the benefit of posterity, left many published volumes on subjects connected with the prevalent dispute about chemical remedies. The most valuable of his legacies consists of records of the cases of the notable people who formed his clienU^le. These entries in his diary are very interesting, in fact, as one of his biographers observes, might well be entitled, for the period they embrace, " The Medical Annals of the Court of England." There were 19 manuscri[.t volumes, folio and quarto, exclusive of a volume relating entirely to the health and habits of James I. The later volumes, entitled " Ephemerides AnglicK," relate to the disorders and cures of persons of quality of both sexes. The whole is written in very bad Latin, with a sprinkling of French words. Where the diseases are those of a nature not creditable to the moral antecedents of the sufferer, a worn de guerre is used. Thus Buckingham, who was constantly in trouble, is called " Palamedes," and Prince Charles is " Monsieur de la Fleur de Lys." Rochester (" Le Cardinal Joyense ") is continually being treated for " debilitas," although he is described as being " admodum salax." Here is a portrait of the Marchioness of Buckingham : — ".Tnnumii 24, )622. Madame la Marquise de Buckingliam. Annum oetatis agit xix, Habitus gracilis, corpus uoi,>yi>a/n,o». Temperamentum ex sanguineo biliosum. Faciei color floridus. Mores compositi. Summa cum gravitate modestia. Vitium conformationis in spina dorsi. Gravida ePt vt credit longissimum partus terminum fore diem Annunciationis B.V.M. 25 Martii." Then again ; " Preparationes missa3 ad Ser Walter Ralegh ; parands pro Ser Roger Aston." « My lord Due de Lenox, Diarrhoea a liberiori victu." " Madame de Hadingthon, Afiectus hystericus et melancholicus." ' The manuscripts which are now in tlie Sloano collection con- tani the histories oi all his other patients, amon^'st whom were Lord Monteacrle, Lord Arundel, Lord Clanricarde, (Jasauhoti feir Henry Wotton, Arthur Brett, Oliver Cromwell, and very many others. His caae-l.ooks show, too, that Mayerne's atten- tions benefitted alike man and beast. N.r was ho above pres- cribing perfumes and cosmetics. In 1011, for Lo,.,l Hay ho compounded " odoramenta et .pi^ ad ornatum," " Pasta' ad manus dealban.las et emmolicndas." In KUT the (picen's black horse was seized with coi vulsions, and in ltJ:}(J the kiriL^'s doirs were indisposed. Sir T.ieodore takes up his pen and carefully notes the line of treatment he thought fit to ad.)pt : " l»ro omio nigro Reginae epileptico." The history is complete, beginnin^r with " equus est novem annorum," and ending '' curatus fuit "'^ Mayerne was the compiler of the first Pharmacop.«ia which was published by the Iloyal College of Physicians in KJIH. As a chemist, Mayerne had no e.jual. The results of hia researches in his line were of benefit to art as well as to medicine To both Van Dyck and Rubens he gave valuable information concerning the composition of paints and the use of the mineral colors. In the last chapter of Eastlake's " Materials for a His- tory of Oil Painting " are numerous details as to colors and oils brought out in a conversation between Van Dyck and Mayerne' and recorded by the latter. He gave valuable assistance to Petitot, his compatriot and fellow exile, who afterwards became the famous ena. .i. painter.f Mayerne attended Henry, Prince of Wales, in his fatal illness From Sir Charles Cornwallis':^ " Life of the Prince Henry," the following particulars concerning this remarkable fever are taken. The physician of the present day recognizes at once the now familiar typhoid fever, a disease in those days undescribed. Krom the very first it was said the Prince was poisoned. Rochester, .. M^'^'m^''*''"''*^ ^'TJ'^ Mayerne manuscripts are taken ftom Wadd's " Mems, MaximB and Memoirs," London, 1828, and from an "tHc bJ aternberg m Athenseum, 1866. au a,ii,n.w oy t M. F. Sweesters "Life of Van Dyck," Boston, 1878. t To be louiid in the Somera Collection of Tracts, Vol. VI p. 413. 8 afterwards Earl of Somerset, waa at once suspected. People even hinted that the Kin<^ was privy to the plot, liocheater waa under suspicion because it was well known that he and the I'rince were rivals for the favors of Lady Essex/ Typhoid fover was then a digeaso cither new or not de- acril)ed. Many other cases of it occurred at about this time. In a newsletter written shortly after the death of the Prince, the fever is spoken of as bein;^ either a " bastard tertian or the ordinary disease of the time, wherewith all parts of the country have been much visited." Another writer of the period states that it was new to the physicians, and was thought by them to have been brought from Hungary. A short time afterwards, the Countess of Oxford died of the " new disease."* The jjrodrcmata of the prince's fever made their ajtpearance early in October, U)12. " Continuall headache, lazinesse and indisposition increasing, which, notwithstan. The insidious nature. 4. The duration of the disease, f). Headache, followed by delirium. G. Bleeding from the nose. 7. 'i'he presence of diarrlnca According to the custom of the period, one not altogether ex- tinct in these enlightened days, nostnuns were sent to the v i'lce with the compliments and recommendations of many distinguished persons. Sir Walter Raleigh, who lost a good friend in the young [)rince, sent from the Tiwer his famous fever cordial. The queen specially recommended it, since she herself had, in a previous illness, derived much benefit from it. No sooner was Prince Henry dead than the usual cry of " poison !" was raised. Strangely enough, it was rendered louder by an indiscreet word or two in the letter which Sir W.iltor Raleigh sent with his cor- dial. His words were, " it would certainly cure Henry of a fever, except in case of poison." So great was the fiublic faith in this cordial, that the very fact of the prince's dying at all was looked upon as proof positive that he must have been the victim of a murderous conspiracy. Sir Walter Raleigh was very fond of amateur thera[)eutic3. In a letter from John Charaberlen to Sir Dudley Carleton in 1612, there occurs this passage : '• The widow Countess of Rut- laud died about ten days since. Sir Walter Raleigh was slan- dered to have given her certain pills that des[iatchcd her."* Mayerne was generally blamed for nialtroatnient of the Prince Henry. Butler is reported to have said that the patient should have been blooded earlier and should never have been purged. The French physicians set forth hard censure ; " they call him temulentumy indoctum, temerarinm, et indignian, with whom no • "Court and Times of James I." Birch. London, 1848. 10 learned physician should confer or communicate." A history of the case in French and in Latin was written by Mayerne, who procured from the king a certificate expressing the most perfect satisfaction witli his conduct, and two others from the lords of the council and the officers and gentlemen of the prince to the same purpose. In Mayerne's case-book, the entries relating to the death of Prince Henry have all been torn out, most probably by Mayerne himself. Curiously enough, in connection with this fever of the Prince of Wales, I find in a recent publication of the St. Bartholomew's Hospital Reports an article by Dr. Nor- man Moore, entitled " An Historical Case of Typhoid Fever " The author considers that to Mayerne is due the credit of having been the exact describer of the earliest case of typhoid fever on record in England. Dr. Moore criticises the history of the case as written by Mayerne, and reduces it to the concise shape of a modern case report. The diagnosis, in the light of subsequent experience, is beyond a doubt. The autopsy is confirmatory of this view. The work from which Dr. Moore's history is taken IS entitled " Theo. Turquet Mayernii Opera Medica." Ed J Browne, London, 1701. I do not think there is a copy of this book in America. James I., at the age of 59, after having been subject to attacks of ague and gout at diflerent periods of his life, met his fatal illness on the 12th March, 1625. On that day Mr. Chamberlen in one of his letters, states that " tne king was overtaken on bunday with a tertian ague," and on the 16th Mr. Secretary Conway, in a letter to the Earl of Carlisle, speaks of » the sharp and smart accesses of his Majesty's fever, though a pure inter- mitting tertian, whereof this day early he had his seventh fit." Aftairs went badly with the king. On the 12th night ot the illness, the last sacrament was administered. He appears to have died insensible. There are several records of the examina- tion of the king's body. The most rational one is that found in NichoU's " Progresses of James I. Death resulted from a form of what is now called Bright's disease. One kidney was found to be much atrophied ; two calculi were found in it. The heart was eularged= Sir Simon D'Ewes records that '' the greataesa 11 of the liing's heart argued him to be as very considerate, so ex- traordinary fearfull, which hindered him from attempting any great actions." According to another account, the head was found so full of brains that they could not keep them from falling out, " a great mark of his infinite judgment," but his blood was " tainted with melancholy, and the corruption thereof the supposed cause of death." On the back of an engraving in the collection of Beck- ford of Fonthill, there is an account of this autopsy. Here it is stated that the spleen was enlarged. Death was really caused, then, by ague attacking a gouty man with damaged kidneys. A shilling's worth of quinine might have saved life. Another very c us record of this illness was found written at the end of a Book of Common Prayer, in the library of St. John's College, Oxford. The author of it was Sir William Paddye, a physician of great name, one of the king's attendants. " Being sent for to Thibaulde butt two daies before the death of my soveraigne lord and master King James, I held it my chris- tian dutie to prepare hym, telling hym that there was nothing left for me to doe (in ye afternoon before his death ye ne.xt dny at noone) but to pray fur his soule. Whereupon ye Archbishop and ye Lord Keeper Byshop of Lincolne demanded if his Majcstie wold be pleased that they sliold prayc with hym, whereunto he cheerfuUie accorded. And after short praier, these sentences were by ye Byshop of liincolnc distinctly read unto him, who, with eies (the messengers of his hert) lifted up into Heaven, att the end of every sentence, gave to us all thereby a goodlie assurance of those graces and civilie faith wherewith he appre- hended the mercy of our Lord and onelie Saviour (-hrist Jesus, accordinglie as in his goodlie life he had publiquelie professed." The attendants in this illness were Sir Theodore de Mayerne, Sir William Paddye, and Dr. Craig. Again there was meddlesome interference with the medical men, which in this case was a cause of great trouble to all con- cerned. Everybody had an infallible remedy to offer to the king. The Buckingham party, including the duke's mother, an.xious to meddle in everything about the court, brought juspicion upon 12 themselves by secretly applying a plaister to the kind's wrists without the consent of the physicians. This was done injudi- ciously at the wrong time. It was put on before the paroxysm began It should have been done just as it was declining, and then by the post hoc argument they might have claimed the honors. Unfortunately, the king got worse, and just at the time they had made up their minds to remove the noxious thing, the fit began to decline, so that the doctors were quick enough to claim that the improvement was due to its removal. The sons ^sculapms then refused to continue the treatment. Promises ot good conduct having been made, they saw his Majesty through his fifth sixth and seventh fits. Again dissatisfied with the pro- gress of the case, the Buckinghams applied their plaisters, but the patient grew worse, and it is a matter of history that the Koyal Chiruigeon had to get out of his bed to remove it. Dr Craig was particularly incensed at these proceedings, and, ac- cording to Dr. Fuller (Church History), " he uttered ^ome plaine speeches, for which he was commanded out of court " The Duke of Buckingham secretly administered a julep, after which the king was said to have grown rapidly worse. This interference with the medical men cost Buckingham much trouble. Dr Geo Eghsham one of the King's Scotch physicians, publicly charged him with having poisoned his master. In the impeachment of Buckingham, his accusers did not forget this affair. The 13th count of the impeachment (HowelFs State Trials, Vol. II, pa^e 1318) ,s entitled " His transcendant presumption in giving physic to the king," and it is therein set forth that " he did un duly cause and procure certain plaisters, and a certain drink or potion to be provided for the use of his said Majesty, without the direction or pnvity of his said Majesty's physicians, not pre- pared by any of his sworn apothecaries or surgeons did produce such ill effects that some c^ the sworn physician^ did altogether disallow thereof, and utterly refused to meddle with his said Majesty until these plaisters were removed." Little has been written of the medical history of Charles I his'hfr^M ?^'' ^' """' ' ™'" "'^^ '"J'^'^ ^''^ ^'^^'^' «» IS 1 e. -_ayerne was still chief physician, while amongst thq / / 13 medical advisers of the court were Bates and Harvey. Bates was a medical vicar of Bray ; whether Roundhead or Cav- alior was in power, he always found himself in favor. The medical attendant of Cromwell himself, at heart he was a Royalist, la his record of his own times, entitled " Eienchus Motuum Nuperorum in Ai\f e It 16 It is on record that Dr. Simcott, of Huntingdonshire, was con- stantly being sent for, and no doubt that worthy practitioner went with a grumble to minister to the woes of the malade imciginaire. At this time Oliver was constantly consulting Dr. Mayerne in London. The court physician undoubtedly must have given him twenty grains of calomel, his favorite dose, although no mention is made of treatment in the Ephemerides. " Monsieur Cromwell valde melancholicus." The records go on to state that the Great Oliver was the victim of a periodic pain in his stomach, whose time of attack was exactly three hours after the future Protector had eaten his dinner. Its favorite site was in his left side. Probably it was an eidarged spleen, the result of malaria. Cromwell had just returned from drinking the waters at Wellingborough, in the county of Northampton. The con- sultation took place on the 29th September, 1628. This long residence in Huntingdonshire, a tract of country notoriously ill- drained, was probably the origin of the ague from which he suffered during the rest of his life. During the Scotch campaign he was constantly upon the sick list ; and the Parliament were so concerned that they sent Dr. Bates and Dr. Wright to Scotland to advise him, as well as to report to Parliament his condition of health. He refused to folldw the advice offered him — that he should retire from active life. For the next seven years after this, Oliver Cromwell enjoyed good health. He was made Lord Protector in 1053. The year 1058 was one of trouble and anxiety. He lost by death his friend, the Earl of Warwick, his son-in-law, Mr. Rich, and, worst of all, his favorite daughter, Mrs. Claypole. Her last illness was prolonged and painful. She died, it was thought, of cancer. For fourteen days and nights Cromwell was a constant attendant at her bedside.* It was said that his refusal of the re«[uest that the life of Dr. Hewett should be spared, weighed so heavily on the mind of the dying woman that her last words • An account of the last hours of the late renowned Oliver Cromwell. London, 1659. 16 were those of bitter reproach. This Dr. Hewett, who was executed for high treason, was the divine who had officiated at the marriage of Marv, his third daughter, to Lord Fauconberg All these melancholy causes are said to have so affected him in body as well as in mind as to be considered at the time suffi- cient cause for the return of his ague. An attack of gout still further reduced him, and his haggard appearance became an occasion of alarm to those who knew him well. Fox,* the Quaker, met him riding in Hampton Court Park, and says • " I saw and felt a waft of death go forth against him ; and when I came to him he looked like a dead man." The physicians of Cromwell were Harvey, Bates, Maidstone and Worth. At this time intermittent fever set in, and the heart, perhaps fattily degpnerated, showed early signs of giving out. Dr. Bates tells us that although all were anxious about him, he had sufficient strength to walk about and attend his duties. " But one day," says Bates, " after dinner, his five (I know ot but four) physicians coming to wait upon him and having felt his pulse, said it intermitted; at which, being sud- denly startled, he looked pale, fell into a cold sweat, almost fainted away, and ordered himself to be carried to bed where bemg refreshed with cordials, he made his will." St'ran-ely enough, in his last illness he was possessed with a firm belie°f in his recovery. Observing the anxious countenances of the physicians, he is reported to have said : " Ye physicians think I shall die. Don't think I am mad ; I speak the word of truth upon surer grounds than Galen or your Hippocrates furnish you with ; God Almighty himself hath given that answer, not to my prayers alone, but also to the prayers of those who entertain a stricter commerce and greater intimacy with him * * * Ye may have skill in the nature of things, yet Nature can do more tlian all physicians put together, and God is far above Nature " Ihis account is taken from the " Elenchus " of Dr Bates which is scarcely a reliable authority. Death-bed speeches' !r_J"„ majority of cases imaginary. That night "the Bates chapla ins and all who were dear to God," Dr Quoted by Mr. Cooper * Fox Journal, Vol. I, p. 485-6. goes 17 on to say, " being dispersed into several parts of the palace, have prayed to God for his health, and have all brought this answer, 'he shall recover.'" Clarendon tells the same story. " But the fits grew stronger and his spirits much abated ; so that he returned again to Whitehall wlien his physicians began to think hiin in danger, though the preachers, who prayed always about him and told God Almighty what great things he had done for him, and how much more need he had still of his service, declared as from God, that he should recover." Cromwell died at Whitehall on the afternoon of Tuesday, September ;3rd, 1G58, that day being the anniversary both of Dunbar and Worcester. He was the last Englishman of note to die in Endand of ague. Cinchona bark came into use in England about 1055. Had it been administered judiciously, Cromwell's life would have been saved. Unfortunately, a wretched City Alderman, one Underwood, died whilst taking the bark, which gave rise to so much idle talk about the dangers of the new remedy that the physicians feared to employ it. Abundant contemporary evidence exists as to the prevalence of ague in En^iland to account for the deaths of two men of note such as James I. and Cromwell. At that time the soil about London was neither drained nor cultivated during some months of the year. The marshes of Cambridgeshire and Lincolnshire were covered with clouds of cranes.* Southwark was a swamp, and at Westminster there is a gate called the Marshgate,t from being situated in a place where there was once a marsh. Ague was less prevalent after the Great Fire. The number of deaths decreased per annum rapidly. In 1728 there were 44 ; and in 1730 only 16. In the ten years from 1800 to 1810 four deaths were registered. Dr. Caius says that ague was so fatal in London in 1558 that the living could hardly bury the dead. Burnet says it raged like a plague. According to Sydenham, from 1661 to 1665 it was the most fatal disease in England. In the Walcheren expedition, 10,000 men, two-thirds of our force died of marsh fever. The body of Cromwell was got rid of in some mysterious man- * Macauley. t EUotson. 18 ner immediately after the autopsy was over A wnv fi • A" oHoMva, passed "th„e,l,ecarca«,/„r Oliv r C oil ' hanged up i,, their Pnffl,.« / ^'""''"'^ ''^"'^ ^^ere lany it is recorded tha't n ! • ? ' ^" '^^' ^'^'•^^'^" ^iscel- «iven 12 IT ''''"" clergyman whose name is not Ac rfi ,!.„'!!'';*' "'""" "f "■" P™'-'" '» »«ll undiscovered. «.e "irec ha Tn 1 T ^ "°™ ''''■'"""^"""-l account is to foresaw tllhk f" "' ''"'''•y- Cromwell-a family followed by the dTsIaton o? i ™''" '"^ "'''»'" '° ^« lo hide the cor,«e Zw d •"'"°'"™' "'°'' """>»"«» Nt it is likelv hat tht ^ f """Po^'fon was very improbable, , '"^^'.y ^"^^ this statement was madp hu fj,n v.v^ ■ ■ m order that his friends mirrhf u ^ physicians -Mf :^ r rtet/L^oei^'tir T' ^" said to have heen fitr^n fi,-. v ^ ^vomowell. it was sri^iif"^^^^ ^eoige. -This tomb has never been opened. 19 When the second Charles became King, the court physicians all retained their places, Harvey, Mayerne, Bates and Sir Charles Scarborough ; Prijean and Ilaraey were amongst them. The new additions to the list made by the King were of a sort such as one would suppose the dissolute monarch ■would have about him, viz. : Archer, Whistler, and the notori- ous Toby Whittaker and Fraizer. Charles Scarborough, a man of great repute as an anatomist, was the friend and associ- ate of Harvey in his investigations. He was jdiysician to Charles IT., James H. and William HI., and had the honor of being the advisor of the Duchess of Portsmouth. It seems from his writings that most of the illness of that illustrious beauty were caused by her gluttony. " Madam," Sir Charles Scar- borough is reported to have said, " I will deal with you as a physician should do ; you must eat less, use more exercise, take physic, or be sick." In addition to his anatomical lectures in London, he tau"ht mathematics at Cambridge. His epitaph records that he was Inter Medicos Hippocrates, luter Mathematicos Euclides. Scarborough was a staunch Royalist, and suffered for it. His library was destroyed in the early part of the war, and at a later date he lost his fellowship at Cambridge. He was in exile with Charles II, and returned with him on board the "Naseby." On the 24th May Mr. Pepys. who had been obliged to give up his cabin to make way for the illustrious company on board, entertained in his new quarters, the car- penter's cabin, a party of persons of lesser importance in the royal suite — the two chaplains and the three doctors (Scar- borough, Quartermaine and Clerk). "At supper the three doctors of physique again at my cabin; where I put Dr. Scarborough in mind of what I had heard him say that children, in every day's experience, look several ways with both their eyes till custom teaches them otherwise." Evelyn was greatly impressed with Scarborough's library, and thought it contained the best collection of mathematical works in Europe. Dr. Clerk was also an anatomist. As it became the faahion in the early ,by» „C the lloynl Society l„ lake i„teresl i„ ex,,e,n,„ , 1,, ,„ ti.e «n,.tomi.,l,, ,.„,„e into fevor f„r a time I .,ect,o„ or .l„.ee l,„,„„„ |,„,,ic. ,,y ,>. Clarke an/ Ir. P r^ the »urj.eo„, will, which he raa highly plea<„,l ' 01 the ,„e,lical fricn.l, of (.■harle, ir., IIa,„cy „„, certainly the the u,h,ll ,l„„I.ery of practice with the mill »t„„o of poverty about his neck, lie was n fiitl.f,,? -i i , 1'"™'^'/ B I- . ,1., . Mitliliil churchman, an( a devoted Royahst. The downfall of Charle., I caused a .-real fallin'-off .n h. practice, indeed to such wan. was he reduced at f was on hepomtof .p.ittin. Undon, when a fortunat even oc u red wh,ch not only relieved present necesAies, but w ch put 1,™ a once mto affluent circumstanecs, enabling l.i„ ,„ send Olmrlcs II sums of money he had obtained by tl,: snoTlin! of .1^ Esypt,ans. Mr. Palmer, a kinsman, in his'^biogr pi ol' Dr. Hatnoy, tells the story : '^ " Things bad been going the wrong way with Hamev for some t,me. Most of his cavalier patients™- in e'e' al" ose at home bad no fees to give him. An.xiety had I oult ne.ss,vb,ch prevented bin, entirely from earning hi daly bread, fhere was not a penny i„ the house. The very L^ t.me he dmed ,n his parlor afterwards, a certain g eat mant Ingh stat,o„ came to consul, ,,im " ;ati„„e vagi' uT I™ " tho e t,mes In fact ,t was no other than the pious Ireton. After the doctor had received him in his study ,„^ modestly attended to bis long religious preface Cithwt'ch mt,.odnced h,s .gnominious circumstances, and ir. Hamey had .1 ! ,' » ^T""" '"''"'"■ """^ ""' °f Wa pocket a bag of gold and oftered ,t all in a lump to his physician. Dr. Hamey urpr,sed at so ex.,.aordinary a fee, modestly de n,"d thj accep ance of ,t, „p„„ which the great man dipping h hand .".0 the bag, grasped up as much of his coin a?hfs fi e„„d 21 hold and generously put it into tho doctor'n pocket, and so took his Iehy,i. cjans) and our Seereta,y. Mr Oldenburg. The Tame peo^.l met at S,r Joseph W.ll.amson's in lli83. Wo are toW wl at ch.c I d on diver,, eons,derable questions propo.,ed as of the hered,tary suceess,on of the Roman l.;„,,,e,.ls • the Vica m n ,oned ,„ the preface of our Common ftaye,-, which si-.^, subjects Alter a d.aner at the College of Physiciav,s Evelyn 8pe,>ks of \y„stler .as being the " „,ost facetious man „. -atu f " Char les 11. d,ed of apoplexy after an illness of l,.,c -our cta-s The b.story of h,s case written by Sir Charles Scarborou.,'' d os,tcd m the L,bra,-y of the Society of Antiquaries! I obta„,my,nf„rmat,o„from the es.,ays of Sir Henry Halford,' ^ • .i.M. the K,ng lost speech and motion. He was engaged »' ■■ ."'8 i„ mal>,ng chemical expe,-iments. Sir Edmund *>«'* .fii or . employ ed^n the army, who was giying the King r KUy, London, la -12. f,ud Oratioi. read and delivered by iH^He^vT^^d. 88 instructions in the labor^^tory, ran to his fissistance and promptly bled him to the extent of sixteen ounces. Kin-, for his presence of mind, was awarded a vote of thanks' from Parliament, and a ^ift of XI, 000. He ^ot the th:u.ks, hut ..ever the money. The court physicians to the number of fourteen then arrived. They approved of what had been done, and ordered further venesectiou to the extent of eight addifional ounces. An antimoniul emetic, a powerful purgative, and several clysters were administered. A blister to the head was applied. The King did not rally", but remained until death in a lethargic dreamy c( ndition. The loss of the power of co-ordinating words added o the misery of his condition. Conflicting ecclesiastics struggled for an audience at each glimmer of consciousness. He i.i obably said "yes, yes," or "no, no," to all interrogations ir. differently, agreemg with the last speaker, not knowing the me&uw of the words he uttered. * Macauley's version of the story of the King's