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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m6thode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 \ ' • i * ! i - ■J . , ■ . ^ 1 'y-^-i/'-::'::-' 1 1 i 1 i 1 r ';! ■ ■<■- r IIJiMWIUIUW .■,?!'»» ""J* •' — ■'■ "" '• " ■■' " " ^"^pwpwipifi.ip.iiiiiji ,WI ■*>: «* -'* '■m^.-i- :m THE ■.*-> i- r ,■•«'#"' ^ HONOR OF PARLIAMENT And the JUSTICE OF THE NATION Y<41 N D I C A T E 04 :f i '&". *■■■■■' — *- - (Price IS, 6d,) ♦ « 11 ( l^ I ■?• W- i» \Sf ::A pM'> ~r>\ mmmmmmmmm i ■ i^ THE HONOR OF PARLIAMENT AND THE JUSTICE OF THE NATION VINDICATED. In a RppLY to Dr. Price's Observation^ ON T H^ NATURE OF CIVIL LIBERTY. ' Infidiis, perjurique arte Sinonis Credita res.'—— Virc. LONDON: printed for W. Davis, in Piccadilly. ^lDCCLXXyI, ESB I i .:.^r S ' I'. .r1 1. - , ^y *. \l ,// <#'■>"» » ^ *; l«^, * V ■ .%*mi. ■- ■V "• ' «• // -■■a"- fH ,< ■*■>: ■ » -' -■'is. >- ,.^^ '■ y mr -'■»., -'% ff THE S^i'^^Vi-- f-r HONOUR %- %•••' ... } if'-Jlb V'' a" ■•l.i ^i4i5^V O F -■■■ ir-1 *%»i*.V-v.-.. -- :'l '^/fit V''"vj;T/'- i:'*'"''.^^ PARLIAMENT, &c; J,.v. t-yu r, « '^ >, "• 'is^ VINDICATED. ■ J - '>^« Vi* ,). V ■' * • ;^ ■* »,/ *iii .«,'.* T -#f' HE torch of war, whether firfl: lighted \^ the genuine flame of liberty, as American advocatqi -l^rould fuggeft, or kindled by the fiery . fpirit of fadtion, owes the fiercenefs with which it now blazes, to the aid it has from time to time received by the breath of incendiary abettors among ourfclves. ''-■-■^':-w'.^-ir''^' ^'^.y-_ B ' ^ That W * : % 't I- ,:^- ^- ( 2 ) That men, moftly of defperate fortunes* Embarked in a fyftem of univerfal oppo- iition to government, (hould eagerly feize the opportunity of joining in the cry of fedition and rebellion, is a confequence naturally flowing from the confederacy of . fuch fpirits ; but that a minifter of the gofpel of peace, the minifter of a dodtrinc which inculcates charity, benevolence, ' and obedience to fuperiors, ihould fo far depart from the fteps in which his Divine Mafter, and his difciples uniformly trod, is matter of aftonifhment to many, and of indignation to foffiej Q ^^ T ' The Do6tor, however, engages In the ^ field of difpub with great advantages over his opponents in refpedt to the majority of his American readers. His conftant tcferences to Providence * -, his fancy of f ' feeing ^ • '.-r •— -«, '* <;*» % KrA -i'J * The Reverend Author, page 97, fays, " / *' fancy I fee in thefe meafures, fomething that can- *' not be accounted for merely by human ignorance. «' I am inclined to think that the hand of Providence r ^f «« is w ft -i ( 3 > feeing things he cannot account for, but by preternatural means; his abhorrenct of mafquerades ; his diflike to gambling in gaming houfes, (which however is ra- ther an unfair exception, as no place it is prefumed can be more proper for gamb- ling than gaming houfes ;) his frequent aflurances to the Americans, like Dodtor Squintum to his flock, that Providence will do for them > his expedations of ca- B 2 lamities *' is in them working to bring about feme great *' ends." And again page 98, *' From one end o£ *' North America to the other they are Fastinq '* and Praying. But what are we doing ? fhock- •' ing thought ! We are ridiculing them as fana- ** ticks, and fcoiEng at religion. We are running wild after pleafure, and forgetting every thing ferious and decent at 7nafquerades, We are gT^m- hWng'm gaming houfes^ &c. Which fide then is Providence likely to favour ?" And again, " May <' we not expe<5l calamities that ihall recover us t# •' refledtion ? Is our caufe fuch as gives us reafon " to aflc God to blefs us ?" After ttWis terrifying us ,in this manner with having loft Providence for our ally, the Dodlor, 'page 99, very gravely puts an end to his fancies, by promifing^ '' ntt to expoft f^^kim/elf any more in this way " ' ., ;S ^■ '^ ; i < i i : i. : h '. f 4 ) lamitics to fall upon this nation, ancf dhove all his aflurances that the Lord will a6t as Generaliflimo of the American forces, are circumftances that will, no doubt, crown him .with the general ap- plaufe cf all the perturbed fpirits .of America. "* , . 't: 1-4. The Doiflor^s divifions and definitions of liberty, and particularly his diftinc- tions of phyfical and moral liberty, not being made any material ufe of in the courfe of his work, and being befides lia- ble to conliderable exceptions, I (hall not follow him through them, nor fhall I take * notice of his plan of univerfal peace, be- ing totally foreign to the prefent occafion^ but proceed to try this queflion with him — Whether civil liberty, and the natural rights of mankind, are invaded by the dsr mand of the Britilh LegiQature to tax the American colonies ? A mixed government once eftablifhed ought to be perpetual, unlefs the fyftem ' eflablifhed # It t ^^- v' t >■ ^^ is) ©{^ablirtied fliould be afterwards found de- rogatory to the rights of mankind ; devi- oufly adminlftred ; or altered by the con- fent of every part of the ftate. The {labi- lity of a>well regulated legiflature is the fureft foundation of order and good govern- ment; and it is evidently for the advantage of the people, that government, with the refervations above fpecified, (hould be con- iidered as a kind of inheritance in the conflitution. Anarchy and confufion would be (he conftant attendants of every government, were it allowable for the peo- ple to make a refumption of their power on any .other pretences. In eledlive, though limited monarchies, even where the form of government is perpetuated. What extreme confufion enfues, at reftor* ing only a part of the legiflature to its former flate*? The licentioufnefs attend- B 3 . ing y * The hiftory of the Roman emperors ; and the choofing the kings of Poland, in our own times ; are fufficient inftances of the bad confequencea at- tending an elective monarchy. ' ■ f'j '-*? ■ ■ ( 6 } ing the revival of one part of the Britifli legiflature, upon its diflbluiion, though but once in feven years, is a melancholy proof of the efFedls of power refumed by the people. * Omnipotence of Parlia- ment, or in other words of theeftabliflied Government, is, therefore, no fuch abfurd dodrine, as the Reverend Author v^^ould infinuate ; nor can a greater degree of mifery attend any nation than the adoption of contrary maxims. h « I We need go no farther back than the ufurpations during the civil wars of Charles I. until the glorious Refloration ; aperiod exadtly rcfembling that, which the Dodor . I * Dr. Price fays that a Parliament by prolonging its own duration would become a conclave, or junto of felf-c»eatcd tools, and the ftate enllaved : he muft have forgot that the firft Parliament of George I, extended the term of three years, for which they had been ele<3ed agreeable to the Bill of Rights, to a duration of feven years ; this law has fubfifted ever iince ; and, as every man knows, is now the terni for which are Parliaments are chojfen. *, > < ( 7 ) Doctor fays is at hand. The people had their full bent ; the Commons took pof-* fcfion, not only of their own fliare« of the power of Government, but of the whole power of the kgiflature. Peafants trod on the necks of Peers ; Draymen became fe- nators ; and a Brewer the fovereign. Were the natural rights of mankind fecured by this? No J confifcations, fines, imprifon- ments, executions, and at length, the horrid crime of regicide, diflingui(hed this bloody period of the Rritilh hiftory. Were the people fatisfied under all this ? How long did they felicitate themfelves on the change in the conftitution ? The conftant ftruggles of their leaders for the fuprcme government ; the perpetual fears of him who at laft gained the feat of ab- folute power; the attempts againft his life ; the univerfal diflatisfadtion exprefled againft him and the chiefs of the feveral parties then afloat; together with the univerfal joy which appeared at the refto- ration of the heir of the kingdom, and of the priginU conftitutionj plainly mark ■« , ^ ( 8 ) the inexpediency of a refumption of power in the people ad libitum. It alfo proves that a nation accuftomed to be gcverned by the different ranks of the ftate, cannot be more effcdtually curfed than by throw- ing the power * of governing into the hands of the commonalty. ^,,., A mixed, or limited monarchy, is con-^ genial with the ideas of every true Briton. Ourfelvesj our country; and our anceftors, from very remote times ; have flouri(hed under fuch a government. Our increafe in power, opulence, fcience, grandeur, and every valuable acquilition, has been equal, if not fuperior to that of any other nation. Even liollandt the Do6forsfa-> voiirite republic, has not Jurpajftd his own ■''^' " ' ''' ■'/ :■'■' ■ * ^'•'': country * And yet Dr. Price very well knows that during thofe ufurpations there were no mafquerades, not even a play-houfe exhibition, nor was the poor merry inofFenfive little Punch fufFered to gabble his drol- Jcry ; but the Dodlor's favourite principles of fafting, praying, and fighting the Lord's battles had place \x\ ihcir utmoft extent. m- '■) :.i ( 9 ) country in thofe arts which adorn and aggrandize a nation-, nor has the Great Empire of America, a term he is pleafed to make ufe of, over-run the world as yet with its learning, fcience, or renown of arms. If the excellence of a government is to be known by fuch effeds, the race of glory Great Britain has run, entitles her's to claim the rank of firft in the uni- verfe. The pains this champion of Ame- rica has taken to depreciate his country, and which deferves the name of fomething very little fhort of paricide; happens, however, at a period very fortunate for the nation ; as its reputation in arts and arms never ftood in higher eftimation with every part of the globe. It might not perhaps be improper in this place to obferve, that after all the ingenious forms of Government which have been fuggefted by the moft famous legiflators, no one has yet been devifed which could prevent the introduction of monarchy. By monarchy, I mean the government * 7 1 • i ( 10 ) government of one pcrfon, whether by dired); eftablifhtnent, or the ebullition of fome fiiperior genius rifing from the fcnate, or aflembly, as their real, though not acknowledged mafter. Monarchy, in- deed, appears in every fociety, foon after its eftablilhment ; however guarded its refolutions may be againft it, and how- ever repugnant its principles may be to fuch an innovation. The mod ftanch Republics, cs Holland and Venice, our minifters well know are generally go- verned by fome leading fpirit, with whom all bufinefs of the ftate is previoufly con- duced, and to which the affent of either Republic is a mere^at of the will of the individual. The Greek and Roman hiftories furnifli innumerable inftancesof the tendency of each nation at every period of time to the government of one perfon ; either by the eftabli(hment of monarchy, the rhetorical perfualion of fome leading member, or, a furrender to fome qualification equally captivating to the people. Could any fet of men begin upon a footing of more perfedt equality than ( " ) than the Puritans at the death of Charles I. and yet how foon did they be- come the flave of one of their own crea- tures f Is it pofiible to prevent fuperior genius from taking the lead, and deftroy- ing the beft concerted equality, unlefs •where monarchy of fome kind is efta- blifhed ? Do we not imbibe the principle of governing in our infancy ? Is not con- tention for power in the feveral progref- iions of the infant ftate as (Irongly cba- radterifed, and as afliduoufly maintained as in our adult (late ? In every clafs of the fchools, or in the fenate, fome one muft predominate; and that one become a real, if not a nominal fovereign, in cafe there be not one eflabliihed by law or inheri- tance. Is not monarchy the bafis of do- meftic government ? Even Dr. Price's Great Empire thinks it nodifgracctofubmit molt obfequioufly to the dictates of the very Hon. John Hancock ; though his honour has the modefty to aflume at pre* fent no higher title of dignity than that pf Prefident. The time is not yet ripe u...... for € 7 \\ ! \\ I f I i V ( 12 ) V for his honour to aflume his real title j but fhould the execrable Ichemes, now in^ agitation in this Utopian Empire fucceed, wefhall then, no doubt, hail the Protedor, and ultimately the Monarch. Upon the whole it feems to be in vain to feek for fafety under a Republican Government; for in truth, there is no fuch Government. And (ince monarchy muft fooner or later prevail, in fome fhape or other, there is fuch fecurity in adhering to an heretable fucceffion, as neither eledlion, nor any other mode of appointment can equal, I have, perhaps, digrefled a little on this head, but the frequent leaning of the Rev. Dodor to republican principles, as it has drawn me into it, will I hope plead my excufe. .. , , J: f 'i^ < ^•4 That a fupreme power, competent in its jurifdidtion to every part of theftate, (hould, in all governments, be fomewhere lodged, is a polition which no man until the pre- fent commotions has ever ventured to deny. Before any attempts had been made to deny it, fome precedents to juftify the contrary g opinion p. ■m- ( 13 ) ^ opinion would have been necefTary, as the arguments in fupport of it do not fo rea- dily appear. States accruing to the ter- ritories of a prince by ceffion, conqueft, marriage orotherwife, as in the cafe of the Auftrian «nd French Netherlands, and many provinces of France, often retain, by common confent, their own form of go- vernment, acknowledging the fupremacy, and granting, perhaps, fome fmall (hare of the legiflative power to their new fove- reign; flill there is one uniform lawful power embracing the extreme bounds of the ftate with its new additions in every part. A partial legiflature is a mock legiflature ; and a government that fhould be incompetent in any one cafe, or locally circumfcribed, muft very foon become l|||An objedt of derifion, even where its ^competency and limits were allov/ed. The Englifh hiftory (hews how dKiicult it has ever been for a weak prince to fuf- tain himfelf in the regal feat j but much more difficult would it be found for a weak government to fupport itfelf. If the Colonies /', i H ) Colonies mean to declare themfelves aa, independent ftate, aud fhake o^ all fub* ordination to the Britifli Government, however ungrateful and rebellious the procedure might be ; however it might fhock the loyal and obedient fubjei^s of the Mother Country in thofe refpedjts ; it would not difgufl their underftanding with the prefent ah. jrdity of allowing a Qovemment and no Govejrnment. The Colonifts either are, or are not t!ie fubjedts of Great-Britain. If they are the fubjedls of Great-Britain, the legiflature cannot treat with them while its fupremacy is denied, without betrays ing ine interefts, and wounding the dig- nity of the nation. If they are not the fubjedts of Great-Britain, their petitioning its Government is mean. The idea of a' petition upon the term theirs have been prefented is too abfurd to be fcarcely a moment attended to. What! petition a power for redrefs ; while the very petition denies its power to redrefs ! The pretext of duty, obedience, and the deiire of an amicable ■M-.. . . r» % \ * '<('«' amicable accommodation^ is too flimfy ^tid thin to conceal the true defign of the petitioners from the coarfeft eye. The Reverend Author's reafons for conftituting the Colonies an Empire^ may be wocth enquiring into. Is it be^ caufe Great-Britain, at immenfe expence, fitted out fhips to make difcoveries in the weflern world, and took that pofleflion of the countries now in queftion, which ^the law of nations adjudges to be the belt title of fupremacy ? Can it be, becaufe this country granted the anceftors of the Colonifts charters revokable at pleafurc, and tranfported them to America at the expence of the kingdom ? Or, is it be- caufe this nation has foflered, fupported and maintained them from their firft migration to the prefent period, againil: innumerable foreign attacks, any one of which would have been fufficient to over- whelm them ? The Dovflor fays, they are now able to defend and fuflain them- felves againft any foreign atlack ; THAT, perhaps. -;'*i;i- ^f \ 16 ) ^ perlilps, may be his reafon for dubhtng ^he Colonies of Great Britain an InJe'^ pendent Empire ! There is f6mething truly jocular in his idea of a maritime country without one port in its poffelTion, or one (hip of war upon the feas, pre-*- tending to hold out fuch language to a naval power, whofe virtual force is near* 3y equal to the reft of the navy of Europe. If, however, tWs be the rea- fon upon which they found their preten- lion to Empire and Independency ; how- ever difproportionate their attempt may be to their means; however ridiculous it may appear in the eyes of all Europe^ for a few fi(hing boats to wage war againft the whole navy of Great- Britain, their title, it feems, is not to be difputed. There will then be no occalion for anjr^^ more of the Dodlor's reafons; the ultima ratio parricidarumy is to work its beft. The pen has its office, and muft give place to a keener weapon. Every idea of good faith, gratitude, and fuch feeble ties, will be eafily cut afunder by the -*.. .4. ( 17 ) power of the fword. And, as moft Empires have been formed by that power, if the Americans are able to Empirize themfelves that way, their valour will, in fome degree, colour the ingratitude and infamy of their proceedings. '♦ ,. "■ vThe Doctor's attempt to depreciate and debafe the parent ftate to a degree, not only level, but inferior to the Colonies, is fo evidently produced by the ftrong work- ings of fancy, and the delufions of a brain heated with intemperate zeal, that it fcarcely deferves an anfwer. What gives us our fitperiority, fays he ? Is it our wealth ? 'This never confers real dignity* Is wealth, indeed, of no ufe in acquir- ing dignity ? If by dignity he means power, wealth muft be confidered as the linews, and the very fupport of dignity. Or, if by dignity he would fuppofe the influence of the ftate in foreign nations ; a fplendid court ; or refinement in the arts ; furely he would not draw a comparifon between Great Britain and his new Em- C pire^ ( '8 ) piret In thcfc refpeds? In what courts ^e the AmbafTadors of America to be found* and who are the Princes that en- tertain them ? Perhaps el' ated eyes, lank hair» and a well (larched band> are the true marks of dignity. In no other inftances will Great Britain yield In dig- nity to his Utopian Empire, Is it, fays the Reverend Author, t&e number of our people f T^he Colonies will foon be equal to us in number. If the Dodlor could pre- vail on his fellow-labourers in the Lord's Vineyard, to fufpend their rebellious de- figns until the arrival of that period, he might do a truly good office; for there is reafon to apprehend that two millions and an half of people, will find fome time neceflary to out-number thirteen millions ; even though a greater increafe of population ftiould arife in the Colo- nies than the parent ftate. Indeed, the fupcrior vigilance and afiiduity of pro- creation in general among the Colonifls, muft be allowed; but the extreme vigour with which zealots will fru^ify in a ' /, t ( '9 ) good caufe, is really tremendous. The next qucftion our Author afks about fu- periority. Is it our knowledge and virtue f 7'hey are probably equally knowing and more virtuous. I'here are names among them that will not ftoop to any names among ' the Philofop hers and Politicians of this IJland. Which of the two are moft knowing is a queflion difficult to decide, on account of the difficulty of under- {landing what the Dodlor means by the word knowing. It is a word that people may hear at the Opera doors, while the honourable fraternity of link-lighters are in the height of their bufmefs ; and, I believe, there, fignifies dexterity in pick- ing of pockets; but there the Do6lor could not have feledled fuch a choice word, for none but the profane go to Operas.. He furely cannot mean know- ledge, or an acquaintance with the arts. The idea of a comparifon is too ridicu- lous ; and to fpecify the names of thofe among us, whofe genius gives fo great a luftre to the prefent period, would be C 2 little i( *■• ( 20 \ / little (hort of proftitution, when oppofed to fuch nemes as the Dodlor could fet sgainfl them. I would be underftood to except one gentleman, a native of Ame- rica, whofe- learning and genius would do honour to any country; but that gentleman has more refped: for true fame, than to oppofe his merit again ft the whole circle cf B^itifli Geniufes, however he might vie individually with the foremofl: of them, , ' It was not intended to follow the Dodlor through his pofitions in this re- gular gradation; but fuch a number of extravagant paflages appearing about this part of his performance, it was impof- fible to delift from attacking them. •> But we are the Parent State, I'hefe, fays the Docftor, are the magic words which have fafcinated and mijled us. The 'Engiip came from Germany, Does that , give the German fiates a right to tax us? Did the Germans, who fettled in Eng- land, ever fettle as Colonifts under the . . protedlion •At .,: . , ( 2. ) pro.edtion of another ftate ? Was not England an independent Empire long be- fore the Germans fettled ; and the feat of Government previoufly eftablifhed within the Empire? Did theEnglifh Government ever acknowledge the fupremacy of Ger- many in this country, and in what fingle inftance can the condition of the Ger- mans, who invaded England, be com- pared to that of the Colonills ? The Dodlor might as well have drawn his ex- ample from the kingdom of Monomo- tapa. The Reverend Author, indulging his favourite idea of a parent ftate, the idea which he fays has fo fafcinated us, tells us. That the Colonifls, confidered here- tofore in the light of our children, are no longer fo, in refpedt to fubordinalion and dependence on the parent ; for that they are now arrived at maturity, and can. as in the natural ftate, withjuftice claim their emancipation from every tie or reftraint of the parent. I do not* kno V who it was firft informed the Dodtor, that the parallel of a parent r-:^ '■:■'. r; -. C 3 -^ -■ and and children In the natural ftate, was ever confidered as any ground of argument in refpeft to the obedience of the colonies. The argument has been put upon us by the Dodlor; but even here the alarm to war appears. They are able to fupport them- felveo, fays he^, and they will therefore make us remember they are no longer children. Let them too remember, that flripes are as proper for fools ar. children's backs, and that a double portion of them are due to traitors. Though the laws allow to adults, the total emanci- pation from, and dependance of, the au- thority of the parent, yet no law of God, of man, or nature, authorizes the fubje<3; in refiftinf^ tlie lawful authority of the ftate, while his natural rights are main- tained. If the Dodor will have the paral- lel continued, let him recolledt that a ftate may be always confidered as flourifliing in its earlieft youth, while it continues in a profperous condition ; but that the fure way to bring it to decay, and finally to difiblution, is complaining without a caufe, and founding the alarm of fedition jto the well -affc fled. A moil IV ( 23 ) A moft erroneous and fatal opinion fecms to have gone forth among the fa- vourers of the American caufe. They appear to have adopted as a maxim, that we were bound to nourifli the colonies with our heft blood, and with a boundlefs expence of treafure, in order to bring them to a ftate of opulence and profperity; and that having brought them into fuch a ftate, we are bound to relinquifh our fu- periority ; give them up the inftant they are capable of proving beneficial to the -power that formed and raifed them ; and leave them to — what ? Not to aggrandize thcmfelves, and eredt a government of their own ; as they vainly imagine : no« They are incapable of fupporting thcm- felves againft any maritime power of Europe ', they mufl, if abandoned, inevi- tably become a prey to the firfl great power that fhall invade then. ; and thus throw a weight into the fcale of the houfe of Bourbon, (moft probably) which might ultimately prove the overthrow of this coun- try. Too much wifdom prevails in the C 4 Great \ ./ ( 24 ) Great Council of the nation to fuiFer fuch a procedure. Was the fraternal afFedtion we feel towards them as brethren (though oiFending brethren) cancelled in our breads ; and were the tyes of blood and the reci- procal intercourfes of commerce and good offices, which have fo long fubiifled be- tween us, to be effaced from the remem- brance of Britons ; the common fafety of the mother country, and of the govern- ments depending upon it, forbids us to re- nounce our fupremacy over them. We, and our anceftors, have freely bled for the fupport of a chimerical balance of power upon the continent of Europe; and fliall we now hefitate to aid with every nerve towards the fixing in our intereft, a community fo formidable as the Colonifts inlinuate thcmfelves to be ? Their cpu- lence and power, the very arguments they make ufe of for the fupport of their in- dependency, are the mofl forcible that can be urged to us for keeping them ours. , r^ ,1 ■ -* I Was" ( 25 ) , i h Was it true that the principles of juftice were injured by our demand of taxation ; (the contrary of which it is hoped will clearly be proved) there is a law fuperior to that which would compel us to fubdue their rebellious fpirits. Self-prefervation, the firft, the immutable law of natuu, cells us we have no fafety but in their fubjedion. Let not their vanityfuggeft that it is the na- tural power of America we fear ; they de- ceive themfelves moil egregioufly in fuppo- fing that they have intrinfically that weight which could hurt us. We fear them only as they will become a prey to the firfl great power that (hall invade them. Under fuch prote(5tion they might become formidable, or rather the power that fwallowed them up might become ifo. It muft however be owned for the honour of the fovereign Princes of Europe, that they have, contra- ry to the ufual difpofilion of Princes, pre- ferred the general principles of juftice and thtjir own permanent fafety, to the temporary advantages which might have accrued to them from an interference in the prefent rebellion. Let the Reverend 4 Dodor ( 26 ) '\ I Dofl:or take a furvey of the policy of Spain, France, and Holland; let him view the behavior of the Colonies depen- dent on thofe fovereignties ; and he will find abiblute fupreniacy maintained on the one fide, and the moft faithful allegiance readily adopted on the other. Nay, he will fee more ; he will fee the neighbor- ing Colonies look with horror upon the proceedings of our own ; and find them ready, if called upon, to join in fubduing, ^nd bringing them back to their duty. There can be no doubt but our Colonifts have their emiffaries difpcrfed about, en- deavouring to render fome prince of Europe propitious to their caufe. Their known vigilance and adiivity prevents a doubt from being entertained on that head. But Heaven be praifed ! the prefent ftate of Europe gives us clearly to under- ftand, that no fuccefs has hitherto attend- ed any efforts of that kind. Thefe are lefTons for Paricides. Treafon is not, at , prefent, a fafliionable commodity; and ' traitors, like mad dogs, may run their courfe, but arc fure at laft to be knocked on the head. • The ( a7 ) The Doctor fays, the Americans arc already half our number; whereas it is well known they ar*^ not a fifth. His fal- lacious pofitions every where in refpe^t to numbers, are too grofs to efcape notice ; but as he has been already attacked on that head ; and as others have given notice of following him ftill more clofely, in pre- paring others better founded, with the authorities annexed ; I ihall leave him to thofe perfons for correction in fuch parti- culars*.; ■::ry ■:. ty'ny^m'y^l 1^^:^^^. ^ It is time that we haden to the grand quefticn upon which the American advo- cates build fuch vafl hopes of fuccefs. -y/sr. Whether in refpeifl: to Taxation and •* internal Legiflation the Colonies are *' bound to be fubjedt to the jurifdidion of <* this kingdom ?'" «i • v'^ < »«m "■jt^cf" It has been before obferved that a Legiflature, that is incompetent to any point of legiflation, (which neceffarily includes taxation) is a mock, and not a real legiflature. The individuals of which ; the ( 28 ) the Britiih Parliament, or any Icgiflature is compofed, are not legiflators for them- felves refpe^ively ; nor feparately for the fcveral parts of the kingdom which they are nominally faid to reprefent. In re- fpedt to Great- Britain, each member of the Houfe of Commons is a member of the BritiOi Parliament ; and a legiilator of the whole flate, and not of any part of it. He is as much bound by the tics of juflice, patriotifm and common policy, to be a guardian of one part of the ftate, as of any other. An invafion of the rights of any part of it, however remote, afFedts him as much as if fufFered in the county wherein he refides; and equally as if his own lands were immedi- ately affedled by it — the government being overthrown, and his fecurity therein loft. If, by the local fituation of any part of the kingdom, reprefentation is rendered impracticable, each member of the ftate is bound to give a more imme- diate attention to that part of it, than to any other, jtin:^; u ^ ■ , » '■■■ .'.' - i.Ki'r'Ki' •-?»;<=' 1 1 1 The ( 29 ) The hereditary Grand Council of the nation are furely to be confidered as gene- ral guardians of the laws. They have no fears for the continuance of their iegilla- tive ftation ; and are as likely to be faith- ful truftees and even advocates for a tranf- marine province, as the immediate re- prefentatives of fuch a province, was their admiflion in a legiflative capacity pradticable. • "^ 1 If a confcientious regard to general juftice (hould be wanting, the landed and commercial interefts of both Houfes are a perfed fecurity to 'the Americans for their adminiftration of the laws, in a manner beneficial to the latter,. Any interruption to the commerce of Ame- rica muft foon increafe the tax upon the landed pofleilions; and the com- mercial interefts would ncceflarily fail, was the trade of our Colonies diminifhed, or deftroyed. The interefts of Great- Britain, and her Colonies, are fo in- tricately blended, that they muft equally fufFer as far as a certain fliare of property extends: # ( 3° ) extends : fo that was there a cafe where the want of reprefentation might be unjuft, the Colonies of Great-Britain would be an exception. How many parts of the kingdom fend no reprefentatives to Par- liament ? Moft of the iflands dependent on Great-Britain, as Jerfey, Guernfey, the IQe of Man, &c. are in that predi- cament; yet no diflatisfadlion or com- plaint of injuftice towards them has ever been preferred ; but if by reprefentation is undcrftood an eledive voice in the choo- fing of reprefentatives, the truth is, that nine-tenths of this kingdom are unrepre- fented. Upon what authority is, it that the Dodlor tells us the legiflature cannot in- vade the rights of the unreprefented of this country without including thcm- felves*? Might not a law be fo partially framed, and in the article of taxation as • - well .< I * The Dodlor, page 42, fpeaking of the repre- fentatives of the nation, fays, " The laws they make <' for others they at the fame time make for them- « felves." \ • ; % \ !> ( 3« 5 well as any other, to make as great a dif- tin^ion to the prejudice of the former as could podibly be made between the Mo- ther Country and the Colonies ? Hitherto no mention has been made of the remain- ing part of the legiflature ; nothing has been faid of the fecurity derived to the fubjedts of Great-Britain, by the known equity and fatherly love which dwell in the breail of the milded of princes, and the moil beneficent of men. His virtues, have not, as yet, been urged as a fecu- rity for the rights of every, the meaneft Britilh fubjed, wherefoever he may re- fide. Not that it is to be doubted it would be as well received by every Briton, as any fecurity depending upon mortal exiftence could be. Is the known wif- dom and equity of Parliament; their long eftabliflied fame for juftice in every quarter of the world j no fecurity ? Par- liament may, perhaps, have fometimes accorded trifling conceffions, trivial com- pliments to its fovereigns, and even at fome fmall expence to the nation; but 4 the ■« N '. r 3« ) the eflential privileges of the ftate, the welfare of the community, and of all its members in every part of the globe; thofe they have never betrayed (that pe- riod of feventeen years which fo indelibly difgraces the Briti{h hiftory, when fana* ticifni prevailed to the extirpation of aU order and juftice, ought indeed to be excepted.) ' But the juflice and wifdom of Parlia- ment, hitherto unimpeached, may, fays the Reverend Author, at fome future period, (brink from that degree of repu- tation it has hitherto fuftained. He in- fiances many circumftances which may occur to deftroy that reputation, and ren- der them a band of fycophants, and the flaves of venality and corruption. Grant all this — for who can fay how long the virtue of a flate, any more than the virtue of an individual, ftiari remain un- fliaken ? How does this make in favour . of America, unlefs America has obtained the exclufive pofTeflion of virtue, as a --""" \ : freehold > >-- i m-' ( 33 ) freehold to Its Inhabitants for ever ? Sup- pofe America in the full enjoyment of fuch alegiilature as it feeks, and theadminidra- tion thereof in the hands of the Americans : Is it treafon, or nonfenic, tofuppofc, that vice, venality, corruption^ or fome blading power, may, hereafter, wither the tree of Liberty, which they pretend Ihoots forth among them, at prefent, with fuch un- exampled vigor. • The Quebec Adt difpleafes the Dodlor. He is a gentleman very diflicult to pleafe. The Canadians were indulged to the ex- tent of their wifhes; yet that does not fa- tisfy him. They have been too much indulged, he fays. He forgets perhaps,, that the province of Canida came into the pofTcflion of this country by com- padl*, and cefHon. The faith of tiie nation was pledged in the firft inftance to the Canadians, for the exercife of their native laws and religion. Is there * The Articles of Capitulation, p any . .*- (34 y any thing extraordinary or unjufl, in ratifying a folemn treaty ? Jf the Rev. Dodor would give himfelf the trouble to look into the flate of the government of Minorca, he would find that the com- pliment made to the Canadians was not the fird of its kind. ; ■ ^; '^^ » ■ m^_ ■ ■• . ' , •- • • But the grand example of delinquency, in the proceedings of the Britifh Parlia- ment, is :he Ad: for the better regulating the Government of MafTachufets Bay. This A6t is, by the Reverend Author, confidered as entirely fubverfive of the curtoms and ancient privileges of that province 5 contrary to the fpirit of the Brklih conflitutioL; and a prelude to the' entry of the whore of Babvlon ; or in other words, for popery to find its way through. The Reverend Author well knows, that the mildnefs of the Britifh legiflature never appeared in a more con- fpicuous light, than in the framing of that Adl. An Ad mads with a view to reclaim a proviace rpon the verge of re- bell ion M % e n y u 1- . of to e- P3 { 35 ) .,. • bellioh; a province bidding defiance to the Britifh legiflature, and pretending to eftabli(h one of* their own. A Govern- ment the leaft tindtured with feverity, would have proclaimed martial law im- mediately, or, at lead, have forthwith fub- jed:ed the inhabitants to fines, imprifon- ments, and confifcations in rafe of fur- ther refinance. Let us fee what mea- fures the Britilh Parliament purfued : They furnilhed the king with power to appoint and remove the members of one part of the legiflature ; to alter the mode of chufing juries; and to prevent fediti- ous meetings, under the notion of af- femblies ; but this, for a limited time only *. Would not the Dodlor have ex- pofed the abfurdity of the Britilh Par- ' ../ D 2 , liament. - * The Reverend Author has thought proper to fupprefs the circumftance which peculiarly markji the lenity of Parliament in that Adl. He does not take the leaft notice of the term for which it was made* It was for three years only; andj there- fore. Parliament evidently could have no other view, but a temporary expediency in the paffing it. liament, if they had referred the trial of a rebel to a jury of rebels ? Would he not have burlesqued the idea of an arch- rebel being appointed to prefide as the judge at fuch a farcical trial ? And would he not have bpen even merry, (if his pro- feflion had allowed it,) with the Britifh le- giflature, for giving their fandlion to an af- fembly meeting on purpofe to deftroy its authority ? There is fomething fo unfair in reprefenting the Adt, in quef- tion, as a general maxim, or principle of the Britifh legiflature, in its condudl towards the Colonies ; and in endeavour* Jng to infer tyranny and injuftice from a proceeding the moft gentle and tender, that ever was ufed by any Government towards fubjedts in the predicament of the MalTachufetians ; that I am fure every tinprejudir^d Briton, fo far from yielding up his heart's blood to oppofe fuch an Ad: (as the Dodor recommends), would facrifice his lafl: drop in the enforcement of it. ri» ■4'^' The ' ( 37 ) ^The people of this nation agree with the Reverend Author in cenfuring thq adt for regulating the Province of Maflachu- fets Bay. The ground, however, on which theirs is founded, happens to be the very reverfe of his. It is for its mildnefs, and not its feverity they execrate it. Un- timely lenity, fay they, has been the nurfe of rebellion. Gentle correction has had no efFedt upon the delinquents j and the na- tion now laments that feverity had not been earlier fubftituted in its ftead. Had the Government adverted to the particular fedl from whence this people fprung ; had it confidered the pernicious confequences that enfued from gentlenefs, conceflions, and moderation towards them in the lafl: century; or had it adted with the dignity which ought to influence all the proceed- ings of a legiflature; the viper rebellion, which now fcatters its venom throughout our weftern territories, had been cruflied in its birth. Jf the Americans are not nominally, they may be faid to be virtually repre- D 3 . . fented K ■* % ..^ ( 38 ) fented in the Britifli Parliament. Their connedtion with the merchants of this kingdom, many of whom, depending en- tirely on the commerce of America, are dfo members of the Houfe of Commons, and as it were the particular rcprefentatives of that country, and knit to the interefls of it by the firmed of all ties, mutual advan- tage. What a number of the natives of America are always relident in this king- dom, either temporarily or fettled, mofl: of whom have ^^ leafl eledive voices, and fome of them le.. in the Britifli Parlia- ment ; to fay nothing of the permanent intereft Ari^erica has in this kingdom out of Parliament, by means of its commercial connexions ? But the Colonies have a ftill more firm and powerful fecurity than any yet mentioned, THE LOVE OF LIBER- TY IN THE PEOPLE. Make it appear to the people of Great Britain that any clafs of their fellow- fubjedts groan beneath the yoke of tyranny, or arbitrary power ; that their natural rights are invaded by the legiflature of this, or any country i ... ..(■ ,;, ., , :,i ■ , , . w and ,.4 J .^ 'm % ■S k ^^jMk ( 39 ) and you will find them as ready to rcdrcfs the injuries of their brethren in the niofl diftant part of the world, as their own immediate grievances. Butthefad is, that, in general, the fub- jedls of Great Britain hold the proceed- ings of the Colonills in the utmoH: dc- teflation. They join with hand, heart, and voice in fupport of that government from which they derive every blelTing, every privilege, that civil liberty, or tlie natural rights of mankind entitle them to, confiftently with the good of fociety. Nor will they fufFer fuch a glorious fabric to be fapped and und^ rmincd upon frivo- lous pretences. They are ready, they even prefs forward to fupport their Prince in defence of the honour of the crown. The confideration of commercial advan- tages, however lucrative, vaniflies from before their fight, when that great objedt, national honour, is at ftake. Were they fure never to reap the fmallefl advantage from the Colonies, they would not defert . D 4 their *» • iv their Sovereign antil the honor of the legiflature was aflerted and vindicated, and the contemners of it chaftized. -..<«. - The fupport given to government in the American caufe, by both Houfes of Parliament, deferves to be recorded to their immortal honor. They have not only concurred in every method to reftore peace to a rebellious people upon the mildeft terms ; but they have done it in a manner, perhaps more gracious than is to be found in any former period. If any thing could ftrengthen the adls of the Bri- tilL legiflature, it is the great maiority in both houfes upon every queftio refpedl- ing America. This would point out to the Colonifts, if they were not a people the moft bigotted to their own opinions, the moft conneded in attachment to their own maxims, of any other upon the face of the earth, that the almoft univerfal voice of the kingdom is againft them. The Reverend Author's idea that the Americans have a government of their v,^.,. , own; •*- w: . ( 41 ) own; that they are happy in it, and only defire to remain unmolefted in it ; is as extraordinary as any in his performance. They have a government. What govern- ment ? The Dodor cannot mean an inde- pendent government, for that they never had. They had charters, indeed, upon which they placed their dependence. The Reverend Author will not fay that the Britifli Parliament, impolitic and ig- norant as he would reprefent it, could ever be fo infatuated as to eftablifh a power exprefsly for its own deftrudtion. No, the Crown, or Parliament granted charters for the incorporation of certain focieties, with every advantage that could promote the intereft of the incorporated ; but with this provifo or intention, that fuch charter or power of incorporation fhculd be void, whenever the fuperior intereft of the granter lliould be injured by its continu- ance. If this was not exprelfed, as in moft charters it is, common fcnfe would offer fuch an interpretation. What confidera- tion has Great Britain received for her indulgence I s * i ( 40 ■ indulgence to the Americans ; for efta- blifliing, proteding, and bringing them to fl-itc of opulence and rank in fociety? /" th; aids fhe has ever received from them have been, the fervice of the natives to protcdt their ovi^p lands. Has the mother country ever called upon them to defend her ? In the hour of didrefs, and in the day of trouble ilie has always fought her own battles, and found her refources in fome other quarter. Far otherwife, when the Colonies have been in danger from any enemy; Great Britain, with the affcdtion of a true parent, has* al- ways flown to their affiftance; protedled their commerce ; and expelled their ene- mies from the very bowels of their coun- try. But this is not all : fhe has paid them for fighting their own battles ; fub- fidized them in their own immediate caufe 5 and never yet left them until (he brought them to a ftate of fecurity and glory. But Great Britain, ftrange to be told! holds an advantageous commerce with the Colonies : fo (lie does with Por- - — .^ • - . tugal. / ■ . ' a \\ ... > ( 43 ) tugal, and many other nations; and mud (he therefore ftoop to their will and plea- fure? Would Portugal, the Colonies, or any other nation whatever, trade with this country, if they did not find in it a re- ciprocal advantage ? By a reciprocal ad- vantage, I would not be underftood to mean exadly quantity for quantity, or value for value, in refpedt to the com- modir''3 of traffic; but that, upon the grand fcale of advantage, no nation would trade with any other, if it was not better, more ufeful to that nation to hold fuch a commerce, than to decline it. The Colonies cannot deny that their commerce with Great Britain, even un- der all its unavoidable reftridlions, has been extremely beneficial to them. Their opulence, infolence, and aim at Indepen- dence, fatally prove it. But fay they, we could trade to ftill greater advantage, if the reflridlions laid upon us by Great Britain were withdrawn, and free com- merce with all the world allowed to us. Miftaken people ! The firfl principle of a commercial people, fliould be an ade- ciuate i ( 44 ) » ^- r •, quate naval protedlion. Without this, how long could you expedl an indepen- dent commerce ? Is there a maritime na- tion of Europe fo fupine, fo indolent, and fo flupid, as to negledl fuch an op- portunity of feizing you ? Had the in- habitants of our Colonies migrated from France, Spain, or any other nation, and been dcferted by their original founders, common policy would have taught us to infill: upon their accepting our proted:ion. Had even our ideas of juftice, and civil liberty, quadrated exadlly with theirs : the law of felf-prefervation ; the com- mon principles of defence ; would have compelled us to take them under our government. Weak flates can, no more than poor individuals, ilourilh, or even fub- fift, without protection and patronage. The inferior flates of Italy all throw themfelves into the arms of fome great power for protedlion. States, even of fome magnitude, feek for great alliances before they can red without fear of in^ vafion, from the more potent kingdoms. Nothing but the moll confummate vanity could / I ■ \ \\ f45 ) could lead the Colonifts to fee their own cafe in any other point of view. They could not be more feverely curfed than by our renouncing them ; if fuch a weak- nefs could poflefs the nation. Inflead of enjoying a mild and equitable Govern- ment : — a Government, the envy and ad- miration of the world ! thev would fooii find themfelves in the predicament of being obliged to fubmit to the arbitrary mandates of a defpotic monarch. Perhaps, indeed, the Princes of the houfe of Bourbon might gracioufly condefcend to (hare this deluded, chimerical, vain, extravagant race of men between them. But of this they may be affured, that under the power of whomfoever they might fall, a proper regard would be had to their ingratitude towards thu hand that raifed them. If, fay their future Sovereigns, the ties of blood, of intereft, gratitude and friend- fliip, could not bind them to their iirfl: Government, what fecurity fliall we have . for fidelity towards us, but their moft abjedt humiliation ? Your future Sove^ reigns (if the Britifh nation gives you ITp, I i » ) . { 46 ) up, which Heaven avert (hould ever hap- pen) will make you hewers of wood, and drawers of water; at leaft, if they have comnnion policy, you may expedl it. The Reverend Author fearing his ar- guments in favour of America were infuf- iicient to ftimulate a loyal people to join the interefl: of the fons of rebellion on the other fide of the Atlantic, has at« . tempted to fow ihe feeds of fedition by gloomy and falacious accounts of the in- ternal Hate of the kingdom. According to this difmal reprefentation, Great-Bri- tain is ts be difmembered-, the blood of thoufands to be iinrightconjly JJoed -, our Jlrength exhaufted ; our merchants break ; our rnanufablurers Jiarve -, our revenues Jink ; our funds totter -, and public bank- ruptcy, (like a meteor in the air) to impend over our heads. But fuppofe thefe things fhould not turn out jufl: as the Reverend Gentleman predids, but that the very reverfe fliould happen. I believe upon examination the latter will be found moft likely. The empire may not be difmem- bered ^ I . I fy™' i^F' ( 47 ) beredf but ftrengthcn its member by bring- ing it under a more due fubjedlion to its power. 1l\\z Jlocdding fuch oceans of Bri^ tijh blood may be prevented by fuperior fkill and policy in arms ; by undermining treachery with its proper antidote ; as in the affair of Quebec. Our Jlreiigth in- Jiead of being exhaujled may gain fuch fre(h vigor from proper applications to the unfognd part, as to give new powers to the body. Our merchants in general^ Jo far from apprehending riling may deli re no further correfpondence with the Colo- nies until they have better fecurity for their future concerns i our mamfaSlurers (and if the Dodor will make the tour of Yorkfhire and moft of our manufadtu- ring counties, he may receive a more full information) may be pretty much of the fame opinion; nor is there fcarcely a tradefman who may not by this time (o far difcern his own intereft as to fee that he can never trade to America with ad- vantage until the Britifh Government has the power of executing juftice effedlually among the Colonifts, and procuring a reftitution ( 48 reftitution of due returns; a vigorous trade, in confequence of all this may dc- creafe our debts, and prop the poor de- crepid Jinking revenue ; the tottering of the funds may prove to be no more than the vertigo of an old dillempered brain ; and the public bankruptcy faid to be hang-' ing over our heads, may turn out to be a renewal of our commerce with frefh vigor. At fuch a crlfis, Ihould our natu- ral enemies, as the Dodtor obferves, eager for our ruin, feize the opportunity , why they may — ay — they may chance to do as a king of France has before done, and retire with confufion. ' " ^ ; ,4 That not one firing might remain un- touched which could vibrate in unifon with any note of fedition, the Dodtcr has ftruck his pleBrum upon one that ha^ feen its beft days. The alarm of a nation- al bankruptcy muft be founded. That our national debt is enormops, will very eafily be granted -, and that a redudion of the revenue muft increafe our taxes. It may alfo be admitted that the ceffation of our M I ^*L •*( <\ * MHM I ( 49 ) _ otir trade will occafion a dccreafe ir. the revenue of ^ooyoool, fer aMn^ Stiil the tttdit of the nadofti is fir:ji> As t^ell v^ith- out "ciw kingdom as aniOftg ourfclvcsi and ftood equally fo when the national debt exceeded the preient aimoiint, in the fum of nine millions. The higheft eftf- mate that has been yet formed for carry- ing into ex^cUtiott the intended j^an« of the Icgiilature, ir regard to America, does liot excised that fum. If therefore our debt Ihouid arrive at its gteateft period, we Ihall then be only in acbilditron which we have borne with eafe, and eveti iflouriKhed uh-* der. But fhould that fuccefs attend tht Britifti arms, which the courage and in** trepidity of our foidiers, and the condud of our generals give room to hope for, there is every reafon to ^xpe^: t quick, favourable, and much Icfs expcnfive iffue to the war. The hellifli attempts which have been made to poifon the minds of out foldiers with treafon and difafledlion to the prefent fervice, have, indfeed^ hap- pily recoiled with infamy, on the infidlous cmiflartes cf fadicn tuA rebellion. An I ■E extreme • ( 50 ) extreme alacrity appears in the troops deilined for this American war. Volun- teers, from every rank of the flate, pudi forward to join them ; and the difficulty lies, not in flimulating, but in repreffing the ardor of the Britifli fubjeds on this occaiion* .»}* ;«-5yo»iiiiii ^tiXM ,»«> ^ii»^i The ingenious manoeuvrey and valour, of the commanders at Quebec, at the fame time that it has rivetted univerfally the confidence and reliance of the Bri- ti(h troops on the condudV of their offi- cers, has had its oppofite effiid: on the Provincials. Notwithftanding the im- portance of the capital of Canada, the Provincial officers have been reduced to the lart: extremity of fupplication to get a man to ftir from the camp before Bofton on that fervice ; nor is it known that they have yet been able to fucceed. It is to this backwardnefs that we owe our intel- ligence of the tranfadion at Quebec. The Provincial leaders were obliged to authe icate, and to give even a favourable ccloi to the fuccefs of that day, as an ixj *r experi- *• ■*^ \'. ■ > , -1 '■: " ■••|. tB^ ■ " ' ■■ , ft experiment to work on the minds of their men. I fhould be happy to know what fie Doctor fancies he fees in the affair of Quebec. There were four advertife- ments for mafquerades ; two columns full of like information of public diveriions;^ and much gaming, even in gambling houfesy on the very day that Montgomery fell, and Arnold was made prifoner. ,*..'%• .* - If there had been a circumftance want- ing to infpire the Britfh foldiers, and fea- men, with ardor, to meet the rebellious foe, it would have been fupplied by the appointment of the GALLANT LORD HOWE to the command of his Majefty's forces. Such tried courage; fuch invincible honor ; a mind fo free cm peculation j a fpirit fo fuperior to every idea of lucre, and a foul animated with fuch an enthu- fiaftic love for his country, would give life, even to alanguifhing caufe; but ac- companying the prefent promptitude of the nation to aflert its dignity, and vindi^ cate the infult offered to it, a race of glory feems as it were prepared for hiii> ',4-?5 P • ( 52 ) to rnn. R would be infamous to nqgle^ the prefent opportunity of offering fome tribute of refped^ to the brave Genera1>his brother; whofename will be remembered/ with glory, fo long as the American war fliali be upon recorii There remains very little more to be faid in reply to the Reverend Dodtor's performance, except what regards his laft feiftioii. Of the frob ability ef Juccud- ing in the war with America. It is really malter of adbniAiment, that a man of genius and penetration ihould be fo warped from his natural juftnefs of thihltifig by parly zeal, and the illu- fions oif fancy, as to ur^e circumftances t!hat are the flatted: contradidions to each btlier. lie makes no account of the ma- ritime towns of America; the fooner they are deftroyed the bettt r for the Ame- ricans. By a magical waving of hiar pen, he can build others in different, and jnore fecure fituations. Alas, t)o6lor ! if you deftroy the maritime towns of Ame- ^:N '■ ' .. ( 53 ) rica^ Tell us what others they havt left worth defending ? Thefadtis, they have no other towns of any e.^iinence. fiat, fays he, they will huilc) others in fafer fituations, where the Britifh (hips cannot fail i and he has very gravely toid us, that inland countries are out of the reaojli of our ihipping. He gives us permiffion to deftroy the whole eoaft of Anodrioai nay he will thank us for it, it will refoFm American mariners : he does not want to have one town there acceffible to (hip- ping ; hut flill he intends to make th? Colonifts a great maritime power. Would iany man believe, that Dr. Price could re- commend to the Americans fuch a method of becoming a great naval powpr ? E[ad he five hundred Amphions ready to raife fo many towns in the time a modern concerto could be performed, we have fb many (hips ready to demolifh them s withpro- vifo that they (hould not be remote from water, where it is with fome confuiion confefied, our Jhips cannot fail — But, to give the Dodlor's arguments full fcope : Suppofe the Americans to have deferted ' E ? .. their 4(>A 'i. % ( 54 ) *-t that by the theiK# maritime towns, or event of war they are all dcftroyed. The latter he charitably thinks not only pof- iible, but very probable, from our mer- cilefs difpofition. Suppofe after this, the Britifh forces fhould remain quietly on l^o^lpl their fhips, and guarding the coad only, let the Impena/ifis pvocccd unmo* ^ lefted in the building of other towns, out of the reach of our {hipping: how does all this mal^e them a greaf maritime power ? Will it leave them m afters of a fchooner, or in a few years of a failor to mann it ? America has as yet its firft fhip of war to build. Th's vajl great empire ^ which Dr. Price holds up as the terror of -Europe, is, fortunately for us, flopped in good time from profecuting its deligns : as yet it has not a fufficient number of fmall veflels to fet up with any fort of reputation as a nation of pirates. By what means then is the naval power to ue formed ? If the Reverend Author can produce one fair argument in fupport of his pofition, that, " leaving them without f* a maritime town, is the way to make ' *' them ^u V w % ■%' w # t€ ( 55 )• them a great maritime power :" It will be granted to him, that ** guarding their coajis with a chain of Brit ip frigates is the way to multiply the number of Ame~ " rican veJfelsJ* The only probable me- thod the Dodtor has of bringing about the events he predicts from fuch extraor- dinary pofitions, is, by adminiftring an opiate not only to Great-Britain, but to all Europe, which fhall lull them to fleep for half a century at leaft. //, " In America," fays Do6tor Price, *' we fee a number of rifing ftates in the " vigour of youth, infpired by the noblefl: " of all paffions, the pafiion for being "free; and animated by piety." In po- litical bodies, as in the natural body, a great exertion, of the vigour of youth may be more apt to deftroy a conftitu- tion, than the lefs powerful, but more judicious, and well-regulated efforts of mature age. Youth, requires a guide and diredor to reftrain its follies and im- petuofities ; and it is the duty of riper ^ge to reftrain them. Flatulenciesy irr .: — E 4 religion. ( S6 ) religJMl^y and a train of nervous complairth^ attending old age, are diforders, the Doftor fays* the old ftate (Great Britain) is very much troubled with. Is the I>a/■•> : <*/ vi-> ' It has been ufual with the puffers of American greatnefs, to give our Colonics tcredit for the polTeffion of the who)e weftern continent; at Icaft, for all that tradt of land, north of our fouthermoft boundary i whereas, the fa ( 59 ) through Coventry with them. Their prefent deficiency of ammunition is a cir- cumftance alfo too well known, not to be another objedt on which our hopes of fuccefs might reft with tolerable fccurity. But fuppofe they were fupplied with a qurntity of that article fufficient for a few months, which is a fuppofition exceed- ingly favourable to them, how are they to depend for a future fupply ? It is true, that notwithftanding the utmoft vigilance of the Britirti fleet, a veflel might, by accident, land a fupply into fome creek or remote, corner. The arrival of many vellels is, however, exceedingly impro- bable; but fuppofing the circumftance, it is not likely they (hould be able to land their cargoes near the feat of adtion ; by which means they would be totally ufe- lefs, from the impoflibi^ity of tranfport- ing heavy ftores to a great diftance. The lupplies of every kind neceflary for the Britifh forces, will be tranfported to America with a tolerable degree of cer- tainty. The wifdom of our minifters >vill eaiily fuggeft to theaj, that more . ^ ^ (hips '■>^ • « ( 6o ) fliips, and a greater quantity of amaiunU tion, fhould be tranfportcd thither, than the eftimates for the refpedive demand of «ach article require. They will cafily fee that duplicates, if I may ufe that term, fhould be fent of almoft every de- mand, by different fhips; and may wc Act fay, that in fuch a cafe, there is as great a certainty of a neceffary fupply being received* 9S if the fame was to be tranfported from one county of Great Britain to another. One (hip may be detained by contrary winds j a fccond may be wrecked; a third may meet with feme accident to detain her ; but we are not to fuppofe, that all our veflels fhould fink: or mifcarry. Notwithftand- ing the infight our P^everend Author has into the womi of Providence, notwith- flanding all he fancies he fees, it is to be hoped he does not fee that they are all ta be ej^terminated ; nor as Bobadil killed his twenties -, that every fhip is deftined, one after another, to daQi againft a rock, ^ or be buried in the fea. If then the Dodlor will fuffer us to conclude, that ,t-;.^^..-,. ,■ . _ by * v\ ■ ( 6i ) by fendlag nearly double the quantity of fuppiies neceiTary, a fuflicient quantity may come i^fely to its deAination ; we fhall get over one very great impediment* In Jo great an objeA as this^ pard- mony would become profiirion* May we go further, and take the liberty of fuppodng, that fome of our troops Aiould venture to land, and even fummon refo*'^ lution fufficient to meet the enemy ? To go further, it is feared, the Reverend Author would think prefumptuous, and Aiew a want of piety \ but might it not be prefumed, without great offence to the faithful, and without any fhare of vanity in ourfelves, that the fame troops which have been accullomed to conquer the moft courageous, and the beft dif- ciplined foldiers of Europe, might gain the vidlory over fuch an enemy as they have now to contend with. The Dodlor'9 plea. That the Americans are fighting for liberty^ and the defence of their pro- perty, is not likely to infpire the fons of rebellion with more true courage than may be expe^ed from Britons, fighting for w^ #■ ♦ J P\W ( 62 ) " for the future fecurity of their country ; for the honour of the Crown, and the glory of their Sovereign ; for the main- tenance of their juil rights ; and for the noble purpofe of chaftiling rebels. The Reverend Author's bafe affertion, that we are fighting to defroy, and they to preferve their liberty, is a calumny too grofs to gain afhadow of credit. Britons are incapable of drawing their fwords for the eftablifli- ment of tyranny or defpotifm ; even were the people over whom it was to be exercifed, a nation of favages. Much lefs can they be fufpedted of fuch a defign againft a race of men claiming the fame defcent, fprung f»*om one common ance- flry, at a period not two centuries remote ; and againft a people whom they have bled (o freely to fupport upon every other occafion. It is the charadteriftic of Bri- tons to fly to the ftandard of their prince, with unufaal alacrity, whenever rebellion ereds her fnaky creft. On fuch occafions loyalty has never failed, in the end, to triumph ; even though a brother was to bleed by a brother's hand. The love of ■■^ ' '■■ * ajuft ;.'■*,. ■>■ » ( 63 ^) a juft prince, who governs accoFding to law, and the venerauon due to the Bri* ti(h Government^ will always infure to Great-Britain a fufficient force to fubdue, treafon or paricide : — this, indeed, is the firft time that a rebellion of the latte% kind has ever been fet up againft the Bri- tifh laws. An unjuft adminiftration of them, or the want of reformation in fome particular, (which no Government is exempt from) has been fometimes the caufe of feditious tumults : but renounc- ing the fupremacy of the Britifh laws, and declaring for a fabftantially new forhi of Government, are ideas that never be- fore entered into a BritiQi mind ; no, not even into the mind of that arch traitor Cromwell, or any of his cotemporaries. Go on then my countrymen, defend the honour of your Government, and mani- feft the juftice of your nation. Eftabliili and maintain the rights of your country; aflert and vindicate them over all the ter- ritories of the Britifh Empire, upon the principles of the Britifh conftitution; whofi Jervicc is perfeB freedom. A" • tt teMKMMMlif V. H tver tyrmny or Ae(pod(m, dunald command yoato tarapite its l^tiefui maa» dates upon tbc$ tmeaneft pf oitr fellow fub*^ je^» tuTnyput fwords againft your com"- fiiander^:^ — But wluleyour kws andcoib- ^tttion retrain kviolatei while you %aye a gracious prince, who adminiilers them with equity^ and is as jealous to maintain your rights as his own ; while your fellow citizens at home are happy, contented, and flourifhlng^ do notfufier ingratitude, rebellion, :lnd parricide^ from without, to contemn ov^ power ; invade our authority; and endanger our fafety. F I N I Sv i 1. .:r ^i^ ^ J •5" « ;y> ^i