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Mapt. platet, chartt. etc.. may be filmed at different reduction ratiot. Thote too large to be entirely included in one expoture are filmed beginning in the upper left hand corner, left to right end top to bottom, at many frames at required. The following diagramt iiluttrate the method: Let cartet. pianchet. tableaux, etc., peuvent Atre fiimte A det taux da riduction diffArantt. Loraqua la document eat trop grand pour Atre reprodult en un teui clichA, ii ett tiimA A partir de i'angle tup4rleur gauche, de gauche A droite, et de haut en bet, en prenant la nombre d'imeget nAcettaira. Let diagrammet tuivantt iliuttrent la mAthode. 1 2 3 32X 1 2 3 4 5 6 "S-f /: J, ■ SPEECH OF HON. J. BEINKERHOFF, OF OHIO, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. MONDAY, JANUARY 5, 1846. WASHINGTON: BLAIR & RIVES, PRINTERS. 1846. B ? S7 1 THE OREGON QUESTION. The Resolution from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, requiring the President to notify Great Britain of the intention of the United States to terminate the joint occupancy of Orei;;oii, and to abrogate the convention of 1827, being under consideration in Committee of the Whole — Mr. BRINKERHOFF addressed the committee as follows : Mr. Chairman : When I declare that it is wjth great reluctance that 1 have brought my mind to the conclusion to take part at all in this (lebatc, and that, consulting my own feelings alone, I should not liave attemptea to do so, it will probably gain very little credence here. It is, nevertheless, true. I design, however, to say a few words, and but a very few words, on the resolution before the House, and that solely for the purpose of placing tlie ground of my action, upon a question which is admitted to be one of so much moment, before my own immediate constituency. Throughout the whole course of this debate here, and in all the discussions of this Oregon ques- tion, which have occupied the public press through- out the country, one gratifying fact has manifested itself, and that is, the entire unanimity of Congress and of the country as to the validity of the Ameri- can title to Oregon. From the venerable gentleman from Massachu- setts, [Mr. Adams,] who has, with so much spirit and energy, advocated the notice proposed by the pending resolution, to the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. Rhett,J who with such impassion- ed vehemence opposed it — on every hand, and upon all sides, it is not only admitted, but insisted, that the American title to Oregon is " clear and un- questionable," indicating that, v/hatever may have been the extent or the bitterness of our partisan differences on other questions; whatever may be the consequences to arise from our action here, we shall present to the country and to the world a united, an unbroken front. 1 have just risen ft-om a somewhat careful read- ing of the correspondence between the plenipoten- tiaries of the two nations in regard to tliis contro- versy. I had been told, previous to the reading, of the triumph of the American negotiator— of the conviction, amounting almost to utjsolute demon- Btration, which his clear and masterly expose of our rights was calculated to produce — of the per- fection of our title, as against Great Britain, to that country ; but I must say, like the Q,ucen of Sheba, i >, , if ".V S i d when gazing on the .architectural wonders of .Teru- salem, that I had not hoard the half of it; and 1 be- lieve that any unprejudiced man, of any country or of any party, w!io will read that correspondence, must feel that the honor of our country is enlisted in the maintenance of our poscssions there, be- cause — and that is reason enough — becmise that country is of right our oicn. I agree with the gentle- man from Indiana FMr. Kennedy] upon this point — and not upon ttus only, but upon many others, I may say upon all other points I agree with him— that when, for all the purposes of this debate, it is admitted that Oregon is ours, wc may make our- selves easy as to the consequences that are to fol- low from the assertion of our title; for, whatever these consequences may be, wc, who ttike the re- sponsibility of that action, may fall back, with con- sciences quiet and easy, ufjon the consciousness of having been actuated by a sense of duty, and by a regard to the rights and the honor of the country. I go for the notice, sir. 1 have all along been of the opinion that the notice should be given; but I will say that I am extremely gratified to find my- self in this position, in the company with which I am surrounded. I was extremely hapjjy to learn, fi\jm the report of the debate on this floor, (for I had not the pleasure of listening to the gentleman,) that the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts had taken that position. Firm as are my own con- victions, I confess I am glad to fortify tnem by so high authority; and I am glad, fu'ther, that the reproach which had begun so extensively to be insinuated through the country, that all this move- ment is the result of the action of hair-brained, hot- headed young men, trying to |)lay the statesman, has been removed by the st^inu which that gentle- man has taken upon the question. It is not these hair-brained, hot-headed young men alone that ad- vocate this measure. It has the advocacy of sage experience — of a man who literally stands in the midst of posterity, whose life is in the past, and whose only ambition is, not for the future, but for the correct discharge of those responsibilities which attend the dose of human existence. But although it is admitted throughout that the American title to Oregon "is clear and unquestion- able," yet the fact of the joint convention of 1827 exists. We have by the terms of that convention admitted Great Britain to a kind of partnership in it; .she has a recognised tenancy there which can only be terminated by one year s notice; and the question is not as to the original propriety audpoU r icy of tliia convention. It exists; and the qur.stion is, Shcill we dissolve til is pf\rtnfrshi|)? 81udl \vc pet rid of this tonimfy, l>y c;ivini!; tlu; other party notieo to (|uit? ft is said tliis is tMvarli'cr incasure. But I n pout what others have said who have spo- Icen before me, that I cannot discover finytiiin^- of that character in it. We dissolve the i)artiurship, sir ; but we do it in strict conformity wiih tlic stipulations of the ur'iclcs of jiartnership; we give the tenant notice to quit, but it is in nceordance with the ex[)re;-is j)rov!sions of tlie lea.se. So far from violatittjj; any treaty — which everybody knows would be a cause of war — wi; are, in j;:iving notice, acting; in strict conformity with the provis- ions of the treaty, and ai'e earryinij; out a measure, foreseen, anticipated, provided for liy the treaty which i.s to beabro^-ated. It is not tlun a warlike, it is a treaty measure, a peace measure, and nothing else. " But," ask gentlemen, " why should the part- nership be terminated ? Why should the conven- tion be abrogated .' What reason exists for it?" We might properly ask them to advance positively ■what reasons exist for its eontinuance. They have given no .satisfactory reason of that kind — at least no reason satisfai^tory to my mind. I will, how- ever, state briefly the reasons why I am in fovor of abrogating the convention. And, in the first place, I am in favor of it — in favor of giving this notice — because Great Britain, as a matter of fact, has under this convention all she ask.s. Great Brit- ain has offered to compromise on the line of the Columbia river. We have offered the line of 49°. Who has the intervening territory between these two points? I ask you, sir: Have we? If, as a matter of fact, we had the possession and occu- pancy atid the usufruct of the disputed territory between the Columbia river, which was her ofier, and the line of 49°, which was ours, then there might be a cause for continuing the convention in force. But she has it, as a matter of fact; and thus she is actually in possession of all she claims and all she asks. We have a sriall population in that territory, I grant; but none of it north of 46°. We have not a solitary f^imily north of the Columbia river. They arc exclude ' from it by the circum- stances of tiic case, by the British occupancy of the northern bank of that river, by the adverse in- fluences which arc brought to bear on American settlers there. The fact stated by the honorable gentleman from Indiana, [Mr. Owev,] that an American settler, v/ho had undertaken to plant himself on the northern bank, had been bought out by the Hudson Bay Company by the payment, on its part, of a liberal sum — that fact speaks vol- iimes on this s\ibject. It is true that the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Rhett] undertook to ridicule this, v/hen considered as an objectionable fact, by intimoting that it was a ftivorable specula- tion for the settler. But suppose t'.at you admit that it was advantageous to the individual settler, the question is, whether it is policy for us to per- mit such influences to exist there ? It may be fa- vorable to the individual settler, but is it favorable to the American interests in Oregon ? And when the Hudson Bay Company — unquestionably desir- ous of peace, so long as their interests can be main- tained to the full extent by peaceful measures — are willing thus to sacrifice their money to retain the territory north of the Columbia river, what meas- ures would they not be willing to resort to, if these peaceful n\casures should f;ul to accomplish their ends. This fact shows the existence of a determi- nation on the partof Greitt Britain, orof her agent, th<; Ihulson Bay Conipiuiy, " pea(;eably if she can, for(,il)Iy if she must," tt) keep possession of the northern bank of that river. And this is all Great Britain a.sks even when treating uiion thai subject. Our i)o.';ilion, therefore, cannot ne made worse by giving this notice. Great Britain desires the contmuance of this convention; and the suppo- sition on her part that the notice will not be given, that the convention will be preserved in force — that she can thus continue to derive all the advantages from the existing convention tiiat she would derive from a treaty on the basis of the Columbia river, is a reason why our liberal and generous — too lib- eral and generous — ofler of compromise on the 49lh degree was so summarily rejected. The gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. RuF.TT,] in attempting to frighten us and the coun- try from the vigorous maintenance of our rights in Oregon, tells us that the cross of St. George waves over thirty British forts in Oregon, and that when you assert these rights you must, by force, tear down the cross and place our flag there in its stead. A .strange argument this for a gentleman to use who advocates the continuance of fiiis convention! This state of things has occurred under the existence of this convention; it is while this convention has been in force that these forts have been erect( d and maintained; and if twenty years have resulted in the erection and manning of thirty British semi- military posts there, while we have not one, what are wc to expect from the further continuance of it? Aijain, sir: I would give the notice because the President has recommended it. The Constitu- tion has confided to him the conduct of the for- eign relations of the country. He has had charge of the late negotiations on this sid)ject; he knows — what we do not know, and cannot know — all the secrets of these negotiations; and a recommenda- tion coming from such a source has weight in my mind. Who, in connexion with this c^uestion, doubts either the entire patriotism of the President, or the eminent ability of the distinguished Secretary " arged with this to say, no one. They have taken the responsibility of this recom- mendati')n: letus not shrink from the responsibility of sustaining them. Let us present to our adversary and to the world, not only a united people, but a united Government. Let there be no conflict be- tw^een Congress and the Executive on this question with a foreign power. How sadly will our posi- tion be weakened by any such conflict! Should we refuse to follow up the Executive's recommend- ation and give the notice, what will be the re- sult? Great Britain will be emboldened, and the arm of the Executive paralyzed, by the supposi- tion that he does not possess our confidence; and she will fling into his teeth the bitter taunt — hu- miliating alike to him and to the country — "You do not possess the confidence of your nation; you have not the power to carry out the measures which your jiulgment dictates; you are the constitutional, but not the real, organ of your nation's will; the repr(?sentative3 of your own people have made you impotent alike for good orcvil; and I, happily, am content with my present position." Sir, is there who has been more particularly cha subject? No one, sir; I venture to •t to, if these implish tlioir of a (it'trnui- of luMiu^rnt, eal)ly if .sli« -idRsession of nd this is all iig ujioii thai luoi 1)0 made litain desires ul the sup]M)- not 1)e given, in forec— that ic advanlafjes would derive )lumbia river, rons — too lib- se on the 49lh irolina, [Mr. and the coun- f our rights in George waves md that when by foree, tear re in its stead, lan to use who ivcntion! This 10 existence of onvention ha.s sen erected and ive resulted in ■ British semi- not one, wluat itinuance of it.-' lc('. because the The Conslitu- uct of the for- las had charge ect; he knows know — all the rccommenda- weight in my this question, the President, shed Secretary irgod with this say, no one. of this recom- responsibility our adversary 1 people, but a no conflict be- this question will our posi- flict! Should 's recommend- ill be the re- ened, and the the supposi- nfidcnce; and taunt — hu- iuntry— "You ^ir nation; you leasures which constitutional, 's will; the lavc made you , happily, am Sir, is there Iter a man on this floor that will willingly subject the ' President of the United States — no matter to what \ party he may belong — in his intercourse with a I foreign GoveVnment already suiri<'-icntly hangluy, ' to tiie necessity of listening to language like thi.-f? ' A man who would thus embolden the heart and [ stHMiglheii the arm of our adversary? — thus jialsy the department of our Government which is our only medium of intercourse with the powers of I the world? I hope not, sir; I devoutly hone not. | But, sir, there is another reason why this notice ! should be given. Our peo]ile are in Oregon; they ' demand to be rirotected there. Tlicy have gone there without law; they have none, exeejit such as they have temporarily established. They ask the extension of our laws over them; they ask a' legal title to the lands which they are nclaiming ' from the wilderness, and rendering valuable by ; cultivation and improvement; and to be protected in "life, lil)erty, and the pursuit of" property and " happiness;;" and against the impending force I of surrounding savages under English iiitluence and subsidy. They liave hearts of truo allegiance towards us; and we cannot deny that req.iest with- out alienating their affections from us. Can wc ? I ask any gentleman, whatever his opinion on this subject, to answer me this question: can you con- tinue to retain the allegiance of those settlers in Oregon, if you refuse to protect them? The Hud- son Bay Company — we have it officially — are al- ready urging these settlers to set up for them- selves, and to declare themselves independent alike of us and of every other nation. Let us delay a little longer, and that appeal will acquire force; for allegiance and protection arc reciprocal ol^ligations. "But," say gentlemen, "we intend to extend our laws over our citizens in that territory. Great Britain has done the same thing. We have a right to the same action." Very well; some are of opinion that wc ^ ive not that right. But suppose wc do thus extend our laws; you will have a king- dom within a kingdom; you will have the laws and jurisdictions of two nations overlapping each other; you will have the British laws over one man, and the American laws over another, in the same cabin; and how will you prevent the conflict of jurisdiction, resulting inevitably, necessarily, speedily, in the conflict of men, of force, of power. I thhik the argument of a distinguished Senator from Michigan, [Mr. Cass,] as reported in the pub- lic papers to have been made upon his resolution of inquiry into the state of the public defences, upon this point is conclusive and unanswerable. Extend your jurisdiction over American citizens in Oregon, and it necessarily comes in conflict with the British jurisdiction over the same terri- tory. And this conflict of jurisdiction will inevit- ably bring on a conflict of a dificrent and more serious character. Your settlers have gone to Oregon under the im- plied jdedgc of your protection. Your continued claim of right to the territory has justified them in going there, ard in expecting to receive the bene- fitig of your legislation, and to be covered by the shield of your power. Will you continue to deny them a title to their lands? You cannot grant it while the convention remains in force; and hence the necessity of its abrogation. The question, then, must be settled, matters must be brought to a crisis — not necessarily or even probably to a warlike crisis, but to a crisis' It must be met. Great Britain is monopoli/.ing the whole trade of that country. Her represent- ative there is the Hudson Buy Company. She ia ready to adopt the acts of that corporation, for corporations are t!ie favorite in -trumcnts of Brit- ish aggression, and for the extension of her power. The Hudson Bay Company, then, and the British Government, are, for nil the i)urpose3 of this debate, one and identical. They have mo- noiioli/icd the trade of the country; thry have sub- sidized the Indians; the half-Iiri'Cfls arc under their control; they have military possession, not only between the Columbia river and the parallel of forty-nine degrees, (which is the territory ac. tually in dispute,) but they have bnmght down their inililary posts to v/illiin thirty miles of the southern boundary of the American claim in Ore- gon. Look at Fort Hall, It is directly on the route of American cmigrati(m to Oregon; com- manding that route; and from which (we 'Mve it authentically) the British emissaries have, during th(! last summer, met our emigrants, and liave at- tempted, and in many instances successfully at- temjilcd, to divert thein into California and that direction, by false accounts of Indian hostilities on the lower Cidumliia. Fort Hall is within thirty miles of the southern boundary of Oregon. They have thus not only got the whole of the territory actually in dispute, but they have got military pos- session of the whole of it; and if, in order to assert our rights, we must tear down the cross of St. George from thirty British forts, as the gentleman from South Carolina says we must, we had better begin immediately, or we will have double that number soon; they have got the whole of them; wc have none there. " But," say gentlemen, " all this will result in war." War! By whom? By the United States ? Wc begin no war; we declare no war; we propose no war; we deprecate all war; but we assert our rights — rights which we have demonstrated, so far as diplomacy can do it. Gretit Britain has taken military possession of the country, alike open to us and to her; and if war come from the assertion of our rights, we will not make it. I deny the po- sition of the gentleman from South Carolina, that the war — if war come — will be a war of aggression on our part. It is not so. It would be a war of aggression on her part; and on her would rest the responsibility; upon her the judgment of God and the anathemas of the world. What do gentlemen on the other side propose to do ? The gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Wix- TFiRop] has hinted at arbitration. Very well; can- not we arbitrate as well after the notice as before ? But I, for one, do not propose to submit the ques- tion to arbitration. Is it possible for a crowned head to be impartial between a brother monarch on the one hand and a Republic on the other? Doubt- ful, sir. But suppose it possible; where will you look for an impartial arbitrator? Louis Philinpe, regardless of the sympathies of his people, ana in- tent only on the perpetuation of his dynasty on the throne of France, is sacrificing the (lignity of his nation in the cultivation of a "cordial understand- ing" with her ancient enemy, for the purpose of securing her influence in favor of that dynasty on his own demise. Austria and Prussia, dreading the ambition of France on the west, and the colossal • powrrof Rnssinon the nnit1i,aro pursuing; the ynme policy; utid llussiii licr.sdf, having largo territory on the northwest coast of America, cannot be imjuir- tial, f)r tiie reason that she must greatly prefer the Britisli fur-trndcr and tlie Boisbnile for her neigii- bor, rather than the active, enteriirising, indefatiga- ble, and inultiplving Yankee. The secondary Pow- ers of Europe are but puppets in tiie hands of tlie five great Powers; and the Republics of Mexico and South America are in convulsions. I know of no arbiter, therefore, to which the udjuslment of this question could be safely committed. We once tried this project of urbitrution, sir, in tlie cukc of tlie northeastern boundary; and the award of the King of the Netherlands presented a decision so utterly regardless of treaty stipulations, and so ab.surd in itself, as to be instantly rejected. We, sir, are our- selves the best guardians of our own rights. What do gentlemen expect? let me again ask. Do you expect your Government will oflcr anything more favorable than the parallel of 49°. Where is the gentleman in this House that will get up and say that he expects or wishes his Government to oflcr anything more favorable than that ? There is not one, I venture to say; not one. Is Great Brit- ain going to offer anything more favorable than she has already done ? Is she going to ofler anything we can reasonably and consistently with our honor accept? If so, she can and will do it as well and as nadily after the abrogation of the convention as while it remains in force; and, I have ahetidy re- marked, she cannot justly take ofl'ence at the notice; because it is a treaty measure, anticipated and pro- vided for by the convention it.self. But, sir, she never will make any such ofler, while, by the con- tinuance of this convention, she gets all she asks: nei'f?'. Abrogate the convention; then, if she has made up lier mind — and she doubtless has long ago made up her mind specifically what she is going to do on this subject — abrogate the convention, and then if she has made uplier mind to ofler sucli terms as wc can accept, she will do it, and do it at once. But if not — if slie has not made up her mind that she will offer wi ,y thing we can accept — give this notice, abrogate tins convention; and does it bring war? No; the very worst it can do is to hasten a little — and but very little — the war which must come at all events. I repeat, if Great Britain has made up her mind that she will not offer anything we can accept, we having irrevocibly determined (as we have) that we will not offer anything better than 49°, the notice cannot produce war; the worst it can do is to hasten, and hasten a very lit- tle, the war that is inevitable. So that, unless gentlemen shall conclude to recede from our po- sition, to offer something more favorable to her than 49°, (when all feel that we have a better title than she has to 54° 40',) we must meet the question directly; and war, either directly or con- eequentially, cannot be chargeable upon us — for it must come at al' events. " But," say gentlemen, '• postpone it. We are not ready now. Great Britain has fleets and ar- maments." Well, fleets and armaments she al- ways will have. "We have no fleets and arma- ments." Well; when have we ever had fleets and armaments before war came? Is there any gentleman upon this floor who dreams that we ever shall be ready for a vigorous prosecution of war before it is upon us ? If so, it strikes me that he has studied with little attention the history of the country on this point. We have hoard gen- tlemen talk of our " manifest destiny;" but it strikes me that our " manifest destiny" is never to prepare for war till war comes. It arises from the character of our institutions — from the character and habits of our people, who arc a peace-loving people and devoted to the industrious j)ursuit of the arts of peace. But a few days ago there was introduced Irom the Senate into this House a bill to raise a company of one hundred men — of one hundred sappers, miners, and ])ontoniers — with a view to comjilete the mere skeleton organization of our army, which proposed to create no additional expense for our army; and yet I ventuie to say that it will be opposed here, and perhaps success- fully. The Committee on Mihtary Affairs, of which I have the honor to be a member, reported a few days since a bill for the raising of two regi- ments of riflemen, (not mounted;) and on all .sides of the House I heard the exclamation, " I go for no sucli measure." That is the spirit that pre- vails here. It always will prevail. You never will prepare fur war until war is upon you; and you may postpone it until " hope deferred" shall have made sick the hearts of your settlers, and worn out their allegiance, and still war will find us unprepared. Shall wc therefore surren- der our rights? Shall we therefore expect dis- aster and defeat ' No. We may experience it at first; but the recuperative energies of our people, animated by their undying love of coun- try, their attachment to its institutions, their determination to maintain inviolate every foot of our soil — having within them a burning hatred of the tyrannies of the Old World, from the galling bonds of which their forefathers freed themselves — will be suflicient to meet and to bear us triumph- antly out of any emergencies. But that we shall ever be prepared for war in a manner to accord with the notions of adequate preparation entertain- ed by military men, or in such a manner as true prudence would perhaps dictate, until war actually stares us in the face, no man can believe. We shall therefore gain nothing, in this respect, by- postponement — nothing at all. But, said the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. Hun- ter,] before you think of war, you must think of tracking Great Britain with a stream of fire and blood around the world; you must meet her on ev- ery sea, and in all her possessions — all her colonies, from Aden to the Ionian Isles, from India to the Lord knows where. Wc must exhaust and conquer British power every where, before we can expect to take or to keep either Oregon or Canada. Well, now, I believe in no such doctrine as that. His- tory teaches no such doctrine; it leads us to no such conclusion. Great Britain deprived France of all her colonial possessions; she left Napoleon without a solitary colony on the face of the globe; she confined him to the continent of Europe; and at that very time he rode triumphant and irresisti- ble over that continent, and trampled in the dust the subsidized allies of the imperial pirate. Why? Because there were all his resources. Great Brit- ain may keep her Chusan, her India, her Mediter- ranean possessions; she may keep them all. Does it follow that we cannot beat her on this continent? It does not; for here are our resources, and hers are distant. ?i 4 he history of c hcanl gcn- ;iny;" but it ^" is never to isc'S from the the rliuructer peace-loving UH pursuit of :\j^o tliere wna House n bill men — of one nicrK — with a rgnnization of no additional cntuie to say haps success- ry "Affairs, of nljcr, reported ig of two regi- id on all sides on, " I go for pirit that pre- , You never pon you; and Icfeirtd" shall r settlers, and still war will jrefore surren- re expect dis- ixy experience icrgics of our love of coun- titutions, their ! every foot of •ning hatred of pm the galling d themselves — ar us triumph- that we shall mer to accord ition entertain- naniier as true war actually believe. We lis respect, by nia,[Mr.HuN- must think of am of fire and leet her on ev- 1 her colonies, m India to the ist and conquer can expect to anada. Well, s that. His- eads us to no jrived France left Napoleon e of the globe; f Europe; and t and irresisti- ed in the dust pirate. Why? . Great Brit- ., her Mediter- liem all. Does this continent.' rces, and hers '• But," say gentlemen, '* this battle for Oregon, if it come at all, is to be fought in Canada." I be- lieve it; and I am glad that Great Britain has, in the prcRent conjuncture, an assailable point here, where wo can reach her with effect. And the gentleman from Alabama [Mr. Yancky] takes especial pains to arouse the jealousy of western men by telling us that *' we will get Canada, and then Oregon must be given up." Now, does any man suppose that the present Administration, or that any Administration possible, holding Canada as a conquered pledge, would give up Oregon? I do not, I do not believe that there is a man in the Unitrd States, capable of being elected President — or of getting there either by " accident," as has been said of one, or " by the grace of God" — who would be either such a fool or such a knave. It is impossible. Take Canada, and Oregon would fall into our hands as a matter of course. But 1 do not apprehend any difficulty of this kind. 1 believe that Great BriUiin withholds an amicable settlement because slie is satisfied with her present position. Abrogate the present convention: throw your laws over your citizens in that territory, and manifest a disposition to assert and maintain your rights there, ond then she will conic up to the work of negotia- tion and settlement in earnest. Slie is vulnerable, and she knows it, as well as we, War would bring to her calamities as great as it would to us, and greater. We can live without her: she cannot with- out us. We can do without her manufactures, and have use for none of lier raw material; she depends upon our raw material for her manufactures; it is the very breath of her existence, and without it her people would die from starvation. Where, then, IS our fear of war? I have none; and yet I am no advocate for war. God knows, I appreciate its hor- rors as keenly as any man that lives; for my very earliest recollections are of the scenes war brings — the tears of the young wife, of the mother, of the sis- ter; the partings which break young hearts. These I remember, and I have no wish, as God is my judge, to see them repeated. But yet, looking war calmly in the face, I say, *' Be just and fear not." I know the consequences whicn may result, per- haps, (only perhaps, sir) — I know, and I should deprecate the consequences which may perhaps re- sult from the vigorous assertion of American rights. War, if it should be the result, would bring with it the destruction of trade, heavy taxation, heavy losses, the necessity of personal services and sacri- fices. You and 1, perhaps, might be called to leave the peaceful walks of civil life, and to parti- cipate in the hardships and the dangers of the camp and of the tented field. What then? Are we Ame- ricans ? Are we the descendants of men cotempo- rary with the youth of the venerable gentleman from Massachusetts ? or are we the cow^ardly, cra- ven wretches, that would not dare to do what our feeble colonies (altogether not equal in strength to the single State of New York at this moment) did —-assert and maintain our rights? I think not. That is not the spirit of the people I have the ho- nor to represent. I have not them before me, but I have in my room, resolutions deliberately adopt- ed by a recent convention of that part of the peo- ple of Ohio with whom I act politically, declaring the expectations they have of the action of their representatives here, for the vigorous maintenance of our rights to Oregon, and pledging «« their lives, their fortunes, and their sarred honor*' (such is the language used) to sustain them. Sir, we do not want war, l)ut if we must have it, we would a great deal rather fight Great Britain than some other Powers, for we do not love her. We hear much said nbrut the ties op our comnlkm language, of our common origin, and our eonunon recollec- tions, binding us together. But 1 say we do not love Great Britain at all; at least my people do not, and I do not. A " common language !" It has been made the vehicle of an incessant torrent of abuse and mis- representation of our men, our manners, and our insiitutions; and even our women — it might be vul- gar lo designate our plebeian girl.°! as ladlcx — have not escaped it; and all this is popular, and is en- couraged in high jilaces. We have a '* common origin !" though, perhaps, numerically, one-half of the people of this country are not English by descent; but a " common origin" did not prevent that infamous power from employing the savage to tomahawk our old men, to scalp our women, and to brain our infants, and from paying them for these barbarous deeds and infernal Irojihies. The British Government, (against the British people I have no animosity,) I confess, I do not love; and while, for the sake of the British per. ile, and of my own country, I would avoid war, yet, if war must come, let her be our enemy by all means. But, Mr. Chairman, I have been led off upon these points, not because I conceive them to be necessarily connected with the discussion, but be* cause gentlemen upon the other side have lugged them in, and attempted to frighten us from giving this notice; and when I reply to them as I have done — and in so doing, I speak, I am persuaded, the sentiments of the ])co])le of Ohio — I do it to show that no such considerations can move us, and for no other purpose. Mr. B. concluded by repeating, as he had stated at the outset of his remarks, that he had risen for the purpose of saying but a few words. He was not in the predicament of the gendeman from Michigan, (Mr. Chipman,) who felt that the hour* rule was an intellectual straight-jacket; and having said all that now occurred to his mind, begging the pardon of the House for having occupied so much of its time, he would yield the floor to some of those around him, who were so anxious to dislin,' guish themselves in the rising en masse which waa sure to follow his conclusion. APPENDIX. The following is a copy of the 3d article of tho convention with Great Britain, of 20th Octoberi 1818: "AKTiri.E Iir. It is agreed th.it nny country that may ho claimed by citlier party on tlie northwest coast of America, westward of tlio i^tony rnountuins, shall, togetlier with its har-' bors, bays, and creeks, and the navijsation of all rivers w;ith- in the same, be free and open, for the term of ten years from the date of the signature of the present convention, to thfl vessels, citizens, and subjects of the two Powers— it being well understood that this agreement is not to be construed to the prejudice of any claim which either of the two liigh contracting parties may have to any part of the said coun- try ; nor sliall it be taken to alTect the claims of any other Power or State to any part of the said country; the only ob- ject of the high contracting parties, in that respect, being to urcvent disputes and diffareucea amongst themselves." , 8 And the fdllowing is a copy of tlic 1st, 2d, and 3d aitii'Ics of tlic coiiveiitioii of the Gth of Au^'uat, 1827, which compriKi; nil the existing tn-iily stipu- latioiiH lit pr('sc;nt (ixistinj^ between Great Briliiiii tiii.'l tlie United States on tlu: siihjeet of tlie Oref;on: '■ Xktk.'lk I. All the ("'"Virions (if lli(! .'fdartirle ot'iliecdn- vt'ntioii coricliKlfd lictwccn tin? T'niti'd Stat''s nl' Aiinii>a aiul liH Mnii'Klv IIm; Kiii},' nf tlio I'liltfd Kinu'ddin ul' Crcat Uritain and Iridand, on tlif SOtli of Ociobcr. 1H1H, shall ho, and they anr lit-rcliy, further iiidrfinitcly cxlfudcd and con- tinui'd in fiiici', in tiif sanii' i.ii'niii r as if all the pruvitiionti of tho s:iid urlielo were herein spieilicaily rceiteu. " AllTlci.K 1 (. It ilmll Ic romjivtcnt, hovrffr, to rith"r of ihfl pontrnctin!; partii'H, in rase either fr( by eontiniied in force, shall be c()ll^'trned to impair, or in any manner atfcci, the elairnK which eith(!r of tlit; eoti- tractini; partiitH may liav(- to any part of the country went' ward of the ritony or llueky inoutitainu." T ,torith'!rofthfl hitik fit, nt any v\\\e e (1 lltltT Ull! fx- :()nvention,orin h (U'tolicr, 1H18, rd to iiiipiiir, 111' ;li(ir of tlu!