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'i"**!! *»!-«9r W**^" *^ % 'f« 'd' Bujjf Ming Worlds ^and with licentious breath Mims asfreeiy in the Palace as the Cottage i if^e havt thilaikers of thii^peplous City J^ameftd Tali to tttty fir public Sport, RdW£. %^x tht privilege of Britons to reproVi..^eir Superior s^ Addjson. *«fe ' IwiUraliy 0* Hell itfelf Jhould from the. Center gape, m^ hid me hold my Tongue ^ . Shakespeare 01* vmO. LONDON: Printed J^r S, Williams, at the Circulating* »rary on Ludgatp-Hill. 176a. ./■'•:1- ■I ,# f- ,1 •■ t V in •t ^ O i ' M)e ^ -J !;■■-■ * f ./" 1 • i -".. .-*K ■ , i ■ ' ■^.-■" * ^ ., ^, .^ * i 1 /■:", . : " * 1 ' , ■ -^*-,„. (•* \ • s 1 \i7i- . 1 ■ / . ». \ V V 1 V OS op cl]i «Tf i^K SS ^3* ^3 2S «Xi l^ft OB ^v £p 9S ^^ q3* G* qlP ,SeC ' ^. s.fi -'»• 1 > ti if*'" *» Uin tr. i tj I JLi*^' J2j T i • : . i ; M « ' E R .av.'j « » ► ' «t, f ' * l,ii t. . ' ^ • 4^« V^ f : 'o 1 1 ■'*.»*-' i'jij » ^ ^»**i TO HER •■ •*• i^ '^ r» - - "n yinPlf Jt 6 ¥ A L 'ft I G H M i S 3 ^VfVU 4- "^ Tne PittNCfess Dowager, &c J i ?.i HZ'lV>, i^^'^ ^-^ fesfj^5T^a ?. •tS^rsrff^rify iVl ADAM, J (f^'/ifj :?fM i^^yjfj ifjowo^ ii .•CA'flvM^, 'V 4; I fOfct^HENEVER I confider the' ^ W B nature of thd Britifh conftHin.* kA^*i^ tlon, or whenever I examine . into thft real Mrtlhrt ot my country, 1^ cannot ^diu^efl^dtihg in how great a degree a good Prince muft advance the fettitity of the firft, and promote the tii^j^eis of the laiier, * >iw^^-j B From v w m m li -■•■ s .-uTT' ■ V 1 1 ( 2 ) .*%. ■t.. *\ .A- . ■• if>- i;- ft From this confideration, I am natu- rally led, not only to a review of the pad, but into a ftridure of the pre- * fent, and induced to take a compara- tive view of preceding aeras, to forx^ a juft eflimation of the ftate of riyown^ « Whatever retrofped I have made upon former ages» Madam, has been however confiderably favourable to this. The hiftory of former reigns is chequered with a variety of cir- cumftances, that reflecft no very great honour upon the adminiflration of the Prince, or the (lability of the people ; the public diftruft that influenced the condudl of the one, and the perpetual jealpufy that adluated the behaviour of the other, coujd not, in the end, be lefs^ than prejudicial to the ii^rcik of both. The apprehenfion of <|he go- vernment naturally leflened the confi- dence of the fubjjed, and the teme-^ n .4^ , i , . /■ ;* • ( 3 ) rity of the fubjcft as naturally leflcncd the prerogative of the King. In ju- ftice, indeed, to the memory of his late moft excellent Majefly, it mufl be obfervedy that few princes ever lived more generally admired, or died more fincerely lamented. Yet amiable as he was in private life, and refpe<5ted as he might be in public, his reign was net altogether free from difquiets, nor was his^ government always attended with that domeflic felicity, which he fo afliduoufly laboured to defer ve. The condudt of an unpopular mii ifler was, for a long time, productive of much national altercation, and the ne- ceffity n^ay yet poffibly dwell upon your Koyal Highnefs's memory, which his late Majefty was under of remo^^r»g him from all his employments, to li- ience the coipplaints of the people. „^ ' P' As political obfervations are, howe- ever, but a barren field of entertain- ment for the ladies, t ihall endeavour. m ifk.l B 2 to s \ a 4 ) to the utmoft of my power, ^td avqid •blending this epiftle with thofc ufual remarks which form the coAomary ftring of modern politics, and «oniiae myfe if principally to fuch 'mitters, as may naturally occur to a lady's^own reafon, cither in tinges of peace or war, without cither loading her memory* or perplexing hdr imagination, ju^m ofl :'}it ,?7"*;j>pi;ii>.fauii o'j\X \ uJIi. 19 a ^* It is, Miadam, a principle imiriemo- rially eilabiiflied, that a pcrfei^ unani* iriity between prince and fubje k1i^l^:r^m : sIf'To prefeire, or j more propcrfy fpeak* :ing, lo arrive at this falutary unanimity, ra Prince ^bouM be. partioalarly careful in the choice of his miniilersi and place the reins of government in no hands, that had |iot reniark^b}y laboured fpi^ the Iprvice, of their country .-^-T^—Xhe m^n ssnit who I'l ■ ■ 1 '«;,i m X \- M 6 ) -who can be an apoftate to his country, " can never be faithful to his King ; and ''tis an axiom confirmed by long cxperi- ^ chce, that the man, who has once be-> • -trayed the intcreft of the people, will • never flick at any meafures to attain the advancement of his own. A weak ' or corrupt adminiflration, is frequent* " ly reduced to exigencies, from being difagreeable to the public ; and even ^fuppofing a bad minifter had really the welfare of his Sovereign at heart, yet he is often obliged to endanger it, from Tthe want of that neceifary fuppbrt which can only procjced from the people. This fometimes expofes him to the com** mencement of a rafh war, or the con* - clufion of a fhameful and difhonourable , Peace — to an unnecefTary difburfemerit « .of vaflfums, and the wanton efFufion .of much blo9d. . . . ■ ,*l f •r|i30f all the calamities, to which, in ^ the common qpurfe of things, a na« ■ .m^^f :: .'■.'■■' ''.'v.: tion . t« ^ ^ .'-'• \ C 7 ).. tion IS expbfed, a war is univerfally al- lowed to be the moft afFedtihg. For neighbouring kingdoms, whom huma- nity and benevolence ibould conned: in one common caufe, and who fhould become mutual examples of honefty andjuflice, to be perpetually employ- ed in fptlling each other's blood, and deilroying each other's habitations, is a circumftance afHidtive to the lafl degree, in any bofom not totally divefled of the faculty to feel ; abAradted from the poli- ticsd coniideration, that the greateil fuc- cefs in any war, is nothing more than a; negative advantage, and only reducing our neighbours to a worib fituation than ourfelves. ci j,| _ *-! ilk -. '. . ' The exigencies of ftatcs muft, how- €vtr, be a melancholy excufe for the neccffity ' of war ; and for the honour of Great Britain be it remembered, that nothing but the moft prefling ne-^ ceility has induced hec to draw the , lA ^ - • . (word. ■V] » :. . , f li II I: ■il! Ill H > ' (1 9r ) ■ fwordi br Toourger the ^>fidiQaa* in4: fblencepfhei! enemies; -y (.i hy.d •rrtfcff rtrwrf?/" ,-?^r'-*i-" ^! -j^niTfrnr^/f^hrt ' T%ei'efo^^awM^ difpifUy WhUrieit th«' private fUlferiiiig^^' of filbje^ ftnd^ thcp puWiif injiiry af ftntesL-^-iiAAjTlw Oflftl m^y QV€»loit>k an offence without dan^ gier ; but the ftnalkfl p^liatibh i in the > other/ is an attack in the niceft part) of the bod)f politic^ and ftriking at the> very vitals of the conilitatioa« I «j^^ tti It is not in Ai§ phc^ t^ -bt dbfeiircir to yoUr Royad Highnefsjhow juft ^* fbundiition wehadfbf ttle l^rdfeftt v(rar*' -^That is a truth with Which all the' powers of Europe are perfe^Wy ac^quaint*^ ed. — The bufinefs of this letter is only to enforce a proper Confider tlion to the approaching treaty of peace» and to> point the necefiity of obtaining fuch t^rms, as may cfFedlually pttt it out of the power of our cneinies to give U6 any ^iftufhaiice fof tbe future. ai • ~ :■ •A A t » ' V ■>A*. , .» • ; As It may pofiibly feem a little oiii that your Royal Highnefs is troubled with any addrefs of this nature, I inufl urge for excufe, the tender regard you . have always fhewn for thefe kingdoms^ and the many obligations they owe for your Royal Highiiefs's diftinguifhed ex- cellence and virtue. To you, undef Heaven, they are next indebted for the fecurity of thefr rights and liberties; and to your Royal Highnefs they owe the firft advantages, which render theni JiapjDy as a people.— —^Providence has been pleafed to blefs your Royal High- nefs with an illuftrious offspring, And to make the four^e of your private fe- licity the public mean« of happinefs to this nation.— — But, tho' thefe are blef- ijngs of the firft importance, vwi are not I'efs indebted to the exemplary care, which your Royal Highnefs has (hewn in forming the rifmg guardians of our freedom to the niceft fenfibility * of pa- * . C triotifm ■m m > '' I :^ '. w II: It v^ r ( 10 ) . triotifm and virtue ; to a generous re- gard for the dignity of the crown, and a glorious folicitude for the welfare of the people. « Whenever I refled: upon this de- lightful fubjedt, Madam, and confider how you have taught, ** Tie opening genius of the Royal Toutb, ** And formed their footfteps 'to the paths ' "" of truth i , ** Gave each expanding bofom how to beat^ With all the princes and the patriots •** heat'y And nobly raifed an emulative fire ^ lo beam with all the glories of its fire,'* €€ €( I am naturally led to think your Royal ^ Highnefs a more proper objed: of the public addrefs, who have laid it under the higheft obligation. ^ , SufFerc ,i ( ") '..rVX:' Suffer me therefore, Madam, in behalf of that public, who think of your Royal Highnefs with the juftert. admi- ration, to offer a few plain and rational hints upon the profpedt of an approach- ing peace, entirely free from t.hofe po- litical perplexities, which generally be- wilder the imagination of the reader. , m .... I have already obferved to your Royal Highnefs, the little neceflity there is of entering into the motives of the pre- fent war, which have already been pub- lifhed to the whole world, and which fufficientlyjuftify the eiFedts of our re- fentment ; I (hall therefore decline fpeaking upon that heac'i, and, agreea- ble to my firft declaration, principally confine myfelf to the fteps which fhould be taken in confequcncc of our fugcefs^ m H' rl Ii And firft, we are to confider our fituati- on as a maritime power, and our intereft C 2r as ,=v/ -" i ( '2 ) as a commercial nation. — In either light "we have every reafon to think ourfelves the mofl confiderable ftate in Europe, and in confcquence of fuch a thought, • to keep an eye upon our Importance^ while we hold an attention ta Our wel-^ fare. The refutation of kingdoms may be juftly reckoned a matter of the great- eft weight in the fcale of government, and 'tis a felf-evident truth, that the ; fecurity of nations is encreafed in pro- portion as they maintain their re- ject. -: ■-■•.-.'. <■ /* ^ ■1 * This makes their refentment dread-' ed, their alliance coarted, and they become naturally more formidable a- broad, as they fet a juft confideratioa upon their importance at home. Of this truth, the annals . of Great Britain bear a fiifficicnt teftimony. To what a ftate of poverty and contempt did the minillry of Charles the fe- cond » , » ( J3 ) cond reduce us, by a fcandalous inat- tention to the dignity of the crowxi, and an infamous negledt of the welfare of the people. Our trade was deftroy-* ed, our colonies torn from oiir poflef- fion with irnpunity, and our fubjedts butchered without revenge. The Dutch engrofled all the fettlements at Am^ boyna. Their admiral rode up to our very dgors, with all the infolence of triumph* and nearly extinguifhed every fpark of that fire, which in Britifh bofoms might lay a world in a(hcs. -^ . .Sunk in a licentious flupefadlion we were fcarcely able to make any effort for our remaining rights, or the de- fence of our expiring freedom. Our citizens were effeminate, our nobility riotous, and our monarch diffolute. The firft were impoyerifhed, the fecond were corrupt, and fcandal totheboaft of nations, the third was a mercenary dependant upon the bounty, I fhould have ta t 1 ■- V . ri -.:,.'! (^ i'lll:, rV-.J i « ( H ) have faid, a voluntary flave to the ca- price of an illuftrious ruffian *, at once a difgrace to a throne, and a fcandal to humanity. .-f- Great a horror as every bofom muft entertain for the murderer of a KING, yet the very time of the usur- pation was an aera more nationally honourable than the interval of fo weak or corrupt an adminiftration. For tho* Cromwell overturned the conftitu- tion of his country, yet he maintain- ed her confequence ; and though he -trampled upon her liberties at home, he made her univerfally refpedled a- broad. Whereas in Charles's time we were a feoff to our neighbours, and a reproach to ourfelves. We were plunged in the worft of flaveries, the flavery of the foul ; and funk in an in- dolence and libertinifm fo fcandaloufly inglorious^, that nothing but a miracle could poffibly redeem us. : -,. •■ " :. -■:^^- ' ' The 57V1l!rt» %• * Lewis XIV". of France. v > * e « '■ » •fS ( '5 ) The efFedts of Charles's admini- ftration, notwithftanding a fucceffion that does honour to the name of royal- ty, are not yet totally removed, and it required all the virtues of a Bruns- wig Family to wake in us that re- gard which we now entertain for our liberty as Britons, and our charac- ters as MEN. ' .: o f ' ,. -; . .1 .- - - i- >• , _ .■' From this curfory retrofpedt upon a former adminiftration, it is evident, that the fecurity of any kingdom muft confiderably depend upon that national kind of pride, which preferves it from making improper conceflions to foreign flates. Abflra(5ted from thefe pruden- tial cautk>ns, which fhould be obferved in all treaties to prevent any poflibility of impofition or deceit, we fight to little purpofe, if thofe advantages, which are gained in war, are to be of no confideration at the fettlement of , a Peace 5 I h^ ' \ < I , , ( '6 ) a Peace j and have no great reafbn to boaft of our conqucfts, if the addrefs of our enennics is to ftrip us of every benefit attending our fuccefs. An attention to articles fo extremely material, Madam, is, however, the bufinefs of an adminiftration, and that man mufl have either a weak head, of a corrupt heart, by whom they can pof- fibly be negledted. We cannot forget. Madam, with what difagreeabk appear- ances the prefent war was commenced, and how extremely unpopular fome perfons then in power rendered them- felves by the imbecility of their mea* fures, and the tardinefs of their opera* tions. Wc cannot forget the change of officers, in confequence of the public uneafinefs, or the execution of a com • mander, who was condemned for mf doing his ifttnqfi in the fervice of his country* „ ; ' J I ' I * ■ ■ -t ;■.'!>-■ .'■' _^ A While .■rf< \ '- \ ■l*'»*S*?3??f|J|Bfe' (( iV ;) f « .' I / i . • ■ ■ ■ " •.*',■ ... While thefe circumftanccs are remem^ hired y Madam, we muji hope there will be no great occafion for having them mentioned. An injudicious conduct in the management of a war, is not more culpable than the conciufion of a difad- vantageous Peac : arid a minifter, by the conftitution of Great Britain, is no more above the cenfure of the laws than the meaneft of the people. "jnV''^' ■ ^ A Peace, concluded upon difadvan- tageous principles, has but a very lit+- tle profpedt of duration, and fraught with whatever benefits it may appear, yet • in reality it is no more than fkimt- ming ove$r the woun^, without abating the virulence of the diforder. iWe have no^y no more reafon to depend ppcn the treatiQifof France thansVe had at the end of the laft war, and I do not know why that ngiaxim, which is fo ferviceable ^in<>ng individuals* D fliould I'll n f'< a ( i8 ) fhould not be equally eflential for the fecurity of nations. » s '. This maxim is nothing more than that the people, who have once de- ceived us, (hould never have it in their power to be perfidious a fecond time. Notorious for her breach of public faith, France laughs at the prefcrva- tion of treaties, when they lay any rc-i flraint upon her ambition, or appear repugnant to the attainment of that univerfal empire, for which (he has hi- therto fo unccaiingly contended. When- ever fhe liftens to terms of accommo- dation, we muft fuppofe her fVrength to be exhaufted, and that fhe only begs a breathing time to recruit the fpirit of her defigns. , ^ * v * The prefent juncture is one of thofe critical opportunities, wherein (he is reduced to a fiecelHty of crying out for quarter^ wherein (he muft fubmit hloc .. .... to ■ (' iKUP 1. 1.' j'imiii- ( 19 ) to whatever terms we think prppcr to ftipulate, and unlefs we lay hold of fo favourable a crifis, it is more than pro- bable, we never will have (and, I am fure, we never deferve) another op- portunity to humble her efFedually, and to fecure, not only our own tran- quility, but the general Peace of all Europe. There is no dcpendance to be laid upon the moft folemn obliga- tions (lie enters into, and we have, from a variety of inftances, every rea- fon to fuppofc, fhe never will part with her intention to encroach upon the rights of her neighbours, till fhe is totally diverted of the power to attempt it. It is coniiderably better, that we Ihould have a fuperiority over the French, than be liable to their infults and incroachments ; and no iincere lov- er of his country will, I dare f^, be offended, if we are always in a capa- city to check any attempts they might be inclined to make upon our proper- D 2 ty, "ilpt ; ••■■ r ' i'ii ' '1'.. ■ Hi V > ; ( io ) ^ ty. — A Wow or two would entitcly ef- fect this falutary purpofe, and the vigo- rous exertion of our force for a fcafon or two longer, prevent the cxpence of many millions, and fave the lives of many thoufands for the future. '2 3it>. n Plans of national ceconomy are at fuch a juncture the utmofl prodigal!^ ty, and we only fave the expence o^ one year or two's tax^s, to expofe tho nation to fucceeding wars, and to entail endlefs difficulties upon our poftcrity.—^ 'Tis negleding the vifible favour of that Trovidence, which has blcft us with aa occafionof fecuring our own happinefs^ to make no ufe of fo favourable an op- portunity ; and let me afk one queflion* if >y§Are at any time obliged to com- mer^^ftlanother war with France, what will be the conCequence, if we arc at- tended with different fuccefs ? — Will (he have any regard to the exceffive jsio^ deration we may haye (hewn her, or treat >^ j'l., i>" ->' t )-' .,- V mmm'^mm^^- ft . « • .«L treat us with an equal fliare of lenity? No; 'twould be ridiculous to fup- ^ofe a circum/T ince of that nature, and tliadnefs to cxpedt it. nt to ■;^ 1 When I take the liberty of mcntion- Jnga difadvantageous Peace to your Roy- al Highntfs, I would be underftood to mean, that every Peace is difadvan- tageous that does not rffl'^uaf'y provide for our future tranquility. I humbly apprehend. Madam, that fuch a. pro- viiion is, or at lead ought to be, the ul- timate confideration of every treaty j and allowing this to be the cafe, as in reality it is, from what has been already premifed, the happinefs of Great Bri- tain is not perledlly fecured, while the French are left in any capacity to difturb ill us. * Qt ■'J' ^ Diftrefs is the only medicine that can be prefcribed for the cpre of pride, and nothing but fe verity can pofTibly bring ( " ) bring the French to a proper knowledge of themfelves, or a real concern tor thofe calamities which their ambition has fo frequently occafioned in Europe. — The eafincfs of an Englifli miniftry, not to give it a harftier appellation, has often given the French a fufficient caufe of exultation; and their ftatefman have more than once pofitively declared, that whatever they had loft during a war with Great Britain^ they were fure of gaining from her inattention at the con- clufion of a Peace. *Tis now high time we fhould remove fo farcaftic, not to fay contemptuous a reflection upon our underftandings, and high time that France (hould be made to feel the con- fequence of her perfidy, and deprived of all ability to endanger that general repofe, which fhe has hitherto fo greatly delighted to difturb. .. ^ ^ But if no terms of accommodation are proper for Great Britain to allow, but ,^#!***.-.^ •'"►■'•' .»-;,'.-.■ >^^;-''^f '.dr^tJ f\jch «.,».!»- <» IJ i :: , t ; ( 23 ) fuch as give her a confiderable fuperio- rky over France, how much to be dreaded are thofe propolitions, which vifibly leiTen that fuperiority, and put the French upon rather more than an equality with ourfelves?— How much to be rejedted are any terms, that put it again in the power of our enemies to cope with us, and pofliby enable them to^dofomcthing more ? — To what pui*- pofc have we conquered, if our con- quefl fhould be reflored ? and to what purpofe do we conclude a treaty of Peace, with a perfidious enemy, if we put it in the power of that enemy to break it at difcretion ? ■•• .-^ * ■ « * . ' r * y ) .1 ■ ' i 1 * " ' Should the French fettlements be re- ftored, they will actually be the leaft fuffcrers by the prefent war. — Secured by favourable capitulations, the princi- pal inhabitants of their colonies either retired to Old France with their trea- fures^ or continued in the pofleilion of \: their ii^ - r, Mr! Ijl W: Pi' I m m: ( 24 ) their property unmolefted and undif- turbed. It coft us prodigious fums of money and many thoufand brave lives, to make thefe acquifitions ; and the prin- cipal advantage they produced us was barely negative, in dellroying the trade of our enemies. ^rfc^c- .'I i{ - ■ ■ -'^ -■ '-' - -:^ -• f We have yet reaped little or no com- mercial profits from the pofleflion of the French plantations, and the confequence of returning them mull only be, that in a fhort time our enemies will recover themfelves fiom the loffcs they have fuf^ lained, and the only reimburfment that we fhall be able to cbtain, will be the idle reputation of conquering fo many va- luable fettlements, and the cliara(^er of madnefs or ll^upidity in giving them up. .■\ I „ -1' i.' .'inm lff^4:^' Mif 'j^i m We have been too long ridiculoufly brave and prodigally generous. Wp have been too long more attentive to the intereil of Q^hjer nations than mind- i:,'r "^ 1 '■ ". ' ■ * fbl { 2S ) • ful of the welfare of our own.— Frartc'e is our moft dangerous as well as our moil implacable enemy, — She has long looked wi/.h an eye of envy upon the encreafinf; opulence of this kingdom^ and conllantly endeavoured, by the moft infidious behaviour, to deftroy it. To cbtiin her finifter defigns, what meafurcs has flie Hopped at ? what fleps has (he left untried ? Have not the nioft folemn obligations been cancelled ? Have not the moft facred treaties been broken ^ Have not the bands of public faith, made before the faceof all the worlds and regiftered in the fight of God, been fcandaknifly violated ? What then are we to expedt frorA fuch ^ people ? ^he anfwer to this queftion is too ob* V*ous, and muft fill every finglifhman tvith the utmoft concern and regret* *;i-» ■Hitherto We have Cofifidered En ,yv - f ^ "'■ ') w mmi .\f4msi y ■ » , j ( 27 ) - y,' more eafily enabled to effect from a fimilitude of religion, a parity of man- ners ; a vicinity, an adlaal neighbour- hood of intercourfe and navigation ab- ftradted from a ftill more material cir- cumftance, w^hicli is, that their com- modities are much cheaper than ours, and rather more plealing to the eye of the purchaler. ■^-^*-^^' 1c- This lafl circumftance of underfell- mg in foreign markets, we have in reality no title to be offended with, but it is our bufinds by all means to pre- vent it, and this we now have entirely . in our power from the^ polTeflion of thofe colonies, from which they were fupplied with the moil necelTary arti- cles of their merchandize, and this we have an indifputab!e claim to, do, as well from the Jaw of ju/lice, as the law of nations, as well in vindication of our property^ as ;ri refentment of ; our wrongs. E 2 Thefe :1 H i' r' '•za""J ';'*• > ^^ ( ' ( ^8 ) Thefe arc motives in themfelves fuf- ficiently powerful to excite a vigorous oppofition to every propofal the French are inclinable to offer, and alone of confequence enough to make us deaf to any treaty, but fuch as from the crufhing of their power may carry fomething of a lafting appearance, and have a real tendency to the fecurity of that welfare, which we have hitherto fo ftedfaftly laboured to preferve. By the alliance with Spain, France is now to be conlidered, in point of ^ commerce, as doubly dangerous to the trade of Great Britain. The Family Compadt, entered into by thefe na- tions, is, in its nature, of the mofl: pre- judicial tendency to this kingdom, and calculated to reduce our ilrength as a formidable power, and our interefl as US trading people. - .** .■ / For d)- '% 'V ( 29 ) ?* * <..■,• For if, by the pofTeflion of the Ame- rican iflands, they are able to underfell lis at foreign markets, we are deprived of the advantages arifing from the very nature of colonies, and totally exclud- ed from any traffic of confequencc with the continent, the intereft of our enemies muft be eftablifhed in Italy, Turkey, Portugal, Germany, Poland, and Ruffia. In time, they will be able to engrofs all the commerce of the Le- vant ; and fhould the Family Compadt ilill continue, there is more than a bare probability that France and Spain may join in a naval force that would entire- ly prevent a paflage to the Streights, in fpite of our utmoft efforts to effed: it.' .-* .t\- * » Happily hitherto the arrri of that Being, who flill protects a jufl caufe, has been remarkably diflinguifhed in our favour. The God of battles has taken part with the injured, and ren- V dered ,ii Si' m -ifl,;: m I . M { 30) > dered the machination of their ene»riies abortive. But if we conclude any Peace with the French, that puts thengi again in pofleflion of their American plantations, that gives them the fmalleft fettlement on the Newfoundland fifhing coaft, or reftores their African and Eaft- India colonies, they will be able to under- fell us in our own very markets, from the prodigious extenlion of their trade, and in time we may look for no Englifli veffels upon the River Thame, but Newcaftle colliers, and the lighterji:|en of Rotherhithe. ~ ■n- Here it may be aiked, if it is in the power of Great Britain to keep all thefe fettlements in her own pofTefli- on ? To this a limple queftion may very well ferve for anfwer. Is it now in the power of our enemies to take theiji from us ? — No ; but in time it will-^ How fo? Won't the addition of thefe colonies encreafe the power of Great -fc^i^li ^ «>l '' -V .; - ■• ; ' iii ' .;! if ) - ' "j - -' ;ft -V ■■■ : ( 30 Great Britain; and won't the lofs of them as vilibly leflen the opulence of France? — What room can we poffibly have for any apprehenfion of this na- ture, or what foundation can we have to fuppofe, that the poverty of our ene- mies, and the encreafe of our own greatnefs, can ever be a fource of new calamities, or plunge us in the difficul- ties of another war ? t>. J >*' ' ' : " ,> > The home or domeftic manufadutes of France can never enable them to car- ry on a, .war with Great Britain 5 her opulence, like our own, principally IpringsYrom the foreign trade- fhe car- ries oh from her colonies. — This foreign tradeisan inexhauflable fource of wealth, and that wealth keeps her conftantly reftlefs and turbulent ; but this channel of fief greatnefs once, flopped up, the* diifedt liiuA neceflarily ceaie with the caufe, and Ihe can no more attempt to ,i.c^a X^ifx.. invadrf 'i*- »,»» A ti 'i H \ ' invade the pofTefTions of Great Britain^ when (he is totally deprived of the / ♦' Some cold-blooded politicians may poffibly remark in this place, that keep- ing ALL the pofleflions w^hich we have taken from the French, is a circum* fiance without a precedent.— For God's fake let us make a precedent of it now* 'Tis high time we fliould begin— Had the laft war been vigoroufly push- ed, we fliould have had little occafion for the commencement of the prcfent one. The truth of all the obfervati- ens in the courfe of this epiflle, has been fufficiently proved by this very cir- cumftance. — The moment the French had it in their power to attack us, the moment they had recovered from the cxpences and lofs of the late war, they began to fliew the natural turbulence and ambition of their temper (-—Nay, even at the very time their agent was, ^ . Vv' N ■• ( 33 ) propofiiig terms of accommodation to our court lad winter, was not his maf- ter at the fame moment carrying on an underhand connection with the king of Spain, and ufmg every pcfTible method to deftroy our intereft with one hand, while he carried propofals for a general p^acification in the other ? ill 1 But the perfidy and. unbounded am- bition of the French nation are too uni- verfally known to be at all dwelt upon the only bufinefs of a Britifh mini- flry is to avoid being made a dupe to the pretences of the firfl, or a tool to the threats of the latter; the grand prin- ciple for the fyftem of Englifli politics is, to give France no quarter, till we have entirely deflroyed the lead pofTibi- lity of her refentment ; and this prin- ciple is of fo great a confequence, that it mufl frequently be urged, and p^ead its necellity for a frequency of the re- petition.- l^^]^t(mlmUnu^4■ [■ «^r t f .•,■. -.. ( 34) / I ■> ■ *•'< ; L, t_ Having thus taken a curfory view. Madam, of the fatal confequences which may be apprehended to our trade, if wc w^ere to give up the conquefts wc have made in America, wc muft obferve, that it is Aill more dangerous for us to allow the French any fettlement in our' • own iflands, (if we may call thofe iflands our own of which they have difpoffefT- ed us) in Newfoundland particularly, nothing can be more oppofite to the in- tereft of Great Britain, than to allow * them the fmalleft footing; for if they are ^^ naturally fond of engroffing thofe places / to themfelves, with which they have in ^ fa<5l little or no connexion, we can't but fuppofe they would make ufc of every means to encroach upon that part of our .. property, with which in reality they have. ']■"•■' ' '• '' "'N '": ^ ,■ f '■ . ' t - ■ 1* '.■-■;.,,.■, .^ i '■■■ ..■ . ■> -'' /• . - ■ , * ■ - ; ■ I. ■ ■ ^. ' ' ■ . ■■** - ' I „' Articles of limitation or agreements to employ but a ftatcd number of vefTels, is -< r ( 35 ) at befl: but a precarious dcpcfidancc, for their behaviour Wc have alrea- dy obfcrvcd how little a regard they pay to the moil folemn engagements, and we cannot expedt any great inftances of their juftice or public faith in this re- fpedt, when we give them fo fair an op- portunity for the breach of both. Our fettlement at Newfoundland (I mean when it is recovered) is one of the moft valuable of our American plantati- ons, a continued mine of riches to the nation, and a perpetual nurfery of fca- men for our defence ; but to expatiate on the value of this iiland, is only to aggravate our concern for its lofs — Re- vcrfes of fortune all nations have at fometime experienced, and we have no reafon to think ourfelves exempted from viciflitudes of this nature, more than any other people. , H F3 One ifi' ( 36 ) In ; \ • ''^*^ t,;- J I ( ?r J 4 J * One confulation however remains to mitigate our concern for lb valuable a part of tht^ Britiih dominions, and that h the ittle reafon our enemies have to boaft of their heroifm in obtaining the pofTeflion.— — The victorious arms of Britain ftill remain unconquered. The French were afraid to face us where we had any force, and therefore pitiful- ly ilole an arm / of fifteen hundred men, where we had fcarcely a body of fifty to cppofp them — iome pe pie indeed may- be fooH/h enough to fuppofe 'tis fo much the worfe, fince the enemy paid nothing for the conqueft; but for my own part,I am t o.nforted in the reflecting, that the lofs of Newfoundland was not the confequence of the French bravery, but the mere eiFedt of our own inatten- tion. Flattered, however, with an aflur- anc^ i-hut it woula be fpeedily recon- .* ; ' ' quered. \ . (37) quered, we (hewed no great Hgns of difjatisfadion at the lofs, but laid de-» pendance enough upon that aflurance to look out for the event that has not hap- pened, nor indeed could it ; but, I dare fay, every lover of his country would be confiderably better pkafed with re- covering the whole with the fword, than a iimple part by a lifelefs negotiation. * It is hot the intention of this epiille . to enquire, to whofe neglect: we are to lay the lofs of Newfoundland, but if the lofs of that place ihould be the means of precipitating us into a ra(h Peace, or if that negledt ihould be any. wife detrimental to the terms of paci-,' iication we had a right to expedt, a * British House of Commons will fcarcely be filent on the occalion, or fit down without making feme obferva- tions on fo afFedting a misfortune, and , fo national a difgrace. " , ; . ^■■■■H ■'■ '■.^' •■' ■, ; ■ '[,\ ,- ■. ^ ■ -.'• ' ■ ''^^' ■ . r '-:*'^" '..■■"' ■ '• .■ : • ' The '11 m ?- ( 38 ) The principal argument, which is urged by the advocates for a hafty Peace, is the very great burthen we labour under in a national debt, and impoflibility of removing it, if we con- tinue the war. A Peace, upon any terms that are not vifibly advantageous, is but a miferable expedient to leffen this national debt ; for fuppofing our taxes were removed for two or three years, yet we may foon expedl they will be renewed for fourteen or fifteen, if the French are left in any capacity to attack us. Another war muft be quick- ly looked for, ind poffibly may not be attended with the fuccefs, which we have experienced in this, whereas a vigorous continuation of the prefen/, will, in . all probability, reduce our enemies to an utter incapability of of- fending us for the future. V ( A.. " * ( y^' '%^ But A ( 39 ) »^-' 4t: ■' if >.; ■ W: But fince we have ipoke of the na- tional debt, there feems to be ?. ne- ceffity for one enquiry, which is, to whom this national debt is owing ? Upon the higheft calculation, it does' not exceed 140 millions. The fum is undoubtedly prodigious ; but, when it is recolledled, that, at leaft, three fourths of it is owing to ourfelves, pur furprize and apprehenfion muft be gr^'at- ly leflened, and the formidable bugbear of a national bankruptcy entirely re- moved. Do our parliamentary fupplies wear either the appearance of poverty or diftrufl ? Not at all. The nation has undoubtedly been at great expence, but it is willing to go to confiderably more, and prodigious as the fum s are, which have already been difburfed, wc yet have no inclination to withdraw our hands, while we are convinced, that a continuation of our liberality is apply- cd i. V i.* •7, \ fM , I fV. /- cd towards crufliing the power of our enemies, and enhancing the greatnefs jof our own. . iv^vk * t ^ -I - ' 'J' ' " Was there indeed a poffibllity to be totally diverted of continental connex- , ions, the forces of France could be only employed in defenfive operations ; for while we maintained our fuperiority at fea, there would be nothing left for them 10 attack. ^^ i . M.^ - It may, however, be obferved, that jcould our troops be recalled from Ger- tnany, the force which France employs in that place againft us would be entire- ly ufelefs, and that the French muft f:onfequently turn that force againft fome vof the Britiih dominions ; — But would not the very army which we keep there be as ufefuUy employed in repulfing it? would not the annual faving of fo many -millionsi, confidcrably add to our prin- icipal dependance, the ftrength /of our navies ; or if evtn the Britifh troops on- :. I *u>; ( 41 ) ly in Germany were to be employed in our fleets, with our prefent fuperioritv, we ihould have it in our power to baffle the utmoft exertion of all the French maritime oppoiition, fhould they even reinforce it with (their power in that quarter, and be fupplied with the con- federate affiflanceof their allies. m* But the propriety and impropriety! the ufe and inconvenience of contiaen- tal connexions being long ago elaborate- ly difcuffed, there is no great occafion of dwelling upon that fubje6t in this place ; tho* one obfervation muft appeaf pretty obvious, and that is the impolitic condudl of both Great Britain and France in the profecution of a German war, when neither can poffibly be a gainer by the event, in maintaining a large army, and dilburfing large fums without any profpcd: of the maft di- ftant benefit, but the moft abfolute cer-: lainty of a confiderable lofs. ^a^^^ G Indeed, ^,-, • f -4- •a ( ( 42 ) «--! , ■ri"* fji Ai ^ Indeed, if there is any excufe for the condud; of either in this refped:, we have it intirely on our fide. A regard for the proteftant religion, and a lauda- ble view of preferving the ballance of power in Europe, were fome grounds for our taking part with a prince, with whom in reality we could have but little political concern, » vv* :v.m ('^-^ft\-:r " I am well aware, that when I fay we could have but little political connex- ion with the continent, that fome fage fnufF- taking cofFee-houfe politician, with a confequential gravity, and fignificant diftention of noftril, will be apt to ex- claim.— — -What 1 is it not the bufinefs of Great Britain to preferve the ballance of power in Europe ? — What ballance of power, my dear Sir? — Are not PrulTia, Poland, Sweden, Denmark, RufHa, Holland, Portugal, Switzerland, Sar- dinia^ Venice, Genoa, Naples, . and :.f}:m?u:' ,;■■•,'-. '^ ^' the . V' :..:f' \-'^''t '. r" ' :i' . V ( 43 )^ ,; the Papacy, able to preferve a ballancc againfl the houfes of Bourbon and Au- llria — without our troubling ourfelves with the matter ?• — We can't be affedl- cd, as I fee, by any continental alterca- tions, if we fuppofe every nation to have the lea/l regard for it's own welfare and if other ftates are remifs in their own concerns, muft we perpetually be walling our treafures, and fpending our blood to fet them right ? . ; .if>;:*ft -q ■■, .>!• ■A. To preferve the ballance of power in Europe is a phrafe that carries a great deal of pomp, and has pretty efFed: enough upon the ear ; but when it is conlidered how little we have to do with other peoples bufinefs, I fancy any fen- fible man would be every whit as well pleafedifwe paid a greater attention to our own. sU oi: ^q.^.v. >1J'- ,1 would not from this be underftood to mean, that the treaty with his Pruf- G 2 fian Vi 11 ( 44 ) iian majefly fhould not be inviolably preferved. On the contrary ; I look upon civil fecurity to be totally at an end> if there is any breach made in public faith. Were we to break our treaty with his Pruffian Majefty, with what face of reafon could we blame the perfidy of France, or how could we juftify ourfelves for taking up arms to revenge a behaviour, which our own pra(5lice had fo evidently approved ? ' ■■Ml^*..' But tho' I fet Co high a regard upon . the purity of public faith, yet it were well, if in our next alliance we were actuated by a fpirit of more prudence and lefs generofity -, it were well if we concerned ourfelves in no matters, hut what immediately afFeded our honour and intereft, and that we left the con- tinental powers to decide their own differences among themfelves. ft But .-/t ( 45 ) 'fi^-r • ■ "■ . _ \, ■ ■ ' But to return : Among the many inftances which we might have given of the French, I fliould have faid, of ., the Bourbon ambition and perfidy, the . unjuftifiable attack upon the dominions of his mod faithful majefty ihould not be forgotten ; in public oppofition to reafbn andjuftice, in open violation to the law$ of nations tq make war upon a peaceable prince, to invade his do-* monions, and diftrefs his people, wheo they were but juft recovering from a feries of general calamity, juft begin- ning to rife from the ruins of their country, and juft tailing the returning ;^ mercy of that Providence which had thought proper to afflid them ; at fuch time, without any colourable pretence, without any appearance of reafon, in- ftead of affording that affiflance tq their misfortunes, which was due from the principles of common humanity^ or which might be expected from the 71 ties ■ \ -,s m\ c .,r! iH|ti 1 f ,1" .; ■ ) f ; .. 1 : V - : ^ Vi-y-, ( 46 ) tics of blood. At fuch a time to at- tack them, and upon fuch motives, is a circumftance equally cruel as unjuft, and fuch as muft brand the names of the invaders, I might have faid with juftice, the royal ruffians, the fcepter- cd robbers, with everlafting infamy and difgrace. • f n^'htn/S e% f 1' Fraught with a tender concern for their own welfare, and Simulated by a laudable deiire of fcourging thefe illu- llriousfpoilers,the people ofGreatBritairi would fenfibly regret any conclufion of a Peace, that gave her inveterate enemy the leaft probability of ever re- hewing her ambitious operations From ' fuch a difpolitron the enemies of the prefent m — -^y have taken an oppor- tunity of inflaming the minds of the people, and of' refledling upon the charadter of a certain^ noble perfonage, who prefides at one of the lirft boards in the kin^donrii They have infolent- f -■ f.- ■•i> e :■ ■ ( 47 ■) )y fuppofed, that by his concurrence and advice that all our valuable con- quefts w^erc to be reftored the French, to be allowed a fettlement upon our iflands> and our allies to be deferted. They have dared to depreciate his un- derftanding, and to vilify his charadler, and prefumed, in a moft fcandalous manner, to publifh a variety of pieces highly difgraceful to the place of his birth, and tending to leflen that mu- tual confidence, w^hich is the fecurity of the two nations. What have they riot dared to infinuate, without regard to birth, without confideration of rank, without refpedt to juftice. But ca- lumny and reproach are frequently the reward of extraordinary merit and virtue, and the more exalted the Na- tion, the more apt envious minds are to cenfure and condemn. In the lan- guage of my motto ^ Inj.^! . ui » N -f" I : L(<, (48 ) *Tis a bufy talking world, and nvitb //- centious breath Blows as freely on the palace as on the cottage. .0 i-^?' No rank, or iituation, can exempt us from the popular odium, and it ia Ibmetimes a debt, which great minds are obliged to pay for any extraordinary refinement in their fentiments. ... J:r The privilege of an Englifliman in . (peaking his mind upon public occa* fions, is undoubtedly a very great bene- fit in our conflitution, yet I have lately feen it carried to lengths fo extremely illiberal, as to wifh for fome little re-« flridion in the manner. Writers may reafon without fcurrility, and argue , without ill manners, and : is fome<«r thing very hard, that a ^er of the realm, and a counfellor to the king, is perpetually expofed to the wantonnefs and '- i f ( 49 ) and'malcVolencc of every little fcrihler, who choofcs to deliver his opinion up* on the affiirs of the kingdom, and who pleads the privilcdge of a free- "borh Englilhman for his liccntiouffiels and abufe ; there fhould be fome differ- ence made between the privilege of the the prcfs and the infolcnce ; and fome diilindion between the wantonnefs of freedom, and the indulgence of liberty,: ' K ikii ^^» > f t * y^ .*' 4iV, ^i Unlefs fome regulation of this nature is eftablilhed, no charad:ers can be fafe, Some infignificant monthly or critical reviewer, fome occalional underllrap- per in periodical dulnefs and inventive mayi at all times, when the bookfeller fl'ikes out a fortunate, title, write a whole nation into broils, and yet pre- ferve io happy an a.i.biguity of phrafe- ology, and fo' feafo/iably interlard his performance with afterifms and daOi- cs, as to bid an open defiance to all fen fe of fhame, exprefs an abfolute contempt for the laws, and think wfth II the / v. V 1,1 $ the coblell unconcern upon the refent- ment of juflice, and the fcandal of the pfllory. ^,u ^ rf. Amiable as the nobleman I fpeak of is in private Vfe, and defervedly ad- miredy as h muft be, in public, yet how fcandaloufly has he been treated by fome illiberal pretenders to decency and underflanding, his adedtion to his Sovereign has been called a cloak to his ambition, and the efFedts of his pru- dence the refult of his parfimony. Mo- tives have been affigned for his con- dudl, which he never thought of, and feafons for his adlions of which he ne- ver dreamt. He has been talked of as wholly diveded of principle and undcrftandiDg, as betraying the intereft of his P e, and facrificing the wel- fare of his country. tvuPr rieavy accufation ! And what is the foundation of all thefe complaints ?*— Why nothing more or Icfs, than his , lordihip's *• It- ihe lordftiip's being unfortunately born tlic other fide the Tweed, . and honoured with a royal confidence, which he has been found to deferve. «' Other people generally form their notions from the appearance of cir- cumftances, but the good people of Great Britain are too fenfible to wait for any appearances at all. Naturally in-* clined to be out of humour, they look upon every perfon, as a friend to his country, that talks about its ruin, or ^confults the unaccountable acidity of their humour. •V. V,. r-1 Hence fretted by what fome intcr- cfted fcriblcrs have told them about the impropriety of a Scotchman's be- ing in power ; they arc dubious of his abilities and integrity, and embrace eve- ry opportunity, with an cagcrnefs of fatisfa<5tion, that is in. the leaft calcu- lated to prejudice his reputation. .)'>'.* H 2 ^, Confcious \ . *-.. ' Confcious of this aptitude to be dif- pleafed, the fame fet of public fpirited gentry have alarmed us with a fear, that the terms of the enfuing negotia- tion will be highly difadvantageous, and that we are going to make fomc conceffions to the court of Verfailles,' which are both diflionourably prejudi- cial and delbu'dtiyely abfurd. . Thefe political writers have been con- tent to form iinaginary terms, and never troubled ihemfelves with a coniiderati- on, whether they were guided by rea- fon, or founded upon probability. Stimulated by their prejudice, they were regardlefs how much they erred; and, in the height of vheir animoiity to Lord B — , have given us feme articles, to ■which the moft credulous of his ene-» ' mies can fcarcely give any credit or be- lie f ■■They have be^n weak enough to lay* ;^ .•.,.' ^> ■ / ' ,• , f ' .. ■■■■ X53V-,:: ■„,.:..■ fay, our conquefts were all to be return- ed ; and, in fliort, that iafter a chain of the moft glorious fuccefles that ever diftinguifhed any war, we were going to conclude a Peace, upon terms the mofl ridiculous and abfurd. « t,i.J v.* -.*.r-» >J- Jt-fji ■:'j» ..< *' /f "* We have endeavoured to (hew, during the courfe of this epiftle, what meafures are proper to be purfued with regard to 1 *reaty of pacification ; and thefe we have not laid down from a prefumptu- ous fuppofition that they had not been properly confidered by the M y, but principally to fatisfy the enquiries of the people, what fleps fhould be taken in fo important an affair, and , by that information remove their uneafineis, lince they muft hope that from the common prudence of any •M— — y ,th?y would be ftedfaftly.pur*- ;■ n.ri-. "3'' Vr *«r*i; - -< * *» «^ k..*«k ^*. - ^ * w'W^^ w jr^^' • • • 4 .4i"M'»j '■' We 'i'/ ^\ i I ♦ " .- jtj^ (54) i ,, ,v, .., -,, .■:,«. ■*■• V ' T - Wc arc now to pay no compliment to a people, who never fhewed any ef-* teem for us. — French politenefs (hould never get the afccndancy of Britifli underftandin^.— Nor (hould we pur^ chafe an encomium from any nation, at (o dear a price as our fcecurity and wel* fare. sc f " V *,' * ■** v»" *!!» -•'. f ' ■ • ' .. .. .,, ., ,., ^__^, Let us confider, if the French arc inclinable to a Peace, 'tis for their bwn fakes, and as they confult no intereft but their own, I fee no reafon why they ihould exceed us in prudence and dif- cretion, efpecially as we are in a capaci- ty to make the terms pcrfefkly agreeable toour&lves., »• -ii^- '*# Let not a falfe notion, that we /hall be always invincible, and have it in our power to chaftife the perfidy of our ene- mies, render us inattentive to our in- terefl. ■'U J-;- \ ' .. V A-.*- ' ''"''■'■'.: (55 ) '■■ r - tereft.— — *Tis more advifeable to prc- ferve a fuperiority, than to contend for one. The incfFedtuality of former trea- ties (hould €onvinG<| us of fo neceffar / a truth) and put us wifely on our guard in the prefent one. — In ihort, our M — y (hould take notice of thefc two lines in an old ballad, if they would provd ajuft concern for the welfare of the kingdom and their own : ' "^ - ^ ^^^ Learn to be wife by other's harmsj And you fhall do full well. 'ii::i ._ I. -._ ^^ V Where the intereft of people arc (b immediately concerned, 'tis but natural to expedt they wiil talk i and (hould ^ny unfufpedi^g eaiinefs on our fide of the queflion give way to the political plauiibilities of a French negotiation, 'tis infipoHible to fay where the confe- quence will flop. — — For if, u}>on the bare fuppofition that the terms are to be favourable to France, fome interefted writers ridicule the abilities of the M- .» '. i. ^ ( 56 ) M ■ y, and have a Jhameful tale iD tell of an apprehended Peace j if the talkers of this populous city have now the ad-, drefs to work upon |our fears, and ren- der uspublickly unhappy, by the bare idea of a difadvantageous accomodati- on, how much n^ore would they have it in their power to inflame the nation, fhould there be any foundationipr their argument? . n ,av ;b;*j foi?/: r?ioF>^ ,u*. Public harmony is the bads of pub- lic fecurity, and the wheels of govern- ment muft be materially retarded, if the leaft fra6hire fliould happen to the great stxisupoii Which they turii, the afFedlion of the people. -^The fatif- fadion of the kingdom is the higheft eulogium that can be made on any ad- miniftration' — and no one can e\idr dif- pute the wifdom or integrity of a' mi- nifter, while the people are ' contented; - . /" - i*^ . 'From '^i f.^jM-i •■.',^3 kiii^.l i" . V /: -, "' ( 57 ) From our amazing fuccefs in the profecution of the war, we are natu- rally led to look for a mojl advanta- geous and honourable Peace ; with this agreeable idea we hav^ long flattered our imagination, and thfe more we delighted ourfelvcs with fuch an ex- pectation, the more we muft be af- fedted, fhould we unhappily be difap- pointed in our hopes. ' i ' .''i' \ - ' , • ■ ■ » • I have little more to add in this Epiftle to your Royal Highnefs, but a repetition of my former excufe for any feeming impropriety in the freedom of fuch an addrefs. For my own part, I am entirely fatisfied about the enfuing Peace; and perfectly convinced, that members of the adminiftration will o- mit no opportunity of promoting the velfare of their King, and the intereft of their Country. *y-~\ i- \ ^ •> " Senfible V. - ( 58 ) y . Senfible that perfons of diflingviifli'- cd rank and abilities, who ard ac- quainted with the moil fetrct fprings of our own government, and clearly verfed in the political conftitution of other nations, muft be as good judges of the true happinefs of Great Britain, as our modern dabblers in public af- fairs. 1 readily fubmit the means of profecuting that happinefs to their fu- perior wifdoni, and mult honeftly ' m- fefs, I never fufpedt any perfon's \\ jc- grity, till pofitive fadts give me tolera- ble reafon. I have no notion, that becaufe a perfon may be a nobleman, he muft not be honeft ; or that being born a hundred miles from the place of my pwn nativity, can occafion a depravity of manners, or a corruptnefs of heart. Worth is not confined to kingdoms, or excellence to countries. Some c:'\ 4i '■ :^k..\ (59) ^^'Some native /park of heavenly fire confeji^ «c Glows to divine^ within the Indians breafi % ** Swells unconfin*dfrom Britain to thepole^ ** Expandi the genius^ and exalts the foul! *« fVhile every clime by fubtleifs trepannings^ «« Has Bottle Conjurers^ and Betfey Cannings ! «* Peculiar follies marlCd on every coaji^ *' A human rabbity or a Cock-Lane ghofi. Praying with the deepeft fervency for the happinefs of your Royal Highnefs, and all your illuflrious family, I beg leave to fubfcribe myfelff with the moft refpedtful veneration. Madam, Tour devoted, and obedient humble Servant 9 An Englishman. FINIS, t ' . :■ l» ; -iK%:';^ ' y. 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