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Les diegrammes suivants illustrant la mAthode. 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 "if> Ml fUedio/v } SPEECH OF MR. RHETT, OF SOUTH CAROLINA, ON THE OREGON QUESTION. Delivered in the House of Representatives^ U. S., January 5, 1846. WASHINGTON: PRINTED BY J. AND O. B. GIDEON. 1846. .#M«aMM«HIM t \ K^ f SPEECH. I House or Representatives, Jiinuary •>, 184C. — The House harin^ under ronsidcration th« joint resolution reported by the Committee on Foreign AtFuirs, for ifivin* the twelve months' notice to Great Britain of the termination of the Conventiftn of 1827, respecting the joint oc- cupjition of Oregon: Several members having addressed tl»e House — Mr. RHETT obtained the floor, and spoke as follows : Mr. Speakeu: The gentleman from Ohio who had just taken his seat, had stated . and stated tridy, that the question before the House was, whether we should give Great Britain the notice re([tiired by the treaty of 1827, in order that the common occupancy it provides for. may i)e terminated; and had denounced all those who may be opposed to giving the notice, as doom- ed to the blackest infamy, and the curses of posterity. (Mr. McDowell rose and said, that he us^ed those expressions towards those only who were op- posed to getting Oregon.) Nobody is opposed to getting Oregon; but I am glad, the gentleman hastiiialified his language; because otherwise, he would himself have fallen tmder his own demmciations. I hold in my hand the journal of the last session of Congress, in which n vote on this very tpiestion of notice to (»reai Britain to lorminute the convention of IS'iT, is recorded. A resolution had been offered by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Owk.v) for this purpose in the House. That resolution was referred to the Com- mittee on Foreign AfTairs. The conuniltee, aidetl by my vote as one of its members, reported against the resolution. The Coimnitlee on Territories subsetjuenily reporteil a bill with res]>ecl to Oregon, but omitted in its de- ails the notice to (treat Britain now so siriMuiously tnged. Thus every couunittoe of the last House of Representatives rejiorteil against this mea- stire. How did it gel into the bill? The geuileman from ^Nhtssachusetts, over the way. (Mr. Aoams.) sngsrested its insertion; and it was inserted in the bill tVoui ibe Comiiiill«M' on Territories, by a vote of 120 lo SI . The majority of bolb the .Soiilb and the West, voted ag^iinsl it. M'be gtjntlemiin from niinuis (Mr. >N'K.\TwoH'ru ,) 'b<' •reaceful instrumentality of emigration, to settle the ownership and destiny of that vast country. Thus, we endured the convention of IS27, whilst operating against us; but now, when it is rapidly and surely securing to us the ascen- dancy in Oregon, and nmst give us its final mastery, its al)rogation is furious- ly urged. If Great Britain shotild be dissatistied with the present state of Ihings, it would be natural enough, (ientlemen should remember, that 4be negotiations which have lately taken j)Iace,and that all negotiation.^ that have heretofore taken place, have been at her insfatice. Why should %ve not rest under the Convention of 1827, with all the advantage;' it secuiea us; and compel her to move, or surrender the territory under its operation- Why should we not make her to be the aggressor — make her give ns the notice, and expel us out of Oregon ? In taking the contrary course, we are pursuing the very policy she desires, and are subserving her isjterests,. not ours. One gentleman, and one only, has attempted to show, that the conven- tion of 1827 operated against us. The gentleman from Indiana, (Mr. OwF.x.^ whose accurate knowledge of this whole subject, and ability in en- forcing his opinions, entitle all that falls from him to great consideration, has staled, I hat the notice should be given, because our citizens are not allowed by the British, to seule on the north bank of the Columbia. But how arc they ])revented ? The gentleman has told us, in a very grievous tale. One of cur })oor settlers lately pilcluHl his cabin on the north side of the Colum- bia river; and forthwith received a bonus of eight hundred dollars to go oveif to the soiuh side! And this is the enormous evil, under the great scarcity of land, which we must no longer endine, and which calls upon us as a na- tion, to })ut an end to the convention ! But the gentleman assigned another reason. The notice should be given, in order to prevent collision, because our hardy emigrants j/o///n" over Oregon, gain us the territory? Can we take ex- clusive jurisdiction ? and if we can, is it worth the necessary cost? Sir, it is hardly worth while to mention Oregon in the war, if we are to have a war with Great Britain for it. If Uiere is any fight there, it requires no great powers of prophesy to foretell, in the present state of things, with ^hom will be the mastery. Great Britain, with her forts and military pre- parations, with thousands of Indians mider her control, is certainly most likely to prevail nguinst our settlers, scattered and unarmed, without a can non Inoun positic Ameri other. After I (he R( ploy tl taking time si mand ; Duke United for sucl disposit it must perhaps Oregon ful, anc gain it without peace, spirit w used in cannon' vanquis ever, paraginj: haustin Sir, I sources, obtai'i C to be ris Owen) and disp "when gr each otl Britain j tions. •!*■ ration, ve u* 36, we terests , onven- , (Mr. r in en- )n , has illowed low arc J. One Colum- go oveif ircity of s a na- another because icse two compre. north of But thft e are to hard to ipitate it method be ne- ntion of jf ours — [)ur '■'■ ex- take ex- vvc are to I requires iigs, will) itary prc- inly niosi )ut a can non or a block house to defend them, and himdreds of miles of trackless mountains intervening, to prevent our aid. At least, she can maintain he position, and prevent our conquest. If the people of Oregon, British and American, however, act with wisdom, tliey will keep the peace with each other, and leave the two nations to fight out the war between themselves. After the first gun is fired, we will hear no more of Oregon on this side of the Rocky Mountains. Our people, will have quite fighting enough to em- ploy them nearer home, involving far nearer and dearer interests. The taking or re-taking of Canada, Nova Scotia, or NewBrimswick — the mari- time supremacy of the seas — our ravaged coasts or burning cities, will de- mand nil the energies rage, ambition, and lust can give to war. As the Duke of Wellington once said in the British Parliament, a war with the United States, can be no 'kittle war." The fact, 'fiat it shall have arisen for such a cause as Oregon, so fairly liable to adjustment, if there was any disposition for peace , will be an infallible indication , of the extremities to which it must go. It must be connnon to every sea and continent; and convulse, perhaps involve, the whole civilized world in its fearful ravages. How can Oregon be gained by such a war? In but one way. We must be success- ful, and overthrow the mighty fabric of the British empire. We cannot gain it by a drawn fight, after mutual injuries, like our last war, concluded without the original cause of its existence , being even mentioned in the terms of peace. The nature of the object contended for, will not admit of this. The spirit which creates the contest will not tolerate it. We must, in language used in the other end of the Capitol, be able "to dictate our terms at the cannon's mouth." The mightiest nation since the days of Rome, must be vanquished by our arms; and her pride and her glory, be torn from her for- ever. She is of the same great race with ourselves; and it would be dis- paraging our proud ancestry to suppose, that any other than a long, ex- hausting, and terrific struggle, can accomplish her downfall. Sir, I ask gendemen, with the most extravagant estimate of our re- sources, are they sure that we are adequate to such an enterprise, and con thus obtain Oregon? They ought to be sure, for the sacrifices are too migi^ly to be risked on hazards. It may be, as the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Owen) intimated , that we may be compelled to meet Great Britain in arms, and dispute her ascendancy in the world. History has shown that nations, when great, will aim at supremacy; and, from being rivals, soon look upon each other as enemies. Carthage and Rome in ancient times; and Great Britain and 'France for many centuries past, elucidate this tendency in na- tions. Despite the strong ties of origin and interests, we may be compelled, 8 from the same causes , to meet Great Britain in a mortal struggle , in which one or the other people must be overthrown. But the gentlenian's policy, in precipitating a contest now concerning Oregon, is utterly at variance with such anticipations. If such a contest is to arise, is it our policy to make or hasten it? Time can win us Oregon. Time can place us above such a struggle, or give us power successfully to meet it. Look at our progress to greatness and power. Already, in fifty years, upwards of twenty millions of people, daily increa:?ing beyond all parallel, with a commerce, binding to us, in the golden chains of interest, every nation in every clime. We are gaining, and Great Britain, is relatively toying power every day, both in Or- egon and throughout the world. Why should we interrupt our certain and inevitable destiny to supremacy amongst the nations of the earth, by a pre- mature contest, if called for by neither interest nor honor? If Great Britain should believe gentlemen's speculations to be true, she, indeed, migit urge on the contest; or, what for her would be far better, leave it to those who are here pressing matters to an issue with her, to work out her policy. But this is not the course which American interests require. Give us fifty, thirty, twenty years-t-and we can defy Great Britain or the world. But we are not to have the war with Great Britain alone, if the nature of the struggle shall be such as gentlemen have vauntingly and defyingly maintained. They say, that it will bo a war between systems of govern- ment — between monarchy and republicanism — between despotic and free governments. IN ow, that Great Britain should endeavor to give this aspect to any war she may have with us, for any cause , is natural enough. If she can succeed in njaking the crowned heads of Europe believe, that the spirit of Revolutionary France is abroad in the United States; and that we have seized the sword, to upturn their thrones, and force liberty throughout the world, she will not lack allies in her cause. Our fate — the fate of republican gov- ernment, entrusted to our care and niainlonance, will be sealed. Great as we may be, it will hardly be maintained, that we can vanquish all Christen- dom combined against us. Sir, again I ni^k the question, if this is to be the contest, what can we gain by precipitating it ? Should we not wail — wait until we gather the strength, which time isci^rtainly and inevitably bringing to our aid ? Wait until we are assailed — and then, wait still longer if we can, whilst we make preparations belter to fight for liberty and life. If Oregon is to involve us in a contest, in which our very existence is to bia staked, let us understand the issue. We are to get Oregon, by vanquishing the world ! ! But admit thai we succeed— we overthrow the British pmpire — plant our 9 «agle on the palace of St. James — force free governments over every throne in Europe; and Oregon — the whole of Oregon, is ours. What then? We must bo ruined ourselves. Suppose the Union and our form of free gov- ernment survives the contest, can any gentleman believe that, in reality ^ our Government will be the same at its tennination , as at its commencement? I am one of those who believe, that all the liberty our Constitution confers, exists in its limitations. Take away its limitations — its admiraUe partition of powers between the States and tlic federal head , by which the different sections of the Union can protect their peculiar interests, and it erects over us, one of the most odious despotisms the world has ever seen. Sir, all my life, and here for nine years, 1 have been striving to enforce these limita- tions, in(o the practice of the Government. The tendency of the system, is to centralization , as its general operation clearly proves. Nothing but a , cahn reasoning intelligence, can b^ nble to arrest this tendency, and secure J to the States the rightful powers beloaving to them; and thus secure liberty and safety to the citizens in all parts of the Union. Such a state of the popular mind, cannot exist in war. AI! wars are adverse to lil)erty. They produce violence, not virtuous restraint. They appeal to force, and net to reason. But with oui system of government, we must strengthen , by employing alone in war, the powers of the General Government. The limitations of the Con- stitn ion will be subverted , if in the least in the way of the efficient prosecution, of liosiiliiies; whilst all opposition to save the system, by insisting on its limita- tions, will be considered Jis unpatriotic or treacherous. Nor are these infer- ences, mere speculations. The only wars we have ever had, although far shorter than ciui be anticipated from the struggle we have now proposed to us, ended in enforcing Federalism in the system. After our Revolutionary war, the iirst movements of our form of government, under the military influ- ences of our Revolution, were to Federalism. Again, after our last war, although originating with the Republican or Democratic jmrty,and support- I ed by them — all their principles were subverted, under the influences it left behind it. The paper system it engendered — its banks — its debts — its tariffs — its internal improvements, although partially overthrown , still form the points of controversy between the two great parties of ihe country. It has retjuired thirty years of peace and discussion, to rid, even partially, the C-'onstituiion of its corrupt and centralizing influences. Who will look for any reform of the taxing power, or your vicious system of expendi- tures, after such a war as gentlem«in propose? All the limitations of the Constitution, from long desuetude, will be obsolete ; and your Presi- dent, re-elected at his volition, will be the monarch of a despotism. IC 10 (he Constitution and liberty itself will be thus endangered ; does it not become gentlemen, to show clearly the necessity of any measure which may lead to such disasters ? If war wins the wealth and empire of the world, it would be too dear at such a cost. But war, is waste and poverty. It is crime, enormous crime — generally of all parties concerned, but always of one ; ond as they have been usually conducted , they are unmitigated evils, and the fiercest scourges of God. The only wars which can be justi- fiable, and under which a free government can endure, are wars of de- fence — wars to prevent tyranny and wrong. Such were the only two wars, in which we have been engaged, since we have been a people. In such a war, I know wc arc unconquerable; and I neither fear Great Britain nor any other nation whom the lust of conquest may bring against us. But it is another thing, when we are to become the assailants, and conquer others. They may be, acting on the defensive, as unconquerable as we are; nor can we be con((uorers of others, without being conquorers of ourselves. Is it such a war, in which gentlemen propose, we shall now engage? No, sir. We are to be ihe assailants — conquer Great Britain — overthrow monarchy in the world, and wind up, by re-establishing it, over the ruins of American liberty and the Constitution of the United States. And this is the way to get Oregon ! ! Sir, I am for getting Oregon; but, according to my humble apprehension, this is plainly a very had way of losing Oregon. Gentlemen are furious in denouncing Great Britain, but they may be assured, if they do not know it, that they are her very best friends, pursuing such a policy. But we are told our honor recjuires us to give the notice proposed, and to move on to the possession of Oregon , reckless of consequences. We are all of us, I beheve, for moving on — certainly as far as Great Britain has gone. But this is mere matter of policy. What has our honor to do with this ques- tion in any form ? Does any one alledge that Great Britain has violated the convention of 1827, and, therefore, it should be annulled? There is no such allegation. Is our honor tarnished, by its existence? Then Great Britain, the other party to it, is also dishonored; and all the great statesmen preceding us since 1818, who originated and have continued this conven- tion, have had unmerited reputations. What has Great Britain done or said; to touch our honor? I have heard of nothing, but the tone of the ne- gotiation. I have read over the correspondence between the negotiators,, and can sec nothing in it that the most delicate sensibility to insult or wrong amongst gentlemen, could be offended at . But if it had been far other- wise — is the honor of a great nation , to take tiro at the good or bad maimers or style of their agents? The honor of a country, in u free government. \ u it not whichr of the 'verty. always litigated •e justi- of de- [o wars, such a lor any t it is others, re; nor es. Is fo, sir. larchy lerican ^ray to umble lemen f they ''icy. md to ire all ?one. ques- d the is not the property of the punctilious few, or of one man,batof the people ; and can scarcely be separated, from its essential interests. It will not only be jealous, but just; and can never disregard the great object of all association in government — protection to property , liberty , and life . Remember , what our ancestors endured in our Revolution, and still more signally, in 1812, from this very nation, before tliey appealed to arms. If I had heard from the South, this extraordinary enunciation of our honor being implicated in the measure proposed, I could, in some measure, comprehend it. Our last war, which they forced on, was with them, a war for honor, and nothing else. But to hear it from the North, and the Northwest, where the word is scouted as equivalent to murder, is very surprising. Here are gentlemen, who would hang as a felon any Southern gentleman , who should appeal to the duel to redress an insult; and yet, for no insult at all — for no wrong, or alleged wrong — they would plunge two of the greatest nations in the world into war, ''to maintain the nation's honor I" They act, I suppose, on the principle, that "one murder makes a villain — millions a hero." Sir, I am no advocate for private war; but I am at a loss to imderstand, how gen- tlemen can so recklessly mge on and defend a great public war, and yet condenm private war. If insult, cannot justify violence in the individual, neither can it justify it in a nation composed of its individuals. Matters seem to be strangely reversed. It is the South now, that is dead to national honor ! The North — the religious and moral North — in itsliery impatience at even imaginary wrong, is for rushing into war; and, with its panting chivalry, taunts die tame reluctance of the South to vindicate "the honor of the country !" Sir, I have no imputations to make against the North or West, in this finy for strife and carnage; but I hope, I may be pardoned at least for saying, that the South needs no defender here against charges, ex- press or implied, of indilTcrence to the honor of the Union, or of readiness to maintain it. Whilst historv exists, she needs no other vindicator. But she will not, without cause, take oU'ence when none is intended; nor rush into a war, when it cannot be shown, that either the interest or honor of the Union, requires its stern alternative. But if, against her judgment and willy «he is overruled in the common council, to which, by the Constitution, all such matters are entrusted , she will abide the issue. As heretofore, she will take her part in the struggle; and where the battle is hottest and thickest, there she will be found. Mr. Speaker, I regretted to hear a collo(|uy which passed yesterday be- tween the gentleman from New York, (Mr. KiN(f,) and the gentleman from Illinois (M.r. Doicjlass.) It seems, ihut the genllcnian from lllinoia I 12 had said, tliat a game was being played, to defeat action on the subject of Oregon in this House ; and the gentleman from New York , by way of tel- ling the House, what that game wa?, pulled out of his desk the Times newspaper, of London, and read an extract , in which it was anticipated , from the most manifest causes of interest, that the south and the east would be opposed to immediate and extreme measures. The gentleman had men- tioned but one name — (Mr. Calhoux) — but that was a talisman quite suf- jdcient to open his designs. As the gentleman is so ready to charge games on others, who may oppose the measure before the House, I suppose he cannot object to hear, what others say of his game in supporting it. Well, then, it is said that the gentleman and his nordiern friends, a.e engaged in the interesting game of overthrowing, in the Democratic party, that south- ern portion of it, which is supposed to have overthrown, m the late presi- dential election, the pretensions of New York to the Presidency. By the use of the Texas question, the We.«t and the South were unitetl, and the North was placed in a minority, and her leading statesman put aside for the Presidency. The gentleman and his friends, under the highest sense of patriotism , now propose, to unite the West and the North by the question of Oregon, and thus tl-^stroy the ascendancy of the South; well knowing, that her leading statesmen, will not sacrifice the interests of that great region, for party power or personal aggrandizement. Hence his burning zeal for the whole of Oregon ; and the weak but poisoned shafts, he aims against the great statesman of the South. The gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Doug- lass,) also, is sup]X)sed to be in a game equally interesting. The West is to make the next President; and, for this purpose, nothing is so well adapt- ed, as to unite the whole West on some great Western measure. The question of Oregon, by appealing at once to their hatred of Great Britain, the lust of dominion, and the supposed interests of the Union, will sweep over the country like a whirlwind, lifting up those who uphold, and over- throwing all who oppose it. Thus, arc the properly and blood of the people of the United States, to be staked , in this mighiy and j)rortigate gam- being for ]x)wer and pluce. In this game , are also joined many who oppose all reform in this (iovernment, especially on the Taril!'. They remember the policy of the Roman aristocracy, in getting up foreign wars, whenever tiie people sought to reform the corruptions luul abuses they had spread over the Slate. To these, are addeil, all who hate the South and their in- stitutions, Uke the gentleman from Mussacluiselis, (Mr. Adams,) and the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. (iiDDimjs.) When such evil birds are on the wing, we know the prey they seek. The South is to be (Jesolated, by ^ * 14 invasion from abroad, and insurreclion within. The North, is to be strengthened, by the addition of the British possessions north of our Union; and the South, and all Southern refonns, be forever buried beneath the fury of the stcnn such master spirits shall raise and con- trol. Sir, I listened with great attention to the plea of the gentleniau from Ohio (*?»lr. McDowell) for changing his course on this ques- tion. With nie, he was formerly opposed to this notice; but he changes his course now, because it is the will of his constituents. Whilst changing 5 liis, he will not deny to other gentlemen the duty of adhering to their position, from the same controlling cause. I can see nothing but dis- aster to my constituents, from the war his policy proposes. His constituents, • have scarcely anything to export to foreign nations. Nearly all that my constituents produce, is dependent on foreign nations for consumption, espe- cially on that nation, with whom it is proposed to war. His constituents, will be far away from the contest — mine must meet it, face to face. His people, will have a market for their grain, in the armies which must mus- ter and fight on our Northern line — mine, nuist see their produce rot in their barns, or be piled up in their fields, or be consumed by the enemy. These evils, or evils a thousand times worse , are no causes for not entering into a just war, to maintain the honor or rights of the Union; but they arc sufficient, to make them demand, to make me demand, in their name, that you show, clearly and distinctly, that duty and patriotism require the sacrifice; and that, all other measures for peace being exhausted, we have no other alterna- tive than the sword, to restore the outraged honor and violated rights of the country. Independently of interest, every principle of justice, humanity, and Christianity, requires that this shall be done. Let our consciences be clear of unnecessary blood ; and, like our fathers, we be able, with confi- dence, to appeal to the Great Arbitc- of the fate of nations for his approba- tion and support. Then victory, may not be ruin; and even defeat, be success; and military conquest, which has overthrown every other republic which has entered on its devastating career, may at least not leave us slaves. I do not believe, negotiation to be exhausted. I do not believe war to be inevitable; and 1 am, therefore, for leaving in those hands, to which the Constitution fcas entrusted them, the conduct, as well as the responsibility, of all mea- fures which, in the present state of things, affect the question of peace or "war. The Executive, I trust, in the estimation of gentlemen, is competent to this high duty; and whilst maintaining peace, will vindicate the honor and rights of the Union.