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Les cartes, planches, tableaux, etc., peuvent §tre film6s d des taiix de r6duction diff6rents. Lorsque le document est trop grand pour Stre reproduit en un seul clich6, il est film6 d partir de I'angle supdrieur gauche, de gauche d droite, et de haut en bas, en prenant le nombre d'images n6cessaire. Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la m^thode. D 22t 1 2 3 'i<-4A/A''ivirK., IRELJIJJD It is an excellent thing to say that you will " maintain the Unity of the Empire. In Heaven's " name maintain it with all your might. But we '* have been maintaining it not only for eighty-five • "years since the L/nion, but six-hundred years " before. Something more is requisite." — Mr, Gladstones Speech on the Address, Jan'y, 1886. Culled fpom ^fje IDttepanees of •JVien of !igf2t and leading. JOth MAHCH, 1886, ^SCRAPS D>o about ••• IRBLJIJJD *' It is an exccll:nt thing to say that ycu will " maintain the Unity of the Empire. In Heaven's *' name maintain it with all your might. Hut we " have been maintaining it not only for eighty-five "years since the Union, but six-hundred years "before. Something more is requisite." — Afr. Glaiisfoiies speech on the Address, Jnn'v, r886. » Culled from tl^e Dttepanees of ••^en of ligl2t and leading." loth MA.RCn, 188(). PETERBOROUGH RKVIKW IMJINTINO (*<). Address of the Canadian Parliament To Her Majesty, in Relation to the Condition of Ireland, based on Resolutions moved by the Honorable John Costl^an, in May, 1882. TO THE aUEEN'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY: Most Oracioun Sovereign : of C^Tm Jnn« J^f'^Z^f ','' fn"«l'.d"tl''"' ''1^ 'oy^' subjects, the Senate and House ourown n,?mo „„ i"'"'k' 1" J'^rlifiment assembled, desire most earnestly, in cxDre^sVm, Tf A1" /'" be»>alf of the people whom we represent, to renew the nn§ Govern?nent! ""'''''*""'''"S loyalty and devotion to Vour M.(|esty's person f^.i^in ^° bave observed, may it i)lease Your Majesty, with feelings of nro- for smno^M^^""*^ concern, the distress and discontent^ vhch have provaTled for some time among Your Majesty's subjects in Ireland. yi^ymi^yi • leots InTho nnmiM^*^''^fo"y represent to Your Majesty that Your Irish sub- and most confP^^/w V ^"'^^^^^ ^'i*^ '"ost '»ya'' m«8t prosperous, iinu most contented ol Your Majesty's subjects. *- « i Dor^'in^nn r^°r"nnnlV''*'"».''M''*''''&'''*'F"'ly represent to Your Majesty that the torThs^nfnn^ ft.nl"' '''^.'''?*^*''l"^">''S''*^»t^«t advantages and attractions us doo« not r„ *""ow-subJocts who may desire to make their homes amongst reasonnhf^ii n^'.7^f*^"* Proportion of emigrants from Ireland whlcli might manTo • m,r rrfi^. ft^?^;^"*^ that this is due, in agreat measure, in the case of SiL.ofo^(™o»^°tV"^J^ ^'""Sht foreign homes, to their leeiings ol estrangement towards the Imperial Oovornment. tbe^"nt^-oX'nAhVI**'v'' '"°,'"' respectfully represent to Your Majesty, that in Pvtremf. V fnhini'l' \°^u \"li^^ Dominion and of the entire fimnire, it is velonmo/f n? v^.m^^''^ ."^ ^^'^*^ ^'*"'" Majesty may not be deprived fn tl e de- ltSonfVn^^'^^n^Tfyr'',^.''''''''^f^''"^ «» ^^Is continent Of the valuable aid nU vM« Irl tn vo'^J'-^''^^ "* ^'■'^'^ subje_ets wlio may feel disposed to leave their narive lana to seeli more prosperous homes. inhabitYnt«1f.Vw.'n''ri'l''"'"V*' *° «"?gest to Your Majesty, that Canada and its eacli 1 mvinnn nV t?,^f^^^^^^ 'l'?*'°'' '^ I'^cdcral system, allowing to wmiifi viT.f^,r^. ♦f.*''*' Dominion considerable powers of self-government, and v^i}. l^f M ^„"^^ to express a liope that it consistent with the integrity and well nrotPc?PH''„*nH'?P^'''''-f"'^ *^ ^^"^ '"'^'^^^ »"<* status of the minority are fully C^P n^c^'lvf''*'"'^''^'^"'"® "i"^"}^ "I'^y ♦^e 'ound of meeting the expressed ^n V hp/^^°« ""^"^ °^ T'^V ^•■''''^ subjects in that regard, so that Ireland Sstt'sTrlsr^^^Ihw^.^f';?"^'*''^"/"!"' Majesty's Empire, and that You? ereatnoss n? vAn. v^n?''*f"^ ^°'"*^, '^n^ abroad may feel the same pride in the Yonv\ilu^Z\y,°^^^^^^^ for tiie justice of ^^^ «"■'*- '^'^^'^ rule, and the same devotion to, and affection lor, our corn- Dominion.''' ''"'*' """"^ ^ ''^ ''^''^'^' °*' ^'''"'' Majesty's loyal subjects in this Mat.t^^ would further express a hope that the time has come when Your doni hpCv^^'n"H':H7fT'"'*' without injury to the interests of the United King- ^Uh naHHo.?. ^^ ^° those persons who arc now imprisoned in Ireland charged i^stored to tlie^*" ^ °"^' """'* "'*" inestimable blessing of personal liberty sak^be^lmfg" ontVnuS'''"^' ''*" ^°"'' ^""^'^^y'' ^^'S" '"'^y. f"-" Your people's DAVID LEWIS MAGPHERSON, Speaker of the Senate. JOS. GODERIE KLANCHBT, Speaker of the House of Commons." LECTURE BY WM. O'BRIEN, M. P '>•«♦«>-:• ''The Poiver of the Irish Race. >» D^aO^Oo^c On Friday night, isth January, 1886, Mr. William O'Brien, M.P., delivered a lecture before the Co Young Ireland Society. There was a very large and enthusiastic audience— the largest, we believe, ever seen in the spacious hall of the Assembly Rooms since the erection of the building. Not an inch of space in the Great Hall was left unoccupied, while the platform present- ed a great sea of faces. The audience included a large number of clergymen from the city and county, while the ladies were as numerically strong as they are on all public occasions, but more especially on patriotic ones. " The following report of the lecture is taken from the Cork Herald and the United Ireland newspapers : The Lecture. Mr. William O'Brien was received with enthusias- tic cheering and waving of hats. When the excitement had subsided the gifted speaker addressed the assembly as follo'vs :— Mr. Chairman, ladies, and fellow-countrymen —The people of Cork have the reputation, and have justly the reputation, of being somewhat severe and keen critics of a mere literary performance, and I have no pretensions to offer you anything of the sort to-night. There is one thing at all events — there is one topic as to which I think it is always safe— I have always, I know, found it safe to have the hearts and the sympathies of a Cork audience, no matter how unworthily the subject is handled, and that subject is the cause and the aspirations of our native land (applause). Some time ago a leading • English statesman made the extraordinary statements that he could not see why four millions of people in Ireland should have any better right to a Parliament of their own than four millions of people within the metropolitan area of London That appeared to me a revolting way of looking at a question which has been consecrated by the hopes and the sufferings and the best blood of twenty generations of men. Whenever you hear a cold-blooded sentiment of that kind you may always be sure it comes from a Radical and a patron of Ireland. In fact, Mr. Chamberlain need not go a bit further than his own declaration to prove what a very considerable difference there may be between our four mil- lions and his four millions, and how hard it is for the most painstaking of English Radicals to understand us ; because I have no doubt he would be greatly surprised to hear that, in the eyes of the Irish people, his way of dea'ing with the aspirations of our venerable and ancient race is more repul- sive than Cromwell's. Comwell, at all events, understood that we were flesh and blood, men with a countrv and a creed, with something in their hearts and souls within them that made them proud to die for Ireland under his sword 5 and cannon. Mr. Chamberlain treats nations as if they were casual wards in one huge workhouse. There he has us all ticketed and numbered and clad in the same din^^y uniform, and he can't understand for the lile ul him what more we can desire in life than to be fed at regular hours by England, who is, ot course, to be always matron ot this establishment. An English country yokel, who was once asked what was his idea of eternal happiness, is said to have replied, " Swinging on a gate munching bread and cheese." Well, there is no accounting for tastes. It may be our misfortune that we cannot rise to the ambition of keeping the English gentlemen on the gate company for all eternity, but what are we to think of the statesmanship that can see no difference between Hodge's way of looking at life and Lord Edward Fitzgerald's or Tiios. Davis's ? How are we to argue with a man who thinks that Irishmen can stand upon the battlefield of Benburb and ask their hearts no other question than how the land is rented about there, or on the slopes of Vinegar Hill experience as little emotion as if they were cockney vestrymen agitating for a new street or main sewer through Ludgate Hill. There are five hundred bells in London which chime just as melodiously and tell the hour with, perhaps, rather more accuracy than the bells of Shandon : according to Mr. Chamberlain, 9. bell is a bell whether it tolls through the fogs of the Thames or floats over the pleasant waters of the River Lee. It is simply so many hundred weigh jf bell metal hammered together for the purpose of telling all nations impartially what o'clock it is, and the only reason why a utilitarian philosopher should think more of one than another is that it is a better timekeeper. But what Corkman has ever wandered about that seething, heartless, mighty London city, and heard the cra.sh and jangle of bells through the murky air all around him, without feeling that in all that brazen opera of steeples there was no message that could steal into the sanctuary of his heart like one note from the bells V/hose sounds so wild would, In the days (.f childhood Fling round his cradlo their magic spell. It is just the same with all the other emotions of the Irish heart. You can no more impart the subtle enchantment of home to a Parliament or a Government in London than you could transfer the potency of the Shandon bells to a London bcllry, even if you were to transfer the bells. I do not envy the mental structure of the man wlio could read a page of Irish history, or even cast his eye over an Irish landscape without understanding that the Irish cause is not a mere affair of vulgar parish interests, but is woven as inextricably around the Irish heart as the network of arteries through which it draws its blood, and the delicate machin- ery of nerves by which it receives and communicates its impulses That cause has all the passionate romance and glow of love. It is invested with something of the myster- ious sanctity of religion. No knight of chivalry ever panted for the appearance of beauty with a prouder love-light in his eyes, than the flashing glance with which men have welcomed the death-wound to the fierce music of battle for Ireland. The dungeons in which innumerable Irishmen have grown gaunt and grey with torment are illuminated by a faith only less absorbing than the ethereal light of the cloister, and by visions only less entrancing. The passion of Irish patriotism is blent with whatever is ennobling and divine in our being, with all that is tenderest in our associa- tions, and most inspiring in the longings of our hearts. It dawns upon us as sweetly as the memory of the first gaze of a mother's loving eyes. It is the whispered poetry of our cradles. It is the song that is sung by every brook that gurgles by us, for every brook has been in its day crimsoned with the blood of heroes. It is the weird voice we hear from every graveyard where our fathers are sleep- ing, for every Irish graveyard contains the bones nf unran- omscd saints and martyrs. When the framers of the penal laws refused us books and drew their thick black veil over i i t 11 Irish history, they forgot that the ruins they had themselves made were the most eloquent schoolmasters, the most stu- pendous memorials of a history and a race that were destined not to die. They might give our flesh to the sword and our fields to the spoiler, but before they could blot out the traces of their crimes, or deface the title deeds of our heritage, they would have to uproot to their last scrap of sculptured filigree of the majestic shrines in which the old race worshipped, they would have had to demolish to their last stone the oistles which lav like wounded giants through the land to mark where the fight raged the fiercest. They would have had to level the pillar towers and to seal up the sources of the holy wells, and even then they would not have stilled the voice of Ireland's past, for in a country where every green hillside has been a battlefield, and almost every sod beneath our feet a soldier's sepulchre, the very ghosts would rise up as witnesses through the penal darkness, and to the Irish imagination the voices of the night would come laden with the memories of wrongs unavenged, and of a strife unfinished, and of a hope which only brightened in sufifenng, and which no human weapon could subdue (applause) The Celtic is a race ruled by it: spiritual instincts rather than by those more ravenous virtues which we share with the hogs and the wolves, and a race clad in the beamy celestial armour of faith and hope is imperish- able, no matter how disarmed, bare and degraded in the eyes ot a triumphant soldiery or a more ruthless legislature (applause). In the darkest hour of the penal night when It was transportation to learn the alphabet, and when Irish- men were rung outside the gates of Irish cities like lepers at sun-down by the sound of the evening-bell, it is not too much to say that the one simple little treason -.song, "The Black-bird," sung low around the winter fireside in the mountain .shieling, had more influence in pre.servincr the spirit of Iri.sh Nationality than all the enactments of the diabolical Penal code enforced by all the might of England could counteract (applause). What the star that shone over 8 BetMehem on the first Christmas night was to the three Eastern Magi ; what the vision of the Holy Grail was to the Kniguts of the Round Table ; what the Holy Sepulchre was to the dying eyes of the Crusaders fainting in the parched Syrian desert, that to the children of the Irish race was and is the tradition that there has been, and the faith that there will be a golden-hearted Irish nation, the land of song and wit and mirth and learning and holiness, and all the fair flowering of the human mind and soul. By the light of that message, glinting out in ineffaceable rainbow colours, no matter wnat angriest storm clouds crossed the Irish sky, generation after generation have marched gaily to their doom upon the battlefield or scaffold ; and the statesman who hopes to settle accounts with Ireland by mending our clothes, and giving us an additional meal a day without satisfying that imperious spiritual craving of the high strung Celtic nature, may as well legislate for a time when the green hills of holy Ireland will wear the red livery of England, and when the birds on the Irish bushes will chirp " Rule Britannia" (cheers). Conquering nations of the coarse material textures of the ancient Romans and the modern English have never been able to understand why little nations like Ireland should cling to the-'r own hopes and ideals, instead of embracing the new gods and scrambling for their share of the world- wide empire which they have had the same share in build- ing up that the hundreds of thousands of slaves who perished under King Rameses' lash had in building the great Pyramid. I have no doubt that King Xerxes' cour- tiers were just as much disgusted at Leonidas' folly in standing to be killed in the Pass of Thermopylae, with his absurd little mob of three hundred men, instead of sensi- bly coming over to dinner with the glittering hosts of the Persians and sharing the good things that were going, as the ordinary Englishman is with our obstinacy in dreaming" of a National Parliament instead of learning sense and taking our pull out of the Hindoos, and carrying all before as us in the Civil Service. But, as a matter of historical fact, it is to small states that the world owes its laws, its fine arts, its learning, its religion, its music, its paintings, and all the finer elements of its civilization, while the great mil- itary empires of the Macedonians, and the Persians, and the Scythians, and the Tartars, have passed over the earth and left no traces but hecatombs of bones (applause), Furthermore, I cannot recall a single instance in which the genius of a small state has been successfully transfused into the more splendid empires which absorbed them. The little state which gave the world Aristotle and Socrates, and Demosthenes and Praxiteles, while its genius was nursed in freedom within a territory less than 'V^t of the county Cork, produced nothing better than the Jraeculi esurientes — the little Greek pimps of Roman satire — when its enslaved children were bribed to Rome to minister to the glory and the luxury of their conquerors. The Italian city republics, which, while their citizens numbered less than the burgess roll of Cork city, conquered the East, and discovered the West, and made Italy blossom like a rose garden up to the mountain crests — the tiny states v/hich glittered with immortal names, such as those of Dante and Da Vinci and Michael Angelo and Columbus, as under a shower of stars, — were struck with barrenness and desolation the moment they became incorporated in the great realms of Austria. In our own century little Belgium, which, as an annex of the French Empire, withered and decayed, has in one gen- eration of autonomy sprung into an activity which confronts English trade in Birmingham and Sheffield, and has out- stripped Europe in the race for the wealth of the dim regions of equatorial Africa. Had Ireland, too, no capabilities for increasing the sum of human happiness which was shrivelled up under the blight of English domination ? Has she no seeds of greatness in her bosom to-day which want but the rays of her own unimprisoned genius to burst forth into the glory of flower and fruit } (Cheers.) We have two tests such as no other race that I know of can answer so well — her deeds TO in her day of freedom, and her vitality after seven centurie. o wasting bondage (applause). ThelLh race never had ^ whTn aTul^e^oThTr sTatL^^f tr T''^'^' '' ^^^ ~^ out of chaos "^^^^^^^^^^ CZ '^.i'.^^J"dg'"g English Parliamentary institutions by the condition of the Saxon churls after the battle of H^f ings, or the civilization of Rome by the days when fn emperor was stabbed or poisoned every other year bv the palace guards. Yet. if we confine our fudgmen^ of Ireland to those centuries from the coming of St Patrick to the Danish invasions- centuries during which the other nation! of Europe were simply shifting camps of savages-we sS fou'tiln'f'c^vn-'r''"^^^^"' ^^^^"^>' "n-ntami^a d lountain of civilization, and a civilization all the more marvellous that it was riot derived from Rome or Gr^ce un ifi'ed Telf /f 7^" "ftive vigour like a vrolet^^in^'srme f;,^rr; ^ Z'^^P^^^"'^)- Ro"ia" history furnishes no fairer picture than that of Ireland in her golden ^ce-lthe one lustrous star in an European night. Her peo^oie en joyed the equality of a modern republic. Their S were" P o^r Tsvst'^^V, ^'^ ^-^^■'b^l-.-d to the wK e was the LT\ °[ M "^ P'"'^^'^"^ ^° "^'^^ that the bard loLTrsfTl .^^'■"^•^able power in the community. The sainf^ °^^ ^l^'^ties in their halls, the chant of a thousand ini Iv .'^<;'[ thousand churches, the enthusiasm Tlea m ing that lighted their schools, come down to us across ^he gloomy gulf of ages that followed, and make us doubt whether modern c vilization, with all its new fangled refine ^a" with th:' -"'^r','^"^' ^^" ^'^^ "^ anything to com- pare with the . mple happiness of that old race with their w'h c'ould t" flf^l:'''''''^' ^^'^^'tive or^aniza o" w iich could be ruled by the power of music, and the o-lori- ous enthusmsm which inspired them to bear the to'ch of religion and learning to the ends of a d;.rL'^nJ ?^ /i J aDnhii<;p\ u^ 1 '•"^/-'lO'^ oi a darkened world (loud were combinJ T' '■'^^^°"' ""'''' ^"^ hospitality were combined with a colonizing capacity beyond any i «9 glori- 1 of ^ 4 o seen since the days of the Greek migration to Ionia and u^ ^'V^" ^'^^ ^ warlike vigour which for 300 years en- abled her to withstand the attacks of the terrible Northmen who over-ran England with as much facility as the Anglo- baxons and the Romans had done before them The Scottish Highlands are peopled to this day with an Irish colony as strongly marked with the characteristics of their origin as if the lamp of Saint Columbkille still shone from the cliffs of Ionia, and the footsteps of the saints and schol- ars who formed the Irish army of civilization may still be tracked in lines of light into the heart of the Swiss Alps and to the furtherest shores of Sicily (applause.) The marvel IS not that Irish civilization after struggling manfully through three centuries of Danish barbarism should have been unable to face seven centuries more of English savagery, but that a book, or a man, or even a ruin, of the race should survive to tell the tale after ten centuries of unceasing battle for the bare life. But the Irish race not merely survived that black deluge of suffer- mg and plunder which has for ten hundred years submerg- ed the land. It emerges from that long eclipse, with youth renewed vyith strength redoubled, with hope undimmed. and with all the mental and moral capacities of a great nation only braced and rejuvenated by sufferings that would have broken the spirit and debased the soul of any ^. .u^^!?"- T^'^ ^'^'^""^ y°"^h ^"^ v'go'-. more robust than the first, after so horrifying an abyss of years is a phenomenon of which history gives us no other example Ihe restored Greece of to-day is to the Greece of Pericles what the prowling Arabs who pilfer the Egyptian Pyramids are to the magnificent monarchs who built them The ^'^f ^""if u"^^"" ^J"^^" ^'°""^ *^^ '■"•"s of the Colosseum still call themselves Romans, and masquerade in the grave- clothes of their august ancesters ; but nobody expects new Liccros to arise among the degenerate chatterers of the Corso, or new C.nesars to shake the world from the puny , throne of the Quirinal. The Irish race of to day, on the 12 contrary, take up their mission just where English ag- gression cut it short seven centuries ago, and leap to their feet as buoyantly as though the whole hideous tragedy of tht intervening ages were but the nightmare of an uneasy dream (applause). The same sanguine blood bounds in their veins ; the same hopes, here and hereafter, inspire them, the rosy freshness that suffused the morning skv of the race, still kisses the hill tops of the future, as tranquilly as though Its radiance had never been buried in the light- nings and the blood-red rain of ghastly centuries (cheers). Ihere is here no taint of intellectual or physical degen- eracy. The same faith that once inhabited the ruined shrines is rebuilding them. The same passion for valor, beauty, spirituality, learning, hospitality, and all that is ad- venturous abroad and affectionate at home is still the badge and cognisance of the Celtic race. They are the same passionate, stormy-souled, kindly-hearted, fighting, worshippmg, colonizing and lightning-witted race of Ireland's golden prime, with this substantial difference, that instead of being a million of people in scattered pastoral clans, buried in this island, they are now twenty millions, doing the work and the soldiering and the statesmanship and the sacred shepherding of three continents, and whether in the Australian mines or in the Canadian woods bound to this small island by stronger links than if Ireland were a despot that could stretch out a world-wide sceptre to enforce their allegiance (cheers). The Celtic race is to-day in fact as con- spicuous a factor in human society as the Teutonic. It is httle less in numbers ; it is as distinct in type ; it has as rich a range of capacities, sympathies, and ideals of its own ; Its fine susceptibilities and aerial genious are capable of exerting a potent and saving influence upon an age which seems only too ready to accept this world as a gross feeding-trough at which happiness consists in greedy gorg- ing. There are signs that English statesmen are beginning to realize that a race such as that may te conciliated, but may by no possibility be blotted out (cheers). There are 13 signs that the genius of the Celtic race is about to be re- stored to Its natural throne, and to receive its natural development (cheers). God grant it ! Mere surly vengeance tor vengeance sake has never been a passion of the Irish heart. There are many lations whose arms and arts and prosperity stand indebted to the Irish race. There is not one that owes us a grudge for a deed of wanton offence or aggression. Our quarrel even with England is bounded bv her rule within the shores of Ireland. The man who would rashly thwart any effort of statesmanship to tranquilize the dark and blood-stained passions that have raged for many an evil century between conquering England and uncon- querable Ireland, would assume a responsibility which I for one, and I believe this audience, shrink from sharing But looking back now, as calmly as an Irishman may over the appalling gulf of years, since the first attempt of England to subjugate this island, counting its confiscations all over again, realizing the horrors of all its massacres, pierced with the agony and humiliation of all that endless, hopeless strife —It IS my firm persuasion that the Irish race of to-day would drain that bitter cup again, would tread that National Calvary of shame and torment all over again, would plunge back once more into that night of horrors which seemed to know no dawning, would welcome the axe and the gibbet and the battlefield once more rather than surrender in this their hour of strength and pride the mission which their fathers have bequeathed to them with the blood in their veins— the mission of vindicating their despised and tram- pled race, and of giving Celtic genius once more a home and a throne in the bosom of a disenthralled and regener- ated Irish nation (great cheering). The vote of thanks was moved in an eloquent speech by Mr. M. Healy, M. P., after which the chairman requested the Rev. Mr. Stevenson, a Protestant Minister, to second the vote of thanks. 14 A Protestant Patriot. Rev. Mr. Stevenson, who received a thrilling ovation, said — When I heard the distinguished lecturer with charac- teristic modesty throwing himself upon the indulgence of this large assemblage, and hoping that because they were Cork people, and considering his past services, that they might bear with him for the very poor lecture that he was going to give them, I must confess that I did not make sufficient allowance for his modesty, and I expected to hear a dry sort of lecture, giving a good deal of statistics about the Irish race, their numbers, their position, their lives in America and Australia, and what they have done, and what they are capable of doing (laughter). I was agreeably sur- prised at the lecture, for it highly deserved the name of lecture, and an excellent lecture (hear, hear). It was poetic in glowing and expressive enthusiasm, and yet when we read it, as I hope we may be able to read it at full length in the Press of this city, it will bear careful weighing — it was philosophic, sober, true (applause). You, Mr. Chair- man, have in too flattering terms acquainted the meeting with the reason why I was called upon to second this reso- lution. It appears to be the wish of Nationalists in this country, as far as they have opportunity, to show that it was an utter calumny that there is intolerance in the Irish people (cheers). Even without this consideration before me as a reason why it was thought that I should accept the request to second this vote of thanks — which I need not say it would give me very great pleasure to do — still I would not accede to it if I had not been told at the same time that a few minutes would suffice; and I have, therefore, great pleasure in simply seconding now this vote of thanks to the lecturer (cheers). i 15 Another Protestant Patriot. Dr. Tanner said -I feel very proud that it has been afforded me the great pleasure of being present here to-night once more to listen to William O'Brien (hear, hear). I feel proud at being able to speak to this great audience of the man by whose side it has been my greatest pleasure to stand, winning the great victory, winnmg the crowning fight that at last made the four provinces of Ireland united in the one great cause for which every Irishman worthy of the name in the past has striven and hoped, and what is the dearest wish of the Irish race to-day, and has accomplished the one goal— the unification of our people to make our country a nation once again (loud applause). * Mr. O'Brien wound up his remarks in reply, by saying : ■" I say this, and I say it in the presence of this great audience of Corkmen, that if England is wise enough to rise above her prejudices,— to rise above her guilty fears, and strike an honest and an honourable treaty of peace with the Irish nation, I do not hesitate to say that the men who were and who are and who will ever be the most irreconcileable to English rule in Ireland, and who would be most ready to resent and resist it to the deaith—t/iai they may possibly be found to be the men who would be the first to welcome and the staunchest to stand by any honourable settlement that might bring peace and industry and happiness, com- bmed with freedom and national independence, to our native land." (great cheering). The proceedings then terminated. i6 Freedom and National Independence. The following extract from Mr. Sexton's speech in Parliament, on the address in reply to the speech from the Throne, January, 1886, will clearly define the sense in which Irishmen use the terms " Freedom'' and "Natiottal Independence " : — " Those Ministers who' had the responsibility of power "knew that within the bounds of the British Empire were "a score or so of Parliaments. They were aware of the " securities of these Parliaments that they should not ex- *"* ceed their proper bounds. They had their agents. They " were familiar with the case of Austria and Hungary, of *' Norway and Sweden, aud their agents could report how " it wa? with the great federation of the German Empire " and the miniature one of Switzerland. It was for this or "any other Government to cull and select these various "precedents and examples, and establish a check and coun- "ter check, a balance and counterpoise, upon which the " freedom of Ireland might be granted while the integrity " of the Empire was preserved. The supremacy of the *' Crown was never called in question. It remained un- " affected in the Irish Parliament that previously existed. "The supremacy of the Crown was outside the scope of the " question. The supremacy of this Parliament required no " guarantee (cheers), and he would tell them that the only " permanent guarantee rests in the satisfaction of the peo- " pie. Nothing but discontent and opposition could be felt "towards the insulting rule of alien officials. Let them " contrast that with the state of afifairs which would ensue if "the laws of Ireland were made by Irishmen, and if the " Irish people were sensible that the law deserved their res- " pect and obedience because it was framed with a view to " their wishes and necessities (Irish cheers) — where, then, " would be the daiger to the integrity of the Empire ? As im ce. eech in "rom the ense in r power re were of the not ex- They ^ary, of )rt how Empire this or various d coun- ch the itegrity of the ed un- ixisted. e of the ired no le only le peo- be felt t them snsue if I if the teir res- /iew to :, then, ;? As 17 "to the authority of this Parliament, had they not all the " authority necessary for the supremacy of the Crown — the " authority that was inherent in them ? If the Act of 1782 " was repealed — as he thought shamelessly and corruptly " by the Parliament of 1800 — it must be obvious that if at "any future time they found the concession of a native "autonomy to Ireland to be a danger to the empire, they " could repeal it at any moment. He called upon them to " believe him when he said that if they looked around, if " they considered the numbers of the Irish race, if they con- " sidered their growth and power in other lands ; their grow- " ing influence in England, in the colonies and dependen- " cies ; if they took into account the persistent and unquench- " able determination of that race to procure the freedom of " their country ; if they also remembered the growing com- " plications of the British interests in various parts of the " world, and the ease with which such complications may be " affected and disturbed, the growth of military spirit in " Europe, they would, he thought, agree with him that the " danger to the integrity of British Empire would, as far as " Ireland was concerned, lie in a dogged perseverance in the " fatal — the now anachronistic— fallacy of keeping at their " doors a discontented country and a convulsed society, and " that so far as Ireland was concerned the permanent, and " sole permanent safety, both for the integrity of the Empire, " and supremacy of the Crown, lies in boldly, courageously "giving and frankly approaching the question, and once "for all a safe and rational measure of freedom to the Irish "people" (prolonged Irish cheers). I8 Mr. Gladstone's Attitude. 'J-o^e-^. (From the Ottawa Citizen, ^rd Feb., i886.y His Grace t»ie Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin (Most Rev. Dr. Walsh) recently paid a visit to the Arch- bishop of Cashel, at Thurles, where he met with an extra- ordinarily enthusiastic welcome. Naturally enough His- Grace alluded to the phenomenal success of the Nationalist party under Mr. Parnell's leadership at the late general election. Referring to what the party looked for at the hands of Mr. Gladstone, His Grace is reported as follows r "The Archbishop quoted Mr. Gladstone's words, in which he remarked that hitherto the Irish members were divided into three parties, and none of them were entitled by their numerical strength to say, "We speak the voice of the whole people." But Ireland, he said, had now a constituency as broad, as extended, and as qualified to speak her wants as either Scotland or England. That demand their elected representatives were now about to make for them with united voice. If that demand were constitutionally put forward by Ireland, if the wishes of Ireland in this respect were constitutionally ascertained, it would be not only allow- able but beneficial to Ireland, to England, and to the Empire at large, that this right to which they laid claim,, the right of governing themselves in all their own affairs. I 19 '• should be granted. That was all they asked, and the ques- tion of the day was whether it was to be granted or not, Mr. Gladstone had appealed to them for an answer that he could regard as the answer of Ireland. Had they not given it to him ? Calmly and confidently he awaited the issue. The declaration of their great leader stood pub- licly on record that it was to Mr. Gladstone that he looked for this crowning act of statesmanship. He awaited the issue with deep anxiety also, because already they had heard from across the Channel some foolish threatenings from English public men and from leading organs of English public opinion, threatenings of revolt within Mr. Gladstone's camp and within the ranks of his trusted lieutenants, threats to disregard the issue of the elections— threats that, though for a time they might unnerve the courage even of the veteran statesman who is pledged to do them justice, could not but lead eventually, and that speedily, to one sad result. That result might be deplored by them all. The constitutional expression of a nation's voice was likely also to be more effective for the accomplish- ment of its purpose than those other weapons to which even now some desperate men were waiting their opportunity to have recourse — the dagger of the assassin and those other and in some sense more fearful engines of destruction which the progress of modern science had placed in the hands of ^hose who make no secret of their determination to seek for the last hope of freedom for Ireland, if they could not find it elsewhere, among the ruins of English cities and of Eng- lish civilization. "You," concluded the Archbishop, "the men of Tipperary, shrink with no less horror than I do from the contemplation of so sad a prospect. Let us trust then that those in whose hands under Providence he the issues of the immediate future will be wise in time. No nation surely ever had a stronger claim to be dealt with on the broad, plain principles of justice than Ireland has to-day" (Cheers.) }r 20 In M» speech in the House of Commons criticising the Speech from the Throne, January, iS86, .vfr. Gladstone said : " All, however, that I now v/ish to say on the matter is, that I am afraid this is a further serious postponement of all attempts at legislation for Ireland. (Hear, hear.) I do not ask the Government to study in my sense what the leg- islation for Ireland may be, or ought to be, even if my mind were made up on the subject ; for I do not possess the means of making the inquiries that are necessary to any sound legislation. But I ask Her Majesty's Government if they intend to give Ireland legislation, to give it pramptly and frankly. (Cheers.) I am compelled to observe that regarding these paragraphs of the speech as a whole, I am unable to say that they are entirely sufficient in the circum- »^^ces. It is an excellent thing to say that you will main- tc..n the Unity of the Empire. In Heaven's name main- tain it with all your might. But we have been maintaining it for 85 years (cheers from the Irish n.cmbers) ; and not only for 85 years since the Union, but 600 years before. (Renewed cheers and a laugh.) Something more is requi- site. Whatever you think is adequate to the ca.se, be it for social order, be it for local Government, let ns kuozv frankly what it is. (Hear, hear.) The obligations which I have described as incumbent on every member in this great cause would compel us, even if we were more reluctant than we are, to entenain favorably the proposals which you may con- scientiously recommend. Even if circumstances do not let us proceed in any way with the case of Ireland, it still n mains our duty to listen to what others liave to say, and ':>, judge it under the strictest and heaviest responsibility U.^\. ever lay upon a Legislature. You have most properly wound up your speech by advising the Queen to express her confidence in ii Protection and a o^uidance for our acts bet- ter than any th, our own assisted faculties can supply. Let us all, aftc:- ^. ... ^h •! d solemn appeal that we have 21 made to that guidance, and as in tlie face of Almighty God to whose keeping we have been commended, so by taking care to observe all the laws and all the q lalities by which in difficult and controverted matters truth may sometimes be attained, and benefits may sometimes be realized ; let us not deviate from the path of temper and of self command ; but forjetful r-f every prejudice let us strive to do justice to the varied and gigantic interests committed to our care." (Loud (I seers.) •j~«^o<»;« Cause of all the Trouble In Ireland. Landlord's Exterminating the People. In his speech in Parliament, on January 28th last, 1886, Mr. Sexton said : — " The condition of things in Ireland was this — that the bulk of the small occupiers had cleared themselves of their last penny — sometimes selling their stock, sometimes their very furniture- two or three years ago to gain the advantage of the Arrears Act. They robbed themselves of every penny they had in the world in order to procure a clean slate, but in the years which had rlapsed since then tiie value of every staple article of pro- duce had gone down upon the average all around about forty per cent. The tenants could not pay judicial rents this year — it was impossible. English gentlemen who listened to him knew the truth of what he said. They had reason to know the gravity and reality of the agricultural 22 depression They knew that they themselves had cut down their households and retrenched their expenses ; tha some of them had parted with their town houses, and in var^o^s ways had practiced a rigid economy in ofder to Xe a suitable abatement to their tenants, ^t was very sf Inge that English gentlemen who had thus shown a eeneroS regard to the interests of their tenants should unit? them selves for the purpose of denying similar rights to Ireland with a body of unscrupulous Irish landlords (cheers), who re- fused to give any abatement. The Duke of DevonshTre had given an abatement of 20 per cent, to his Irish tenano and fhT.u i\' 1 r ?;^^^ "^^^ ""^'y ^^^^"ge to him was this ?f L D^Pctr^H^rr^r ^'"'"^ ^^^^" ^^Is abatemeS Lu f.^^^"t-'. and thereby admitted the urgent pressure of the Insh agncultural crisis, should have accepted^ associ- ation with the landlords who were refusing abatements and atfon' and ' •""^' '^ ^'^ ^^^^' °^^^^ extlrminatTon Issoct w^ed on T^rH%TK''"^"'' '° '^' deputations which waited on Lord Salisbury to urge either that the Irish tenants should be compelled to pay unreduced rents wh le parting with every shilling they had for food (cheers) o? ^Ise tha they should be turned out of their headings ^'and the landlord enabled to break their tenancy (cheers)" 23 How the Extermination War Progresses — •*• — Latest Eviction Statistics. In a speech delivered 2nd February, 1886, in Dublin Mr. Jno. Dillon. M.P., Said :-"He was afraid the'' " Government were witholding the Returns of Evictions in " " Ireland, knowing that they would tell a tale which they " " would not like. He had, however, the return ending with " the 1st July, 1885, and he found that for the quarter there " - were evicted in Ireland 1,236 families, including 6,570" mdividuals, nearly half of whom were readmitted as care- " ^" takers. But they knew very well that many of them " / were only admitted during the six months' redemption " .. ^ \^\^^ number were thrown out on the roadside, and " ^^ tiod knows where those people are to-day. For tlie sue- " ceedtng quartet tfure were 679 families evicted, represent- " yng-ji2j individuals (oh, oh). He had not been able to " get the return for the last quarter, but calculating on that " basis tJiere must have been put out of their homes in Ireland'' 'during the entire pet iod since f line 2,512 Irish families re-" • presenting 12492 individuals. What was the feeling in " the hearts of these people scattered as they were all over the country some of them living in the poorhouses, and many more, he was glad to say. in America— (hear, hear)— where they would carry the stories of the wrongs they had suffered. He would assert now, and he would say the same in the House of Commons next week— show him any country in the world where 6.000 families could be turned out of their homes as they believed unjuitly, and as the whole country believed unjustly (hear, hear), and where the recoru or crime was so slight as it was in Ireland to-dav " (Applause). ''