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WASHINGTON: PRINTED BY J. ifc G. S. GIDEON. 1846. 4UVy ^o ^-^ s'/ s S P E E C H Tlio ffdusfi being in Comniittro of tlio Wiiok-, nml having: iindor eonsidcraiioii t!ic report and rrsolutioHS of tlic Coniniit'ce on Forci:rn Afiairs, M-itli tlio amriidmciK proposed liy tin; If cliairman — Mr. SIMS, of South Carolinii. ^3u\ : Mr. Chairmw: Af'trr :ill tliiit has occurred in the proirrcss of this debate; after the repeated thrusts that have been made at the South set with all those obstacles which can be [)resented 1)V these niightv elements of error. 'J'lie commitlee will, therefore, excu.^e me iVom ilie task of defending the South from the imputations Avhich liave licen so unsparinirlv cast upon that section of the country. 'J'o those who are ionoiant of our history, any statement of mine would be of small avail; to tho.-e who are acciuaintcd with it. no otlu'r \ indication is necessary. In the war ol' the Revohi'i'in, in the war of 1812. at all times, wluMiever any emergency required their aid; when- ever ])owev. either in arms or intellect, has been re(piire(l lor the service of the country, the conduct and cin;iributions of the South generallv. and the conduct and contributions of South Carolina parlicrdarlv. have been such as to n(!ed no ■vindication at my hands, either of the State or anv of her distimiuisln d sons. Besides, it is derogatory to truth, lo patriotism, and to the disjiiity of debate, to seek to employ the agency of passion and prejudice m a urcat subject, like this, of int''rnational concernment. I have learned a better example even from semi- harbnrian Home. One of her own historians, in the terse and direct dialect of his imies. has told us — Jvra:ui: dinroi'dias, .siinnltttti's ruin hostibua e.rvrcc- bant ; civm rmn c'n'ibus de vcrtutc vprfabant. -^ ■: p « j; , .. ' , It was not by mutual crimination and recrimination that the patriotic Romans, in the better and earlier days of the republic, soufi^ht to advance the public weal ; these were reserved for their enemies, as a proper part of the conduct of public war; l)ut by the spirit of concord, and by a '.uble zeal and emulation in the pub- lic service rather, did they strive for tiiis high aim. In this enlightened and Christian age experience too sadly proves that, even in an American Congress, on a great national question, gentlemen can be found who may profitably leani dictates of civil policy, and feelings of humanity itsell', from a semi-barbariaii republic. Truth, and the interest of the country as conformed to the principles of irulh and right, are the objects to which we should look, rather than to seek an engagement, in sectional or party vituperation, with the bowmen and slinger;- of party who are wont to skirmish in our legislativ ) assemblies. The proposition submitted to the committee, in the resolutions under conside- ration, is — Shall notice be given to the Government of Great Britain that the convention of August, 1827, between the UniU'd States and that Power, touch- ing tlie terr'n;iV)tence cf t!u! IJri'ish Parliamfint, which is said to be capa!)le of everyt!iiii.ir ,-;i!." i>'' pl\y,i('al inipossibiliiies. Tlie luvorite piu er under ••■'I'e'ii Congress is supposed to be invested with jurisdii'tion over tr(;aties, is that < leelarnig war. *Pvp. .V(). ■IMl, lln. I'cp-'., rJ-id '"(.ngl-rs;). Lit. S'; -.'liun. There can be no i1(»\i1jI, tlu'.t a declaration of war lerminatcs all treaties previ-^yp ^^,^0 ously subsistinir hetwecii the helligercnts. Ii" Coiiifress choose to abrofrate trea-jj^ i,e jo ties, by an actual exercist- vi this power in iiiakin«r a (lei;laration of war, no onc,g^p;^_ •will (l(;ny the authority, liut, short of tliis, it would require a very relined inge-j^y (.xc nuity to traei' the Icirishitive competency of Con};ress ou the si.hjeet. 'JVealies,,.^ Soi constitute the convt iitiunal Ian of nations. As a part of public law they are gan he bin(linar that the treaty stipulations between the United States and that power have been ^q^ j|„. ( violated. IIow, then, can Congress, under the war-making power, have author- public o ity to give the ])roposed notice, in abrogation of the treaty ? The error arises ^^j^jj jj^^ , from a misapprehension of the distinct attributes of the diflerent departments of ffjje , the Government. In itY/r, quasi or actual, the legislature controls treaties: in 1^1798 ce, the treaty-making power alone makes, alters, or abolishes them. ^gi^e ah It is further contended, however, that Congress has a right to abrogate any jjj ^Q\n\ treaty, when its eilects are found to be so disastrous as to direaten the public in- gfances tercsts, and to make even war preferable to a longer continuance of die evil. 'i\^q When treaties become thus disastrous to die public weal, they ought to be ab- ^le. in rogated; and, if tiie other contracting party refuse, by negotiation, to modify or ^^q\ ^i abolish them, there arises a good cause of war. But if Congress, without a de- A.mons claration of war, uuder these circumstances, should undertake to declare them interes void, I have much misunderstood bodi the integrity and the intelligence of our ^y^g^ ^ judiciary, il all questions arising under such treaties would not be adjudged in ^^ased reference to the validity of the treaties, notwithstanding the act of Congress. Conor The only ground on which the action of Congress, in such a case, could be direcK justitied, would be, notyjfr car/am. but supra curiam — the necessity of the pub- .(bat p lie iniercst^s for the time, setting aside the public faith, and, by giving a casus -Franc hcui 10 the oilier j);ir;y, to be used or not at its discretion, Congress would make war, though it did not dtdare it. Sir, I v-U noM- review die precedents which *^'^ previ-^yp arisen in the [iistory of ourrountry on this subject ; and, it' I mistake not. they ' fi' f- rea-jji [,g ^'Q^^f^^\ tQ conform to the statement of elementary principles as above stig- ' ^^ ""^'iste;!. It is to be rcfrretted that all the precedents were made in times of high * "'^*^'irty excitement, and are therefore sul>jeci to the suspicion of interminirled er- reaties,j.^ Some of ihem, however, have been quoted on the other side; if, therefore, ■i\v le} are ^g,, f,f. ghown that ihey are inapplicable to the question under consideration, or - nn uiff, i(»r,at t),gy prove the neuation of legislative power in Congress, their authority "icipal law oi^jii scarcely be ciucstioned. jects 01 fj'i^p (-jpst controversy between the Executive and Conffress on this subject U- exclu-pQg(. Q,j jfjy'ij treaty. It was then contended, and by the Republican party, 'J have author- ic error arises epartments of s treaties; in • em. abrogate any the public in- the evil. iodear and palpable, that it has probably carried very general conviction through- out the community, and this may now be considered as the decided sense of public opinicm. This was the sense of the House of Representatives, in 1816, and the resolution of 1796 would not now be repeated." 1 Kent. Com.. 287. The next instance of legislative interl'erence, on the subject of treaties, was in 1798, when Congress declared by a soiemn act that our treaties with France were abrogated. This has been relied on. before the committee, as an instance in point, to prove the authority of Congress. A careful review of the circum- stances will most fully show the reverse. The bill which originated in the Senate was accompanied with a long pream- ble. in which was fully set forth the acts of flagrant bad faith, not to sav of ac- y ^^ tual war, which had been perpetrated by France against the United States. ^ Among other things, that preamble recites, that, " whereas, a regard to national lem interests recpiires (and the principles of the law of nations justify the measure) ' ^"^ that when one party to a solemn compact openly violates it, the other is re- J geu in. i^agpd jrom all its ol)ligations." "^ It is clear that the authority here exercised by ngress» Congress was a municipal declaration only to the citizens of the United States,. ' ^^'"'^ "^ directory of their duties and rights in the premises, in view of the abrogation of P ' that part of the public law depending on convention, which had been made by g a casus Prance. Congress did not assume to abrogate the treaties as a part of public ^•ould make JcntS which * i'""^^''!''"'-' Gazour, June 2.'., M'Jf^. 8 law ; but, finding it already violated and void, it declared the citizen no loni bound by it. Those who arc at all acquainted with the history of that period, will recoil that groat causes of offence to our country had been given by France; all dip matic interco\irse was refused; our Ministers were not only not received, but M( actually insulted by the French authorities; our commerce was subjected to s| liation, and every act which could mark a state of hostilities, with the single ( ception of a formal declaration of war, was perpetrated. In this state of thine Congress assembled. Measures were recommended and adopted to defend t country in this emergency— in this war. It was actual war, though, in the la guage of the times, it was denominated a quasi war — for no othei' reason, I a pvehend, but l)ecause hostilities had not been preceded by a public manifesto declaration of war, which, though usual in modern times, is not necessarily prerequisite. Among the measures adopted, was, not only the abrogation of the trealit previously subsisting between the two countries — not only the interdicting of a commercial intercourse between the citizens of the tAVO countries — not only declaration of intention to treat with rigor such French citizens as might b made prisoners, unless the insults and injuries upon American citizens shoul be discontinued — but also the appointment of Gen. Washington to the con mand of the army, together with active military preparations of all kinds. Thi ■was war. If France had made a formal declaration of war, all treaties woul have been at an end, and the relative rights and duties of our citizens woul have been defined. But acts of war equally ended the treaties without a forms declaration, however the rights and duties of the citizen were left in ambiguity It was therefore necessary for Congress to act in the matter, in order that ambi guity should be removed; and the action was justified on the principle of war But, sir, even in this condition of affairs, the Republican party of those time; refused their assent to the abrogation of the French treaties. In Congress, thi power and expediency of the measure was denied by Tazewell and Mason, o; Virginia, then the able Senators from that State; by Macon and Giles, and Gal latin and Edward Livingston ; in a word, by all the Republican members of the House of Representatives. The vote of the whole party is recorded against it.' Before gentlemen can claim this as an apt precedent for the justification ol legislative action in the present case, they should shew that Great Britain has violated lier treaty-faith, or has committed su( h acts of hostility as put an end to our treaties with her as a part of the public law. I believe nothing of this kind is pretended. It is said, however, that as the convention provides for the notice, the case stands on the; same footing as if Great Britain had, by an act ol hostility or bad faith, made it void; tliat the giving id' notice rcciuircs no negotia- '!r;ee Senate Jounuil, 17'J8, p. 517; IIou.se Journal. 1798, p. 374. 9 e citizen no Ion. oriod, will recoil. ■ France; all dip received, but wt s subjected to s| with the sinifle . his state of thinj. pted to defend t liougli, in the la other reason, I a ublic manifesto not necessarily »n of the treati. interdicting' of ;i itries — not only :ens as might 1 fi citizens shoul ^ton to the con all kinds. Thi iH treaties woul r citizens wou, without a forma 'ft in ambiguity order that ambi 'rinciple of war y of those time 1 Congress, the ^ and Mason, oi Oiles, and Gaj. members of the •ded against it.' i justification 01 ■ threat Britain utility as put an nothing of ihis (rovides for the >', I'y an act o( res no negotia- tion, and ran only be properly ordered !)y Congress, Tlii«, I understand, to be the principle of the argument wliirli deduces the power from the right of making war. A very brief statement of the facts fully exposes tho difference in the cases. Notwitlistandiug the notice be given, still the convention is to continue in force for the twelve months pending notice, as a part of the public law. Con- gress is assumlnt: to repeal a part of tlie public law, not a void treaty, no longer biiuling as part of the municipal law. The pacific relations of the two countries are to be continued, existing treaties to be observed, except as modified by this notice. Is not the notice, therefore, in the nature of a negotiation to modify existing treaties ? Were the notice not provided for in the convention itself, negotiation would be the only peaceful mode by which the convention could be terminated, in which the consent of each of the contracting parties would be necessary. Its being provided for varies the case only so far, that the consent of one party to tlie abrogation is pledged whenever the other party, upon tw(!lve months' notice, shall require it. Clenrl) this is negotiation, and belongs to the treaty-making power, because it, in tact, makes a new treaty with Great Britain. Until within a recent period, sucli seems to Inve been the opinion entertained. Such certainly was the opinion so late as the first session of the last Congress. The Committee on Territories, at the head of 'vhich was a learned and distin- guished jurist, since Governor of Tetmessee, ut that session, in their report ac- companying a biil to organize some system of law in Oregon, hold this language in reference to the proper department of the Government to give this notice : "Any possible inconveniences arising from the continuance of the , onvention of 1827, not now anticipated by the committee, can, and doubtless will, be looked to by the Executive, who can at any time abrogate the same, by giving the no- tice contemplated in it. The giving of that notice, being a matter of treaty sti- pulation, belongs, periiaps, exclusively to the Executive, on whose province there is no occasion, and tlie committee have no inclination, to iutiude."* Many reasons might be given why, so long as a treaty is suffered to continue, questions respecting negotiation should not be agitated by this House. Throw- ing such questions before the people, through the discussions here, converts the people and the House of Representatives into negotiators in derogation of the Constitution, and in derogation of the rights and duties of the Executive and Senate, to whom such delicate and often complicated matters are wisely sub- mitted. Wliile tlicso are mv opiiiioTis as to tiie authority of this House to pass this re- solution of iiolicc, I liavc ;is litilo doubt that, as an advisory act, we may .speak the 'oico of t!ie ],, nplc. Wi; may give sucli ;'.dvice, or v/e may witlihold it. We ?nay say to tii(> Exv :iiUve, if you so conduct tl'C importiuit n)atlers committed to * Rep. No. 31IH, I Seta 118 Con^., p. 5. Vol. 1, Rep. Cong., I Scad. 28 Cong. 10 you as to continue this treaty, it will or will not be wise and prudent ; and if you abrogate it, it will or will not be acceptable, in our opinion, to those whom we represent. Such has uniformly been the practice of the House. During the first two Administrations, it was customary to vote a response, in the House, to the annual messaire of the Executive ; and, thoujrii this practice afterwards fell into disuse, the House has never failed to give an expression of opinion, by way of advice or answer, whenever a suitable occasion seemed to demand it. But 1 protest against the attempt on the part of the House to abrogate a treaty l)y le- jjislation, unless it shall Hrst bo shown that a violation of the treaty has been committed by the other party; or, when its observance is so ruinous that war it- .self would be j)refcrable. Tiien, under the power to make war, Congress may periiaps assume the responsibility of the abrogation, because we would thereby make war by presenting a casus belli to the other party. All the resolutions which have been submitted, whetiier original or those pro- posed as amendments, except those presented l)y my colleague, (.Mr. Black,) propose legislative action. In form, they assume to confer audiority, and im- pose the duty, on the Executive to give the notice. 'They pre-suppose a want of power in the President and Senate to give this notice. With these views, Avere I to concur in the expediency of the measure, still I would be unable to vote for any of the resolutions before the committee, except those of my col- league. I will now invite the attention of the committpc to the second proposition — the enquiry as to the expediency of the measure. With all the patience and can- dor, and diligence of research, which the importance of the sui)iecl merits, and under a full sense of the responsibility of my situation, I have labored, since the commencement of the session, to examine the subject in strict reference to my own duty and the good of the country. When a question arises between the XJnited States and (Jreat Britain, I am always under the necessity of schooling myself beiore I approach its examination. National prejudices are probably as unphilosophical as anti-christian ; yet, under long and continued causes of irri- tat'on, diey are not easily sul>dued nor readily disregarded. 1 confess there is an hereditary hate which still lingers, not only in my own breast, but also in the breasts of hundreds of my constituents, against the British nation. In the war of the Revolution, my entire congressional district was an extended battle-tield. From Georgetown to Cheraw, not a neighborhood, and scarcely a family man- sion, was without its incident of danger and distress. In the swamps and in the open plain, by the household altars and firesides, in the presence and under the encouragement, mingled with trepidation, of wives and children, there were deadly strifes between the subjects of that power and the ancestors of those whom I li-iv^^ till! Honor U> represent. Under Marion, and Kail), and Conway, «nd Thomas, and hundreds more, whose militarv ^Icc' ■ -.voii'd add luslre to the pages with s all fo) achie\ 11 tilt; and if you liosc wlioin wo Ihmug the iirsi House, to the wards fell into ion, by way of :ind it. liut 1 a treaty by le- realy ]ias been lis that war it- Conjrress may would thereby 1 or lliosc pro- (Mr. Ulack,) ority, and ini- ippose a want 1 these views, he unable to se of my col- proposition — enee and can- ct merits, and red, since the erencc to my between the of schooling 3 probably as auses of irri- ifess there is ut also in the In the war I battle-tield. family man- amps and ill e and under , there wore »rs of those »d Conway, lustre to the pages of the history of any people, tho glorious war of freedom was waged with sangumary and various success. With the exception of Marion, they have all iound tlic grave of historic oblivion, for want of writers to record their achievements — "Tiipy li;;il no pod — ami ilii'V ilii;il.'' Rut the interesting iamily legends of the region preserve a pious record of their services and sull'crings. and perpetuate, almost in detiance of our religion, the name of Briton as synonimous with enemy. Subsequent causes of irrita- tion have been multiplied in the taunts and oifensive policy of our ancient foe, which have provokctl a love for our prejudices, despite the persuasion of our interest, or the sweet suggestions of cliarity to a better feeling. Sir, we iully appreciate the evils of war, and its more tha,i ordinary horrors, when waged by such stern and powerful belligerents as the Fnited Stales and Great IJritain would be. Tlie sacrifice of life and treasure, the stagnation of business and enterprize, the suspension of all improvements in t!u; face of the country and the arts of life, the sutferings of individuals and the distress in fami- lies, which tiie cruelties of war necessarily indict, the destruction of property, both [lublic and private, the malign iidluence upoii tiie morals, i)oUi of the citi- zens and tlic Ciovernment, are some of tiiose evils. I turn away iVom a descrip- tion of its horrors. Tiie glories of the batlle-field are w^on amid the legalized cruelties of butchery, and the laws of civilized warfare but feebly control the ex- cesses of passion, or ilie wild brutality of an excited sol(li(!ry. In full view of its iiggravated evils, however, wlien the (iovermrient of the country shall iind a War necessary and just, and sh ill summon the citizens to tlu? defence of our rigliis or honor, notwidistanding the taunts which have been so gratuitouslv cast upon South (/arolina in this debate, her people wdlbe fouiul among the foremost in the light — roused to the fanali(;isni of patriotism and valor by a recollection of their leathers' deeds in arms, ami by a natural zeal to avenge every wrong and insult which Great Britain, in fact or seemingly, has, from first to last, ever of- fered us. But, sir, we would not provoke, nor do we desire, an unjust war. I will. th(!refore, always look narrowly at the cause of war, and especially at every question of controversy between us and Cireat Britain. It is due to our- selves, no less than to odiers, to be just. It is with such feelings that 1 have looked into this iiuestion of expediency. Is it exoedient that this convention for the joint occupation of Oregon should be now Krminated ? There was a lime when its continuance was wise and proper; and, ii) my judgment, it would siill be so but lor supervening causes, which have recently, within the last few years, been thrown in, and are daily becom- ing more powerful, and whiidi make the <'oiilinuance of the convention unwise and ilancrerous. 1 will stale brielly the reasons lor the abrogation of the eon- veniion. 12 1. The honor of the country requires it. — National honor is no empty ban- ble or idle fancy. It is one of the great elements of national wealth and defence ; just as much so as the funds in the treasury, or the hardy population which treads your soil. It defends the citizen wherever he goes, both in person and property, and is as potential in its influence on the interests of a country as any other element of wealth or defence. I', may be tarnished, not only by submis- sion to injuries and insults from abroad, but equally by a neglect of the duties of justice and protection to the citizens at home. No duty of the Government is more plain than that of protection to the citizens by the proper exercise of regu- lar authority, and the due administration of law in its various functions and ofii- ces. The citizens in every part of the republic have equally the right of being protected; and no arrangement of the Government with a foreign nation, of which it can disentangle itself, can honorary continue, which ties the hands of the Government, and limits its abilit)' to give that protection and care to a portion of its citizens, which is the birthright of all, and which is granted to all. Distinguished statesmen have doubted, some liave denied, our authority to ex- tend the laws of the United States over Oregon pending the convention of 1827. All admit that we are not free to act as fully in thifc matter as we might do if the convention were abrogated. In the last year or two, our citizens, with their wives and children, have passed into Oregon. It is said that a population of eight thousand souls are now there, and that the number is constantly increas- ing. Their petitions have come up to us, asking for the protection of Govern- ment and law. Can we disregard their prayer? Ought we not to grant it ? And, if so, can we honorably grant it in stinted measure, graduated by nice con- structions and embarrassing stipulations of a treaty with (Jreat Britain which we liave the power, by compact, to annul? Ought we .not to be as free to protect Oregon as Iowa or Wisconsin? AVhen we had only a transient population of hunters and traders in the territory, the convention might well enough continue; now that we have a permanent population of settlers, requiring the establishment and administration of regular government, the honor of the country demands its abrogation. 2. The interest of the country rdiuires it. — Can it be expected that the com- merce and business of the country will prosper; or, that the pursuits of industry and the investment of capital in plans of improvement or enterprise will pre- serve their accustomed activity under the uncertainty and threatened hazards of .iip existing state of things? The public mind is pcrphwed, and men of busi- ness and capital arc measurably paralized in th(;ir p!;\ns and operations. All classes of our citizen.-^ are uneasy and disquieted. Without a spciidy settlement of our causes of did'erence with Great TJritain, these douhls and disquietudes will increase wiili the in''roa3ingl)ilt"rncss and irritation of the prolonged controversy. The not upon bo |o empty ban- and defence ; ilation whicli n person and ""try as any y l^y submis- iJie duties of overnment is rcise of regu- ions and offi- ^iglit of being ;n nation, of tlie hands of P to a portion to all. 'lority to ex- tion of 1827. ightdo if the s» with their population of ntly increas- '1 of Govern- to grant it? I)y nice con- in which we s to protect apulation of li continue; tablishinent Jemands its at tlie com- of industry 5 will pre- 'd hazards PI of busi- ions. All "loincntof tudcs will itroveray. 13 The notice to abrogate the convention will accelerate negotiations, by forcing upon both parties the necessity of terminating and adjusting the whole matter. 3. The preservation of peace requires it. — To those who reflect how rapidly international diU'erence?, when actively canvassed, engender and imbitter the prejudices and enmilics of the respective citizens and subjects of the nations dis- putant, and liow, after a short time, the charms of peace are forgotten, and the evils of war no longer dreaded, under the angry impulses and strbborn pride of aroused patriotism and military enthusiasm incident to a protracted controver- sy of this kind, scarcely a word is necessary in illustration of this proposition. Look to the history of the day touching this matter. Two years ago, yes, sir, a year ago, the whole matter was capable of satisfactory arrangement, in conform- ity with the offer of adjustment and settlement proposed by the President. Such an arrangement would have given almost universal satisfaction in the United States. Now, under the heat of discussion, as well here as in the country, many are opposed to that basis of adjustment, and would prefer war even to it. The longer the controversy is kept open, die more prevalent will become this opin- ion, and so much the more will be diminished the chances of an amicable ar- rangement. Delay is dangerous. If the American citizens and Uritish subjects in Oregon should escape a colli- sion, which is not to be expected, in the state of the public mind, and amid the causes and occasions of irritation, resulting from their proximity and intercourse with each other in that distant region ; more especially, too, when dieir hardy and fearless character for adventure, an pioneers, is remembered; it will be al- most impossible to keep the question without the vortex of politics within the ►States; it will be made a political hobby ; parties will either divide upon it, or, instructed by the disasters of opposition to Texas, will vie with each other in making bold and extreme demands on Great Britain. Thrown into the strifes of our election, it will no longer be a question of negotiation. Our demands, as supposed lo have been ascertained and fixed by the result in the popular vote, must be literallv recognised and granted by Great Britain, or war is inevitable. In the mean time, the same state of things will be growing up in England. Neither party will recede. It will be made a point of honor between the na- tions, wliicii the sword only can atljUst. 4. The preservation of Oregon reqiiires it. — Sir, who remembers not the caustic rebuke with which Lord ('hatham scowled down that fawning royalist, Townsend, in the British Parliament, when, in one of his tirades against the Ameri:an colonies, he urged the right of Parliament to levy contributions on ihem, in consideration of the kindness of the (lovernmcnt of Great Britain in planting them in America, and taking care of them until they had grown up to strength and power. With that contemptuous majesty of mien which truth only can inspire whcMi offended by the pnjsence of injustice and falsehood, and which no one ever wore with a prouder or more becoming port than the great 14 statesman of England, no sooner had Townscnil made the assertion than hi cclmed back lii.s words, and indignanUy replied: "Your oppressions plantei thf^ni there. 'J^hey have (rrown by your negU'ct." May not, hereafter, soiii. citizen of this Itt^publie beyond the Rocky Mountains, some rural Pitt beyom those stony elills, burning Avith a sense of our injustice towards that portion o the country, turn upon u« tlie like withering rebuke? May he not say, truly, we "have grown by your neglect;" we have increased in power without yoii' aid ; we have defended ourselves without your protection ; we are freemen, an,, independent of all the world ; you cast us oiY in our infancy, now learn to dreaii our manliood ? I have already said, tliat, so long as the convention continues, we cannot give full ])rotection and aid to Oregon. Injustice on our part may well teach the set- tlers there to dream of independence and a separate government. To be thr Homulus of an empire, the founder of a great people on that far-distant Ausoniai! shore, would b^ no small temptation or uncnvied glory to an ambitious man. (Jreat lirilain would, perhaps, be not unfriendly lo such a design. If, then, w(; would not multiply diHicuhies in our own way. or increase tlie hazards of our retaining Oregon as part of tiu; United ^>tatcs, this convention should be termi- nated. What will be the effect of this notice ? I have assumed, in my argument, thai our claim to Oregon is clear and unquestionable up to some point. T have not time to review the evittences of our tide, nor is it necessary. Enouuh has beeii said already, in this debate, on that subject. From all the investigation which I have been able to trive tlie subject, I have come to the conclusion, that if this were a new qm'stntii — what lawyers denominate res i)itcp;ra — we would have the best title up to .^) t ilea". -10 min. liut it is not rrs intcgra: it is. in some respects, res (itljiidtcald : and thouijii there })e no tvil)unal to enforce decisions on nations, yet a decent respect to the opinion of mankind requires fairness and justice in their ]">ractice ami intercourse. Siiu'O 1790, when the Nootka Sound Convenlioi\ was made with Spain, England has set up claim lo riffhts in Oreson. AVe have allowed iter to shave equal privileges in common with ourselves. By solemn treaty in 1818. and atterwards in 18v!7, we have, in some soi% recog- nise^l the existence of her riiihls. (.)n repeatetl occasions we have offered to dividt.' the territory at the IHth deg. of north laiiiudt>. So.ith of this paralh' we haie never cumpromiited our riiihts iiy an oder of any kind; and to this ex- tent 1 coitsider our title "clear and unquestionable." I believe my constituents uill never consent to surrender one t'oot south of this line. Let war. with what- ever ilesolation it may brinsi'. be the oidy remaining alternative, still they will lu'ver degrade the rights of the couniry. or bastardize themselves, as the descen- dants of revoluiioiiar\ sires, bv surrenderins: a toot of soil to Great Britain which is clearly our own. In relVretice to all that has been done, as well as that such an arrangement would give us a straisrlu line of boundarv from the Rocky moun- taii sho| rei 11 calJ boll of me ssertion than hi rossions plantoi hereafter, som. iral Pitt beyoni that portion o not say, truly. 5r without yoii' re freemen, am: ' learn to (lrea(j ^ve rannot give !ll teach the set- It. To be thr istant Ausoniaii inibitious man. if. then, M'c hazards of our oukl be termi- armiment. thai t. T fiave not oiiyh has been iiration which II. that if this {' would have it ii=. in some Jrce decicion.s 'airness nnd • ootka Sound ts in Ore (Ton. rst'lvoi--. Ry c sort, recog-- ^■e otlVred to this i)aralK ' d to this ex- oonstitutMits ■. with what- ill they will the descen- ritain whif^h 1^ that such ockv moun- 1.5 tains to the .'sea, I tliink it a fair line of compromise: and furdier, if (Ireat Britain should offer that line to the President, he is bound in fairness to accept it. This result the notice will most proliably efl'ect. liy in consequence ol the notice, war shall ensue, I shall rejTard it as a great calamity. I believe that uothin;^ will bring it upon us but egregious blunders on bodi sides; or great and deliberate wickedness, a total disregard of the interests of the riiizens and subjects of both nations, and an utter contempt for the judg- in(Mit of the civilized world. The (luestion should l)e settled bv negotiation. There will be no war, uidess it is ])roduced by political blundering or political sinninir. I have no fears respecting our Executive; and we have hostages from (ireal Ikitaiii. These are her interests. liy these we hold her to peace, and bv these the whole civilized world holds her to a continuance of that peace Avliieli for thirty years she has observed. Not only her foreign and commercial interests, l)ut her domestic interests also, bind her to peace. Nations have no future siale of rewards and punishments; national sins, therefore, if punished at all, must receive the c'.astisements of (Jod in temporal calamities. War, pesti- leiu-e, ami famine arc the usual penalties of Providem^e on national olVences. Civil war is the usual penalty I'or civil opjiressioii. If (Ireat Britain shall be so unwise as to make war upon us concerning this Oreiion question, it may possi- bly be the time and occasion tor the Almighty to uidiennel upon her the millions slie has oppressed I'or ages past, and whom she still holds beneath her iron yoke. Thev will, in his Almighty hand, become the terrible instrument of avenging their own wronus and those of the oj)pressed generations wiio preceded them. \,ii her remenilxT how dod made the oppressors the victims of the oppressed in I'rance. and let her tremble. Peace is her policy; I think she will pursue it. 'J'here are other toj)ics connected with the cpieslion to which I would be pleased to advert; Init 1 see mv sand runs low. Sir, you, no doubt, reiueinbcr the story in mythology which represents Time, under t!;e name of Saturn, as the destroyer of his own children. We have seen the (Jreeian luvth practically ilUistiated throughout this debate. The inexoiablo hainiiM'r, in the hand of 'i'lnie's high-priest — your worthy sidl" — has, hour after hour, I'alleii regularly, as if marking the mystic periods of sacrifice, when victinv ai'ter viciiin, dressed in all the wreathes of rhetoric's most choice flowers, has been led up to the altar, and, with all his blushing honors thick upon him, has been smitten down, amidst appropriate rites and (;eremonies observed by the anxious worshippers of the same divinity, who siather round him in his last moments, and drown the gloomy wailings ol' his voice, and the sweet elo(iuence of a peroration, in the hurried tumult and wild chorus of "Mr. Chairman, Mr. Chairman." 1 would spare myself from this violent end; and submitting to V hat is, beyond all doubt, •' manifest destiny," I will simply return my thanks to the C'oinmittee for their kind attention, and sacrifice my wishes for further debate without waitintr for the formal kncU of vour hammer.