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Les diagrammes suivants illustrent la mAthode. rrata to pelure. □ 32X 1 2 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 Z-of c SPRKCll OF THt HON, T. BUTLER KING, OF GEORGIA, OK THE OREGON QUESTION: nEi.ivF.iiF.n I\ THE lIflUSEN)F REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UMTED STATES, February 9, 1 W-IO WASHINGTON: PrintPd ai the office (if the Naiional Iniellieenrer. 1846. i»tmtimmi*mm*m SPEECH. Mr. KINH rose and addressed the committee during tlie hour as follows : Mr. Chairman : In view of the correspondence which has recently passed hetween the Secretary of Slate and the British Minister, I shall not offer the amendment, (inihodyint;: a prop- osition for arbitration,) as I intended, to the resohitions now nnder consideratio?). The prop()sition to settle hy arhitration the rights of the United States and Great Britain to the terri- tory of Oregon, and establish an equitable line of partition, having been made in all its forms by her Britannic Majesty's Minister, and been peremptorily, atid, as I thiidc, cavalierly, rejected by the President, tliat mode of adjusting this great controverted question seems to be at an end. Arbitration is one of the most ancient modes known to civilized nations of settling difficult and embarrassing disputes. It is sanctioned, in all its forms, by the law of nations, as founued on the laws (if Nature. It has been resorted to in all limes by those who w shed to mete out that justice to others which they desired should bo meted out to themselves. The President of the United States has declared, or permitted his Secretary of State to declare, that the territorial rights of the United States can- not be submitted to arbitration. Who has ever desired the President to submit to arbitration the acknowledged, clearly undisputed, territorial rights of the United States? It is, sir, precisely because our rights in that territory are not clearly defined with respect to limits, and that the title to a very considerable portion of it has been claimed by Great Britain for more than half a century, as against Spain, from whom we profess to derive our own title in no very inconsiderable degree, and that this Government has acknowledged, for the space of seven-and-twenty years, that Great Britain has rights in Oregon, that I supposed that this was a question, of all others which has ever presented itself for adjustment between this Government and that, which, in its complicated character and momentous consequences, could be most properly and equitably adjusted by arbitration, and which, from its very nature, pointed to that as the most honorable and suitable mode of settlement. The President, however, seems to think differently. By assuming the broad ground that our title to the entire territory is "clear and unquestionable," and that our 1 ' ■' iJ , .a ; » ' ! riglit5M!u?re aiP not <'tobfi a proper siil)jec( for arbiiraiioii," he seems o say, in language not lo be misnnderslood, to the (iovernmeut ot' (Jieal Britain, that, as far as he is concerned, or can control (he action of this (jovernment, the question of territorial rights is sel'ied, and tliat any concessions which tnay heref»fter be made on our part, if any ever shall be, may be regarded as an evidence of our liberality, and not as spring- ing from a conviction of the justness of her rights, or the valid- ity of her title to any portion of the territory in dispute. I am not, sir, disposed to present an argument witli respect to our title to Oregon. I shall not even say to what extent our title is better than that of Great Britain, or how far it can be sustained by all the evidences whiih have been or can be adduced. In my judgment, this question ought not to have been brought into this House. This is not the place to discuss questions of this nature. They properly belong to the Execu- tive and the Senate. They are, under tlie Constitution, the treaty-making power. It is very difficult, if not impossible, for any man to present an argument here which shall in the slightest degree admit the force of British rights in Oregon, without bringing upon himself the imputation of having more or less compromised those of his own country. These delicate and complicated questions should be left in the hands of diplo- matists, and settled by negotiation ; or, if that finally fail, the next and the only peaceable resort, as it seems to me, is to submit them lo a tribunal, constituted with a proper and just regard to the spirit of our institutions, for arbitration. If our title to that territory is, as has been asserted, '• clear and un- quest'-^nable," all argument and negotiation are at an end, and this Louse, therefore, has been wasting time in misdirected and useless discussion. Our deliberations should have been directed to a vigorous preparation for the maintenance of rights which have been thus boldly and unqualifiedly asserted. But, sir, while this declaration has been uitered and repeated by the Executive and his friends upon this floor, they have staring them in the face the fact that he himself has offered to settle this controverted question by yielding up to Great Britain almost one-half of the entire territory -thus denying and admit- ting, almost in the same breath, that she has rights west of the Rocky Mountains, below the latitude of 54° 40'. If Great Britain has no rights in Oregon, why has he offered to concede to her almost one-half of it ? If she has rights there, the deli- cate and difficult question to be determined is, where do our rights cease, and where do hers begin ? That cannot be de- cided by arffument in this House, by debatina: the question now bilration," ood, lo llie concerned, question of ons which ill be, may as spring- • llie valid- ute. ith respect hat extent <■ far it can or can be ot to have J to discuss he Execu- fution, the impossible, hall in the in Oregon, Lving more !se delicate Is of diplo- lly fail, the > me, is to r and just n. If our r and un- n end, and lisdirected lave been e of rights ted. But, peated by ve staring to settle It Britain ndadmit- rest of the If Great o concede the deli- re do our lot be de- sfjon now before uj>. it we puss the notice m any lorin, the question of boundary must finally be adjusted by negotiation, arbitration, or the sword. I am therefore, sir, opposed to arguing the question of title here, surrounded as it is by ditliculties, wliicli must, whatever may be said in this House, be finally arranged in one of the modes I have stated. The President of the United States, in asserting " that he does not believe the territorial rights of this nation to be a proper subject for arbitration," has assumed that to be a fact which no one will dispute, with respect to what are known and acknowledged to be our territorial limits; but it was for the purpose of ascertaining what those limits are in the terri- tory of Oregon that I proposed to submit them to arbitration. The President, in his message of December last, informed us that "all attempts at compromise had failed," and called upon Congress " to consider what measures it might be proper to adopt for the mauitenance of our just title to the Oregon ter- ritory." Now, sir, it would seem to me to be wise, in the first place, to ascertain what our "just rights" are, before we pro- ceed to maiuiaiu them in the way indicated in the message. Arbitration seemed to me the only mode which could be re- sorted to short of war. This, as we have seen, the President has rejected, on the ground that our "territorial rights" are '• not a pro{)er subject" for that mode of adjustment. In taking this ground, the Executive has not only departed from the long- tried and well-established custom of civilized nations, but he h*as taken a ground which has never been before assumed by the United States. This Government has, on three several occasions, submitted questions of territorial rights and limits to the decision of commissioners or arbitrators. By the fifth ar- ticle of the treaty concluded in 1794, commonly called Jay's treaty, the question whether the river St. Croix should form the eastern boundary of Maine was submitted to commission- ers, to be appointed in the following manner, viz : " One comniiMsioiicr shall bo named by liis Majei^ty, our by the President of the. I 'niteil States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate thereof, and the .*aid two comniiiiKioners shall agree on the choice of a third, or, if they cannot so sgree, they shall each propose f)ne person, and, of the two names so proposed, one •ihall be drawn by lot, in the presence of the original commissioners. And the three commissioners so appointed «hall lie sworn impartially to examine and decide the said question according to such evidence as shall respectively be laid before them OH the part of the British Government and of the United States. And the said commissioners shall meet at Halifax, and shall have power to adjourn to such other places hs they shall think fit. They shall have power to appoint a secretary, dnd to employ surveyors, or such other persons as they shail jud^e necessary. I'he said commissioners .shall, by a declaration under their hands and seals, decide what liver is (he river tSt. Croix intended by the treaty, [the treaty of 17R;J.] The iiuid declaration shall contain a description ol the baid river, and shall particuiarizs a 6 the liUituile and longiluile of its mouth anil of ila source. Duphcutcs of this decla- ration, and of the statements of tluir urcounls, and of the journal of tlicir potccd- luRH, shall ho delivered hy tiieni to the agent of Uin Britannic MujeHly, and to Ihc a','ent of Iho United States, who may be ronpej lively ajipointcd and authorized to inanaRC the buHiiiess on behalf uf their respeelivc (iovermnrnts. And both parties Hurie to consider sueii decision as final and concluaive, so as that the same shall never thereafter be called into (JUC^tion, or made the mbjcct of dispute or ditlercncc between them." Now, sir, till se coniniLssioncis or arltiiiators were to decide a iiue-sUon wliicli involved tlin right to a laigu and valuable portion ol"tlie territory oTllie State ol' AJaine ; and under iheir deciaion, wincli was not called in qnesiion by Great Britain, Maine now holds that territury. So hkewise, under the fourtli article of the treaty of peace concluded at Cihent in 1S14, our right to certain islands in the Bay ol Passamaquoddy was sub- mitted to arbitration. That article is as follows : •• Whereas it was stipulated by the second nnicie of the treaty of peace of 178.1, between his Dritaniiii; Majesty and the United Slates of America, that the boundary of the United States should comprehend all islands within twenty leagues of any part of the shores of the I'liitcd Slates, and lying between lines to be drawn due cast from the points wliere the aforesaid boundaries between Nova Scotia on the one part and East Florida on the other, shall respectively touch the Bay of Fundy and the Atlantic ocean, excepting such islands as now are, or heretofore have been, within the limits of Nova Scotia: And whereas the several islands in the Bay of Pasi-ainaquoddy, whidi is part of the Bay of Fundy, and the islaiiu of Mcnoar, in the said Bay of Fundy, arc claimed by the United Stales as being comj)rehcnded within their aforesaid boundaries, which said islands are claimed as belonging to his Bri- tainiic Majesty, as having been at the time of and previous to the aforesaid treaty of ITS.T within the limits of the Province of Nova Scotia: In order, therefore, finally to decide upon these claims, it is agreed that it sliall \k referred to two commis- sioners, to be appointed in the followiu'^' manner, viz: one commissioner shall bi^ appointed by his Britannic Majesty, and one by the Prcoident of the United Slates, by and with the consent of the Senate thereof, and the ;iaid two commissioners so appointed shall be sworn impartiullt/ lo tx'iiniiie and decide upnutlic miid claiinn Krcordiiig to f^ttc/i evidence ax f^hall he laid hifore llicm on the j urf of hin Brilan- nlc Ma/'esli/ and »f the Uniffd tStolcs, rcspulivthf. 'J"hc said commissioners shall meet at Saint Andrew's, in the Province of New Brunswick, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think lit. 'i'he said commis- sioners shall, by a declaration or report under their hands and .seals, decide to which of the two contracting [lartics the several islands aforesaid do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said trcHty of peace of I7H.'J. And, if the said cominissiioners shall agree in iheir decision, both parties .shall consider such decision as tinal and conclusive. It is further agreed that, in the event of the two commissioners dillering upon all or any of the matters referred to them, or in the event of both or either of said commissioners refusing or declining, or wilfully omitting to act as such, they shall make, jointly or separately, a report or reports, as well to the tJoverinneiit of his Britannic Majesty as that of the United States, stating in detail the points on which they ditler, and the grounds upon which their respective opinions have been formed, or Ihc grounds on which they or either of them have so refused, declined, or omitted to act. And his Britannic Majesty and the Gov- ernment of the United States hereby agree to refer the report or reports of the said commissiuncrs to some friendly Sovereign or State, to be then named for that pur- pose, and who shall be requested to decide upon the dilferences which may be stated nt the said report or reports, or upon the report of one commissioner, together with •ales of this docla- I of llicir protrcd- liijpHly, iind to I lie and authorized to And lioth pHrticfi hat thf same shall spute or dillcrcntc /ere to decide and valuable id iiiidtT (heir ileal Hritaii), der the foiutli ill 1S14, our )ddy wassiib- of peace of J 783, that the boundary ity leiiyues of any •8 to be drawn due ova tScotia on the he Bay of Fundy retofore have been, nds in the Bay of of Menoar, in the iprehcnded within DPging to his Bri- aforesaid treaty of therefore, finally d to two comniis- inissioncr Hhail be the United iStuten, eonunisMionerti so a tilt said cluiins url (ifhln Britan- imniissioncra shall I shall have power I'ho said coiiuuis- tl seals, decide to id do respectively •eoflVH.'J. And, hall consider such event of the two in, or ill the event iifully oinittinsr to t'ports, as well to States, stating in h their respective her of them hav«^ sty and the (Jov- jports of the said ined tor that pur- ich may be stated ler, together with thi grounds upon which the other on the said report nionc. And his Bri- tannic Majesty and the (lovernment of the United States eiiga^o to consider the decision of such friendly Sovereign or Stale to be final and conclusive on all the matters so referred." The decision of the coiiimis.sioncrs appointed iiiider this ailicle was regarded by both Governments as final and con- clusive, and under it the United States acquired the islands of Moose, Frederick, and Dudley, in the Bay of Passarnatjuoddy. Other articles of this treaty provide for the settlement of our title with respect to various other portions of territory, and under the commissions appointed for that purpose wo obtained various ishinds in the St. Lawrence and the Northern Lakes. These facts, I think, sir, are sutHcient to show that the Presi- dent of the Unitj'd States, in assuming the ground that our territorial rights or limits arc not the proper subjects of arbi- tration, has not only departed from wiiat has been the uniform practice of this Government in all cases of disputed territory and boundary lint^s,bnt he holds a doctrine which is extremely dangerous to the peace and honor of the nation. Holding, as he does, in his own hands the absolute control over our for- eign negotiations, it would be only nccessc-iry for him, if he desired to throw the country itito a war, to embarrass them with frivolous pretences, for the purpose of finally suspending or breaking them off, and then declaring that, as negotiation had failed, the nation must sustain him in an appeal to arms for the purpose of acquiring any portion of territory lo which he, for party i)urposes, may have thought proper to declare our title to be "clear and unquestionable." It has been a maxim of tliis Government, almost coeval with its foundation, that we .should "ask nothing but that which is right, and sub- mit to nothing that is; wron;; ." This maxim is sustained not only by the spirit but by the letter of the law of nations. Valtel says, (chapter IS:) " The disputes that ari.se between nations or their rulers originate cither from contested rights or injuries received. A nation ought to preserve the rights which belong to her, and the care of her own . ;ifety and glory forbids her to submit to injuries. But, in fulfilling the duty whirl) she ovve*i lo herself, she must not for- get her duty to others." '• She is therefore bound to render to each nation what IS her due — to leave her in the peaceable enjoyment of her rights," &c. The same author declares that — '•Arbitration is a very reasonable mode, and one that is perfectly conformable to the law of Nature, for the decision of cvvry dispute whic'.i does not directly in- 8 (rruMt tlio Kiilelv ol llic imtiuii. 'I'iiuugli llio claim i>l jiibiicc inuy Ih: luiitlukcii fiv tho arbitrator, it in Htill more to be fpunMl that it will bo overpowered in an aiipcal to tho Hword." ••In doubtful citsi I, which do not i)ivolvc oiMCiitial pointti, if one of the jiartich will not accede either to a conforence, an accommodation, a compromiHc, or an arbitration, the other han only the laHt reitourcc for the defence of himsrlf and hi^' riRhtH — an appeal to the uword ; and he hax justice on his Hide in taking up arms ttt?ainHt so untractable an adversary. For, in doubtful caHCH, we can only demand all the reaHonable metiiodH of eliK-idatini; the i|ueHtinn, and of decidinf; or accoui niouutinK the dispute." Hence it will be seen, Mr. Clminnan, that the President, in taking the course he has thinight proper to pursue, has arrayed against him not only the former practice of this Government, hut the high and unquestionable authority of the law of na- tions. The correspond*'nce between the Secretary of State and ihe British Minister, which has been submitted to us by the President, is certainly of a most extraordinary character. Mr. Pakenham, in his letter to Mr. Buchanan of the 27th December, 1S45, in submitting the first proposition to arbi- trate the question in controi'ersy, says: " Her Majesty's Oov- ' enmient think that a resort to arbitration is the most pru- ' dent, and perhaps the only feasible .step which couid be taken, » and the best calculated to allay the existing effervescence ol * popular feeling, which might otherwise greatly embarra.s.s ' the efforts of both Governments to preserve the friendly lu'- * derstanding between the two nations." Mr. Buchanan, in his reply, rejects the proposition, upon the ground thu. "the ' British Government do not propose to refer to arbitration ' the question of title to the Oregon territory claimed by the ' two Powers, respectively," but " merely the partition or '•equitable division' of the territory between them;" thus clearly leaving it to be inferred that the President would bi; willing to submit the question of title to arbitration. It is quite evident that this was Mr. Pakenhain's impression; and accordingly, on the 16th January, 1846, he addresses to Mr. Buchanan another communiGation, in which he proposes to submit the title to the Oregon territory to arbitration, and, waiving his first proposition to submit it to some friendly Sove- reign or State, he suggests that " there might be a mixed ' commission, with an umpire appointed by common consent, » or there might be a board, composed of the most distinguish- ' ed civilians and jurists of the time, appointed in such a man- » ner as should bring all pending questions to the decision ol ' the most enlightened, impartial, and independent minds." This proposition, sir, which seems to have been evidently invited by Mr. Buchanan's letter of the Jd January, 1846 — this proposition, wliich ii was so honorable to make, and, in lice may be luiHtukcii fiy ^crpowcred in an aiipcal ™u, if otic of the partich n, u coinpromiMe, or an fencp of himNolf and Uv is Hide ill taking up arms BK, wo. can only dcmaiiH d of ticcidinK or accoiii t the President, iii ursiie, has arrayed this Government, of the law of na- Socretary of State luhmitted to us by »rdinary character. lanan of the 27th oposition to arhi- er Majesty's Oov- n is the most prii- ich could be taken, ig eflerveseence ol greatly embarrass re the friendly ui«- Mr. Buchanan, in ground thu. "the Bfer to arbitration ry claimed by the the partition oi een them ;" thiiN esident would be arbitration. It is impression; an(i addresses to Mr. I he proposes to arbitration, and, me friendly Sove- lighl be a mixed common con.seni, most distinguish- d in such a man- to the decision ol ndent minds." e been evidently January, 1846 — to make, and, ni 9 my judgment, most unwise and dangerous (o reject, is, in Mr. Buchanan's reply of the 4th instant, not oidy rejected, but treated in a maimer wholly unbecoming an American states- man , and the only reason assigned — if reason it can be called — in his whole letter, is, that the President " does not believe the ' territorial rights of this nation to bo a proper subject for ar- ' bitration." To be sure, sir, he argues that the territory in dispute is more valuable to us than to Great Britain. This might be a very good reason, if the question were whether we should purchase it or not ; but I can hardly suppose the Sec- retary could seriously believe that Great Britain would re- gard it as a very sound argument why she should yield any portion of the territory which she believes honestly belongs to her. Such reasons as these, sir, assigned by the Secretary of Slate and sanctioned by the President, seem to lead to but one conclusion ; which is, that, whatever their professions may be to the contrary, their secrc* .'esigns and intentions are to throw this country into a war, nci or the purpose of ac- at the end of the twelve months' notice. If we should give " the notice," and adopt no other measure, I admit there would be no cause to apprehend that war would ensue. But, sir, that would be a virtual abandonment of all ou» rights in that country, and might be regarded as an acknowledgment that we have no claim to any portion of it. Hence it has been found necessary to bring forward the concomitant measure to which I have alluded, extending our laws over that territory. It is the duty of every nation to extend its exclusive jurisdiction over its citizens or subjects, wherever they may be on its own i n territory, except wiiere the title to it is admitted to be iii dis- pute. Now, up to the time the President of the United Stales de- hvered his inaugural address, the United States have always admitted that the right to exclusive jurisdiction over the Ore- gon territory has been in dispute between this Government cind that of Great Britain. This dispute, it is well known, led to the conventions of 181S and 1827, which provide for the joint occupation of that territory by American citizens and British subjects, each to be governed by the laws of their own country, respectively. Under this convention, therefore, we stand justified iv the eyes of all nations in refraining from the exercise o{ exclusive sovereignty or jurisdiction over any por- tion or all of that territory, however " clear and unquestion- able" our title may be to it. But the moment the twelve months' notice expires, and this joint jurisdiction or occupation ceases, it will become our duty to ourselves, and to the national character and dignity of the United States, to extend the ex- clusive jurisdiction of our laws over that country, as far at least as it is occupied by American citizens. Therefore, sir, these are concomitant measures, the one absolutely involving the necessity of the other. Let gentlemen not flatter them- selves that they can consistently vote for the notice, as pro- posed in the resolutions now before the committee, and with- hold their support from the bill by which it is to be followed. That bill proposes to extend our exclusive jurisdiction not only over that portion of the territory where our citizens have taken up their abode, but over thousands of British subjects and many British forts, and over all that portion of the territory, compris- ing nearly one-half of it, which this Government has on several occasions, once very recently, offered to acknowledge as ex- clusively belonging to Great Britain. Now, Mr. Chairman, allow me lo inquire what this Government and the people of the United States would say, if Great Britain should adopt similar measures ? — if she should give us the notice, and pro- pose at the expiration of twelve months to extend her sovereign authority over all Oregon, to the exclusion of our laws and the subjugation of our citizens ? Sir, there is not a man in this country who would not cry aloud for war ; who would not regard such an act on the part of Great Britain as equivalent to a declaration of war, to be met and resisted by all the energy and power of the Republic. If, under such circumstances, such would be the opinions of the people of this country, why should we suppose that the Government and people of Great Britain will quietly subuiit to our proceedings, if the incaiiurcc ^f^^ itted to bu 111 di6- Uiiiled States de- lates have always jtion over the Ore- this Government IS well known, led sh provide for the rican citizens and laws of their own ion, therefore, wo efraining from the tion over any por- r and unquestion- oment the twelve 2tion or occupation Eind to the national , to extend the ex- country, as far at s. Therefore, sir, solutely involving 1 not flatter them- the notice, as pro- nraittee, and with- is to be followed, irisdiction not only citizens have taken subjects and many territory, compris- lent has on several knowledge as ex- IV, Mr. Chairman, md the people of ain should adopt le notice, and pro- tend her sovereign f our laws and the not a man in this ; who would not ain as equivalent by all the energy ch circumstances, this country, why I people of Great s, if the mcatiurcc 18 wliicli have been brought forward shall be cousuniinatud i Sir, they will not. No man of ordinary sagacity, I venture to say, thinks they will. They cannot, without being disgraced ill the opinion of all Europe. Therefore, those who say or think that the adoption of these measures will not produce war, have not, in my judgment, well considered the subject, and have arrived at a most perilous conclusion. Some gentlemen seem to suppose, that if we give th*? notice, and show a bold front, as they are pleased to term it, that Great Britain will aban- dr.i the territory without a struggle; that she does not regard ii as of sufficient value to justify her in going to war for it ; that she only desires a fair pretext to relinquish it. And they seem to suppose that we have nothing more to do than to pass the notice and extend our laws over the country. It may be proper, sir, to remind those gentlemen of what Great Britain said on this subject in 1826. Mr. Gallatin, in his letter to Mr. Clay, dated London, November 16, of that year, says: ♦•Mr, Huskisson, amongst the reasons for taking up that subject first, [Oregon, 1 luentionod that it hail for several seasions occupied the attention of Congress, and that it was not possible to foresee the effect which the measures they might adopt would have on the question, and on the friendly relations of the two countries. In aiubsequent part of the conversation he said that the joint occupancy would cease in 1828 unless renewed, and the removal by the United States of any settlement made by British subjects would be considered as an act of aggression." If Great Britain in 1826 v/ould have regarded, as her nego- tiator expressly declared she would, the removal of any of her subjects from that territory by the authorities of the United States as an act of aggression, can it be supposed that she will now be less firm in the assertion of her rights } That, after having strengthened her title by twenty years more of unin- terrupted occupation, and the number of her subjects and sei- tlernenls in that country having probably quadrupled, and her power to protect and defend them having vastly increased, can it be supposed, by any one who is not blinded by party zeal, that she will quietly and ingloriously relinquish her rights in a territory to which she has adhered with so much tjnacity for more than half a century ? And yet those who are most zealous for the passage of these measures are leading the people to suppose that their tendency will be to do away with all sub- jects of discord, and leave the two countries in the quiet en- joyment of peace. But we are assured, that if, unfortimalely, they should lead to war, we shall have no ditliculty in cotj- quering oiu" ancient foe. We are to rush into the struggle without preparation, and almost without arms in our hand,;. We are told thai republics never prepare for war; and yentle- rnetj seem to apprehend, that if we stop to count the cost, or ^1 14 eslimate the consequences, the people may perhaps be rousei to a sense of the calamities which must inevitably attend a con test that, if it comes, will be more terrible in its progress, aiK more disastrous in its results, than any which has been wit nessed in modern times. But, sir, the declaration that re>)ut lies never prepare for war, is as unfounded in fact, as it vvouL be unwise in practice. There is not an instance recorded ii history to which gentlemen can allude, to sustain them in tlii assertion, if we except the case of this Government previoiii to the war of 1S18. The situation of this country then, W6( far difterent from what it is now. It was comparatively youiil and poor. A long course of aggression upon our comnier« by the great contending Powers of Europe had, to a very coii siderable extent, ruined our commerce, which was still fiit ther crippled by the embargo and non-iiilercourse act. Oil revenue from imports was diminished to the lowest point, aif the internal resources of the country seemed to be paralyzea Under these circutnstances,the Government had not the meat to prepare for war. But now the case is different. Tlil wealth and resources of the country are ample. We have ii overtiowiiig treasury, and a revenue more than sufiicient la all the wants of the Government. It is therefore the duty v those who press these measures with so nuch zeal, to prepati the country for the struggle into which we seem to be tendiui with so much rapidity; nor would there be any opposition n the part of the Whigs to the appropriations necessary for c;f< rying it on. We deny the necessity, and denounce the infrigiiis that are carrying us to this dangerous issue, and will hold 3 a terrible responsibility those who have been placed in chaia of our public affairs. We will denounce the policy they pi!i sue ; but if, in their mad course for party ascendency, th*^ throw us into a struggle in arms with one of the mostpowe nations of the earth, the party to which I have the honor; belon'^ will nor withhold their support from the necessary propriations ; nor will they be the last in the field of stri' Enough has been shown in the course of this debate to pro- that this question has been stripped of its party character, though, as I have said, it originated in party intrigues, ;i has derived all its importance from the scliemi ^ f design^ |)ollticians, it has now become a national question, ancl c never hereafter be of avail in any scheme of President-iuaki Such is the importance it has assumed in the eyes of the,' lion, and such are the momentous consequences involved^ ils decision, that it has swept away party lines and oblitera parly distinctions. It has been s'lown, also, in the course' 15 y perhaps be rousecthis debate, that this, like all other great nation?.! questions, is ivitably attend a coiibringiiig to its support, or arraying in opposition to it, local 3 in its progress, anquesiions and prejudices wliich seem likely to give it a tendency /hich has been witand an impetus more powerful than could have been imparted :laration that reputtp it by its own intrinsic merit or importance. Those who d in fact as it woulJrtgarJ themselves as particularly interested in our present instance recorded iUritl laws, and dread as the greatest calamity any change or » sustain them in tlimodification of them, and who think they see strong indica- lovernment previoitions in the doctrines advanced by the Executive of a strong lis country then, W£disjH)silion on his part to establish, as far as he may be able comparatively youiito accomplish it, a system of free trade, frankly avow, or many upon our commercof them do, their willingness to see the country involved in )e had to a very coiwar, rather than permit the industrial pursuits of the people to which was still fube laid prostrate by a ruinous competition with the pauper intercourse act. Oilabor of Europe. Sir, I think it v/ould not be too much to as- the lowest point, aif '"t that the manufacturing States of the Union would prefer iiied to be paralyze* war to a system of free trade. Many of those who conlrib- enthad not the meatited to tlie elevation of the present Chief Magistrate, pledged se is different. TIthemselves in the canvass of 1 844 to a course of policy respect- ample. We have ing the tariff, whicl% if we are to judge from the tenor of his lore than sufficient liunual mes>:age, he is not likely to pursue. At the North he ' therefore the duty ^^^ declared to be in favor of a high protective tariff, while at much zeal to prepalhe South he was understood to be in favor of free irade. Now, uve seem to be tendiiur, if we are to judge of the President's opinions from his an- 5 be any opposition uwal message, he is more likely to favor the latter than the ons necessary for cfformer in his course of policy. It is well known by whom he denounce the intrigii^StSurrounded in his cabinet councils: the very minister who sHie and will hold ao^jducts our foreign negotiations may be considered as favor- beei'i placed in chaT*ble to, having voted for, the tariff of ISiJ. He is most inti- ■e the policy they piott^ttely connected wilh the great iron interest of the State from artv ascendency, th^vJiich he comes. A war would be more sure protection to of the most powt rthose interests than any law which could be passed by Con- h 1 have the honor?res>s. I make no charge against thut or any other gentleman; rom the necessary ;:3Ut when I hear it declared by gentlemen from that section of t in the field of stri'QUntry that they would prefer a war to any considerable rc- [)f this debate to proluction of the tariff, I am bound, sir, to suppose it not iinpos- s nartv character. '•M^' that their policy may in some degree be dictated by their in party intrigues, B scheinf inal question, le anterests. In Pennsylvania, it is well known that Mr. Polk f desi'^iiW^'^ represented as ''a butter tariff man than Mr. Clay," and lM''- Chakles J. Inukrsoll. That was my argument.] of President-iiiaki**'!''^ ^^ ^he South he was understood to be in favor of free Tin the eyes of \\\(r^^^y ^^' '^ '^^^ '^'^ va/orem rate of duties. Mow are these dif- isetnteiices involvedO'^nccs to be reconciled ? You cannot have one tariff for the nd oblitera-^Wlh and another for the South : fortunately or imfortunately, isetpt ty lines a I, also, in the courf-p"^*" '^^^^ extend over the v/hole country. Are we to be thrown 16 ^ into a war to cover up these contlictiiig pledges, and to relieve those who made them from a just responsibility ? I cannot say, nor do I pretend to say, that Mr. Polk authorized those pledges ; but I do know that they were made, and every body knows that it is quite impossible to redeem or reconcile them, by any course ot' policy which the Government may think proper to pursue. Many gentlemen have seemed to suppose ine West would be benefited by a war. I do not charge thai gentlemen on this floor would be actuated by such a motive ; but it is undoubtedly true that a general idea prevails that the. price of their breadstuff's would be augmented, and thai the disbursements of money on the northern and western frontier would be beneficial to those sections of the Union ; but a moment's reflection will be sufficient to show that they would suffer in common with all others' At the very outset the com- merce of the la'ccs would be destroyed, their intercourse with the British colonial ports cut off", and they would be forced to rely solely on home consumption for a market for their pro- duce. The market for cotton being in a very consid*'rable de- gree destroyed, the planters of the South would turn their at- tention to the production of grain, and every thing necessary for their domestic consumption. The pork, bacon, and flour of the northwest would no longer find a market on the banks of the Mississippi. A very few figures will be sufficient to show those who entertain this idea — that war will supply a market for the breadstuff's of the West — that they are utterly mistaken. Wo will suppose, for example, that armies amoutit- ing to two hundred thousand men would be required in the field ; at least one hundred thousand will be taken from our cities and large towns, persons thrown out of commerce and mechanical employments, who are now of the class called non- producers, or persons not engaged in agriculture. It is a large calculation to suppose that the other hundred thousand would be drawn from the farmers of the country. These two hr.n- dred thousand men would consume no more as soldiers than they do now ; and the only change, as affecting our markel.s, as far as they were concerned, would be simply taking one hundred thousand Irom the producing class, who, it would be a liberal calculation to assume, now produce ten millions of bushels of grain per annum for market. This by no means amounts to the quantity of grain annually exported. It will therefore be perceived that, as a matter of mere calculation of dollars and cents, the grain growers of the West would be i^.reatly the lo:sers. Another idea equally erroneous has been advanced with respect to the effect of Ihe Biitish corn I iwi. on tlu nu in Br| is cl( wll thi w» in Mt uoi uoc ciai 7m? 1 f 17 ;es,aijcl to relieve >iiity ? I cannot authorized those , and every body r reconcile them, nent may think med to suppose ' not charge that snch a motive ; prevails that tlm ed, and thai tin; western frontier } Union ; but a ihat they would outset the coni- ntercourse with lid be forced to for their pro- o)isid«rable dc- d turn their at- hing necessary icon, and flour oti the banks •e sufficient to will supply a iey are utterly mies amount- quired ill the ken from onr ommerce and ss called non- It is a large )usand would se two h un- sold iers than our markei.s, y taking one , it would be niillioiis of by no nieans ted. It will alculation of St would be if> liH.y beoii :orn livvi, on llie price of American grain, A repeal of those laws has been most anxiously desired by the wheat growers of this country, in the expectation that in that event we should supply the British market. A moment's considerntion will show thai this 16 a mistake. As the British corn la»vs now stand, they ex- clude, except in times of scarcity, corn from the continent, while our wheat and fiour are admitted at a very low duty through the colonial ports. If the corn laws were repealed. We should lose this advantage, and be compelled to compete in the British market with the cheap grain from the Baltic, the Mediterranean, and Black Sea. To show that we cannot even now compete with the grain from those countries, it is only uocessa'y to examine the following table from the British offi- cial returns : Importations of wheat into Great Britain from the principal wheat countrieK for 1841, 1842, and 1843, in bushels, together with the sum total from each country. Countries. 1841. 1842. 1843. Total. Russia ... 498,205 1 1,824,688 269,368 2,592,261 Denmark - - - 1,91.5,279 617,656 565,248 3,098,183 Prussia - - - 7,134,400 5,938,065 5,311,000 18,383,465 Germany - - - 5,295,674 : 1,62^ 172 1,027,224 7,949,070 Holland ... 815,964 7;i,979 6,864 896,507 France - . - 1,643,932 14,216,100 29,248 5,889,280 Italy and Island 901,600 i 4,878,597 24,840 5,805,037 North American Colonies - 2,333,354 ' 3,729,690 2,790,504 6,.853,278 United States 1,107,840 : 1,195,873 749,601 3,053,278 Other countries 866,859 1 1,816,340 272,407 2,955,606 I have been led into these remarks by the amendment offered to my resolution by the honorable gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Wentworth,) which proposes, if I understand it, that this question shall not be arbitrated or settled until Great Britain opens her ports to American grain. It is said by physicians, that when an epidemic prevails, all other complaints which may have been prevalent tend to increase and aggra- vate its virulence. This seems in some degree to be the case in political questions, and especially with the one under con- sideration. Abolition, which seems ever ready to seize hold of the elements of discord, has joined in the hue and cry of " Fifty-four forty," " All Oregon or none," evidently with a hope that this cry will bring a war, and that war will produce entincipation. This wild fanaticism, which is of British growth, seems recklessly disposed to turn its arms against its foster- 18 * ii mother for the purpose of achieving its unholy ends. Those who seem ^o utterly regardless of the wise and patriotic maxim^^ which should govern all statesmen in questions concerning our foreign and domestic policy, are but imperfectly aware of the strength and capabilities of the South. That a war would be exceedingly injurious to the interests and prosperity of llif! Southern States, no one will pretend to deny ; but that our in- stitutions would be overturned, or emancipation be efi'ected, no one acquainted with our condition and resources will for a moment believe. Of all soctfons of the Union, the Southern States are unquestionably more capable than any other section of sustaining a prolonged struggle in arms. This might he. shown by a reference to historical facts and a critical examina- tion of their domestic condition. Without going further into thiij branch of the subject, I will only add, that the poisoned chalice which fanaticism would thus prepare for the South, would be turned to its own lips, and that it would expire amidst the just execrations of all patriotic men. Much has been said in this debate in regard to the annexa- tion of Texas ; that it has destroyed the balance of power in the Union, or given a preponderance of territory to the slave- holding States. Now, sir, I am not aware that any Southern statesman was actuated by any such motive in his advocacy of that measure. Texas had achieved her independence, and maintained it for the space of nine years. She was a sovereign and independent State. She had a right to do with herself as she pleased. Our people had gone there, carrying with ihem the spirit and establishing for their Government our free insti- tutions. They were bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh. They had left behind them all the ties of the domestic relations. They carried with them the sympathies of their friends and relatives. They were bound to us by all the recollections of our national glory and achievements, and feeling the same as- pirations for the future as ourselves. They had no desire to remain a distinct and rival nation. They had no wish to throw themselves into the scale of European policy, for the purpose of creating a " balance of power" among Anglo-Saxon nations of the American continent. They desired to join the great family of States of the American Union ; to unite their destiny with ours ; to join us in the onward march of our civil institu- tions. Neither they nor their brethren in the South had one thought with respect to what has been called here "the bal- ance of power." They had higher and nobler motives. While seeking their own glory and prosperity, they desired to confer reciprocal benefits upon their sister States. And it is unques- tl CI * A ^ . v 1 19 oly ends. Those I patriotic maxinfi'^ lis concerning onr ^lly aware of the t a war would be prosperity of Iho ; but that onr in- tion be eflected. sources will for a on, the Southern any other section i'his nnglit bo critical examina- 'ing further into liat the poisoned 3 for the South, it would expire 1. i to the annexa- nce of power in 3ry to the slave- at any Southern in his advocacy lependence, and was a sovereign with herself as ying with ihem It our free insti- sh of our flesh. nestic relations. ir friends and recollections of g the same as- id no desire to wish to throw or the purpose Saxon nations oin the great e their destiny ir civil institu- >outh had one lere "the bal- )tives. While lired to confer 3 it is unques- tionably true that, in a pecuniary point of view, the commer- cial and manufacturing interests of the North will be vastly more benefited by the annexation of Texas than the plantmg States of the South. But, sir, in that measure a great princi- ple was involved with respect to the settlement of this conti- nent by emigrants from the United States. That principle is, that wherever our people shall take up their abode in territory contiguous to ours, establish our free institutions, show them- selves capable of wise self-government, and ask admission into this Union, it will unquestionably be the policy of this Govern- ment to receive them. This, sir, I conceive^ will be the Amer- ican policy, as contradistinguished from that which has been promulged in Europe with respect to this continent — to create rival nations for the purpose of establishing a " balance of power," which will be equally pernicious to us as the "bal- ance of power" in Europe has proved to be there. This doctrine, I am aware, may be opposed by some, as leading to too great an extension of onr political system. But who shall venture to place limits to modern invention, as ap- plied to means of communication ? Who can estimate the ad- vantages to be derived from railroads and the magnetic tele- graph ? Who can say how distant the time may be when we shall communicate with the Pacific with greater facility, and in less time, than we did twenty-five years ago with New Or- leans ? Sir, I for one have no fears of evil consequences to result from the spread of our population and the extension of our institutions. I should be much more apprehensive of the establishment of rival and independent riations, who might be swayed by European policy, for the purpose of carrying out the idea of a " balance of power" upon this continent. The idea, which seems to prevail with many gentlemen at the North, that the annexation of Texas has destroyed the balance of power with respect to the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States, by the acquisition of territory, is entirely fallacious. If we assume the parallel of the 49th degree of north latitude, running to the Pacific, as our northern boundary, and the par- allel of .36° .30' as the southern limit of the free States to the Rocky Mountains, and from thence on the parallel of 42° to the Pacific, we shall find (including the Territories of Iowa and Wisconsin) that the non-slaveholding States will have about eight hundred thousand square miles of territory beyond the States already admitted into the Union, and that the South- ern or slaveholding States (including Texas) have but about two hundred and seventy-five thousand square miles. [Mr. Culver. But how is it now in the Senate ?] 20 The genfleinnn asks, how it is at present in the Senate ? In reply, I have to say, that you have only to admit Wisconsin and lowu to establish an equality in that body from both sec- tions of the Union, and thereafter the admission of non-slave- holding will be much more frequent than the admission of slave- holding States. Sir, I am in favor of protecting our citizens in Oregon, and extending to them all proper means of communi- cation. I am in favor of a speedy adjustment of our claims in that territory; but I am in lavor of its being done peacefully and honorably. A war would unquestionably either destroy or drive out our citizens from that country, and, if it did not deprive us of It altogether, would retard its settlement for many years. I am in favor of facilitating the emigration of our hardy pioneers. Let them, if they will, inhabit the shores of the Pa- cific. The increase of our population is so rapid that we shall soon carry our towns and villages not only to the base of the Rocky Mountains, but to the banks of the Columbia. A C( i- tury is but a small space of time in the history of a nation ; and yet, at the present ratio of increase, in the year 1 945 there will be, if nothing happen to disturb our institutions, three hundred and twenty millions of people in the United States. And if you extend your view but twenty -five years further, there will be six hundred and forty millions of people united under one Government. I .'i *i 1 the Senate ? In admit Wisconsin y from both sec- ion of nonslave- imission of slave- f»g our citizens in ans ofcommuni- t of our claims in done peacefully y either destroy md, if it did not lement for many ion of our hardy hores of the Pa- id that we shall the base of the Jmbia. A ce m- f a nation ; and 1945 there will , three hundred states. And if iher, there will ited under one •Wr;- i-i':,/' ™«**www*s«igrf .